The Child: An Encyclopedic Companion

πhe child

Advisors Ronald G. Barr

Robin L. Jarrett

Joel Best

Jerome Kagan

Jerome Bruner

Sudhir Kakar

Michael Cole

Lourdes de León

William Damon

Robert A. LeVine

Judy Dunn

Hazel Rose Markus

Wolfgang Edelstein

Vonnie McLoyd

Heidi M. Feldman

Jay Mechling

Heidi Fung

Peter C. Murrell, Jr.

Carol Gilligan

Dorothy E. Roberts

Susan Goldin-Meadow

Barbara Rogoff

Joseph P. Gone

Diana T. Slaughter-Defoe

Jacqueline J. Goodnow

Martin T. Stein

Linda Gordon

Collette A. Suda

Harvey J. Graff

Michael S. Wald

Patricia Marks Greenfield

Thomas S. Weisner

Neal Halfon

Ruth Enid Zambrana

Giyoo Hatano

πhe

Child a n e n c yc l ope dic c om pa n ion

editor in chief Richard A. Shweder editors Thomas R. Bidell Anne C. Dailey Suzanne D. Dixon Peggy J. Miller John Modell

The University of Chicago Press

*

Chicago and London

The University of Chicago Press, Chicago 60637 The University of Chicago Press, Ltd., London © 2009 by The University of Chicago All rights reserved. Published 2009 Printed in the United States of America 18 17 16 15 14 13 12 11 10 09

1 2 3 4 5

isbn-13: 978-0-226-47539-4 (cloth) isbn-10: 0-226-47539-5 (cloth) While the contributors whose work appears in this volume are distinguished experts in their fields, their contributions are in no way intended to provide guidance for any medical, psychological, or legal circumstances of specific individuals. The information contained herein is general, based on cumulative data from large populations. It cannot substitute for a personal and specific analysis of a given child. For that, readers must consult trained professionals. Our hope is that the Companion will enable readers to contextualize what they learn from professionals and make more informed use of their services. —The Editors Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The child : an encyclopedic companion / editor in chief, Richard A. Shweder ; editors Thomas R. Bidell . . . [et al.]. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn-13: 978-0-226-47539-4 (cloth : alk. paper) isbn-10: 0-226-47539-5 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. Children—Encyclopedias. I. Shweder, Richard A. II. Bidell, Thomas R. HQ767.84.c55 2009 305.2303—dc22 2008043805 The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences— Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ansi z39.48-1992.

Contents List of “Imagining Each Other” Essays vi About the Editors

vii

List of Contributors

ix

Introduction: An Invitation to the Many Worlds of Childhood xxvii A–Z Entries 1 Legal Citations 1055 Index 1059

“Imagining Each Other” Essays How a Green Race Car Helped Randy Cope with Asthma • 49 Learning to Weave in a Maya Community • 58 Formality and Fun in Kinship Relations among the Gusii • 82 Muslim Children with Autism Learn to Pray • 87 Perfecting Gender in a New England Boarding School • 113 Marks Make the Man in Kenya • 116 Aía Ke Ola I Nā Kūpuna: Family-Based Care in Native Hawaiian Culture • 154 Launching a Reproductive Career in Kenya • 164 Empowering Girls in Sierra Leone: Initiation into the Bondo Society • 168 Growing Up Hearing in a Deaf Family • 239 Literacy without Schooling among the Vai of Liberia • 303 Trial by Fire: Emotional Socialization among Canadian Inuit • 310 The Parenting Style of a Turkish Reformer • 317 Memories of Childhood on an Israeli Kibbutz • 334 A Far-Flung Fairy Tale: Beauty and the Beast • 364 Learning to Like Chili Peppers • 370 Treating Hmong Children in America: Two Case Studies • 436 Educated at Home in the United States • 454 Summer Camp for Diabetic Children: A Stigma-Free Zone • 478 Our Language: A Friendship That Transcended Linguistic and Cultural Borders • 546 The Luminous Books of Childhood • 575 Counting on the Body: Arithmetic Learning in Oksapmin Culture • 598 A Hindu Brahman Boy Is Born Again • 625 The Color Brown • 646 Italian Children and the Mysterious La Befana • 659 Learning to Fictionalize in the Black Belt of Alabama • 663 Some Prodigious Pretenders • 748 Girls as Adversarial Virtuosos • 750 Using Rap to Re-create a Southern Heritage • 760 An African American Grandmother Combats Racial Hatred • 776 Early Childhood Education in Japan • 782 The School of the Republic: Muslim Girls’ Dress and Identities in French Public Schools Parents as Deities in Hindu Family Life • 854 To Know Shame Is to Be Near Courage: Moral Socialization in Taipei • 900 Children as Family Caregivers in Mexico • 903 Dream Interpretation in the Amazon • 914 On Infants Sleeping Alone • 918 The Mathematical Life of Brazilian Street Children • 960 Tourette Syndrome in Indian Ayurvedic Medical Practice • 998 A Refugee’s Childhood in the West Bank • 1023 Work before Play for Yucatec Maya Children • 1040

•

818

About the Editors Editor in Chief richard a. shweder is a cultural anthropologist and the William Claude Reavis Distinguished Service Professor in the Department of Comparative Human Development at the University of Chicago. After receiving his PhD from Harvard University in 1972, he taught for a year at the University of Nairobi in Kenya before moving to Chicago. For the past forty years, he has been conducting research in cultural psychology on moral reasoning, emotional functioning, gender roles, explanations of illness, ideas about the causes of suffering, and the moral foundations of family life practices in the Hindu temple town of Bhubaneswar on the east coast of India. In 1982 he received the American Association for the Advancement of Science SocioPsychological Prize for his essay “Does the Concept of the Person Vary Cross-Culturally?” He is a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, a past president of the Society for Psychological Anthropology, and a former associate editor of the journal Child Development. He has been a member of the MacArthur Foundation Research Network on Successful Midlife Development and has cochaired planning groups at the Social Science Research Council on the topics “Culture, Health, and Human Development” and “Law and Culture.” He is author of Thinking Through Cultures: Expeditions in Cultural Psychology (1991) and Why Do Men Barbecue? Recipes for Cultural Psychology (2003) and editor or coeditor of many books in the areas of cultural psychology, psychological anthropology, and comparative human development.

Editors thomas r. bidell, EdD, is an independent scholar who received his graduate training in cognitive development at the Harvard Graduate School of Education. He formerly taught graduate and undergraduate courses in developmental psychology and education as an assistant professor at Boston College. He is interested in the application of constructivist and dialectical principles to the understanding of children’s construction of knowledge in sociocultural contexts, including educational settings, and in the role of human agency in interweaving biological and social di-

mensions of human development. His publications include the article “Vygotsky, Piaget, and the Dialectic of Development” in Human Development (1988), the coauthored chapter “Between Nature and Nurture: The Role of Human Agency in the Epigenesis of Intelligence” in the edited volume Intelligence, Heredity, and Environment (1996), and the coauthored article “Dynamic Development of Action and Thought” in the sixth edition of the Handbook of Child Psychology (2006). anne c. dailey is the Evangeline Starr Professor of Law

and Associate Dean for Academic Affairs at the University of Connecticut School of Law. She holds a BA cum laude from Yale University and a JD magna cum laude from Harvard Law School. She teaches and writes primarily in the areas of family law and psychology and the law. Her current research examines the place of children in a liberal society, drawing on the insights of developmental psychology to argue for greater public investment in early child care. Her publications include “Developing Citizens,” published in the Iowa Law Review in 2006, and “The Ideal of Reason in American Constitutional Law,” published in the Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association in 2005. In 2003, she won the CORST prize from the American Psychoanalytic Association for the best essay in law and culture. suzanne d. dixon, MD, MPH, is a behavioral and developmental pediatrician, a professor emerita at the University of California, San Diego, and a clinical professor at the University of Washington. Her research and advocacy activities have centered around the effect of perinatal conditions on the health and welfare of children and families, cross-cultural differences in behavior and development, and the nature of interaction between parents and children. She has provided consultation and professional education around the world on perinatal health. She is coeditor of and contributor to the professional text Encounters with Children: Pediatric Behavior and Development, now in its fourth edition. She is editor in chief of the Journal of Developmental and Behavioral Pediatrics and lectures widely on topics related to child development. She has written and edited

v iii •

ab out the edit o rs

extensively for lay audiences on parenting and child health and development. She currently practices medicine and does advocacy work in Montana. peggy j. miller, PhD, is a developmental and cultural

psychologist and a professor in the Departments of Communication, Psychology, and Educational Psychology at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. She is an expert on early socialization, approaching this problem through the prism of everyday talk in families and communities. She is best known for her innovative research on working-class children’s narratives and for her comparative studies of narrative as a medium of socialization in Taiwan and the United States. She is author of Amy, Wendy, and Beth: Learning Language in South Baltimore (1982), coeditor of Interpretive Approaches to Children’s Socialization (1992) and of Cultural Practices as Contexts for Development (1995), and coauthor of Raise Up a Child: Human Development in an African-American Family (2003). She is also coeditor of the book series Child Development in Cultural Context at Oxford University Press.

john modell is professor emeritus of education and so-

ciology at Brown University. Although he received his PhD from Columbia University in history, his professional concerns have altered over the years and have most recently focused on three broad issues: the way lifetimes are put together, socially and developmentally; children’s progress through institutions of formal education, seen as a historically embedded part of their lives; and the failed synthesis of the social and behavioral sciences that seemed so promising in the United States in the two decades following World War II. He is author of, among other works, Into One’s Own: From Youth to Adulthood in America, 1920–1975 (1989), coeditor of Children in Time and Place (1993), and editor of a special issue of Comparative Education Review titled “Schooling and School-Learning in Children’s Lives” (1994). Especially formative for him was his membership (1994–2001) in the MacArthur Foundation Research Network on Successful Pathways through Middle Childhood.

Contributors Titles of “Imagining Each Other” essays are given in italics. jamie l. abaied

kim ambrose

ruth huntley bahr

Department of Psychology, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign

School of Law, University of Washington

Department of Communication Sciences and Disorders, University of South Florida

Suicide

Substance Abuse: Legal and PublicPolicy Perspectives

frances e. aboud

marvin e. ament

katharine baker

Department of Psychology, McGill University

Chicago-Kent College of Law

Prejudice and Stereotyping

Department of Pediatrics, University of California, Los Angeles

gabrielle d. abousleman

Liver Disorders and Diseases

Wellesley College

jeffrey d. anderson

Crime Victims, Children as

Department of Anthropology, Colby College

Center for Multicultural Education, University of Washington–Seattle

douglas e. abrams

Native American Religious Traditions

Multicultural Education

School of Law, University of Missouri–Columbia

michael w. apple

marilyn barr National Center on Shaken Baby Syndrome

Rehabilitative Services for Youth

School of Education, University of Wisconsin–Madison

paul r. abramson

Curriculum

Department of Psychology, University of California, Los Angeles

lewis aptekar

Masturbation

Department of Counselor Education, San Jose State University

amy adler

Street and Runaway Children

School of Law, New York University

rosalind arden

Pornography, Child libby adler

Social, Genetic, and Developmental Psychiatry Centre, King’s College London

Northeastern University School of Law

Genetics: Behavioral Genetics

Prostitution, Child

martha e. arterberry

fuambai sia ahmadu

Department of Psychology, Colby College

Department of Comparative Human Development, University of Chicago

Empowering Girls in Sierra Leone: Initiation into the Bondo Society

Perception barbara ann atwood

Speech Disorders

Rape james a. banks

Shaken Baby Syndrome ronald g. barr Centre for Community Child Health Research, Child and Family Research Institute, BC Children’s Hospital and University of British Columbia

Crying and Colic; Shaken Baby Syndrome victoria r. barrio Department of Pediatrics and Medicine, School of Medicine, University of California, San Diego, and Rady Children’s Hospital–San Diego

Birthmarks; Skin Disorders and Diseases bruce a. barshop

janet e. ainsworth

James E. Rogers College of Law, University of Arizona

Seattle University School of Law

Custody

Department of Pediatrics, University of California, San Diego

Criminal Procedure, Children and

wayne au

Metabolic Disorders keith c. barton

Lajee Center, Bethlehem

Department of Secondary Education, California State University, Fullerton

A Refugee’s Childhood in the West Bank

Curriculum

Department of Curriculum and Instruction, Indiana University–Bloomington

david m. altschuler

megan babkes stellino

Social Studies, History, and Geography

Institute for Policy Studies, The Johns Hopkins University

School of Sport and Exercise Science, California State University, Fullerton

patricia j. bauer

Prisons for Youth

Athletic Development

Memory

nidal al-azraq

Department of Psychology, Emory University

x •

con trib ut ors

diana baumrind

thomas r. bidell

eyla g. boies

Institute of Human Development, University of California, Berkeley

independent scholar

Department of Pediatrics, University of California, San Diego

Authority and Obedience

Development, Theories of: Overview; Learning; Mental Processes

alan a. beaton

mat thew g. biel

marc h. bornstein

Department of Psychology, University of Swansea

Department of Psychiatry, Georgetown University Hospital

Handedness

Depression

Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development

kathryn becker-blease

shelley h. billig

Department of Psychology, Washington State University–Vancouver

RMC Research Corporation

Sexual Abuse: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

Community Service and Service-Learning lynne m. bird

Immunizations

Perception; Research on Child Development: The Practice of Child Development Research stephanie bornstein Center for WorkLife Law, Hastings College of the Law, University of California

rachael behrens

Rady Children’s Hospital–San Diego

Department of Psychology, University of California, Santa Cruz

Congenital Anomalies and Deformations

Identity

amahl bishara

Work and Home Life, Confl ict between: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

deborah c. beidel

Department of Anthropology, Tufts University

john r. bowen

Department of Psychology, University of Central Florida

A Refugee’s Childhood in the West Bank

Department of Anthropology, Washington University

Fears, Phobias, and Anxiety Disorders; Mental Illness

susan h. bitensky

marc bekoff

International Rights of the Child

The School of the Republic: Muslim Girls’ Dress and Identities in French Public Schools

Department of Ecology and Evolutionary Biology, University of Colorado, Boulder

brian h. bix

christine brabant

Pets

School of Law and Department of Philosophy, University of Minnesota

Faculty of Education, University of Sherbrooke

forrest c. bennet t

Best Interests of the Child

Educated at Home in the United States

Department of Pediatrics, University of Washington

peter blanck

jeana r. bracey

Burton Blatt Institute, Syracuse University

Gesell, Arnold (Lucius); Motor Development

Disabilities, Care of Children with: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

Department of Psychology, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign

marylène bennour

chloe g. bland

richard g. braungart

Department of Psychology, University of Geneva

Department of Psychology, New School for Social Research

The Maxwell School, Syracuse University

Piaget, Jean

Morality

patricia a. brennan

bethany r. berger

myra bluebond-langner

Department of Psychology, Emory University

School of Law, University of Connecticut

Department of Sociology, Anthropology, and Criminal Justice, Rutgers University–Camden

Tobacco

Death, Children’s Experience of

Department of Human Development and Family Studies, University of Wisconsin–Madison

Native American Children, Laws Governing

Michigan State University College of Law

laura e. berk

nathan j. blum

Department of Psychology, Illinois State University

Division of Child Development, Rehabilitation, and Metabolic Disease, The Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia

Independence, Dependence, and Interdependence; Social Development

Self-Esteem

Youth Movements

inge bretherton

Ainsworth, Mary D(insmore) Salter; Bowlby, John

Intellectual Disability

cora collet te breuner

marvin w. berkowitz

robert wm. blum

College of Education, University of Missouri– St. Louis

Bloomberg School of Public Health, The Johns Hopkins University

University of Washington School of Medicine and Seattle Children’s Hospital

Kohlberg, Lawrence

Abortion: Psychological Perspectives

jacqueline bhabha

barry bogin

School of Law, Harvard University

Department of Human Sciences, Loughborough University

Immigration, Children and: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

Evolution of Childhood, Biological

Substance Abuse: Medical Perspectives jean l. briggs Department of Anthropology, Memorial University

Trial by Fire: Emotional Socialization among Canadian Inuit

c o n t r ib u t o r s

• xi

karen j. brison

elizabeth b. caronna

ross e. cheit

Department of Anthropology, Union College

Boston Medical Center/Boston University School of Medicine

Pacific Island Societies and Cultures, Childhood and Adolescence in

Self-Injury deanna b. cash

Department of Political Science and A. Alfred Taubman Center for Public Policy and American Institutions, Brown University

david g. bromley

School of Education and Human Development, Lynchburg College

Sexual Abuse: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

School of World Studies, Virginia Commonwealth University

Cults

Autism Spectrum Disorders, Education of Children with

jeanne brooks-gunn

daniel cervone

National Center for Children and Families, Columbia University

Department of Psychology, University of Illinois at Chicago

Narrative

Child Care: Effects on the Child

Personality: Personality Traits

Department of Psychology, St. Olaf College

geoffrey l. brown

seth chandler

Self-Esteem

Department of Psychology, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign

University of Houston Law Center

wendy k. chung

Insurance, Children and

Department of Pediatrics, Columbia University Medical Center

Attachment, Infant natalie d. brown Department of Psychology, Kansas State University

Advertising judith becker bryant Department of Psychology, University of South Florida

Communication, Development of

ruth chao

eva chian-hui chen Department of Psychology, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign

grace e. cho

Department of Psychology, University of California, Riverside

Genetics: Genetic Testing

Asian American Children

Department of Human Development and Family Studies, Pennsylvania State University–Brandywine

heather a. chapman Department of Biology and Medicine, Brown University

Pediatrics vignet ta e. charles

cindy dell clark

How a Green Race Car Helped Randy Cope with Asthma; Illness and Injury, Children’s Experience of; Summer Camp for Diabetic Children: A StigmaFree Zone; Myths, Childhood

University of Chicago Law School

Bloomberg School of Public Health, The Johns Hopkins University

Rights, Parental

Abortion: Psychological Perspectives

eve v. clark

e. stephen byrd

sarah a. chase

Department of Education, Elon University

Brown University

Department of Linguistics, Stanford University

emily buss

Hearing Impairments, Education of Children with; Physical Disabilities and Other Health Impairments, Education of Children with natasha j. cabrera Department of Human Development, University of Maryland at College Park

Latino Children in the United States

Perfecting Gender in a New England Boarding School ira j. chasnoff Children’s Research Triangle, Chicago, and University of Illinois College of Medicine

Substance Abuse, Parental: Effects on the Child talal a. chatila

Language: Language Development kathryn cochrane Department of Psychology, Emory University

Memory david cohen Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology, University of Chicago

Reproductive Technologies: Medical Perspectives

Department of Pediatrics, University of California, Los Angeles

sally s. cohen

naomi cahn School of Law, George Washington University

Immune Disorders

Parens Patriae

pinka chat terji

Child Care: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

carolyn m. callahan Curry School of Education, University of Virginia

Department of Economics, University at Albany, State University of New York

Yale University School of Nursing

bertram j. cohler Department of Comparative Human Development, University of Chicago

Advanced Placement Program

Substance Abuse, Parental: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

june carbone

louise chawla

School of Law, University of Missouri–Kansas City

College of Architecture and Planning, University of Colorado at Denver and Health Sciences Center

alan cole

Nature, Children and

Buddhism

Reproductive Technologies: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

Bettelheim, Bruno; Winnicott, D(onald) W(oods) Department of Religious Studies, Lewis & Clark College

x ii •

con tributors

michael cole

jim cummins

sherman dorn

Department of Communication, University of California, San Diego

Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto

Department of Psychological and Social Foundations, University of South Florida

Cognitive Development; Education, Informal; Literacy without Schooling among the Vai of Liberia

Bilingual Education

Dropouts

hugh cunningham

nancy e. dowd

School of History, University of Kent

james p. comer

European History, Childhood and Adolescence in

Levin College of Law and Center for Children and Families, University of Florida

michael cunningham

Family: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

School Achievement

Department of Psychology, Tulane University

w. jay dowling

margaret connell szasz

African American Children

Department of History, University of New Mexico

sarah l. cutrona

School of Behavioral and Brain Sciences, University of Texas at Dallas

Comer School Development Program, Yale University

Musical Development

daniel thomas cook

Department of Internal Medicine, Cambridge Health Alliance, and Harvard Medical School

Department of Childhood Studies, Rutgers University–Camden

Eating and Nutrition; Feeding, Infant; Malnutrition and Undernutrition

Attachment Disturbances and Disorders

Consumers, Children as

anne c. dailey

judy dunn

peter w. cookson, jr.

School of Law, University of Connecticut

Institute of Psychiatry, King’s College London

Divinity School, Yale University

Child: Legal Perspectives

Siblings

Boarding Schools

peggy cooper davis

donna eder

catherine r. cooper

School of Law, New York University

Rights, Termination of Parental

Department of Sociology, Indiana University–Bloomington

felicia de la garza mercer

Peers and Peer Culture

Department of Psychology, University of California, Los Angeles

carolyn pope edwards

Native American Children

Department of Psychology, University of California, Santa Cruz

Identity harris m. cooper Department of Psychology and Neuroscience, Duke University

Masturbation eric dearing

jennifer dunlap School of Medicine, Tulane University

Departments of Psychology and Child, Youth, and Family Studies, University of Nebraska–Lincoln

Homework

Lynch School of Education, Boston College

hoosen coovadia

Poverty, Children in: Effects on the Child

Gender: Historical and Cultural Perspectives; Whiting, Beatrice B(lyth)

mary jo deegan

j. shoshanna ehrlich

Department of Sociology, University of Nebraska–Lincoln

Department of Women’s Studies, University of Massachusetts Boston

Lathrop, Julia Clifford

Abortion: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

Centre for HIV/AIDS Networking, Doris Duke Medical Research Institute, Nelson Mandela School of Medicine, University of KwaZulu Natal

Human Immunodeficiency Viral Syndrome: International Medical Perspectives william a. corsaro

david dilillo Department of Psychology, University of Nebraska–Lincoln

Department of Sociology, Indiana University–Bloomington

Watson, John B(roadus)

Friendship; Italian Children and the Mysterious La Befana; Subcultures, Youth

Department of Educational Leadership and Policy, State University of New York–Buffalo

jenifer crawford Department of Education and Information Studies, University of California, Los Angeles

greg dimitriadis

Popular Music; Using Rap to Re-create a Southern Heritage

lawrence f. eichenfield Department of Pediatrics and Medicine, School of Medicine, University of California, San Diego, and Rady Children’s Hospital–San Diego

Birthmarks; Skin Disorders and Diseases jerrold eichner

Freire, Paulo (Reglus Neves)

University of California, San Diego, and University of Washington School of Medicine

Great Falls Clinic, Montana, and Department of Pediatrics, University of Washington School of Medicine

gary creasey

Child: Physiological Perspectives

Respiratory Diseases

murray dock

nancy eisenberg

Division of Pediatric Dentistry, Cincinnati Children’s Hospital

Department of Psychology, Arizona State University

Teeth

Empathy

Department of Psychology, Illinois State University

Independence, Dependence, and Interdependence

suzanne d. dixon

c o n t r ib u t o r s

linda d. elrod

katherine hunt federle

jennifer j. freyd

School of Law and Children and Family Law Center, Washburn University

Moritz College of Law, Ohio State University

Department of Psychology, University of Oregon

Visitation kenneth emo College of Education and Counseling, South Dakota State University

Status Offenses heidi m. feldman Department of Pediatrics, Stanford University School of Medicine

Sexual Abuse: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives lawrence s. friedman

Museums

Disabilities, Care of Children with: Medical Perspectives

Division of Primary Care Pediatrics, University of California, San Diego

lia epperson

martha albertson fineman

Adolescence

School of Law, Santa Clara University

Emory University School of Law

reva c. friedman-nimz

Education, Discrimination in: Racial Discrimination

Dependency, Legal

Department of Curriculum and Teaching, University of Kansas

dale j. epstein National Institute for Early Education Research, Rutgers University–New Brunswick

Department of Policy Studies and International Center for Transcultural Education, University of Maryland at College Park

Latino Children in the United States

Mann, Horace

Department of Anthropology, Brunel University

kurt w. fischer

Kinship and Child Rearing

susan m. ervin-tripp Department of Psychology, University of California, Berkeley

Sociolinguistic Diversity

barbara finkelstein

College of Law, University of Iowa

Gifted and Talented, Education of Children Identified as peggy froerer

Graduate School of Education, Harvard University

heidi fung

Development, Theories of: Cognitive Theories; Development, Theories of: Dynamic Systems Theories

Discipline and Punishment; Shame and Guilt; To Know Shame Is to Be Near Courage: Moral Socialization in Taipei

ann laquer estin susan m. fisher

• xiii

Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica

Marital and Nonmarital Unions: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

Departments of Psychiatry and Comparative Human Development, University of Chicago

wyndol furman

gary w. evans

Freud, Sigmund

Romantic and Sexual Relationships

College of Human Ecology, Cornell University

kathleen flake

karen c. fuson

Built Environment, Children and the

Graduate Department of Religion, Vanderbilt University

School of Education and Social Policy, Northwestern University

katherine prat t ewing

Mormonism

Mathematics

Department of Cultural Anthropology, Duke University

constance flanagan

cynthia garcía coll

Inter-College Minor in Civic and Community Engagement, Pennsylvania State University

Departments of Education, Psychology, and Pediatrics, Brown University

Islamic Societies and Cultures, Childhood and Adolescence in

Department of Psychology, University of Denver

Civic Education

Ethnic Identity

ayala fader

barbara r. foorman

marsha garrison

Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Fordham University

Florida Center for Reading Research, Florida State University

Brooklyn Law School

Judaism

Reading

jeffrey fagan

leanne m. fox

School of Law, Columbia University

Division of Parasitic Diseases, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention

Adult Criminal Justice System, Children in the

Parasitic Infections

paula s. fass

nathan a. fox

Department of History, University of California, Berkeley

Kidnapping

Department of Human Development, Institute for Child Study, University of Maryland at College Park

robert b. faux

Orphanages

Child Support lawrence m. gartner Departments of Pediatrics and Obstretics/ Gynecology, University of Chicago

Breastfeeding suzanne gaskins Department of Psychology, Northeastern Illinois University

Work before Play for Yucatec Maya Children mary gauvain

Department of Psychology, Duquesne University

samantha francois Department of Psychology, Tulane University

Department of Psychology, University of California, Riverside

Galton, Francis

African American Children

Planning; Problem Solving

x iv •

con trib utors

richard j. gelles

lester f. goodchild

william a. greenhill

School of Social Policy and Practice, University of Pennsylvania

School of Education, Counseling Psychology, and Pastoral Ministries, Santa Clara University

Division of Pediatric Dentistry, Cincinnati Children’s Hospital

Domestic Violence

Hall, G(ranville) Stanley

Teeth

jennifer a. gelman

marjorie harness goodwin

steven r. guberman

Department of Education, Marymount University

Department of Anthropology, University of California, Los Angeles

School of Education, University of Colorado, Boulder

Physical Disabilities and Other Health Impairments, Education of Children with; Visual Impairments, Education of Children with

Girls as Adversarial Virtuosos

Museums

howard r. d. gordon

andrew m. guest

Workforce Education and Development Program, University of Nevada–Las Vegas

Department of Social and Behavioral Sciences, University of Portland

lee thomas get tler

Vocational Schools and Training

Toys and Games

Department of Anthropology, Northwestern University

linda gordon

christian guilleminault

Department of History, New York University

Sleep: Sleeping Arrangements

Welfare: U.S. Historical Perspectives

Department of Psychiatry and Behavioral Science, Stanford University

perry gilmore

dana r. gosset t

Sleep: Physiology of Sleep

Department of Language, Reading, and Culture, University of Arizona

Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology, Feinberg School of Medicine, Northwestern University

kaaryn gustafson

Our Language: A Friendship That Transcended Linguistic and Cultural Borders

School of Law, University of Connecticut

Labor and Delivery

Welfare: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

adele eskeles got tfried

jacqui hadingham

Department of Educational Psychology, California State University, Northridge

Health Economics and HIV/AIDS Research Division, University of KwaZulu Natal

Class Size

Work and Home Life, Confl ict between: Effects on the Child

theresa glennon

allen w. got tfried

Human Immunodeficiency Viral Syndrome: International Medical Perspectives

Beasley School of Law, Temple University

Department of Psychology, California State University, Fullerton

gene v glass Mary Lou Fulton College of Education, Arizona State University

Suspension and Expulsion gwen m. glew Department of Genetics and Developmental Medicine, University of Washington School of Medicine and Seattle Children’s Hospital

Work and Home Life, Confl ict between: Effects on the Child

gunhild o. hagestad University of Agder, Kristiansand and Norwegian Social Research

Grandparents

alma got tlieb

wendy haight

Department of Anthropology, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign

Motor Development

School of Social Work, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign

Newborn, Rituals for and Care of the

susan goldin-meadow

tomas graman

An African American Grandmother Combats Racial Hatred

Departments of Psychology and Comparative Human Development, University of Chicago

Department of Languages and Literature, Carroll College

michael r. haines

Foreign Language Education

Family: Economic and Demographic Perspectives; Mortality

Gestures; Sign Language claire golomb Department of Psychology, University of Massachusetts Boston

gary granzberg Department of Anthropology, University of Winnipeg

Department of Economics, Colgate University

neal halfon

Artistic Development

Multiple Births: Cross-Cultural Perspectives

Center for Healthier Children, Families, and Communities, University of California, Los Angeles

artin göncü

maxine greene

Health, Disparities in

College of Education, University of Illinois at Chicago

Teachers College, Columbia University

daniel p. hallahan

Play: Developmental Perspectives

Arts Education; Dewey, John patricia marks greenfield

Department of Psychology, University of Michigan

Department of Psychology and FPR-UCLA Center for Culture, Brain, and Development, University of California, Los Angeles

Native American Religious Traditions

Learning to Weave in a Maya Community

joseph p. gone

Curry School of Education, University of Virginia

Autism Spectrum Disorders, Education of Children with; Hearing Impairments, Education of Children with; Visual Impairments, Education of Children with

c o n t r ib u t o r s

meghan c. halley

leslie joan harris

gilbert herdt

Department of Anthropology and Schubert Center for Child Studies, Case Western Reserve University

School of Law, University of Oregon

Departments of Sexuality Studies and Anthropology and National Sexuality Resource Center, San Francisco State University

Abuse and Neglect: Effects on the Child maureen t. hallinan Department of Sociology, University of Notre Dame

Religious Instruction; Religious Schools diane f. halpern Department of Psychology, Claremont McKenna College

Critical Thinking robert halpern Erikson Institute

Conduct, Legal Regulation of Children’s; Property and Contract, Children’s Rights to richard jackson harris Department of Psychology, Kansas State University

faye v. harrison

Circumcision, Female

Department of Anthropology and African American Studies Program, University of Florida

jacob r. hickman

Davis, (William) Allison

Treating Hmong Children in America: Two Case Studies

giyoo hatano Human Development and Education Program, University of the Air

margaret r. hammerschlag

National Center for Restructuring Education, Schools, and Teaching and Department of Curriculum and Teaching, Teachers College, Columbia University

gillian hampden-thompson Department of Educational Studies, University of York

Single Parents sydney l. hans

ylva hernlund independent scholar

Concepts, Children’s: Overview

Sexually Transmitted Diseases

Sexual Development: Historical and Cultural Perspectives

Advertising

Child Care: Historical and Cultural Perspectives Division of Pediatric Infectious Diseases, Department of Pediatrics, State University of New York Downstate Medical Center

thomas hatch

Department of Comparative Human Development, University of Chicago

pamela c. high Warren Alpert Medical School, Brown University, and Hasbro Children’s/Rhode Island Hospital

Pediatrics melissa hines

School Reform

Department of Social and Developmental Psychology, University of Cambridge

mary c. hayden

Play and Gender

Department of Education, University of Bath

w. alan hodson

International Baccalaureate Program

Department of Pediatrics, University of Washington

betsy hearne

Neonate

Graduate School of Library and Information Science, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign

joan heifetz hollinger

Folk and Fairy Tales; A Far-Flung Fairy Tale: Beauty and the Beast; Literature: Children’s Literature

Adoption: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

Center for Excellence in Developmental Disabilities, M.I.N.D. Institute, University of California, Davis

walter r. heinz

Department of Psychology, Lancaster University

Autism Spectrum Disorders

Apprenticeship

Books on Child Development, Landmark

bernard e. harcourt

charles c. helwig

julia m. hormes

University of Chicago Law School

Department of Psychology, University of Toronto

Department of Psychology, University of Pennsylvania

Concepts, Children’s: Concepts of the Social World

Food Aversions and Preferences

heather hendershot

Department of Psychiatry, School of Medicine, University of California–San Francisco

School of Social Service Administration, University of Chicago

Mother-Child Relationship: Developmental Perspectives robin l. hansen

Firearms sophie haroutunian-gordon School of Education and Social Policy, Northwestern University

Plato

Bremen International Graduate School of Social Sciences, Universität Bremen

School of Law, University of California, Berkeley

brian hopkins

mardi horowitz

vinay harpalani

Queens College and City University of New York Graduate Center

School of Law, New York University

Media, Children and the

Status

paula k. ivey henry

Personality: Psychoanalytic Perspectives

judith rich harris

School of Public Health, Harvard University

erin mcnamara horvat

independent scholar

Mother-Child Relationship: Historical and Cultural Perspectives

College of Education, Temple University

Birth Order

• xv

Ogbu, John U(zo)

xvi •

con trib utors

andrew j. hostetler

jerri ann jenista

jerome kagan

Department of Psychology, University of Massachusetts Lowell

Departments of Emergency Medicine and Pediatrics, St. Joseph Mercy Hospital, Ann Arbor

Department of Psychology, Harvard University

Homosexuality and Bisexuality: Historical and Cultural Perspectives

Personality: Personality Development

Infectious Diseases

cigdem kagitcibasi

luis a. huerta

janis h. jenkins

Department of Psychology, Koc University

Department of Organization and Leadership, Teachers College, Columbia University

Department of Anthropology, University of California, San Diego

The Parenting Style of a Turkish Reformer

School Reform

Psychiatric Illness, Parental

sudhir kakar

kwang-kuo hwang

lene arnet t jensen

independent scholar

Department of Psychology, National Taiwan University

Department of Psychology, Clark University

Moral Development

A Hindu Brahman Boy Is Born Again

vera p. john-steiner

julie kaomea

Department of Linguistics, University of New Mexico

College of Education, University of Hawai‘i at Ma¯noa

Creativity

Aia Ke Ola I Nā Kūpuna: Family-Based Care in Native Hawaiian Culture

Confucianism and Taoism; Confucius joseph e. illick Department of History, San Francisco State University

American History, Childhood and Adolescence in

anna d. johnson

michael imber

National Center for Children and Families, Columbia University

School of Education, University of Kansas

Child Care: Effects on the Child

Centre for Brain and Cognitive Development, Birkbeck, University of London

deborah j. johnson

Inhelder, Bärbel

Education: Historical and Philosophical Perspectives; Schools

Department of Family and Child Ecology, Michigan State University

evan imber-black

Race and Children’s Development

Center for Families and Health, Ackerman Institute for the Family

michelle c. johnson

annet te karmiloff-smith

daniel j. karr Department of Ophthalmology and Pediatrics and Casey Eye Institute, Oregon Health and Science University

Vision: Vision Abnormalities

Rituals, Family

Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Bucknell University

carolyn jackson

Islam

School of Education, Regent University

Department of Educational Research, Lancaster University

kathleen w. jones

Emotional Disorders, Education of Children with

Schools, Single-Sex kristin janschewitz Department of Psychology, University of California, Los Angeles

Slang and Offensive Language

Department of History, Virginia Tech

Mental Health Care: Historical and Cultural Perspectives peter r. jones Office of the Vice Provost, Temple University

ian jarvie

Juvenile Delinquency; Juvenile Justice System

Department of Philosophy, York University

courtney g. joslin

Films linda jarvin

School of Law, University of California, Davis

kenneth a. kavale

michael kavey Lambda Legal

Homosexuality and Bisexuality: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives kathryn keenan Department of Psychiatry, University of Chicago

Oppositional Defiant Disorder frank kessel

Binet, Alfred

Pregnancy and Childbirth, Legal Regulation of

College of Education, University of New Mexico

timothy jay

kara joyner

Department of Psychology, Massachusetts College of Liberal Arts

Department of Sociology, Bowling Green State University

Research on Child Development: Historical Perspectives

Slang and Offensive Language

Childbearing, Adolescent; Contraception

Sharp Rees Stealy Medical Group

jaana juvonen

pilyoung kim

Department of Psychology, University of California, Los Angeles

Department of Human Development, Cornell University

Bullying

Built Environment, Children and the

Department of Education, Tufts University

brinda jegatheesan Department of Educational Psychology, University of Washington–Seattle

Muslim Children with Autism Learn to Pray

jane k. kim

Sports Injuries

c o n t r ib u t o r s

• xv ii

eleanor d. kinney

scot t d. krugman

teresa m. lee

Indiana University School of Law–Indianapolis

Department of Pediatrics, Franklin Square Hospital Center

Children’s Hospital of New York-Presbyterian

Health Care Funding

Helfer, Ray(mond) E(ugene); Kempe, C(harles) Henry

steven j. kirsh Department of Psychology, State University of New York–Geneseo

Comic Books marc kleijwegt Department of History, University of Wisconsin–Madison

aaron kupchik

Department of Psychology, George Mason University

Comfort Habits

Adult Criminal Justice System, Children in the

Department of Anthropology, Brown University

amy kyratzis

Foster and Kinship Care: Historical and Cultural Perspectives

The Gevirtz Graduate School of Education, University of California, Santa Barbara

woody klein

Sociolinguistic Diversity

Department of Journalism, Iona College

anthony laker

Clark, Kenneth B(ancroft)

Department of Human Performance and Physical Education, Adams State College

Department of Communication Studies, Northwestern University

elyse brauch lehman

Department of Sociology and Criminal Justice, University of Delaware

Ancient Mediterranean World, Childhood and Adolescence in

louise w. knight

Genetics: Genetic Testing

jessaca b. leinaweaver

neal s. leleiko Warren Alpert Medical School, Brown University, and Hasbro Children’s/Rhode Island Hospital

Eating and Nutrition; Feeding, Infant; Malnutrition and Undernutrition

Physical Education; Sports

robert lemelson

Addams, Jane

albert lamb

Foundation for Psychocultural Research

stephan a. kohlhoff

independent scholar

Posttraumatic Stress Disorder

Neill, A(lexander) S(utherland)

helen a. leroy

beryl langer Sociology Program, La Trobe University

Harlow Laboratory of Biological Psychology, University of Wisconsin–Madison

Popular Culture

Harlow, Harry F(rederick)

craig b. langman

caroline field levander

Feinberg School of Medicine, Northwestern University, and Children’s Memorial Hospital (Chicago)

Department of English, Rice University

Kidney and Urinary Tract Disorders and Diseases

Department of Psychology, Kenyon College

mat thew a. lapierre

robert a. levine

School of Law, Stanford University

Annenberg School for Communication, University of Pennsylvania

Graduate School of Education, Harvard University

School Funding

Television

kathleen kostelny

hilary lapsley

Child: Historical and Cultural Perspectives; Socialization of the Child

global child protection consultant and independent scholar

independent scholar

sarah e. levine

Violence, Children and

Benedict, Ruth (Fulton); Mead, Margaret

Department of Sanskrit and Indian Studies, Harvard University

waud kracke

kandyce larson

Department of Anthropology, University of Illinois at Chicago

Formality and Fun in Kinship Relations among the Gusii

Dream Interpretation in the Amazon

Center for Healthier Children, Families, and Communities, University of California, Los Angeles

jeffrey j. kripal

Health, Disparities in

Gastrointestinal Disorders

campbell leaper

nomi c. levy-carrick School of Medicine, New York University

Bateson, Gregory

Department of Psychology, University of California, Santa Cruz

barry krisberg

Gender: Gender Development

mark lewin

National Council on Crime and Dependency

jay lebow The Family Institute, Northwestern University

Division of Cardiology, Seattle Children’s Hospital

Reform Institutions for Youth

Family Systems Theories

Heart Disorders and Diseases

Division of Pediatric Infectious Diseases, Department of Pediatrics, State University of New York Downstate Medical Center

Sexually Transmitted Diseases jill e. korbin Department of Anthropology and Schubert Center for Child Studies, Case Western Reserve University

Abuse and Neglect: Effects on the Child william s. koski

Department of Religious Studies, Rice University

Innocence, Childhood michael p. levine

Eating Disorders

joseph levy School of Medicine, New York University

Gastrointestinal Disorders

x v iii •

con tribut ors

jin li

thomas d. lyon

amy kerivan marks

Department of Education, Brown University

Gould School of Law, University of Southern California

Self Development

Witnesses, Children as Legal

jeffrey liew

avram h. mack

Department of Psychology, Suffolk University, and Department of Human Development, Brown University

Department of Educational Psychology, Texas A&M University

Department of Psychiatry, Georgetown University Hospital

Empathy

Conduct Disorders

angeline s. lillard

colin m. macleod

Department of Psychology, University of Virginia

Department of Philosophy and School of Law, University of Victoria

Concepts, Children’s: Concepts of the Psychological World

Freedom of Speech

shumin lin Department of Educational Psychology, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign

Department of Comparative Human Development, University of Chicago

Narrative

Lorenz, Konrad (Zacharias)

War, Children and

robert lindsley

manamohan mahapatra

sylvia l. m. martinez

Graduate School of Education, Harvard University

Department of Anthropology, B.J.B College, India

College of Education, University of Colorado, Colorado Springs

Development, Theories of: Cognitive Theories

Parents as Deities in Hindu Family Life

Schooling, Inequalities in

joseph l. mahoney

martin e. mart y

deborah l. linebarger

Department of Education, University of California, Irvine

Divinity School, University of Chicago

Extracurricular Activities

mary ann mason

anthony n. maluccio

Graduate Division, University of California, Berkeley

Annenberg School for Communication, University of Pennsylvania

Television yi hui liu School of Medicine, University of California, San Diego, and Rady Children’s Hospital–San Diego

Health Screening sonia livingstone Department of Media and Communication, London School of Economics and Political Science

Computers: The Internet elin e. lobel Department of Kinesiology, Towson University

Dance heather m. lord

dario maestripieri

School of Social Work, University of Connecticut

Ethnic Identity anne rossier markus Department of Health Policy, George Washington University

Health Care Systems for Children: United States; Health Care Systems for Children: International Perspectives james marten Department of History, Marquette University

Sacramental Family Life

Property, Children as

Social Work

ruth mason

sarah c. mangelsdorf

School of Law, University of Connecticut

Weinberg College of Arts and Sciences, Northwestern University

Attachment, Infant; Temperament susan vivian mangold University at Buffalo Law School, State University of New York

Taxation, Children and gareth b. mat thews Department of Philosophy, University of Massachusetts Amherst

Rousseau, Jean-Jacques jane mauldon

Abuse and Neglect: Historical and Cultural Perspectives

Goldman School of Public Policy, University of California, Berkeley

frank l. mannino

Welfare: Effects on the Child

Division of Neonatology, University of California, San Diego

linda c. mayes Yale Child Study Center, Yale University School of Medicine

Extracurricular Activities

Multiple Births: Physiological and Medical Perspectives

terese j. lund

lisa m. marin

Lynch School of Education, Boston College

International Polytechnic High School, Los Angeles County Office of Education

dan p. mcadams

Critical Thinking

Erikson, Erik H(omburger)

anne h. lundin

henry markovits

heather a. mccabe

School of Library and Information Studies, University of Wisconsin–Madison

Département de Psychologie, Université du Québec à Montréal

Indiana University School of Law–Indianapolis

Moore, Anne Carroll

Logical Thinking

Health Care Funding

Bush Center, Yale University

Poverty, Children in: Effects on the Child

Development, Theories of: Psychoanalytic Theories School of Education and Social Policy, Northwestern University

c o n t r ib u t o r s

• x ix

martha k. mcclintock

cecilia menjívar

rachel y. moon

Departments of Psychology and Comparative Human Development and Center for Interdisciplinary Health Disparities Research, University of Chicago

Department of Sociology, School of Social and Family Dynamics, Arizona State University

Children’s National Medical Center and George Washington School of Medicine and Health Sciences

Immigration, Children and: Historical and Cultural Perspectives

Sudden Infant Death Syndrome

Sexual Development: Sexual Desire and Behavior

julie a. mennella Monell Chemical Senses Center

Department of Landscape Architecture, North Carolina State University

sean a. mcghee

Taste and Smell, Development of

Parks, Playgrounds, and Open Spaces

Department of Pediatrics, University of California, Los Angeles

usha menon

donald moores

Immune Disorders

Department of Culture and Communication, Drexel University

Department of Exceptional Student and Deaf Education, University of North Florida

lucy s. mcgough

Hinduism

Deafness

Paul M. Hebert Law Center, Lousiana State University

david d. meyer

rachel f. moran

College of Law, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign

School of Law, University of California, Berkeley

Separation and Divorce: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

Privacy, Family

robin c. moore

Affirmative Action, Children and; Education, Discrimination in: Gender Discrimination

john h. mckendrick

anne c. meyering

Director, Scottish Poverty Information Unit, School of Law and Social Sciences, Glasgow Caledonian University

Department of History, Michigan State University

gilda a. morelli

Marketplace, Children and the

Family: Economic and Demographic Perspectives

Mother-Child Relationship: Historical and Cultural Perspectives

james j. mckenna

george f. michel

megan a. moreno

Department of Anthropology, University of Notre Dame

Department of Psychology, University of North Carolina–Greensboro

Department of Pediatrics, University of Wisconsin–Madison

Sleep: Sleeping Arrangements; On Infants Sleeping Alone

Critical Periods

Substance Abuse: Medical Perspectives

joan g. miller

peter moreno

peter l. mclaren

Department of Psychology, New School for Social Research

School of Law, University of Washington

Department of Education, University of California, Los Angeles

Freire, Paulo (Reglus Neves) gary e. mcpherson School of Music, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign

Music jay mechling Department of American Studies, University of California, Davis

Folklore, Children’s; Opie, Peter (Mason); Organizations for Youth

Department of Psychology, Boston College

Morality

Substance Abuse: Legal and PublicPolicy Perspectives

kenneth e. miller

kimberly j. morgan

Boston Center for Refugee Health and Human Rights, Boston University

Department of Political Science, George Washington University

Refugee Children

Welfare: International Historical Perspectives

peggy j. miller Departments of Communication, Psychology, and Educational Psychology, University of Illinois at UrbanaChampaign

jeylan t. mortimer Department of Sociology, University of Minnesota

Narrative; Self-Esteem

Work, Children’s Gainful: Effects on the Child

hugh mehan

bonnie j. miller-mclemore

jennifer haddad mosher

Department of Sociology and CREATE, University of California, San Diego

Divinity School, Vanderbilt University

St. Vladimir’s Orthodox Theological Seminary

Eastern Orthodoxy

Classroom Culture

Protestantism; Rites of Passage: Religious Rites of Passage

andrew n. meltzoff

juliet mitchell

Anthropology Field Group, Pitzer College

Institute for Learning and Brain Sciences, University of Washington

Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, University of Cambridge

Training, Child; Whiting, John W(esley) M(ayhew)

Imitation

Klein, Melanie (Reizes)

alexandra k. murphy

elizabeth g. menaghan

john modell

Department of Sociology, Ohio State University

Departments of Education and Sociology, Brown University

Goode, William J(osiah)

Davis, Kingsley

robert l. munroe

Department of Sociology and Social Policy, Princeton University

Work, Children’s Gainful: Historical and Cultural Perspectives

xx •

con trib ut ors

melissa murray

gary novak

henry c. ou

School of Law, University of California, Berkeley

Department of Psychology and Child Development, California State University, Stanislaus

Department of Otolaryngology–Head and Neck Surgery, Seattle Children’s Hospital, and Virginia Merrill Bloedel Hearing Research Center, University of Washington

Federalism and Families william myers Department of Human and Community Development, University of California, Davis

Development, Theories of: Behavioral Theories

Hearing: Hearing Abnormalities

larry nucci

willis f. overton

Institute of Human Development, University of California, Berkeley

Department of Psychology, Temple University

Stages of Childhood

tonya m. palermo

william n. myhill

michelle oberman

Burton Blatt Institute, Syracuse University

School of Law, Santa Clara University

Disabilities, Care of Children with: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

Rape

Department of Anesthesiology and PeriOperative Medicine, Oregon Health and Science University

elinor ochs

Pain

Work, Children’s Gainful: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

Development, Concept of

vivian gussin paley

pedram navab

Department of Anthropology, University of California, Los Angeles

Department of Psychiatry and Behavioral Science, Stanford University

Language: Language and Social Life

The Color Brown

Sleep: Physiology of Sleep

stephen o’connor

St. Vladimir’s Orthodox Theological Seminary

Columbia University and Sarah Lawrence College

Eastern Orthodoxy

Brace, Charles Loring

kristen d. nawrotzki School of Education, Roehampton University

University of Chicago Laboratory Schools

harry pappas

jack l. paradise

Preschool and Kindergarten

vanessa oddo

Department of Pediatrics, University of Pittsburgh School of Medicine

herbert l. needleman

Harvard Medical School

Ear Infections

University of Pittsburgh School of Medicine

Substance Abuse, Parental: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

Lead Poisoning

tara a. o’hanley

john m. neff Center for Children with Special Needs, Seattle Children’s Hospital, and Department of Pediatrics, University of Washington School of Medicine

Hospitalization carol j. nemeroff Department of Social and Behavioral Sciences, University of Southern Maine, Lewiston-Auburn College

Magical Thinking katherine s. newman Department of Sociology, Princeton University

Work, Children’s Gainful: Historical and Cultural Perspectives jan nisbet Institute on Disability, University of New Hampshire

Department of Psychology, Boston College

maria e. parente Department of Education, University of California, Irvine

Extracurricular Activities steven parker

Mother-Child Relationship: Historical and Cultural Perspectives

Boston Medical Center/Boston University School of Medicine

michael w. o’hara

Child: Physiological Perspectives; Self-Injury

Department of Psychology, University of Iowa

thanujeni pathman

Postpartum Depression

Department of Psychology, Emory University

william p. o’hare

Memory

KIDS COUNT Project, The Annie E. Casey Foundation

Demography of Childhood: United States; Demography of Childhood: International Perspectives david orentlicher Center for Law and Health, Indiana University School of Law–Indianapolis, and Indiana University School of Medicine

charlot te j. pat terson Department of Psychology, University of Virginia

Gay and Lesbian Parents howard a. pearson Department of Pediatrics, Yale University School of Medicine

Blood Disorders; Blood Types anne-marie peatrik Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique

Intellectual Disability, Education of Children with

Human Immunodeficiency Viral Syndrome: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

barbara f. nordhaus

maryam oskoui

Yale Child Study Center, Yale University School of Medicine

Montreal Neurological Institute, McGill University

MassGeneral Hospital for Children and Harvard University

Solnit, Albert J(ay)

Neuromuscular Disorders

Marks Make the Man in Kenya james m. perrin

Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder

c o n t r ib u t o r s

jean koh peters

kelly kristin powell

len roberson

School of Law, Yale University

Legal Representation of Children

Department of Psychology, American University

james g. pfaus

Ethnic Identity

Department of Exceptional Student and Deaf Education, University of North Florida

lorelei a. prevost

Deafness

Department of Psychology, Concordia University

Steinhardt School of Culture, Education, and Human Development, New York University

daniel n. robinson

Intelligence Testing; Testing and Evaluation, Educational

Aristotle; James, William

Department of Communication Disorders and Counseling, School, and Educational Psychology, Indiana State University

sarah h. ramsey

Emory University School of Law

College of Law, Syracuse University

Guardianship

Education, Discrimination in: Overview

jane l. rankin

barbara s. rocah

Literacy

School of Communication, Northwestern University

Chicago Institute for Psychoanalysis

Sexual Development: Physiological Development chavez phelps

randall a. phelps Department of Pediatrics, Oregon Health and Science University

Advice Literature, Popular

Disabilities, Care of Children with: Medical Perspectives

Center for Autism and Related Disorders, Kennedy Krieger Institute

roderick phillips

Fears, Phobias, and Anxiety Disorders; Mental Illness

Department of History, Carleton University

patricia a. rao

leonard a. rappaport

Marital and Nonmarital Unions: Historical and Cultural Perspectives; Separation and Divorce: Historical and Cultural Perspectives

Developmental Medicine Center, Children’s Hospital Boston, and Department of Pediatrics, Harvard Medical School

ashley m. pinkham Department of Psychology, University of Virginia

Faculty of Philosophy, Oxford University

kimberly jenkins robinson

Freud, Sigmund kathleen boyce rodgers Department of Human Development, Washington State University

Remarriage and the Blended Family l. todd rose Graduate School of Education, Harvard University, and Laboratory for Visual Learning, Harvard-Smithsonian Center for Astrophysics

Bedwetting; Toilet Training

Development, Theories of: Dynamic Systems Theories

daniel a. rauch

sara rosenbaum

Pediatric Hospitalist Program, New York University School of Medicine

School of Public Health and Health Services, George Washington University

Embryology and Fetal Development

Concepts, Children’s: Concepts of the Psychological World

erica reischer

Health Care Systems for Children: United States

independent scholar

irene merker rosenberg

mary pipan

Body Image and Modification

University of Houston Law Center

jennifer f. reynolds

Drug Testing

Division of Child Development and Rehabilitation, The Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia

Department of Anthropology, University of South Carolina

laura ann rosenbury

Latin American Societies and Cultures, Childhood and Adolescence in

Gender: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

robert w. rieber

catherine j. ross

Abortion: Psychological Perspectives

Fordham University and City University of New York

School of Law, George Washington University

kelvin m. pollard

Wundt, Wilhelm

Population Reference Bureau

amy r. ritualo

Demography of Childhood: United States

Bureau of International Labor Affairs, U.S. Department of Labor

Foster and Kinship Care: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives; Parens Patriae

Developmental Delays chelsea b. polis Bloomberg School of Public Health, The Johns Hopkins University

School of Law, Washington University

norbert o. ross

College of Education, Temple University

Demography of Childhood: International Perspectives

Department of Anthropology, Vanderbilt University

Ogbu, John U(zo)

frederick p. rivara

Animism

laura porterfield

Harborview Injury Prevention and Research Center, University of Washington, and Seattle Children’s Hospital

kate rousmaniere

Department of Psychology, University of Oregon

Attention

Accidents and Injuries

Teachers

michael i. posner

• xxi

Department of Educational Leadership, Miami University

x x ii •

con trib utors

david l. rowland

karen j. saywitz

ira m. schwartz

Department of Psychology and Office of Graduate Studies, Valparaiso University

David Geffen School of Medicine and Center for Healthier Children, Families, and Communities, University of California, Los Angeles

The Jewish Federation of Greater Philadelphia

Mental Health Care: Legal and PublicPolicy Perspectives

Punishment, Legal

Sexual Development: Physiological Development paul rozin Department of Psychology, University of Pennsylvania

Food Aversions and Preferences; Learning to Like Chili Peppers

larry a. scanlan Department of Psychology, University of California, Los Angeles

Juvenile Justice System robert g. schwartz Juvenile Law Center

helen b. schwartzman Department of Anthropology, Northwestern University

Athletic Development

Play: Historical and Cultural Perspectives

julie hanlon rubio

tara k. scanlan

deborah schwengel

Department of Theological Studies, St. Louis University

Department of Psychology, University of California, Los Angeles

Department of Anesthesiology and Critical Care Medicine, The Johns Hopkins University

Athletic Development

Medicines and Children: Anesthesia and Analgesia

Catholicism karen d. rudolph Department of Psychology, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign

Suicide john l. rury School of Education, University of Kansas

Education: Historical and Philosophical Perspectives; Schooling, Inequalities in; Schools stacy r. ryan Department of Psychology, Emory University

Tobacco elizabeth m. saewyc School of Nursing, University of British Columbia

judith schachter Department of History, Carnegie Mellon University

Adoption: Historical and Cultural Perspectives alice schlegel Department of Anthropology, University of Arizona

Rites of Passage: Secular Rites of Passage Department of History, Carnegie Mellon University

Juvenile Court dean schofield Curry School of Education, University of Virginia

philip l. safford

Itard, Jean-Marc-Gaspard

Department of Psychology, Case Western Reserve University

alison schonwald

Gangs

Adolescent Decision Making, Legal Perspectives on nancy l. segal Department of Psychology, California State University, Fullerton

Multiple Births: Developmental Perspectives The Montessori Foundation

Montessori, Maria madeline u. shalowitz Evanston Northwestern Healthcare Research Institute, Feinberg School of Medicine, Northwestern University

Stress rajni shankar-brown

Children’s Hospital Boston and Harvard University

Department of Elementary, Middle Level, and Literacy Education, University of North Carolina–Wilmington

Bedwetting; Toilet Training

Homelessness

martín sánchez-jankowski Department of Sociology, University of California, Berkeley

School of Law, Columbia University

timothy seldin steven schlossman

Sexual Abuse: Medical and Psychological Perspectives

Special Education: Historical and Philosophical Perspectives

elizabeth s. scot t

jean reith schroedel School of Politics and Economics, Claremont Graduate University

gail g. shapiro Northwest Asthma and Allergy Center

Allergic Diseases

Fetus, Legal Status of the

jessica sharac

School of Law, Columbia University

megan nordquest schwallie

Center for the Economics of Mental Health, Institute of Psychiatry, King’s College London

Emancipation

School of Social Service Administration, University of Chicago

carol sanger

geoffrey b. saxe Graduate School of Education, University of California, Berkeley

Counting on the Body: Arithmetic Learning in Oksapmin Culture; The Mathematical Life of Brazilian Street Children

Death, Children’s Experience of; Psychiatric Illness, Parental barry schwartz Department of Psychology, Swarthmore College

Skinner, B(urrhus) F(rederic)

Health Care Systems for Children: United States; Health Care Systems for Children: International Perspectives cynthia m. sharpe Department of Neurosciences, University of California, San Diego

Neurological and Brain Development; Neurological Disorders

c o n t r ib u t o r s

• x xiii

susan m. shaw

diana t. slaughter-defoe

srinivas k. sridhara

Department of Recreation and Leisure Studies, University of Waterloo

Graduate School of Education, University of Pennsylvania

Bloomberg School of Public Health, The Johns Hopkins University

Leisure Time, Family

Race and Children’s Development

Abortion: Psychological Perspectives

avinash k. shet t y

daniel scot t smith

peter n. stearns

Wake Forest University Health Sciences

Department of History, University of Illinois at Chicago

Department of History and Art History, George Mason University

Naming Patterns

Father-Child Relationship: Historical and Cultural Perspectives

Human Immunodeficiency Viral Syndrome: U.S. Medical Perspectives michael shevell Departments of Neurology/Neurosurgery and Pediatrics, McGill University

Neuromuscular Disorders aya shigeto Department of Psychology, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign

Temperament

janna malamud smith Department of Psychology, Harvard Medical School

Personal Boundaries

r. grant steen School of Medicine, University of North Carolina–Chapel Hill

Cancer; Genetics: Overview

david m. smolin Cumberland Law School, Samford University

Baby and Child Selling

howard f. stein Department of Family and Preventive Medicine, University of Oklahoma Health Sciences Center

kathy g. short

david t. sobel

Oedipus Confl ict

College of Education, University of Arizona

Department of Education, Antioch University New England

martin t. stein

Literature: Children’s Engagement with Literature

Universe of the Child nadia sorkhabi

susan e. short Department of Sociology, Brown University

Department of Child and Adolescent Development, San Jose State University

Fertility

Authority and Obedience

barbara jean shwalb

margaret beale spencer

Department of Psychology, Southeastern Louisiana University

Department of Comparative Human Development, University of Chicago

Asian Societies and Cultures, Childhood and Adolescence in

Race and Children’s Development; Status

david william shwalb

melanie sperling

Department of Psychology, Southeastern Louisiana University

Graduate School of Education, University of California, Riverside

Asian Societies and Cultures, Childhood and Adolescence in

Writing moshe halevi spero

eric kline silverman Departments of American Studies and Human Development, Wheelock College, and Women’s Studies Research Center, Brandeis University

School of Social Work, Bar-Ilan University

Spirituality

Department of Pediatrics, University of California, San Diego, and Rady Children’s Hospital–San Diego

Headaches; Health Screening; Health Supervision; Physical Growth and Development; Spock, Benjamin (McLane) nan d. stein Center for Research on Women, Wellesley Centers for Women, Wellesley College

Crime Victims, Children as laurence steinberg Department of Psychology, Temple University

Adolescent Decision Making, Legal Perspectives on; Research on Child Development: The Practice of Child Development Research mark j. stern

douglas e. sperry

School of Social Policy and Practice, University of Pennsylvania

Department of Psychology, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign

Poverty, Children in: Historical and Cultural Perspectives robert j. sternberg

Department of Law, Goethe University

Learning to Fictionalize in the Black Belt of Alabama

Goldstein, Joseph

linda l. sperry

dorothy g. singer

Department of Communication Disorders and Counseling, School, and Educational Psychology, Indiana State University

Binet, Alfred; Intelligence

Literacy; Learning to Fictionalize in the Black Belt of Alabama

Home Schooling

jane m. spinak School of Law, Columbia University

Department of Writing Arts, Rowan University

Family Court

Magazines

Circumcision, Male spiros simitis

Department of Psychology, Yale University

Play Therapy jenny l. singleton Department of Educational Psychology, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign

Growing Up Hearing in a Deaf Family

Dean’s Office, School of Arts and Sciences, Tufts University

mitchell l. stevens New York University

donald r. stoll

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con tribut ors

nomi m. stolzenberg

lisa a. suzuki

stuart w. teplin

Gould School of Law, University of Southern California

Steinhardt School of Culture, Education, and Human Development, New York University

Paternity and Maternity richard f. storrow

Intelligence Testing; Testing and Evaluation, Educational

School of Law, City University of New York

laura a. szalacha

Procreate, Right to

College of Nursing, University of Illinois at Chicago

Department of Pediatrics, University of North Carolina–Chapel Hill School of Medicine, and Developmental and Behavioral Pediatrics of the Carolinas, CMC-Northeast Medical Center, Concord, NC

murray a. straus

Corporal Punishment

Homosexuality and Bisexuality: Physiological and Psychological Perspectives

victor streib

sherylle j. tan

Elon University and Ohio Northern University

Death Penalty, Children and the

Berger Institute for Work, Family, and Children, Claremont McKenna College

ann p. streissguth

Critical Thinking

Family Research Laboratory, University of New Hampshire

Department of Psychiatry and Behavioral Sciences, University of Washington School of Medicine

david s. tanenhaus

Fetal Alcohol Spectrum Disorders

Department of History and William S. Boyd School of Law, University of Nevada–Las Vegas

dennis m. st yne

Juvenile Court

Department of Pediatrics, University of California, Davis

daniel tanner

Obesity and Dieting

Graduate School of Education, Rutgers University–New Brunswick

carola suárez-orozco

Textbooks

Department of Applied Psychology, Steinhardt School of Culture, Education, and Human Development, New York University

robert r. tanz Department of Pediatrics, Feinberg School of Medicine, Northwestern University, and Children’s Memorial Hospital (Chicago)

Blindness; Vision: Development of Vision göran therborn University of Cambridge

Family: Historical and Cultural Perspectives jeannie banks thomas Department of English, Utah State University

Ghosts prakash k. thomas Yale Child Study Center, Yale University School of Medicine

Development, Theories of: Psychoanalytic Theories ross a. thompson Department of Psychology, University of California, Davis

Emotional Development christopher a. thurber

Morbidity

Counseling and Psychological Services, Philips Exeter Academy

marcelo m. suárez-orozco

howard taras

Camps, Summer

Steinhardt School of Culture, Education, and Human Development, New York University

Department of Pediatrics, University of California, San Diego

manasi tirodkar

Immigration, Children and: Effects on the Child

Health and Sex Education

Tourette Syndrome in Indian Ayurvedic Medical Practice

rena f. subotnik

Department of Germanic Languages and Literatures and of Folklore and Mythology, Harvard University

joseph tobin

Center for Gifted Education Policy, American Psychological Association

Giftedness

The Luminous Books of Childhood

kaveri subrahmanyam

kenneth s. taylor

Early Childhood Education in Japan

Department of Psychology, California State University, Los Angeles

Department of Family and Preventive Medicine, School of Medicine, University of California, San Diego

Immigration, Children and: Effects on the Child

maria tatar

National Center for Quality Assurance

Mary Lou Fulton College of Education, Arizona State University

paul l. tractenberg Rutgers School of Law–Newark

Sports Injuries

Education: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

christopher m. sullivan

lori taylor

doris a. trauner

Departments of Surgery and Pediatrics, University of Chicago

Department of Pediatrics, University of California, San Diego

Department of Neurosciences, University of California, San Diego

Orthopedic Disorders

Physical Growth and Development

stephen j. suomi

marjorie taylor

Neurological and Brain Development; Neurological Disorders

Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development

Department of Psychology, University of Oregon

Computers: Computers as Learning Tools; Computers: Computer Games

Harlow, Harry F(rederick)

Play, Pretend; Some Prodigious Pretenders

george c. tremblay Department of Clinical Psychology, Antioch University New England

Watson, John B(roadus)

c o n t r ib u t o r s

• xxv

nancy m. trinh

john vickrey van cleve

scot t waller

Department of Psychology, University of California, Santa Cruz

Department of History, Gallaudet University

School of Politics and Economics, Claremont Graduate University

Identity

Clerc, (Louis) Laurent (Marie); Gallaudet, Edward Miner

Fetus, Legal Status of the

heather k. j. van der lely

Department of Educational Psychology, University of Nebraska– Lincoln

stewart g. trost Departments of Nutrition and Exercise Science, Oregon State University

cixin wang

elise trumbull

Centre for Developmental Language Disorders and Cognitive Neuroscience, University College London

California State University, Northridge

Language Disorders and Delay

Gender: Historical and Cultural Perspectives

Grades and Grading

jennifer van reet

paul p. wang

susan tsai

Department of Psychology, Providence College

Pfizer Global Research and Development

Exercise and Physical Activity

Concepts, Children’s: Concepts of the Psychological World

Medicines and Children: Overview; Medicines and Children: Antibiotics; Salk, Jonas (Edward)

Pregnancy

ross e. vanderwert

william l. wansart

jonathan tudge

Department of Human Development, University of Maryland at College Park

Department of Education, University of New Hampshire

Orphanages

Learning Disabilities; Learning Disabilities, Education of Children with

Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology, Feinberg School of Medicine, Northwestern University

Department of Human Development and Family Studies, University of North Carolina–Greensboro

yvonne e. vaucher

Development, Theories of: Social Contextual Theories

Department of Pediatrics, University of California, San Diego

amber n. t yler

Prematurity

Department of Psychology, University of North Carolina–Greensboro

jennifer rabke verani

Critical Periods

Division of Parasitic Diseases, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention

peter r. uhlenberg

Parasitic Infections

Department of Sociology, University of North Carolina–Chapel Hill

lynne vernon-feagans

Grandparents

School of Education, University of North Carolina–Chapel Hill

naveen k. uli

School Readiness

maika watanabe Department of Secondary Education, San Francisco State University

Ability Grouping mark c. weber College of Law, DePaul University

Special Education: Legal and PublicPolicy Perspectives amram weiner independent scholar

pallavi visvanathan

Memories of Childhood on an Israeli Kibbutz

Endocrine Disorders

Department of Psychology, University of Denver

carol weisbrod

marion k. underwood

Romantic and Sexual Relationships

Department of Pediatrics, Rainbow Babies and Children’s Hospital

School of Behavioral and Brain Sciences, University of Texas at Dallas

School of Law, University of Connecticut

Religious Rights, Children’s

jacques vonèche glenn weisfeld

Aggression

Department of Psychology, University of Geneva

sarah e. vaala

Piaget, Jean

Annenberg School for Communication, University of Pennsylvania

gary i. wadler

Television

Performance-Enhancing Drugs

jaan valsiner

michael s. wald

Department of Psychology, Clark University

School of Law, Stanford University

School of Medicine, New York University

Department of Psychology, Wayne State University

Darwin, Charles (Robert) thomas s. weisner Departments of Psychiatry and Anthropology, University of California, Los Angeles

Werner, Heinz

Abuse and Neglect: Legal and PublicPolicy Perspectives

African Societies and Cultures, Childhood and Adolescence in; Parenthood

geraldine van bueren

john wall

lois a. weithorn

School of Law, Queen Mary University of London, and Kellogg College, Oxford University

Department of Philosophy and Religion, Rutgers University–Camden

Hastings College of the Law, University of California

Child: Religious and Philosophical Perspectives; Locke, John

Medical Care and Procedures, Consent to

Slavery, Child

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con tribut ors

emmy e. werner

lindia willies-jacobo

elisabeth young-bruehl

Department of Human and Community Development, University of California, Davis

Department of Pediatrics, University of California, San Diego

Center for Psychoanalytic Training and Research, Columbia University

Childhood Resilience

Headaches

Freud, Anna

lynne a. werner

m. michelle winscot t

james youniss

Department of Speech and Hearing Sciences, University of Washington

Sports Medicine, University of California, San Diego

Department of Psychology, Catholic University of America

Hearing: Development of Hearing

Sports Injuries

john scot t werry

arthur p. wolf

Political Activism, Children and; Sullivan, Harry Stack

Department of Psychiatry, University of Auckland

Department of Anthropological Sciences, Stanford University

Medicines and Children: Psychotropic Medicines

Incest

james v. wertsch

Department of History, University of Massachusetts Boston

Department of Anthropology, Washington University

roberta wollons

Abandonment and Infanticide

charles h. zeanah Department of Psychiatry and Neurology, Tulane University

Attachment Disturbances and Disorders lonnie k. zeltzer David Geffen School of Medicine, Pediatric Pain Program, and Mattel Children’s Hospital, University of California, Los Angeles

Vygotsky, L(ev) S(emenovich)

barbara bennet t woodhouse

michael wessells

Emory University School of Law

Program on Forced Migration and Health, Columbia University

Rights, Children’s

Pain

stephani etheridge woodson

ana celia zentella

peter weston

School of Theatre and Film, Arizona State University

Department of Ethnic Studies, University of California, San Diego

Froebel College, Roehampton University

Theater and Acting

Bilingualism

Froebel, Friedrich (Wilhelm August)

alan d. woolf

edward f. zigler Department of Psychology, Yale University

Religion in Public Schools

Division of Pediatrics, Children’s Hospital Boston, and Department of Pediatrics, Harvard Medical School

richard white

Poisoning

Faculty of Education, Monash University

carol m. worthman

School of Psychology, Griffith University– Gold Coast

Science

Department of Anthropology, Emory University

Work, Children’s Gainful: Effects on the Child

Combat, Youth in

jay d. wexler School of Law, Boston University

friedrich wilkening Psychologisches Institut, University of Zurich

Concepts, Children’s: Concepts of the Physical World meredith willa Department of Public Policy, University of California, Berkeley

Launching a Reproductive Career in Kenya robert h. wozniak Department of Psychology, Bryn Mawr College

Baldwin, James Mark

Head Start melanie j. zimmer-gembeck

franklin e. zimring School of Law, University of California, Berkeley

Crime, Juvenile samuel h. zinner

Welfare: Effects on the Child

gretchen miller wrobel

Center on Human Development and Disability, University of Washington

joan c. williams

Department of Psychology, Bethel University

Tics and Tourette Syndrome

Adoption: Effects on the Child

michael zuckerman

brian r. wyant

Department of History, University of Pennsylvania

Center for WorkLife Law, Hastings College of the Law, University of California

Work and Home Life, Confl ict between: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

Department of Criminal Justice, Temple University

Juvenile Delinquency

patricia zukow-goldring

rebecca a. williamson

maria yon

Institute for Learning and Brain Sciences, University of Washington

College of Education, University of North Carolina–Charlotte

Center for the Study of Women, University of California, Los Angeles

Imitation

Homelessness

Ariès, Philippe

Children as Family Caregivers in Mexico

Introduction an invitation to the many worlds of childhood On behalf of my fellow editors and the reference publishing staff of the University of Chicago Press, I am delighted to welcome you as a reader of The Child: An Encyclopedic Companion. The Companion is a single-volume authoritative reference work on children’s development and the many worlds of childhood from a variety of disciplinary perspectives and on a global scale. It has been designed (here borrowing a phrase from the English poet Matthew Arnold, who was also a very learned inspector of children’s schools) “to make the best that has been thought and known” about children and childhood readily available to a broad spectrum of inquisitive adults, nonspecialists and specialists alike. We have kept in mind the interests of parents as well as educators, health care providers, social workers, teachers, and lawyers; public health workers as well as research scholars. Although it is doubtful that genuine erudition on any topic can be achieved simply by reading an article in a reference work, the Companion seeks to inform, broaden, and enrich our adult conversations about children, with special reference to basic questions about their mental, social, biological, and spiritual development; their health; and their hoped-for well-being. In keeping with these goals, we have sought to be at once compact in our treatment and expansive in our understanding of children and of childhood, which we have taken to begin with the time a child spends in her or his mother’s womb and to end in the late teenage years. We adopted this relatively broad understanding of childhood for the sake of consistency in guiding the contents of the Companion, fully recognizing that any particular definition of the beginning and end of childhood is somewhat arbitrary and that is it impossible to specify the boundaries of life stages from all possible cultural and historical perspectives at once. To address the many dimensions of life encompassed by this understanding of childhood, we have engaged a wide range of expert contributors representing the perspectives of many disciplines: medicine, biology, law, education, psychology, literature, religion, anthropology, history, sociology, linguistics, communication studies, folklore, and cultural studies. The Companion is also a book created in the pluralistic spirit of curiosity about different childhoods across the human family. Although many of the articles in the volume rely on evidence accumulated in North America and Europe (where there are established, active, and relatively well-funded research traditions in pediatric medicine, developmental psychology, education, and law), our coverage extends to other societies and historical epochs. Wherever possible, we have sought to increase the comparative

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scope of the volume, benefiting from work by anthropologists and historians, by social theorists and humanists in the interdisciplinary field of “childhood studies,” and by researchers in other parts of the globe. A major aim of the volume is to broaden our understanding and to take account of variations in childhood experiences, contexts, and ideals for maturity across diverse dimensions of potential difference: ethnicity, gender, culture, and social class. Publications about children are ubiquitous, and they come in many forms. In academic circles there are several outstanding journals specializing in research on children, such as Child Development, Childhood, Developmental Psychology, Pediatrics, and Journal of Developmental and Behavioral Pediatrics. The admirable multivolume Handbook of Child Psychology supplies graduate students and research scholars in the academy with massive review chapters of the recent scientific literature in specialized areas of child psychology. Parents and others who work with children outside the academy often turn to books, popular magazines, and online sources offering advice on child rearing. In respectful contrast to these types of publications, the Companion is designed as an encyclopedia consisting of 529 alphabetically arranged and readable summaries of fundamental knowledge on specific child-related topics along with 41 sidebar essays. These sidebars, collectively titled “Imagining Each Other” essays, are designed to bring the Companion’s theme of human diversity into special focus by allowing readers to enter imaginatively and through vivid prose into the lives of children and adolescents from specific cultures and subcultures around the world. The combination of comparative scope and interdisciplinary reach is a distinctive feature of the Companion, making it perhaps unique among books of its type: a reader-friendly encyclopedia about children for adults living in a globalizing yet multicultural world. Ch ildhood : Really Real an d Fabulously Fabr icat ed Viewed from a comparative perspective, childhood is really real, in the sense that every human society recognizes one or more phases of life prior to adulthood. But it is also fabulously fabricated (some would say “invented” or “constructed”), in the sense that the ideas, ideals, and practices associated with positive child development are not the same wherever you go around the world, or even within any single society. It takes imagination (and some degree of moral courage and openness to the experience of astonishment) to engage and understand those really real worlds of childhood that are substantially different from one’s own: for example, childhood as organized and arranged in contemporary Asian, African, or Native American societies or in the ancient Mediterranean world or in earlier periods of American history; childhood as envisioned by a member of the Eastern Orthodox Church or by a devout Hindu or a pious Muslim; childhood as experienced by a child growing up in a commune or a refugee camp; childhood as understood by a child who grows up hearing in a deaf family or by a child who is schooled at home. The reality of childhood thus goes far beyond the universal recognition of phases of life prior to adulthood. Every human society fosters institutions and practices—

in t r o d u c t io n

familial, legal, educational, religious, and medical—dedicated in part to defining, regulating, and promoting the biological, psychological, social, and spiritual development of the young. Within every human society there are specific goals, values, and pictures of a “normal” childhood that are taken for granted, passionately promoted, or actively contested by adult members of that society. The entries in the Companion aim to provide up-to-date summaries of those childhood realities while recognizing that goals for, and pictures of, positive child development are plural and diverse, not singular or unitary, both across and within human societies. The Child: An Encyclopedic Companion takes up the challenge of giving an authoritative and accurate account of childhood and child development as both invented and real. The six editors of the volume come from a variety of disciplines, including anthropology, developmental psychology, education, history, law, and pediatrics (see pp. vii–viii). A 35-member interdisciplinary, international, and multicultural Board of Advisors consisting of some of the most distinguished and well-known child development researchers in the world (see p. ii) contributed expertise on cultural variability both within the United States and across major regions of the world. These experts reviewed early plans and made suggestions for the contents of the Companion as a whole. Each of the articles in the volume was written by one or more authorities on the topic, and every contributor was provided with an explicit scope description suggesting the ideal coverage for his or her particular topic. In the light of our premise that the really real worlds of childhood are not necessarily the same across historical time and cultural space, or even within the same society, nearly every scope description concluded with a charge to “make comparisons to other societies, cultural traditions, and historical periods” besides the contemporary United States and to “consider gender, racial, ethnic, socioeconomic, and environmental variation related to this topic, as well as the shortand long-term consequences for children of such variation.” The editors of the Companion fully recognize the enormity of the challenge of portraying the diverse, group-specific aspects of childhood experience in an accurate, sympathetic (although not necessarily uncritical) way and of transcending provincial research traditions while also learning from them. We accept the inevitability of the judgment that our success in accomplishing this ambition has been limited. Not all of our contributors found it feasible or appropriate to explore issues of diversity, given the boundaries of their discipline, the limits of their expertise, the lack of relevant primary research, or the nature of their topic. At the moment, medical epidemiologists, anthropologists, and historians are perhaps most at ease incorporating a comparative perspective into their research. Even as we invite the reader to the many worlds of childhood and publish the fruits of our intellectual labor, we look forward to the further growth of an interdisciplinary comparative research perspective on children across the disciplines of law, developmental psychology, literature, sociology, and education. In a globalizing world in which not only goods and financial resources but also peoples migrate across national borders, it is both good and practical for child development researchers, children’s rights activists, and the educated public in general to learn as much as possible about childhood outside one’s own geographic and social location.

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Childhood assumes different forms here and there, now and then; and from a comparative perspective, one more properly speaks of childhoods, in the plural, than of childhood, in the singular. As such, the Companion is really as much about children in the plural—living in different societies, different times, and different social locations— as it is about the child in general or in the abstract. But the volume also provides much general knowledge about children, particularly in the many entries concerned with biological development and physical and mental health: regarding the thumb-sucking behavior of the fetus in the womb, for example, or the visual capacity of infants at birth (their vision is 20/200, which is worse than legally blind), the development of a sense of musical rhythm at 7 months of age, or the emergence of a social preference for members of the same sex at age 3. It is a formidable challenge to accurately and objectively represent the real diversity in children’s worlds without allowing our own parochialism to bias these representations. Nevertheless, we have sought to honor in this volume—and particularly in the Imagining Each Other essays—the pluralistic aspiration expressed by the cultural anthropologist Clifford Geertz, who wrote so eloquently of the “differenced world.” In portraying lives in different cultural worlds and in different social locations within a society, he said, it should be possible to recognize “the force and durability of ties of religion, language, custom, locality, race, and descent in human affairs” without regarding the entrance of such considerations in social life as “pathological—primitive, backward, regressive and irrational.” Many of the things we take for granted as natural or divinely given or logically necessary or practically indispensable for life in an orderly, safe, and decent society are neither natural nor divinely given nor logically necessary nor practically indispensable for life in an orderly, safe, and decent society—including our conceptions of a normal childhood. Curren ts in Cont empor ary Research on Children Grand theories about child development have taken their hits in recent decades, and much has changed in the world of research and scholarship concerning children. A comprehensive reference work on children published in the 1950s or 1960s might well have been unified around the work of a figure such as Sigmund Freud or Jean Piaget, but this is no longer the case. We live in a post–grand universal theory age, and there are many stories to tell about childhood and the successful mental, social, spiritual, and even biological development of children. Many of those stories are told in The Child: An Encyclopedic Companion. Over the past century, the social and behavioral sciences have witnessed the naturenurture pendulum swing: from nature in the first decades of the 20th century to nurture in the 1930s through the 1960s. Nature returned to the academic scene once again (and reentered popular culture) beginning in the 1970s and on into the first decade of the 21st century. While very few contemporary child development researchers would argue a strong form of the provocative thesis that “biology is destiny” or that the experiences of childhood have no influence on adult functioning, there has been a major

in t r o d u c t io n

return of interest in innate ideas, neonatal temperament, twin studies, behavioral and evolutionary biology, genetic variation, hormonal regulation, and brain science; and new debates have arisen about how best to think about the very distinction between nature and nurture and the interaction of mind and body. In the Companion, these debates are treated in entries on such topics as the biological evolution of childhood, genetics, multiple births, neurological and brain development, sexual development, and temperament. Even as nature was returning to the academic and intellectual scene, however, those who study “nurture” in the broadest sense became more and more sophisticated in describing and characterizing the relevant environments or contexts of childhood experience. New fields of interdisciplinary research in the humanities and social sciences emerged with names such as childhood studies, cultural psychology, medical sociology, psychological anthropology, language socialization, and history of childhood. These fields have taken a comparative and/or historical perspective on children’s lives and have broadened their research agenda on nurturing to include the influence on the child of family, religion, language and literature, law, education, social status, and social class, and they have documented (and critiqued) the causes and consequences of differences in childhood experiences and outcomes across human populations. Produced during the first decade of the 21st century, the Companion is meant to be a conduit for the flow of state-of-the-art information about all these currents, on both sides of any nature/nurture divide, with special attention given to variations in the institutional contexts of childhood experience and pathways of development. As a reference book, the Companion gives broad voice to the social and cultural contexts of nurturing in Geertz’s “differenced world,” which, in a sense, is its distinguishing characteristic. The contemporary burgeoning of interest in the many worlds of childhood experience has coincided with—and perhaps hastened—the waning influence of the grand stage structure theories of psychosexual and emotional development proposed by Freud and other psychoanalysts and those of cognitive or intellectual development proposed by Piaget. Both schools of theory have been widely critiqued from a number of perspectives over the past few decades. Some researchers argue that Piaget underestimated the intellectual sophistication and operational capacity of young children and that infants are “hardwired” with innate ideas; others argue that he overemphasized the stagelike directional character of intellectual growth or that he misjudged the role and importance of local cultural knowledge in reasoning, judgment, and memory. Freud has come in for criticism as well for, among other things, his views of female psychology, his claims about cross-generational sexual desire within the family and the origin of the incest taboo, and his (oral, anal, and genital) psychosexual stage theory about the development of libido. The theories of both Freud and Piaget appear in multiple contexts within the Companion, as do the critiques of their work, placing them within the range of ways to view the childhood experience, but not outside or above it. Not surprisingly, interest in the many worlds of childhood has also flowered at a time in North America and Europe when the reality and challenge of “difference” or

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“multiculturalism” (both global and domestic varieties) have become major public policy issues. Multiculturalism is a provocative concept, embraced in some nations, such as the United States (where the celebration of diversity is sometimes viewed as a virtue), while being scorned in other nations, such as France (where parochial group identities other than the identity of citizen of the state may be viewed with suspicion). Truth be told, it is also a concept with multiple—and even incompatible—meanings. There are multiculturalists who are concerned with the liberty of peoples and who highly value group differences and want to preserve them; and other multiculturalists who are concerned with social justice and who think group differences are the products of vicious discrimination and that within any truly just and egalitarian society group differences should be made to go away. There are multiculturalists who believe that the term means being a “hybrid” and actively promoting the erosion of borders or boundaries between groups and the mixing up, melting down, homogenizing, or integrating of things (in marriages, neighborhoods, and schools); and other multiculturalists who think multiculturalism implies autonomy, in-group solidarity, the power to remain separate or pure, and the capacity to maintain boundaries or restore a distinctive way of life (by means of marriage, neighborhoods, and schools). There are multiculturalists who use the word in an almost ironic sense to commend and promote the mainstreaming, assimilation, or inclusion of people of different colors or ancestries into the society and shared subculture of the North American or Western European elite; and other multiculturalists who use the term to call on the mainstream elite of particular countries to accommodate themselves to minority group differences in customs, values, and beliefs, and to tolerate or even celebrate genuine cultural diversity. And there are multiculturalists who are distressed by, and deeply suspicious of, the idea that members of different groups might differ from one another in typifying ways and who disparage all claims about group differences as stereotyping; and other multiculturalists for whom the very concept of multiculturalism would have no point at all if it were not for the reality of real differences between individuals that arise by virtue of their membership in different and particular groups. In identifying the Companion as a “multicultural” reference work, we recognize the many meanings of this term within the broad research community committed to the study of childhood and child development and within the even broader community of our readership. The 627 contributors who accepted our invitation to write for this volume were challenged to present their topics dispassionately, with a view to all sides of any debate, though their work was inevitably shaped by their own sense of how (and whether) to represent diversity in these debates. Just as the Companion encompasses many worlds of childhood, it reflects many approaches to writing about these worlds. Organiz at ion an d T y pes of En t r ies As it meets the eye of the reader, the Companion is an encyclopedia in which topics are listed alphabetically to facilitate access, starting with the entry “Abandonment and Infanticide” and ending with “Youth Movements.” In some instances, where the opera-

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tive term under which readers are likely to look up a subject is not the first word in the entry title, we have inverted the title: For example, the entry on children’s rights appears among the Rs as “Rights, Children’s,” while that on the development of communication appears among the Cs as “Communication, Development of.” Although we do not expect most readers to proceed through the volume in strict alphabetical order, we hope that the juxtapositions created by this standard referencestyle organization prove to be thought provoking in their own way. A reader who goes looking for one topic of interest may, through the accident of proximity, stumble upon another that she had not previously considered and perhaps make some new connections among the many aspects of research on child development encompassed by the Companion. Consider, for example, the following alphabetical yet strikingly diverse and interdisciplinary sequence of entries: Folklore, Children’s Food Aversions and Preferences Foreign Language Education Foster and Kinship Care Freedom of Speech Freire, Paolo (Reglus Neves) On occasion, the alphabetical organization may even appear whimsical, as where the entry on “Masturbation” is immediately followed by that on “Mathematics.” Hidden behind the ultimate organization of the entries is a set of 15 conceptual categories that we used as a basis for planning the contents of the volume. Given the aim to create an authoritative reference work on all aspects of children’s development and the many worlds of childhood from a variety of disciplinary perspectives and on a global scale, the planning stage was both critical and extensive. We sought to ensure coverage with minimal gaps and overlaps and to distribute the valuable space in the volume in appropriate proportions among the 529 topical articles, which range in length from 500 to 4,500 words. The majority of entries consist of a single article on a topic from one of the subject areas encompassed by the volume: medicine, biology, law, education, psychology, literature, religion, anthropology, history, linguistics, and cultural studies. Some of these entries are straightforward and self-explanatory as titled: for example, “Class Size,” “Custody,” “Ear Infections,” “Naming Patterns,” “Protestantism,” and “Social Development.” Others embody broader or more diffuse concepts that are not as readily captured by encyclopedia-style titles, such as “Adolescent Decision Making, Legal Perspectives on,” “Health, Disparities in,” “Sacramental Family Life,” and “Universe of the Child.” In certain subject areas, particularly medicine and the social sciences, we chose to combine what might have been several smaller but closely related topics into a single, higher-level entry. Thus we have an entry entitled “Respiratory Diseases” rather than separate entries on the common cold, sinusitis, bronchitis, pneumonia, and so forth; we have “Asian Societies and Cultures, Childhood and Adolescence in”

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in lieu of individual entries on childhood in China, Japan, India, and neighboring lands. For some complex topics, however, we have created composite entries, consisting of two or more articles representing the perspectives of different disciplines or research traditions on distinct aspects of the subject. Under the entry title “Adoption,” for instance, we have three subsidiary articles written by separate contributors: “Historical and Cultural Perspectives,” by a historian; “Effects on the Child,” by a developmental psychologist; and “Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives,” by a legal scholar. The entry “Development, Theories of ” consists of no fewer than six articles, the first offering an overview of such theories and the remaining five focusing, respectively, on behavioral, cognitive, dynamic systems, psychoanalytic, and social contextual theories. Yet another division of content occurs in the composite entry “Vision,” which includes one article on the normal development of vision and another on vision abnormalities, each written by a different medical specialist. A final category of entries consists of brief biographies for 62 figures who we believe have made iconic contributions to the study of the many worlds of childhood. Some of these individuals will be readily recognizable to most readers of this volume (Sigmund Freud, Maria Montessori, Benjamin Spock); others may be hazily familiar (Ruth Benedict, John Dewey, Lawrence Kohlberg) or largely unknown ( Joseph Goldstein, Anne Carroll Moore, John U. Ogbu) to nonspecialists or professionals outside specific disciplines. Our judgments of iconic stature are inevitably swayed by our placement within the intellectual traditions of Europe and North America, though many of the figures we have included were precursors to the multicultural spirit of the volume. We did choose to exclude any figures alive at the time we drew up the list of entries in the spring of 2005; for example, Urie Bronfenbrenner, who died in September of that year, does not have a biographical entry, although his work is covered in relevant topical entries. The biographical entries are alphabetized under the subject’s last name, and any parts of the name generally omitted in professional contexts are given in parentheses; for example, the entry for the psychologist generally known as B. F. Skinner appears under “Skinner, B(urrhus) F(rederic).” The one group of articles that falls outside the alphabetical ordering system is the array of Imagining Each Other essays, a unique feature to a reference book such as this one. Unlike the topical and biographical articles, which aim to synthesize and summarize, these essays stop and dwell on a particular dimension of childhood in specific place and time. In most cases, they reflect a direct research encounter or other personal experience of the contributor, but they take many forms. In “Learning to Weave in a Maya Community,” for example, Patricia Marks Greenfield writes in the third person about child apprenticeship practices she observed in Mexico; in “Trial by Fire: Emotional Socialization among Canadian Inuit,” Jean L. Briggs writes in the first person about encounters she witnessed between Inuit children and their elders. James J. McKenna takes an even more personal approach in “On Infants Sleeping Alone,” his account of discovering through his own experiences as a parent why the practice of letting babies cry themselves to sleep, though common in many North American and European cir-

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cles, is considered exotic and even barbaric in much of the rest of the world. By placing each of these essays as a sidebar to a related topical article—“Apprenticeship,” “Emotional Development,” and “Sleep: Sleeping Arrangements,” respectively—we hope to illuminate how broader issues are embodied in one of the many worlds of childhood. A complete table of contents for the Imagining Each Other essays, which are scattered throughout the book, appears on p. vi. Most of the topical articles—and many of the Imagining Each Other essays— conclude with a list of suggestions for further reading. In general, this list is intended to direct nonspecialist readers whose interest has been piqued by an entry to books, articles, and other outside resources that cover the subject in greater depth. Ideally, the items listed under this heading will be accessible to nonspecialists in terms of both level of content and general availability, but some topics lend themselves to such treatments more readily than others. In the interest of brevity, the citations contain just enough information for readers to locate the sources through search engines or other bibliographic means, and works discussed and briefly cited within the text of an article are generally not repeated in the Further Reading list. Readers interested in locating the full text of legal cases, statutes, and related documents discussed within the articles will find full citations for them in the appendix. Next to the Further Reading list in nearly every topical and biographical entry is a string of cross-references to other entries in the volume closely related to the subject at hand. Given the many and complex relationships between the entries, the See also list represents just a starting point for readers interested in exploring these links. We gently suggest that the best way to appreciate the full contents of the Companion is to meander. For those seeking specific content and unable to find it within the structure of the volume as detailed here, we have provided two additional navigational devices. First, intermingled with the alphabetized entries, there are approximately 200 blind entries, which anticipate alternate terms under which readers might expect to find a topic and redirect them to the term under which we have in fact listed it. For example, blind entries redirect readers from “Stepparents” to “Remarriage and the Blended Family,” from “Nutrition” to “Eating and Nutrition,” and from “AIDS” to “Human Immunodeficiency Viral Syndrome.” Once again, though, the blind entries represent a subjective set of guesses within a wide range of possible searches. In certain areas—particularly for medical entries such as “Respiratory Diseases,” which, as noted previously, encompasses a large collection of conditions—we have necessarily avoided blind entries except in rare cases to conserve space. The ultimate resource for readers seeking specific content is the extensive index, which includes entries ranging from the detailed (specific medical conditions, legal cases, and individuals) to the broadly thematic (race and ethnicity)—all arranged, of course, alphabetically. A Few Wo r ds o n T er m inology In keeping with the broader aims of the Companion, we have tried our best to avoid invidious comparisons, bias in word choice, and judgmental rhetorical forms throughout

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the volume. This is always a challenge for any writer, and all the more so in a reference work that consists of hundreds of articles by contributors from a dozen or so disciplines and that strives to be balanced and objective in addressing questions of diversity across groups, cultures, and social status. Some of our goals have been easier than others to identify and meet. We have sought, for example, to use gender-neutral language, while allowing a range of solutions to the problem of gender-specific pronouns. When discussing children with special needs, we have sought to use language that emphasizes the person before the need—that is, children with disabilities instead of disabled children, or children with asthma instead of asthmatics. We have also honored the evolving terminology in this area, changing all references to the condition previously known as mental retardation to intellectual disability, with occasional notes in the text to alert readers unfamiliar with this relatively new term to its meaning. One goal that proved much more elusive concerned collective references to large portions of the world or related cultural traditions. Despite our initial intention to avoid such overgeneralized terms as first world/third world and Western societies, we soon realized that contributors from various disciplinary traditions—for example, medical epidemiology and cultural anthropology—brought unavoidably different standard vocabularies to their writing about the cultures of the world. Ultimately, we have not enforced a uniform code of terminology in this realm but rather have permitted contributors to follow the common usage in their disciplines, including the dichotomies developed world/developing world and industrialized world/nonindustrialized world. A similar issue arose in reference to certain population groups within the United States. Although we chose to use the terms African American, Latino, and Native American in entry titles and preferred these terms throughout the volume, some contributors have used black, Hispanic, or Indian for context-specific reasons in their writing. The terms white, European American, and non-Hispanic Caucasian likewise all appear in reference to a similar if not precisely identical population group. In the end, the multicultural spirit of the Companion shaped the volume down to the level of terminology. A Not e of Appreci at ion As editor in chief of The Child: An Encyclopedic Companion, I have been privileged to collaborate for a number of years with five brilliant and conscientious section editors (Tom Bidell, Anne Dailey, Suzanne Dixon, Peggy Miller, and John Modell), the reference publishing staff of the University of Chicago Press, and several freelance editors. I wish to express my profound sense of thanks to everyone who made the Companion both really real and fabulously fabricated. The very idea of an authoritative interdisciplinary reference work focused on the diverse worlds of childhood first sprung in nascent form from the brow of Linda J. Halvorson, former editorial director of reference books at the University of Chicago Press; her brainchild was initially developed by the eminent cultural anthropologist and expert on culture and child development Robert A. LeVine. By the time Linda

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invited me to lead the project, its broad outlines were clearly discernable. I was honored to be asked to become editor in chief and challenged by the exciting conception of the volume. My editorial work on the project began while I was a Carnegie Scholar of the Carnegie Foundation of New York and was finished while I was a Rosanna and Charles Jaffin Founders Circle Member of the School of Social Science, Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton, New Jersey. Many thanks to the Foundation, the Institute, and the Jaffins for their support of my work. Without doubt, however, the sustaining force and intellectual, organizational, and motivational hub of the project for most of its life has been Mary E. Laur, senior project editor for reference books at the Press. Mary was “mission control” through all the stages of project evolution. She not only prepared both the Contributors’ Guide and the index but also left her brilliant mark on the project, both literally and figuratively, by collaborating with all the section editors in the evaluation and editing of every entry and by communicating with all 627 contributors from initial invitation through final approval. She has been assisted in key aspects of this process by Christopher L. Rhodes and Kira Bennett. Jim Miller, a freelance editor, also played a major role in the development of scope descriptions for all entries. Paul Schellinger, the current editorial director of reference books at the Press, not only embraced the project but also offered wise advice about the ultimate shape of the publication. In the final stages of the project, Carol J. Burwash copyedited the complete manuscript, Matt Avery designed the text and the jacket, and David O’Connor oversaw the manufacturing of the volume. Ellen Gibson and Laura Andersen guided it into the hands of inquisitive adults, nonspecialists and specialists alike. Finally, I wish to dedicate the Companion to my teachers Beatrice Blyth Whiting and John Wesley Mayhew Whiting, who were among the most significant genitors of the comparative interdisciplinary study of childhood, and to my children Jeremy, Sylvia, Lauren, and Matthew, who continue to develop, long past childhood. Richard A. Shweder William Claude Reavis Distinguished Service Professor Department of Comparative Human Development University of Chicago September 2008

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a abandonment and infanticide. Throughout history, parents have been known to abandon their children, whether by means of infanticide (deliberately causing the death of an infant child), exposure (leaving a child where she may or may not be found by others), or donation to apprenticeship or to convents and monasteries. Both Western and non-Western societies have accepted such practices as solutions to poverty, illegitimacy, or family crises. Contemporary historians and social scientists studying abandonment include in their definitions not only children who are parentless but also those who are homeless and stateless. The image of the abandoned or orphaned child powerfully influences public sentiment, public policy debates, and the work of charities. Rarely, however, does public discourse about abandonment engage in comparative or contextualized analyses, differentiate cultural meanings, or document the lives of the children themselves. Philippe Ariès’s groundbreaking treatment of childhood as “socially constructed” in his 1962 book Centuries of Childhood as well as subsequent historical studies of many nonWestern societies have persuaded contemporary social scientists and many policy makers that ideas about childhood have no universal definition. Ariès suggested that there are many historically and culturally specific childhoods. For example, in some places and times, a child of ten is expected to begin an apprenticeship and to work outside the home, whereas other cultures presume a child of that age should be in school. It follows, then, that the idea of child abandonment should be understood in context and over time. How societies assess the obligations of parenthood and the needs of the child determines the relationship of the child to the state and public policies toward both children and their parents. Ear ly Wester n Pr actic es In ancient Greece and Rome, and later in medieval Western Europe, abandonment was a method commonly used by families with too many children to transfer those children to others who needed them, whether as family members or as slaves. This “redistribution of resources” thesis has been criticized by scholars who envisioned less than wholesome outcomes for abandoned children. Instead, despite statistics showing that 20% to 40% of all urban children in ancient Rome were abandoned (usually sold or left exposed to

the elements), most of those children appear to have been taken in and nurtured, resulting in a low mortality rate. In Greek antiquity, some have suggested that the burden of a dowry might have led parents to infanticide of female children. But while historians have documented a high infant mortality rate in this society, there is little evidence of abandonment or infanticide based on gender; reasons, rather, more often revolved around illegitimacy, deformity, and poverty. Studies of Western Europe from the Middle Ages to the 19th century reveal a substantial history of infanticide and of abandonment to foundling homes, charitable institutions that arose to take in these children. Infanticide, infant abandonment, and exposure also occurred in colonial America. English Poor Laws, transported to the American colonies, made local parishes responsible for the care of abandoned children within their precincts, thereby burdening the entire community. Those supporting the creation of foundling homes on both sides of the Atlantic argued that they would be a relatively inexpensive option and would reduce the need for infanticide. Those opposing them believed that their existence would encourage sexual license and illegitimacy. All agreed (erroneously) that the only person who would kill or abandon a child was an unwed woman hiding her shame. Recent studies show that poverty played an equally compelling part in abandonment and that, for example, 20% to 30% of abandoned children in 18th-century Paris were legitimate. Similarly, in early 19th-century America, reports of abandonment increased in periods of economic depression. For most of the 19th century, a Western, middle-class, domestic view of childhood was widely articulated in the United States and throughout Europe, as children were drawn out of work, off the streets, and into school. This public-policy shift marked a change in attitude toward the “best interests of the child,” subsequently expanding the responsibilities of parents to nurture not only the physical but also the psychological needs of the child. Abandonmen t i n Some H istor ical S o c i eti es One society in which child abandonment has been carefully examined is 19th-century France. In her book Abandoned Children (1983), historian Rachel Fuchs found that thou-

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sands of infants were abandoned every year; in 1833, for example, 4,803 children in Paris and 164,319 nationally. The process of abandonment was simple: A mother could take her child to the foundling home, open a door in the wall outside, deposit the baby in a “turning cradle,” and ring a bell, all unseen. Similarly designed throughout Europe, the cradle allowed an infant to be placed from the outside wall, then swiveled inside. The mortality rate for babies left in these homes was a staggering 65% until the 1870s, when a more protective attitude about the needs and the value of the child resulted in improved policies regarding the care of abandoned children. In France, most women who abandoned their babies were single, and boys and girls were abandoned in roughly equal numbers. In Fuchs’s assessment, the act of abandonment was one not of indifference or shame, but rather a survival strategy—for the mother and her child—during an economic or personal crisis. Around 1830, abandonment peaked at about 5% of all births in France. During the 1850s, turning cradles were removed to discourage abandonment, and fostering increased. After 1871, the government encouraged mothers, wed and unwed, to keep their babies. As the image of the mother softened from sinner to victim, the state began to offer more maternal aid. At the same time, definitions of child abuse expanded, and by 1889 the state began to take over the care of children judged to be “morally” abandoned. In mid-19th-century Italy, meanwhile, most children left in the revolving doors of foundling homes were legitimate, had been baptized, and had some identification provided by their parents. According to historical anthropologist David Kertzer in his book Sacrificed for Honor (1993), these characteristics signaled that abandoning children was not a sign of indifference but (as with the French single mothers) similarly a survival strategy during economic stress or personal crisis. But unlike the French mothers, who tended to give up their children forever, the Milanese parents typically reclaimed their children within a few years. Foundling homes had emerged in Italy in the 13th century and lasted until the 1860s. The institution spread to the rest of Catholic Europe after the Reformation. By the first half of the 19th century, there were 1,200 foundling homes in Italy, and as many as 40% of newborns were consigned to turning cradles. Of these, about two-thirds perished of disease and malnutrition. The Catholic Church’s ban on sexual relations outside of marriage forced mothers to abandon or sacrifice those children in the name of personal and family honor, a factor that Kertzer considers more central to child abandonment than economic necessity, demographics (marital status, age, and location), or maternal sentiment (whether mothers were seeking permanent protection for their children or would come to claim them later). Protestants, he believes, did not take up the practice because of their commitment to individual responsibility and its consequences.

During the second half of the 19th century, the foundling home in Moscow (opened in 1764) was receiving 17,000 children a year and managing the fostering of 40,000 children in the countryside around the city. At St. Petersburg, the figures were 9,000 and 30,000, respectively. The size of the operation, according to historian David Ransel, was astounding. A policy of open admissions protected the identity of mothers who abandoned their babies. While many were fostered to families in the countryside, records from the 1840s and 1850s show that the overwhelming majority died in infancy while still in the foundling home. Like Kertzer, Ransel claims in his book Mothers of Misery (1988) that the European Protestant model enforced a bond between mother and child under the supervision of the state, limiting foundling homes in favor of individual responsibility, whereas the Catholic system favored the anonymity of the turning cradles, which averted scandal and preserved the family. Nevertheless, the practice of fostering abandoned infants to the Russian countryside led to inadequate care, leaving the level of infant mortality uniquely higher than in the rest of Europe. By the 1890s, with abortion and contraception more commonly practiced, illegitimacy and abandonment fell. Moreover, after the Bolshevik revolution, no child was considered illegitimate, but rather all children were legitimate and entitled to equal treatment. From the Renaissance to the mid-19th century, then, abandonment increased and gradually replaced infanticide as the fate of unwanted children in Europe. This period also marked a rise in the abandonment of legitimate children, a rise in foundling homes, and a high mortality rate for foundlings. Meanwhile, in Asian countries with strong Confucian traditions—where boys are often more valued than girls in family systems that are patrilineal, and sons inherit the family name, wealth, and ancestral responsibilities—preference for a male child has prevailed over time and has affected patterns of child abandonment. In China, abandonment may not have been historically more widespread than elsewhere, but all evidence indicates that infanticide and abandonment disproportionately affected females. Son preference has been noted from the early Qing dynasty (1640–1911). In the province of Hunan, for example, foundling homes are known to have appeared in the early 17th century, and they spread to a network of more than 60 by the 19th century. China’s increased enforcement of the one-boy or two-child policy in the 1980s gave rise to more orphanages receiving more female infants in the 1980s and 1990s. In Japan, throughout the Edo period (1603–1867), infanticide, abortion, and child abandonment were opposed by the government but were widely tolerated and did not arouse sustained comment by religious institutions. Meijiera laws (1868–1912) opposed abortion and infanticide and attempted to control such practices through the regula-

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tion of midwives. In Japan, however, girls could inherit the household, removing some of the motivations for female abandonment or infanticide that exist in China. Here economic pressure led to abandonment more frequently than gender preference. Th e Amer ican Case Many thousands of children were brought to the American colonies as indentured servants, and the death rate in the Chesapeake Bay area was high for children as well as adults. Consequently, the indenture system tried to maintain household governance and the family system by placing dependent children in homes, while training them for future employment. The status of the solo child was virtually identical, whether the child was poor, abandoned, illegitimate, or orphaned, and, regardless of cause, children alone were regularly indentured or apprenticed. Indenture afforded a reasonable solution while reducing public responsibility for colonial dependents, whether orphaned or abandoned. As already noted, ideas regarding children were inherited from the English Poor Laws under the principle of parens patriae, whereby the state is the ultimate parent of all children. In the colonial era, this resulted in two forms of living situations for dependent children: indoor relief (serving as assistants to parents in the home) and outdoor relief (living in alternate homes, such as orphanages and poor houses). The first private orphan asylum in North America opened in 1738 in Georgia, and the first public orphanage did not open until a half century later (1790) in South Carolina, with 115 orphans. Others followed in New York City, Philadelphia, and Baltimore. Moreover, the practices of abandonment and infanticide changed after the American Revolution. As women were increasingly seen as the nurturers and primary educators of a new democratized citizenry, women’s political significance rose, and the ideal for American womanhood came to include education and patriotism. Simultaneously, a complexity of changes in the practices of religion, law, and punishment softened the consequences to mothers whose infants were born out of wedlock. As women were less compelled to hide such pregnancies, the result was a reduction in infanticide and an increase in the number of children left to foundling homes. By the end of the Civil War in 1865, the deaths of more than 600,000 men had increased the number of dependent children, tripling in New York City alone the number of children in almshouses and asylums. The New England Home for Little Wanderers, established in 1865 for children of Civil War veterans, began a trend of sending such children westward for the purposes of adoption. By the end of the 1800s, as the number of deserted babies became a monumental and growing problem, both general hospitals and the Foundling Hospital in New York were under such strain that they sent trainloads of children to families in the West. But the realities of this practice—sending agents

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who bungled the adoptions and lost contact with the children, unfortunate experiences with families in the West who were receiving the children—fueled a growing resistance to the “orphan trains” by parents and children’s aid workers in the East. As opposition mounted, poor parents did not want their abandoned children so far away; some tried to reclaim them. Communities and families in western states complained of being a dumping ground for the little criminals in their midst. Despite the criticisms, New York Children’s Aid Society and other agencies continued sending children west until the 1930s. The era’s notorious “baby farms,” ostensibly places that boarded infants for the state or for individual parents for profit alone, developed a reputation among Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children reformers as slaughterhouses for abandoned babies. There was nothing new, certainly, about infanticide, directly or indirectly accomplished, as a method for getting rid of unwanted babies. Abortion was expensive in the late 1800s and increasingly illegal. For individuals with illegitimate babies, or for whom additional children presented crushing economic liabilities, the choices were typically stark and agonizing. Without insurance or relief programs, a number of parents chose to abandon their infants. Each year in large cities, authorities found hundreds of tiny bodies in culverts, cesspools, trash bins, and rivers. In some instances, mothers left babies in public places so people could find them. Foundling asylums tried to save deserted infants, but typically the mortality rates were frightening, sometimes ranging more than 90%. Baby farmers claimed to do better, but some of them simply killed and disposed of unwanted babies, either because customers did not pay the boarding fees or as a preferred business practice. By the late 1800s, sensational accounts about infanticide for profit and underground traffic in children and child abuse attracted widespread attention. While baby farms were both an out and a job for poor or working-class women, they were an affront to middle-class sentimentalized images of motherhood. C o nc lu s io n In the early 21st century, concerns over child abandonment include the urban homeless and children made stateless by war and other political dislocations. They may be the children of long-term exiles, the displaced, and refugees. At the same time, more attention is being paid to the appropriateness of assuming the Western model of the nuclear family to be normative. Globally, normative childhoods vary along lines of class, caste, location, and tradition. In many countries, for example, responsibility for the upbringing of the child resides as much with extended family or unrelated adults as with the biological parents. In some developing nations, fostering out children may have the intention of apprenticeship rather than abandonment. Over the past century in the West, ideas about children

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as objects of welfare evolved into a conceptualization of children as the subjects of human rights, culminating in 1989 with the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, which made humanitarian concerns for the child a matter of international responsibility. UNICEF estimated in 2003 that 6 million children were homeless as a consequence of war, with millions more orphaned by the AIDS pandemic. Where abandonment and infanticide were historically defined as consequences of parental distress and individual actions, today the causes are equally global, political, and epidemic. Roberta Wollons see also: Abuse and Neglect; Baby and Child Selling; Child: Historical and Cultural Perspectives; Foster and Kinship Care; Orphanages further reading: Nancy Schrom Dye and Daniel B. Smith, “Mother Love and Infant Death, 1750–1920,” Journal of American History 73, no. 2 (September 1986), pp. 329–53. • John Boswell, The Kindness of Strangers: The Abandonment of Children in Western Europe from Late Antiquity to the Renaissance, 1988. • Viviana Zelizer, Pricing the Priceless Child: The Changing Social Value of Children, 1994. • Colin Heywood, A History of Childhood: Children and Childhood in the West from Medieval to Modern Times, 2002. • Stephen O’Connor, Orphan Trains: The Story of Charles Loring Brace and the Children He Saved and Failed, 2004.

ability grouping. Tracking, or the sorting of students by perceived ability, is a widespread practice in American schools. Tracking has changed from the early 20th century, when students were sorted into overarching sets of classes that were all college-preparatory or all vocational. Contemporary tracking takes the form of different levels of classes by subject area. While tracking is intended to allow for the tailoring of instruction to particular ability levels, it is not without serious concerns. Research consistently demonstrates that tracking offers inadequate instructional opportunities to students in the lower tracks, thereby hurting their academic attainment. Students in lower-tracked classes have less experienced teachers, encounter lower expectations, and do not engage with curricula emphasizing critical thinking skills. Researchers also argue that tracking plays a central role in perpetuating race- and class-based inequality in American society, as students of color from low socioeconomic backgrounds are disproportionately assigned to the lower academic tracks, irrespective of academic achievement. They have documented ways in which privileged parents use their power to place their children in higher tracks even when they did not qualify, undermining the pedagogical rationale of tracking. Moreover, critics of tracking question traditional notions of ability and intelligence that underlie tracking assignments. Some have raised questions about how educators can assign students to tracks when ability is not fixed

or easily assessed. When should the assignment practice start, and should “late bloomers” be relegated to inadequate educational opportunities in the low track? In addition, research indicates that it is extremely rare for students to move up in tracks once they are assigned to the lower tracks. These and other concerns led many politicians and state education agencies to publicly condemn tracking in the late 1980s and 1990s. Advocates of mixed-ability grouping (sometimes called “detracking”) attempt to address the problems associated with tracking. Proponents of mixed-ability classrooms and schools advocate grouping students heterogeneously so that all students have access to a high-level, college-bound curriculum with more equitable resources. Detracking has met with strong resistance, often from concerned parents of students who were previously in the higher tracks, who fear that mixed-ability groups will hurt their child’s education. At the heart of the skepticism are the following questions: What is the effect of mixed grouping on student achievement? Are either low- or high-achieving students hurt when they learn in mixed settings? A considerable body of research addresses these questions. Research consistently demonstrates that low- and middleachieving students gain more in mixed-ability environments than in homogeneous, tracked classrooms. For example, Maureen T. Hallinan and Warren N. Kubitschek found that students who were assigned to higher ability groups gained more on standardized tests, on average, in comparison to students of comparable ability assigned to lower-ability groups. Researchers explain such results as effects of more enriching classroom environments, higher expectations, more resources, and more challenging curricula. What about high-achieving students? The research results here are less conclusive. Some researchers, such as Robert Slavin, report no significant difference in achievement between high achievers learning in homogeneous or heterogeneous classes. Slavin bases his conclusion on a meta-analysis (a statistical analysis of statistical effects found in other studies) that compared the achievement gains made by students in each ability group (low, average, and high) in both ability-grouped and mixed-ability settings. On the other hand, some researchers, such as James A. Kulik, report that the highest-achieving students enrolled in accelerated programs with a great deal of curricular enrichment lose out when they learn in mixed-ability settings. Kulik concluded that these students outperformed students of similar age and IQ enrolled in nonaccelerated programs by four to five months on a grade-equivalent scale of a standardized achievement test. However, in the most widely cited book on tracking, Keeping Track (2005), Jeannie Oakes has argued that such effects are due to challenging curriculum, not the homogeneous makeup of classes. She asserts that students assigned to the low track would similarly benefit from enriched classes.

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Other research suggests that high-achieving students do not lose out, and in fact also gain, from learning in a heterogeneous classroom. In one six-year longitudinal study of students in the Rockville Centre School District in New York (2006), Carol Burris, Jay Heubert, and Henry Levin compared the math achievement of three sixth-grade cohorts who learned math in a tracked setting with three sixth-grade cohorts who learned in a mixed-ability setting. Students who learned math in mixed-ability settings enrolled in math courses beyond Algebra 2 in high school at higher percentages compared to students who learned math in tracked classes. This result was statistically significant for every subgroup: students from low socioeconomic backgrounds (67% vs. 32%), black and Latino students (67% vs. 46%), initial low achievers (53% vs. 38%), average achievers (91% vs. 81%), and high achievers (99% vs. 89%). The mean standardized test scores of high-achieving students who learned in the mixed-ability setting were statistically indistinguishable from comparable students learning in the tracked environment. In addition, more high-achieving students who learned in the mixed-ability environment took the AP calculus exam and scored higher than their counterparts in the tracked environment. These results led the researchers to conclude not only that high-achieving students are performing better in mathematics in mixedability classrooms, but that more students also have become high achievers in heterogeneous settings. In addition, other researchers reported that previously high-tracked students described the benefit of learning with peers who were demographically different from themselves in the mixed-ability setting. The opportunities to debate different perspectives had been much more limited in their tracked and segregated classes. While the weight of the research literature, considered as a whole, suggests that detracking does not hurt the academic achievement of high-achieving students, several factors contribute to the divergent empirical findings on the effect of heterogeneous grouping on academic achievement. Schools practice detracking differently, making it difficult to assess the effects on student achievement across schools without specific attention to how detracking is defined across contexts. Some schools mix abilities only in certain subject areas or grade levels. Some allow students to choose the levels they want to take, some move low-achieving students with potential into higher-ability tracks with support classes, and other schools eliminate different levels entirely. Meta-analyses can fail to uncover the actual classroom practices that lead to success or failure, while case studies of individual schools are not generalizable to other settings by themselves. However, all researchers well versed in the tracking literature would acknowledge that there are serious problems with the current practice of tracking. While skeptics of tracking insist that educators need to implement fair

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placement practices and improve the quality of instruction across tracks, efforts to improve academics within tracked programs typically fail. A review of research by Jay Heubert and Robert Hauser reported no examples of typical public schools where students received high-quality curriculum and instruction in lower-tracked classes. Detracking, however, does not automatically disrupt institutional patterns of inequality, and successful detracking requires much more than just reducing ability grouping. It involves a belief that all students can learn, the provision of multiple entry points to college-bound curricula, teaching to the full spectrum of students in a class, as well as districtand school-level supports such as backup classes and classsize reduction. Despite its challenges, mixed-ability grouping, when practiced well in a supportive context, appears a worthy reform to strive toward, holding the most promise to help all students, including formerly high-tracked students, achieve. Maika Watanabe see also: Class Size; Giftedness; Grades and Grading; Intelligence Testing; Special Education; Testing and Evaluation, Educational further reading: Anne Wheelock, Crossing the Tracks, 1992. • Amy Stuart Wells and Irene Serna, “The Politics of Culture,” Harvard Educational Review 66 (Spring 1996), pp. 93–118. • Jeannie Oakes, Amy Stuart Wells, Makeba Jones, and Amanda Datnow, “Detracking: The Social Construction of Ability, Cultural Politics, and Resistance to Reform,” Teachers College Record 98, no. 3 (Spring 1997), pp. 482–510. • Beth C. Rubin, ed., “Tracking and Detracking: Debates, Evidence, and Best Practices for a Heterogeneous World,” Theory into Practice 45, no. 1 (February 2006), pp. 4–14. • Jo Boaler and Megan Staples, “Creating Mathematical Futures through an Equitable Teaching Approach: The Case of Railside School,” Teachers College Record 110, no. 3 (March 2008), pp. 8–9.

abortion Psychological Perspectives Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

psychological perspectives. Adolescent abortions

constitute 19% of the abortions in the United States every year. Abortion rates among U.S. teenagers declined from 24 to 15 abortions per 1,000 women between 1994 and 2000—a decline of 39%. Nevertheless, abortion is the most common surgical procedure performed in the United States today and one of the most controversial and contentious. Policy and programmatic decisions are influenced by abortion research, yet even where abortion is legal, research has been limited and often influenced by social, political, and religious opinions. In reference to adolescents, abortion is even more controversial. A common assumption that influences policies is that younger age impedes postabortion psychological adjustment. The most common restriction to abortion access is the requirement in some states for parental involvement or consent for adolescents seeking abortion. The question of whether minors are at increased

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risk for negative psychological outcomes related to abortion thus has legislative implications and implications for whether minors have a greater need for pre- and postabortion supportive services than older women. Although the limited research evidence on the question is complex and mixed, strong claims about psychological harm cannot be sustained. Indeed, when performed by trained clinicians under sterile conditions, abortion carries fewer medical risks than childbirth. Although controversy exists about the role of confounding variables (i.e., nutrition, social support), it appears that pregnancy poses greater medical risks for adolescents younger than 15 years of age than for women who are 18 years or older. Younger age, however, does not increase the medical risks of abortion, except in that minors are more likely to delay abortion, thereby subjecting themselves to risks associated with abortion at later gestational age. Furthermore, claims of increased risks of breast cancer or infertility due to abortion have not been proved. In addition, research on adolescents’ psychological responses to abortion does not suggest increased risk of maladjustment to induced abortion. H istory and Con trov er si es Research on the psychological impact of induced abortion is wrought with methodological problems, including failure to account for preexisting mental health conditions associated with both unintended pregnancy and subsequent negative outcomes; poorly defined measures of mental health; atheoretical research; small sample sizes; limited follow-up periods (as short as a few hours); information bias related to underreporting of abortion; selection bias related to, among other factors, differential access to abortion within and between countries; the choice of inappropriate comparison groups to address the research question; and failure to control for confounding factors. Some of these factors may be particularly relevant among adolescents. For example, with regard to preexisting mental health conditions, rates of major depression among women are highest for those between the ages of 15 and 19, and adolescents use avoidant coping strategies to a greater degree than do young adults and have a lower sense of self-efficacy to resolve stressful situations. In addition, minors experience greater personal confl ict when it comes to abortion than adult women. This parental and/or partner confl ict as it relates to abortion decision making can influence psychological adjustment to the procedure. Stat e o f t h e Ev i d enc e Previous systematic critiques of the evidence on postabortion mental health have suggested that the evidence is confusing and inconclusive and that long-term negative sequelae from abortions are rare. The body of peer-reviewed literature on psychological outcomes related to abortion

is small, and even fewer studies address the relationship between age and psychological responses to abortion. Available studies on adolescent psychological response to abortion show heterogeneous findings. The more rigorous studies that address many of these limitations mentioned found little indication of long-term negative impact following abortion, and some studies suggested that some adolescents may have benefited from the termination. Other evidence suggests that adolescents may have negative reactions to abortion. For example, in comparisons of responses of adult and adolescent women to abortion, adolescents reported greater psychological distress following abortion as compared with the adults. Adolescents reported they felt uninformed and pressured to have an abortion. These findings should be assessed with the knowledge that the study groups for the studies were both drawn from support groups for women experiencing negative reaction to abortion. Thus, women in this group were already experiencing poor postabortion adjustment, making it difficult to generalize to the entire population of adolescents undergoing abortion. Legal restrictions on abortion do not affect its incidence; however, legal restrictions often most impact those least able to consent or advocate on behalf of their own health, including adolescents. Studies outside of the United States on abortion and adolescents have found that even in contexts where abortion is legally restricted, abortion may have both positive and negative impact on outcomes for younger women. One study in Brazil (where abortion is highly legally restricted, yet the abortion rate is nearly twice that of the United States) found that adolescents who aborted had greater increases in self-esteem and educational outcomes than adolescents who carried a pregnancy to term. Another set of studies from New Zealand (where abortion is legal, but restricted) found that compared with young women who did not seek an abortion, young women who terminated had significantly better education outcomes but higher rates of psychological problems. Results from some studies reveal that postabortion adjustment may vary by race. Evidence suggests that there is an independent role of culture in decision making around unintended pregnancy. However, how that manifests itself may differ by race. In a study of 360 urban African American girls, the subsample who terminated a pregnancy were no more likely to experience stress, anxiety, or psychological problems than their counterparts who delivered. In a study of 56 Latino (Puerto Rican, Dominican, and Central and South American) adolescents, those who terminated had lower self-esteem than those who delivered. These findings indicate that universal statements about adolescent psychological adjustment to abortion may mask important racial differences. There is some evidence to suggest that an assessment of partner support, parental confl ict, coping strategies, and a

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self-efficacy appraisal for coping with abortion may play an important predictive role in postabortion adjustment in minors. In spite of the heterogeneity in study quality and findings, there is little evidence to support that adolescents are at a significantly increased risk of postabortion psychological maladjustment, such as depression or anxiety, as compared with older women. Vignetta E. Charles, Chelsea B. Polis, Srinivas K. Sridhara, and Robert Wm. Blum see also: Childbearing, Adolescent; Contraception further reading: N. E. Adler, H. P. David, B. N. Major, S. H. Roth, N. F. Russo, and G. E. Wyatt, “Psychological Responses after Abortion,” Science 248 (1990), pp. 41–44 • L. M. Pope, N. E. Adler, and J. M. Tschann, “Postabortion Psychological Adjustment: Are Minors at Increased Risk?” Journal of Adolescent Health 29 (2001), pp. 2–11. • W. Quinton, B. Major, and C. Richards, “Adolescents and Adjustment to Abortion: Are Minors at Greater Risk?” Psychology, Public Policy, and Law 7 (2001), pp. 491–514. • Alan Guttmacher Institute, “U.S. Abortion Rate Continues to Decline, Especially among Teens,” 2002. • D. M. Fergusson, J. M. Boden, and J. L. Horwood, “Abortion among Young Women and Subsequent Life Outcomes,” Perspectives on Sexual and Reproductive Health 39, no. 1 (2007), pp. 6–12.

legal and public-policy perspectives. In the 1973 landmark case of Roe v. Wade, the U.S. Supreme Court held that decisional authority over the outcome of a pregnancy resides with the pregnant woman. Relying on a line of cases recognizing a fundamental right of privacy under the due process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, the Court characterized the decision to terminate a pregnancy as one that is of fundamental importance to women and therefore protected by the Constitution. The Court, however, also made clear that the abortion right is not absolute because states have an interest in protecting the health of the pregnant woman and the potentiality of life. Seeking to balance a woman’s right of choice with these interests, the Court developed its now famous trimester formula. As set out by the Court, during the first trimester neither state interest is considered of sufficient weight to justify limitations on a woman’s right of choice; during the second trimester, the state’s interest in the woman’s health becomes compelling and justifies bona fide health-related regulations; and at the third trimester—the point of fetal viability—the state’s interest in the potentiality of life becomes compelling and justifies prohibiting abortion, unless necessary to save the life or health of the pregnant woman. In securing the right of choice, the Roe Court spoke in terms of all women; it did not draw distinctions based on age or capacity. However, shortly after the decision, a number of states sought to limit the rights of women younger than the age of 18 by enacting laws requiring them to either obtain the consent of or give notice to their parents before

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having an abortion. The Court was soon faced with challenges to these laws, which raised the question of whether teens were included within Roe’s promise of reproductive decisional autonomy. In addressing this issue, the Court sought to reconcile a traditional understanding of minors as dependent persons in need of protection with a more contemporary understanding of them as autonomous individuals with adultlike claims to constitutional recognition. Building upon these twin themes of dependence and autonomy, the Court opted for a compromise position that both recognizes and limits the reproductive rights of young women. In the 1976 case of Planned Parenthood v. Danforth, the Court struck down Missouri’s parental-consent law on the ground that minors, like adult women, have a constitutionally protected right of choice. In the Court’s view, Missouri’s parental-consent requirement was an impermissible intrusion into a minor’s right of privacy because it provided parents with an absolute and potentially arbitrary veto power over their daughter’s decision. The Court emphasized that empowering parents to overrule their daughter’s decision would not improve the quality of their relationship or the functioning of the family unit. Although it invalidated Missouri’s parental-consent requirement, the Court made clear it was not suggesting that all minors can give effective consent to an abortion, thus signaling that it might accept a less-intrusive law that did not vest ultimate decisional authority in parents. Three years later, in the landmark case of Bellotti v. Baird, involving a challenge to the Massachusetts parental-consent law, the Court confirmed that this was the case. Like the invalidated Missouri law, the Massachusetts law required young women to seek parental consent before having an abortion; however, if a minor’s parents refused to authorize the abortion, she could then seek judicial authorization for the procedure. Thus, at first glance, this law appears to have avoided the constitutionally fatal parental veto. In evaluating the constitutionality of the Massachusetts law, the Court began from a rights perspective, reiterating that minority status does not place a young woman outside the reach of the Constitution. The Court recognized that the abortion decision is different from other decisions a young woman might be called upon to make during her teen years due to the combined weight of its fleeting and life-altering nature. Contrasting it to marriage, the Court emphasized that the abortion decision cannot wait until a young woman reaches her 18th birthday. However, the justices also expressed concern that a young woman might not be capable of making the abortion decision on her own and might fail to appreciate that an abortion was not necessarily the “best choice” for her. The Court accordingly concluded that because of the “peculiar vulnerability of children; their inability to make critical decisions in an informed, mature manner; and the importance of the parental role in child-

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rearing,” the abortion rights of a minor cannot be equated with those of an adult woman. Seeking to balance the countervailing pulls toward autonomy and dependence, the Court constructed the “judicial bypass” compromise. Recognizing the “guiding role” of parents and their “claim to authority” over their children, the Court held that states may enact parental involvement; however, acknowledging that many parents are opposed to abortion and, if consulted, might prevent their daughter from going to court or having an abortion, the Court held that any such law must contain an alternative consent procedure, such as a court hearing, that allows a young woman to seek authorization for an abortion without parental knowledge or involvement. When measured against this standard, the Court easily concluded that by requiring a young woman to seek parental consent before having the right to go to court, the Massachusetts consent law impermissibly vested parents with indirect veto power over the abortion decision. At first glance, the bypass compromise appears to strike a balanced compromise between the reproductive rights of teens and the states’ interest in protecting a historically vulnerable population. Reflecting the transitional nature of the teenage years, young women are regarded both as autonomous, rights-bearing individuals with unmediated claims to legal self-hood and as dependent members of a parent-centered family unit. However, critics have argued that the Court’s view of female adolescence ignores a body of social science literature on the decision-making capacity of teens. These critics note that the Bellotti Court presumed incapacity without considering any of the research that indicates that by around age 14, most teens have the cognitive capacity to reason about abortion in a complex and mature manner. Critics further note that the Court has not wavered from its fixed and narrow view of adolescent decisional capacity in subsequent cases involving challenges to parental-involvement laws despite the growing body of research on their decision-making abilities. Additionally, the Court has been criticized for failing to take into account the fact that minors possess significant medical self-consent rights, particularly when it comes to pregnancy and other sensitive medical decisions. In Danforth and Bellotti, for example, the Court overlooked the fact that in Missouri and Massachusetts, respectively, young women who chose to carry to term, rather than abort, were vested with full decisional capacity. Advocates of minors’ rights criticize the Court for failing to consider how it was that a state could entrust a young woman to make the decision to become a mother while denying her the right to make an autonomous choice to avoid maternity. The Court’s selective construction of adolescent reality suggests an underlying ambivalence about abortion. In fact, the Court gives expression to this ambivalence when, in discussing the desirability of parental consultation, it

explains that a state may reasonably determine that “as a general proposition, . . . such consultation is particularly desirable with respect to the abortion decision—one that for some people raises profound moral and religious concerns” (p. 640, emphasis added). The Court’s observation here suggests that abortion has acquired a deep symbolic meaning; in the final analysis, this weighted symbolism may, in the Court’s view, be what justifies treating the abortion decision differently from the decision to carry to term. J. Shoshanna Ehrlich see also: Adolescent Decision Making, Legal Perspectives on; Conduct, Legal Regulation of Children’s; Medical Care and Procedures, Consent to; Procreate, Right to; Rights, Children’s further reading: Donald N. Bersoff and David J. Glass, “The Not-So Weisman: The Supreme Court’s Continuing Misuse of Social Science Research,” University of Chicago Law School Roundtable 2, no. 1 (1995), pp. 279–302. • J. Shoshanna Ehrlich, “Grounded in the Reality of Their Lives: Listening to Teens Who Made the Abortion Decision without Parental Involvement,” Berkeley Women’s Law Journal 18 (2003), p. 61.

abuse and neglect Historical and Cultural Perspectives Effects on the Child Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

historical and cultural perspectives. The concept of child abuse and neglect and the public response to it reflect historical and cultural influences. In the United States, the definition has evolved to provide a justification for local authorities to intervene into families to protect children. While the federal government sets mandatory requirements that each state establish a system to protect children from abuse and neglect, the definition of abuse and neglect is left to the states and over time has expanded to include emotional abuse, medical neglect, educational neglect, and sexual abuse as states have recognized these harms. Internationally, the United Nations (UN) has sought to set minimum guidelines through the Convention on the Rights of the Child and its reporting requirements that attempt to balance both the privacy of the family and cultural diversity with the health and safety of children. The prevalence of historic or current abuse and neglect is hard to measure. A generation ago, the U.S. Congress had no accurate estimate of the numbers but worried about “thousands of children” being abused. Since a comprehensive reporting system was mandated in all states, approximately 3 million reports of abuse and neglect have been received annually. No similar comprehensive identification or reporting system exists on the international level.

C o lo n i al A m er ica There was no generally recognized definition of abuse and neglect in colonial America. Fathers were charged with the

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proper upbringing of their children and were thus responsible for educating and training them to be productive citizens of the community. Corporal punishment was widely accepted and even expected; children could be considered “neglected” if they were not being raised as upstanding citizens. As early as the 1640s, colonial laws gave community members authority to supervise child rearing. In 1642, Massachusetts Bay enacted a law, to be enforced through the courts, that children could be removed from their parents’ home involuntarily, based upon the manner in which parents were raising them. This law did not distinguish biological children from apprentices, another category of dependent persons who lived under the rule of male household heads. Th e 1 9th C en tury In the middle of the 19th century, the first reported cases of criminal prosecutions against parents for beating their children changed the notion of child abuse and neglect from negligent upbringing to harm by parents. These prosecutions introduced an era when the legal system began to intervene into family life to protect children from physical assaults at the hands of their parents. The early cases that prosecuted parents for physical assaults illustrate the historical hesitancy of the court to infringe on parental authority on the basis of allegations of physical beatings by fathers. Courts debated whether it was the state of mind of the parent when perpetrating the beating, the instrument used in the beating, the excessiveness of the beating, or the injury caused by the beating that should constitute evidence of abuse sufficient to sustain a prosecution. In Johnson v. State, the court reasoned: “The right of parents to chastise their refractory and disobedient children, is so necessary to the government of families, to the good order of society, that no moralist or law-giver has ever thought of interfering with its existence. . . . But at the same time, . . . in chastising a child, the parent must be careful that he does not exceed the bounds of moderation, and infl ict cruel and merciless punishment.” Courts searched for objective measures of actionable abuse to avoid overintrusion into “family government.” One 1886 North Carolina case stated, “the test . . . of criminal responsibility is the infl iction of permanent injury by means of the administered punishment, or that it proceeded from malice, and was not in the exercise of a corrective authority” (emphasis added). These criminal prosecutions are contemporaneous with the 1874 case of “Mary Ellen.” The case was championed in the front pages of The New York Times. It was brought by leaders of the New York Society for the Protection of Cruelty to Animals, heralding an era of private philanthropic agencies acting on behalf of abused children. By 1880, 33 such societies existed in the United States, most of them in the business of rescuing both animals and children. No statewide definitions of abuse were enforced at this time in

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history, but the understanding that children could be physically mistreated by their parents and that a legal response to such mistreatment was possible was emerging in criminal and civil law. Th e 2 0th C en tury A seminal event in the history of the definition of child abuse and neglect was the 1962 publication of an article titled “The Battered Child Syndrome” by Dr. C. Henry Kempe. With new knowledge about injuries that could be caused only by abusive behavior, states moved to codify their response. Between 1963 and 1967, every state passed a statute requiring some form of reporting of child abuse. Each state established its own definition of the term abuse or abuse and neglect to trigger the reporting system. State definitions varied in terms of the definition of abuse, neglect, perpetrator, and mandated reporter. The narrowest definition covered only serious physical abuse. More comprehensive state laws explicitly included various forms of sexual abuse and medical or educational neglect. Kempe played an integral role in the 1973 U.S. Senate hearings and in the design of the first federal legislation addressing child abuse and neglect, the Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act (CAPTA). Under the tight stewardship of Senator (later Vice President) Walter Mondale, the hearings that preceded passage of this act were limited to examining child abuse as instances of deviant, severe physical abuse within families by parents. These could be contained and addressed with a limited governmental response, which was, in Mondale’s view, all that was politically feasible at the time. Despite the limits on the hearings, the definition of child abuse and neglect in CAPTA was “physical or mental injury, sexual abuse, negligent treatment, or maltreatment of a child under the age of 18 by a person who is responsible for the child’s welfare.” CAPTA initiated a federal response to child abuse. The key state response to child abuse became the mandatory reporting, investigating, and record-keeping system that is commonly known as the child protective services system. While all states had some form of reporting law in place before CAPTA, all had to be reexamined to comply with CAPTA mandates, including the broad definition of abuse and neglect in the federal statute in order to receive the federal funding available under the statute. Th e Cur r en t C h i ld Protection S ystem i n th e United States Since the 1960s, the child protective services system has been triggered by a report of abuse or neglect as defined in state law under the requirements of CAPTA. Increasingly, witnesses to domestic violence are the source of such reports, which are made to the hotlines that federal law requires every state to operate. If a reporter provides information to the hotline operator that meets the definition of

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abuse or neglect, the report triggers investigation by the local child protection agency. Mandated reporting of abuse reflects the parens patriae power of the state. Reporters generally are persons who work in professions or roles that bring them into contact with children, but the definition of mandated reporters and the list of professions mandated to report varies from state to state. If these professionals or lay community members suspect or believe that children with whom they come into contact are suffering from abuse or neglect, confidentiality and privilege are forfeited and the professionals are mandated to report the abuse or neglect to the state-operated child protection system. Cur r en t Defi nitions i n I n ter nat ional L aw After a generation of mandatory reporting in the United States and compilation of comprehensive data on domestic abuse and neglect reporting, President George H. W. Bush and advocates from around the world called for focused meetings and sessions on children’s issues that ultimately led to the drafting of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989). Article 1 of this document defines child as “[e]very human being below the age of eighteen years unless, under the law applicable to the child, majority is attained earlier.” Article 19 defines violence against children as “all forms of physical or mental violence, injury and abuse, neglect or negligent treatment, maltreatment or exploitation, including sexual abuse.” The Convention sets up a system of reporting from each signatory country. These reports have led to additional inquiries and specialized reports. The World Health Organization’s (2002) World Report on Violence and Health defines abuse as “the intentional use of physical force or power, threatened or actual, against a child, by an individual or group, that either results in or has a high likelihood of resulting in actual or potential harm to the child’s health, survival, development or dignity.” More complete definitions of abuse are emerging in international documents, and these influence the scope of data collected and the range of practices that are criticized. According to the UN’s (2006) Report of the Independent Expert for the United Nations’ Study on Violence against Children, at least 106 countries do not prohibit the use of corporal punishment in schools, 147 countries do not prohibit it within alternative-care settings, and as yet only 16 countries have prohibited its use in the home. Discussions of corporal punishment within a larger discussion of violence against children illustrate how once-accepted cultural practices can be documented and called into question. Whether there will be the political will to limit the authority to use corporal punishment is still unclear. The UN report also cites studies on the causes and distribution of violence against children. Young children, these

studies find, face the greatest risk of physical (nonsexual) violence, while those who have reached puberty or adolescence are the primary victims of sexual violence. Boys are at greater risk of physical violence than girls, while girls face greater risk of sexual violence, neglect, and forced prostitution. Other vulnerable groups include children with disabilities, those from minorities and other marginalized groups, “street children” and those in confl ict with the law, and refugee and other displaced children. The report lists economic development, status, age, and gender among the many factors associated with the risk of violence. A final consideration is domestic violence against adults in the home. Citing risk rates equal to those in most U.S. estimates, a recent study in India found that domestic violence doubled the risk of child abuse. Susan Vivian Mangold see also: Corporal Punishment; Discipline and Punishment; Helfer, Ray(mond) E(ugene); Kempe, C(harles) Henry; Property, Children as; Sexual Abuse further reading: Susan Vivian Mangold, “Challenging the Parent-Child-State Triangle in Public Family Law: The Importance of Private Providers in the Dependency System,” Buffalo Law Review 47 (1999), pp. 1397–456.

effects on the child. Children who are abused or ne-

glected present a challenge to understanding the consequences of early adverse experiences. While all children who experience abuse and neglect are at risk for a range of adverse outcomes, research has found that not all exhibit negative consequences. This variability in outcome suggests that multiple levels of risk and protective factors must be considered in understanding the consequences of child maltreatment. Forty-five years of research examining the consequences of child abuse and neglect has made great strides in identifying biological, psychological, and social outcomes. Short-term consequences are those generally thought of as experienced either immediately or during childhood, while long-term outcomes are those that persist into adult years. This distinction reflects a concern with children’s current circumstances as an indicator of child “well-being,” versus indicators of what will impact their later development, or “well-becoming.” The complexity of child maltreatment, and its identification, limits understanding of its consequences. First, child maltreatment is thought to be underreported, meaning that research on outcomes relies on a biased population that is usually limited to those children who are reported to child protection agencies. Second, child protection agencies determine whether reported cases are valid, introducing further bias because standards are often inconsistent, both within and between agencies. Third, child maltreatment is heterogeneous, encompassing a range of experiences, from emotional deprivation to physical assault, and children usu-

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ally experience multiple types of abuse, often over a period of time, so that the impact of any one form is difficult to disentangle. Fourth, most research on the impact of child maltreatment is retrospective rather than prospective, also biasing the results because memories of maltreatment may be inaccurate. Sho rt-T er m Ou tcom es The most obvious outcomes of child maltreatment are based in the immediacy of the experience of abuse and neglect. Children who are maltreated present with a range of injuries and consequences based on the kind of maltreatment reported: physical abuse and neglect, emotional abuse and neglect, medical neglect, educational neglect, and child sexual abuse. Beyond the immediacy of the injury or neglect, children who are maltreated display a range of biological, psychological, emotional, and social outcomes. Children who have been maltreated show alterations in brain development and neuroendocrine regulation, including decreased startle responses, abnormal patterns of cortisol regulation, and delayed or diminished growth of the corpus callosum. These findings are consistent with the broader body of research on neurobiological development, which increasingly has identified the physical and social environment of the child as affecting brain development. Children who experience maltreatment also may display a range of emotional and psychological difficulties. Compared with peers who have not experienced maltreatment, children who have been abused or neglected are more likely to have difficulty in social-information processing, in recognizing, expressing, and understanding emotions. Reflecting the different environments of neglect and abuse, children who have been neglected have more difficulty differentiating between basic emotional expressions. Children who have been physically abused are more sensitive to anger. Infants and very young children who have been maltreated are at risk for developing insecure attachments, a pattern that has been linked to depressive symptoms and relationship difficulties. The experience of physical abuse has been linked with a number of childhood psychopathologies, including depression, conduct disorder, ADHD, oppositional disorder, personality disorder, anxiety, somatization, and dissociation. These psychological difficulties play out in social problems that include delinquency, substance misuse, and suicide. In addition, children who have been maltreated are more likely than their nonmaltreated peers to develop a negative self-image and to respond to positive stimuli in a neutral or negative way. Children who have been maltreated also display behavioral and emotional characteristics that may compromise their interactions with others. They are less likely to exhibit empathy, are more likely to exhibit aggressive behavior, and are hypersensitive to hostile cues while

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undersensitive to nonhostile cues. Not only are children who experience physical abuse more aggressive when provoked, but they are also more likely to see positive consequences for the aggressor in a hostile situation. Peer groups that include a child who has been abused are less positive and more confl ictual and demonstrate less sustained intimacy. Children who have been maltreated exhibit higher rates of problematic behaviors than their nonmaltreated peers, such as stealing, cheating, delinquency, disciplinary problems, and school suspensions. Their school performance is more likely to be marked by poor performance as indicated by lower standardized test scores and greater likelihood of repeating a grade level than their nonmaltreated peers, even when comparing children from comparable schools and socioeconomic backgrounds. Lo ng -T er m Ou tc om e s The many adverse short-term risks described thus far suggest a pessimistic view of the future for children who have been abused and neglected. This is borne out by research on the longer-term outcomes for children who have been maltreated as they move through the life course. Adults who were maltreated as children may display a range of adverse outcomes in the areas of physical and mental health, psychosocial functioning, and a propensity to maltreat their own children, often referred to as the cycle of violence. However, just as with short-term outcomes, while there is an elevated risk of adverse consequences, there is substantial variability in adult outcomes of childhood maltreatment. A dominant theme in the literature on the long-term consequences of child maltreatment is that children who have been abused and neglected will repeat a cycle of violence by maltreating their own children. This argument was posed at the beginning of work on child abuse and neglect, in part as a justification for why the problem had to be recognized and treated lest the pattern persist for generations. A study of high-risk infants found that 9 of the 10 infants who were abused in their first year of life had parents who had themselves been abused. However, an additional 40 nonabused infants had parents with similar histories of abuse. Research undertaken with increasing theoretical and methodological rigor has supported the link that children who have been maltreated have an increased risk of perpetrating violence themselves in a variety of forms, from delinquency to abusive parenting. However, the cycle of violence is not inevitable, and estimates are that approximately one-third of children who are maltreated repeat this pattern as parents. The wide-ranging consequences of maltreatment in childhood have been demonstrated in large-scale epidemiological research that has implicated childhood maltreatment in the etiology of a range of physical illnesses in adulthood; for example, ischemic heart disease, cancer, chronic bron-

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chitis, skeletal fractures, liver disease, functional disability, and poorer overall health status. The proposed pathway is that childhood maltreatment is associated with a range of household and family dysfunction that sets individuals on a lifetime path of high-risk behaviors that increase risk for adverse health outcomes. In a large HMO-based study, adults who had been maltreated as children had a 2- to 12fold increased risk of chronic physical health problems. These patterns are consistent with a broader literature on the health consequences of stressful environments and experiences. This study also identified significant associations between child maltreatment and household dysfunction and increased rates of alcoholism, driving while intoxicated, drug abuse, smoking, and high-risk sexual behavior, all of which may lead to adverse health consequences. Similar to the case of outcomes in childhood, a plethora of psychosocial outcomes in adulthood have been linked to childhood maltreatment. Findings have included greater symptoms and clinical diagnoses of depression, dysthymia, antisocial personality disorder, and substance abuse. Children who were abused also have an increased risk of delinquency, adult offending, and violence in adulthood. Var iabi lit y i n Ou tcom es Research examining the effects of child maltreatment at different stages of the developmental spectrum offers the possibility of tracing short-term and long-term effects of maltreatment, with the potential for identifying multiple pathways shaping consequences across the life span. The preponderance of research has been concerned with the negative outcomes of child maltreatment. This makes sense in light of clinical and ethical realities of providing intervention for these children and their families and for engaging in efforts to prevent the occurrence of child maltreatment. Nevertheless, while abused and neglected children are at increased risk for many adverse outcomes when compared to their nonabused and nonneglected peers, many children who were maltreated do not manifest these negative consequences. Children who were maltreated do not necessarily manifest psychological deficits, social or emotional problems, school failure, discipline problems, or arrests for delinquency, even though they are at risk for these outcomes. The cycle of violence is not inevitable, and while abusive parents are more likely to have been maltreated as children, the majority of children who experience maltreatment do not go on to repeat this pattern with their own offspring. There are several possible reasons for this documented variability in outcomes among children who have been maltreated. Some children may be “resilient,” as indicated by their abilities to weather early adverse experiences. Resilience is not yet fully understood, but is thought to be a combination of biological strengths coupled with protec-

tive factors in the child’s environment. Some children may have experienced protective factors, such as a significant “other” adult, that outweigh the risks associated with parental abuse and neglect. It is also possible that some children appear to have escaped unscathed simply because they do not display the outcome behaviors being studied but have other deficits outside the scope of the study. C o n t r i b u t i ng Fac to r s A number of individual and contextual factors have been shown to mediate the type and severity of outcomes associated with child abuse and neglect. Aspects of the maltreatment experience, including type (e.g., physical, sexual, emotional, neglect), duration, age of onset, relationship to perpetrator, and severity of abuse, have all been suggested as potential mediators of both short- and long-term outcomes of abuse. Aspects of the physical and social environment, including neighborhood factors and the presence or absence of other interested and engaged adults, have also been shown to intensify or mitigate certain negative outcomes of child maltreatment. Evidence also suggests that the number and severity of other lifetime stressors, such as poverty and unemployment, play an important role in mediating the occurrence and long-term effects of maltreatment, highlighting the importance of considering other contextual and experiential factors when examining the outcomes of abuse over the life course. Research on the outcomes of child maltreatment have utilized a range of samples, from clinical to community or population samples, and multiple designs, including comparisons of substantiated cases of maltreatment with samples of nonidentified individuals, prospective studies of children abused at one point in time, and retrospective comparisons of individuals who had experienced documented maltreatment in their childhoods. Research on child maltreatment poses a basic challenge to understanding the outcomes of early adverse experiences. This brief review has summarized the evidence that children who are abused and neglected are at increased risk for a range of adverse consequences during childhood and throughout the life course when compared with children who were not abused or neglected. Significantly, however, a substantial portion of children who were maltreated do not exhibit adverse outcomes. The challenge facing future research is to identify factors that modify or mitigate childhood experience of maltreatment. Jill E. Korbin and Meghan C. Halley see also: Childhood Resilience; Helfer, Ray(mond) E(ugene); Kempe, C(harles) Henry; Sexual Abuse; Shaken Baby Syndrome further reading: National Research Council, Understanding Child Abuse and Neglect, 1993. • Mary E. Helfer, Ruth S. Kempe, and

a b u s e a n d n e gl e c t Richard Krugman, eds., The Battered Child, 5th ed., 1997. • Howard Dubowitz, ed., Neglected Children: Research, Practice and Policy, 1999. • John E. B. Meyers, Lucy Berliner, John Briere, C. Terry Hendrix, Carole Jenny, and Theresa A. Reed, eds., The APSAC Handbook on Child Maltreatment, 2nd ed., 2001.

legal and public-policy perspectives. In the United

States, parents have substantial autonomy in raising their children and the primary obligation for ensuring that their children’s basic needs for safety and care are met. Although the state provides parents and children with many services and supports on a voluntary basis, government agencies intervene on behalf of children against a parent’s will only when parental care falls below minimal standards. It is through child abuse and neglect laws that states establish the minimal level of care that each state determines parents must provide to their children. There is no single definition or concept of child abuse and neglect. At present, each state provides its own definitions of what constitutes an inadequate level of care justifying and requiring intervention by state child-protective agencies. Prior to the 1960s, the focus of these laws was primarily on protection from severe physical abuse and abandonment. In 1962, C. Henry Kempe and Frederic N. Silverman published an article identifying the “battered child syndrome,” which they defined as a situation where a parent repeatedly caused physical injuries to children. Prior to the publication of this article, most such injuries were attributed by physicians to accidents. In the next several years, all states passed laws requiring physicians to report suspected cases of physical abuse to child protection agencies. Following passage of these laws, reports of child abuse increased dramatically. In 1974, the U.S. Congress enacted the federal Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act (CAPTA). CAPTA requires that, if a state wants federal support for its childprotection system, the state must establish a system for investigating reports of serious harm to a child’s physical, emotional, or academic well-being caused by parents or primary caregivers, such as extended family members or babysitters. It also requires that state definitions of maltreatment include omissions as well as commissions; that is, the definition of maltreatment must include harm that a caregiver allows to happen or does not prevent from happening to a child, if the parent knew or should have known that the child was being harmed. All states have complied with these standards. Most states categorize maltreatment into four major types: physical abuse, neglect, emotional abuse, and sexual abuse. In fact, all of these are just different ways in which a parent may fail to meet a child’s needs for basic physical safety, emotional security, and intellectual development. However, few statutes clearly specify the level of care that falls below the line of acceptability. Under these statutes,

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physical abuse generally requires intentional acts that cause physical injury, but the injuries can range from minor bruises to severe fractures or death. Neglect is generally defined as the failure to provide a child with necessary food, shelter, or medical care; the lack of appropriate supervision that threatens the child’s physical safety; and the failure to ensure that a child attends school. The terms necessary and appropriate are not further defined. Emotional abuse is a pattern of behavior that significantly impairs a child’s emotional development or sense of self-worth. Sexual abuse includes activities by a parent or caretaker that use children as a sexual object, such as fondling a child’s genitals, intercourse, inappropriate exposure, and exploitation through prostitution or the production of pornographic materials. In recent years, more states have begun to define maltreatment in terms of specific harms to the child (e.g., serious physical injury) rather than undefined parental behaviors (e.g., physical abuse). Still, the statutes are open to widely varying interpretations by those charged with enforcing them. In addition to deciding on a definition of child abuse and neglect, policy makers have to determine how suspected instances of maltreatment should be identified and what actions should be taken if it is determined that maltreatment has occurred. Every state has established a system, generally called the child protection system (CPS), to investigate allegations that a child is being maltreated and to pursue means of protecting the child if such allegations are established. In general, CPS agencies focus on children harmed by family members or other caretakers. They do not intervene in cases of harm to children caused by acquaintances or strangers. These cases are the responsibility of law enforcement. The CPS generally becomes involved with a family because the child has been reported to the agency by a member of the community. Every state has laws that mandate that certain professionals (doctors, social workers, mental health professionals, teachers, child care workers) report any child they suspect may be maltreated to the CPS and, in some situations, the police. In addition, any concerned person may report suspicions of child abuse or neglect. After the passage of these laws in the 1960s, the number of reports increased dramatically. In 2004, CPS agencies throughout the United States responded to an estimated 2 million referrals concerning more than 3 million children in cases that involved allegations of abuse or neglect; at least 10% of these children were reported more than once. While reporting laws initially were a response to concern over battered children, most reports now are for neglect, not physical abuse. Somewhat more than half of all reports generally come from mandated reporters; the remainder come from friends, neighbors, relatives, and other nonprofessionals. The total number of children reported constitutes about 4% to 5% of all children in the United States, a percentage that has remained basically stable for more than 30 years. Although there is no precise data, it appears that as many

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as 15% of all children are reported to the CPS at some point before they reach 18 years of age. In 2004, an estimated 1,490 children died due to abuse or neglect; that number has not changed much over the years. Young children are most at risk; more than 80% of fatalities involve children younger than 4 years old. More than one-third of child fatalities were attributed to neglect. Once a report is received by the CPS, a major winnowing process begins. An investigation is undertaken to determine if abuse or neglect has occurred and if there is a risk of it occurring again. Children who are believed to be in immediate danger may be moved to a residential facility, foster home, or a relative’s home during the investigation and while court proceedings are pending. Some jurisdictions now employ an alternative response system in less serious situations. In these jurisdictions, when the risk to the children involved is considered to be low, the CPS caseworker may focus on assessing family difficulties and offering needed services, rather than trying to document whether the child was abused or neglected. At the end of an investigation, CPS workers typically make one of two findings: unsubstantiated or substantiated. While these terms vary from state to state, a finding of unsubstantiated generally means there is insufficient evidence for the worker to conclude that a child was abused or neglected. A finding of substantiated typically means an incident of child abuse or neglect, as defined by state law, is believed to have occurred. Again, CPS workers have substantial discretion in making this determination given the generality of the laws. In 2004, CPS agencies concluded that approximately 872,000 children were likely to have been maltreated. Only about 30% of the reports that were investigated resulted in a finding that at least one child came within the child abuse and neglect statute. The low level of substantiation raises questions about the effectiveness and desirability of reporting laws. Investigations are costly in worker time and the stress on the family and children. While any system should result in some cases not substantiated, the high level of nonsubstantiation indicates either that reporting laws are not providing clear direction as to the types of situations the law considers to constitute maltreatment or that CPS workers are screening out children who need protection. Research indicates that both these explanations are true. Most cases involve neglect, not physical abuse, although the forms of neglect can be very harmful to the child. Among substantiated cases, more than 60% involve neglect; about 20% physical abuse, mostly involving injuries that did not require medical care; 10% sexual abuse, mostly by friends or neighbors; and 7% emotional maltreatment. Approximately 80% of perpetrators were parents, with relatives and unmarried partners accounting for another 10%. The most prevalent aspect of these homes was the degree of

disorganization; the large majority of cases involve parents with drug or alcohol problems who provide very poor care to their children. Substantiation rates vary by children’s age, race, and family income. Children ages birth to 3 years are most likely to be found to be abused or neglected. African American, Pacific Islander, and Native American or Alaska Native children had the highest rates of substantiations when compared to the national population, with 2004 rates of 19.9, 17.6, and 15.5 per 1,000 children, respectively. White children and Latino children had rates of approximately 10.7 and 10.4 per 1,000 children, respectively. Asian children had the lowest rate at 2.9 per 1,000 children. These racial and ethnic differences disappear, however, when family income is considered. Substantiated cases of child maltreatment overwhelmingly involve parents with low income. Once a CPS agency determines that a report is valid, it must decide what action to take. The key decision is whether to provide services to the family with the child remaining in the home or whether to request that the child be placed in foster or kinship care, which requires a court order or approval. Over the years, there has been substantial debate on whether public policy should favor family preservation or removal. The predominant view generally has favored trying to keep children with their parents, since removal may be traumatic for the child. However, many commentators believe that too much emphasis on family preservation leaves children at great risk—physically or developmentally— and that children often do better in foster placements, especially with relatives. In 1998, the U.S. Congress passed the Adoption and Safe Families Act, which requires states to focus on children’s safety as a first priority. The majority of substantiated cases receive services in their homes, without any court involvement. CPS agencies may provide services directly or contract and collaborate with private child welfare agencies and community-based organizations to provide services to families, such as mental health care, substance abuse treatment, parenting skills classes, employment assistance, and financial or housing assistance. In more serious situations, generally when the CPS agency is considering placing the child in foster care, it refers the family to a court that specializes in juvenile matters. If the parents deny maltreating the child, there will be a trial. The most serious situations, generally involving significant physical abuse or sexual abuse, may also be referred for criminal prosecution. Such prosecutions remain relatively rare, in part because these cases often are hard to prove beyond a reasonable doubt, given the young age of the victims. In juvenile court proceedings, if the parents admit to the maltreatment or are found to have maltreated the child by the judge, the court must decide what actions are necessary to protect the child from further abuse or neglect. The court

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could order that the child be left with or returned to the parents, with appropriate services, or that the child be placed out of home. The later is the most common disposition. Approximately 20% of substantiated cases ultimately result in foster care placement. African American children have been placed in care at a higher rate than children of other ethnic backgrounds. Despite increased research focused on this disproportional rate, there is no clear explanation. Despite nearly 40 years of legislative and judicial efforts to protect children from abuse and neglect, there is a general consensus in the United States that the child protection system is not doing a good job of prevention or of promoting the safety and sound development of children who have been identified as abused or neglected. Child maltreatment is heavily associated with poverty. While it is difficult to find reliable statistics comparing countries, it appears that rates are lower in most other industrialized countries. Many observers believe that is attributable to the availability of universal health care, the widespread use of home health visitors for all families following the birth of a child, the more extensive economic benefits available to low-income families, and the greater access to community services found in many European countries. When the child protection system is the main safety net for children, a large percentage of children go unprotected. Michael S. Wald see also: Dependency, Legal; Domestic Violence; Foster and Kinship Care; Parens Patriae; Rights, Termination of Parental; Sexual Abuse; Social Work further reading: National Research Council, Understanding Child Abuse and Neglect, 1993. • Duncan Lindsey, The Welfare of Children, 2nd ed., 2004.

accidents and injuries. Injuries are the leading cause of death and acquired disability for children and adolescents in the United States, accounting for more than 15,000 deaths, 250,000 hospitalizations, and 9 million emergency department visits each year. While injuries are also the most common cause of death in all developed nations, the rate of fatal injury varies widely. The Scandinavian countries have for many years had the lowest rates of injuries in the world, not because of better medical care but because of a systematic, long-term approach to injury prevention throughout their societies. Such an approach has only recently begun to take hold in the United States. In the United States, the number of deaths from injuries has declined, although much slower than have deaths due to infectious causes. During the 20th century, deaths to children 1–19 years of age from infectious disease declined by 99.7%, while deaths from injuries decreased by two-thirds. As a result, the proportion of deaths among children and adolescents due to injuries has climbed from 6.3% in 1900 to 44% in 2000. An important point, often overlooked, is that more than

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95% of the deaths from injuries to children and adolescents around the world occur in developing countries. Injuries globally account for an estimated 875,000 deaths each year to those younger than 18 years of age. In developing countries, injuries account for 40% of all child deaths beyond the first year of life. This problem is expected to become even larger as low- and middle-income countries industrialize and urbanize. There are an estimated 1 billion people who do not currently have access to roads; as their access to roads and the availability of motor vehicles increase, the number of deaths from traffic will skyrocket. Injury rates vary by gender, age, and race. Males have approximately twice the rate of injuries as females throughout childhood and adolescence, once they reach about age 2. These differences in injury rates are not due to any inherent physical differences, per se, but to more risk-taking behavior in males than in females, starting at very early ages. Injury rates are highest during adolescence, again for much the same reason that males have higher rates than females. Adolescents have more exposure to activities that carry risk (such as driving motor vehicles) and approach these activities in an often risky fashion. Racial differences in injury rates have been consistently found, with Asian children having the lowest rates and African American and Native American children having the highest rates. Rates for white children and for nonblack Hispanic children lie between these two extremes. Most, if not all, of this variation in injury rates is due to socioeconomic differences. Poor children tend to live in areas that are exposed to more hazards, such as traffic and poor-quality housing. They have fewer opportunities for safe play. In addition, poor families are less likely to use injury-prevention devices, partly out of cost but also out of lack of awareness. The concept of injury control, which has developed rapidly over the decades since the National Academy of Science published the seminal report Injury in America (1985), encompasses much more than just the prevention of injuries. It includes the acute care of the injured child as well as rehabilitation to ensure the child fully returns to baseline functioning. Regulation of products, the environment, and individual behavior also come into play. Each of these phases of injury control is necessary in order to decrease morbidity and mortality due to injuries. Pr e v en tio n The most successful approaches to prevention are those that are focused on a specific problem, rather than the oftheard general advice “Always watch your child” or “Childproof your home.” The specific problems that should be addressed are those that are developmentally relevant for the child at each age. For the young infant, the highest risk is falls from beds, tables, and couches. For the toddler, injuries are commonly due to falls down stairs or out of windows, scald burns, and drowning in bathtubs or pools. The

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preschool child also faces risks of falls from playground equipment and other devices that increase the danger of falling from a height. School-age children are at high risk of pedestrian and bicycle injuries, falls, and drowning. Adolescents are at risk for drowning, poisoning, burns from fire play, and firearm injuries. For all ages, from birth through adolescence, the leading cause of serious and fatal injuries is motor vehicle crashes. Prevention is most successful when it incorporates passive strategies that protect without requiring repeated actions on the part of the individual. These include the prevention of poisonings by using child-resistant caps, the prevention of tap-water scald burns by having water heaters preset at safe temperatures, and the prevention of pool drowning by use of four-sided fencing. The single most effective way to protect a child traveling in a car is through appropriate use of restraints. Infants under 20 pounds require a rear-facing car seat, while toddlers 20–40 pounds should be restrained in a forward-facing car seat. Children who reach 40 pounds should be placed in a booster seat, which will allow the vehicle’s lap-shoulder belt to be properly used. Children should not be taken out of booster seats until they reach 80 pounds. All children younger than age 13 should ride in the rear seat and not be placed in a seat equipped with an airbag. More than three-fourths of fatal burns/fire injuries occur in house fires and are usually due to smoke inhalation. The most effective preventive measure is use of a smoke alarm. In contrast, the most common cause of admission to the hospital with a burn is scalding, usually due to hot water, coffee, tea, or food. Firework injuries are a common occurrence each year and can be disabling, with loss of vision or fingers. They are best prevented by not buying or using fireworks. Drowning is a unique injury. It has the highest casefatality rate (as much as 50%), and most children either do very well and recover fully or they die. Few children experience outcomes between these extremes. As already noted, pool drowning can be prevented by four-sided pool fencing, which is now required in many communities. Children near natural bodies of water should always be supervised and should wear personal flotation devices (life jackets). Diving injuries are a subset of drowning and usually occur to adolescents, often with devastating consequences. Prevention entails not using alcohol around water and not diving into any body of water without first knowing its depth. Nearly half of households in the United States and 30% of those with children in the home have guns. Unintentional firearm injuries occur in school-age boys, usually due to gunplay with a parent’s gun. In contrast, gun injuries among adolescents take the form of attempted or completed suicide or homicide. It is important to remember that adolescent suicide and homicide are most commonly completed with guns, often guns in the home. Locking up guns and us-

ing gun safes and trigger locks have been shown to decrease the risk of such violent deaths in the home. Ac u t e Car e The seriously injured child or adolescent is most likely to have the optimal outcome if treated in a trauma center that is certified as having pediatric trauma expertise. Much of modern care of the injured patient is nonoperative and requires collaborative care between surgeons, pediatricians, and intensivists. Of children admitted to the hospital with injury, fewer than 2% die. However, many seriously injured children will have significant aftereffects. These are most commonly found after traumatic brain injury, in which many children with moderate and all children with severe brain injury will sustain some level of impairment, including memory, cognition, behavior, motor functioning, and information processing losses. Recent data indicates that as many as 20% of children and adolescents will have posttraumatic stress disorder after injury. The likelihood of this increases with the severity of the injury and the presence of preinjury psychological problems in the child or family. R ehabi litat io n Rehabilitation is the process of assisting the child and family to achieve their fullest potential after injury. It is the third critical component of injury control, but one that is often overlooked. Rehabilitation involves a multidisciplinary team of physiatrists; nurses; occupational, physical, and speech therapists; psychologists; nutritionists; and social workers working together to assess the needs of the patient and intervening to improve outcome. Pediatric rehabilitation programs pay special attention to the academic needs of children and adolescents and serve as a bridge to enable the child to return to school. R egul atio n Many of the advances that have helped reduce the occurrence and severity of childhood injuries are the result of product regulation and liability litigation. The mandated introduction of child-resistant caps on medications and some household poisons has nearly eliminated deaths from ingestions among children younger than age 5. The Flammable Fabrics Act of 1966, which required children’s sleepwear to be flame-retardant, successfully lowered the incidence of devastating clothing burns in young children. A combination of state regulations and voluntary industry standards has resulted in all new water heaters in the United States being factory-preset at lower, safe temperatures, a change that has nearly eliminated the problem of tap-water scalds in young children. Product regulation has been carried out to great effect in the design and manufacture of motor vehicles since the 1965 publication of Ralph Nader’s Unsafe at Any Speed. Eu-

addams, jane

ropean manufacturers such as Volvo, Saab, BMW, and Mercedes led the way in improving the protection to occupants of all ages, including children, involved in a crash. These changes were made voluntarily at the instigation of these manufacturers. The U.S. National Highway Traffic Safety Administration has issued regulations on various aspects of car design to make cars safer, including efforts to protect the integrity of a passenger compartment in a crash, antilock brakes, and rollover protection. Nearly all of these changes have benefited children. The one exception is the requirement for airbags in the front seat, designed to protect adult front-seat occupants. Unfortunately, many studies have shown that for children younger than age 13, airbags can be fatal. Some recalls of unsafe motor vehicles have been initiated because of product liability suits. The motor vehicle industry is faced with a constant stream of lawsuits against its products. While there rarely is an admission of liability on the part of the manufacturers, the fact that the auto industry produces much safer vehicles at the beginning of the 21st century than it did 40 years ago is probably due in part to product liability actions. These include the exploding gas tanks on the Ford Pinto and the “sidesaddle” gas tanks on GM trucks. Regulation can also take the form of changes to children’s environments that reduce risk of injury. Efforts in Scandinavia and the Netherlands to slow down traffic (traffic calming) and make towns more pedestrian-friendly have proved more successful in reducing death and serious head injuries among school-age children than comparable efforts to teach children to cross streets safely. This approach holds promise for other types of injury problems. Smoke detectors are inexpensive and very effective in preventing deaths from house fires. Many jurisdictions require them to be in all rental homes, new homes, and, in some places, existing homes. Similarly, building codes have been important in improving safety for children, through such measures as specifying the distance between the spindles on railings and requiring doors to basement stairs. Educational programs designed to change unsafe behavior are most effective when accompanied by the force of law. There are numerous examples that have benefited children. The use of child car seats—first introduced by a Tennessee law in 1978 and now mandated in all 50 states—is perhaps the best known. The use of bicycle helmets, which can decrease the risk of brain injury in bicycle crashes by as much as 88%, is another, although educational efforts have been generally successful on this issue. Efforts have also been made in many states to decrease deaths among young teenage drivers through graduated driver-licensing legislation. These laws place restrictions on times of day that new drivers can be on the road and restrict in many cases the types and number of passengers in the vehicle. The laws have made substantial changes in crash

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rates among 16- and 17-year-old drivers. Similarly, raising the legal age to purchase alcohol to age 21 has decreased the number of alcohol-related crashes and deaths in teens by 20% in males and even more among females. C o nc lu s io n Injuries are the most serious public health problem for children and adolescents in the United States. Solution of the problem requires changing social norms away from the fatalistic notion that “accidents happen” to the concept that injuries are relatively predictable and preventable. This requires changes in the way communities are built, motor vehicles designed, and products manufactured and marketed. It requires a regionalized approach to trauma care and rehabilitation in order that the seriously injured child achieve the optimal outcome. Frederick P. Rivara see also: Abuse and Neglect; Firearms; Morbidity; Mortality; Poisoning; Posttraumatic Stress Disorder; Sports Injuries; Substance Abuse further reading: B. D. Johnston and F. P. Rivara, “Injury Control: New Challenges,” Pediatrics in Review 24, no. 4 (April 2003), pp. 111–18. • A. Spinks, C. Turner, R. McClure, and J. Nixon, “Community Based Prevention Programs Targeting All Injuries for Children,” Injury Prevention 10, no. 3 (June 2004), pp. 180–85. • Jon S. Vernick, Jason W. Sapsin, Stephen P. Teret, and Julia S. Mair, “How Litigation Can Promote Product Safety,” The Journal of Law, Medicine, and Ethics 32, no. 4 (Winter 2004), pp. 551–56. • Lisa Hartling, Natasha Wiebe, Kelly Russell, J. Petruk, C. Spinola, and Terry P. Klassen, “Graduated Driver Licensing for Reducing Motor Vehicle Crashes among Young Drivers,” The Cochrane Database of Systematic Reviews, Issue 2, 2004. • F. P. Rivara and D. C. Grossman, “Injury Control,” in R. E. Behrman, R. M. Kleigman, H. B. Jenson, and B. F. Stanton, eds., Nelson Textbook of Pediatrics, 18th ed., 2007, pp. 256–62.

achievement, school. see School Achievement acting. see Theater and Acting addams, jane (b. September 6, 1860; d. May 21, 1935), founder of Hull House and leading social reformer. Jane Addams was born and raised in Cedarville, Illinois. After graduating from Rockford Female Seminary, attending one year of medical school, and making two trips to Europe, she moved to Chicago in 1889 to cofound, with her friend Ellen Gates Starr, the nation’s first settlement house, Hull House, on the industrial west side of the city. Children were the settlement’s first guests. Addams, who never married, had no children of her own but raised the younger two of her sister Mary’s children upon that sister’s death in 1894. At the same time, she became increasingly interested in the lives of working-class children. Once at Hull House, she quickly organized activities for children—a kindergarten, clubs, a playground, a gymnasium, sports teams, music, dancing and drama

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addams, j an e

classes—but she did not undertake her first reform effort until 1893, when she campaigned for state legislation that banned sweatshops from employing children younger than 14. She worked on the issue of child labor for the rest of her life. In 1904, she was a founding member of the National Child Labor Committee. She was also an advocate for and supporter of the Children’s Bureau. Living in the garbage-strewn 19th Ward taught Addams the serious threat that unregulated industrial urban life posed to the health of children. In 1895, after her adopted nephew had come to live with her, her concern about the spread of contagious disease compelled her to join a citywide campaign to reform the city’s garbage services. She was hired by a reform mayor to be the ward’s garbage inspector. In 1899, she founded the settlement’s Labor Museum, through which she hoped to teach immigrant children about their immigrant parents’ skills in Old World labor methods, like spinning, weaving, carving, and metalworking, and thus rebuild a bridge of respect between the generations. The same year, she worked alongside other women reformers to create the nation’s first juvenile court, in Cook County in 1899, and, later, to found the Juvenile Protection Association of Chicago. Long concerned about issues involving public education, Addams was appointed by the mayor in 1905 to serve on the Chicago Board of Education for a four-year term. Her realization that workingclass girls were being forced into prostitution by the scheming methods of the “white slave” trade led her to write A New Conscience and an Ancient Evil (1912) to educate middle-class readers about the problem and solutions. Informing all of her work on behalf of children was her philosophy of childhood, the roots of which lay in her memories of her own childhood love of adventure, her own insatiable curiosity, and her joy in the pleasures of the imagination. She believed that the child’s natural instinct for play, if not restricted by adults, would nurture his or her full development as an individual by encouraging originality and self-direction. More broadly, she believed that social relations and pleasure—the gifts of play—were the foundations of human culture, and she saw childhood as a source of society’s cultural vitality. Louise W. Knight see also: Immigration, Children and: Historical and Cultural Perspectives; Juvenile Court; Lathrop, Julia Clifford; Welfare: U.S. Historical Perspectives; Work, Children’s Gainful further reading: Jane Addams, Twenty Years at Hull House, [1910] 2007. • Louise W. Knight, Citizen: Jane Addams and the Struggle for Democracy, 2005.

addiction. see Substance Abuse adhd. see Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder

adolescence. Adolescence is the physiological time between onset of the hormonal cascade initiating puberty and the end of physical growth. A functional definition in Westernized countries, however, includes the developmental tasks of separation from family, grounding self-esteem in individual achievement, establishing a moral compass, and being comfortable with an adult body image. Although the specific processes of adolescence vary across cultures, this article provides a broad overview of the issues for a Western society in the 21st century. Other articles in this volume address the cultural and historical differences in this stage of development. Goals of Adolesc enc e : A Wester n Per s pec ti v e The goal of adolescence is to emerge into adulthood with a confident sense of place among peers and optimism about belonging to a community. The most important thread that connects “successful” teenagers is a positive sense of selfesteem. Self-esteem originates from belonging, acceptance, and achievement in the family, school, and community. Teenagers who feel alienated, marginalized, victimized, or abused are less likely than peers to feel optimistic about the future, to perform well in school, and to have healthy interpersonal relationships. Those who feel different because of physical disability, mental health problems, sexual orientation, ethnicity, race, or country of origin or have a history of victimization are also significantly more likely than their peers to participate in health-compromising behaviors, such as substance use, unprotected sexual behavior, and interpersonal violence. Communities and schools that teach and embrace diversity are ones where it is less likely that teenagers who feel disenfranchised will seek alternative and potentially self-destructive routes to enhance self-esteem. D e v elo pm en ta l S tage s Adolescence is commonly divided into early, middle, and late stages. Each has distinctive physical, cognitive, and social/behavioral attributes. Tight categorization, however, can be risky because passage from one stage to the next can be variable. In addition, the timing between stages may not be simultaneous. For instance, it is common for a teenage girl to be physically mature by the end of early adolescence, but that does not mean that she will be prepared to make mature parenting decisions if she becomes pregnant. Early Adolescence (11–14). This is a period of rapid physical growth, with females ahead of males. In the 20th century, likely linked to improved nutrition, the worldwide average age of menarche progressively dropped from middle to early adolescence. However, there are some regions of the world, such as New Guinea, where the average age is still middle adolescence. In the United States, the average age of

adolescence

menarche and self-reported sexual debut for non-Hispanic black girls is significantly earlier than non-Hispanic white and Mexican American teenagers. Adolescents in this stage of development are preoccupied with body image, especially in relationship to peers. These changes may become linked with self-esteem. Boys who develop earlier often benefit from improved self-esteem because of enhanced sports performance. Studies show that girls who mature earlier may be more prone to develop eating disorders and initiate sex at an earlier age. Teenagers who are relatively late developers physically may develop self-esteem problems but generally do not suffer significant long-term problems. Undernutrition and poor nutrition are still major problems in many parts of the world and may lead to delayed puberty and stunted growth, both of which can often be reversible with improved diet. At the same time, adolescent obesity is a growing problem throughout the world. This is a time of increased same-gender peer-group involvement and decreased family involvement. If dating occurs, it is often in groups. It is a time of intense bodily interest, so some same-sex experimentation may occur. The transition from concrete to abstract reasoning begins. The interplay between self-discovery, peer influence, and lack of experience lead some to start testing limits and taking physical risks. It is also the time that some cultures have rites of passage or initiation that, depending on circumstance, may result in greater family responsibility, helping with household expenses, a change in roles and status, or association with same-age peers. Middle Adolescence (15–17). Most physical changes have already occurred and physical growth usually has stopped by the end of this period. This is generally the most intense time of separation struggles between teens and parents. There is increasing time with peer group and strong association with peer cultural and social norms such as music, entertainment, apparel, and appearance. There are intense struggles for peer acceptance, and this may lead to increased risk taking, impulsive behavior, and substance and sexual experimentation. As abstract reasoning develops, there is an increased ability to express empathy and have closer interpersonal relationships. Depression and suicide become a heightened concern for adolescents who feel different, are perceived as different, or are bullied. It is a time that alcohol or drug use may escalate and gang involvement may intensify. The search for acceptance among peers and a need to feel community connection may be a cause of gang participation by some teenagers. This is particularly an issue for teenagers who are members of ethnic groups who feel general community disenfranchisement. The same root causes relate to why some teenagers and college students are drawn to fraternities and sororities. Gangs, fraternities, and sororities allow acceptance into a “fam-

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ily” of similar background and permit some teenagers to have a sense of empowerment and self-worth in the midst of a community to which they feel alienated or otherwise insignificant. Late Adolescence (18–24). Growth and physical change have ended, although some slow growth in height and muscle mass may occur into the 20s. Comfort and acceptance of physical appearance, however, become a lifelong process. If there is a positive connection to school, family, and community, accompanied by a healthy sense of self-esteem during early and middle adolescence, then the stage is set for successful independent identity and separation from parents. Maturity brings the ability to balance individual values with those of peers. Monogamous interpersonal relationships replace peer-group-dominated relationships, and there should be clarity about sexual identity. Ph ysical H e alth and Medical Serv ic es Adolescence is generally a time of good health. Mortality rates are low, with most problems linked to behavior rather than to acute or chronic illness. In 1992, the American Medical Association published, and other major health care organizations endorsed, the Guidelines for Adolescent Preventive Services, which outline a comprehensive set of health recommendations for adolescents. Adherence to these guidelines by health professionals is variable. For an age group that would greatly benefit from health promotion, providing health education in the medical setting is often hampered in the United States and elsewhere. Health issues that frequently affect teenagers, such as sexual health and interpersonal violence, are often embedded in political controversy. For instance, in some localities school-based health clinics provide comprehensive medical services, whereas in others, school-based clinics must depend upon teenagers themselves to arrange for family planning, pregnancy, and testing and treatment for sexually transmitted diseases at outside organizations, where they are less likely to follow up and there are more barriers to access. Accidents are the leading cause of mortality for teenagers in the United States, with many related to the concurrent use of alcohol or other drugs. For teenagers living in low socioeconomic and high population-density areas, interpersonal violence, much of which is handgun related, is the leading cause of death. When controlled for socioeconomic status and population density, ethnicity and race have little influence on interpersonal violence. As is the case with accidents, many perpetrators of interpersonal violence are under the influence of alcohol or drugs. Other behaviorrelated morbidity commonly affecting teenagers are sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), including HIV; unwanted pregnancy; obesity; eating disorders; and substance abuse use, including alcohol, cigarettes, marijuana, anabolic ste-

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roids, methamphetamine, cocaine, hallucinogens, and misuse of prescription medications. In spite of mandated HIV and sex education in schools in the United States, an increased use of condoms and a decrease in pregnancy and STDs, teenagers and young adults are the population most likely to become infected with STDs and have unplanned pregnancies. In addition, many adults with HIV trace infection to behavior initiated in adolescence. Among ethnic groups, African Americans have the earliest age of sexual debut and among the highest rates of unwanted pregnancy and STDs. This disparity is related to a number of factors, including poor access to health care, greater disenfranchisement, and less future orientation. Men tal H e alth and Sub s tanc e Abuse Adolescence is often the time that significant psychiatric problems such as depression, bipolar illness, and schizophrenia emerge. Early recognition is often a challenge because psychological turmoil is the norm during adolescence. Emotional confl icts that arise can often be accompanied by significant mood swings and defiant behavior. Aside from major psychiatric illness, disorders of significance particularly during adolescence are substance abuse and eating disorders. Both of these behaviors are common and have ranges of seriousness. For instance, according to a 2003 report from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in the United States, a significant proportion of high school seniors report a lifetime history of alcohol and marijuana use. Only a small fraction, however, will ever develop other substance use, dependence, or have serious health consequences related to use. The selection of substances by teenagers, more than for older populations, is sensitive to economic forces such as availability and price. Price and availability will determine adolescents’ use of tobacco, methamphetamine, and alcohol. Factors that can predict harmful adolescent substance abuse include family history, mental illness, poor self-esteem, and poor school performance. Eating disorders, more common in females, like substance use, vary in level of severity. As an example, a large proportion of college females report having induced vomiting or severely limited caloric intake at some point in their lifetime. Only a small proportion of teenagers with such behavior, however, come to medical attention, and most unhealthy eating behavior is self-limited. Those who do require hospitalization for stabilization of medical complications do have a significant lifetime risk of eating disorder– related mortality. Traditionally, eating disorders have been characterized as disorders of the middle and upper-middle class. In recent years, body dissatisfaction and related eating disorders have been increasing among all American females regardless of socioeconomic status or ethnicity. New immigrant populations may have additional confl icts arising from parents grounded in the culture of their

place of origin and teenagers who more rapidly adapt to the new language and culture. The influx of immigrants from regions devastated by war, famine, terrorism, genocide, and AIDS adds to the complexity. The World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that between 117 million and 138 million teenagers are vulnerable to the effects of armed confl icts as soldiers, civilians, and refugees. It is estimated that about 300,000 adolescent males are currently in coerced military service worldwide. How and whether these teenagers and their families successfully accommodate to the myriad difficulties they encounter, as have other generations of immigrants before them, is yet to be well studied. These refugees are especially at risk for posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), depression, and suicidal ideation. Surveys of recent immigrant teenagers in the United States have revealed PTSD symptoms in up to one-third and clinical depression in more than 10%. Most adolescents, however, are remarkably resilient, and it is reasonable to expect the same from recent immigrants. C h ro n ic I l l n e s s There are about 2 million U.S. teenagers with chronic illness. These teens require a support system at home and at school that promotes self-acceptance and enhances self-esteem. Without such support, this population is at risk for isolation and depression. Since limit testing and self-discovery are a normal part of adolescence, teenagers with chronic illness may sometimes be labeled as noncompliant with medical advice and medication adherence. These issues are often about control and independence. Adherence is best achieved when the patient is allowed to participate in decision making, when there is a developmentally appropriate discussion about compliance, and when consequences are put in positive terms. Studies demonstrate that teenagers who have the best long-term outcomes have healthy as well as chronically ill peers, have been given reasonable household responsibilities, have parents who are not overly protective, and have been fully integrated into family activities. Participation in peer support groups is also helpful. The Internet has made the community of teenagers with chronic illness more easily accessible, so there are few limitations to finding peer-group support. Transition into the adult health care system is another critical issue that may be problematic because of funding and because the support system often present in a pediatric-oriented health care environment does not exist in most adult health care settings. Lawrence S. Friedman see also: Adolescent Decision Making, Legal Perspectives on; Romantic and Sexual Relationships; Sexual Development further reading: R. I. Lopez, The Teen Health Book: A Parent’s Guide to Adolescent Health and Well Being, 2003. • Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, “Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance 2005,” Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report 55, no. SS-5 (2006),

a d o l e s c e n t d e c is io n m a k in g, l e ga l p e r s p e c t iv e s o n pp. 1–109. • National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health, http://www.cpc.unc.edu/addhealth • World Health Organization, Statistics on Adolescent Health, http://www.who.int/topics/adolescent .health/en/

adolescent decision making, legal perspectives on. According to conventional wisdom, the common-law age of legal adulthood was set at 21 years in the Middle Ages because it was judged to be the age at which a young man was capable of carrying a full suit of armor. Currently, the age of majority in the United States is age 18, a boundary that was established by the Twenty-Sixth Amendment to the Constitution. This milestone signals the end of parents’ legal authority and responsibility (including their financial-support obligation) as well as the withdrawal of the state from its protective role. On reaching the age of majority, individuals acquire most legal capacities to function as citizens and adult members of society. These include the capacity to purchase real estate, lease an apartment, execute a binding contract, make a will, consent to medical treatment, the duty to register for the draft , the right to serve on a jury, and, most important perhaps, to vote in state and federal elections. The designation of a categorical legal age of majority reflects a crude judgment about maturity and competence. Individuals at the specified age are assumed to be mature enough to function in society as adults, to care for themselves, and to make self-interested decisions. The contemporary legal regulation of adolescents is based on three basic assumptions. First, minors are assumed to be dependent on others for basic survival in the early years of childhood and, as they get older, for the care and resources that will enable them to mature into productive adulthood. This dependency means that others must provide for children’s basic needs, such as food, shelter, and health care, and invest in their human capital through socialization and education. It also means that minors must behave in ways that permit others to invest in them, by attending school, for example. Society has a strong interest in ensuring that the next generation is sufficiently prepared to take on the roles of adulthood and regulates the behavior of minors as well as the adults responsible for their care in order to achieve this goal. Second, minors are assumed to be unable to make sound decisions, due to their immature cognitive and emotional development. Children, it is assumed, cannot reason or process information sufficiently to make thoughtful, rational choices. Moreover, their immaturity of judgment, as a result of impulsivity, problems in self-regulation, and shortsightedness, may lead them to make choices that are harmful to their interests or those of others. Much legal regulation of minors is in the service of protecting them from their own immaturity. Finally, minors are assumed to be more vulnerable to

• 21

harm from others, for two related reasons. First, children and adolescents are more susceptible to the influence of others, as evidenced by their greater susceptibility to peer pressure and heightened sensitivity to the opinions of the people around them. Second, in addition to their greater susceptibility to social influence, children and adolescents are also viewed as more malleable, or more potentially and permanently affected by those around them. This trait (together with dependency) justifies special state protection of children from others who might hurt them. Assumptions about children’s incompetence, dependence, and vulnerability are expressed in several ways in legal regulation. First, minors’ legal rights and privileges are far more restricted than those of adults. Because they are assumed to lack the capacities for reasoning, understanding, and mature judgment (as well as the life experience that presumably would contribute to mature decision making), minors are not permitted to vote, make most medical decisions, enlist for military service, drink alcohol, or (in some localities) stay out on the street late at night. Restrictions of minors’ rights are sometimes justified on social-welfare grounds as, for example, the idea that society is better off if individuals who lack mature reasoning abilities cannot vote. But the legal rights of minors are also limited to protect their welfare. Thus, juvenile curfew laws may protect children from getting in trouble through the exercise of immature judgment and from the harmful influence of others who roam the streets at night. Second, minors are not held to adult legal standards of accountability for their choices and behavior, both because of their cognitive and psychosocial immaturity and their vulnerability to undue influence. For example, minors are not bound by most contracts. Most of the cases in which this doctrine is invoked involve youths who contract with adults to buy used cars or expensive stereo equipment, purchases that children might be tempted to make without considering the obligation that they are undertaking. In the same category is the traditional legal response to criminal conduct by juveniles. In the United States, the founders of the juvenile court in the late 19th century advocated against assigning criminal responsibility to children for their offenses because they were presumed to lack the capacities for reasoning, judgment, and moral understanding on which attributions of blameworthiness must rest. The third category of legal policies directed at children consists of protections and entitlements that respond to children’s dependency and invest in their development into healthy productive adulthood. The law requires parents and the government to provide children with care, financial support, and education—services needed for survival and healthy development, which children are unable to provide for themselves. In all states, children are entitled to a public school education, so that they may develop the capacities needed for productive adulthood, and compulsory

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adolesc en t dec i s i o n ma k i n g , l eg al p e rs pe c t iv e s o n

schooling laws require that they attend school. Moreover, because children are vulnerable and unable to assert their own interests, the state enforces parents’ duty to provide care through elaborate civil and criminal child-abuse regulation. This system monitors parental care and offers foster care as a substitute when parents fail egregiously to fulfill their responsibilities. Taken together, this complex regulatory scheme suggests that lawmakers view children and adolescents as a very special class of citizens, a group whose unique traits and circumstances warrant different legal rules and policies from those that apply to adults. In general, these policies of restricted rights and privileges, limited responsibilities, and special protections are grounded in a consistent account of what it means to be a child. Embedded in legal regulation is an overriding commitment to promote children’s welfare and their development into healthy productive adulthood, coupled with the assumption that this goal also promotes society’s interest. Where does adolescence fit in this policy picture? With rare exceptions, adolescence as a stage of development is invisible under the law. Although developmental psychologists see adolescence as distinct from childhood and adulthood, for the most part this distinction does not exist under the law. For most purposes—voting, enlistment in the military, contracting, signing a lease, executing a will, and entitlement to parental support—adolescents are legal children until they reach they reach their 18th birthday and attain adult status. Sometimes lawmakers confer adult status on young people before or after the legal age of majority. The most familiar examples of legal policies shifting the threshold of adulthood are those regulating driving privileges (which shift the boundary downward, usually to 16 or 17) and restrictions on the right to purchase and drink alcohol (which shift the boundary upward, to 21)—policies that can be readily understood as promoting youth welfare and social welfare. The gap between the minimum legal ages for driving and drinking offers young persons independence and mobility, which they greatly value, while protecting them (and the rest of us) from harms that they might cause due to immature youthful judgment if they had ready access to alcohol. For the most part, these two departures (the lower legal age for driving and the higher legal age for purchasing alcohol) from the presumptive legal boundary of childhood are not controversial. Laws governing minors’ consent to medical treatment, which also shift the legal boundary between childhood and adulthood, have been the focus of considerable debate, however. In general, parents must consent to the medical treatment of their children until they are 18, because medical treatment requires informed consent, which minors categorically are presumed incompetent to provide. In most instances of medical decision making, parents’ and children’s interests are not in confl ict. But in some cir-

cumstances, the adolescent may seek a medical treatment against his or her parents’ wishes or the adolescent simply may not want his or her parents to know that the treatment is being sought. To accommodate these situations, legislatures in many states have enacted statutes under which minors are deemed adults for the purpose of consenting to particular kinds of treatment—typically, treatment for birth control, sexually transmitted diseases, substance abuse, mental health problems, and pregnancy. The targeted treatments all involve situations in which the traditional assumption that parents can be counted on to respond to their child’s medical needs with the child’s interest at heart simply might not hold. For example, some parents may become outraged upon learning of their child’s sexual activity or drug use and respond in a way that does not serve their child’s interest. Moreover, even if many parents would act in their child’s health interest, adolescents may be deterred from seeking treatment because they fear their parents’ reaction or because they do not want to disclose private information. Removing this obstacle encourages teens to seek treatment that may be critically important to their health. Minors’ consent statutes represent a legislative judgment that adolescents should be deemed legal adults for a specific case in which harm may result from the standard classification of adolescents as children. The argument favoring this exception is not that teenagers are especially mature in making these particular treatment decisions, but that their welfare will be more clearly promoted by obtaining these treatments than by involving their parents in the decision. In addition, society also has a public-health interest in promoting treatment for sexually transmitted diseases, substance abuse, and mental illness and in reducing the incidence of teenage pregnancy. Children and adolescents are subject to an array of legal policies that restrict their freedom, protect them from harm, and invest in their human capital—policies aimed at promoting their welfare and enhancing their prospects for productive, successful lives. The bright-line age of majority marks the transition from legal childhood to adulthood efficiently for most purposes, even though at best it is a crude approximation of developmental maturity. When that line is shifted through legal regulation that lowers or raises the threshold of legal adulthood, some important policy objective is being served, usually a mix of paternalistic goals and public welfare. It is true that the use of a crude, bright-line rule to set the legal boundary between childhood and adulthood ignores individual variation in maturity among teens as well as what may be varying maturity demands across the range of adult rights and responsibility that are conferred on the 18th birthday. In this respect, the legal regulation of adolescents admittedly is not very much grounded in what is known about the development of decision-making capa-

a d o p t io n

bilities over the course of adolescence. Research shows that such capabilities mature gradually from childhood through adulthood and vary in their timing among and within individuals, rather than maturing abruptly at the age of 18 for all individuals and simultaneously across all domains of decision making. However, a bright-line age of majority is a clear signal of adult status to others; everyone who knows a person’s age can quickly discern whether he or she has legal capacity. The upshot is that a categorical approach that treats individuals below a designated age as legal minors works well, as long as that age corresponds roughly to some threshold of developmental readiness to assume the privileges and obligations of adulthood. Although research on the development of decision making indicates that it is difficult, if not impossible, to point to any specific chronological age as the obvious point at which individuals become psychological adults, studies of cognitive and emotional development taken as a whole indicate that the use of 18 as the presumptive age of majority is a perfectly reasonable choice. A more tailored approach under which adult status was determined individually or according to task could generate confusion and error and would certainly be more costly to administer. On the whole, legal policy facilitates the transition to adulthood by calibrated steps that reflect society’s concern for the individual well-being of its most vulnerable citizens as well as its collective interest in their healthy development into productive adults. Laurence Steinberg and Elizabeth S. Scott see also: Abortion; Conduct, Legal Regulation of Children’s; Contraception; Custody; Dependency, Legal; Emancipation; Medical Care and Procedures, Consent to; Rights, Children’s; Rights, Parental; Rights, Termination of Parental further reading: Franklin E. Zimring, The Changing Legal World of Adolescence, 1982. • Laurence Steinberg and Elizabeth Cauffman, “Maturity of Judgment in Adolescence: Psychosocial Factors in Adolescent Decision Making,” Law and Human Behavior 20 (1996), pp. 249–72. • Elizabeth S. Scott and Jennifer Woolard, “The Legal Regulation of Adolescence,” in Richard M. Lerner and Laurence Steinberg, eds., Handbook of Adolescent Psychology, 2004, pp. 523– 50. • Elizabeth Cauffman and Jennifer Woolard, “Crime, Competence, and Culpability: Adolescent Judgment in the Justice System,” in Janis E. Jacobs and Paul A. Klaczynski, eds., The Development of Judgment and Decision Making in Children and Adolescents, 2005, pp. 279–301. • Elizabeth S. Scott and Laurence Steinberg, Rethinking Juvenile Justice, 2008.

adoption Historical and Cultural Perspectives Effects on the Child Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

historical and cultural perspectives. A focus on the

child in adoption, rather than on the family, is compara-

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tively rare and historically recent. That the principle of the “best interests of the child” should guide the transfer is, in fact, a peculiarity of Western culture and only came to prominence in the mid-20th century. Over time and across cultures, adoption has served primarily the best interests of the adults and secondarily the interests of the child. In serving the interests of adults, adoption also maintains social institutions and cultural values differently in diverse settings. Transfers of children have gone on in myriad ways, for many reasons, for centuries, accomplishing functions and perpetuating ideologies that support the survival of a social group. The word adoption itself is culturally particular. On the one hand, the term refers to a specific mode of transferring a child; on the other, broadly applied, adoption underlines the significance of designating children’s parents in all human societies, a practice reminding us that birth does not alone make parenthood. Strictly defined, the word refers to the legal transaction of a child, in which the rights of the biological parent are severed completely and permanently. Wherever and however it occurs, adoption reiterates, reinforces, and sometimes revolutionizes concepts of kinship, family, childhood, and personhood. Even when the transaction is confidential, as it has been in the United States since the early 20th century, adoption exposes fundamental ideas about identity, the normative organization of lives, and adulthood. All practices that fall under the rubric of adoption have in common the transfer of a child from the parent who gave birth, the genetrix, to a social parent, who, in different societies, may be kin or stranger, family or individual, female or male, prince or pauper. The intention of the transfer may be the creation of bonds between adults, the provision of resources to birth parent or to child, the consolidation of property holdings, or a solution to infertility, infirmity, and indigence. Adoption is always public in that the transfer is acknowledged, but it may be hidden by efforts to replicate the “natural” family. Who makes the decisions in a transaction in parenthood varies as thoroughly as does the outcome for the child. Historically and comparatively, there are few common threads in conceptions of the adopted child or in the accepted definition of a social parent. Norms, sanctions, contract, and law may regulate the transaction, with different degrees of choice accorded the parties. In the United States, no law regulated adoption until the 1850s, when, in response to legislative petitions to adopt and to a perceived “multitude” of neglected children, a Massachusetts law delineated the rights of adoptive parents. These rights included sole, exclusive, and permanent claim to the child. Benefits to the child accrued from the permanency of parenthood. Other states followed the Massachusetts model, deeming uncontested parental prerogative a source of a child’s welfare. In enshrining exclusivity and permanency, American laws of adoption created the

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adoptive family in the image of the consanguineous family: The child was as if begotten to her social parents. The future was to show persistent cultural equivalence of blood with real kinship. H istor ical Pr ec eden ts The term adoption comes from the Latin and is rooted in choice. Roman customs, the foundation of Western adoption, granted the choice of parenthood to an adult who thereby preserved name, property, and status as a citizen. A Roman adult might adopt a child or another adult; the transaction contributed to social standing and did not refer to a concept of childhood or the needs of a child. The practice was common among the propertied and elite, and the adoptee had a place as the heir to family property and ancestral name. With the rise of Christianity, and its emphasis on the consanguineous nuclear family, the custom of adoption fell to the sidelines of religious and civil society. Yet transfers of children from biological to social parents continued; an aristocrat might adopt a child he fathered out of wedlock or an indigent mother place her child permanently in the care of another. In the majority of cases, the child acquired kinship status, without fuss or publicity. Barring a confl ict over property or name, the transactions were “silent,” the business of those directly involved. Customs in the American colonies stretched the boundaries of child exchange, expanding the means and the ends of transactions in parenthood. In the 17th and 18th centuries, children moved from household to household with increasing frequency. Dependent on the whims or needs of adults, these transfers upheld moral doctrine and served material interests. The recalcitrant child found herself in another household, and the hearty boy found himself placed in an apprenticeship. Inscribed neither in theology nor in law, child exchange followed the route of an adult’s choice, legitimated by community norms or existing personal ties. These movements of a child from biological to social parent maintained the order of a growing civil society and sowed the seeds of culturally distinct ideologies of family and kinship. When American states finally passed laws of adoption, these transferred adoption from the legislature to the courts, simplifying the process and allowing its increasing formalization. Adoption laws also established the exclusive and permanent rights of the social parent, banishing the biological parent from the kinship network. Laws, however, do not readily erase cultural interpretations of kinship, and the question of inheritance within an adoptive family exposed the symbolic significance of blood. When adoptive parents left no will, 19th-century courts ruled that the claim of natural issue superseded the claim of adopted children. The Progressive Era of the early 20th century changed the face of adoption in the United States. Social workers,

psychologists, and jurists placed the child at the center of the transaction. Under the principle of “the best interests of the child,” experts questioned even conventional family arrangements for ensuring the well-being of a child. Yet the principle did not provide clear indicators of the interests of a child; instead, experts developed measures for the parental fitness of adults. The child as person vanished from the calculation. The Progressive Era emphasis on the well-being of the child did not eliminate adult interests from the heart of American adoption. The emphasis resulted in the greater role of experts in the movement of a child from biological to social parent and the consequent loss of control over the transaction by the parties directly involved. Standards of fitness, measurements of good parenthood, and determination of the conditions under which a child would thrive frame the story of adoption for most of the 20th century in the United States. The location of child exchange in agencies, courts, and clinics distinguishes American, and to a large extent European, adoption practices from those prevalent in the rest of the world. The panoply of expertise brought to bear on adoption also reveals a continuing distrust of the benefits to a child of being raised by other than a biological parent. C ro ss- Cult ur al Compar isons In most societies, a transaction in parenthood reinforces the interests of property, privilege, and power. The child as person is rarely at the center of the transaction, and the impact on a child’s identity and kinship status varies with the goals of the adults. The modern Western definition of adoption, contracted and permanent parenthood, excludes the numerous instances in which a child is exchanged in order to ensure the transmission of resources, authority, and rank. Whether an heir is acquired, a bride promised, or a worker provided, the transaction focuses on the interests of giver and recipient. While not an object in these exchanges, the child serves the function of maintaining social, political, and economic relationships between adults. As a subject, the child acquires a place in a kinship network; concern with her or his welfare as an individual rather than as a member of the corporate group is a modern and a Western development. Across the Pacific, considerably more than 50% of all children were (and still are) brought up by other than a biological parent. This is a startlingly high rate when compared with the number of households in the United States that have an adopted child: between 2% and 4% of all households. (There are approximately 120,000 adoptions per year in the United States.) Given by a birth parent to another adult, the child solidified bonds and reiterated the trust between persons who already had a relationship with one another. In Polynesian societies, kings, queens, and chiefs valued the child who was given, while common-

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ers passed children to respected kin. A gift, the child was valued, pampered, and spoiled. The entailments of the custom were clear: The child acquired a new kinship status and a new identity. With the entry of Westerners in the early 19th century, custom came under question, not in terms of the welfare of the child but in terms of the threat to property and to the nuclear family such transactions appeared to pose. In the eyes of Westerners, the frequent and casual movement of children disrupted patterns of land transmission and the sanctity of marriage. Colonial laws regulated forms of inheritance and of sexual relationships so that the “casual” transfer of children was rendered illegitimate and marginal. Legal decisions interpret the meaning and the consequence of child exchange. Imposing categorical distinctions between contracted and customary exchange, Western law gives special emphasis to biology by equating contract, and contract only, with the endurance of a natural relationship. Contract turns the adoptive affiliation into an asif-begotten relationship, as close to nature as possible. Birth represents the genuine or “real” parent-child relationship, and adoption is fictive, sealed by contract and not by nature. Where blood is the symbolic core of kinship, birth accords both primary rights and essential aspects of identity—an ideology distinct to Euro-American culture. This point of view contrasts sharply with cultures in which incorporation into a group grants full kinship status and provides the elements of identity. Belonging is the standard for a solid and enduring parent-child tie. The decision to “take in” a child is a decision based on love, generosity, and the nurture etymologically linked to fostering. Th e Futur e of Adoption The last decades of the 20th century saw a burgeoning adoption-reform movement in the United States. With its bid to end the confidentiality of American adoption, the movement reiterated the importance of biology in constructions of the person. Premised on the conviction that an individual who lacks knowledge of her biological background lacks not just information about genetic predispositions but also the key elements of an integrated identity, the movement argues for contact between adoptive and biological parents. Reversing colonial history, advocates of change in Western adoption find models in societies in which child exchange forms a bond between adults. From the reform point of view, the end of anonymity seeks to establish the trust and solidarity between exchangers of a child that is characteristic of indigenous societies. Coupled with psychological theories of the conditions under which a child will thrive, contact with “all” parents is regarded as serving the child’s best interests. But the insistence on contact vies with an equally strong premise of American adoption, the as-if-begotten premise that creates the adoptive family in the image of the consanguineous

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nuclear family. The image prescribes only one set of parents for a child. Biology returns to American adoption in another form: mapping the genetic heritage of the child. With technological advances, the child may soon know her biological background without meeting her birth parents. Furthermore, mapping genetic heritage reiterates another aspect of American adoption policy: the matching of adopted child to adoptive parents. A long-standing practice, matching cements the as-if-begotten principle, creating a family that looks as if birth connected parent and child. The adoption-reform movement in the United States coincides with the globalization of adoption practices and policies. Children circulate widely, from developing to industrialized nations, and ideologies of constructed and “real” kinship follow in their wake. Parents and children do not look alike, and the mode of forming a family is marked by visibility, not secrecy. Many who adopt children whose appearance, or nationality, is different from their own promote the distinct cultural features of their child’s identity. Without the anchor of matching and as-if-begotten, adoption faces new hurdles in ensuring the best interests of the child. Discarding the birth model and the nuclear-family standard demands fresh prescriptions for the well-being of a child. A version of the nature/nurture debate, preoccupation with inherited and learned traits emerges again in the context of adoptions across racial, ethnic, cultural, and national borders. Does circulation of children intensify inequalities between nations? What are the rights of children in an international legal arena? Child exchange has been culturally specific for centuries, serving the needs of particular societies at particular times, under the aegis of prevailing interpretations of kinship and identity. In an era of globalization, the interests of adults who migrate, accumulate resources, and create kinship may transform the best interests of the child. Judith Schachter see also: Abandonment and Infanticide; Brace, Charles Loring; Foster and Kinship Care; Gay and Lesbian Parents; Orphanages; Parenthood; Remarriage and the Blended Family; Single Parents further reading: Barbara Melosh, Strangers and Kin: The American Way of Adoption, 2002. • Judith Modell [Schachter], A Sealed and Secret Kinship: The Culture of Policies and Practices in American Adoption, 2002. • Fiona Bowie, ed., Cross-Cultural Approaches to Adoption, 2004. • Toby Alice Volkman, Cultures of Transnational Adoption, 2005.

effects on the child. Adoption, in its many forms, is a fundamental way families are established. Most people can think of a friend, an acquaintance, or a family member who is adopted or has adopted a child. Couples, relatives, single, gay, and lesbian persons adopt older children, infants, children of a differing race, and children from abroad. Though there is no one agency that collects comprehensive data on

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the number and types of adoptions in the United States, the Children’s Bureau of the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services estimates between 118,000 and 127,000 children, including those adopted by relatives, are adopted annually. Adoptive families, which also can include connections to birth families, are one version of the many forms of complex families found in current society. The diversity of adoptive experience requires that outcomes for adopted children be considered within particular contexts. T y pes of Adoption Adoption is traditionally thought of as the process by which an infant is placed with nonrelated adopted parents of the same race. Domestic infant adoption, once the norm for nonrelative adoptive placements, is no longer the dominant form of adoption in the United States. Kinship adoption (adoption by a nonparent relative or stepparent) is common. For countries with extensive foster care systems (e.g., the United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada), the emphasis on finding permanent homes for children for whom reunification with a biological relative is not possible has increased the numbers of children adopted from the child welfare system. Children adopted from foster care have a greater proportion of physical, behavioral, and emotional disabilities that require adoptive parents to bring flexibility and sensitivity to their children’s unique needs. This can include, when appropriate, ways to maintain contact with birth families adopted children remember. Postadoption support from communities, extended families, and service organizations is essential for helping adoptive parents deal with challenging behaviors children with difficult backgrounds can exhibit. Financial subsidies are also available to provide medical, maintenance, and special services to their children. Adoptions from the child welfare system can be successful, bringing great satisfaction, when adoptive parents are given good support and are provided with a family history and information about their child’s needs, disabilities, and limitations so that reasonable expectations about their child’s adjustment can be made. International adoption, placement of a child with an adoptive family across national lines, has increased in prevalence since the 1980s. In that decade, South Korea and Latin America accounted for the majority of children placed internationally. Since the 1990s, China and Russia have been the main sending countries. Age at adoption and experience of early deprivation or abuse are key factors in predicting developmental outcomes of internationally adopted children. Institutional care can have a negative impact on physical growth, cognitive development, and attachment security. For those children adopted at an early age who have not experienced severe deprivation, research evidence suggests there is a catch-up effect influenced by the protective factors of the adoptive family. As a group, children adopted internationally at an early age show the

same range of normative adjustment in the areas of secure attachment, IQ, school achievement, and self-esteem as their nonadopted peers. Physical growth lags behind, and parental report of behavioral problems tends to be greater than rates reported for nonadopted peers. In general, children adopted at older ages and those who have experienced severe deprivation are at greater risk for attachment difficulties and behavior problems. These children do not catch up completely with regard to physical growth and demonstrate less optimal school achievement than their nonadopted peers. Yet it is important to note that in all these areas, children adopted at older ages experience better adjustment than children raised in institutional care. International adoptions are often transracial and account for the vast majority of transracial placements. Parents of transracially adopted children, both domestically and internationally, must address issues of discrimination and the complexities of racial and ethnic identity. Children who are raised in families that acknowledge and support cultural differences show better adjustment than those raised in families where racial differences are ignored or overemphasis is placed on assimilating the child into mainstream culture. Dev elopmen tal Issues The development of a secure attachment to adoptive parents and a positive adoptive identity are two issues central to understanding adopted children. Attachment theory asserts that early attachments are important influences on later development. For adopted children, early attachments may have been developed without a full sense of security or not developed at all due to neglect. This leads to the assumption that attachments in adoptive families are less secure. The research evidence for this is equivocal. Early attachments are important, but they are not the sole determiners of future adjustment. Attachment should be considered a dynamic process that is not tied to one developmental period. Children, even those with difficult attachment histories, form many attachments throughout childhood and can do so within the stable and loving environment of their adoptive family. When realistic expectations are held about the effort and time it takes for relationships to develop within families, there is room for secure attachments to form. Adoptive parents bring many strengths and resources to parenting that help facilitate the development of secure attachments; they are often older, more financially secure, and have been married longer than first-time parents whose children are born to them. When behavioral difficulties do arise, caution should be used not to overemphasize attachment problems as the reason. All children as they approach adolescence are faced with the core task of identity development. Adopted adolescents face unique challenges as they make meaning of their beginnings and entry into the adoptive family. As questions about adoption are explored, an adoptive identity is de-

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veloped. Harold Grotevant conceptualized adoptive identity as being composed of three aspects: an intrapsychic component, a component involving family relationships, and a component of social worlds beyond the family. The intrapsychic component focuses on the affective and cognitive process of adoptive identity formation. This includes thinking about and exploring what it means to have both a birth and an adoptive family. Talking with family members and other adopted persons or independently learning more about adoption are activities that contribute to the intrapsychic aspect of adoptive identity exploration. Communication about adoption in the family sets the relational context within which adoptive identity exploration takes place. As adolescents desire more independence and become more interested in exploring their adoptive identity, adoptive parents still control access to adoption and birthfamily information. Decisions about what known information to share and if and when obtaining more information is attempted are made by adoptive parents. Adopted adolescent exploration is supported by parents who make decisions about information sharing in a context of empathy and understanding of their children’s desire to know more about their background. The social worlds of the adolescent that include peers, school, and community also influence adoptive identity development. Messages received about adoption from these spheres are compared and contrasted to the adolescent’s own thinking and family ideas and values. For those adolescents who are adopted transracially, this includes integrating messages not only about adoption but about race and culture as well. Negative understandings of adoption, including experiences of social stigma, can lead to feelings of being different or not belonging, while positive messages about adoption can enhance self-esteem and promote a secure adoptive identity. Adolescents take their own path as to the timing and intensity of adoptive identity exploration. It is important that the significant adults in the adopted adolescent’s life be good observers, receptive listeners, and providers of information so that adopted adolescents can set their own pace for integrating their adoption experiences as they develop an adoptive identity. O p enne ss i n Ad op t ion Openness or contact in adoption consists of variations in ways birth and adoptive families communicate with one another. Openness can be placed on a continuum with confidential adoption, characterized by an absence of communication, at one end, to fully disclosed adoption, characterized by a direct exchange of information between birth and adoptive families, at the other. In the middle of the continuum is mediated adoption in which nonidentifying information is exchanged through an intermediary, often the adoption agency. Most adoption agencies include openness in their practice in response to birth mothers’ desire for continued contact, adopted persons’ need to understand

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their past, and the increased numbers of older children being placed for adoption who know and remember their birth families. It is now the norm for domestic adoption to include some form of openness. Openness often changes over time. Contact in adoption is a dynamic process influenced by the desires of the members of the adoption kinship network (adoptive parents, birth parents, and the adopted persons). Members of the adoption kinship network will develop a sense of interdependence over time as they work to find a balance of contact that is comfortable for all. Research findings from the Minnesota-Texas Adoption Research Project indicate that most adolescents and adoptive parents are satisfied with the amount of contact they experience; dissatisfaction with contact is most often associated with a desire for more. Openness in adoption can result in better emotional adjustment for the adopted child, especially when collaboration around decision making between birth and adoptive parents is based on the well-being of the adopted child rather than meeting the needs of the adults. Not all adopted persons have contact with their birth families, and curiosity may lead some to search for more information. Traditionally, searching is thought to involve adults in confidential adoptions, finding, and meeting their birth parents. However, thinking about information gathering and searching begins in adolescence. Often this process results in a decision to move forward, but in other cases a decision is made that known information is adequate and further information gathering or meeting birth-family members is not necessary. Both decisions are represented in normative development. Recent research has indicated that the desire on the part of adolescents to gather more information is not the result of problematic relationships in the adoptive family or adolescent maladjustment. M en tal H e alth The impact on mental health of being adopted has been the focus of considerable research. While it has been widely acknowledged that adopted persons, as a group, demonstrate higher rates of behavioral difficulties than their nonadopted peers, recent research has described the complex relationships between different risk and protective factors that contribute to this perception. Adopted children’s experiences vary in relation to their prenatal histories (e.g., quality of prenatal care, exposure to drugs and alcohol), their preplacement histories (e.g., orphanage care, foster care, variation in length and quality of preplacement care), and their adoption experience (e.g., age at placement, international adoption, transracial adoption, quality of care). Developmental level also appears to influence the emergence of mental health or behavioral concerns. While few differences appear between adopted and nonadopted peers during infancy and the preschool years, by middle childhood and adolescence increased rates of behavioral problems are seen for adopted persons. Characteristics beyond the ad-

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opted child can also contribute to the perceived higher rates of mental health and behavioral concerns. Adoptive parents may be more likely to refer their children to mental health professionals for care at earlier stages of concern. Comfort with social-service providers or understanding that adopted children may be a higher risk for behavioral difficulties leading to a desire to intervene early can contribute to the larger percentages of children referred to mental health clinics. Predicting and understanding the mental health concerns of adopted persons requires a sound understanding of the risk and protective factors they experience, rather than a focus on adoptive status alone. Adoption status itself is not sufficient to predict behavioral difficulties or mental health concerns. In conclusion, adoption is a positive influence on the development of children, but the multifaceted nature of adoption brings a complexity that requires adopted children be understood within the unique context of their own adoption experience. Gretchen Miller Wrobel see also: Attachment, Infant; Foster and Kinship Care; Gay and Lesbian Parents; Identity; Kinship and Child Rearing; Single Parents further reading: H. D. Grotevant and R. G. McRoy, Openness in Adoption: Exploring Family Connections, 1998. • D. M. Brodzinsky and J. Palacios, Psychological Issues in Adoption: Theory, Research, and Practice, 2005. • G. M. Wrobel, Z. Hendrickson, and H. D. Grotevant, “Adoption,” in G. G. Bear and K. M. Minke, eds., Children’s Needs III: Development, Prevention, and Intervention, 2006, pp. 675–88.

legal and public-policy perspectives. Adoptive fami-

lies are the product of law, not blood. A status recognized in the United States since the mid-19th century by state statutes and courts, adoption is now increasingly affected by myriad federal child welfare, civil rights, health insurance, labor, tax, and immigration laws as well as constitutional doctrines and intercountry adoption treaties. Only state courts, and in some instances Indian tribal courts, are authorized to issue an adoption decree upon finding that the necessary legal prerequisites are satisfied and that the proposed adoption is in the best interests of the particular child. The decree confers the legal status of parent and child on individuals who are not each other’s biogenetic parent or child. Except for stepparent and other adoptions where a child continues to be raised by a birth parent and a previously unrelated second parent, an adoption decree severs the legal and economic relationship of the child to both biogenetic parents and provides that the child becomes “for all purposes” the child of the adoptive parents. The adoptive family replaces and becomes the permanent legal equivalent of the child’s birth family, subject to the same rights, benefits, and responsibilities as other legally recognized families. Adoption entails psychosocial as well as legal consequences. Often described as a “perfect solution” to an

unwanted pregnancy, adoption allegedly allows birth parents—especially unwed mothers eager to avoid the stigma of illegitimacy—to place their children in a new, stable family and get a fresh start on their own lives. Adoption also satisfies the desires of infertile adults to have children and perpetuate their own family heritage. Moreover, it relieves states of the fiscal and administrative burdens of caring for dependent children by shifting responsibility for their well-being to the private sector. Most important, adoption provides otherwise parentless children a secure and presumably loving permanent family. Nonetheless, by legitimizing a parent-child relationship between biogenetic strangers, adoption strikes some skeptics as an imperfect legal fiction that defies common understandings of family as defined by blood and genes. From this perspective, adoption is less a story of personal and societal gain than of loss: the “natural” parent’s loss of the opportunity to raise biological offspring, the adoptive parent’s loss of the opportunity to have “natural” children, the child’s loss of biogenetic kin, and the state’s loss of its ability to preserve “natural” families. In fact, a substantial body of research testifies to the successful outcomes for children raised by adoptive parents, especially for those placed as infants but also for older children and for those from the United States and other countries who are adopted into families with different racial, ethnic, or religious backgrounds. On a variety of outcome measures, adopted children do as well as children who live with their biogenetic parents and significantly better than children who live with parents who are indifferent or abusive or children who grow up in foster care, group homes, or other institutional settings. Love and nurture do indeed temper nature and mitigate the effects of any preadoptive history of maltreatment. Reflecting the broader demographic changes of the past half century, the faces within adoptive families have changed dramatically. By far the largest numbers of adoptions are by stepparents, grandparents, or other relatives, who are already caring informally for a child or are recruited by state child protection agencies to care for the child of a family member whose parental rights are being involuntarily terminated. Of nonrelative domestic adoptions, perhaps a third or fewer conform to the traditional model of a presumably healthy white infant placed voluntarily by an unwed mother directly or through a private agency or lawyer with an infertile married white couple. As reliable contraceptives and abortion have become more accessible and as the social stigma of out-of-wedlock birth has dissipated, only a tiny percentage of the skyrocketing number of unwed mothers now place their newborns for adoption. Many infertile women and couples resist the allure of assisted reproduction and, instead, seek to adopt; unlike their counterparts of a generation ago, however, fewer are determined to reinscribe the “natural” families they cannot

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have by adopting an infant matching their own appearance. More and more infertile couples, along with adults who can or already have biological children, are adopting across racial, ethnic, and national boundaries; many are not averse to adopting older children or children with disabilities. In most states, lesbians and gays are able to adopt children from foster care; moreover, for the tens of thousands of lesbians and gays who become parents through assisted reproduction, it is becoming easier to use adoption to establish legal coparentage of their children with their same-sex partners. Most nonrelative domestic adoptions are not motivated by prospective parents’ desires to overcome infertility but by the efforts of state child protection agencies to secure permanent families for the hundreds of thousands of children in state custody whose birth parents’ rights are terminated because of neglect, abuse, or abandonment. On average, these children have been adrift in foster care for three to four years or more, and African American children, who are disproportionately represented in this system, wait far longer than others for a permanent placement. Largely because of recent federal legislation and funding initiatives, foster parents are now adopting nearly 50,000 of these children a year. The Adoption and Safe Families Act (1997) encourages state agencies to expedite adoptions for children who are unlikely to be reunified with their birth families. The Multiethnic Placement Act (1994–96) prohibits federally funded agencies from denying or delaying adoptive placements on the basis of race, color, or national origin but also mandates diligent recruitment of foster and adoptive parents who reflect the racial and ethnic diversity of the children in need of permanent placement. Other federal programs provide income tax credits and employment benefits for adoption-related expenses, subsidies and health care for adopted children with special needs, and postadoption support services. Intercountry adoptions are the most prominent example of families being formed across ethnic and racial lines. Adoptions of children from other countries by U.S. citizens have tripled since the 1980s. Now that the United States and more than 70 other countries are parties to the 1993 Hague Convention on Intercountry Adoption, these adoptions may soon exceed 25,000 annually, even as concerns intensify about the adverse and possibly irreversible effects of the severe physical and emotional deprivations so many of these children experience in their countries of origin. A complex, confusing, and confl icting system of state, federal, and international laws and policies facilitates, but also significantly impedes, the formation of these different kinds of adoptive families. While the basic consequences of adoption have become fairly standardized—the child is treated in all legal and economic respects as the child of the adoptive parents—laws and policies on other aspects of adoption are anything but uniform. The necessary pre-

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requisites for a valid adoption are generally understood to be parental consent or a constitutionally sound reason for dispensing with parental consent but requiring, instead, the acquiescence of the child’s public or private custodian; the consent of the child, if of sufficient age or maturity; a determination that the prospective parents are eligible and suitable to adopt; proof that any payments for adoptionrelated expenses were not intended to induce a birth parent’s consent or relinquishment; and a judicial finding that the adoption is in the child’s best interests. Because of the lack of consensus on the scope of public responsibility for children’s well-being, the criteria for satisfying these prerequisites differ substantially from one state to another. For example, parental consent, or proof that a parent has forfeited the right to block an adoption, has always been a necessary prerequisite to judicial consideration of an adoption petition. State common law and federal constitutional doctrines honoring family privacy and parental autonomy have incorporated cultural traditions and theories of natural law and delegated duties that endow biological parents with superior rights to the possession and control of their offspring. Central to these doctrines is the presumption that parents are fit to raise their children without interference by the state, which has no authority to separate children from their parents simply in order to seek a “better” placement. While all states provide that a birth mother’s consent or relinquishment cannot be final until after a child’s birth, procedures governing the timing, content, formality, and revocability of consents vary greatly. State laws that define “unfitness” as grounds for an involuntary termination of parental rights also vary, as do the laws that determine the rights of fathers, particularly unwed fathers. Recent U.S. Supreme Court decisions recognize that the mere existence of a biogenetic link to a child is not by itself sufficient to merit constitutional protection. Only unwed fathers who promptly grasp the unique “opportunity interest” arising from this link and establish a genuine parental relationship are entitled to consent to or veto a proposed adoption. Yet states differ on whether to protect birth mothers more than fathers or to protect men who are actually caring for and supporting their child but not men whose efforts to assume a parental role have been unsuccessful because they were thwarted by others. By contrast to the protections accorded biogenetic parents, individuals who wish to parent through adoption find their personal values and most intimate behaviors subject to intense scrutiny and bureaucratic regulation. A powerful cast of social workers and counselors evaluate the suitability of prospective parents before they can legally adopt. Yet the lack of any reliable tests of parental suitability, along with uncertainty about the constitutionality of divergent, sometimes religiously motivated or blatantly discriminatory, “matching” policies, contributes to the resentment

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many adoptive parents feel about intrusive and costly home studies. Instead of having to prove their fitness to parent, they want more postadoption assistance to alleviate the unanticipated or insufficiently disclosed needs of the children they adopt. These concerns are especially acute in the international context where many thousands of prospective parents are being unjustifiably discouraged from pursuing adoption by the highly restrictive suitability criteria in the U.S. regulations implementing the Hague Convention as well as by other countries’ adherence to the subsidiarity principle that presumes children are always better off in their countries of origin. Even with regard to the generally standard consequences of adoption, variation and controversy abound. For much of the 20th century, the assertion that families formed through adoption are in all respects the equivalent of families formed through procreation was based on the expectation that, within the emerging legal framework of equivalence, the psychological and emotional qualities of “normal natural families” would be replicated in adoptive families. The goal was—and for many adoptive parents still is—to look and feel as close as possible to the biogenetically related children they cannot have. State laws that seal adoption records, substitute the names of adoptive parents for birth parents on birth certificates, and permit (even if they do not require) anonymity and strict separation between birth and adoptive families, all reflect the equivalence model. Since the 1970s, however, this model has been subject to mounting criticism for trivializing the psychosocial as well as biogenetic differences between birth and adoptive families. Claims of equivalence are further undermined by the burgeoning numbers of adopted children and adoptive parents who do not resemble one another. Although differences are no longer being denied, they are generally not being construed as evidence that adoptive families are not as well functioning or as worthy of protection as others. Openness and the acknowledgment and proud acceptance of difference have become the mantras of contemporary adoption practice. Adoptive families continue to seek legal equivalence but are more likely to seek social and cultural acceptance by proclaiming their distinctive characteristics, rather than by portraying themselves as mirror images of the biogenetic families they cannot be. A key element of the acknowledgment-of-difference mantra is the attack on secrecy in adoption that has spurred the increasingly successful efforts by adopted persons in many states to obtain their original birth certificates as well as information about their original families. There are also calls for more openness at all stages of an adoption. Whether limited to an exchange of information between birth and adoptive parents at the time of placement or broad enough to include ongoing visitation by birth and adoptive families, open adoptions are said to enable birth

mothers to diminish their sense of loss, adopted children to possess the piece of themselves missing from their otherwise secure adoptive ties, and adoptive parents to have access to information vital to their capacity to respond to their children’s developmental needs. The significance of the change from the equivalence model, with its attendant denials, to a difference model, with its embrace of openness, is complicated by a shift in power from adoptive to birth parents. As the competition among would-be adoptive parents has intensified in response to the decline since the 1970s in the number of adoptable infants, a more distinctive “seller’s market” has emerged in domestic private adoptions. Birth parents are not only choosing the individuals who will parent their children, but they also are often asking to remain a part of the new adoptive family’s life. Those who harbor doubts about meeting or maintaining contact with birth parents are less likely to be able to adopt; many private agencies fear going out of business unless they accede to birth parents’ requests for open placements. Not all prospective adoptive parents are willing to pay what they believe is too high a price to acquire a child. They want to be parents with the same constitutionally protected autonomy and privacy as other legal parents enjoy, not long-term caregivers of a child whose destiny is ultimately determined by the biogenetic family. Although most adoptive parents now prefer, and even demand, greater openness when it means access to the medical and psychosocial histories of the children they adopt, many are uneasy about continued contact with birth parents if it goes beyond annual exchanges of photographs or letters and encompasses visitation and other entanglements that raise the specter of shared parenting. The interest in adopting children from other countries may be partially attributable to a desire to avoid any direct contact with birth families. Yet as more countries encourage birth parents to provide medical and other information about themselves when they give up a child for adoption and as more adoptive parents come to understand that their children may eventually want to establish ties to their countries of origin, openness may become a prominent aspect of intercountry as well as domestic adoptions. If so, U.S. immigration laws that discourage and penalize contact between prospective adoptive parents and birth families in other countries will be even more anachronistic than they now are. As the legal edifice that once so completely separated birth and adoptive families crumbles and as the diverse faces within adoptive families belie the goals of the traditional equivalence model, reliable guideposts are needed to assist birth and adoptive parents who are uncertain whether anonymity or ongoing contact is preferable for them and their children. Despite the drawbacks of the equivalence model, the alternative embrace of difference and openness may also not be appropriate for every adoptive family. While private

a d u l t c r im in a l j u s t ic e s y s t e m , c h il d r e n in t h e

agreements for postadoption contact based on mutual trust between adoptive and birth parents should not be treated as inconsistent with the legal rule that adoptive families completely replace biogenetic families, statutes that allow courts to enforce these agreements even over the objection of adoptive parents may impose unwarranted governmental constraints on constitutionally protected parental autonomy. In lieu of the multilayered, highly articulated, and prescriptive system of laws and child welfare practices that now regulate the formation and subsequent lives of adoptive families, the well-being of adopted children might be better served by the development of a customary law of adoptions, to be crafted over time by adoptive and birth families, who may learn to rely more on one another and on their own negotiated arrangements than on the purported wisdom of that large cast of legal advisers and child welfare experts whose earlier dominion over the meaning of adoption is now being challenged. Joan Heifetz Hollinger see also: Baby and Child Selling; Best Interests of the Child; Custody; Foster and Kinship Care; Gay and Lesbian Parents; Parenthood; Reproductive Technologies; Rights, Parental; Rights, Termination of Parental; Single Parents further reading: Joan H. Hollinger, ed., Adoption Law and Practice, 3 vols., 1988. • David D. Meyer, “Family Ties: Solving the Constitutional Dilemma of the Faultless Father,” Arizona Law Review 41 (1999), p. 753. • Naomi R. Cahn and Joan Heifetz Hollinger, Families by Law: An Adoption Reader, 2004.

adult criminal justice system, children in the. The decision whether young offenders should be tried as juveniles or adults is more than a choice of punishment regimes. The philosophies and practices of the juvenile court differ sharply from those of the adult criminal court, and these differences reflect deeply held assumptions about the nature of teenage crime, how society should react to it, and adolescence itself. It also is a choice that has serious consequences both for teenagers and for public safety. Since the creation of the nation’s first juvenile court in 1899, judges have been able to transfer children to the adult criminal justice system. In the early years of the juvenile court, judges decided which youths were “amenable to treatment” and summoned the court’s powers to intervene in the lives of these children and their families. Judges could select the most serious juvenile offenders— adolescents whose histories or crimes suggested that they were beyond the capacity of the juvenile court’s ability to reform them—for transfer to the criminal (adult) court. The standards and procedures for transfer were formalized in Kent v. United States (1966), a case that established rules by which defendants could challenge a prosecutor’s motion to transfer a case to the criminal court. “Maturity” and “sophistication” were important parts of the Kent framework, and adolescents who were deemed “amenable to treatment” were retained in the juvenile court.

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This traditional method of transfer, whereby judges decide which cases to transfer to the criminal court, is known as judicial transfer. The practice allows judges to retain the vast majority of cases in juvenile court but transfer the most severe ones to the criminal court. In the decades since Kent, states have passed an avalanche of laws that have steadily lowered the age of eligibility for transfer to the criminal court and punishment as an adult and removed the discretionary transfer decision from juvenile court judges. It is now common for prosecutors to decide whether to waive a case to the criminal court by filing charges directly in the criminal court. Known as direct file, this mechanism allows prosecutors to decide in which court— juvenile or criminal—a youth should be prosecuted. This decision occurs before a youth enters the court and, thus, prior to any hearing and without judicial oversight. Legislators also have made de facto waiver decisions by excluding certain categories of offenses and offenders from the juvenile court. Using this mechanism, known as legislative exclusion, state legislatures have established age and offense categories (e.g., anyone older than age 15 arrested for robbery) that are excluded from juvenile court. Still other statutes identify specific categories of offenses or offenders for transfer and allow criminal court judges to decide whether the case will remain in the criminal court or be returned to the juvenile court. Some states mandate that the fact-finding stage of a criminal case against an adolescent be completed in the criminal court but that the sentence be determined in the juvenile court. Under a sentencing provision known as “blended sentencing” or “extended juvenile jurisdiction,” some states allow juvenile court judges to sentence adolescents to a juvenile correctional placement and, upon evaluation at age 18, either be transferred to an adult correctional placement or be released to a community placement or supervision. Most states use a combination of these mechanisms to allow for transfer of a wide variety of cases. Each method of transfer has its opponents and defenders. Proponents of judicial transfer argue that judges are best trained to make decisions about which youth could benefit from treatment available in the juvenile court, while opponents contend that this method leads to underuse of transfer and to racial/ethnic disparities. Those in favor of direct file believe that this is an efficient method of selecting the most serious cases for transfer, though opponents claim that it denies youth judicial oversight of the transfer decision and leads to overuse. Proponents of legislative exclusion claim that it is the most objective, and thereby fair, method, while others claim that this method includes overly broad categories of offenders without the ability to weed out individual cases. Advocates for blended sentencing suggest that the threat of a lengthy placement in an adult correctional facility will motivate youths to take advantage of the rehabilitative services in the juvenile system, though

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opponents criticize it for adding to the overall number of youth who are punished as adults. There is little systematic comparative information about the reach of these transfer mechanisms and their effects on case outcomes. However, studies of transfer rates in states using either direct file or legislative exclusion suggest that these methods lead to far greater use of transfer compared to transfer rates in comparable states where the traditional judicial transfer method prevails. Once in the adult criminal justice system, adolescents are exposed to more severe penalties and harsher correctional settings than similarly situated adolescents in the juvenile justice system. This is the promise of policy makers who sell transfer policies as “gettough” measures, and they seem to deliver on it. Though some earlier studies found that juveniles in criminal court may actually receive lenient sentences, more recent studies examining specific effects by type of crime consistently find that transferred youth are punished more harshly. Policy makers also promote transfer laws as a means to deter would-be juvenile offenders. Though there have been only a few attempts to study the deterrent effect of transferring children to the adult criminal justice system, these studies overwhelmingly suggest that transfer policies do not reduce crime. Neither of the two studies that ask whether transfer laws have a general deterrent effect for the eligible youth population at large finds that these laws prevent crime. Additionally, several studies have asked whether transfer has a specific deterrent effect on the future criminality of youths sentenced in the criminal court. Many showed no difference in rearrest rates between groups, while some concluded that transferred youth actually are more likely to commit future crimes. Perhaps most important, this counterdeterrent effect is largest for violent reoffending. These empirical trends suggest that if more lenient transfer laws have any effect on crime rates, they are putting the public at greater risk. These robust results, where the same outcomes are found across an array of research studies using different samples and methods, have led many experts to argue for a more limited use of transfer for juvenile offenders. The racial imbalance in juvenile and adult correctional populations raises a question regarding racial disparities in the use of transfer. The few research studies to address this question show that minority youth are more likely to be transferred to criminal court than white youth, regardless of the severity of the crime or the defendant’s prior offending history. Racial disparity is present in each of the three primary transfer mechanisms: legislative exclusion, direct file, or judicial waiver. Racial imbalances in transfer contradict proponents of direct file and legislative exclusion mechanisms, who claim that these methods are based on more objective criteria such as crime seriousness than the subjective criteria of “amenability to treatment” that animates judicial transfer. Of course, even these seemingly objective decisions regarding crime severity retain discretion-

ary elements that may explain the racial imbalances, such as prosecutorial decisions about what crime to charge the youthful offender with in the first instance. A rising rate of transfer means greater numbers of youth incarcerated in adult prisons than in juvenile correctional facilities. Though research on what happens to youth in adult prisons is sparse, it does appear that they are less likely to receive potentially helpful services such as education or counseling, they are less likely to develop positive interactions with correctional staff, and they are more likely to be physically and sexually victimized than adolescents in juvenile correctional facilities. Overall, it seems that punishing youth in the criminal justice system might have negative consequences for both the individual offender and, given the low likelihood of rehabilitation in adult prisons, for society at large. Finally, it is important to consider the symbolic importance of transferring youth to the criminal justice system. Transferring large numbers of children suggests a normative shift in popular views on adolescence. Instead of assuming that children are in need of help rather than punishment when they commit crimes, the public now wants to see children who commit “adult crimes” do “adult time.” The increasing use of transfer seems to rely on the assumptions that youthful offenders are sufficiently mature to be held culpable for their crimes, that their immaturity is offset by the harm they have done, and that they deserve harsh punishments that match the severity of their crimes. The broad use of transfer assumes that adolescents are not sufficiently different from adults in the capacities that comprise maturity and, hence, culpability. This jurisprudential and policy shift also assumes that adolescents have the same competencies as adults to understand and meaningfully participate in criminal proceedings. Ironically, this comes at a time when new research shows important physiological disparities between the brains of adolescents and adults, demonstrating that adolescents do indeed think differently than adults. The transfer of large numbers of youth to the criminal justice system departs from the long-standing jurisprudential view of diminished responsibility for youth while augmenting the racial/ethnic disparities found in the juvenile justice system and potentially exposing the public to increased risk of victimization. Thus, law and science are moving in opposite directions on juvenile justice policies, raising public policy concerns for the next generation of law reform. Aaron Kupchik and Jeffrey Fagan see also: Crime, Juvenile; Criminal Procedure, Children and; Death Penalty, Children and the; Juvenile Justice System; Punishment, Legal further reading: Simon I. Singer, Recriminalizing Delinquency: Violent Juvenile Crime and Juvenile Justice Reform, 1996. • Barry Feld, Bad Kids: Race and the Transformation of the Juvenile Court, 1999. • Jeffrey Fagan and Franklin E. Zimring, eds., The Changing Borders of Juvenile Justice, 2000. • Donna Bishop, “Juvenile Offend-

a d v a n c e d p l a c e m e n t p r o gr a m ers in the Adult Criminal System,” in Michael Tonry, ed., Crime and Justice: A Review of Research, Vol. 27, 2001, pp. 81–167.

advanced placement program. In 1954, a group of educators concerned that a program that provided scholarships to high school sophomores to attend prestigious colleges was taking the most promising students away from their secondary schools contracted with the Educational Testing Service to develop individual courses for high school students with corresponding assessments that would allow for motivated students to take freshman courses in their senior year in their home schools. From that time, there has been a steady growth in the number of courses offered, exams taken, and colleges and universities granting credit for successful performance on the exams administered by the College Board, a not-for-profit organization best known for the development and administration of the PSAT and SAT exams and creation of syllabi for Advanced Placement courses and the construction and scoring of examinations for assessing achievement in those courses. Advanced Placement (AP) courses are now routinely offered to students in 10th, 11th, and 12th grades, and students as young as 5th grade have enrolled in the courses and earned college credit. AP courses and the International Baccalaureate (IB) Program are the most prevalent offerings to academically gifted students in U.S. high schools. The International Baccalaureate Program is distinguished from the Advanced Placement courses in that AP courses are offered as independent entities, while the IB Program includes specific course requirements in languages, the humanities, mathematics, the sciences, and the arts (one-year and multiyear classes) and specific products including independent study projects, a community service project, and comprehensive essays leading to a diploma. Both programs support external examinations graded by independent examiners. Further, enrollment in AP courses or the IB Program is now regarded as necessary for admission to the most elite colleges and universities, and in the popular media schools are rated on the basis of AP or IB offerings. As a consequence of these factors and others, including federal support for AP offerings, the period since the mid-1990s has seen tremendous growth in course offerings and enrollment both for identified gifted students and for other students. In 2004, more than 1 million students from 14,144 schools (82% of U.S. high schools) took nearly 2 million exams. They participated in 34 AP courses across the domains of mathematics, science, English, the social sciences, foreign languages, computer science, art, and music. The courses and the exams used to assess student success are developed by the College Board in consultation with college faculty and experienced AP high school teachers. The curriculum for AP courses is defined in course syllabi that include topical outlines and recommended texts and

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readings, specifications of the emphases on particular topics on examinations, recommended laboratory time and exercises, and sample exam questions. The College Board provides workshops for teachers on curriculum content and appropriate instructional strategies as well as advice on aligning middle school and high school curricula to prepare students for AP courses. Examinations are independently scored by trained raters on a 1 to 5 scale. The College Board defines a 3 as equivalent to a C in a beginning-level college course in the area assessed. However, individual colleges and universities determine the score that must be attained in order to earn college credit for a course and/or receive permission to enroll in more advanced classes. Criticisms of the courses and exams in mathematics and science by the National Research Council and of other courses by college faculty, in conjunction with questions about the preparation of high school teachers in the disciplines in which they teach AP courses, have resulted in some universities raising the requisite score in some disciplines and in the abandonment of the awarding of credit in others. Surveys of students and teachers document a higher level of challenge and teacher enthusiasm in AP courses than in traditional high school courses. Other research documents that students who enroll in advanced college courses based upon AP exam performance earn grades at least equivalent to other students in the class. However, this conclusion is based on a very small number of studies, and criticisms of the methodology of the studies has led experts to question how often and under what circumstances AP students are at an advantage for having taken those courses. Results of recent research by the National Research Center on the Gifted and Talented (NRC/GT) indicate that while highly motivated, very well-prepared students are satisfied with AP courses and deem them challenging, students who learn differently, do not have mastery of requisite skills, or who question the content goals of the courses often drop out. Continuing concerns about underrepresentation and relatively lower scores of African Americans, Latinos, and Native Americans persist despite efforts on the part of the College Board to increase participation by minority and low-income students (e.g., reduced charges for testing for low-income students) and funding from states and federal governments for teacher training, curricular resources, and reduced test fees. Success with these students is associated with peer-group support, cohesive faculties, high expectations for achievement, supportive adults, and counseling in tacit school strategies such as learning to ask for help. Even though 30% more females than males take AP exams and the numbers of females in mathematics and science courses have increased, inequities persist in the enrollment and achievement of females in advanced calculus, all physics areas, chemistry, and computer science. Carolyn M. Callahan

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see also: Curriculum; Gifted and Talented, Education of Children Identified as; International Baccalaureate Program further reading: Jerry P. Gollub, Meryl W. Bertenthal, Jay B. Labov, and Philip C. Curtis, eds., Learning and Understanding: Improving Advanced Study of Mathematics and Science in U.S. High Schools, 2002. • Carolyn M. Callahan, Advanced Placement and International Baccalaureate Programs for Talented Students in American High Schools: A Focus on Science and Mathematics, 2003.

advertising. Marketers reach children and adolescents through multiple forms of media but primarily with television. Because the majority of research on this topic has been conducted in the United States, the statistics reported in this article are based on U.S. figures unless otherwise noted. Children typically begin watching TV by age 2 and watch an average of four hours a day. Twenty percent of 2to 7-year-olds, 46% of 8- to 12-year-olds, and 56% of 13- to 17-year-olds have televisions in their bedrooms. About 80% of children’s TV ads advertise products in four categories: toys, cereal, candy and snacks, and fast-food restaurants. Toy ads are highly seasonal, appearing abundantly in November and December. Almost half of the food ads are for breakfast cereals, with 20% for fast-food restaurants. In the United Kingdom, two-thirds of advertisements are for food, toys, or entertainment, with the majority of food ads for sweets and fast food. Children’s ads are full of high-quality visual and sound effects, color, movement, animation, alliteration, and wordplay, all emphasizing how much fun the products are. Appeals based on flavor, product performance, price, quality, nutrition, or safety are less common. Children’s ads contain less hard information than do adult ads, mostly presenting a global association of the product with fun times. Media psychologist Patty Valkenburg notes that advertisers worldwide target three different markets in children. First is the primary market, where children younger than 12 spend $30 billion and adolescents spend $40 billion per year in the United States and children living in the main cities of China (i.e., one-fourth of all Chinese children) spend $6 billion a year of their own money. Children make their first independent purchase around age 5, obtaining disposable income from gifts, allowances, and part-time jobs. They spend the majority of their money on entertainment (e.g., music and video games), food (e.g., candy and fast food), cosmetics, and clothes. Second is the influence market, whereby children influence their family in $250 billion of family purchases per year. Such influence has increased substantially as family income has risen and family size has declined. Sometimes this influence is direct, such as throwing a tantrum in the supermarket, and sometimes more indirect, as in communicating brand preferences to parents at home. Third is the future market, whereby children develop brand loyalties that persist into lifetime buying patterns.

Television advertising aimed specifically at children, such as commercials on Saturday cartoons, after-school shows, and child-oriented cable channels like Nickelodeon and Disney in the United States (and similar shows in other countries), represents only a minority of all the television children view. Although this discussion examines ads targeted to children on specifically children’s programming, a large majority of what children watch, including the ads, is general TV (75% for 6-year-olds, 95% for 11-year-olds). Besides television, children and adolescents are also exposed to marketing at school. Often schools receive incentives to advertise and sell products like soft drinks, and products are used as incentives to encourage children to earn good grades or read books (e.g., Pizza Hut BookIt). Programs such as Channel One bring advertisements to children during news shows watched at school. Cover Concepts donates school supplies and prizes (e.g., folders, locker posters) to cash-strapped school districts. The supplies or prizes are typically covered in advertisements or are sample products inviting children to test and provide feedback to the sponsor companies. Marketers also reach children through placing products in grocery stores on strategically low shelves, at ends of aisles, and by checkout counters. Products are also placed in movies to establish a connection between products and movie characters that children and adolescents enjoy. Mass marketing is achieved through giveaway programs (e.g., promotional products given to children with kid’s meals) and children’s memberships in kids’ clubs where they play games, enter contests, and receive coupons and free gifts. Advertising has increased on children’s Web sites, and many food companies have their own Web sites containing games, music, and online stores to further sell products to children. Children and teen magazines and radio programs also contain ads, although preadolescent children are not exposed to magazine and radio advertisements as often as they are to ads on television and at school. In adolescence, however, this changes with the huge increase in listening to radio and girls’ avid consumption of fashion magazines like Glamour and Teen Vogue. As children and adolescents are exposed to a vast array of sales pitches, these ads are subject to some regulation. In the United States, the watchdog agency overseeing advertising is the Federal Trade Commission (FTC). Its sister organization, the Federal Communications Commission (FCC), oversees radio and television, assigning frequencies and channels and ensuring fair practices. Stricter regulations and laws govern advertising to children than ads aimed at adults. For example, drug advertising aimed at children has usually been prohibited in the United States, while some countries prohibit (e.g., Sweden and Norway) or restrict (e.g., Australia, Belgium, and Greece) TV ads aimed at children younger than a certain age or during certain hours of the day. In the 1970s, the FTC was the most aggressively

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proconsumerist, although this abruptly changed with deregulation in the 1980s. In 1983, the FCC abolished children’s TV guidelines and in 1984 lifted limits on allowed commercial time per hour. In the 1990s, the pendulum started to swing the other way, with the Children’s Television Act of 1990 requiring broadcasters to air some educational programming ratings for television shows. C h i ldr en ’s Under s tandi ng of Adv ertisemen ts There are four stages of children’s understanding of advertising. During the first two years, children primarily notice bright and colorful television images (of which many are commercials) and start requesting advertised products by 18 months to 2 years of age. In the preschool years (ages 2–5), children understand TV literally and are very vulnerable to its appeals. By the third stage (ages 5–8), they begin to develop strategies for negotiating with parents over purchases. In the last stage (ages 9–12), the child makes the transition to more adult styles of consuming. Within this sequence of development, there are several particular issues of concern. Very young children do not discriminate between commercials and programs and do not understand the persuasive intent of ads. When children identify commercials at an early age, it is based on superficial audio and video aspects rather than an understanding of the difference between programs and commercials. Preschool children have little understanding that commercials are meant to sell products. Elementary school children show an intermediate level of understanding of the purpose of ads; however, video or audio separators between program and commercial do not necessarily make this discrimination easier. Distinguishing ads and programs is especially difficult if a primary character in the show is also the spokesperson in the ad (host selling). Children show increasing understanding of the selling purpose of ads as they grow older. About a third of 5- to 7-year-olds understand this, but almost all do by age 11. Explanations of middle elementary children center around the truth (or lack thereof ) of the content; only in late elementary school is the distrust based on perceived intent and an understanding of the advertiser’s motivation to sell the product. Among demographic groups, lower-socioeconomicclass children are the most trusting and least critical of ads. Another issue of concern in children’s advertising is the heavy use of disclaimers like “batteries not included,” “action figures sold separately,” or “part of a nutritious breakfast.” More than half of the commercials on children’s shows contain disclaimers, most often as adult voice-overs or small print at the bottom of the screen at the end of the ad. These are hardly ever a major focus of the commercial and often occur in vocabulary far beyond the child’s understanding, sometimes only in writing superimposed on a

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poorly contrasting background at the bottom of the screen. Such disclaimers are completely lost on prereading children and often on older children as well, because the colorful activity of the ad is more enticing and interesting. T y pes of Adv ertisemen ts Food. Food companies are the largest advertisers to children in many countries, including the United States, Australia, and the United Kingdom. Children watch an average of 30 hours of food ads per year in early childhood, 51 hours in late childhood, and 40 hours in adolescence. U.S. food marketers spent more than $11 billion in 2004 to establish brand preference and brand loyalty as early as the toddler years because the first purchase request, most often in the supermarket for a cereal or snack, occurs around the age of 2. One hundred million dollars was spent in the United Kingdom in 1996 and roughly $32 million was spent in India in 2002 on advertisements for chocolate and candy alone. Unfortunately, the amount of money spent on marketing healthy products like lean meat, fruits, and vegetables is far lower than the money spent marketing foods high in sugar and fat. Only 3% of ads in the United States and the United Kingdom sell healthy foods. Exposure to food advertisements increases children’s preferences and the number of requests for advertised foods. Considering children are most frequently exposed to advertisements of foods high in sugar and fat, it is no surprise that youth prefer unhealthy foods. Toys. A common marketing pattern links children’s TV shows to toys (e.g., Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles, Power Rangers, The Care Bear Family). One of the most successful was the Pokémon craze of the late 1990s. Beginning as 150 cartoon characters in a Japanese Nintendo game, Pokémon subsequently became a TV show, collector card series, toy merchandise, full-length movie, Burger King kids’ meal toys, and children’s clothes. This raises the question of whether children’s programming is more driven by the marketability of the toys than by the quality of the shows, effectively turning the shows into program-length commercials for the toys. Unlike food ads, which portray boys and girls together, toy ads are highly gender segmented, selling action figures, toy weapons, or video games to boys (often displaying violence) and Barbie dolls, cuddly toys (e.g., Rainbow Bright), or beauty products to girls (often displaying softness). Also, the interaction of children in the ad is different; ads with girls primarily depict cooperation, while ads with boys show competition. Tobacco. A final area of concern for children and teens is tobacco advertising, especially advertising apparently aimed at nonsmoking youth. Most smokers start as teens and almost never begin after age 20. Magazines are the major

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outlet for tobacco advertising; publications that accept it have less coverage of health-related issues than magazines not accepting such ads. Indirect tobacco advertising also occurs through sponsorship of sporting events, point-ofpurchase advertising, shopping basket logos, and branded designer clothing. Tobacco advertising increases cigarette consumption, producing huge profits from the sale of tobacco to minors who become addicted. The infamous animated Joe Camel character of the 1980s was recognized at its peak by 98% of adolescents, though by only 72% of adults. At the same time, sales of Camel cigarettes to minors skyrocketed from less than 0.5% to a third of the youth market. Children who believe that smoking enhances their popularity or attractiveness are five times more likely to smoke than children who do not believe that. In spite of a huge drop in smoking among U.S. adults between 1960 and 1990 (down to about 25%) and the almost total absence of smoking on TV shows, tobacco use appeared in 85%–90% of the most popular movies in the 1990s, cutting across all film genres. Many of them were product placements, which the tobacco industry claims to have discontinued; for example, Philip Morris reportedly paid more than $350,000 to have Lark cigarettes smoked in the James Bond movie Licensed to Kill. Only in 2007 did the MPAA film ratings begin to take smoking into account in their ratings. Smoking by characters in movies, especially by admired characters and actors, does lead youth to start smoking. Teens perceive smoking in films as common and an accurate reflection of reality, seeing it as a model for dealing with stress, developing one’s self-image, and as a marker of passage into adulthood. As long as the hot stars smoke onscreen, this behavior is likely to be modeled by their adoring fans. C o nc lu sion Worldwide, children are exposed to a barrage of advertising, the majority on television but also on the Internet, in classrooms and stores, in movies, and, as teens, in magazines and radio. Marketers know that today’s youth are powerful consumers, and they will spend billions of dollars to ensure that the youth see their products. Children and most adolescents do not think critically about the appeals and reality of advertisements. Giving them the skills to critically analyze and evaluate these messages is a significant responsibility adults should not neglect. With proper critical thinking skills, today’s youth will not only be powerful but also smart consumers. Richard Jackson Harris and Natalie D. Brown see also: Consumers, Children as; Magazines; Media, Children and the; Television further reading: Edward L. Palmer and Brian M. Young, eds., The Faces of Televisual Media, 2nd ed., 2003. • Barrie Gunter, Caro-

line Oates, and Mark Blades, Advertising to Children on TV: Content, Impact, and Regulation, 2005. • Nancy A. Jennings and Ellen A. Wartella, “Advertising and Consumer Development,” in Norma Pecora, John P. Murray, and Ellen Ann Wartella, eds., Children and Television: Fifty Years of Research, 2007.

advice literature, popular. Increased family mobility, the entry of most childbearing women into the paid workforce, and growing reliance on self-help books have each contributed to a burgeoning market for sources of information and advice about family life. In a nationally representative U.S. survey of parents of children age 0–3, more than 70% of parents reported that they used books, magazines, television shows, or videos to get information about how to raise their children. Parenting advice in public media is immediate, accessible, and obtainable at minimal social cost; no one need know that you are having problems with your children. Those who search the popular advice literature on family topics are overwhelmingly likely to be women. Recent years have seen exponential growth in newspaper articles, magazines, books, and electronic media on parenting and child development. Dear Abby–type advice columns in newspapers provide public forums for parents’ frustrations, concerns, gaffes, and doubts. Parenting magazines have enjoyed increases in ad revenues even in years when overall magazine ad revenue has declined. The number of advice books on raising children has soared as coverage has fragmented: The best-selling comprehensive parenting manuals written by Benjamin Spock, T. Berry Brazelton, Penelope Leach, and William and Martha Sears have been augmented by hundreds of titles specific to age periods and topics (e.g., 2-year-olds, shyness, sibling rivalry). Radio and TV shows offer parenting and family advice by well-known experts, and reality TV shows provide televised “case histories” with upbeat, common-sense parenting interventions. The rise of Web-based resources offers parents the advantage of virtually instantaneous accessibility to information just when it is needed. Typing in “toilet training” on Google yields millions of results in less than a second. The rise of parenting blogs provides a virtual “back fence” across which parents can trade tips and strategies on dealing with their children’s problems. The plethora of information leads to much sifting and sorting. Parents select Web sources that seem authoritative, look for consensus across different sites, and report moving quickly past babyproduct sites with commercial content. Not surprisingly, they describe sites that agree with their own perspective to be most credible. But how good is advice that parents get in popular literature and media? Most writers of parenting advice in U.S. public media correctly reject permissive and overly harsh parenting and share a commitment to respectful, socially competent children. Selfishness, social and physical aggres-

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sion, and age-inappropriate behavior are rejected, but beyond that there is little consensus. There are several fundamental issues central to assessment of the popular advice literature. Because human development depends not only on parenting practices but also on the interaction of genetic, cultural, and social factors, the effect of any advice that parents implement is necessarily indeterminate. Some current estimates attribute only 20% to 40% of the variability in children’s outcomes to parenting practices. In addition, because of social and cultural diversity, it is problematic to dispense one-size-fits-all advice when advising parents from disparate social classes and ethnic groups. For example, parenting that places high value on obedience and parental control has been associated with poorer-than-group-average outcomes among European American children, but better-than-group-average outcomes among Chinese American children. Finally, because most popular advice articles, books, and media are not reviewed in the way that professional publications are, there are no assurances of accuracy. For instance, advice in parenting books shows little consensus on some common medical questions (e.g., whether to give soft drinks when a child has diarrhea), and there is even greater variation on questions of discipline and other important topics. Some advice clearly is not consistent with what has been demonstrated in research and clinical practice to lead to good outcomes for children. There are three basic sources for the advice that appears in the popular literature: First, behavioral research and clinical practice provide aggregate data across thousands of families. Although highly reliable, questions inevitably remain about how far the data can be stretched to apply to individual circumstances beyond those studied by the researchers or clinicians. Second, other, more idiosyncratic sources consist of intuitions and practices from the advice giver’s own upbringing and parenting history. This advice draws on familiar experiences and often appeals to common sense, but it is anecdotal and may not generalize. Finally, sociocultural or religious understandings are traditional sources of guidance; for example, invoking scriptural sources to justify the use of physical punishment. Much of the advice in popular literature can be recognized as falling along a liberal-to-conservative political spectrum. Adopting advice appeals to parents when it reinforces their system of belief, but it may not necessarily lead to best outcomes for children in an objective sense. There also is reason to question whether parents actually practice what is preached. Some advice clearly is not applied effectively. For instance, there is a substantial gap between the low level of media use that most advice givers and professionals recommend and American children’s high use of media. But some public and professional advice campaigns do offer evidence of effectiveness. Following the back-to-sleep campaign mounted in 1992 by profession-

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als and popular advice writers, which recommended that infants be placed on their backs to sleep, the frequency of babies sleeping on their stomachs decreased from more than 70% to less than 20%, a change associated with a more than 40% decrease in deaths from sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS). This change undoubtedly was easier to bring about because it did not involve overcoming the appeal that popular entertainment programming has for children. In short, the effectiveness of advice clearly varies depending on topic and context. Historians have pointed out that advice on parenting reflects the political, religious, and scientific conceptions of specific historic periods. In the early 20th century, U.S. “progressive” parenting advice focused on the risks of spoiling children and recommended care regimes that would be rejected today as overly harsh—for example, rigid four-hour feeding schedules for infants. By contrast, the contemporary advice literature typically endorses parental affection or warmth in preventing misbehavior and enhancing compliance. One of the hallmarks of cultural differences is that wide variations in parenting seem equally natural and commonsensical. For instance, advice in many cultures recommends indulgence for young children (to age 7) and then more restrictive, obedience-oriented parenting, creating “two halves of childhood.” This is in contrast to contemporary U.S. practice of early socialization followed by fewer maturity demands for older children. The day-to-day influence of popular advice literature is inevitably greater among populations with easy access to print and online sources, but even in nonliterate societies, generations-old child-rearing practices are changing at an accelerated rate. Greater access to media and public health campaigns recommending specific feeding, sleeping, and cultural practices to reduce deaths from SIDS, diarrhea, and malaria create tensions with traditional cultural practices. Advice givers in the United States have been predominately white and middle class, but new ethnic Web sites and a wave of parenting advice books by African American and Latino professionals now offer additional resources. There now also are resources for gay and lesbian parents, “blended families,” and many other specific needs. There is no universal formula for successful parenting. Thus, it is good that there are many sources of parenting advice. The advice varies widely, however, and there is need for wider distribution of advice based on “best practices” established through research and clinical practice. Most important, parents, educators, and family professionals need to assess, discuss, and have an ongoing conversation about the popular advice literature and about parenting itself. Jane L. Rankin see also: Books on Child Development, Landmark; Spock, Benjamin (McLane)

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further reading: Julia Grant, Raising Baby by the Book, 1998. • Judy DeLoache and Alma Gottlieb, eds., A World of Babies: Imagined Childcare Guides for Seven Societies, 2000. • Neal Halfon, Kathryn Taaffe McLearn, and Mark A. Schuster, eds., Child Rearing in America, 2002. • Ann Hulbert, Raising America: Experts, Parents, and a Century of Advice about Children, 2003. • Jane Rankin, Parenting Experts: Their Advice, the Research, and Getting It Right, 2005.

affirmative action, children and. Debates over affirmative action are almost always framed in the language of adulthood. Advocates emphasize the need to overcome bias so that applicants compete on a level playing field for jobs, government contracts, and seats at selective colleges and universities. Critics decry preferences based on race and gender as nothing more than reverse discrimination, which wrongly penalizes individuals for characteristics that they cannot change. Although questions of individual fairness dominate these debates, some concerns also relate to distributive justice, that is, how society’s resources should be allocated among different groups. Whether the focus is on individual or group-based equity, rarely is affirmative action addressed from the perspective of the child. On occasion, questions of reverse discrimination and distributive justice arise when adolescents compete for admission to selective public high schools. In general, though, affirmative action’s implications for children, particularly the effects on intergenerational mobility, are almost entirely ignored. Scholars agree that intergenerational mobility depends in part on the investment that families make in their children’s human capital; that is, the skills that youth develop at home and in school and later bring to the marketplace. Affirmative action can influence family investment in a child’s development in several ways. First, programs can improve access to fiscal capital by expanding opportunities for higher education and employment. Parents who obtain jobs with improved wages and benefits in turn are able to devote more resources to their children. Second, affirmative action can enrich parents’ cultural capital by exposing them to different ways of life in integrated colleges, universities, and workplaces. Parents can then share this newfound understanding with sons and daughters. Finally, affirmative action can amplify parents’ access to social capital by enabling them to build a network of influential friends and colleagues. Children then benefit from the opportunities that become available because of these family connections. Fiscal Capital Racial differences in income and wealth both reflect and perpetuate disadvantage. For instance, economist William Darity Jr. observes that “the denial of access to schooling during slavery had to be the major factor contributing to very low literacy levels circa 1880. It is noteworthy that, between 1880 and 1910, black Americans’ incidence of literacy doubled, rising from close to 30 percent to above

60 percent.” However, the remarkable gains in black literacy did not lead to enhanced job opportunities, presumably due to discrimination in the labor market. According to Darity, “Black men at the turn of the century suffered both from a skills deficit and severe discrimination in employment. Both those effects significantly weigh down the occupational status of their descendants 100 years later.” Affirmative action offers one way to equalize access to fiscal capital and thus improve intergenerational mobility. In fact, there is evidence that affirmative action has helped to close the wage gap between blacks and whites. In 1972, black median household income was 57% of that for non-Hispanic white households; by 2004, it was 64%. The black-white wealth gap has been harder to close than the income gap. In 1993, non-Hispanic white households had 10.35 times the wealth of black households. In 2004, the gap had widened slightly so that white households had 10.58 times more median wealth than black households. The picture for Latinos has been complicated by immigration. In 1972, Latino median household income was 74% of that for non-Hispanic whites; in 2004, that figure had dropped to 70%. During the period from 1967 to 1997, Latino households suffered a decline in median income of 4%, while white households gained 18% and black households gained 31%. In addition, income inequality among Latino households grew more rapidly than among black or white households, perhaps due to an influx of unskilled and lowskilled workers from Latin America. At the same time, the gap in median household net worth between Latinos and whites narrowed. In 1993, non-Hispanic white households had 9.8 times the median wealth of Latino households; in 2004, that figure had dropped to 8.14. Moreover, some research suggests that, compared to blacks and whites, Latinos are experiencing greater intergenerational mobility. This advantage appears to be a product of the extremely depressed levels of education and income among immigrant parents, levels unparalleled among blacks or whites. Despite some gains for nonwhites, significant differences persist. According to the United States Census Bureau, in 2004 the median income of white households was $48,977, while black households had a median income of $30,134 and Latino households had a median income of $34,241. American Indian and Alaska Native households reported income on a par with that of Latinos. The wealth gap is even wider than these income disparities. The Census Bureau reports that in 2000 the median net worth (including home equity) of a non-Hispanic white household was $79,400, while that for a black household was $7,500 and that for a Latino household was $9,750. These disparities mean that even with affirmative action, black and Latino parents still have fewer resources than white parents to invest in their children’s development and buffer them against economic insecurity. Not all nonwhite groups fared badly, however. Asian

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households reported the highest median income at $57,518, while Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander households had income comparable to that of non-Hispanic whites. Moreover, the median household income gap between whites and Asians widened slightly. In 1988, Asian median household income was 109% of that for nonHispanic whites; by 2004, it had risen to 124%. Here, immigration may have bolstered rather than harmed Asians’ financial status as wealthy entrepreneurs and skilled professionals migrated to the United States. As with Latinos, immigration among Asians probably was at least as significant as affirmative action in determining families’ access to fiscal capital. With respect to gender, affirmative action’s impact on fiscal capital depends on a family’s socioeconomic status. Since the 1970s, the gap between rich and poor in the United States has steadily widened. The most affluent families enjoyed substantial gains in income and wealth. As a result, a parent (typically the mother) could leave the workforce to care for children without jeopardizing the family’s economic position. In less affluent families, a woman’s income has regularly served to preserve a family’s financial status, particularly during the economic restructuring that took place in the 1970s and 1980s. During this period, men with less than a college degree reported a drop in earnings when compared to their fathers. Meanwhile, in comparison to their mothers, daughters had incomes that continued to grow at all educational levels. Despite steady gains for women, their wages still lagged behind those of men. Between 1969 and 1996, the proportion of women working full time in married-couple households with children rose from 17% to 39%, and the proportion of these women with college degrees increased from 8% to 26%. Without the earnings of wives, median income in these households would have grown only 2% in a 27-year period. With the women’s earnings, median income grew 25%. Among the poorest families, employment opportunities for women were especially important for single-parent households in which the mother was typically the sole breadwinner. Among female single parents, median household income grew 20% between 1969 and 1996, while a male single parent’s median income dropped by 8%. Indeed, there is some evidence that the backlash against affirmative action has already harmed the earning power of single black mothers, in turn diminishing their children’s ability to escape from poverty. Cultur al Capital Affirmative action can enhance the cultural capital that families have to support intergenerational mobility. Regardless of race or ethnicity, working parents are role models who demonstrate “soft” skills, a set of habits and attitudes associated with success in the labor market. These include traits like punctuality, civility, and collegiality, which are

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seldom part of a formal curriculum but can be vital to full participation in the workforce. In addition, for immigrant and nonwhite families, affirmative action can reinforce an achievement ethic by highlighting how hard work and high academic performance will be rewarded with access to selective institutions and prestigious jobs. In some families, older siblings who attend college provide their younger brothers and sisters with information about higher education and confidence that the doors to opportunity will be open. The impact of affirmative action on cultural capital for low-income black families may be limited by ongoing segregation. Sociologist William Julius Wilson argues that for the truly disadvantaged, combined racial and economic isolation means that families know little of the world beyond their depressed neighborhoods. With few working adults to serve as role models, children lack important skills for entering the job market. Affirmative action may do little to remedy these problems because programs rely primarily on individual advancement rather than community renewal. Middle-class blacks who benefit from affirmative action thus may have little, if any, contact with the truly disadvantaged. For Latinos and Asians, immigration complicates the impact of affirmative action. Newcomers to the United States often reside in ethnic enclaves that are sites of significant entrepreneurial activity. In contrast to the ghettos that Wilson describes, ethnic economies can generate opportunities for parents to gain employment and become positive role models for their children, even as families remain identifiable by national origin, language, and culture. Although immigrant parents often will rely on ethnic enterprises for employment, their children can still benefit from affirmative action if programs enhance access to higher education and professional jobs. Where gender is concerned, children often express respect for mothers who work outside the home. At the same time, in dual-earner and single-parent families, long hours and shifting job schedules can provoke a “crisis of care.” The limited time that working parents have for their children interferes with sharing cultural capital learned on the job. Care arrangements, in turn, are influenced by race, ethnicity, and class. In contrast to affluent, white parents who turn to formal day care, immigrant and nonwhite parents often rely on informal networks of relatives, friends, and neighbors. As a result, children may find that the cultural capital at home is not very different from that which their own parents had, even if mothers and fathers are gaining new skills and knowledge at the workplace. Soc ial Capital Because segregation remains a persistent feature of the American landscape, people of different races and ethnicities frequently do not share the same social networks. If

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whites have disproportionate access to positions of power and influence, segregated patterns of family ties, friendships, and neighborhood associations will impede full participation by nonwhites. As economist Glenn C. Loury explains: “It is a great impediment for a talented youngster to be embedded in a social network of peers whose values do not affirm the activities the youngster must undertake to develop his talent. Children do not freely choose their peers. To a significant degree they inherit these associations as a consequence of where they live, what their parents believe, what social group they belong to, and so on.” To some degree, affirmative action can counteract the effects of segregated social networks. Today, integrated workplaces and institutions of higher education are among the few places where people from different racial and ethnic backgrounds share ideas and pursue common goals. The friendships that result in turn can benefit children, whose parents now have well-connected contacts in positions of influence. Just as racial segregation can impede the development of inclusive social networks, so too can occupational segregation by gender. Although the literature is limited, the entry of women into the workplace arguably should enrich their children’s access to social networks. For affluent, white families, the effects may be minimal, given that fathers already have substantial connections. For the less affluent and for single parents, however, there may be important benefits in widening contacts at work. The gains are apt to be incomplete, however, if women hit a glass ceiling that limits entry into the highest echelons of business and professional life. Low-income, single mothers who are nonwhite may find it particularly hard to extend their social networks. Parenting obligations can make it difficult to leave impoverished, segregated neighborhoods to pursue education and employment. As a result, single mothers may opt for low-wage work in local communities and turn to informal, low-cost child care arrangements provided by neighbors, friends, and relatives. These choices will reinforce the bonds of proximity and family, bonds that entrench patterns of economic and racial isolation. I n t er nat io nal C om pa r i s o n s So far, this discussion has focused on the U.S. experience with affirmative action. Governments around the world have scrutinized America’s policy, but the lessons should not be overgeneralized. Nations vary widely in their economic conditions, demographics, economic conditions, ideologies of race and gender, philosophies and structures of government, family traditions, and patterns of intergenerational mobility. Developed nations built explicitly through immigration, like Canada and the United States, often have been at the forefront in implementing affirmative action and related policies to integrate diverse populations. Some developing countries have adapted this approach to meet their unique needs. After the demise of apartheid, South

Africa instituted a vigorous program of affirmative action to benefit the majority black population. In doing so, the government clearly recognized that this effort would not succeed without intensive education and training, particularly for blacks in rural townships. Race and gender ideologies sometimes have impeded recognition of deep-seated inequalities. In Brazil, for example, many people believe that the prevalence of race mixing has eliminated harsh racial distinctions. As a result, the government only recently adopted affirmative action programs to combat the entrenched inequality of blacks. Gender ideologies also vary. In Europe, feminists in Sweden were reluctant to join the European Union for fear that protections for women would be watered down to match those in member countries with more traditional images of gender and family. In some countries, the government has emphasized class, not race distinctions. Sweden has relied on a generous welfare state to minimize the impact of disadvantage. As a result, officials paid little attention to affirmative action so long as the population was relatively homogeneous with respect to race and ethnicity. In marked contrast, India has used affirmative action programs to combat a rigid caste system that ascribes a child’s status at birth. Affirmative action programs have been adopted in various forms around the world, but the impact on intergenerational mobility depends on the particular conditions facing each nation. C o nc lu s io n Debates over affirmative action have almost entirely ignored its effect on intergenerational mobility. For children, this is a potentially tragic omission. Without some forms of government intervention, poverty and lack of education can become a family legacy, one that perpetuates injustice. In the absence of a careful assessment of how affirmative action affects a family’s ability to invest in a child’s development, discussions of affirmative action will remain seriously incomplete. More research is needed to determine precisely how programs can influence children’s access to fiscal, cultural, and social capital. Of course, affirmative action standing alone is unlikely to achieve intergenerational justice, but it is important to recognize that these efforts may at least temper the reproduction of inequality. Rachel F. Moran see also: African American Children; Asian American Children; Education, Discrimination in; Latino Children in the United States; Race and Children’s Development; Schooling, Inequalities in further reading: William Julius Wilson, The Truly Disadvantaged: The Inner City, the Underclass, and Public Policy, 1987. • Simon Duncan, “Obstacles to a Successful Equal Opportunities Policy in the European Union,” The European Journal of Women’s Studies 3 (1996), pp. 399–422. • Hermann Kurthen, “The Canadian Experience with Multiculturalism and Employment Equity: Lessons for Europe,” New Community 23, no. 2 (1997), pp. 249–70. • Alejandro Portes, “Social Capital: Its Origins and Applications in Modern Sociology,”

a f r ic a n a m e r ic a n c h il d r e n Annual Review of Sociology 24 (1998), pp. 1–24. • William Darity Jr., “History, Discrimination and Racial Inequality,” in William Spriggs, ed., The State of Black America 1999, 1999, pp. 153–66. • Christopher Guillebeau, “Affirmative Action in a Global Perspective: The Cases of South Africa and Brazil,” Sociological Spectrum 19 (1999), pp. 443–65. • Glenn C. Loury, “Racial Inequality and Developmental Affirmative Action,” Western Journal of Black Studies 27, no. 1 (2003), pp. 15–19.

african american children. Enslaved Africans were brought to the Americas from the 16th through the 19th century. During the time of slavery in the United States, enslaved Africans were stripped of their culture and any identity that was linked to their tribal or national traditions. Following the Emancipation Proclamation, which freed enslaved Africans in 1863, the Reconstruction period fostered Jim Crow laws that further subjugated African Americans. These laws instituted “separate but equal” practices under which African Americans had to use separate public facilities from white Americans. Segregation often resulted in inferior treatment and accommodations in economic, educational, and social arenas, resulting in further oppression of and consequent disadvantage among African Americans. After the Brown v. Board of Education decision in 1954 and the civil rights movement of the 1960s, African Americans lived in a legally integrated American society that gave them more economic, educational, and social access and opportunity. Even so, African Americans’ history of enslavement and Jim Crow has remained an important factor in their unique and differential experiences in American society. One particular issue that has remained salient throughout the history of African American children is that of formal education and how schools have served African Americans. During slavery, it was against the law in most slave states for both enslaved and free African Americans to receive an education, formal or informal. Nonetheless, there are numerous documented cases of enslaved African Americans learning how to read and write. After the Emancipation Proclamation, religious organizations and wealthy philanthropists created schools in former slave states to educate the freed African American population. Many of these efforts were inspired by the teachings of notable African American leaders like Booker T. Washington and W. E. B. Du Bois. These efforts also led to the importance of education in the African American community, an emphasis that began during the Jim Crow era and continued after the Brown v. Board of Education decision ended the legal segregation of American public schools, opening more opportunities for African American children to receive a formal education in the same institutions and with largely the same facilities as majority children. Although the Brown v. Board of Education decision called for the integration of American schools, many African

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American children continued to face challenges to their educational pursuits, primarily because, even as an integrated society, the United States remained a racialized society. The school achievement gap that has existed between African American students and students of many other racial and ethnic groups since the mid- to late 1970s is to some substantial extent evidence of the differential experiences African American children have in school. An example of such experiences is evident in teachers’ expectations of African American students. Research has demonstrated that their expectations tend to be lower for African American students than for students of European American and many other ethnic descents. Given the positive relationship between teachers’ expectations and student performance, lower expectations for African American students tend to correlate with poorer academic performance by these students. Another phenomenon that has been researched to understand the differential school experiences and academic outcomes of African American children is cultural bias in standardized tests. On various standardized achievement and intelligence tests, African American children tend to score lower than both white and Asian American children and in some cases Latino American children. This achievement gap might appear distinctive to African American children—as opposed to other ethnic minority children—because of the content of the tests, which, some have argued, exhibit cultural bias. However, the cultural bias argument must be understood from a socioeconomic disadvantage perspective as well. Research clearly shows that U.S.-born African American families have resided in impoverished households longer than any other group in the United States, and the intergenerational effects of poverty have their roots in the distinctive history of African Americans. Proponents of the cultural bias argument have demonstrated empirically that a significant amount of the content of standardized tests reflects European American middle-class experiences, experiences that many African American children may never have had. Thus, performance on the tests does not perfectly reflect achievement or intelligence so much as it reflects a child’s experiences, or lack thereof, with mainstream American culture. Socioeconomic context, as experienced and understood by young people and their parents, can have profound effects on children’s developmental outcomes, including educational achievement. Given the long history of poverty among African Americans, behavioral scientists have been challenged over the past few decades to distinguish the conditions associated with chronic poverty from those associated with racial or ethnic background as factors in understanding the gap between African Americans’ school achievement and that of other groups. This analytic difficulty is not solved simply by including middle-income African American families in the sample, important as this step is.

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African American parents who teach their children about their racial, cultural, and ethnic background can counter many of the educational challenges these children face. Such teachings are commonly referred to as racial or ethnic socialization. Just as most parents socialize their children about manners and appropriate behaviors for different settings, African American parents also need to socialize their children about the realities of life in a racialized U.S. society. While many scholars use the terms racial socialization and ethnic socialization interchangeably, these parenting behaviors are quite different. For example, parents racially socialize children based on phenotypic characteristics, such as the color of the child’s skin. Ethnic socialization is more associated with cultural beliefs inherited from one’s racial or ethnic group. The latter also includes ethnic traditions and family rituals. Racial and ethnic socialization can occur as early as infancy and may continue until adulthood. However, the specific parenting behaviors or messages change with age and with parents’ personal and social experiences. As children make the transition into adolescence, other identity issues associated with gender, race, and ethnicity become more salient. Like all children, African American youth organize their respective worldviews by gender. The additional layer of racial and ethnic identity begins to have more specific meaning during adolescence, and these issues are also associated with peer groups. As do majority children in the United States, African American adolescent boys and girls tend to have different types of peer social networks. Girls tend to have a smaller number of close friendships, whereas boys tend to have larger numbers of people they classify as close friends. The quality of these friendships also differs: Female friendships are more intimate and feature more rapport talk, while male friendships are larger and organized around activities, not conversations. The challenges associated with antisocial behaviors also differ: Girls tend to engage in more relational aggression, while boys tend to engage in more physical aggression. Research shows that African American parents tend to monitor the behaviors of girls more than those of boys. The effectiveness of such gender-specific parenting strategies, as measured by successful and challenging psychological and behavioral outcomes, is less clear. However, one common theme in most research associated with parenting and African American youth is a need to include an analysis of the communities in which African American families reside. Most of the available research on African American adolescents includes samples from urban communities, and it suggests that the youth in these communities do develop gender-specific coping responses. For example, many African American males develop bravado attitudes as a way of coping with challenges faced in urban communities. In turn, many African American parents are aware of gender biases toward their children. A common quote in many Af-

rican American communities is, “Parents raise their daughters and love their sons.” Thus, the parental monitoring activities are often gender specific and are in response to the community in which families reside. The biggest challenge to understanding the successes achieved and challenges faced by African American children is the lack of empirical research studies that attempt to understand the lives of African American children from a strengths and assets perspective, not simply presuming the differences between them and the lives of majority children are thereby deficiencies. For example, when researchers and practitioners use a developmental lens to examine African American children’s school experiences, a more holistic perspective is gained. To illustrate, the extant literature is very clear that most African American children begin school with school-related skills substantially similar to those of children of any other racial or ethnic background. The differences in achievement that begin to emerge are associated with students’ preschool experiences, which in turn are associated both with family socioeconomic situation and with the ability of many public schools to meet the challenges of educating all children equally. African American children are eager to learn and excel in early school years. However, something happens between the elementary years and the high school years for African American students, so that overall rates of noncompletion of high school are higher—very much higher in some areas—than for majority Americans. A careful analysis of the school experiences of African American children reveals several things. Parents are associated with success patterns of African American preschool children. In particular, preschool children who have a father in the home tend to excel more often than children who do not. Teachers matter, too, especially as African American children, like others, come to rely more upon their teachers’ evaluations and less upon their parents’ evaluations as they grow older. Having teachers who set high academic expectations for African American children is, then, very important. As children make the transition into adolescence, complex identity issues interact with the normative school transitions, making adolescence a special juncture within their life course. Unlike children, adolescents can use advanced cognitive skills to make meaning of their environment and the people in it. While parental involvement tends to decrease for all adolescents during high school, the extant research supports the notion that African American parents tend to place more value on the education experience than most other racial and ethnic groups in the United States. In doing so, African American parents often view education as a vehicle to upward economic mobility. But many African American students live in poor areas and attend substandard schools. Even within high-achieving school environments, African American students must negotiate identity

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issues of being a scholar, which some—sometimes most—of their peers do not associate with being African American. Thus, a need to support a strong racial and ethnic identity theme arises again. This personal identity serves as a buffer as African American adolescents face challenges or life decisions associated with being an adolescent and an African American. While there is no shortage of research that characterizes some versions of African American culture as currently standing in opposition to academic achievement, the few empirical studies that have measured racial identity in African American adolescents or used a historical analysis to examine African American achievement patterns have noted that students who have a positive racial or ethnic identity tend to do better than students who do not. Additionally, students who are cognizant of historical legacies associated with African American achievement tend to perform at higher levels academically than students who are oblivious to this history. In conclusion, understanding the lives of African American children has to be done within a perspective that includes an analysis of their overall development, an examination of their socioeconomic conditions, and an understanding of how these two factors interact within a larger sociocultural context, seen historically. In some ways, African American children do not differ from other children of other racial or ethnic backgrounds. All children have developmental milestones that characterize their lives. However, these universal milestones are often not considered when policies and research agendas are set for African American children. Unique challenges associated with the historical legacies are often not considered simultaneously with understanding race-related interactions in the United States. This is not to say that federal policies such as affirmative action are outdated. In contrast, these policies might need to be updated to include the distinctive effects of persistent, diminished intergenerational transmission of socioeconomic improvement among some sections of the African American population. Researchers and practitioners must pay attention to historical research and include innovative new questions that simultaneously address the many facets associated with African American life. In doing so, a well-rounded picture can be drawn of the lives of African American children, their families, and the communities in which they reside. Michael Cunningham and Samantha Francois see also: Affirmative Action, Children and; American History, Childhood and Adolescence in; Clark, Kenneth B(ancroft); Education, Discrimination in: Racial Discrimination; Ethnic Identity; Race and Children’s Development further reading: M. B. Spencer, “Personal and Group Identity of Black Children: An Alternative Synthesis,” Genetic Psychology Monographs 106 (1982), pp. 59–84. • V. S. Walker, Their Highest Potential: An African American School Community in the Rural South, 1996. • D. T. Slaughter-Defoe and H. H. Rubin, “A Longitudinal Case Study of Head Start Eligible Children: Implications for Urban

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Education,” Educational Psychologist 36 (2001), pp. 31–44. • M. B. Spencer, W. E. Cross, V. Harpalani, and T. N. Goss, “Debunking the ‘Acting White’ Myth and Posing New Directions for Research,” in C. C. Yeakey and R. D. Henderson, eds., Surmounting All Odds: Education, Opportunity, and Society in the New Millennium, 2003, pp. 273–304. • D. P. Swanson, M. Cunningham, and M. B. Spencer, “Black Males’ Structural Conditions, Achievement Patterns, Normative Needs, and ‘Opportunities,’ ” Urban Education 38 (2003), pp. 605–33. • M. B. Spencer, “Phenomenology and Ecological Systems Theory: Development of Diverse Groups,” in W. Damon and R. Lerner, eds., Handbook of Child Psychology, 6th ed., vol. 1, 2006, pp. 829–93.

african societies and cultures, childhood and adolescence in. With 53 countries and more than 900 million people, more than half children and youth, the African continent is incredibly vast and diverse. This article will inevitably be both general and selective but hopefully will provide a sense of what broadly characterizes children’s lives in many places in sub-Saharan Africa. It is also important to remember that, although this account is of black African society, there are also European-, South and Southeast Asian–, and Arab-descended communities in sub-Saharan Africa who have lived in Africa for generations; they are also African. Children grow up in African households in local communities. Until the most recent generations, those communities consisted of kin who participated in subsistence tasks and struggled with economic survival. Such communities had a rich religious life and complex political relationships and systems, ranging from kingdoms in West and southern Africa, chiefdoms throughout Central and East Africa, and kin groups throughout the subcontinent. African children still participate extensively in horticultural and mixedfarming subsistence economies, and, in a few isolated areas, in foraging and hunting. They are engaged in cattle keeping, intermittent wage labor (with remittances to rural areas), trade, small-scale trading and commerce, as well as all manner of business, government, and educational or health care work. Children in the many densely packed, vast urban slums and periurban settlements struggle to survive in Africa today. But African childhoods still often begin in these local homesteads, where a cooking pot is shared, people sleep in the same compound or house, and parents and children depend on others for security and safety. This is where children learn who can be trusted and how to find their paths in life. Families and children in Africa have built rich and vibrant ways of life based in such village worlds. Of course, African childhoods are changing dramatically as cities grow, poverty persists, wars and confl icts ravage communities, and health is threatened. Africa has been described as the “except for” continent: Most of the world has been economically growing, except for Africa. Across

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the subcontinent, African parents and children face public health crises, food insecurity, low or negative economic growth, and the decline or loss of critical infrastructure. The African family has been affected. Multigenerational families are weakened, community moral standards have changed, fewer households are economically viable, and family members have dispersed to cities, to neighboring regions, and into a global diaspora. Local cultural and religious traditions are less often practiced. The language of hearth and home remains important, but African children grow up in a remarkably multilingual, language-fluent world—one particularly fostered in cities, schools, and the media—in which children routinely switch from a tribal language, to one or more lingua franca, to a Europeanorigin language. Before turning to some of those problems, however, it is important to think about African childhoods as they have been in recent decades and continue today as well. African children, parents, and families, of course, are deeply affected by these often disastrous regional, national, and global crises. Nonetheless, families still retain connections by blood, marriage, and adoption; they share cultural, economic, and psychosocial tools for adaptation. African childhoods are rich in socially distributed ways of raising children. A child is born to parents who care for and provide for the child, of course. Those parents are, in turn, linked to many other kin, and they and all their children are also possible caregivers for that child at various points in development. The widely used phrase “it takes a village to raise a child” originated from experiences in African communities. An important pattern in African communities involves kin care for children. Siblings, cousins, and adopted children often care for other children. Girls are more likely to do this, though boys take on the task, too. African children might be living with their parents along with kin from the father’s side, or with kin from the mother’s side, or they may be migrating back and forth. In West Africa and elsewhere, there are customs of child fosterage. Parents foster children to other kin who may be able to provide more opportunities for children to attend school, learn a craft, or assist in a business or learn a skill that can provide a better economic future than parents believe they can provide themselves. Sometimes, children are fostered simply to better ensure that the children will be safe or have a reliable food supply, though fosterage can lead to neglect or exploitation as well. Adoption and child lending are also widely practiced. Adoption serves often to benefit the adopters as well as the child and the natal family. Child lending, in which children spend some period living with a relative, often helping with child care and domestic tasks, is also valuable to adopters. The elderly now are being pressed into service to care for their grandchildren and others, because their own children have migrated, been forced out of their community, or died from AIDS or

other diseases. In the past, elders might have expected to rest and enjoy respect and recognition from their children and grandchildren. These patterns of parenting and childhood are grounded in a deep appreciation and affection for children that is so evident in Africa, as well as from the value of children as resources to help struggling households survive. African communities are gender-separated in many ways. Boys and girls well into middle childhood may live, play, and work together, and they usually attend the same schools (though they may sit in different sides of the classroom or in different rooms). Yet in many ways that affect children and parenting, boys and girls are separate. Women provide the mothering for infants and children through middle childhood in most of Africa, with assistance from their own and other children and female kin. Single mothers face these challenges without male partners. But more often, although men are providing financial support and help with child care when they are home, they are frequently away seeking work. A father’s own kin may be available to help with child care, even if fathers are not. Women remain responsible for maintaining their households and providing for the everyday needs of their children. Maternal workloads in much of Africa are heavy and unrelenting. These demands on women have become nearly impossible to meet in many places in Africa today. Whether surviving on horticulture, trading, teaching, and other wage work in the health, education, business, tourist, and manufacturing economy (which millions of mothers participate in), these are working mothers, just as African mothers always have been working. For most children, particularly for girls, their mothers and most female role models are very hard working, and most are to be found in the domestic, school, and trade or business worlds. Fertility and completed family size have been relatively high in most of sub-Saharan Africa for several generations. Six to eight surviving children per woman has been common in most African regions, and four to six is common today. Hence, there are still many children available to help manage and sustain the household, and children are important for family subsistence. Along with gender, age and status are still important in organizing a child’s life. Appropriate respect and deference to elders continue to be important values. In addition, African communities have historic distinctions based on clan or lineage rank, chiefdoms, and kingdoms, and service obligations are important for children’s social opportunities. Of course, the status that comes with income, political power, wealth, education, high religious standing or office, or military and police or other power increasingly overwhelms these older distinctions. The economic history of Africa has encouraged trade and migration between African tribes as well as with Europe and the Arab world. West African kingdoms flour-

a fri c a n s o c ie t ie s a n d c u l t u r e s , c h il d h o o d a n d a d o l e s c e n c e in

ished during periods of trade with North Africa across the Sahara. The East African coast was connected with the Arab coastal states long before European contact with Portugal. Therefore, long before colonial Europe divided up African regions, and Christian missions and settlers established themselves, African families were familiar with internal wars and aggression, the taking of territory, trade and commerce, Islam and migration, and separations from kin. African children continue to make a significant contribution to domestic tasks and child care for family survival. Mate choice, marriage, and the having of children often occur for youth before they have formed a separate household. The new parents and their children find ways to form their own separate household subsequently but may well continue to live with kin. The U.S. model is far different. There, offspring are likely to leave home without much domestic and child care experience, then form their own households with peers, then find a mate and marry, and only then have children and start caring for them. How can one best characterize the goals and values, hopes and dreams that parents and children have in Africa? Surely, they include safety and security for their families, a stable economy of which they can be a part and in which they can live well enough, with food security and decent health care. An important goal for parents is to train their children to help with survival and to succeed in a very harsh and difficult material and social world. African emotional bonds are expressed more often nonverbally, with less verbal, public expression than U.S. children might experience. African mothers train children to attend respectfully and listen closely to adults’ words (social attention and comprehension), with somewhat less verbal production and public display than U.S. parents might encourage. Parents still value the social behaviors and moral standards for children that have long characterized African communities: obedience, respect for elders and kin, vigorous motor skill and physical activity, quiet and attentive public conduct, hospitality, generosity and a good-heartedness toward others in ones’ group, a deep social intelligence about kin and community, precocious interdependence, and early competence. Long-admired African traditions of storytelling, singing, drumming, and dancing remain vital for children. At the same time, parents now value behaviors that they think will help their children in schooling and in the new kinds of jobs and state economy around them: cleverness, quick and school-relevant cognitive skills, verbal and literacy-related talents, public displays of confidence, inquisitiveness, bravery, boldness, and action in the world. Of course, children in households surviving in bare subsistence circumstances without future security need all the skills that they can have. So parents, if ambivalent perhaps about public boldness and cleverness, also want and admire such cognitive, personality, and behavioral patterns in their children. Across all economic and community groups,

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African children have been, on average, rated positively on such characteristics as respect for authority, independence, nurturance, maturity, affability, and interpersonal flexibility—all highly valued and specifically socialized in many African societies. A variety of ceremonies marking important maturational and developmental transitions have also characterized African childhoods. Ceremonies marking the transition from middle childhood and the juvenile period into adolescence are widespread across Africa. Boys and girls are taught special adult religious and tribal knowledge, including specialized secret songs, ceremonies, and lore exclusive to men or women. The group of children initiated together, and the uncles, aunts, parents, and others who arrange and participate in these ceremonies, create important lifelong relationships. Circumcision of boys can accompany initiation, though it is more infrequent today, and to a lesser extent it is a factor for girls. Boys are expected to show unfl inching bravery throughout the surgery and process of recovery as they become young adults who can marry and take on new responsibilities. Girls are expected to show similar stoicism and bravery if they have initiation ceremonies and circumcision. Female surgery varies widely in type and extent and the age when it occurs. Some African women and men believe their body is more beautiful after being modified, that sexual drives are better controlled and chastity, modesty, respect, and honor better protected as a result of the initiation. At the same time, infibulation and more severe, extensive forms of genital surgery can lead to medical complications, and surgery can be forced on girls. There is active debate, including political and legal confl icts, over whether female genital surgery should continue and, if so, in what forms among many groups around the world and within Africa. There are many circumstances that create and sustain these rich traditions. The marking of puberty, fertility, and marriageability are important in communities where historically child mortality was high and bride-price paid by the groom’s family to the bride’s, and where the new spouse’s labor may have helped a husband’s family, and surviving children sustained the lineage, clan, or broader kin group that was the basis of collective survival. These are all characteristics of African children’s social behavior, emotional expression, work and competence, and development that broadly characterize many African lives compared to other communities around the world. These are still present but dramatically changing with the crises that beset so many parts of Africa in the early 21st century. There are many problems of health, poverty, and hunger that face children and families in sub-Saharan Africa. The United Nations set a goal of reducing child mortality around the world by two-thirds by 2015; of the 62 countries that are making little or no progress toward that goal, 46 (75%) are in Africa. One in six children dies before age 5;

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49% of these deaths occur in Africa, despite the fact that only 22% of the world’s children are born there. Pneumonia, diarrhea, malaria, malnutrition, and HIV/AIDS are serious and endemic. Basic community health (water and sanitation, immunization, vitamin supplements, early and exclusive breastfeeding, mosquito netting to prevent malaria, and HIV prevention and treatment) remains poor. The focus on mortality of children younger than age 5 misses what in some ways is the even greater importance of improving the life pathways for older children, teens, and youth in Africa. Mental health concerns, drug and alcohol abuse, homelessness, unemployment, and the loss of possible pathways toward a life of well-being all face tens of millions of African children today. Well-being is the engaged participation of children in the activities their family and community deem desirable and that provide some meaning and hope to achieve their goals. In spite of local African values and hopes, children’s hopes for well-being are far too often thwarted. African families and children increasingly face complex, often catastrophic emergencies that then lead to longterm suffering: armed confl icts, population displacement, food insecurity, mortality, and malnutrition. Families and children are unprotected from such chronic violence and chaotic change. And then there is HIV/AIDS. Fifty-seven percent of the 23 million African adults with the disease are women; 2.3 million children are infected. The United Nations estimates that about 16 million children will be orphaned due to AIDS by 2010 in Africa. Socially distributed care cannot possibly support such numbers. No intervention or program, no matter how well intended and implemented, will have strong impacts if it cannot be sustained by the community and become part of the lives of the family. Programs that use local workers, such as mother-to-mother programs or community care groups (complementing national health care initiatives), have been shown to be effective in African communities for that reason. Local knowledge of family and child life will continue to be essential to supporting and improving the well-being and quality of life for African families and children in the coming decades. Thomas S. Weisner see also: Child: Historical and Cultural Perspectives; Islamic Societies and Cultures, Childhood and Adolescence in further reading: R. B. Edgerton, The Individual in Cultural Adaptation, 1971. • R. Serpell, The Significance of Schooling: Life-Journeys in an African Society, 1993. • Robert A. LeVine, Sarah Levine, Suzanne Dixon, Amy Richman, P. Herbert Leiderman, and Constance Keefer, Child Care and Culture: Lessons from Africa, 1994. • M. Howard and A. V. Millard, Hunger and Shame: Child Malnutrition and Poverty on Mount Kilimanjaro, 1997. • T. S. Weisner, C. Bradley, and P. Kilbride, eds., African Families and the Crisis of Social Change, 1997. • P. Kilbride, Collette Suda, and Enos Njeru, Street Children in Kenya: Voices of Children in Search of a Childhood, 2001. • C. P. Edwards and B. B. Whiting, eds., Ngecha: A Kenyan Village in a Time

of Rapid Social Change, 2004. • A. Gottlieb, The Afterlife Is Where We Come From: The Culture of Infancy in West Africa, 2004. • H. Keller, Cultures of Infancy, 2007. • United Nations, The State of the World’s Children 2008: Child Survival, 2008.

aggression. When children are furious or wish to pursue their social goals, they hurt peers by harming them physically or by disrupting their social relationships. Aggression is defined as behavior that is intended to harm another and is perceived as harmful by the victim. Much research on children’s aggression has examined physical fighting, but recently other behaviors have been proposed as meeting criteria for aggression. Called indirect, relational, or social aggression, these behaviors harm others by disrupting friendships and social status. Ph ysical Aggr ession Physical aggression is evident in the second year of life. One longitudinal study of children in Canada found that according to mothers’ reports, 47% percent of boys and 37% of girls sometimes engage in hitting, kicking, or biting. For most children, levels of physical aggression decline steadily through the preschool and elementary school years, such that by age 10, only about 10% of girls and 15% of boys are described as sometimes hitting, biting, or kicking. However, some few children persist in engaging in physical aggression into adolescence, and by the age of 10, the propensity for physical aggression is a highly stable trait. Developmental trends in groups’ levels of physical aggression must be understood in light of individual differences in physical aggression, and vice versa. Why do some children persist in engaging in high levels of physical aggression toward peers? Research suggests that there may be a genetic component for physical aggression and that several temperamental characteristics may be related: negative emotionality, difficultness, flexibility in adapting to new situations, activity level, selfregulation, and reactivity. Parental socialization may also influence children’s physical aggressiveness. Coercive cycles occur when parents respond to children’s noncompliance by giving in, such that extreme noncompliance is reinforced. Parenting styles characterized by low levels of warmth and high levels of verbal hostility and punitiveness may be associated with physical aggression toward peers. Children who experience harsh parenting may be likely to develop negative biases in how they process social information that contribute further to aggressiveness. Aggressive children are prone to hostile attribution biases, interpreting ambiguous, personally relevant information as negative and threatening, which makes them hypersensitive to social slights and likely to lash out. Children who fight tend to get into problems with particular other peers; much childhood aggression takes place within dyads. The social consequences of aggression in childhood de-

a ggr e s s io n

pend on the context and on other attributes of aggressive children. Children’s aggression is moderately related to peer rejection. However, in classrooms or summer camp groups in which the overall level of aggression is high, fighting may actually be positively related to being liked by peers. Research suggests that there may be subgroups of aggressive boys, those who fight but also have positive traits and are admired, and those who fight but have mostly negative characteristics and are disliked. Physical aggression has serious negative developmental consequences in childhood and beyond. Children who fight often struggle academically and many face social rejection, and they are at risk for adolescent delinquency, substance abuse, and dropping out of school. The few girls who fight physically are at risk for all of the same negative outcomes as boys are and are also at risk for becoming adolescent mothers, engaging in violence toward romantic partners, and having children with health and behavioral problems. Several successful intervention programs have been developed to reduce children’s aggression. Parent-training approaches teach parents to reward children’s positive behaviors and enact consequences for negative behaviors so that noncompliance decreases, allowing children to develop better relationships with adults and peers. School-based intervention programs teach children skills in regulating emotions and building positive relationships. Programs combining parent management training and schoolbased intervention have shown great success in reducing children’s aggression and helping them avoid the negative sequelae of childhood aggression (such as the Fast Track Program developed by the Conduct Problems Prevention Research Group). Soc ial Aggr ession Social aggression is harming others by disrupting their friendships or social status and involves malicious gossip, friendship manipulation, and verbal and nonverbal social exclusion. Social aggression is similar to indirect and relational aggression, but it acknowledges that social harm takes direct and indirect forms and that social exclusion may be nonverbal. Although developmental differences in social aggression remain unclear, it is apparent that these behaviors take different forms at different stages. According to studies of middle-class, North American children, social aggression begins in the preschool years and takes fairly overt forms, such as children holding their hands over their ears to give peers the “silent treatment” or announcing that particular peers are not invited to a birthday party. Social aggression continues during middle childhood and becomes more elaborate, such as forming exclusive clubs and spreading gossip via the Internet. Social aggression during adolescence may expand to involve disrupting emerging romantic relationships. Gender stereotypes suggest that girls may be more so-

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cially aggressive than boys, but research results for gender differences are confl icting. Although girls certainly engage in social aggression more than they do physical aggression, it is not clear that girls are more socially aggressive than are boys. However, it may well be that although both boys and girls engage in social aggression, these behaviors may unfold differently and have different meanings for each gender group. Research has only begun to examine the developmental origins of individual differences in social aggression. One hypothesis is that children learn social aggression via modeling; for example, by watching parents refrain from resolving confl icts directly but instead maligning partners to others or by watching siblings or peers engage in social aggression. Children’s social aggression may also be related to negative parenting styles, such as authoritarian or permissive parenting or psychological control. Engaging in or being victimized by social aggression at high levels is associated with psychological maladjustment for children. Chronic victims of social aggression report high levels of loneliness, depression, and anxiety, and for girls, poor self-concept across domains. Frequent perpetrators of social aggression may be disliked by peers and report loneliness, depression, and anxiety. In college-age women, engaging in social aggression has been associated with features of borderline personality disorder and with symptoms of bulimia. Perhaps perpetuating social or relational aggression increases girls’ and women’s risks for mental health problems to which these groups are more vulnerable, such as depression, eating disorders, and borderline personality disorder. Developing intervention strategies for reducing levels of social aggression among youth could be important for promoting optimal development for girls and boys. R e m ai n i ng Que s tio n s In future research, it will be important to continue to examine cultural and gender differences in the social processes by which physical and social aggression unfold. Because cultures differ in the norms for regulating aggression, it is likely that these trajectories will differ from those summarized here. For example, in traditional Inuit communities in northern Canada, where anger and aggression are strictly proscribed, parents use socializing strategies that are quite different from those used by European Americans. In studying different cultural groups, it will continue to be important to examine how physical and social aggression may be related to each other both in real and developmental time. Another important question will be how and why aggressive behavior is sometimes related to high peer regard; imagine the power of high-status peers who are physically or socially aggressive to influence the peer culture and shape other children’s behaviors. It will be vitally necessary to continue to explore the effects of media exposure on children’s aggression, both social and physical. Finally,

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investigators should explore clever strategies for harnessing children’s relationship strengths to help them intervene with one another to reduce physical and social aggression. Marion K. Underwood see also: Authority and Obedience; Bullying; Lorenz, Konrad (Zacharias); Media, Children and the; Slang and Offensive Language; Temperament further reading: John D. Coie and Kenneth A. Dodge, “Aggression and Antisocial Behavior,” in Nancy Eisenberg, ed., Handbook of Child Psychology, 1998. • Marion K. Underwood, Social Aggression among Girls, 2003. • Martha Putallaz and Karen L. Bierman, eds., Aggression, Antisocial Behavior, and Violence among Girls, 2004. • Richard E. Tremblay, Willard W. Hartup, and John Archer, eds., Developmental Origins of Aggression, 2005.

aids. see Human Immunodeficiency Viral Syndrome ainsworth, mary d(insmore) salter (b. December 1, 1913; d. March 21, 1999), psychologist and pioneer of research on infant attachment. Mary Ainsworth was born in Ohio but grew up in Toronto, Canada. As an undergraduate, she became particularly interested in William Blatz’s “security theory.” Blatz later became her doctoral mentor. Her dissertation (1939), presaging later work, suggests that the family is the secure base from which a developing individual can move out to develop new skills and interests. She was an instructor at the University of Toronto from 1939 until 1942, when she signed up for the Canadian Women’s Army Corps (CWAC). In the CWAC she gained diagnostic and clinical skills that influenced her subsequent teaching and research. Her marriage, in 1950, to psychology graduate student Leonard Ainsworth and move to London for his sake serendipitously led to her collaboration with John Bowlby at the Tavistock Institute for Human Relations. In Bowlby’s research lab, Ainsworth learned methods of naturalistic observations of mother-child separation from her colleague James Robertson. She was also exposed to Bowlby’s emerging ideas about the evolutionary foundation of infant-mother attachment. When Leonard Ainsworth accepted a position at the East African Institute for Social Research in Uganda in 1953, Mary Ainsworth used this interruption in her own career to conduct a short-term longitudinal study of 26 Ganda village families with young infants. During her observations, she began to see the virtue of Bowlby’s notions about attachment. Hers is thus the first attachment study, concluded before Bowlby formally presented his theory in 1958. From then on, Ainsworth and Bowlby collaborated. Ainsworth’s book about her study, Infancy in Uganda, was not published until 1967. After the Ainsworths moved to Baltimore in 1954, Mary held part-time clinical and lecturing positions until 1958, when the Johns Hopkins University psychology depart-

ment offered her a tenured professorship in developmental psychology. Shortly thereafter, she and Leonard divorced. In 1963, Mary Ainsworth launched the groundbreaking Baltimore Project, modeled on her work in Uganda. Monthly home visits began shortly after the child’s birth. Detailed narratives of mother-infant interaction quality in 26 families captured individual differences in feeding, contact, play, and distress episodes. For the last observation, at 12 months, Ainsworth created the laboratory mother-infant separation-reunion procedure now known as the “Strange Situation.” Patterns of infant behavior during this procedure, particularly during reunions with the mother, were predictable from mother-infant interaction qualities at home. Several influential journal articles and a book, Patterns of Attachment (1978), based on the findings were published and inspired longitudinal studies in the United States, Germany, and Israel that extended the original findings. At the Johns Hopkins University and, from 1974, the University of Virginia, Ainsworth attracted many graduate students who became active contributors to attachment theory and research. Even after her mandatory retirement in 1984, she actively supported Mary Main’s initial work with the Adult Attachment Interview and wrote two theoretically important articles. In 1998, Ainsworth received the Gold Medal Award for Life Achievement in the Science of Psychology from the American Psychological Association. Her conceptual contributions (secure base, maternal sensitivity to infant signals, attachment-exploration balance) and empirical findings revolutionized how developmental and social psychologists think about infant-caregiver attachment and, by extension, about close human relationships at all ages. Inge Bretherton see also: Attachment, Infant; Bowlby, John; Development, Theories of: Psychoanalytic Theories further reading: Inge Bretherton, “Mary Ainsworth: Insightful Observer and Courageous Theoretician,” in G. A. Kimble and M. Wertheimer, eds., Portraits of Pioneers in Psychology, vol. 5, 2003.

alcohol. see Substance Abuse allergic diseases. Allergic diseases are common in childhood and take a variety of forms. There is a common “allergic march” of disorders in children with an allergic disposition. During infancy, such children may develop an itchy, scaly rash known as atopic dermatitis or eczema. This rash may be transient or persistent for years. It may be directly triggered by certain foods or environmental contactants, or it may not be linked to any specific agents. Food allergy is a common occurrence in infancy and may result in a range of problems from eczema with discomfort and irritability, to gastrointestinal symptoms, to life-threatening reactions.

Randy’s severe asthma was just one of his family’s worries: Like much of the American working poor in the 1990s, the Sikes family lacked medical insurance. Mr. Sikes had no gainful employment. And economically inconvenient though it may have been, Randy’s asthma repeatedly went out of control, possibly triggered by his father’s smoking or perhaps as an allergic response to the family dog. Mrs. Sikes acquired a small room-size portable air cleaner in a vain attempt to shield Randy and gave away the family cat as a precaution. Still, Randy’s frightening bouts of asthma went unabated. In search of employment and an affordable cost of living, the Sikes family moved, which meant that Randy, who needed a plug-in nebulizer machine to treat his asthma, now lived far away from his maternal grandmother with asthma, who owned the nebulizer that Randy had previously borrowed. Randy, age 5, was a veteran of asthmatic struggles; asthma had been diagnosed in his first year of life and had been an uneasy companion over his brief years. All the same, Randy’s resilience was undeniable in the way he coped: using his imagination. Even as his asthma seemed to go from bad to worse, Randy found the drive to manage, in the form of a talisman, a toy car, Randy’s main vehicle of coping. The car was a kind of transitional object (like a blanket or a teddy bear) that had unquestioned trust and playful malleability to Randy. Home-based interviews with Randy and photos he took depicting his everyday life with asthma revealed that his automotive play was both salient and central to his healing experience. Randy practiced imaginal coping, self-initiated, ritual-like play therapy that addressed his affective challenges. Randy told me about one of the toy cars he used; later I learned that several of his other toy cars served as talismans equally well. randy: I’ll show you my [car] that I like to play with. interviewer: Oh, you love that. Now do you play with that when you’re sick, that car? randy: [Nodding] Mm hm. [Zooming car around] Vroom! Vroom! interviewer: Let’s say you’re sick and you’re pretending with that. What would you pretend with that big race car? randy: The ride in it! A fleet of toy cars, each used in fantasy as a way for Randy to mentally transport himself to elsewhere, became ways for Randy to modify his felt experience and to introduce beneficial meanings of mobility, control, and agency. Randy, in interviews, made it clear that he felt that his cars were very special, even magical, in their ability to “work wonders.” Medical treatment could be tolerated if a car was at hand: He claimed not to feel or sense the hurt of injections or the distaste of foul medication when holding his car. In an asthmatic crisis, when Randy was allowed to keep his car in the emergency room, this calmed him. Randy’s mother, who kept a journal about Randy and his asthma for research purposes, recorded how imaginal coping

took place during a bout of asthmatic illness: “It is very cold and damp, and Randy’s breathing is not good. He was very restless and breathing hard when he was sleeping. He is still very pale and not looking himself. . . . When his breathing problems come and he is having an asthma attack he sometimes looks up to me with his big blue eyes with the dark rings around them, and asks me for his green race car. And I get it for him. He hugs it closely and falls asleep.” Mrs. Sikes also had come to rely on Randy’s toy cars. She habitually kept a race car on hand, sent one to school in Randy’s backpack, and kept one at the ready in her own actual car. She would not be surprised, she said, if Randy continued to keep a toy car stored, standing by, in the closet during adulthood. Imaginal coping was widespread among other chronically ill children interviewed in my study of 5- to 8-year-olds. One kindergartner with asthma felt safe because his bedsheets pictured the Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles, superheroic media figures who he envisioned would save his life, if needed, by fetching the physician in time. Another boy imagined that he was an airplane pilot, picturing that the mask of his nebulizer (used for treatment) became a pilot’s mask. Girls, away from home at asthma camp, played with a toy animal that the director said needed their care for asthma, a kind of role reversal of caretaker and would-be sufferer, roles that were commonly inverted in children’s own medical play in which the child became the more powerful, would-be doctor. In its many creative variations, imaginal coping provided a sort of self-therapeutic jujitsu, by which the child reframed his or her situation as more empowered, as more safe, as having greater control. While Randy’s use of imaginal coping was highly salient to him and to his mother, imaginal coping did not seem to be recognized by all biomedical personnel. An X-ray technician would not allow anyone or anything, including a plastic car, to accompany Randy during an X-ray; in another situation, a nurse dismissed the plastic car as a strange sort of toy for a child in the hospital. Physicians treating other children sometimes ordered the separation of a child from a stuffed toy or blanket, declaring such trusted possessions to be harmful allergens. Imaginal coping holds a greater degree of disregard or indifference among adult professionals, it seems, than among children themselves. Yet, imaginal coping merits a close look by those who deal with children suffering from a difficult illness. When a child like Randy pretends to take the driver’s seat, and from this vantage point plays out a preferred interpretation of experience, the act entails a shift of gears toward serenity and buoyancy. It is hard to imagine a more valuable vehicle of meaning-making for a child coping with asthma’s breathlessness. Cindy Dell Clark further reading: Cindy Dell Clark, In Sickness and in Play: Children Coping with Chronic Illness, 2003.

imagining each other

imagining each other

How a Green Race Car Helped Randy Cope with Asthma

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allergic diseases

Respiratory difficulties may follow food and rash difficulties. Allergic nasal congestion may be seen in the first years of life and may be due to environmental factors such as dust mites or pets. This allergic rhinitis is not only a drain on quality of life but may predispose children to ear and sinus infections. It is common to see wheezing with upper respiratory infections as a first manifestation of asthma. These wheezing episodes may repeat with each viral infection, causing mild distress or severe respiratory compromise that requires hospitalization. While a large portion of young children wheeze with infections, those who have a family history of asthma or who show or have shown allergic signs such as eczema, food allergy, or nasal symptoms are more likely to have persistent asthma through childhood. As children reach school age, those with asthma are likely to have specific allergic triggers in addition to viral ones. Perhaps one-half of those with persistent asthma during childhood will outgrow this problem in adulthood. Some people have a period of remission in their late teens and young-adult years and then have recurrence of asthma in midadulthood. Those with persistent disease tend to have had early onset in childhood, greater severity, and more allergy overall. An inordinate increase in asthma prevalence was noticed in developed countries at the end of the 20th century. In the United States, 25 million people have asthma, including 5 million children. Along with increasing numbers, there has come increasing severity as measured by emergency department visits and hospitalizations. This trend is particularly evident in preschool children. Explanations are varied and include frequent, rapid spread of asthmagenic viral respiratory infections in child-care settings, along with hesitancy in making a diagnosis of asthma and instituting an asthma treatment plan in infants until they have experienced several episodes of wheezing requiring urgent care. The “hygiene hypothesis” (discussed below) may also play a part. Besides this skewing of morbidity toward young children, there is a disproportionate burden of asthma in innercity populations compared to suburban or rural groups. It appears that socioeconomic factors that influence access to care may be involved in this. Cultural mores regarding medical care may also be contributors. Particularly in the inner city, it is common to see emergency department visits for acute asthma episodes in children with mild, intermittent asthma in preference to scheduled visits with primary health care providers. Regular, consistent, proactive care reduces disease severity and excessive health expenditures. Optimal use of medications allows for prevention of attacks, not just acute treatments. Genetics plays a definite role in asthma. One can see the role of inheritance in causation in the example of asthma incidence in different Latino populations. While the incidence among people of Puerto Rican ancestry is relatively high,

among those of Mexican origin it is relatively low, in spite of similarities in sociocultural and environmental factors. A fascinating area of investigation deals with prevention of allergic disease. Avoiding early sensitization to certain foods that are riskiest for causing food allergy in infancy, such as cow’s milk, egg, peanuts, tree nuts, and fish, may prevent or delay the “allergic march” from eczema to asthma, although the data are controversial and far from conclusive. A number of prevention trials agree on the value of breastfeeding for 4 to 12 months. Avoidance of the aforementioned foods for one to three years may be helpful, though not well studied. While these measures may be worthwhile for high-risk families, the benefits for most families must be weighed against results from other studies that show little sustainability of benefit into middle childhood. Food allergy is receiving great attention as the incidence is growing rapidly. The incidence of peanut allergy, for example, has doubled recently. Allergic reactions to foods may be life-threatening. People who suffer from these problems must pay scrupulous attention to what they are eating in order to avoid emergency situations. When children are affected, their families carry an enormous burden to ensure safety. Families must carry emergency medications such as injectable epinephrine. They must scrutinize child care, preschool, the homes of friends and relatives, and restaurants to be certain that their child will not have an accidental exposure. While the likelihood of outgrowing food allergy is high for certain foods like milk and eggs, it is quite small for peanuts, nuts, fish, and shellfish. Vigorous research efforts are now going into vaccines and medications to halt food allergy. Urticaria and angioedema (hives and swelling) are common in childhood and are due to release of mediators like histamine from either allergic or nonallergic causes. Acute urticaria and angioedema may represent an allergic reaction to a food, drug, or stinging insect. These skin manifestations may be quickly followed by full-blown anaphylaxis, which is a reaction that can progress from skin involvement to respiratory or cardiac arrest. People at risk of these reactions should receive a prescription for injectable epinephrine to be carried at all times in case of an emergency. Both skin and blood testing can be used to discover the cause(s) of many allergic reactions generally, including hives when it is not obvious. Often, however, hives are due to viral infections or unidentifiable causes. The inability to ascribe causation can be extremely frustrating in these cases. There is a growing interest in the “hygiene hypothesis” of allergic disease. Proponents explain that as societies becomes more urbanized and affluent, children miss exposure to environmental challenges like farm animal excrement, dirt, and germs, which seem to shift the immune system away from allergy and asthma. This has been supported by several observations. Rural children in some countries have a decreased incidence of allergic disease as opposed

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to urban children who have similar genetic and cultural backgrounds. Children with pets introduced early in life may also have a decreased allergic propensity. The mechanism for the increase in allergic disorders has been suggested to be as follows: The immune system is no longer stimulated in these clean and animal-free environments to fight these environmental exposures. This causes a shift in immune function away from pathways for surviving these insults. Instead, pathways that stimulate allergic response are activated as a sort of disuse default. This may account for the rising incidence of asthma and food allergy in the United States, a phenomenon that one does not see in less affluent and rural countries. Measures to increase exposure to germs, like early exposure to child care and multiple pets in the home, which seemed undesirable in the past, are now gaining favor as means of rebalancing the immune system and down-regulating allergic pathways as a means of prevention of allergic diseases. Once an environmental factor is known to be an established allergic trigger, there is no longer an opportunity for prevention, and efforts should be made to eliminate that from a child’s life. If cat exposure causes wheezing, cats must be removed from the environments. If visiting a farm with horses and cows causes an asthma attack, one must refrain from visiting such places. Often there is a balance between environmental modification and pharmacological intervention that will provide an optimal home and school experience. Stinging-insect allergy often requires years of desensitization injections for optimal protection, since it is difficult to avoid stinging insects without curtailing a normal lifestyle. Since both severity and manifestations of allergic disease in children change over time, continuity of care provides the best help for children and their families. Gail G. Shapiro see also: Respiratory Diseases; Skin Disorders and Diseases further reading: F. D. Martinez, A. L. Wright, L. M. Taussig, C. J. Holberg, M. Halonen, and W. J. Morgan, “Asthma and Wheezing in the First Six Years of Life,” New England Journal of Medicine 332, no. 3 (1995), pp.133–38.

american history, childhood and adolescence in. Human society has always included children as well as adults, but where the line is to be drawn between the two categories and what subcategories of childhood (infancy and adolescence, for instance) are thought to be natural vary historically. Similarly, the continent of North America has long existed, but the concept of America has been socially constructed, usually by persons of European origin. Consequently, the narrative of American childhood and adolescence commonly begins with the European arrival in the 17th century, but it ought not be confined to an understanding of European American children since there were

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two other cultures, native American Indian and African American, embraced by this traditional universe. What is known about the Native Americans derives largely from the reports of European explorers and missionaries, although some native artifacts do survive. The European observers expressed surprise at the regard held for pregnant native women, the stoicism of these women in childbirth, and the amount of time—three to four years of the nursing period—during which children remained always close to their mothers. Child mortality rates of up to 50% are mentioned, as are birth intervals, frequently preserved by abortion, of about four years. At that age, children were set free (though no doubt closely watched by their parents and the rest of the community) to learn for themselves, rather than being forcibly taught or controlled. More than anything else, the Europeans were surprised by the absence of corporal punishment. Children were taught by example. When they reached puberty, girls crossed into womanhood with the onset of menstruation, while boys, who for years had been sharpening their skills as hunters, were brought into manhood through tribal rituals. Europeans were far less apt to record the daily lives of the Africans whom they forcibly brought into their midst as slaves. It appears that black mothers breastfed their young not for three years, as was the practice in West Africa from whence they came, but only one, carrying their infants into the fields with them or returning periodically to the slave quarters to suckle. Very young children came under the supervision of older ones, usually without adult supervision; this was probably the only task assigned to slave children until they were 7 or 8, when they took on light chores until the age of 12, at which time they underwent the brutalizing experience of field work. In other words, their experience at puberty was quite unlike that of the Native Americans. The third culture in early America with a distinctive childhood experience was European, primarily English, in origin. New England was distinguished by a patriarchal religion that was reflected in the home by the commanding presence of the father in a large, stable, nuclear family. In the Chesapeake Bay area, a high mortality rate led to constant reformation of a smaller household. In both regions, the neonate was swaddled for about three months, whereas breastfeeding continued through the first year; when it ceased, conception became easier and probably occurred within the next several months. Until the baby walked, it was carried in the arms of its parents, biological or step, as the vagaries of high mortality dictated. The emotional trauma of parental loss in the Chesapeake Bay area was paralleled in New England by the drama of breaking the child’s will, a systematic suppression of early attempts at self-assertion accomplished by mental manipulation of the youngster, sanctioned by religious ideology. Corporal punishment, an English inheritance, was pervasive in both regions, administered to boys and girls by

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either parent. Clothing was a badge of age and sex. At 7 or 8, boys moved from skirts into breeches, marking their entrance into manhood as well as the workforce. Girls remained skirted. They were also initiated into chores, understood as domestic and appropriate to their gender. Church membership was customarily not granted until young adulthood, though the age was lowered as church elders became worried about the salvation of youth and the future of the church. Apprenticeship was directed at older male children, as was education. Masters, like fathers, were also required to feed and clothe their charges. Among the New England Puritans, reading was considered a necessary complement of childhood, since it provided access to the scriptures. Such issues as spirituality, leaving the home, and education, focused as they were on youth, helped create a transitional stage between childhood and adulthood that, by the late 17th century, might be called adolescence, though it was not so labeled at the time. The 18th century was characterized by the growth of population and wealth, the latter contributing significantly to the lengthening of childhood. Non-English immigrants— Dutch, German, and Scotch-Irish—flowed into the colonies, a change that added variety to American childhood. And population growth put pressure on the land, forcing younger sons in farm families to find employment in commercial ports or to migrate westward to fresh land; in either case, their leaving home undermined patriarchy and, therefore, the hierarchical structure of the household. Alterations were also promoted by ideology. Those colonists who remained deeply influenced by religion, most typically members of nuclear families living in isolated rural areas, have been labeled evangelicals; they persisted in believing that children were depraved and in attempting to break their wills. A new secularism, often associated with the Enlightenment as well as the emerging world of commerce, enabled other mothers and fathers, more moderate than the evangelicals and most often found in affluent farming villages and commercial towns, to deal in a gentler way with the young, expecting responsibility without demanding submission. Yet a third group of parents, genteel in their circumstances, whose prosperity was based on land and slaveholding, indulged their children not so much to nurture them as because they were indifferent to them. But all European American households shared the point of view that children must be controlled, even after the American Revolution both reflected and contributed to some loosening of household authority. By the early years of the 19th century—in the northeastern region of the nation and spreading therefrom—the initial phase of the Industrial Revolution began to alter domestic life in the United States. The movement from traditional agricultural communities into industrial towns and cities was character-

ized by the emergence of two distinctly different sorts of childhoods: middle-class and working-class. The urban middle-class household was characterized by the daily absence of the father, now at his office or factory, and the dominance of the mother. Her emphasis was less on corporal punishment than emotional control of her children, often through the employment of shame and guilt (whereas physical coercion and shame had been the instrument of social control in traditional rural society). Insular though this family was in the new mass society, upward social mobility for males was a goal to be accomplished through education outside the home. Schooling took on a new urgency, and the age-graded classrooms that emerged in the cities reflected and intensified division in all aspects of a society once organically unified. Within the home, middle-class children were idle and protected as the house became a haven from the hostile outside world. Attention was showered on the young as the family shrank in size: Their birthdays were now celebrated; Christmas became their holiday. With her mother nearby, a daughter’s gender identity came readily to her, while a son in his early years had trouble identifying with an absent father. But to banish dad was to invite feelings of guilt, since a son continued to love his father. Actually, guilt was functional in 19th-century mass society where young men sought their livings, since guilt—brought on by selfjudgment—worked despite anonymity. Shame depended on familiarity, and it continued to restrain females, confined as they were to middle-class households. Conditions were different for urban, working-class children. The factory was replacing the home as the scene of employment. Children had always toiled as part of the household. Now they became wage earners and supporters of hard-pressed families. The family economy was a cooperative venture in which all individuals worked and economized for the survival of the group. Although still dominated by their parents, working-class children were less susceptible than middle-class children to household control, especially in immigrant families where children gained a faster understanding than did their elders of American society. And although working-class parents were jealous of their children’s labor for the survival of the household, middle-class reformers interfered with this arrangement by championing the child through the establishment of orphan asylums and reformatories, aid societies and juvenile courts, Sunday schools, and public schools. While the Industrial Revolution created an urbanized America and divided its almost exclusively European American inhabitants into middle and working classes, traditional rural life remained the dominant existence. In the southeastern United States, a significant portion of the rural population was African American, which, even after the abolition of slavery, was tied to the cotton fields and poverty

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and, now, highly discriminatory racial segregation, the new bondage. Although an attempt had been made by Northerners after the Civil War to improve the lot of ex-slaves largely through education, that effort had failed. The lives of African American children in the late 19th and early 20th centuries remained family-oriented but as grim as ever. Native American childhood, however, underwent significant change when the United States government herded many tribes onto reservations in the later 19th century. Children were now frequently placed in schools, often in boarding institutions at considerable distances from the reservations, which were run on European American principles by government officials. In these cases, the young were torn between their parents and alien cultures. Education, in fact, was the avenue by which the state began to exercise control over children of all social groups in the 19th century. Schools were unimportant in traditional agricultural society, though they certainly existed, usually one-room buildings in the villages of the Northeast, operating seasonally; that is, when children’s labor was not required on the farms. The schoolmasters were heavy-handed males, and the curriculum was simply the alphabet, writing, and numbers. With modernization came a systematic approach to education. The common school movement (1830–60) instituted by states in the Northeast emphasized order and discipline in student behavior, rote learning, morality, and patriotism in the curriculum. Women began taking over the classrooms (as they did in middle-class homes). School served as the introduction of children to society, a function previously assigned to the family, which in addition to providing education had been the primary economic institution; now the family was left with only its emotional function. The school provided academic knowledge to the middle class, especially the boys who as men would run society; discipline for the future workers; and Americanization for the immigrants. The urban school had sufficient numbers of students to be age-graded, a process that paved the way for recognition of a later, already lurking stage of childhood adolescence, a phase of life that was to develop a culture of its own. School was free, but attendance was not effectively compulsory, even when nominally called for. By the early 20th century, reformers were arguing that all children should be in the classroom, which is to say out of the factories, although working-class families still depended on the income from child labor. Middle-class reformers had already seen in other institutions, such as asylums, reformatories, and junior farms, situations by which to control working-class youth. In order to maintain middle-class adolescents’ moral footing in their new, tempting circumstances, the reformers, often called Progressives, created such organizations as the Boy Scouts, the YMCA, and the YWCA.

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Within the family, the wealth created by industrialization meant more leisure time for parents, though at first only those of the middle class, to watch children, to feed them better, and to arrange for their contentment. Economic development was reinforcing demographic change; at the turn of the 20th century, there was a decline in infant mortality, and parents, less worried about the death of the young, continued in the pattern of having fewer children. The concurrent rise in life expectancy also allowed the greater number of surviving parents to pay more attention to these fewer children. The economic and demographic developments that contributed to greater family stability had, however, an unintended side effect: The longer parents lived together, the more prone they were to divorce, which began to accomplish in the 20th century what death had taken care of earlier. By the 1920s, prosperity had become a way of life for the upper and upper-middle classes, reflected in a youth culture of jazz and sex that ran contrary to the mores of adults. The latter were wed to a philosophy of child control, scientifically presented as behaviorism, which they were unable to enforce on their older progeny. Economic abundance was delivered a severe blow by the Great Depression of the 1930s and restrained by the war-rationing economy of the early 1940s, however, while, quite coincidentally, behavioral scientists began to argue a novel point of view: Children were inherently good and ought to be granted full expression. Then, suddenly it seemed, World War II ended, the baby boom began, and middle-class mothers were reading Dr. Benjamin Spock, who, though he never discarded parental discipline, counseled that elders should empathize with their young. And, indeed, the affluence of the postwar period allowed many Americans, including members of the working class, to adopt a middle-class lifestyle: car and home ownership, a college education for the kids, and less authoritarian attitudes in child rearing. Then there was the explosive arrival of television, initially promoted as a family activity. The baby boomers—socialized by a television agenda alien to the past—provided a surprise for the adult world as they arrived at adolescence in the politically turbulent 1960s. The response to errant youth behavior in the 1920s was an attempt on the part of adults to persuade, if not coerce, adolescents to act as their seniors did. That became an almost impossible assignment with the booming expansion of the youth population. Some youngsters, labeled hippies, rebelled against adults by adopting a hedonistic lifestyle featuring drugs, sex, and rock and roll. Others responded to the civil rights movement and the war in Vietnam through political activity way beyond most adults’ boundaries. One explanation of youthful misbehavior focused on the high school, which allegedly erred in bringing together different socioeconomic

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classes. This point of view was substantiated in such popular movies as Rebel without a Cause but, in fact, contained little truth. Children of the inner city, not to mention the rural poor, lived not simply in a different economic group but in a different world from the more privileged urban and suburban young. Of course, their households had been battered by the Depression. But even after World War II, almost a quarter of the nation’s families lived below the poverty line set by the federal government. A third of them were rural tenant farmers, sharecroppers, and migrant farm workers. The remainder resided in the inner city, migrants from rural America as well as emigrants from Puerto Rico and Mexico. African American, American Indian, and female-headed households were conspicuously poor. The infant mortality rate for very poor children was roughly twice the national average. Poor children lagged considerably behind their more prosperous peers in basic measures of physical development, such as height and weight, and were more susceptible to disease. And, of course, medical care was more limited. Malnutrition was common, leading even to brain damage and death. Later in their young lives, they were more prone to accidents, homicide, and suicide, unsurprising in view of the fact that physical punishment of less-well-off children was more prevalent. Until 1954, the racial segregation of educational facilities was lawful; it was observed, however, that black children’s feelings of inferiority were a response not simply to school segregation but rather to their full experience in a society riddled with racial prejudice. By 1935, all states but two provided payments to needy mothers with dependent children; at that time, the federal government, through Title IV of the Social Security Act, provided Aid to Dependent Children (ADC), but even 30 years later the income provided was less than half the poverty level, even to children whose families had no other source of income. President Lyndon B. Johnson declared a War on Poverty, with an agenda weighted in favor of helping children by way of such programs as Head Start (the idea was that education could provide an antidote to poverty) and the Job Corps (for high school dropouts). Additionally, there was Title I of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965, through which educationally deprived, low-income children could get help. Simultaneously, ADC was changed to Aid to Families with Dependent Children, greatly expanding the rolls and providing food stamps and medical care. The number of poor Americans dropped from 22% of the population in 1959 to 11% in 1973. Considered regionally, in the late 20th century, though the rural population was about one-quarter of the national total, it included 40% of the nation’s poor. It was less well served by the federal government as its neighborhoods and institutions disappeared with urbanization. And child labor on the farm was abundant. Ultimately, the War on Pov-

erty failed not only rural America but also the whole nation. If viewed as an effort to arrest the polarization of wealth in the United States, an effort that had begun in the mid1930s, it failed because it was superseded by the celebration of wealth, which crested in the 1980s, only to reach a higher wave in the early 21st century. Poor children were not invited to this party. Finally, all children, their economic circumstances notwithstanding, have been affected by changes in the family. There has been a decline in the number of siblings, in the percentage of two-parent households, and in the nearby availability of grandparents. Just as the 19th century was characterized by the absence of the father, now employed away from home, so, too, in the late 20th century the mother is often missing as well, also in the workforce. The typical American child has less time in familial contact than ever before. Joseph E. Illick see also: African American Children; Asian American Children; Latino Children in the United States; Native American Children further reading: Robert H. Bremner et al., eds., Childhood and Youth in America: A Documentary History, 3 vols., 1970–74. • Joseph M. Hawes and N. Ray Hiner, eds., American Childhood: A Research Guide and Historical Handbook, 1985. • Karin Calvert, Children in the House: The Material Culture of Early Childhood, 1600– 1900, 1992. • Carl H. Nightingale, On the Edge: A History of Poor Black Children and Their American Dreams, 1993. • Joseph E. Illick, American Childhoods, 2002. • Steven Mintz, Huck’s Raft: A History of American Childhood, 2004.

americans with disabilities act. see Disabilities, Care of Children with; Special Education

amniocentesis. see Genetics: Genetic Testing ancient mediterranean world, childhood and adolescence in. The history of the ancient Mediterranean world covers the period from roughly 3,000 BC to AD 500 and includes a vast number of territories, such as the Near East, Egypt, Greece, and Rome. In demographic terms, this area was a high-pressure regime, which means that both fertility and mortality were consistently high. The best-known illustration is Cornelia, mother of the famous Gracchi brothers, who had 12 children, all of them born between 163 BC and the death of her husband Tiberius in 152 BC. All 12 children survived their father, but only 3 of them survived childhood. The underlying causes for the high level of mortality reside in the general conditions of life. Infectious diseases would have taken their toll indiscriminately, although undernourishment may have affected the poor more than the wealthy. Infant mortality in the Roman Empire has been estimated at 300 per 1,000 per year, and it must have been in the same order of magnitude for the other regions. The cultures of the ancient Mediterranean also used infanticide

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and infant or child exposure to keep their family size at an optimum level compared to social pressures and economic circumstances. Infanticide may have been practiced only in extreme cases, but infant or child exposure was frequent, although perhaps not so much in Jewish society. For the working classes, the decision to abandon a child was mainly influenced by adverse economic circumstances. Whenever the upper classes resorted to it, it was mainly done in order to leave more money behind for the surviving children. Additional female children were especially considered a liability because they required dowries and would be unable to continue the family name. When found, the infants were raised as slaves and commonly were later employed in the sex industry. Exposure was penalized only in AD 374, but even imperial legislation had no power to change adverse economic circumstances, and the practice continued unabated. It is difficult to establish the impact of these demographic trends and reproductive strategies on the love parents showed toward their children. Parents responded to the death of small children with less display of distress and grief than is customary today. Feelings of love and severe distress at the loss of a child are not absent from the sources, but they appear to be somewhat exceptional. The majority of cultures in the ancient Mediterranean encouraged parents to deal philosophically with the death of a young child, and grief was quickly considered to be excessive and out of place compared with appropriate reactions to the loss of a teenager or a young adult. It is possible that parents were emotionally detached from young children and had developed certain rituals to deal with the loss of a child. Exposure as such need not be taken as evidence that parents did not love their children, but it does suggest that, perhaps often, decisions were taken that any parent would have found difficult. The conceptualization of childhood in the ancient world was overwhelmingly negative. In Greece, it was quite common to see infants as being very close to the animal rather than the human world because of their lack of thought and speech. In Rome, the small child was characterized as “being unable to speak,” literally so, for this is what the term infans, from which the word infant is derived, means. This phrase covers the ability to formulate coherent thoughts and to recognize the implications of what was being said. Plato classified children, together with women, slaves, and animals, as beings who lacked the power of reason. Aristotle took this classification one step further by grouping children together with the sick, the bad and the brutish, the drunk, and the lunatic. He further identified childhood as a stage of life to which no one in his right mind would want to return, a viewpoint shared much later by St. Augustine. According to Plato, what children lacked most of all was discipline; together with the lower classes, children were conspicuous by having the most desires, pleasures,

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and pains. These negative views are prompted by the notion that the ideal representative of Greek civilization was the adult male, and they must therefore be assessed as constructs that, in part, served the rhetorical objectives of a particular philosophical argument. However, the views reproduced here correspond remarkably well with other social phenomena. For example, children would be mourned for the potential contribution they would have been able to make at a future stage of their development, but not for their qualities as children. The young person is in principle an adult, but one who has not yet reached the right age and is therefore neither an adult nor a child. Discrepancies in the experience of childhood and adolescence were caused by cultural and socioeconomic differences. The most glaring cultural differences are to be found between the Greco-Roman and the Jewish worlds. In Jewish society, the idea was prevalent that the child possessed an innate evil nature. The goal of Jewish education was to facilitate the child’s transition to compliance with the divinely sanctioned laws and order of society, and for this purpose the use of adequate corporal punishment was acceptable. In Greece and Rome, on the other hand, a clear distinction was made, at least on a theoretical level, between the use of verbal reprimanding, used for children, and the use of force, which was reserved for slaves. Another important difference is that Jewish society commanded that all born children be reared, a cultural peculiarity that attracted the attention of Aristotle and other Greco-Roman authors. In all three societies, however, there was a strong emphasis on the child’s duty to obey parents and to assist them in their old age. The cultural differences between Greece and Rome were always small, but from the 2nd century BC onward the two civilizations grew even closer. Rome’s military and political dominance ensured that Greek ideas and values became the most important cultural idiom in a broad stretch of Europe and the Near East. If there were significant differences in the experience of the stages of the life cycle, they must be sought in the social group to which one belonged and the area of residence, city or countryside. The majority of the children of lower-class and slave families had to start working from an early age, while children of privileged families attended school or, at a somewhat later age, the gymnasium for athletic exercises and lectures. Access to schooling was determined by location and by financial circumstances. Schools were not statesubsidized, and their establishment ultimately depended on the generosity of private benefactors. Since education had to be paid for, only the wealthy could afford to invest in several years of education for their children. There were clearly circumscribed ritual ceremonies that marked the end of childhood and the introduction into the world of adulthood. The age at which these rituals took place suggests that the individuals were teenagers, but the events celebrated the end of childhood rather than the end

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of adolescence. In Athens, the central event was that of the son’s registration into his father’s neighborhood, the deme, at the age of 18. For the wealthy, this was followed by membership in the ephebeia, a category of young men frequenting the gymnasium. In Rome, the decisive moment was the laying down of the children’s toga and the putting on of the toga of manhood. This could take place as early as 14 and as late as 19, although the latter was considered to be exceptional. Girls in their early teens dedicated their childhood toys at the shrine of a goddess, most usually that of Artemis/ Diana or Aphrodite/Venus. They were now considered ready for marriage. Even though admission to the adult world was marked by a public transition, it is by no means clear that it meant acceptance as a full adult. Participation in the adult world, most notably the world of work and the world of politics, could even take place before the rituals of adulthood, but the period of inferiority within the adult world would last for much longer than in the modern world. In the ancient world, adolescence was hardly ever singled out as period in which young men and women needed to experiment, rebel, or subvert before returning to a regular pattern of life. Instead, there was an extended period from the midteens to the mid-30s in which young adults participated in adult life but were regarded as possessing less authority than the generation preceding them. Marc Kleijwegt see also: Aristotle; European History, Childhood and Adolescence in; Plato further reading: Marc Kleijwegt, Ancient Youth: The Ambiguity of Youth and the Absence of Adolescence in Greco-Roman Society, 1991. • Beryl Rawson, Children and Childhood in Roman Italy, 2005. • Mark Golden, Children and Childhood in Classical Athens, 2006.

animism. It has long been noted that the idea of humans being the only “persons” or being the only intentional agents on the planet is not only not universal, but rather the exception, and one might add “luckily so.” First of all, no culture exists now or in the past that does not have some animistic beliefs. Where these beliefs come from, how they differ, and how cultural and life-stage differences in animistic concepts actually map onto behavioral differences are some of the important questions that need to be addressed in research on animism and child development. In its most general sense, the term animism (from the Latin anima, meaning “soul”) refers to the belief in the existence of a soul that animates all kinds of objects, governing to some extent their existence. The term was introduced to anthropology by the British anthropologist Sir Edward Tylor in his theory of religion (1871). He applied the term to a general belief in a “soul,” by which he meant some mystical, nonempirical life force that endowed all kinds of entities

with intentions. It is important to note that Tylor did not presuppose an exact nature of these souls and how they are related to the body. In fact, these questions were of little interest to him. In a sense, Tylor (and many that followed him) took animism as the “wrongful” attribution of souls to physical entities (stones, clouds, etc.), yet it is important to keep in mind that he did not suppose animism to be the idea that all physical entities have souls. Two things are worth mentioning in this approach. First, given this definition, it is clear that animism is not something only non-Europeans believe; it also forms part of Christian belief. This becomes even clearer if the term soul is replaced with the general idea of a life force. Second, Tylor’s theory builds on the attribution of souls to physical objects. For Tylor, “primitive man” explained dreams, visions, and so forth with the existence of a life force independent of the body, the first step in creating a human religion. The idea of the wrongful life attribution to inanimate things inspired early child developmental studies targeting the questions of what attributes children make at different ages and why they do so. In his seminal work, the Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget intended to show that young children are animistic; that is, they inappropriately attribute properties of animate beings to inanimate objects. This finding has been questioned ever since and has often been attributed to the fact that the children were asked mainly about unfamiliar items (such as the wind or the moon). Still, the questions of whether, how, and why children make distinctions between animate and inanimate objects remain at the forefront of developmental research. In an effort to clarify the issue, cognitive developmental psychologists have provided a list of important differences between animate and inanimate objects, including “acting,” “reciprocating,” “perception,” “having a particular internal structure,” and so forth. To be sure, it is important to understand children’s concepts with respect to these questions, yet a “checklist” approach has some inherent problems. What does animistic actually mean? What are the criteria for animistic beliefs in children? Why should one assume that Western adult knowledge (often wrongfully identified as scientific knowledge) provides the measuring stick for the divide between the realms of the animate and inanimate? It is here that important synergies exist between anthropology and cognitive psychology. For example, in many cultures humans perceive natural kinds (like stones, water, clouds, and the sun) as alive. This is, for example, the case among the Tzotzil Maya of Chiapas, Mexico. Yet this is not based on a confusion of biological processes; Maya children and adults of course do not think that these entities reproduce, eat, grow, or die like animals or humans do. Instead, it seems that the respective notion of alive is much broader than what is proposed by Western science.

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Different concepts of alive might exist cross-culturally and developmentally. For example, one might argue that U.S. children have different concepts for alive for both animals and plants. Given these differences, it is not surprising that such concepts do not necessarily coincide with biological/ scientific concepts of life. In this scenario, death might not describe the opposite end of alive. Tzotzil Maya, for example, traditionally attribute life to certain caves, yet they do not think that caves can actually die. These are important points to bear in mind given that the different models create very different reference points for child development and the acquisition of knowledge. For one, it instills a certain amount of respect and a different attitude toward the nonhuman environment, which now consists of a large set of intentional agents. Among Tzotzil Maya, for example, discussions about certain caves being alive are fairly common and often deal with historical/mythical stories. Hence, they provide the framework for children’s understanding of important aspects of their culture while at the same time endowing them with respect toward the environment surrounding them. Statistically speaking, random independent inventions are just as unlikely to explain the universality of animistic beliefs as is the theory of the dissemination of such beliefs around the globe. This has led cognitive scientists to speculate that the animation of objects might be a cognitive universal. Developmental research indicates that children from an early age are primed toward watching out for intentional agents. Stewart Guthrie calls this cognitive priming the outcome of the “safe bet situation.” In the light of uncertainty (one hears the slamming of a door), the assumption of an intentional agent (potentially harmful) is the safe bet as it prepares a person for some danger. In this account, mechanisms to detect intentional agents, such as identifying teleological actions, and face recognition lead people to “see” intentional agents where there are none, and hence lead humans to develop ideas of gods and so forth. Still, while these processes are attributed to all humans regardless of time and space, there are marked differences in what kinds of elements are attributed with life. As a result, it is critical to keep in mind that across different cultures children are exposed to different truths along the developmental path. By the same token, it would be misleading to classify human groups by whether they “wrongfully” attribute intentional actions and life to other than animate objects. This is done in a more current version of the animism debate in anthropology. Within this current line of thought, the question is not one of rightful attribution of life or not but of how humans behave toward their environment based on the above-mentioned differences. Starting with a seminal paper by Irving Hallowell in 1960, the view of people holding animistic beliefs is not whether they wrongfully attribute life to nonliving objects. Instead, the focus is on how humans treat a wide range of persons, only some of

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whom are human. While this opens the question of what it means to be a person, thinking about the treatment of dogs in the United States might illustrate the general argument. Compared to pigs, dogs are definitely regarded more like persons, and as a result they are treated differently. Among other things, very few people would eat their dog or make a grave for their pigs. Obviously then, treating an “object” as a person has clear consequences for how people think about and act toward an entity and what role they attribute to it within their cosmos. Within this perspective, it is easier to understand the traditional Native American view that everything in the world has a role to play. The world does not consist of objects surrounding humans; instead, many of the elements exist in their own right and independent of humans, requiring respectful treatment from humans. While it does mean that humans are only one among many “kinds of persons” with whom one has to interact and engage, it does not mean that humans cannot be special in such an account. However, being the only persons on the planet changes the rules of the game. Luckily, this view has probably been the exception rather than the rule for most of human history. Norbert O. Ross see also: Child: Religious and Philosophical Perspectives; Cognitive Development; Concepts, Children’s; Magical Thinking further reading: P. Descola, “Societies of Nature and the Nature of Societies,” in Adam Kuper, ed., Conceptualizing Society, 1992, pp. 107–26. • E. Viveiros de Castro, “Cosmological Deixis and Amerindian Perspectivism,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 4 (1998), pp. 469–88. • N. Bird-David, “Animism Revisited,” Current Anthropology 40 (1999), pp. 67–91.

anorexia nervosa. see Eating Disorders anxieties. see Fears, Phobias, and Anxiety Disorders apprenticeship. Apprenticeship is a major social institution for shaping the process of skill acquisition and the transition of adolescents into adulthood, considerably more prominent historically and presently in Europe than in North America. It is rooted in the guilds of medieval Europe that organized and controlled the recruitment and training of skilled craftsmen and artisans. Parents gave their sons into the care and control of a master craftsman, artisan, or shop owner who was responsible for the training (and moral education) of the young person and his advancement over a period of three to five years from a novice apprentice to a skilled worker or journeyman. Until the middle of the 19th century, apprenticeship was a personal relationship between master and learner that combined instruction in practical skills with internalization of good work habits according to the behavioral models of the master and experienced journeymen. In the countryside, many children experienced an informal learning process in their farming families, where they participated

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imagining each other

Learning to Weave in a Maya Community Xunka’s mother grew up in the world of agriculture in the Maya region of highland Chiapas, Mexico, in a village that was part of the Maya community of Zinacantán; the time was 1970. No one ever bought clothes (except for men’s shirts); women wove and embroidered clothing for their families, and learning to weave meant learning five cotton and wool patterns that were used for all clothing and defined you as a Zinacantec when you wore them. Xunka’s mother herded sheep and used the wool for weaving. Her body got used to the positions and movements she would need for weaving by practicing them over and over again in the course of daily life. Xunka’s mother started to weave when Xunka’s grandmother said, in the Maya language of Tzotzil, “Weave!” Xunka’s grandmother believed that her daughter would want to weave when her chulel, or “soul,” arrived. This happened when Xunka’s mother was 8 years old. She started to weave on the backstrap loom, a piece of technology that has been in use for 4,000 years in Mesoamerica. Xunka’s grandmother wound the warp for a very small piece, a tortilla bag, and set up her daughter’s loom. Because the weaver is part of the frame of the backstrap loom and must lean back to keep the warp threads taut, weaving takes a lot of physical strength and a piece cannot be much wider than the hips of the weaver. So a tortilla bag was something small enough for an 8-year-old girl to handle. And besides it would be useful for the family. When Xunka’s mother began to weave, Xunka’s grandmother was always there to help her daughter with the hard parts. Grandmother always seemed to know when her daughter needed help and took the initiative to help even before

in the daily work in the fields and the household. Before the rise of industrial society, young people could learn skills and good work habits in the context of their family and the neighborhood without becoming involved in formal training. Apprenticeship differs from child labor because it inculcates specific practical and social skills in a regulated training context that leads to the certified status of skilled worker. In North America, even before the end of the 19th century, European observers noted a characteristic absence of formal apprenticeship opportunities and a corresponding expansion of academic secondary education. These patterns were reinforced by an increasingly pronounced tendency for high school and, subsequently, college graduation to have far higher prestige than any form of specifically vocational training. American education and training policy is dominated by the belief that young people, through secondary school, should concentrate on academic subjects and not be subjected to vocational learning. Employers, however, see not only academic credentials but also work experience as important qualifications for hiring, rendering it difficult for high school graduates to find satisfactory em-

Xunka’s mother made an error. Xunka’s mother never even needed to ask for help. When there was a really hard part of the weaving, grandmother did it herself, while Xunka’s mother observed carefully, so that she could learn how to do it herself later on. By the time Xunka herself learned to weave in the early 1990s, the situation was very different. Her family had become very involved in commerce and had greatly diminished their involvement in farming. Now her grandfather and one uncle owned a Volkswagen van that they used to transport villagers back and forth to the neighboring city of San Cristobal de las Casas. Three other uncles owned a truck that they used to transport produce to market. Commerce had extended to weaving itself. Girls and women now wove and embroidered clothing on order for money. Sometimes those who placed the orders were young mothers who did not have time to weave and embroider themselves. Sometimes these were older women who had not learned how to do the fancy embroidery and brocade weaving that was now all the rage. The materials used for weaving had changed. With the rise of Mexico’s oil industry, petrochemicals were used to make acrylic thread in a rainbow of colors that members of the community could buy inexpensively. Some women were able to buy thread wholesale and opened up thread stores in the village. But now that materials to weave and embroider cost so little in both money and labor, Xunka could fool around and experiment with thread without worrying about wasting it. She

ployment. Since there are no institutional bridges for young persons en route from school to work, many U.S. and Canadian youngsters endure a floundering phase after graduation before they have a chance for a stable work situation. Teenage work during high school is sometimes regarded as an informal substitute for the social pathway of organized training, because it provides some work experience and orients young people toward adult roles but without a certification procedure. Aspects of apprenticeship have also been appropriated in a variety of employer-provided training programs, but these represent labor costs that American firms increasingly seek to avoid, because they worry about poaching of their skilled workers. North American arrangements can be contrasted most clearly with those in German-speaking societies, where formal apprenticeship has continued especially vigorously, although much challenged by the increase in labor-market flexibility in the wake of globalization. In Germany, apprenticeship is regulated by the government as a contractual relationship between trainees (Auszubildende) and a training firm in more than 300 white- and blue-collar occupations, with standardized tasks, duration, allowance, vaca-

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Learning to Weave in a Maya Community (continued)

tion, health insurance, and, most important, a certification schedule. Its crucial feature is the combination of training and education at two learning sites: the firm (private) and the vocational school (public). Therefore, it is called the “dual system” of Vocational Education and Training (VET). VET is the linkage between work and education and promotes the development of individual competences and social identity. The firm is in charge of on-the-job training and technical instruction, and the vocational school is attended by apprentices in a day-release arrangement. As the core institution of vocational socialization for youth who are not college bound, its aim is to transmit technical and social skills as well as value orientations that contribute to the shaping of one’s work life course. After graduating from apprenticeship, skilled workers are expected to show three aspects of mastery: know-how in technical and procedural matters, well-organized and sensible execution of job tasks, and social competence inside and outside of the occupation. Training and education in the dual system are closely linked with a concept of occupation that refers to the ideal of a personal identification with the contents, rules, and community of practice

ary 1993, things began to change even more rapidly. Xunka’s younger sister, Maruch, is not learning to weave at all. The family now has a sewing machine, and Maruch has learned through trial and error how to embroider woven shawls, ponchos, and skirts. Sometimes now the skirts and ponchos are not even woven; they are made from store-bought material. People in the village pay Maruch much more for her machine embroidery than they used to pay for hand embroidery or brocade weaving, even though it is much faster to produce. But embroidering on the machine is also much more like an industrial process; the machine sets your pace, and it is a very rapid one. Sitting at a sewing machine for hours on end is also very hard on your back and on your eyes, especially when there is very little light. Unlike weaving and embroidery, a sewing machine cannot be set up outdoors. Unique among all the generations of her family, Maruch plans to continue her formal education beyond elementary school. There is now a junior high school in the village, and Maruch plans a career in which she will utilize her reading and writing skills. Her grandmother could not have imagined such a life pathway. With losses as well as gains, life and learning have indeed changed. Patricia Marks Greenfield

imagining each other

began to make play weavings on little toy looms. A toy loom was much easier to use than a real loom because Xunka could wind her warp threads directly onto the loom, instead of having to wind the warp onto a much more complex apparatus. While Xunka’s mother wove in the courtyard, making items that other women had ordered, Xunka started to weave on her own. Whereas her grandmother had decided when her mother should start to weave, Xunka made that decision herself and practiced quite independently, learning from her own errors. Sometimes she made so many mistakes that she would have to take the weaving out and start all over. When she needed help, she would often call out to her older sister. Unlike her mother, Xunka also went to school. And so she was able to learn new techniques of weaving and embroidery that her mother could not. For example, she was able to draw designs on paper and then transfer them to blouses, shawls, and servilletas, where she could fill them in with embroidery. Whereas her mother had had to learn to weave only five traditional patterns, fancy new designs had become all the rage. The fancy new textiles also took a lot more time to weave and embroider, but it was worth it when, at fiesta time, your husband looked so handsome or, if you were a teenage girl, the boys all looked at you in your beautiful new shawl. Xunka was also proud of being able to sell her servilletas on the road (the Pan-American Highway that went by the edge of their village) and contribute to the family income. Her independence in learning to weave made her especially skillful at being able to understand new designs. After the North American Free Trade Agreement in Janu-

further reading: Patricia M. Greenfield, Ashley E. Maynard, and Carla P. Childs, “Historical Change, Cultural Learning, and Cognitive Representation in Zinacantec Maya Children,” Cognitive Development 18, no. 4 (October 2003), pp. 455–87. • Patricia Marks Greenfield, Weaving Generations Together: Evolving Creativity in the Maya of Chiapas, 2004.

that define skilled work in the various economic sectors of industrial society. Entering an apprenticeship means completing a process of vocational choice that begins in the last years of school and has long-term consequences for young persons, because it shapes their skill profiles and employment opportunities in occupation-centered labor markets. Social origin, gender, parents’ work experiences, level of schooling, peers, and vocational counseling are influencing vocational choice to a certain degree; however, the market for training places and the employers’ hiring criteria decide at the end. In 20th-century Germany, apprenticeship has served two functions: the qualification of the young labor force and the social and civic integration of the children of the working class. The founding father of the apprenticeship system, Georg Kerschensteiner (1854–1932), emphasized the need of socially including working-class children and youth into industrial society and developed a model for vocational education that was rooted in the traditional notion of occupation as a vocation for a certain kind of work. Influenced by the U.S. pragmatists, especially John Dewey and his ideas of reform pedagogy, Kerschensteiner regarded education for

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work as a general vocational preparation of work habits like care, thoroughness, and circumspection and as a means for generating work motivation and civic responsibility. This idea of apprenticeship not only survived the National Socialist dictatorship but was revived after World War II in the period of economic recovery and institutionalized by federal VET legislation in 1969 in the context of welfare-state reforms. In Germany, in the past decades the school-to-work transition via an apprenticeship has become extended because of prolonged schooling and a declining supply of training places. The social composition of the apprentices also changed. Their average age has risen from 16 to 19 years, and the proportion of young women has increased from less than 40% to almost half; they are, however, facing a much smaller range of (mainly office and service) jobs than young men, and many are directed into school-based vocational education programs. As in other countries, migrant youths (especially those of Turkish origin) are underrepresented in Germany’s VET system, though their social and civic integration could be promoted by the chance to learn an occupation. Apprenticeship is concerned with providing skills, occupational values, and work habits as well as general education by connecting studying and working at two learning sites. The balance between general and occupation-specific education is determined by the qualification requirements of the firms. Apprentices recognize that their transition to work is driven by the employers and rate vocational school as less important than the training firm; their learning motivation and achievement goals are tied to the workplace. Thus, there is a latent confl ict of interest between the two learning sites; the design of the school curricula emphasizes general and civic education in the framework of occupational fields, while in-firm training has its focus on work skills and occupational flexibility. About 25% of the apprentices leave their training in the first year because they feel exploited as cheap laborers. Most of the dropouts, however, do not leave the system of VET; they are looking for a better training firm or even change their occupation. Today, there is doubt that the notion of a lifelong occupation that underlies apprenticeship will be adaptable to the highly flexible labor markets that characterize industrialized service societies in the era of globalization. To rely on on-the-job training, which is characteristic for the semiskilled workforce, does not make for a successful transition from school to work, because it does not provide enough technical, theoretical, and social competence for adapting to the new demands of work in the knowledge society. Due to technological and organizational changes and corporations’ cost-cutting response to global market competition, job start and advancement through career lines that used to be based on an apprenticeship have become destabilized.

The future of apprenticeship depends on the changing occupational structure, labor market conditions, and the balance between vocational and academic educational traditions. At present, there is an interaction between changing skill demands and the expansion of higher education, a process that in the long run will lead to an erosion of the continental model of VET. However, cultural beliefs and social institutions are still contributing to societies’ “pathdependent” responses to globalization. Employment structures, labor markets, and education systems vary between continental Europe and the Anglo-American societies. Thus, the notions of occupation and social pathways from school to work differ widely, and this makes it unlikely that apprenticeship as a transition institution will be transferred to market-centered societies that do not rely on institutionalized VET and skill-certification programs and trust that community colleges and university colleges are superior. Walter R. Heinz see also: Education, Informal; Vocational Schools and Training; Work, Children’s Gainful further reading: Stephen F. Hamilton, Apprenticeship for Adulthood, 1990. • Walter Müller and Yossi Shavit, eds., From School to Work: A Comparative Study of Educational Qualifications and Occupational Destinations, 1998. • Walter R. Heinz, ed., From Education to Work: Cross-Cultural Perspectives, 1999. • D. B. Bills, ed., The Sociology of Job-Training, 2003.

architecture, children and. see Built Environment, Children and the

ariès, philippe (b. July 22, 1914; d. February 8, 1984), French historian. There is not another field quite like the history of childhood in all of modern scholarship. Before 1962, it simply did not exist in any serious sense. Since then and to this day, it has been framed by a single book, Centuries of Childhood (henceforward Centuries), by Philippe Ariès. Ariès is arguably the most remarkable of all 20thcentury historians. He was, as much as any one person was, the founder of the new cultural history that centered on the study of mentalities. He also pioneered the historical study of death, of sexuality, and of private life. Until the last years of his life, when he was elected to the faculty of the prestigious École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, he was just a “Sunday historian.” His formal position was the directorship of the documentation center of an institute of tropical agriculture. Ariès’s most influential book was his first, the one that set the course of all subsequent historical study of the family and of youth. In it, he conjured a world in which, until the 16th century, children were “little adults”: They heard the same jokes, played the same games, wore the same clothes, and, so far as they were physically able, did the same work as their parents. Only later did the unprecedented idea

a r is t o t l e

of childish innocence and an unprecedented ideal of family child-centeredness begin to gain ground. Adherents of these new notions doted on their young as none had doted on them before and sheltered them from the corruptions of the wider society as none had sheltered them before. In doing so, over the next two centuries, they invented the nuclear family and the modern school. On Ariès’s account, moralists were avid to separate the child “from the varied world” by an unprecedented discipline. Pedagogues were preoccupied with the “dangers” presented by the “promiscuity” of that world. And reformers were fixated on “safeguarding” childish innocence “against pollution by life.” Ariès’s interpretation was always more suggestive than systematic, more poetic than precise. The structure of his accounts was vast, yet his arguments were often vague. When he wrote Centuries, Ariès was an unabashed reactionary who declared defiantly his quarrel with modernity. His work was a strident assault on the 20th-century family and the child-world it enshrined. It expressed Ariès’s scorn for middle-class parents’ efforts to insulate their young from the unruly life around them. It registered his disdain for the fond surveillance with which those parents policed the apartheid they created. Ariès did not trouble to hide his delight in exposing the recency of contemporary ideas of the family and in stripping away their pretensions to be traditional and natural. He did not disguise his contempt for the “tenderness, vigilance, and zeal” of 19th- and 20th-century parents for their offspring, which seemed to him a refusal of real life. In his account, modern families emerged when the people who would constitute the bourgeoisie “seceded.” Withdrawing “from the vast polymorphous society” to try to live “separately, in a homogeneous environment,” they displayed the “intolerance towards variety” and “insistence on uniformity” that would thereafter define the middle class. Hating these bourgeois virtues, he raged against the nurturant nuclear family, and the schools that were its extension, more than he ever lashed out at the putative economic or political roots of the class. It is ironic, then, that Ariès has had his most devoted following among the thinkers and practitioners most committed to the norms and values he so disliked. Even after five decades, Centuries remains groundwork and gospel among social workers, educators, psychologists, and all who accept the therapeutic ethic. Even after a wave of withering attacks by historians, it is still authoritative among journalists, lawyers, and jurists. Of all the works of history of the late 20th century, it has the widest influence outside the historical precinct. It is ironic, too, that Ariès has had his most furious foes among historians specializing in the very era that he idealized, who fixated on an “Arièsian myth” of little adults and unloving parents and rushed to refute it. Ariès met their denunciations with equanimity. He conceded that his radical discontinuity hypothesis overstated affairs but insisted on

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the fact of major change. He was adamant that people were different at different times: The family had a history. The most urgent questions that confront family historians are the ones that preoccupied Ariès himself, half a century ago and to his dying day. Those questions were always, at bottom, ethical. How do people live, now, and where do they go from here? “Our society,” Ariès thundered, “has passed from a period which was ignorant of adolescence to a period in which adolescence is the favorite age. We now want to come to it early and linger in it as long as possible.” Michael Zuckerman see also: Child: Historical and Cultural Perspectives; European History, Childhood and Adolescence in further reading: Willem Koops and Michael Zuckerman, eds., Beyond the Century of the Child: Cultural History and Developmental Psychology, 2003. • Patrick Hutton, Philippe Ariès and the Politics of French Cultural History, 2004.

aristotle (b. 384 BC; d. 322 BC), ancient Greek philosopher. Aristotle was the son of Nicomachus, physician to Amyntas, the grandfather of Alexander the Great. Owing to his native curiosity and his father’s profession, Aristotle developed an interest in natural phenomena and would come to be one of the greatest pre-Darwinian naturalists of all time. For nearly 20 years, he studied in Plato’s famous Academy and, in that capacity, must have composed a number of now lost dialogues. After a period of time away from Athens, he returned to found his own school, the Lyceum, so called because the space was juxtaposed to the temple honoring Apollo Lyceus. Remarkable for his systems of classification and for his powers of integration, Aristotle developed a conception of human nature incorporating his own systematic studies in biology, anatomy, ethology, psychology, ethics, and political science. At the center of his ethical and psychological works is a theory of character and the conditions associated with its development. Thus, the manner in which childhood is shaped and guided determines not only the character of the citizen but the character of the polis (state) itself. The relationship is reciprocal. As the laws and the political life of the community function as teachers of the young, so, too, does the moral excellence of leading citizens become expressed in the rule of law and the political life over which they preside. Unlike the approach adopted in Plato’s Academy, where mathematics was taken to reflect the nature of truth and the goal toward which philosophical arguments should lead, Aristotle was more inclined toward a realistic and practical mode of inquiry, informed by the manner in which living things are fitted out to function in their natural environments. The various species of animals are of a defined and an essential nature such that, for a given type of creature,

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there are conditions more or less able to provide nurturance; there are modes of behavior more or less adapted to the needs of the creature. So, too, with the human animal, which is distinctively a rational animal with a natural inclination toward social and political modes of life. Childhood, on Aristotle’s account, falls along a continuum of powers and inclinations that, at one end, are merely animalistic and, at the other, express the unique resources of a mature and healthy rational being. What the human child comes to possess, through native endowment and careful instruction, is the power of deliberated choice (prohairesis), unique to human beings. Whether the child will develop this in such a way as to put emotions and desires in the service of reason is determined by conditions both internal and external to the developing child. Character is, to an uncertain degree, self-forming. What is clear in Aristotle’s theory of human development, however, is that neither personal nor familial resources are sufficient for the attainment of that degree of moral excellence that grounds a truly flourishing life. The political and ethical dimensions of life are profoundly influential. Where these are defective, the child’s development is destined to be defective and incomplete. It is important to understand the teleological character of Aristotle’s conception of development. He takes for granted that there are “natural kinds” (e.g., apples, persons, cuttlefish) that have naturally established potentialities for growth and development. The robust and well-functioning instances of each set the standard for the entire species. There are inborn limitations suffered by some members of the species, but, applicable to all, there are general conditions that must be met if the potentialities are to be realized. For rational beings, these conditions include centrally the political and moral character of the nurturing environment. Daniel N. Robinson see also: Child: Religious and Philosophical Perspectives; Education: Historical and Philosophical Perspectives further reading: Daniel N. Robinson, Aristotle’s Psychology, 1989. • Roger Crisp and Michael Slote, eds., Virtue Ethics: Oxford Readings in Philosophy, 1997.

artistic development. Child art, as all art, is a symbolic activity that is unique to human beings. Nonhuman primates do not create the very simple representational forms that most 3-year-old children draw quite spontaneously (see figures 1 and 2). The study of children’s drawings dates from the latter part of the 19th century and coincides with the beginnings of a systematic psychological study of child development. A 3-year-old’s drawing of a figure composed of a large circle with facial features and legs is a recognizable representation of a human. However, its unusual appearance that deviates from photographic realism puzzled psychologists who studied children’s drawings and noted their peculiari-

ties. These include the omission of significant features and their frequent displacement, the lack of proportion and perspective, mixed views, the arbitrary use of colors, transparencies of features not visible to an observer, and many other faults. Concluding that the drawings of the young were indicative of a conceptually immature mind, they studied the changes in children’s drawings as an index of the growth of intelligence. With Florence Goodenough’s Draw-a-Man test (Measurement of Intelligence by Drawings, 1926), drawings of the human figure were scored according to the number of parts depicted, and this test became a widely used instrument. The beginning of the 20th century saw another movement with a contrasting attitude toward child art. Artists and art educators organized the first exhibitions of child art, and many modernist artists, among them Paul Klee, Wassily Kandinsky, Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, and Gabriele Münter, appreciated the spontaneity and aesthetics of children’s drawings and paintings. These contrasting approaches are reflected in the writings of Jean Piaget and Rudolf Arnheim, both of whom have had a significant impact on research in this field. Piaget, in his influential book coauthored with Bärbel Inhelder, The Child’s Conception of Space (1957), proposed to view drawing development in distinct stages that correspond to the stages of spatial-mathematical reasoning. Beginning with a phase of “synthetic incapacity,” in which the preschool child draws simple forms that are poorly organized, children develop the ability to draw a complete and detailed figure that reflects their knowledge of the object, a stage Piaget termed intellectual realism. This kind of “realism” (ages 5 to 7 years) signifies that the drawing child has a better conception of the object, although the resemblance to the model remains crude and the perspective of the observer is ignored. During the next stage (ages 7 to 11), visual realism becomes the dominant form of drawing. Children now consider their viewing point, and their intuitive understanding of Euclidean concepts of measurement and of projective geometry lead to a more realistic depiction of a scene. Piaget considers this progression toward optical realism a highly valued end point in drawing development. Rudolf Arnheim’s 1974 book Art and Visual Perception provided a radically different perspective on the psychology of art. He rejects the notion that realism is a natural end point of artistic development and points out that in its long history perspective was invented only once, by the artists of the Renaissance, and that before and since that time there have been multiple forms of artistic expression that do not rely on perspective in their art form. Arnheim contrasts the nature of representation with that of replication and claims that artists do not aim for one-to-one correspondence of elements in their work to the referent but create forms of “equivalence” between their work and what it represents. According to Arnheim, all artistic thinking

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begins with highly abstract and simplified forms. For all beginners, regardless of age, simple generalized forms are the only options available to the inexperienced artist. Thus, inexperience, not childhood, is the true starting point for representational development in the arts, and experience with the two-dimensional medium, its possibilities and constraints, becomes a major force leading to the differentiation of forms and their composition. Arnheim rejects the notion of a single developmental trajectory and emphasizes that there are multiple solutions to representational problems. These contrasting approaches have inspired much research on children’s drawings revealing general developmental trends in the ability to use form, space, color, and composition. For m The true beginning of drawing as a representational activity can best be identified in the drawing of simple but recognizable forms that can “stand” for the object. When preschoolers begin to control their earlier scribble actions and recognizable shapes emerge, they tend to identify them as either humans or animals. The first forms are “globals,” consisting of a large circular or oblong shape that is endowed with facial features (see figure 1). Soon thereafter, the global figure becomes graphically more differentiated; it sprouts arms and legs and thus a universally seen early figure of a human or animal is created, often called the “tadpole figure” (see figure 2). As the global circle shrinks in size, the lines that stand for legs increase in length and yield a new figure, the “open-trunk figure,” with the trunk implied between the two verticals (see figure 3). Further graphic differentiation of the trunk section takes the form of a horizontal line

figure 1. Global humans. Girl, age 2 years, 10 months. figure 2. Tadpole figure. Girl, age 4 years, 4 months. figure 3. Open-trunk figure. Girl, age 6 years. figure 4. Strategies to differentiate the trunk. A. Horizontal line shows where the trunk ends. Boy, age 4 years, 6 months. B. Circleoblong drawn underneath the head. Girl, age 5 years, 2 months. C. Stick figure. Girl, age 4 years, 3 months. figure 5. (bottom row) Figures drawn with a continuous outline. Artists ages 6 years, 2 months, to 6 years, 9 months.

that connects the verticals: a “stick figure” in which a onedimensional vertical line connects head and limbs and a second circle drawn underneath the head (see figures 4A, 4B, and 4C). In the process of constructing their first representations, children are most concerned with creating a basic likeness to the human (or animal) figure, and relative size, proportion, orientation, and color are of minor concern. Once the basic forms and their organization have been mastered, some attention can be directed toward other variables. However, certain preferences are quite durable, and throughout the childhood years children prefer the frontal orientation of objects, often called the “canonical” view that provides the most salient information about the referent. Along with greater graphic differentiation of the parts of a figure, there are changes in the use of lines: from onedimensional lines for limbs to two-dimensional ones, from right-angular relations of the arms to the body to oblique ones useful for the depiction of action and interaction among the figures. By age 5 or 6, children also experiment with a single contour line that encompasses all the major parts of the figure in one comprehensive outline (see figure 5).

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Spac e Representing a three-dimensional object on a twodimensional surface presents a formidable challenge for all beginners, and the child’s earliest organization of pictorial space begins with a principle of “proximity,” placing items near each other, indicating that they belong together. Soon thereafter, a new directional rule yields side-by-side placements, mostly along the horizontal or vertical axis. The horizontal axis specifies left-right directions, while the vertical represents up-down and near-far dimensions. Only gradually do children differentiate between the different demands made upon the vertical axis and discover that diminishing the size of an item and partially occluding objects suggests distance, that color gradients can serve to unify the foreground, middle ground, and background of a scene, and that diagonals can be used to depict the sides of an object (see figures 6B and 7). In the case of highly motivated children, one notes experimentation with foreshortening (the proportionate contraction of some parts of a figure that suggest its depth and volume) and the converging lines of linear perspective. However, only a few children arrive at these technical skills on their own without explicit training or working from ready-made models. C o lo r The order in which representational skills evolve privileges form over color. Once the drawing of basic shapes has been accomplished, children use bold and contrasting colors for their sheer enjoyment, at first disregarding their realistic function. Thus, children begin with a subjectively determined choice of color, and gradually the drawer imposes some restrictions on the use of specific colors; for example, monochromatic outlines for humans and animals, red for strawberries, green for grapes, brown for tree trunks, the color yellow for the sun and the moon. By the middle childhood years, color is no longer subservient to form; it becomes a dominant factor in uniting the diverse elements in a drawing or painting. Thus, for example, a light coloring of the background can create the impression of the outdoors and provide some continuity between the different elements of a scene (see figure 7). Above all, color can become the carrier of mood and feelings and is a major factor in the aesthetics of child art and its ornamental tendencies.

Following a very short-lived phase of forms that appear to be distributed arbitrarily across the page, children begin to organize their figures along one or more horizontal axes. At first, these alignments are imprecise and give the impression of items floating in an unspecified space. Gradually, alignments tend to become more organized, with attention to the size of figures and the distance between them, followed by the introduction of a ground or baseline that anchors all elements firmly in the common plane. Depending on the theme, subgroupings appear that indicate that the actors have a special relationship or a common interest (see figures 6A and 6B). Such groupings are formed on the basis of similarity of size, color, form, or activity and are better able to convey their meaning. (See also figure 7.) The second compositional principle is the tendency to center figures on a page and the creation of symmetrical arrangements. Symmetry can be defined as the correspondence in size, shape, and relative position of items that are drawn on opposite sides of a dividing line or distributed around a center. Simple forms of centering and symmetry can already be seen in the earliest drawings of 3- and 4-year-olds, and with more experience the complexity of these arrangements increases. The more advanced symmetrical arrangements enrich the meaning of the work and its aesthetic appeal. Gi ftedness i n th e Arts Children who at an early age perform at the near-adult levels valued in their culture have generally been identified as “gifted.” In European and North American cultures, a child who at an early age masters three-dimensional techniques and represents objects in a naturalistic style is most commonly identified as gifted (see figure 8). Under the impact of modern art, this conception of giftedness has been broadened to include compositions of the child art style that are reminiscent of folk art, especially in their use of vibrant colors and ornamental qualities (see figure 9). In terms of their development, talented children do not skip stages but move much faster through them. Altogether, children who are highly talented in the arts pursue their own pathways whether they are colorists, expressionists, or realists. They appear to be driven, autonomous, determined to teach themselves what they need to know.

C om po s i t io n

Dr awi ng of C h i ldr en with I n tellectual Disabi lit y

Composition refers to an arrangement of all the elements that make up a work, to the use of line, form, space, and color that convey its meaning to the viewer. Two compositional principles underlie children’s drawings: a “gridlike alignment” of figures along the horizontal or vertical axis and “centering” strategies that organize items around a pictorial center.

The great majority of children with intellectual disability for whom no organic impairment has been established, and whose IQ scores range from 50 to 70, draw at the level of their mental age. This finding seems to be in line with the generally positive correlations established between the Goodenough Draw-a-Man test and IQ scores for ages 5 to 10 years. However, this linkage between drawing of the hu-

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figure 6. Alignment strategies and grouping of elements. A. Family: parents and children. B. Playground. Artist ages 11 years to 12 years. figure 7. Landscape with lake. A light coloring of the background creates an impression of being outdoors. Boy, age 12 years. figure 8. Truck. The quest for realism by a talented preschooler. Boy, age 3 years, 9 months. figure 9. Twins. Emphasis on color and ornamentation. Girl, age 5 years. 9

man figure and IQ scores has been seriously challenged in the drawings of a small group of children known as “savants,” intellectually disabled children with autism who show an unusual artistic ability. The results of studies conducted by Beate Hermelin and her colleagues and summarized in her 2001 book Bright Splinters of the Mind challenge a close relationship between drawing and IQ. A comparison of a group of savants with intellectual disability matched to a group of normally developing talented adolescents showed that in terms of graphic talent they were in distinguishable.

Summ ary There is general consensus regarding the developmental progression outlined so far that, however, does not extend to the interpretation of the findings. Piagetian and neoPiagetian researchers emphasize the cognitive limitations that underlie the typical childhood drawings, and investigators in the tradition of Arnheim highlight the problemsolving intelligence at work in a difficult medium. Underlying much of this disagreement is the question of the

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hypothesized end point of drawing development. Researchers in the Piagetian tradition emphasize that the end goal is some degree of optical realism and that the typical childhood drawings are immature and flawed productions due to conceptual deficiencies, production difficulties, or limitations on working memory, difficulties that ought to be overcome by the end of Piaget’s “concrete operational period” (ages 10 to 11). Researchers influenced by Arnheim’s concept of the “equivalence of forms” rather than “imitation” as the motivator for art making emphasize the discrepancy between what the child or the inexperienced adult knows and the specific skills necessary to represent it in drawing. They point to significant intra- and interindividual differences, depending on the nature of the task and the child’s motivation. They acknowledge that the ability to plan a drawing, to coordinate viewpoints, to monitor the action, and to revise it are cognitive skills that develop during the middle childhood years and facilitate the child’s analysis of the drawing task and its production. However, the hypothesis of a singular end point of optical realism in art has not been supported. Without training and the high motivation of children talented in the visual arts, there is no evidence of adolescents reaching such a state. All children, including the talented ones, are influenced by the material made available to them (paper, crayon, charcoal, paints, brushes, ink, etc.), by the images that surround them, by peers, teachers, magazines, and so forth. It is remarkable that despite those significant environmental influences, there is an astonishing similarity across time and space, especially in the early years. From the first publications in the 1880s until today, the structural similarity underlying children’s drawings from diverse cultures is quite remarkable. Underlying differences in style, detail, and use of the material, there are universals in the early stages of graphic development. Claire Golomb see also: Arts Education; Cognitive Development; Creativity; Giftedness; Musical Development; Piaget, Jean further reading: Rudolf Arnheim, Visual Thinking, 1969. • Ellen Winner, Gifted Children: Myths and Realities, 1996. • Claire Golomb, Child Art in Context. A Cultural and Comparative Perspective, 2002. • John Willats, Making Sense of Children’s Drawings, 2004.

arts education. Children learn about the arts in ways that partly depend upon their level of development and partly on the teaching and the resources made available to them. Arts education, however, ordinarily goes beyond “learning about,” since “learning about” presumes that art objects or the field of arts had some objective existence quite apart from the learner’s imaginative, cognitive, and perceptive life. Although most people reject approaches based on a simplistic subject-object separation, there are few present instances of programs geared to a transactional approach. Transactional approaches are grounded on the

idea that a work of art (created or perceived) emerges from an active involvement of an individual or individuals with paint, clay, stone, sound, the body in movement, or aspects of the human and physical environment as they impinge on consciousness. That involvement leads to a shaping, an ordering of particulars into new structures, new shapes, the kinds of transmutations that open fresh perspectives on the lived world. Fundamental to transactional approaches is a conception of an active learner striving to make sense of things through language or images or musical sounds. Fundamental as well is the presence of a teacher acting as coach or enabler trying to arouse authentic questions the responses to which might advance a learner’s quest. Teachers, in transactional approaches, are aware that the initiatives in learning must pass from the teacher to the learner, especially in art classes. But this is rarely evident in schools shadowed by demands for measurable achievement or for an emphasis on marketable skills. With the rare exception of schools that specialize in the performing arts, little attention is paid to the importance of such a changed philosophy of teaching in making art education more than a process of casual skill training or a poorly supported teaching of a craft. Indeed, for all the injections of funds from private foundations (e.g., Rockefeller, Annenberg, Getty, Gates), community organizations, and committed individuals, there has been a continuing neglect of art education in most school systems. One reason for this is the long preoccupation with the useful when it comes to public education. There were pianos in elementary classrooms and space for dancing by young children in the first quarter of the 1900s, but the advances of the “cult of efficiency” and the emphasis on basic skills and “life adjustment” made art education more and more of a stepchild in the schools. Granted, marching bands remained here and there, along with annual school plays and bake sales, but support for art education continued to dwindle, certainly through the days of emphasis on long lists of basic competencies and grim reminders of “what works.” Teachers entering the schools today often show the results of that long neglect of art education, of a marginalization that thrust it to the fringes of curricula and school itself. They are often unfamiliar with museums, theaters, and concert halls, especially if they have attended public schools throughout their lives. They tend to be ill equipped when it comes to arguing for justifying art education in the face of budget deficits or when choices have to be made between arts courses and concentration on the new technologies. There have been differences between trends in public school arts education and what has happened in private schools. Public schools have benefited from the research done on cognitive development in the arts, from reports on efforts to integrate art education with subject matter curricula to partnerships with art institutions and local or-

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ganizations. There has been a general agreement that too much emphasis has been placed on making and performing and too little on art appreciation or the cultural role of the arts. For all the efforts made and the choices required by financial pressures (between, say, the arts and technology), the arts have not been brought back from the fringes. Still, Harvard’s Project Zero and the University of Pittsburgh’s Arts Propel are reaching into public schools, and, on occasion, as in the case of the Heritage School, an arts-based public school sponsored by Teachers College, universities will collaborate in founding arts-based schools. The smallschools movement, as in the case of New York’s New Visions for Public Schools, has led to the establishment of theme schools, certain ones of which concentrate on the arts as they try to maintain a rigorous subject matter curriculum. Private schools have tended to benefit more directly from ongoing research. Young children have benefited from exposure to visual arts and a range of musical and dance performances; older children have benefited from the presence of artists in residence for longer periods of time than public school children. Although programs like Studio in a School that establish spaces for practicing artists and teaching artists within public schools have been devised for those schools, private schools have been able to afford such opportunities on their own. However, in many urban settings, the perception persists that working-class families’ priorities have to do with future employment for their children, and computers, along with newer technologies, offer greater hope than emphasis on the arts. Unfortunately, the rich and diverse cultural traditions, expressed perhaps most prominently in music, have made little impact on what is understood to be art education in public education. Community groups in cities as multicultural as New York and Los Angeles celebrate diverse traditions that affect arts curricula here and there, but they have not brought many art education programs back from the fringe. Such networks as those led by the Essential Schools movement have not focused on arts education, despite their emphasis on experiential methods and despite frequent discussions in conferences on the importance of restoring the arts to American classrooms. Dialogues about art education changed profoundly after the publication of A Nation at Risk by the National Commission on Excellence in Education in 1983; since then, curricula have been signally affected by the reviewing of art education as a cognitive affair rather than one emphasizing making or creativity or production. The report said almost nothing about the arts in its castigation of the schools for their “mediocrity” and their inability to promote the country’s economic dominance in the world. Art educators, however, found themselves bringing old arguments to the surface, especially those having to do with the tension between the affective and the cognitive in the teaching of the various arts. When the Getty Center for the Arts in Education

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was founded, and the program entitled Discipline-Based Arts Education (DBAE) was widely distributed through the nation’s schools, it appeared to many that art education would at last be viewed as a cognitive study. Focused on visual arts education, however, it left unanswered questions about the other arts. It asked for the inclusion of art history, criticism, and aesthetics in art education, but little provision was made for the kind of teacher education required. Moreover, the new cognitive emphasis, by turning art into “subject matter,” brought art education under the rubric of “cultural literacy,” thus subordinating the significance of the several arts under “what every American should know.” Unlike the long humanist traditions kept alive in French lycées and German gymnasiums, cultural literacy seemed to include lists of discrete informational referents and basic skills. The high aspirations for a rebirth of arts education seemed to recede. Today, arts education in the public schools remains largely neglected in practice despite the growing appearance of partnerships between cultural institutions and public schools. A hopeful counterpoint to this trend may be found in the work of the Lincoln Center for the Arts in Education, which partners a number of public schools, sends teaching artists throughout the metropolitan area, establishes “focus schools,” but places its primary emphasis on aesthetic education, or art education through the reflective study of and engagement in a range of works of art. Meanwhile, the influence of Howard Gardner, David Perkins, and other investigators of the relation between cognition and significant engagements with the arts is felt in many public schools. Programs such as these must serve as models for changes in national policy and budgetary considerations if the promise with respect to arts education is ever to be fulfilled. Maxine Greene see also: Artistic Development; Creativity; Dance; Music; Musical Development; Theater and Acting further reading: John Dewey, Art as Experience, 1934. ard Gardner, The Arts and Human Development, 1973.

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asian american children. Asian Americans encompass a number of highly diverse groups, including Cambodian, Chinese, East Indian, Filipino, Hmong, Indonesian, Japanese, Korean, Laotian, and Vietnamese heritages. More recently, the U.S. Bureau of the Census has also begun to include other, smaller Asian groups, including Bangladeshi, Bhutanese, Bornean, Burmese, Malayan, Nepali, Singaporean, and Sri Lankan. Moreover, each has its own unique immigration history. The Chinese were the first group to come to the United States, around the mid-1800s, initially as contract laborers on Hawaiian sugar plantations and then between 1851 and 1860 as gold prospectors after gold was discovered in California in 1848. Beginning in the late 1800s, Chinese immigration was then followed

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by Japanese, Korean, and Filipino, who also served as contract laborers on Hawaiian sugar plantations. However, these groups were barred from further immigration into the United States through various exclusion acts (e.g., the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, the Japanese and Korean exclusion acts of 1924, and the Filipino exclusion act of 1934). East Indian immigration began in 1901 and hovered around 2,000 persons until the 1950s. With the Immigration Act of 1965, the numbers of many these immigrant groups increased dramatically and often constituted highly skilled and educated persons. The marked exception to this was the refugee immigration, beginning in 1975, from Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos, which constituted a large diversity in socioeconomic and educational levels. Currently, the majority of the growth in the Asian American population is due to immigration. Education of Asian Amer icans Much of the research on Asian American children and their development has focused on their educational achievements. Indeed, with the exception of the refugee immigration from Southeast Asia, the primary motivation for immigration from Asia since the 1980s has been for increased educational opportunities. This is particularly true for immigration involving families and their children. There has been considerable attention in the media to the “educational success” of Asian American youth, leading to the stereotyping of Asian Americans as the “model minority.” This stereotyping, however, belies the struggles that Asian Americans have endured for access and integration into public schools. The first legal challenge faced by Asian Americans seeking equal access to public schools for their children is documented in Tape v. Hurley (1885), which allowed Chinese Americans to be served by public schools, but under the doctrine of “separate but equal” schools (of which one was shortly established for Chinese pupils in San Francisco). This doctrine of “separate but equal,” broadly understood, continued to be challenged throughout the 20th century, culminating in 1974 with the landmark case of Lau v. Nichols, a decision recognizing the special needs and rights of limited-English-speaking students and the right to have bilingual-bicultural education. The stereotyping of Asian Americans as model minorities belies the political and legal struggles they have endured in the past century against racial exclusion. This stereotype is also perpetuated in the face of actual school performance data indicating that although many Asian American children achieve marked school success, others have difficulties that warrant further attention and educational support. The performance of Asian American students varies according to achievement indicator (i.e., grades, test scores, etc.) and domain of study (i.e., math, reading, etc.). Studies based on larger, more nationally representative samples suggest that Asian Americans tend to achieve similar or

higher grade point averages than whites in middle school and high school but not necessarily in college. Rates of college graduation, however, appear to be consistently very high for Asian Americans. With standardized test scores, Asian Americans achieve slightly higher scores on math but slightly lower scores on reading and writing than whites. The lower reading scores of Asian Americans are mostly due to the greater proportion of foreign-born or recent immigrants who have less English fluency. Generational comparisons with more nationally representative samples find that first-generation Asian immigrants have lower reading scores than second-generation (those born in the United States to foreign-born parents). Interestingly though, generational declines in math and science are found between third-generation youth (those born in the United States to U.S.-born parents) and more recent first- and second-generation immigrants. When looking by Asian subethnic groups, Filipinos and some Southeast Asian groups (e.g., Hmong and Cambodians) often score below whites in all subjects. Furthermore, there are dramatic differences between these Asian ethnic groups, with Chinese, Koreans, and East Indians having higher achievement than Filipinos, Japanese, and Southeast Asians. Different explanations have been provided for the school “success” of Asian American students. These explanations include structural (e.g., racism and discrimination, issues relating to ethnic minority and socioeconomic status), cultural (e.g., values and expectations for education, parenting emphasizing school effort and success), and immigration-related (e.g., educational motivation for immigrating) factors. Fa m i ly a n d Par en t i ng Much of the developmental focus on Asian Americans has dealt not only with school performance but also the family and particularly parenting (which is often credited for Asian American children’s school success). For many Asian groups, what it means to be an effective or “good” parent is evaluated primarily through how well their children perform in school. Their parenting practices thus emphasize and provide support for the child’s schooling and school success. This emphasis on schooling begins very early, even before children’s entry into school, and focuses on the fostering of children’s academic skills. Asian immigrant parents often begin teaching their children counting, writing, word recognition, and other prereading skills. By the time they enter kindergarten, their children already have familiarity with what they will be learning in the first two years of their schooling. Data from the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study, Kindergarten Class of 1998–99 (ECLS-K) attests to the early academic skills of Asian American students, showing that Asian American children entered kindergarten

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with greater math and reading skills than did white, black, and Latino children. This emphasis by most Asian American parents on academic skills is reinforced throughout elementary school with parents also teaching their children study skills and the importance of perseverance, effort, and hard work. Most parents also provide their children extra materials such as workbooks, textbooks, computers, and educational software. Many enroll them in after-school academic or study programs, hire tutors, or insist on music or language lessons on weekends. By the time their children begin middle school, many Asian American students have a good sense of how to manage their time, apply themselves in school, and study hard. In high school, parents focus a great deal on their adolescents’ plans for the future, most important, which college they should attend, their potential major in college, and possible career paths. This emphasis on the child’s schooling fits neatly with another important socialization goal, that of emotional regulation: that children should learn and practice close control of their emotions. In a seminal article published in 1999, Heidi Fung has described the use of shaming by immigrant Chinese parents in the socialization of young children’s emotions. Children are taught to be aware of what others think of them. For Filipino immigrants, the notion of shame, or hiya, is also used to convey when one fails to meet expectations or act in ways that the family views as important. Children begin to learn from the time they are verbal that they are part of a family and that they must learn to temper their emotions and desires. Traditionally, in previous generations, young children were given a great deal of latitude and indulgence until they reached “the age of understanding,” which usually coincided with the transition to school. Many more parents today, however, have a changed understanding of the cognitive and emotional capacities of toddlers and preschoolers, and this has led to an even earlier exposure to the teaching and standards of the family. In previous generations, once children had reached the age of understanding, a “good child” was understood to be one who listened to his elders, was mild mannered, and showed humility to others. More recent generations of immigrants from Asia, however, have increasingly come to believe in the importance of teaching children to be self-reliant and stand on their own two feet, sometimes even in confl ict situations. This emotional control and temperance is also evident in the parent-child relationship. Cultural misunderstandings often arise between Asian immigrant parents and their more acculturated adolescents regarding their emotional expression with one another. Parents primarily express their love and concern for the child through their devotion, sacrifice, and anticipation of the child’s needs, but not necessarily through the emotional and physical demonstrativeness (praising, hugging, and kissing) common in American families of many other ethnicities. Due to greater exposure

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to mainstream norms through schooling and the media, children, particularly adolescents, may interpret their parents’ lack of demonstrativeness as a lack of love. These more acculturated youth also often hold very idealized or stereotyped images of the “typical American family” through the media that may lead to viewing their own families as “abnormal” or “inadequate.” During adolescence, as youth explore how they fit into their society, they are particularly vulnerable to feeling these “inadequacies.” Asian immigrant parents are not particularly ambivalent about the use of parental control and discipline of their children. Although early studies emphasized the greater restrictiveness and authoritarian parenting style of many Asian immigrant parents, more recent studies have tended to describe this very control in less critical terms. Some researchers, for instance, have described Asian immigrant parents as more “authoritative” in their parenting, possessing a style that combines a “firm control” in setting and enforcing standards with a high level of support and recognition of the child’s perspective. Other researchers, however, believe that this characterization, however flattering, may obfuscate some of the most central and unique features of Asian parenting. Thus, more indigenous conceptualizations for the parenting of Asian immigrants have been introduced that have expanded the understanding of how parental standards and expectations are enforced to foster the development of youth. Ruth Chao, in this spirit, introduced in 1994 an indigenous conceptualization that includes the notion of guan, which is a Chinese character translated as “to govern” as well as “to love.” Parental control and discipline is in this notion equated with parental love and is regarded as an important responsibility of parenting. As children reach adolescence, their need for increased autonomy is then dependent on whether they can also act responsibly. Other examples of indigenous notions of the family include that of pakikisama, which for Filipino immigrants refers to getting along with others even if it may confl ict with one’s own desires. Also, among Filipino families, the concept of utang na loob, which translates literally as “internal debt,” conveys the sense of obligation that children feel for their families. As children can expect to receive support and assistance from other family members, they are also expected to fulfill responsibilities to the family. These notions of family interdependence not only have cultural roots but also reflect the realities of immigrant adaptation. Accult ur at ion and Adjustmen t Immigrant youth often provide necessary assistance to their families in their resettlement in the United States. This assistance may even take the form of providing language brokering or translating for their parents who often have less fluency in English than their children. This is particularly true for recent refugee immigration from Vietnam,

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Cambodia, and Laos that includes a greater proportion of less-skilled and educated persons. These refugees are at greater risk of poverty, and may experience posttraumatic stress disorder and depression due to the atrocities and consequences of three decades of war and turmoil in Indochina. These families are in greater need of assistance than the model minority stereotype implies. In addition, as a consequence of this stereotype, Asian Americans are often pitted against other ethnic minority groups such as African Americans and Latinos. Asian Americans students are often targets of bullying and racial violence on school campuses by ethnic minorities as well as whites, due to the racial tension and resentment that is fostered by this stereotyping. Ruth Chao see also: Affirmative Action, Children and; American History, Childhood and Adolescence in; Ethnic Identity; Immigration, Children and further reading: Ruth K. Chao, “Beyond Parental Control and Authoritarian Parenting Style: Understanding Chinese Parenting through the Cultural Notion of Training,” Child Development 65 (1994), pp. 1111–19. • Eric Lai and Dennis Arguelles, The New Face of Asian Pacific America: Numbers, Diversity, and Change in the 21st Century, 2003. • Vivian Tseng, Ruth K. Chao, and Inna Padmawidjaja, “Asian Americans’ Educational Experiences,” in Frederick T. L. Leong, Arpana G. Inman, Angela Ebreo, Lawrence H. Yang, Lisa Kinoshita, and Michi Fu, eds., Handbook of Asian American Psychology, 2nd ed., 2007, pp. 102–23.

asian societies and cultures, childhood and adolescence in. More than half of the world’s population lives in Asia, including more than a billion children and adolescents. This article describes the lives of children and adolescents in five Asian societies (India, China, Japan, South Korea, and Vietnam). India is the largest nation on the South Asian subcontinent, while China, Japan, and Korea are part of East Asia, and Vietnam blends an East and Southeast Asian heritage. Other major Asian cultures (Indonesia, Pakistan, and Bangladesh) have predominantly Islamic populations. Of the five cultures discussed here, India and China have the most diverse populations. All five societies date back to antiquity, and it is impossible here to fully describe past (or present) conditions of childhood and adolescence for the five cultures, let alone for all of Asia.

General demographic statistics for these cultures, based on data from the United Nations Children’s Fund and Human Development Report, are indicated in table 1. India Indian civilization has evolved over a period of 5,000 years, and its diverse population uses more than 1,600 languages and dialects (18 of them official). Most Indians are Hindu (83%) or Muslim (11%). One core Hindu value is dharma, faithful adherence to a code of conduct. In pursuit of dharma, Hindus perform duties specified for different age and caste groups. The caste system dates back to ancient times and strongly affects the lives of Indian children, depending on membership in a particular kinship-based, guildlike community that has a hierarchical position in some local status hierarchy. Castes range from the Brahmans, atop the hierarchy, down to the “untouchables,” who are referred to in contemporary parlance as “scheduled castes” (scheduled for affirmative action by the government of India). Familism is stronger than individualism in the Indian value system. A patriarchic joint family system (parents plus son and his family) has been the ideal, and raising a family is typically one’s main purpose in life. Many Indian babies and young children have multiple caregivers, although mothers are usually the primary caregivers. By tradition, infants are seen as reincarnated souls, arriving in the family with accumulated sins or spiritual debts. At age 7 or 9, a second ritual birth takes place as conscience develops and the child becomes fully human. Birth order and gender have an important influence on Indian childhood. Given a kinship system in which parents ideally live their lives with their male offspring and female offspring move out of the household at the time of marriage, there has also been a traditional preference for male children, regardless of caste or class. First-born girls are most likely to help with child care, while first-born boys are most likely to contribute to a family’s income. The youngest child often experiences a longer period of dependency than older siblings. Despite many improvements in life since India gained independence from the British in 1947, demographic patterns are unfavorable for the lives of many Indian children.

table 1. Demographic Statistics for Five Asian Cultures, 2006

Population (millions) Population younger than age 18 (millions) Fertility rate (births per woman) Life expectancy (years) Infant mortality rate (deaths before age 1, per 1,000 births) Percentage enrolled in school (primary/secondary school)

India

China

Japan

South Korea

Vietnam

1,103 420 2.9 64 56 76/51

1,315 352 1.7 72 23 99/73

128 22 1.3 82 3 100/99

49 11 1.2 78 5 100/90

84 30 2.2 71 16 95/73

a s i an s o c ie t ie s a n d c u l t u r e s , c h il d h o o d a n d a d o l e s c e n c e in

For example, India has the most children and adolescents not attending school of any country, with more than 10 million children ages 0 to 14 working instead of at school. Its fertility rate of about 3 has decreased from 6 in only two generations, but is still high within Asia. India also has high rates of infant mortality and under-5 mortality (74 per 1,000 births); more than 30% of Indian babies are born at low birth weight (a higher percentage than in Pakistan or Bangladesh). Literacy remains a problem for India at only 61% (significantly lower for females). Poor health care, lack of education, and illiteracy contribute to a cycle of poverty that dampens future expectations for many Indian children, despite the material advances and bright outlook for many other Indian children. C h i na China has more than 4,000 years of recorded history, and despite regional and ethnic differences, large physical and population size, and urban/rural economic disparities China maintained a united historical identity and Confucian heritage. Confucian education in imperial China instilled values that emphasized hierarchy, gender distinctions, and status. Gender and birth order were key aspects of knowing one’s proper place in the family. More information about pre-1900 Chinese children has been available about boys than girls and about upperthan lower-class life. Children throughout much of Chinese history have been oriented strongly to support their families and other social groups. A boy in the patrilineal family provided a link between his family’s past (ancestors) and future (descendants). But girls were often devalued because their future presumably was with another joint family after marriage. By tradition, there were three stages of childhood. First was the prenatal period, followed by a period to 6 or 7 years of age, after which children were trained to become adults. The Confucian principle of filial piety required children to respect their parents, especially the father, and it was the parents’ responsibility to train, teach, and discipline children. Maintaining harmonious relationships with one’s family, group, or community was the goal of traditional Chinese socialization. What is now called a traditional parenting style was based on respect for authority and the restraining of children’s individual desires. Various people besides fathers and mothers, especially grandmothers, have been involved in Chinese child rearing. Multiple caretakers, observable in multigenerational child rearing and especially in urban China in the use of caretakers and residential child-care facilities, have reduced children’s amount of contact with their parents. A milestone in the history of childhood in China was the 1979 introduction of a “One Child Policy.” This policy resulted in “4-2-1” families (four grandparents, two parents, one child), mainly in cities, and it is a concern that the only

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child would be overindulged by adults. While the policy limited most urban families to one child, it has not been as strictly enforced in rural areas. Japan Chinese writings about children were exported to Japan more than 2,000 years ago, and Japanese children’s lives were influenced by Chinese traditions. For example, in China and then in Japan, the prenatal period constituted the first year of life, and on a child’s first birthday the child was considered 2 years old. The traditional saying, “until seven among the gods” indicated that Japanese children were considered pure, innocent, and even sacred, as mediators between mortals and the supernatural world. Children were also described as treasures, further suggesting a positive view of children in Japan. Children were thought to go through similar life stages in traditional Japan as in China. The first seven years constituted the first half of childhood, and after the latter half of childhood (around age 15) most youth transitioned to adult work. It is estimated that in the early 19th century about 40% of Japanese boys and 10% of girls received education. During the late 19th century, Japan intensively emulated the West, and public institutions increasingly promoted the importance of the mother-child relationship. Education was seen by the small middle class in the early 20th century as the route to social mobility and a better life for children, and almost all children attended school. From the late 1950s, children on a mass scale began to compete intensively in the educational system from very early in life. The overall Japanese population is decreasing and aging rapidly. Despite material advantages and good health, Japanese children now face some forms of social deprivation. For example, many children spend very little time with their fathers or neighborhood friends, instead being drawn into intense relationships with technologies such as television and computer games. The reduction in the birthrate reflects a growing number of women who do not marry and wives who have no children; with a growing emphasis on individual fulfillment, many mothers also spend less time with their children than in past generations. In addition to these trends, there has been continuity in the life patterns of Japanese children over several centuries, in cosleeping, indulgent child rearing characterized by mutual dependence, and a positive view of the nature of children. S ou t h Ko r e a Korea has undergone cycles of social upheaval from the time of the introduction of Confucianism in the 3rd and 4th centuries AD, during the Japanese colonial period and Korean War, and up through the current era of economic development. As throughout East Asia, however, certain values have persisted because of Korea’s Confucian heri-

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tage. About 30% of Koreans are Christian, and Christianity along with globalization will change Korean values, yet Confucianism retains a pervasive influence on families and childhood as an ethical code. Korean children were traditionally bound to the father through filial piety and a sense of obligation. As throughout Asia, only a son could extend the family bloodline, and a preference for male children developed over Korean history. Even though the differential between number of births of boys and girls is decreasing (115:100 in 1995; 109:100 in 2005), it is still very high by international standards. The percentage of Korean families with a grandparentparent-child structure is now less than 20%. In this context, filial piety toward parents and grandparents has weakened. Nevertheless, there remains a deep-rooted Korean consciousness of parent and child as unified in “body and soul.” Children are taught to rely on their parents and to take care of their elderly parents later in life. Parental self-sacrifice and devotion are reciprocated by feelings of deep appreciation and respect from children. As in China and Japan, the slogan “strict father, kind mother” is well known in Korea. Mutual dependence between children and adults persists even though 82% of Korean families today are nuclear families. Yet children in these homes may be isolated and deprived of relationships with extended family and neighbors. Coincidentally, the incidence of child abuse cases in South Korea increased by 36% between 2001 and 2003 alone. Sibling relationships in early childhood traditionally had an important influence on Korean children. For contemporary Korean children, however, there are fewer and fewer opportunities for sibling relationships. This is because the Korean birthrate has reached a serious state as among the lowest in the world. In this regard, experiential and relational deprivation presents similar problems for Japanese and Korean children. V i et nam Vietnam’s history is sometimes dated back 2,200 years to its conquest by China, after which it became part of the Chinese empire and went through cycles of conquest by and resistance toward the Chinese at various points between approximately 200 BC and AD 938. During this period, the Vietnamese incorporated elements of Chinese culture, especially Confucianism. In traditional Vietnam, and to some extent in modern Vietnam, societal order is Confucian, with an emphasis on harmony and knowing one’s place in society and the family. Respect for authorities (father, husband, eldest son for a woman), teachers, parents, and older persons has also been stressed. Vietnam has a young population, with more than half younger than age 30 and born after the 1975 national unification. It has improved welfare and health services greatly since the 1980s, and the government allocates 4% of its budget to health. However, the poverty rate in rural Viet-

nam (45%) is more than twice that in urban areas (18%). In rural areas, child labor rates are more than 23% and the child marriage (prior to legal age, arranged by family) rate is 18%. Malnutrition is still a major problem for those Vietnamese children who are poor, rural, or belong to ethnic minorities, despite national economic growth and reforms. Traditionally, family relationships fostered dependency between parents and children who relied on one another for social security, as in the proverb “the young rely on their fathers, the old rely on their children.” Strict discipline methods, including physical punishment, were rather common in the past, and although beating and scolding are said to be less severe nowadays, some recent studies show that strict punishments of children in Vietnam are still widespread. Since the early 20th century, family patterns have changed from sacrifice of the individual for the family toward respect for the individuality of the child. Contrary to tradition, nuclear families are more common today in Vietnam than extended families. Despite these tendencies and the effects of modernization, Vietnam ranked highest among East Asian cultures with regard to children’s respect for parents, in the 1995–98 World Value Survey. Barbara Jean Shwalb and David William Shwalb see also: Islamic Societies and Cultures, Childhood and Adolescence in further reading: Hiroko Hara and Mieko Minagawa, “From Productive Dependents to Precious Guests: Historical Changes in Japanese Children,” in David W. Shwalb and Barbara J. Shwalb, eds., Japanese Childrearing: Two Generations of Scholarship, 1996, pp. 9–30. • Harry W. Gardiner and Corinne Kosmitzki, Lives across Cultures: Cross-Cultural Human Development, 4th ed., 2007. • Xinyin Chen and Li Wang, “Youth in China,” in Marc H. Bornstein, ed., Handbook of Cross-Cultural Developmental Science, 2008. • T. S. Saraswathi and Ranjana Dutta, “Youth in India,” in Marc H. Bornstein, ed., Handbook of Cross-Cultural Developmental Science, 2008.

asthma. see Allergic Diseases athletic development. Athletics provides a major setting of achievement for more than 45 million American youth, with millions more competing throughout the world. These organized sport activities emphasize physical exertion, institutionalize competition among opponents, and provide powerful opportunities for performance appraisal information from other people through social evaluation. In fact, sport incorporates all known forms of social evaluation: direct ability comparison with peers, reflected appraisal, and consultation. Direct peer comparison results from testing one’s ability against teammates and opponents; reflected appraisal refers to information gleaned from the cheers, jeers, smiles, and grimaces of others; while consultation consists of direct performance feedback from important persons, such as a coach or team captain. In

a t t a c h m e n t , in f a n t

sum, the essence of sport is the public demonstration, testing, and appraisal of a highly prized attribute among many youngsters: athletic talent. The development of athletic talent in youth progresses through three motivational stages of achievement. The first, referred to as the autonomous motivation stage, begins around age 2 and continues to approximately age 5. During this time, children’s internal motive or desire to learn and master skills fuels their efforts to achieve. They learn, for example, how often and how far they can hit a baseball off a tee and recognize, with help from parental encouragement and feedback, that they hit it more often and farther today than yesterday. Involvement in competitive youth sports typically begins during the second or social evaluation stage, which begins around age 5 and continues through the elementary and middle school years. Previously dominant autonomous motives become secondary as the child tunes into the social world around her. In this motivational stage, the child gauges her personal progress and prowess by looking at how often and how far teammates and opponents hit the baseball and by hearing the evaluations of adults and peers. If the youth successfully completes the two prior stages, motives combine in the integrated motivation stage so that the athlete can profitably use both autonomous and social evaluation sources of ability information to improve performance. Research identifies enjoyment as a key motivator for the long-term development of athletic talent because it is fundamental to commitment. Sport enjoyment, the positive emotional response to the sport experience, reflects generalized feelings such as pleasure, liking, loving, and fun. Commitment, or motivation over time, is defined psychologically as the desire and determination to persist in an activity. Because enjoyment significantly contributes to commitment, it is crucial to understand what makes sport enjoyable. That is, the sources of enjoyment can be thought of as the “buttons that can be pushed” to create the enjoyment that leads to the commitment necessary to develop talent. Many diverse sources result in the positive emotional response of enjoyment. They can be categorized as intrapersonal, situational, and significant other person–derived and may be achievement or nonachievement related. Intrapersonal enjoyment sources come from within the athlete and represent personal achievement consistent with the notion of autonomous motivation described previously. Mastery activities such as learning new skills, exerting effort, and perfecting skills fall in this category, as do positive perceptions of one’s own athletic ability. Situational enjoyment sources are those that naturally occur, or can be induced, in the sport context. They are external to the athlete and often involve social evaluation. Sources in this category include competition outcome (winning and establishing superiority over an opponent) and recognition of success by oth-

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ers (trophies, fame, and positive audience reactions such as applause and standing ovations). Significant other people also can make sport enjoyable. Parent and coach responses to the athlete’s achievements can be a source of enjoyment if the participant perceives them to be positive. A highly meaningful nonachievement source of enjoyment comes from positive social interactions with teammates. Activating the largest number of enjoyment sources over time nurtures commitment. The potency of any particular source of enjoyment will fluctuate over both the short and long term. Short-term changes might occur over the span of a practice, while long-term changes could reflect developmental differences. For example, during a given practice, feelings of mastery might be temporarily thwarted when learning a new skill, while positive interactions with teammates and coach continue to fuel commitment. Similarly, a long-term change might be the replacement of winning at one developmental stage by a combination of mastery and winning at a later developmental stage. Enjoyment and commitment studies to date have found negligible cultural or gender differences, but racial and socioeconomic influences have not yet been considered in research. However, success or failure in sport is clearly more important to many youngsters than performance in the classroom. One might surmise that sport may be seen as even more important to disadvantaged youth who perceive it as a vehicle to higher education or a professional athletic career or both. Should this prove to be true, the implications for both enjoyment and commitment would require attention. Tara K. Scanlan, Larry A. Scanlan, and Megan Babkes Stellino see also: Exercise and Physical Activity; Physical Education; Sports; Sports Injuries further reading: T. K. Scanlan, “Social Evaluation and the Competition Process: A Developmental Perspective,” in F. L. Smoll and R. E. Smith, eds., Children and Youth in Sport: A Biopsychosocial Perspective, 2002. • T. K. Scanlan, M. L. Babkes, and L. A. Scanlan, “Participation in Sport: A Developmental Glimpse at Emotion,” in J. L. Mahoney, R. Larson, and J. Eccles, eds., Organized Activities as Contexts of Development: Extracurricular Activities, After-School and Community Programs, 2005.

attachment, infant. Infants come into the world predisposed to engage in social interaction, and during the first year of life they form specific attachments—strong emotional bonds—to the people who care for them. O r igi n s o f Attac hm en t T h eo r y The roots of attachment theory can be traced to Sigmund Freud, who believed that the mother-infant relationship was unique and that it established the prototype for all later intimate relationships. Freud believed that infants were in the oral stage of development and thus became attached to

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their mothers because their mothers provided oral pleasure through feeding. Erik Erikson, another psychoanalytic theorist, revised these ideas in the 1950s, placing greater emphasis on basic trust than on feeding. That is, if a child is treated with love and sensitivity, she will develop a sense of trust in herself, her caregiver, and her family. In healthy relationships, the mother serves as a secure base from which the infant can explore the world and develop competence. During this same time period, learning theorists rejected psychoanalytic ideas, asserting that the infant’s first relationship is rooted in patterns of reinforcement. The mother attends to the infant’s needs—feeding when hungry, changing when wet—and, thus, the infant comes to associate the parent with relief from discomfort, particularly relief from hunger. However, a classic study by Harry Harlow demonstrated that the reinforcing aspects of feeding were less important than soft body contact in the formation of bonds to the mother. These predecessors set the stage for British psychoanalyst John Bowlby’s groundbreaking formulation of attachment theory. He first used the term attachment in the late 1950s, defining attachment as a strong, enduring, affectional tie that binds a person to his or her most intimate companions. He synthesized ideas from many fields into an eclectic theory, rethinking psychoanalytic concepts in an ethological—and evolutionary—context. In particular, Bowlby was influenced by Konrad Lorenz’s work on imprinting, in which he demonstrated that the young of many species follow the first large moving object they see after birth. Bowlby identified five behavioral response systems in human infants—following, clinging, crying, smiling, and sucking—that functioned to develop the attachment relationship. According to Bowlby, these behavioral systems are initially independent of each other and develop at different times and different rates based on environmental stimulation. Eventually, they become integrated and focused on the caregiver, forming the basis for the infant’s attachment. Bowlby proposed that infants go through a series of phases in the development of attachment. These phases were later refined by Mary Ainsworth, based on her longitudinal studies of infants in Uganda and the United States. In the first phase (birth to 8 to 12 weeks), babies are socially responsive and able to orient to people but unable to recognize their parents. They cry and vocalize, and as early as three weeks, social smiling emerges. In the second phase (until about 7 months), infants respond differently to one or a few familiar figures than to strangers. Babies are now able to discriminate their caregiver’s face from other faces and have become familiar with their parent’s caretaking and social behaviors. In phase three (until about 2 to 3 years), the infant learns to crawl and walk, which enables him to seek proximity and contact with the caregiver as well as

to explore the physical environment. The infant begins to use the caregiver as a secure base from which to explore the world, returning whenever a need for security is felt. The infant may greet the caregiver’s impending departure with protest, clinging, or expressions of alarm. Most attachment research has focused on this third phase. I n d i v i dual D i f f er enc e s i n Attac hm en t According to Bowlby, all infants become attached to their caregivers. However, the quality of the attachment relationship will vary, depending on the quality of caregiving. This idea has led to a great deal of research on individual differences in infant attachment, most of which has focused on middle-class American families. Although various techniques have been devised to measure individual differences, the most frequently used procedure with infants is the Strange Situation developed by Ainsworth in the 1970s and described by her and her colleagues in the 1978 book Patterns of Attachment: Psychological Study of the Strange Situation. The Strange Situation involves a series of brief separations and reunions from the mother and a stranger in a laboratory playroom. The sequence of episodes affords the opportunity to observe the infant under cumulative and increasing stress. The major interest is in the way the behavioral organization changes. Does the infant seek more contact when stress is increased? Is the contact effective in ameliorating the infant’s distress? Based on behavior in the Strange Situation, babies are classified into one of four categories. Infants classified as secure explore freely in the caregiver’s presence, are often visibly upset when separated from their caregiver, and greet her warmly at reunion. In middle-class European American samples, about 65% of infants fall into the secure category. Avoidant infants show little or no distress when separated from the caregiver, turn away from or avoid contact with the caregiver at reunion, and may show more positive interactions with a stranger than with the caregiver. Resistant infants are thoroughly distressed by separations, do not settle easily at reunions, and may mix proximity seeking with angry behavior. Infants classified as disorganized exhibit confused, contradictory behaviors, dazed facial expression, and frozen postures. In keeping with Bowlby’s theory, research has supported a link between individual differences in infant attachment and individual differences in quality of care among middle-class, European American mothers and infants. Specifically, babies whose caregivers showed sensitivity to their signals and respect for their autonomy during the first year were more likely to be securely attached at 12 months. However, more recent research has demonstrated that characteristics of the infant, not just quality of care, influence the attachment relationship. For example, compared with their placid counterparts, infants whose temperament predisposes them to be easily dis-

a t t a c h m e n t , in f a n t

tressed are at higher risk for insecure attachment in the face of insensitive caregiving. Of course, even infants who have easy temperaments may become insecurely attached if maltreated. Child abuse often leads to disorganized attachment; it is difficult for babies to form consistent, healthy attachments to a parent who is also a source of fear and/or trauma. Similarly, René Spitz’s early work with children who were institutionalized during their first year of life shows the negative effects of maternal deprivation on the attachment relationship. These children exhibited severe social and emotional deficits in part because they were unable to form coherent, affectional bonds to particular caregivers. C o n s equenc e s o f Attac h m en t S ec u r i t y An important hypothesis of Bowlby’s theory is that the affection, trust, and security provided by the attachment relationship lays the foundation for personality growth, the developing sense of self, and the way the individual deals with intimate relationships. Research suggests that attachment security has a short-term impact on the emotional development of preschoolers. For instance, children who are securely attached to their mothers show higher levels of enthusiasm, flexibility, persistence, compliance, cooperation, and empathy than their insecure counterparts. Attachment security has also been linked to more positive social interactions in early childhood, such that securely attached children are more socially competent, popular, and cooperative with peers. These effects persist through the school years and into pre- and early adolescence. In addition, there is some evidence that secure attachment is related to a more positive self-concept and to cognitive development, such as problem-solving ability in early childhood and academic performance during the school years. The true long-term consequences of attachment are difficult to disentangle from the continuity of caregiving beyond infancy. Some findings indicate that attachment patterns remain relatively stable over time. However, other studies fail to link attachment with long-term outcomes, suggesting that the continuing quality of parenting beyond infancy may be a more important predictor of subsequent psychological functioning. Significant breaks in caregiving, including separation, loss, and/or trauma, may disrupt children’s attachments. Nonetheless, the trust and independence that emerge via attachment relationships seem to generally persist throughout the life course. A related, more recent area of interest for attachment researchers has concerned the transmission of attachment patterns from one generation to the next. This research has drawn from Bowlby’s conceptualization of internal working models, which posits that one’s attachment relationship in infancy gets carried into adulthood in the form of a “state of mind” with respect to relationship functioning. The Adult Attachment Interview is widely used to capture adults’ state

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of mind with respect to attachment. This interview focuses on adults’ recollections of their early relationships with their parents, with adults’ interpretations of these past experiences, rather than the experiences themselves, intended to reflect the working model. In parallel with research on infant attachment, this work has revealed individual differences in adults’ interpretations of their early relationships. For example, adults who discuss childhood experiences, whether good or bad, with objectivity and balance are classified as having autonomous working models. In addition, research indicates that parents’ working models are related in meaningful ways to their own infants’ security of attachment, as measured in the Strange Situation. These effects generally seem to hold for both fathers and mothers. In particular, parents who exhibit an autonomous working model of attachment are more likely to develop secure relationships with their infants. Thus, parents’ understanding and interpretation of their own attachment relationships seem to have an impact on the affective bond between them and their children. Attac hm en t i n Fam i l i a l , S o c io ec o nom ic , and Cultur al Con te xts Like every theorist, John Bowlby was a product of his time and place. He was criticized for privileging mother-infant relationships over father-infant relationships, nuclear families over extended families, and cultural universals over cultural differences. However, in his later works, Bowlby recognized that infants’ attachments do not develop in a vacuum, and subsequent work has sought a more nuanced understanding of the contexts that shape infants’ emerging relationships. Thus, familial, socioeconomic, and cultural contexts have become a focus of research. For example, some attachment researchers have been influenced by family systems theory, which holds that the mother-infant relationship affects and is affected by the other relationships in the family, including the marital relationship. Consistent with this theory, the infant’s primary attachment will be with whoever is most involved with her care, whether that be grandmother, older sibling, or mother. Also, infants can become attached to more than one person, with attachments usually organized into a small hierarchy. This perspective has also drawn attention to the importance of father-infant attachment. Research shows that infants develop attachments to fathers and use the father as a secure base. Although there is some similarity between children’s security of attachment to mother and to father, some studies suggest that these relationships develop independently. This may be because fathers and mothers play different roles within the family. Fathers in many cultures are more likely than mothers to spend their time with infants in play activities. For this reason, fathers are sometimes preferred as playmates, whereas mothers are preferred for comfort and security under times of distress.

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Much less is known about the antecedents and consequences of father-child attachment than mother-infant attachment. There appears to be an association between sensitivity and attachment security for fathers, although this effect is weaker than it is for mothers. Other research notes that marital quality may be a particularly important sociocontextual predictor of father-child attachment security. Secure attachment to both parents is thought to lead to the most positive outcomes. Most attachment research has traditionally focused on middle-class families, and low socioeconomic status has been considered a risk factor for attachment security and stability of parent-child attachment. A lack of economic resources is thought to affect the attachment relationship primarily through its influence on family stress. Lowsocioeconomic-status families must often deal with accompanying conditions of life stress (i.e., employment instability, absence of social support) that in turn are associated with a greater likelihood of attachment insecurity. In recent years, cross-cultural patterns of attachment have also been examined. Reviews of attachment across cultures have identified substantial differences between and within cultures in the distribution of Strange Situation classifications. For instance, attachment research with families in northern Germany has found a greater percentage of children in this region are classified as insecure-avoidant with their mothers. On the other hand, children in Japanese families are more likely to be classified as insecure-resistant when observed with their mothers in the Strange Situation procedure. This variation is thought to reflect cultural differences in child-rearing practices and beliefs. For example, in cultures where parents often leave babies alone or with strangers (emphasizing early independence), these children may show more avoidance in part because they are less distressed by the separation episodes of the Strange Situation. In cultures where children are rarely separated from their mothers, these children may demonstrate resistance because they are severely distressed by even brief separation episodes. These results have led some to argue that cultural conditions of infant care account for cross-cultural differences in the Strange Situation. Although many attachment researchers do still believe in the universality of the attachment system, they do acknowledge that attachment behavior—and the interpretation of this behavior—will vary in important ways as a function of cultural context. Sarah C. Mangelsdorf and Geoffrey L. Brown see also: Abuse and Neglect; Ainsworth, Mary D(insmore) Salter; Attachment Disturbances and Disorders; Bowlby, John; Emotional Development; Independence, Dependence, and Interdependence; Personality; Social Development; Temperament further reading: John Bowlby, Attachment and Loss, 3 vols., [1961] 1997–98. • Robert Karen, Becoming Attached: First Relationships and How They Shape Our Capacity to Love, 1994. • L. Alan Sroufe, Byron Egeland, Elizabeth Carlson, and W. Andrew Collins,

The Development of the Person: The Minnesota Study of Risk and Adaptation from Birth to Adulthood, 2005.

attachment disturbances and disorders. The propensity for human infants to form attachments to their caregivers and for caregivers to be drawn to care for human infants is ubiquitous. Serious disturbances of attachment become evident when various factors within the parent, the child, or the larger caregiving contexts interfere with a species-typical tendency to form attachments. Interest in these issues became prominent in the mid20th century, when a British child psychiatrist, John Bowlby, was commissioned by the World Health Organization to write a monograph about the mental health needs of young children. Bowlby concluded that essential for a child’s mental health is a warm, continuous relationship with a mother figure in which both find satisfaction and enjoyment. This conclusion led Bowlby to develop and elaborate a theory of attachment that has proved to be enormously important in understanding the emotional development of young children. Attachment describes a tendency for human infants to seek comfort, support, nurturance, and protection from one or more discriminated caregivers. The tendency for selective seeking of comfort is not apparent at birth, however. Following a period of interaction and comfort with adult caregivers during the first six months, two new infant behaviors become obvious: stranger wariness and separation protest, both at about 7 to 9 months of age. Stranger wariness describes an apparent discomfort with unfamiliar adults and selectively turning to those the child knows and trusts. Separation protest refers to the infant’s tendency to protest separation from familiar caregivers. Although individual differences in the intensity and expression of these behaviors are clear, they may be considered universal. When these behaviors appear, the infant is said to be attached to one or more caregivers. Under species-typical rearing conditions, all infants become attached to caregivers. Research has demonstrated clearly that the quality of infants’ attachments to one or more caregivers is predictive of subsequent psychosocial adaptation. Security of attachment has been measured categorically and continuously and predicts subsequent adjustment, particularly in high-risk groups of children. A major advance was provided by the development of a laboratory paradigm designed to examine organization of a child’s attachment and exploratory behaviors with a given caregiver and with an unfamiliar adult. The Strange Situation procedure, developed by psychologist Mary Ainsworth, allows investigators to classify the child’s attachment to the caregiver as secure or insecure (avoidant, resistant, or disorganized). When young children are securely attached, they demonstrate selective preference for their caregiver, direct expression of emotion, and proximity to the caregiver when

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stressed or distressed. From this perspective, security or insecurity of attachment functions as a risk or protective factor for subsequent development. Securely attached children are more likely to demonstrate well-regulated emotions and socially competent behavior than insecurely attached children. In extreme rearing conditions, however, such as social neglect or institutional care, attachment may be seriously compromised or even absent. Reactive attachment disorder (RAD) describes a constellation of aberrant attachment behaviors and other behavioral anomalies that are believed to result from social neglect and deprivation. Rather than insecure attachments, young children with attachment disorders display absence or serious aberrations of attachment. Two clinical patterns have been described: an emotionally withdrawn/inhibited pattern and an indiscriminately social/disinhibited pattern. In the emotionally withdrawn/ inhibited pattern, the child exhibits limited or absent initiation or response to social interactions with caregivers and aberrant social behaviors, such as constricted, hypervigilant, or highly ambivalent reactions. In the indiscriminate pattern, the child exhibits lack of expected selectivity in seeking comfort, support, and nurturance, with lack of social reticence with unfamiliar adults and a willingness to “go off ” with strangers. Although systematic study of attachment disorders is quite recent, these disorders have been described in young deprived children for more than half a century. From recent studies, it seems clear that signs of attachment disorders are rare to nonexistent in low-risk samples, increased in higherrisk samples (e.g., impoverished young children or children of homeless parents), and readily identifiable in maltreated and institutionalized samples. Recent research has demonstrated that these disorders often but not always remit when caregiving conditions improve, though with variability for each type. The emotionally withdrawn/inhibited type of RAD is readily apparent in young children living in institutions and in young children when they are first placed in foster care following maltreatment, but it is rarely evident in samples of children adopted out of institutions. In a recent randomized controlled trial in which children in institutions were randomized to continued care in institutions or to foster placements, children in foster care demonstrated dramatic decreases in signs of emotionally withdrawn/inhibited RAD within months and became indistinguishable from levels in never-institutionalized children. This suggests that the emotionally withdrawn/inhibited type is quickly responsive to improvements in the caregiving environment. The indiscriminately social/disinhibited type of RAD is also discernable in maltreated and institutionalized children, but it remains evident in a substantial minority of adopted postinstitutionalized children. In fact, continued high levels of indiscriminate behavior is one of the most

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frequent social abnormalities in children adopted out of institutions, continuing in some cases indefinitely following adoption. Furthermore, in the study of children placed into foster care following institutionalization, levels of indiscriminately social/disinhibited RAD diminished, but the levels did not reach those of never-institutionalized children, even two years later. Only the indiscriminate/disinhibited type of attachment disorder has been followed long term. Studies of children reared in early life in British residential nurseries suggest that younger children who exhibited high levels of indiscriminate behavior were at increased risk for peer relational problems in adolescence. Essentially, these children were more likely to have superficial and indiscriminate relationships with peers. Studies of intervention for serious disturbances of attachment are limited. From international adoption studies, it is clear that signs of attachment disorder diminish following adoption, and this was confirmed by the randomized controlled trial of foster care described previously. Nevertheless, children who exhibit attachment disorders in early childhood are at increased risk for atypical insecure patterns of attachment with their foster or adoptive parents. Additional studies are needed to clarify the essentials of caregiving that facilitate recovery from attachment disorders. Charles H. Zeanah and Jennifer Dunlap see also: Abuse and Neglect; Adoption; Attachment, Infant; Bowlby, John; Foster and Kinship Care; Mental Health Care; Mental Illness further reading: T. O’Connor and C. H. Zeanah, “Attachment Disorders: Assessment Strategies and Treatment Approaches,” Attachment and Human Development 5 (2003), pp. 223–44. • C. H. Zeanah, A. Keyes, and L. Settles, “Attachment Relationship Experiences and Child Psychopathology,” Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 1008 (2003), pp. 1–9.

attention. Attention involves the central regulation of sensory stimulation and of information in other brain areas related to memory. Attention provides priority for the selection of sensory and stored information for consciousness and for its influence on behavior. Studies employing imaging to study adult brains when they attend have provided an important perspective on brain networks related to attention. These studies have examined the ability to maintain alertness, to orient to sensory stimulation, and to regulate emotions, thoughts, and behavior. Studies of attention in adults provide the background for the study of the development of attention in children. Atten t ion and Br ai n Net wor ks Imaging studies of adults have shown the network related to obtaining and maintaining the alert state involves a small clump of neurons in the brain stem that provides the cerebral cortex with norepinephrine, a neurotransmitter related

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to alertness and readiness. Changes in activity over the course of the day underlie the cycle of low alertness in early morning and peak alertness later in the day. A warning signal also activates this network and leads to changes that prepare people for a rapid response to an external target event. A prominent aspect of infant development is their increased ability to be in an alert state while awake. Most studies of attention involve orienting to sensory (e.g., auditory or visual) information. Attention increases blood flow and boosts the amplitude of electrical signals recorded from targets that have the selected features, as in picking out a familiar face in a crowded scene. Orienting to the familiar face boosts electrical activity within the first few hundred milliseconds both in visual areas and within the brain area that is sensitive to face stimuli. The network of brain areas that produces the attentional influence is the same whether the stimulus is auditory or visual. The orienting network includes several parietal and frontal cortical areas as well as thalamic and brain stem areas. When attention is drawn automatically by an external event, the active parts of this network are somewhat different than when one voluntarily shifts attention to the target. Orienting skills are shared between humans and other animals and develop rapidly over the first year of life. Parents of infants of 3 to 6 months old often report that they use visual orienting to provide at least temporary soothing of their distressed infant. Infants as young as 3 to 4 months can learn to look in anticipation of regularly repeating targets, suggesting that they are capable of learning important places for attending as specified by their culture. In addition, parental reports suggest that parents in the United States and Europe use external stimuli as a source of distraction more frequently than do those in East Asia. These early experiences may underlie the finding that adults in East Asia are more likely to examine the contextual surround of a target event and less likely to look directly at a target event than are those with European backgrounds. Atten t ion and Self-R egul at io n Self-regulation has been a central concept in developmental psychology and in the study of psychopathologies. Selfregulation refers to the ability of a child to control emotions, maintain attention on selected information, and interpret mental states in others. Brain imaging studies of adults suggest a specific executive attention network involved in self-regulation. Support for the voluntary exercise of self-regulation comes from studies that examine either the instruction to control affect or the connections that are involved in the exercise of that control. For example, the instruction to ward off an emotional response to a positive or negative stimulus activates the anterior cingulate gyrus. If people are required to select a visual target, the cingulate shows functional connectivity to the visual system; if the target is auditory, the connectivity is to the auditory sys-

tem. Similarly when involved with emotional processing, the cingulate shows a functional connection to limbic areas that process emotions. These findings support the role of cingulate as an important brain area in the control of thought and feelings. D e v elo pm en t Tasks that involve confl ict between different aspects of a target and those that involve the detection or correction of error are often used to study executive attention. A major advantage of viewing attention as an anatomically based system is that executive attention tasks can be used to trace the developing ability of children to regulate their thoughts and feelings. Studies in infancy have involved the ability of the infant to detect errors. For example, in one study infants view a single puppet that is then hidden from view behind a screen as a hand reaches in and adds a second puppet. If, when the screen is removed, there is only one puppet (error trials), infants of about 7 months will look longer than if there are two puppets. The same frontal midline brain areas (anterior cingulate gyrus) involved in error detection in adults have shown to be active in these infants. In adult studies, areas of the frontal midline involved in error detection are also active in confl ict tasks in which one must avoid making a highly overlearned response (e.g., reading a word) and instead make a weaker association such as name the color of ink in which the word is written. Since young children do not read, this task is not appropriate, but other confl ict tasks use the same brain network in adults. For example, the flanker task uses stimuli around the target that either have the same response as the target or the opposite response. In one case, the flanker requires people to respond according to the direction in which a target arrow points. When surrounding arrows point in the opposite direction (incongruent trials) participants take longer to respond than when the arrows point in the same direction (congruent trials). The time to resolve the confl ict due to the flanker is a measure of the efficiency of executive attention. The ability to resolve confl ict can be measured at age 4 and improves steadily until about age 7, indicating a period of rapid development of the executive attention network. Parents can report on the ability of their children to regulate their emotions and behavior. Temperament scales have a higher-order factor called effortful control that appears to summarize the ability of children to regulate their emotions and behavior. At 4 years of age and older, the time it takes children to resolve confl ict as measured in the flanker task, is predictive of parents’ reports of effortful control. Children better in these skills are also better able to delay gratification, to understand the minds of others, and to resist the temptation to lie or cheat. During adolescence, low effortful control and low executive attention are both related to increased frequency of antisocial behavior.

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Implicit training of attention is often an important part of school readiness. More recently, explicit exercises have been used to improve executive attention, and these have been shown to produce higher intelligence test scores and increased efficiency in the brain network related to executive attention. Since the executive network overlaps the one involved in general intelligence, this should not be surprising. It has also been shown that elements of executive attention such as the ability to shift attention or inhibit responses measured in Head Start preschool children are related to their later achievements in math and literacy in kindergarten. In older children, parental reports of effortful control and measures of the efficiency of executive attention correlate with school performance in a variety of subjects. These findings generally support the importance of attention for school achievement, but it has yet to be demonstrated that explicit efforts to improve attention in preschool will enhance school achievement in later years. Michael I. Posner see also: Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder; Cognitive Development; Intelligence; Learning; Learning Disabilities further reading: M. M. Botvinick, T. S. Braver, D. M. Barch, C. S. Carter, and J. D. Cohen, “Conflict Monitoring and Cognitive Control,” Psychological Review 108 (2001), pp. 624–52. • M. Corbetta and G. L. Shulman, “Control of Goal-Directed and Stimulus-Driven Attention in the Brain, Nature Neuroscience Reviews 3 (2002), pp. 201–15. • M. K. Rothbart and M. R. Rueda, “The Development of Effortful Control.” In U. Mayr, E. Awh, and S. W. Keele, eds., Developing Individuality in the Human Brain: A Tribute to Michael I. Posner, 2005, pp. 167–88. • C. Blair and R. P. Razza, “Relating Effortful Control, Executive Function, and False Belief Understanding to Emerging Math and Literacy Ability in Kindergarten,” Child Development 78 (2007), pp. 647–63. • M. I. Posner and M. K. Rothbart, Educating the Human Brain, 2007.

attention deficit hyperactivity disorder. Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) is the most common neurobehavioral disorder of school-age children and among the most common chronic health conditions of children. It is characterized by three sets of symptoms—hyperactivity, impulsivity, and inattention— although not all children exhibit symptoms in all three areas. These core symptoms in turn may affect several areas of child functioning, including peer relationships, school performance, safety, and home activities. The American Psychiatric Association’s Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, fourth edition (1994; DSM-IV) defines three subcategories of ADHD: primarily hyperactive/impulsive (about 5% of children with ADHD), primarily inattentive (10%–15%), and combined (about 80%). To meet the diagnosis of ADHD, a child must exhibit six or more specified symptoms in the inattentive or hyperactive/impulsive behavior groups (or both). Symptoms must have begun prior to age 7 years, must occur in more

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than one setting (e.g., home and school), and must impair functioning. In other words, a child might have the right number of behavioral symptoms but function well with peers and in school, without evidence of impairment. That child would not meet the diagnostic criteria for ADHD. Of note, DSM-IV lists symptoms applicable mainly to school-age children. They work less well for younger children or for adolescents and adults. Typical childhood symptoms may evolve into other forms of behavioral difficulties at other ages. Hyperactive (fidgety) symptoms may evolve into acting-out behaviors, including fighting or risktaking actions. I nc i d enc e , Epi d e m io lo g y, a n d B io lo g y About 6% to 7% of school-age children meet criteria for the diagnosis of ADHD. Of interest, the change in diagnostic criteria in 1994 led to an increased number of children with the diagnosis. Boys outnumber girls about 3:1. Different countries report different rates of ADHD, generally somewhat lower than those found in the United States. On the other hand, cross-cultural research typically shows similar numbers of children exhibiting symptoms of ADHD. Recent studies suggest that 1% of British children have “severe” ADHD; 5% are diagnosed with ADHD of any severity—levels similar to those in the United States. Rates of diagnosis of ADHD are lower among African American and Latino U.S. populations, as are rates of pharmacological treatment for these populations once diagnosed. ADHD likely arises mainly from dysfunction in the brain’s neurotransmitter function, with most evidence associated with disorders of dopamine transport. Genetic studies indicate strong familial predisposition to ADHD, partly associated with heritable disorders of dopamine transport. As with most other chronic conditions with a genetic component, the manifestations of ADHD likely reflect an interaction of predisposition with a variety of environmental phenomena. Rates of ADHD appear to have risen from about 3% to 6% in the United States from the late 1970s to the mid1990s. Clearly, rates of diagnosis of ADHD have greatly increased, with dramatic increases in the use of stimulants and other medications for its treatment. This increase partly reflects more frequent diagnosis of ADHD among adolescents along with the recognition that ADHD persists in most cases as a child ages. Nonetheless, larger numbers of children diagnosed with ADHD account for most growth in medication use. Major changes in the genetic pool would not explain substantial increases in the prevalence of ADHD if accurate. Other explanations for growth in rates are speculative, but likely reflect the major changes in children’s social environments since the 1970s (including decreased physical activity, much greater television and media exposure, parental stress and less adult supervision of children, and diet). For example, some evidence indi-

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cates a dose-related effect of early television viewing on risk for ADHD. Asso c iat ed Con d i t ion s a n d Ou tcom e s Children with ADHD frequently have coexisting mental health conditions. Indeed, one of the challenges in diagnosis (and treatment) is the identification of these conditions that may mask ADHD, mimic ADHD, or affect the treatment and outcomes of ADHD. Most common coexisting conditions include oppositional defiant disorder (in about 35% of cases), conduct disorder (26%), anxiety (26%), and depressive disorder (18%). These rates come from the relatively few studies among unselected community samples; hospital or referral practices report substantially higher rates of these conditions. A debate relates to whether these conditions are truly coexisting or whether some represent the same condition further along a clinical spectrum. D iagno sis The diagnosis of ADHD requires a substantial amount of data gathering from several sources: parents, the child herself, and other settings, especially schools. Gathering this data requires time and typically more than one visit to a health care provider. Clinicians need to determine that specific symptoms occur with enough frequency and severity to meet the diagnosis of ADHD and that these symptoms impair the child’s functioning. Some checklists can help clinicians with gathering data efficiently. Symptom checklists include both ones focused on ADHD symptoms and ones that provide information across a wider range of mental health conditions. The focused ADHD checklists do correlate well with more extensive and in-depth diagnostic testing. The broader general mental health checklists, while helpful in evaluating associated conditions, are not specific enough to diagnose ADHD. Additional questions help clinicians determine the likelihood of key coexisting conditions, including anxiety, depression, oppositional defiant disorder, or conduct disorder. Other testing has little value in the diagnosis of ADHD, especially among school-age children. Although anemia and high lead levels are associated with higher rates of behavioral symptoms, including ADHD, anemia should have been identified and treated in preschool years, and children who have had high lead levels in the past will rarely have them at this age. Continuous performance tests (CPTs) typically assess a child’s ability to respond to visual stimuli appropriately (e.g., tapping a lever when a particular shape goes by) and note errors of both commission and omission. These tests, too, have insufficient sensitivity and specificity to allow recommending them routinely for the diagnosis of ADHD, although they may be used in specific circum-

stances. Various forms of neuroimaging (plain X-rays, functional MRI, etc.) or electroencephalography currently have no value in the clinical diagnosis of ADHD. T r e atm en t The treatment of ADHD requires first the recognition that ADHD is a chronic condition and requires putting into place a chronic-disease management strategy that involves teamwork among clinicians, parents, the child, and (usually) the school. It also includes educating the parents (and the child in developmentally appropriate ways) about the condition, helping parents connect with other parents raising children with ADHD, coordinating health and other services, and helping families set specific goals for their child. The primary goal of treatment is to improve the child’s functioning. Thus, the clinician and the family should work together to define the main ways in which the child’s ADHD impairs functioning (e.g., school performance, getting homework done, sibling relationships, communication, playground behavior, or disruptive behaviors) and then develop targets for improvement in these functional areas. Treating the core symptoms of ADHD (hyperactivity, impulsivity, and inattention) is also important but less so than improving the child’s functioning. The large majority of children with ADHD should receive combined medication and behavioral treatments. Both have been shown to be effective in treating core symptoms and associated functional impairments. Among medications, stimulant drugs are used most commonly to treat ADHD. Their mode of action is not fully clear, but they appear to block the reuptake of norepinephrine and dopamine in the brain and increase the release of these neurotransmitters. The two main groups of stimulant medications are the amphetamines and methylphenidate. Both come in shortacting, sustained, and extended-release forms. Neither group of stimulants has any apparent pharmacological advantage over the other, and both have apparently the same rate of effects on the child’s ADHD symptoms. Eighty percent of children with ADHD will respond to stimulants, although in most cases they do not bring the child’s behavior to fully normal levels. Children failing one stimulant typically respond to another or even another form of the same medication. Thus, stimulants in their various forms represent both first- and second- (and at times third-) line drugs in the pharmacological treatment of ADHD. The initiation of stimulant medication usually begins with a low dose and then increases. Stimulant dosages are not weight dependent, and there is a marked individual variability in dose-response relationship. The first dose that a child’s symptoms responds to may not be the best dose to improve function, and children should continue to a higher dose to achieve better response. Important side ef-

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fects of stimulant medications include loss of appetite and weight loss. Appetite strategies include taking the first or daily dose after breakfast and titrating so that anorectic effects have worn off by the evening meal. Sleep disorders, especially delayed sleep onset, are also fairly common, and adjustment of the dose and timing of medications can often minimize these effects. Other less common side effects include stomachache, headache, jitteriness, or social withdrawal. Although concerns have been raised about whether stimulants cause or exacerbate tic disorders, no consistent reports of behavioral rebound, motor tics, or dose-related growth delays have been found in controlled studies. Other psychopharmacological agents used in the treatment of ADHD include tricyclic antidepressants (especially, imipramine and desipramine), bupropion (a dopaminergic antidepressant), antihypertensives (especially, clonidine), and atomoxitene (a norepinephrine reuptake inhibitor). All of these nonstimulant medications demonstrate better results than placebos, but none appear to have better effects than the stimulants, and the relatively few head-to-head comparisons with the stimulants indicate that stimulants have better results. Behavior therapies consist of a broad set of specific interventions that have in common the goal of modifying the physical and social environment in order to alter or change behavior. Parent training aims to manage a child’s behavior and provide a more structured and less distracting environment for the child in carrying out key tasks such as homework. Parent behavior training programs typically provide 8 to 12 weeks of instruction and guidance in setting limits, responding appropriately to a child’s behaviors with rewards and punishments, and making the home and community environments work for the child. Child training has less value, although it may have benefit for some coexisting conditions such as anxiety. Teacher training may also help in providing appropriate classroom responses to the child’s behavior, increasing the structure of activities, and providing systematic rewards and consequences (e.g., with a point system or token economy). As with any other chronic condition, the management of ADHD in a child requires planned ongoing monitoring of how well the treatment is working along with assessment of side effects. The initial period for both medications and behavioral interventions usually requires frequent visits, but as the child achieves a stable level of medications and performance, visits may be much less frequent. Monitoring for other behavioral concerns, new circumstances, and evolving functional concerns requires close follow-up. Adolesc en ts and Adults Much evidence points to the persistence of ADHD into adolescence and adulthood, although often with different behavioral manifestations, with about two-thirds of

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children with ADHD exhibiting signs of the condition as adolescents. Typically, hyperactivity decreases while school and conduct problems increase. Those with predominantly inattentive ADHD are at higher risk of anxiety or depression. ADHD is associated with increased motor vehicle accidents, decreased educational attainment, and increased crime and imprisonment, as well as other mental health disabilities (especially, anxiety and depression). High rates of oppositional defiant disorder and conduct disorder among adolescents with ADHD complicate both diagnosis and treatment at this age. Adolescents with ADHD, especially with associated oppositional and conduct disorders, have high rates of substance abuse. Importantly, treatment with medications either before or during adolescence does not appear to increase the use of illicit substances and may actually decrease their use. James M. Perrin see also: Attention; Learning Disabilities; Learning Disabilities, Education of Children with; Medicines and Children: Psychotropic Medicines further reading: Committee on Quality Improvement, Subcommittee on Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder, “Clinical Practice Guideline: Diagnosis and Evaluation of the Child with Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder,” Pediatrics 105 (2000), pp. 1158–70. • Committee on Quality Improvement, Subcommittee on Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder, “Clinical Practice Guideline: Treatment of the School-Age Child with Attention-Deficit/ Hyperactivity Disorder,” Pediatrics 108 (2001), pp. 1033–44. • M. D. Rappley, “Attention Deficit-Hyperactivity Disorder,” New England Journal of Medicine 352 (2005), pp. 165–73. • M. L. Wolraich, C. J. Wibbelsman, T. E. Brown, S. W. Evans, E. M. Gotlieb, J. R. Knight, E. C. Ross, H. H. Shubiner, E. H. Wender, and T. Wilens, “Attention Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder among Adolescents: A Review of the Diagnosis, Treatment, and Clinical Implications,” Pediatrics 115 (2005), pp. 1734–46.

authority and obedience. All societies recognize that parents have a fundamental right and responsibility to exercise authority over children, and children have a reciprocal obligation to obey. The asymmetrical and hierarchical nature of parent-child relationships in early childhood evolves into a more symmetrical and equal distribution of responsibilities and privileges as the child becomes an adolescent and the adolescent becomes an adult. However, across and within cultures, there are notable agerelated variations in the nature and degree of authority and deference displayed in parent-child relationships and in the ways parents promote mature behavior in their children, make demands for obedience, and respond to children’s needs for care, protection, and freedom. These variations reflect fundamental differences in liberal and conservative worldviews and family values concerning issues of authority and obedience in the socialization process. Some of these variations in worldview and parenting practices can

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imagining each other

Formality and Fun in Kinship Relations among the Gusii Among the Gusii of western Kenya, as among many peoples in sub-Saharan Africa, relations between kin are regulated by generation. Thus, members of adjacent generations (parents and children) are required to treat one another with respect and a distancing formality. They must avoid seeing one another naked or going to the bathroom, and all sexual talk and sexually suggestive behavior in one another’s presence is prohibited. Feelings of sexual shame (ensoni) are occasioned by violations of Gusii conceptions of morality and may require ritual absolution. By contrast, members of alternate generations (grandparents and grandchildren, between whom, given age differences, incest is much less likely to occur) treat one another with humorous familiarity. The inculcation of rules (chinsoni) by which shameful behavior is to be avoided begins in early childhood. It is expected that by the time children are ritually initiated and circumcised and become, at about age 8 for girls and about age 10 for boys, “big people with sense,” the rules (such as avoiding seeing members of the parental generation naked or being seen naked by them) and the euphemistic vocabulary (for anything related to sex and reproduction) that go with them have been embraced and internalized as part of one’s personal identity. Relief from formality is provided by siblings and classificatory siblings (cousins who are members of one’s own generation) living in nearby homesteads as well as by grandparents and grandchildren, who are expected to tease and swear at one another and indulge in sexually explicit language and suggestive behavior. In addition to natal kin who live in the same homestead, rules of avoidance and familiarity apply to classificatory

be understood by distinguishing between types of parentchild relationships. R e as oned Complianc e and Constructiv e D issen t Socialization is an adult-initiated process by which children and youth acquire the values, skills, knowledge, and habits necessary to function as successful adults in their society. Construed this way, socialization represents a stabilizing force in society. However, children and youth are not merely passive recipients of wisdom. The development of optimal competence in children requires the capacity for self-determination and constructive dissent as well as for cooperation and reasoned compliance. Consistent with this understanding, the anthropologist Margaret Mead identified the core task of socialization in all societies as sustaining the tension between two processes: one requiring children to adapt to parental and environmental demands (communion) and the second requiring parents to adapt their childrearing practices to accommodate their individual child’s developmental level, needs, and preferences, thus fostering the child’s sense of agency. Communion is manifested by

kin living elsewhere, to in-laws following marriage and, to a lesser degree, to all other Gusii. Thus, soon after meeting for the first time, two strangers will elicit background information from each other in order to determine whether they belong to adjacent or alternate generations and whether they should treat each other with familiarity or respect. Rules of respect are most strongly invoked in the relationship between a parent and a circumcised child, especially between a father and his son or daughter. Nothing that has sexual connotations may be mentioned within earshot of the other. A mother should never mention her pregnancy or allude to a recent childbirth in front of her child or her own parent. A girl should never mention menstruation to her mother; a mother may not tell her daughter the facts of life. Violations of the code are as disturbing to a child as to a parent. Thus, when a girl of about 8 overheard her mother talking to a visitor about a neighbor’s adultery, she broke into howls of hysterical laughter and tears of embarrassment came rolling down her cheeks. Though small children commonly sleep in their mother’s house and witness parental intercourse, by the time they are initiated, if not, in the case of boys, much earlier, they are sent to sleep elsewhere. While a daughter will go to the house of her grandmother or her mother’s co-wife in this polygamous society, a son will usually sleep in the hut (esaiga) that has been built for him far enough away from his mother’s house so that, when he discusses sexual matters with visiting age mates, his parents will not overhear. Never again will he enter the interior of the house he grew up in, because it is there

social cooperation, friendliness with peers, self-discipline, and reasoned conformity with community norms; agency is manifested by prudence, self-efficacy, initiative, and constructive dissent when faced with unjust demands. These distinctions between the contrasting qualities of agency and communion proposed by psychologist David Bakan reflect the simultaneous necessity of balancing the interests of self and other and of transformation and conservation of cultural values. Each generation benefits from and is changed by conserving cultural wisdom, and each generation also transforms the culture it inhabits. That is why most parents recognize that obedience with adult authority is only one of many goals parents have as socializing agents. On a worldwide scale, the family values associated with socializing children have been categorized as either individualist or collectivist, and a parallel classification divides American family values into liberal versus conservative. A recent book by the linguist and culture theorist George Lakoff employs the metaphors Strict Father and Nurturant Parent to capture some fundamental differences in the worldviews of conservatives and liberals. The Strict Father enforces fixed rules in the hope that children will develop

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Formality and Fun in Kinship Relations among the Gusii (continued)

self-discipline, a work ethic, and respect for tradition, whereas the Nurturant Parent values love and supports children’s autonomy in the hope that the children will become fulfilled, happy, empathic, and self-determined. The contrast in worldviews can be seen in the advice given to parents by conservative and liberal commentators. Grounding their advice in scripture, conservative psychologists James Dobson and John Rosemund challenge parents to “dare to discipline” and “nip stiff-necked rebellion in the bud”; they aver that a “strong-willed” child may require strict but loving discipline such as a spanking. In sharp contrast, children’s rights liberals, A. S. Neill, Paul Goodman, and Alfie Kohn, advise parents to allow their child complete freedom in home and school settings and to abstain from all forms of punishment or remonstrations intended to change their child’s character. According to these liberal commentators, children need “unconditional love” so that they may freely decide for themselves how to think, feel, and act. Although few parents conform completely to the Strict Father or Nurturant Parent stereotypes or embrace fully the liberal or conservative set of family values, there are qualitative differences in parental conceptions of the ap-

during infancy), there may be great affection. The children of one woman form a unit in opposition to the children of their mother’s co-wife or wives; the children of one father form a larger unit in opposition to the children of their father’s brothers. Though full siblings treat one another with the greatest informality, relationships between half- and classificatory siblings are relaxed as well. In the evening, after school is out and domestic chores are finished, children get together in the meadows to play. Sex talk between them is open and shameless. “Come here! I want to hold your breast,” a boy yells at a neighborhood girl. “Up your mother’s vagina!” is the girl’s laughing reply. Though Christian churches, to which the large majority of Gusii belong, forbid sexual experimentation, it is generally considered inevitable and receives parental sanction provided it is done in secret. Classificatory and even half-siblings “play” at sex in the fields and boys’ huts if girls can be smuggled in undetected. When the waning of adolescent infertility increases the risk of pregnancy, however, a girl ceases all sexual contacts with classificatory siblings. Gusii people marry exogamously; that is, spouses must come from other clans. Sexual relations with someone belonging to one’s own clan, which in childhood and adolescence were normative, are viewed as incestuous and heinously sinful once young people reach marriageable age. Sarah E. LeVine

imagining each other

that his parents have sexual relations and his mother squats immodestly at her cooking fire. For their part, his parents may never enter the hut where he entertains his friends and to which he will one day bring his wife. Members of adjacent generations must constantly monitor their speech and behavior within the homestead as well as outside. Thus, at feasts and beer parties, young people must be careful to avoid getting drunk and talking “without shame” in front of their classificatory parents (members of the parental generation with whom a kinship relationship, however remote, can be traced). In contrast with the respect and restraint that characterize parent-child relations, relationships with grandparents, siblings, and age mates (abakiare) who were circumcised at the same time are relaxed and egalitarian and provide companionship, entertainment, and fun. Euphemisms required when talking with parents are set aside in favor of sexual and scatological language. Children who are fearful and avoidant of their father are free to tease and play practical jokes on their grandfather, who reciprocates in kind. Grandsons laugh at flatulent grandmothers and tell grandfathers’ young wives that they’re coming to sleep with them; grandmothers mock grandsons’ small penises and then invite them to have sex. Grandparents horseplay and trade insults with grandchildren but, whatever their misdemeanor, rarely punish them. Parents, not grandparents, should discipline children. Siblings develop ties of solidarity and interdependence, and, especially between an older sibling who has been the caretaker of a younger sibling (“carried him on her back”

further reading: Robert A. LeVine and Barbara B. Lloyd, Nyansongo: A Gusii Community in Kenya, 1977. • Sarah LeVine, Mothers and Wives: Gusii Women of East Africa, 1979.

propriate relation between freedom and control in the socialization process. Some parents see freedom and control as polar opposites. Authoritarian parents consistently view control as ideal and freedom as problematic, whereas permissive parents view freedom as ideal and control as problematic. When parents are unilaterally concerned with their own goals and disproportionately value either obedience or freedom, they deprive children of the experience needed to think about social reciprocity and to internalize the value of respect for self and other. A third approach, authoritative parenting, holds that both parental control and children’s freedom to think and act within developmentally appropriate limits are necessary. According to this approach, it is by balancing parental demands for conformity to social constraints with responsiveness to the child’s needs and preferences that parents provide the optimal conditions for children’s personal, social, and cognitive development that enable them to experience reciprocity in social relations. The experience of authoritative parenting supports the development of children’s ability to balance qualities of agency and communion. The ability to constructively dis-

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sent enables individuals to resist and survive in circumstances where the dominant cultural rules and customs are aimed at undermining subordinate individuals or groups within a society; for example, through acts of resistance to slavery or racism or through protests against unequal access to education. Patter ns of Par en tal Au thor it y One of the most influential theories of parent-child relationships was developed by psychologist Diana Baumrind. In 1960, Baumrind initiated research to investigate how different parental child-rearing practices and patterns affect children’s psychological well-being and their development of communal and agentic attributes. She studied childrearing practices and their effects with a group of more than 100 parents and their children when the children were in preschool, middle school, and high school. She observed parent-child interactions in the natural setting of the home and children’s interactions with peers and adults in their schools and playgrounds. Baumrind identified different patterns of parenting that demonstrate qualitatively different approaches to balancing demandingness and responsiveness. Demandingness refers to the way parents require responsible behavior, apply control and prohibitions to modify their children’s behaviors in ways that are compatible with social standards for competence, and use power to monitor and supervise their children’s activities. Responsiveness refers to the way parents express warmth, allow their children freedom and autonomy, fulfill their children’s needs, and comply with their children’s preferences. Baumrind found that throughout their development, she could explain different levels of competence and psychological well-being in children and adolescents by how parents integrate responsiveness and demandingness to form four core parenting patterns, which she labeled authoritarian, authoritative, permissive, and unengaged. Authoritarian parents are demanding but not responsive. They lack warmth and tenderness, are not concerned with their children’s legitimate perspective, and tend to focus on the child’s negative behaviors by being disapproving and critical without sufficient confirmation of the child’s constructive achievements, such as his or her timely completion of chores, helpfulness, and good grades. They micromanage the child’s activities throughout the day, impose unreasonable regulations based on parental whims, such as requiring the child to do too many chores based on parent’s needs and scheduling without considering confl icts with their child’s needs and schedule. They make maturity demands that are developmentally inappropriate, such as expecting cleanliness or quiet for long periods from a preschooler. Their way of asserting power is arbitrary in that they insist on conformity to parental wishes in rigid and inflexible ways as

opposed to being realistic, issue-oriented, and guided by the reality of the child’s interests, abilities, and needs. They are likely to use threats and negative incentives instead of positive incentives when they want compliance with their directives. They impose harsh consequences that are not logically related to the child’s behaviors or misbehaviors, such as not allowing the child to go on a planned field trip as punishment for eating in the living room, that render their efforts to achieve the socialization goals they value relatively ineffectual. Their use of power is experienced by the child as coercive; the parent is viewed as unapproachable. Children and adolescents of authoritarian parents are easy prey to deviant peer pressure, lack academic competence, and manifest problem behaviors such as anxiety and depression. Permissive parents are responsive to, but are not demanding of, mature and competent behavior congruent with their child’s ability and developmental level. They set few explicit and clear standards, limits, and prohibitions that require the child to meet social standards for adult competence or to behave responsibly and respect others’ needs and claims. Permissive parents inconsistently enforce basic rules for conduct, such as respect for others’ feelings, property, and needs, that provide structure and stability to children’s experience. In response to children’s and adolescents’ resistance and limit testing, permissive parents avoid confrontation and in effect abdicate their authority to regulate their child’s behaviors. The “responsiveness” of permissive parents can be impersonal and unrealistic. Just as the criticisms and rejection of authoritarian parents are indiscriminate, the praise, approval, and acceptance of permissive parents are indiscriminate and are not logically connected to the child’s behaviors and the consequences of behavior. The lack of a logical connection between parenting practices and children’s behavior manifests itself in the way permissive parents attempt to obtain compliance. Rather than assert their power to directly prohibit undesirable behavior, to demand mature behavior, and to obtain compliance, they rely on psychological manipulation, such as bribing, withdrawing love, and making the child feel guilty for hurting the parent. Children and adolescents raised permissively are not communally oriented, not achievement oriented, and lack social responsibility and self-regulation. During adolescence, they are more likely than children whose parents are demanding to use drugs heavily. Unengaged parents are neither demanding nor responsive, because they want to remain unencumbered by childrearing responsibilities. Some are actively rejecting, cold, and hostile, while others are detached and neglectful. Adolescents with unengaged parents suffered from anxiety and depression as well as problem behaviors, such as drug and alcohol use. They are antisocial, reject their parents as role

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models, and perform poorly on standardized achievement tests. Authoritative parents are able to integrate and balance high levels of responsiveness with high levels of demandingness in a way that is optimally beneficial to children’s development. Authoritative parents require mature behavior within the child’s range of ability; make reasonable demands and prohibitions based on their child’s specific attributes and developmental level; and insist on compliance with basic rules. They monitor their children’s and adolescents’ activities and know their whereabouts. They are able and willing to use reason and discussion to obtain compliance and to alter their directives based on children’s cogent arguments. Authoritative parents are highly responsive and warm and seek to understand their children’s perspectives. They praise worthy behaviors and achievements and criticize those that require alteration. For these parents, sanctions and praise connect logically to the results and consequences of their children’s actions. Children of authoritative parents are communal, prosocial, and cooperative with peers and adults. Compared to other groups, adolescents with authoritative parents use the least amount of drugs and alcohol and are autonomous and agentic but also self-regulated and achievement oriented. By responding eagerly to their child’s needs but also requiring their child to accommodate the needs of others when necessary by sharing, complying, and tending to chores, authoritative parents demonstrate the principle of reciprocity and its beneficial effects. By contrast, interactions with authoritarian parents are nonreciprocal in that the parent requires the child to accommodate others’ needs without sufficiently accommodating the child’s needs, and interactions with permissive parents are nonreciprocal in that the parent accommodates the child’s needs and preferences without sufficiently requiring the child to accommodate others’ needs and social standards. Youth whose authoritarian parents demand unquestioning obedience and disallow constructive dissent cannot voice reasoned dissent or present their own legitimate perspective because they fear punishment and disapproval. Such youth are unlikely to appreciate that in some situations noncompliance or active disagreement is necessary to prevent others from taking advantage of self and others. Youth whose permissive parents fail to demand considerate behavior that accommodates others’ needs are likely to view social rules that create order as an onerous imposition and to manifest disruptive, oppositional behaviors that are devoid of concern for others. Baumrind concluded that appropriate maturity demands and firm control are beneficial, not detrimental, to the development of autonomy, achievement orientation, and social initiative. What is detrimental to children’s development is the absence of realistic and rational use of

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power that is manifested in different ways by authoritarian parents (who are coercive) and permissive parents (who use psychological manipulation and avoid direct confrontation and problem solving). However, some past and contemporary scholars have a different perspective concerning how parents’ assertion of power to manage their children’s behaviors affects their children’s development. In the mid-20th century, Alfred L. Baldwin and Wesley C. Becker asserted that intellectual and social development are most effectively fostered by parents who allow maximal levels of freedom and child participation with minimal levels of constraint and control on children’s freedom. More recently, Catherine Lewis and Grazyna Kochanska have implied that when parents are demanding and confrontational, they undermine children’s internal motivation, sense of autonomy, and ability to selfregulate, which in turn may impede children’s ability to accept parental prohibitions and to act in accord with parental and social standards. In contrast, Baumrind’s findings indicate that by making demands that are direct and reasonable and by being open to honest communication and receptive to children’s preference and needs, authoritative parents model social reciprocity, showing their children that their goals can be achieved by cooperation and mutual communication rather than by either coercive and arbitrary use of power or indirect psychological manipulation. The importance of social reciprocity is confirmed by researchers who distinguish values of autonomy held by individualist cultures such as the United States and values of obedience held by collectivist cultures such as Japan or India. Scholars such as Hazel Markus and Shinobu Kitayama have found that in collectivist cultures the desired socialization outcomes are for individuals to be obedient, to be concerned about group expectations, and to comply with others’ goals and to subordinate their own goals. However, collectivists do not comply with all demands that anyone may place on them. They evaluate others’ potential for reciprocity before complying with their demands and subordinating their own goals. Collectivists think about whether the individual they are helping will reciprocate help to them in the future. Potential for reciprocity is similarly evaluated by members of individualist cultures. Thus, it appears that in all cultures compliance is dependent upon consequences to both self and others. Within different types of cultures, parents aim not only to rear children who can distinguish between what is and is not allowed by their parents and society, but also to rear children who think about why prohibitions and rules for conduct exist before deciding whether to comply. Effects of Eth nic and Soc ial Con te xt Do ethnic or cultural identity and social context influence the effect that parenting patterns or practices have on

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children’s development? Most studies find that authoritative (as opposed to authoritarian) parenting and responsive (as opposed to punitive) practices are beneficial for both African American and European American youth. Thus in a study with low-income families, Pedro Portes and colleagues found that children of both groups whose mothers were encouraged to use reason and praise more than physical discipline and arbitrary authority were observed to have higher standardized test scores. Authoritative parenting and its components of support, monitoring, and positive communication have been found to be associated with mental health and competence in African American youth. In some studies, however, the consequences of authoritarian parenting and of the parenting practice of physical punishment have been found to differ in important respects by ethnicity. Daughters of African American parents who discouraged immature behavior, noncompliance, and nonconformity and therefore were classified as “authoritarian” have been found to be significantly more independent than their European American counterparts. Another study concluded that authoritative parenting does not significantly benefit the school performance of Asian or African Americans, as it does European Americans. Earlier experiences of spanking have been found to be related to maladjustment for European Americans but to lower levels of behavior problems for African Americans and frequent use of physical punishment and spanking to predict more child aggression and antisocial behavior in European American than in African American children. Because of variations in parents’ socialization practices within—as well as between—cultures, however, it cannot be assumed that strict obedience enforced by harsh punishment in parentchild relations is a value held by all African Americans or that leniency is a value held by all European Americans. Some research also suggests that high levels of parental control contribute to problem behavior in low-risk environments but are beneficial to youth in high-risk environments, neutralizing the negative influences of peers on children’s achievement. And there may well be ethnic differences in the meaning to parents and children of authoritarian parenting and practices. If spanking is motivated by safety concerns in African American parents and interpreted as such by their children, it may not have detrimental effects, as in some other ethnic groups. There is no definitive answer to the question of whether the effects of specific parenting practices differ by ethnic group, partly because the meaning of objectively similar parenting practices often differs depending on social context and partly because data on parents’ practices and child outcomes may be collected differently in different studies. But while authoritative parenting and responsive parenting practices are beneficial to children in all contexts, the effects of authoritarian and permissive parenting and demanding

practices do appear to differ somewhat depending on social context. Nadia Sorkhabi and Diana Baumrind see also: Corporal Punishment; Discipline and Punishment; Parenthood; Punishment, Legal; Rights, Parental further reading: Pedro R. Portes, Richard M. Dunham, and Shavon Williams, “Assessing Child-Rearing Style in Ecological Settings: Its Relation to Culture, Social Class, Early Age Intervention, and Scholastic Achievement,” Adolescence 21, no. 83 (Fall 1986), pp. 723–35. • Vonnie C. McLoyd, “The Impact of Economic Hardship on Black Families and Children: Psychological Distress, Parenting, and Socioemotional Development,” Child Development 61 (1990), pp. 311–46. • Diana Baumrind, “The Discipline Controversy Revisited,” Family Relations 45, no. 4 (October 1996), pp. 405– 14. • Diana Baumrind and Ross Thompson, “The Ethics of Parenting,” in Marc Bornstein, ed., Handbook of Parenting, 2nd ed., vol. 5, 2002, pp. 3–34. • Wendy Grolnick, The Psychology of Parental Control: How Well-Meant Parenting Backfires, 2003. • Jane B. Brooks, The Process of Parenting, 6th ed., 2004.

autism spectrum disorders. Autism spectrum disorders (ASDs) are biologically based neurodevelopmental disorders that are behaviorally defined by impairments in social relatedness, communication, and overly restricted, stereotyped, and repetitive behaviors. Autism was first identified in 1943 by child psychiatrist Leo Kanner, who described 11 children who shared an inability to relate to others, failure to use language communicatively, and an obsessive desire for routine and sameness. All of these children came from well-educated, high-achieving families, with parents he noted to be detail oriented and obsessive, some with histories of early language delays and what we think of today as “autistic traits.” Although Kanner initially believed the condition to be congenital (biologically based), the prevailing psychoanalytic approach to mental disorders at the time soon asserted that autism was the result of emotionally detached parents, particularly ascribing etiology to “refrigerator mothers” (emotionally frigid mothers). It was not until the 1960s that evidence supporting a biological basis for autism was recognized. ASDs are now known to be one of the most heritable neurodevelopmental disorders, with the behavioral characteristics distributed on a continuum within the general population in all cultures, racial and ethnic groups, and across socioeconomic levels. Causal explanations have shifted from the debate between nature versus nurture to investigations based on an appreciation of the importance of both biological and environmental determinants in understanding the causes of these disorders. Multiple genes are believed to contribute to the manifestations of ASDs as well as some of the related disorders commonly associated with ASDs. Thus, current scientific investigations are largely directed at identifying these “susceptibility genes,” biological markers, and risk factors that are associated with specific developmental and behavioral characteristics of individuals with ASDs (as well as family

In much of the literature on autism, there is an implicit assumption that having a child with autism is a profound misfortune. I learned a different view from the South Asian Muslim immigrant families whom I studied in a midwestern city between 2002 and 2004. I write here about the Khan and Yoosof families who came to the United States from Pakistan and Bangladesh. Their sons were diagnosed with autism at age 2 and 3, respectively. They were nonverbal and placed in a self-contained public preschool classroom for children with autism. Jalil received two months of speech therapy at age 4, and Raqib received sporadic speech therapy at age 5. These families regarded children with autism as gifts from Allah and felt blessed that God chose them to raise His child. They believed that Allah chose them because He knew they would be responsible, loving parents. Mr. Khan explained, “I think Allah found that we have the capability to handle it. We have the strength to deal with it. Not to be rude to him . . . not to blame the child. Allah knew all of us in the family will love His child very much. Jalil gets more attention, more love than anybody else in the family.” Their Muslim faith provided the primary framework within which these parents raised their children with autism. Their religious perspective stressed the child’s full inclusion in every aspect of life and called on Muslims to remove societal barriers that marginalized individuals with disabilities. As a result, these children were incorporated into the ordinary practices at home and in the community just as any child would be. Children with autism were not cocooned in a quiet, secluded, or simplified world. They inhabited highly stimulating and noisy households of extended families, multiple languages, television, and music.

In counterpoint to this dynamic complexity, prayer provided a powerful source of structure and predictability. Parents believed that every child should be taught to pray because God hears the prayers of children first and because praying involves a one-on-one communication with Allah, in which the child can ask directly for blessings and forgiveness. Jalil and Raqib were brought into the practice of praying through participation in prayers and ceremonies at home and in the mosque. As in the opening vignette, fathers prayed with their sons, performing the entire prayer to completion. At home, such prayers might last 15 minutes, in the mosque 30 minutes. The children followed along and rarely, if ever, disrupted the prayer. Additionally, relatives and the wider community supported the children’s religious education. Children would be dressed in their native clothes with fuss and ceremony and taken to the mosque for their weekly prayer lessons. Mothers also played a critical role by overseeing the child’s informal instruction in prayer, ensuring that he acquired the minimal level of Qur’an recitation. They were assiduous in conducting behind-the-scenes rehearsals that prepared the child to pray with his father. Lessons were simple but lengthy, involving short, frequent repetitions. Mothers wove the teaching of prayers into their daily life, making time between chores and while transporting their son to school and therapy. In the following example, Raqib, 5 years old, clambered into a swing in his favorite park. Laila, his mother, began to push him from behind and Raqib giggled excitedly. Laila then walked to the front and stood still. “More!” Raqib shouted, “More please.” Laila looked at him, “Okay, how about we sing together. I push you, you say what mommy says, and you will go up and UP! Okay?” Raqib giggled. Laila grabbed the swing from behind, “READY Raqiby? Okay say, ‘Bismillah Al Rahman, Al Rahim’ [In the name of Allah, the Most Merciful, the Most Kind] . . . come on, ‘Bismillah.’ ” Raqib shouted out in excitement, “Bismillah Al Rahman Al Rahim.” In this manner, Raqib rehearsed the entire prayer. His mother said to me, “The to and fro motion soothes and calms him. He loves it and learns the best here.” From age 3 onward, Jalil and Raqib experienced an enormous amount of this kind of rehearsal. They became accustomed to having their activities interrupted as their mothers initiated yet another lesson in prayer and to being distracted, coaxed, or bribed when their interest waned. But they also became accustomed to the importance of prayer and to its central place in everyday life. By the time Jalil and Raqib were 6 years old, they were able to recite lengthy prayers in Arabic, participate in formal prayer sessions in the mosque, and take part in Qur’an recitation competitions with their typically developing peers. They were also able to communicate in Bangla, Urdu, and English with family members. Brinda Jegatheesan further reading: Brinda Jegatheesan, Ways of Being at Home and Community: Language Socialization of Children with Autism in Multilingual South Asian Immigrant Families, PhD diss., University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2005.

imagining each other

imagining each other

Muslim Children with Autism Learn to Pray Outside the kitchen of the Khan family home, a brilliant, saffron sun descended between green trees and lampposts, signaling the time for evening prayers. Inside, Mrs. Khan laid prayer mats in the direction of Ka’bah (the house of God in Mecca), while her husband performed his ablutions. “Jalil,” called out Mrs. Khan, “It’s Namaaz [prayer] time.” The child, in a squatting position, bumped himself down the staircase. He flashed a smile at his mother and made a buzzing sound through slightly parted lips and clenched teeth. His new sound of the week! Arriving on the landing with a thud, 6-year-old Jalil handed his prayer cap to his mother, who firmly pushed it on his head, saying, “Get up! Go stand with abba [father] now. He is waiting for you.” Jalil skipped to his father, stood beside him, fidgeted with his cap, and continued buzzing, making circular motions with his hands. His father gently held his hand for a split second. His touch meant “Shhhh, prayers are starting.” Jalil paused. He briefly looked sideways at his father and quickly bent his body, imitating his father’s posture. His father took a deep breath, closed his eyes, and began the call to prayer, “Allahu Akbar” (Allah is the Greatest). Swaying his body in rhythm with his father’s recitation, Jalil glanced briefly under his armpit at his gently twirling hand.

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members). These may suggest biological pathways important for diagnosis, intervention, and, ultimately, prevention. Just as the behavioral manifestations of ASDs fall on a continuum and in different behavioral profiles, it is likely that there are multiple causes for this group of disorders. Neural structures that have been primarily investigated in ASDs include the amygdala, hippocampus, superior temporal sulcus, fusiform gyrus, and cerebellum, functioning in complex interconnected neural networks. The current diagnostic criteria for ASDs in the United States are defined in the American Psychiatric Association’s Diagnostic and Statistic Manual, fourth edition text revised (DSM-IV-TR, 2000). Once considered a categorical diagnosis, it is now appreciated that individuals with ASDs represent a wide range in the severity of their behavioral deficits and developmental/cognitive abilities that can range from severely impaired to superlatively gifted. An alternative name for this group of disorders is pervasive developmental disorders. Autistic disorder is defined by impairments in reciprocal social interactions and verbal and nonverbal communication, as well as showing restricted, repetitive, and stereotyped behaviors. ASDs are defined by both positive and negative behaviors. Positive behaviors are those that are not typical for the person’s age and/or developmental level. Examples include excessive interest in spinning and spinning devices. Negative behaviors are those that are expected to be present but are absent or occur very infrequently, such as eye contact or complex imaginative play. Individuals with autistic disorder have a high rate of cognitive impairment in addition to the behavioral abnormalities. Estimates range from 30% to 75% of individuals with autistic disorder function in the intellectual disability (formerly called mental retardation) range on measures of cognition and daily living functioning. The overall ratio of males to females in most samples is 4:1, although the ratio is less biased toward males if one looks specifically at children with autistic disorder with intellectual disability. Asperger disorder is diagnosed in individuals who have deficits in social reciprocity, restricted interests, and repetitive behaviors, but who have no evidence of early language delay and have normal cognitive ability. There is much discussion in the scientific and lay communities regarding the differences between Asperger disorder and highfunctioning autism (individuals with autistic disorder who have normal cognitive abilities). Motor abilities may be compromised, and there may be an unusual quality to one’s voice. Rett disorder and childhood disintegrative disorder are currently designated in this group of disorders, although they have distinct developmental trajectories that differ from the others. A genetic cause for Rett disorder has been identified. Rett disorder was initially thought to occur

only in females who have a period of normal development through 6 to 12 months but then begin to lose fine motor skills and develop unusual hand movements, often characterized as hand wringing, show decreased interest in social interactions, and often lose other developmental skills or fail to progress. A specific gene defect on the X chromosome, MECP2, has been identified in most cases of Rett disorder. Since the MECP2 gene has been identified, males with the defect have also been identified, although they do not generally demonstrate the same developmental and behavioral characteristics as females. Childhood disintegrative disorder (CDD) is a rare disorder in which developmental regression occurs, with loss of skills in many areas. It is usually after a longer period of normal development (2 to 10 years) and involves regression in social, cognitive, motor, and self-care skills that is accompanied by a period of agitation. The etiology of CDD is unknown. Unlike children with other ASDs, children with Rett and CDD show little response to intervention and have persistent, severe developmental disabilities. Pervasive developmental disorder, not otherwise specified (PDD-NOS) is used to describe children who have deficits in at least two of the three domains of impairment characteristic of autism but who have six or fewer features of autism. Concerns have been raised about the increasing prevalence of ASDs, from 4 to 6 per 10,000 meeting criteria for autistic disorder in the 1960s to 20 per 10,000 with autistic disorder and 60 per 10,000 for ASDs currently. There is much debate, with strong feelings on both sides, about whether these increases represent a true increase in the incidence of ASDs and reflect increasing environmental factors that alter early brain development in genetically susceptible individuals or are primarily related to broader diagnostic definitions and greater awareness of the behavioral characteristics of ASDs by parents and professionals. Diagnostic shifting from intellectual disability to ASDs as the primary diagnosis may also contribute to this apparent increase. Another important area of investigation related to ASD diagnosis is how early the diagnosis can reliably be made and what are early markers. Concern has been raised in many parents that the increased prevalence of ASDs is related to increased exposure to environmental neurotoxins such as methyl and ethyl mercury (thimerosal) or to increasing numbers of vaccines that affect immune function and result in inflammatory reactions of the blood-brain barrier and brain or dysregulation of neurotransmitters and receptors in the brain. The recognition that some children lose previously acquired social and language skills, occurring in 20% to 50% of children with ASDs and generally occurring between 12 and 24 months, has added to these concerns. The scientific literature does not support an association between ASDs and

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vaccines or thimerosal; multiple epidemiological studies done in several different countries and by different groups of scientists have not found any association. However, the concern about these potential environmental factors has engendered both an unprecedented amount of support for research into the causes of ASDs as well as a number of biomedical treatments, most of which have not been sufficiently well studied regarding their safety or efficacy. The number of families using alternative therapies, either in addition to or instead of evidence-based therapies, is estimated to be between 50% and 90%. Research into the effectiveness, risks, and safety of these therapies, as well as plausible mechanisms for their reported effects, is critical. Most parents of children with ASDs begin to have concerns between 12 and 24 months of age, although until recently few children were diagnosed before 4 years. The development of well-standardized diagnostic tools has allowed earlier, reliable diagnosis for children as early as 2 years of age. Several research groups tracking the development of infants and toddlers have found that by 12 months of age, many children who are later diagnosed with ASDs can be distinguished by atypical eye contact, decreased response to name, social disengagement, differences in responsiveness to people and objects, and delayed expressive and receptive language. Methods for early, reliable diagnosis are important since it is clear that the earlier intervention is begun, the better the prognosis. The association of medical conditions in children with ASDs varies across studies from 5% to 30%, with higher percentages found in samples that include a larger proportion of those with ASDs and intellectual disability. Some of these conditions may be causes for ASDs, while others may represent unrelated co-occurring conditions. Several genetic disorders highly associated with ASDs include fragile X syndrome resulting from full or partial expansions of a trinucleotide gene sequence on the X chromosome, deletions and duplications on chromosome 15, and tuberous sclerosis, which can result from gene mutations at either chromosome 9 or 16. Seizures and gastrointestinal symptoms have also been associated with ASDs. Many different treatment strategies have been developed to address the behavioral and learning deficits among children with autism. Educational approaches are currently the primary and only form of intervention documented to significantly improve outcomes. Research documenting the effectiveness of specific intervention strategies for children with autism in addressing deficits in language, nonverbal communication, social skills, and improving challenging behaviors that interfere with learning is available. The relationship between particular techniques and long-term outcomes is still not completely clear. Key characteristics of effective intervention programs include entry into educational services and provision of intensive instructional

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programming that should include a minimum of 25 hours a week, 12 months a year, of systematically planned and developmentally appropriate educational activity toward identified objectives. These objectives should be observable, measurable behaviors and skills that affect a child’s participation in the educational setting, the community, and family life. Parents are now valued as essential partners in treatment and management. It is critical that families are active participants in the assessment and planning process, helping to identify goals and objectives as well as learning techniques used in the educational settings to teach their children new skills. Priorities of intervention should be on functional, spontaneous communication, social instruction, cognitive development, and play skills, delivered throughout the day in various settings. To the extent possible, children with autism should receive interventions in a setting with ongoing interactions with typically developing peers. Sensory processing difficulties may interfere with learning and inclusion with typical peers and should be specifically addressed as part of the intervention plan if present. Developing effective and readily available interventions for older adolescents and adults with ASDs is an area of increasing interest. A number of medications have been shown to be effective as adjunctive therapy in treating symptoms such as anxiety, hyperactivity, aggression, self-injury, and sleep disturbance frequently found in many individuals with ASDs. Research is increasing regarding the short-term benefit/ risk ratios of psychopharmacological treatment in children and adults with ASDs, yet the long-term effects are still largely unknown. The most frequently used medications include newer antidepressants, neuroleptics, antiseizure medications, psychostimulants, and some newer antipsychotics. Although individuals with ASDs gain skills and improve with age, significant deficits in social and adaptive skills usually remain. Most adults with ASDs require substantial support and generally have difficulty sustaining relationships, independent living situations, and jobs commensurate with their levels of education. IQ and verbal abilities are the best prognostic factors for long-term outcome, although the increased association of anxiety and mood disorders such as depression with ASDs can significantly affect adult function and independence. Robin L. Hansen see also: Autism Spectrum Disorders, Education of Children with; Language Disorders and Delay; Mental Illness further reading: Catherine Lord and James P. McGee, eds., Educating Children with Autism, 2001. • Sally Ozonoff, Sally J. Rogers, and Robert L. Hendren, eds., Autism Spectrum Disorders: A Research Review for Practitioners, 2001. • Stephen E. Brock, Shane R. Jimerson, and Robin L. Hansen, eds., Identifying, Assessing and Treating Autism at School, 2006. • Autism Society of America, http://www .autism-society.org • National Institute of Mental Health, Autism Spectrum Disorders, http://www.nimh.nih.gov/publicat/autism.cfm

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autism spectrum disorders, education of disorders and with typically developing students. However, children with. Autism spectrum disorders are a the education of students with autism spectrum disorders group of neurodevelopmental disorders involving problematic development in social, language, behavior, and cognitive domains. Autism and related disorders represent serious, chronic conditions with problematic social interaction and verbal and nonverbal communication with repetitive behaviors or interests. Symptoms range from mild to severe and may present differently in each child. Since about the year 2000, the prevalence of autism has increased, in part due to better identification and broader characterization. Autism spectrum disorders may affect 60 individuals per 10,000 children younger than age 8 worldwide. While the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA, the U.S. federal law governing special education services) provides for an appropriate education for students with autism spectrum disorders, the provision and implementation of educational services is variable. School systems face a number of challenges in educating students with autism spectrum disorders, including funding, hiring of highly qualified personnel, and implementation of appropriate programming. The education and treatment of students with autism spectrum disorders often involve many disciplines and agencies, potentially confusing financial and treatment responsibilities. Communication between parents, agencies, and school systems is essential to effective and efficient educational and treatment planning. In terms of educational programming, a minimum of 25 hours per week of educational services are provided year round for students diagnosed with an autism spectrum disorder. In order to develop appropriate and meaningful educational opportunities for individuals with autism spectrum disorders, it is important to begin with a comprehensive assessment of the student’s individual strengths, needs, and deficits as these relate to the diverse characteristics of the disorders within the autism spectrum. Assessment should include a formal multidisciplinary evaluation of social behavior, verbal and nonverbal communication, adaptive behavior, motor skills, atypical behavior, and cognitive development. In particular, assessment must focus on the primary characteristics common to the diagnosis of any autism spectrum disorder: social deficits, communication deficits, and restricted and/or stereotypical patterns of behaviors, interests, or activities. Additional characteristics associated with autism spectrum disorders should also be assessed, including motor differences, sensory differences, cognitive patterns, emotional vulnerability, and behavioral issues. Assessment must address the severity of impairment and its impact on daily functioning. Finally, an essential part of the evaluation process involves gathering information from parents about the student’s developmental history as well as parental observations and concerns. Students with autism spectrum disorders may share some characteristics with children who have other developmental

offers many challenges because of the unique combination of characteristics central to the disorders. Successful education of students with autism spectrum disorders requires a practical approach to education, including clearly defined and sequenced goals and objectives in the areas of communication, social interaction, adaptive skills, and the amelioration of behavior problems. Instructional programs for students with autism spectrum disorders should include direct instruction in an organized, predictable environment as well as ongoing data collection to ensure consistent progress toward goals and objectives. Individualized education programs and individual family service plans should be vehicles for planning and implementation of educational objectives. These should target long- and short-term goals and the systematic acquisition of knowledge, skills, and behaviors to reach those goals, beginning with the student’s present level of performance and proceeding through repeated, planned, and systematic instruction, including sufficient amounts of adult attention to meet individualized goals. Inclusion of a family component is also recommended. While individualized instructional programs will vary with the strengths, needs, and deficits of the student, several components that target the characteristics of autism spectrum disorders are recommended: verbal and/or nonverbal communication, social interaction, instruction aimed at the development of cognitive skills, intervention strategies that address problem behaviors, and developmentally appropriate academic skills. Language functioning is the strongest predictor of student outcome for those diagnosed with autism. Specific instructional goals and objectives are dependent on the scope and severity of language impairment. Attention should be given to verbal, nonverbal, receptive, expressive, and pragmatic aspects of language. In general, social instruction should be delivered throughout the day in a variety of settings and should focus on the teaching of play skills (in younger children) and/or interaction with peers in a developmentally appropriate manner, based on individualized socialization goals. As all intervention plans target the increase of positive behaviors, the development of adaptive behaviors and the amelioration of problematic behaviors are necessary to appropriate educational planning. The use of applied behavioral analysis, functional behavior assessments, and/or positive behavioral intervention and support (the use of scientific principles that focus as much as possible on rewarding appropriate behavior rather than punishing inappropriate behavior) for development of student social, behavioral, and academic competence is recommended, as these serve the added function of informing staff behavior, planning, and decision making. Ongoing measurement of educational objectives must be

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documented in order to determine whether a child is benefitting from a particular intervention. Regular, systematic assessments of progress should be conducted over short periods of time, monitored frequently, and objectives adjusted accordingly. Persistence of gained skills should be assessed periodically as should generalization across settings. While there is no cure for autism, appropriate educational programs that begin as early as possible can improve the prognosis for the student, leading to improved functioning later in life. Early intervention can also lead to decreased likelihood of restrictive educational placements. Short- and long-term outcomes depend on severity of the disorder and complexity of symptoms as well as quality and effectiveness of intervention. As with most developmental disabilities, the deficits associated with autism spectrum disorders have been found to persist over time, although there is evidence

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that interventions lead to improvements. Available intervention research does not identify which intervention strategies work best with which children. Through assessment of student progress and outcomes, educators can provide extremely useful data on the effectiveness of interventions, thereby contributing to the research base on what works with which students. Deanna B. Cash and Daniel P. Hallahan see also: Autism Spectrum Disorders; Learning; Learning Disabilities, Education of Children with; Special Education further reading: B. Scheuermann and J. Webber, Autism: Teaching Does Make a Difference, 2002. • Stephen E. Brock, Shane R. Jimerson, and Robin L. Hansen, Identifying, Assessing, and Treating Autism at School, 2006. • Clarissa Willis, Teaching Young Children with Autism Spectrum Disorders, 2006.

b baby and child selling. Baby and child selling includes typical forms of human trafficking and enslavement, such as the buying and enslavement of children for prostitution, pornography, and forced labor. Instead of living with their families and attending school, children are reduced to articles of commerce and subjected to forced prostitution and bonded labor. Despite the modern abolition of slavery, these kinds of human trafficking and enslavement exist throughout much of the contemporary world. Child trafficking is thus a part of the broader phenomenon of human trafficking, which subjects millions of people to various forms of sale, slavery, and slavery-like practices. Child trafficking (like human trafficking generally) takes different forms in the modern world, where it is generally illegal, than in earlier historical periods, when it was a legally sanctioned institution. Thus, child trafficking today is frequently associated with organized crime, including local, national, and international criminal networks. It is also connected to locally based criminal activity not involving broader criminal networks. Child trafficking often is facilitated through governmental corruption, including the bribing of police and governmental officials. There are instances in the contemporary world where customary practices in particular locales largely support particular forms of child trafficking, bonded labor, and slavery-like practices. In such instances, local governments and police may protect such practices as though they were

legitimate property, contractual, labor, or familial arrangements, despite the existence of laws in those nations making them illegal. These confl icts between local practices and national laws frequently exist in societies and locations where governmental enforcement is weak and the law and central government have little effective presence. Child trafficking, slavery, and slavery-like practices have been documented in relationship to the so-called sex industries (including prostitution and pornography), labor (including agricultural, domestic, and production work), and enforced enlistment and participation in military confl ict (particularly including civil wars and insurgencies). Given the illicit nature of most human trafficking, it is difficult to establish reliable measures of its incidence. It is reasonably clear, however, that there are millions of children worldwide subject to some form of trafficking, slavery, or slavery-like practice. Although these practices are particularly widespread in some developing countries, there are a significant number of persons subject to such practices even in wealthy countries, such as Western European nations and the United States, where many of these victims were trafficked from poorer countries. Generally, the victims of child trafficking, slavery, and slavery-like practices have some vulnerability that makes them, or their families, subject to exploitation by others. Thus, the victims are commonly the poor of developing or transitional (i.e., Eastern European) economies, whose

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struggles with basic survival, debt, and lack of economic opportunity leave them vulnerable to recruiters, criminal networks, and even immediate or extended family members. Child trafficking, slavery, and slavery-like practices often involve situations where the basic survival and human rights of individuals, families, and communities are already under severe stress and deprivation. Unfortunately, amid these situations of vulnerability, some systematically exploit others, subjecting them to dehumanizing practices. Since governments for the most part prohibit trafficking and enslavement, the individuals and groups who traffic and enslave others generally are engaging in criminal activity for profit or other gain. Trafficking and enslavement are means to obtain cheap and compliant labor (including in the sex industries) or soldiers for a cause. Recruiters often employ a combination of deceit and financial inducement to obtain victims, promising jobs, training, or other opportunities and then delivering enslavement, forced prostitution, and forced labor. Babies and children are often “trafficked” or sold for purposes of intercountry adoption. The practice of inducing birth families to relinquish babies or children through provision of cash, food, or other valuables is generally considered an illicit form of baby selling. Intermediaries who pay the birth families, and in turn are paid a far larger sum for each child, are in effect themselves selling babies and children as well. Obtaining babies and children for adoption through deceit and kidnapping is also a serious problem, and children obtained through deceit and kidnapping are often sold by intermediaries to orphanages or adoption facilitators. Thus, trafficking for purposes of adoption follows in some respects the same patterns as trafficking for sex or labor. Desperately poor and vulnerable families and individuals in developing nations are exploited by profit-minded individuals who employ wealth, deceit, force, and governmental corruption to obtain children for profit. The sale or purchase of children for intercountry adoption is clearly illegal under both international and national law, but the laws governing this practice sometimes are considered distinct from those governing human trafficking, enslavement, or child labor. Trafficking prohibitions sometimes require some form of exploitation, typically involving sexual or labor exploitation; illicit child labor of course requires some form of work. Children who are adopted usually are not subject to sexual or labor exploitation, and the tendency unfortunately has been to consider that being purchased, kidnapped, or stolen for purposes of adoption is not a form of exploitation. Thus, some argue that children who have been sold for adoption may not be covered under many current prohibitions of child and human trafficking. However, the increasing awareness of the problem of baby and child buying within the intercountry adoption system is gradually producing a tendency to define such il-

licit practices, both legally and rhetorically, as within the broader wrongs of child (and human) trafficking. The international community has taken steps to try to alleviate the problem of baby and child buying in the intercountry adoption system. The practices of buying and selling children for adoption are clearly condemned in the broadly ratified Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), which the United States is almost alone in not ratifying. The Hague Convention on Intercountry Adoption goes beyond condemnation of such practices to the creation of specific procedures designed to combat them. The United States finally ratified the Hague Convention on Intercountry Adoption on December 12, 2007 (entry into force April 1, 2008), creating a stronger federal regulatory role. The Optional Protocol to the CRC (Sale of Children), which has been ratified by the United States, requires nations to enforce criminal or penal statutes prohibiting improper inducement of consents; this language requires that buying babies or children from birth parents for purposes of adoption be prohibited by penal statutes. The United States interprets its international obligations under this treaty very narrowly. The incidence of baby and child buying within the contemporary intercountry adoption system has been controversial. It has been difficult to document trafficking within the intercountry adoption system, both because documenting illicit conduct is generally difficult and because it involves “child laundering,” by which babies and children are obtained illegally but then are processed through the adoption system as “orphans.” Babies and children laundered in this manner typically have falsified paperwork that makes it very difficult to trace the birth families, and most adoptions involve babies and toddlers unable to either verify or contest the accuracy of their paperwork. Under these circumstances, some adoption advocates claim that the incidence of baby and child selling in the intercountry adoption system is very low and the dangers of such exaggerated. However, there is sufficient evidence from which to infer that illicit means of obtaining babies and children for adoption, including financial inducements, deceit, and outright kidnapping, have been significant problems in Cambodia, India, Nepal, Vietnam, and Latin America. Indeed, concerns over trafficking, corruption, and profiteering in sending and receiving countries have caused shutdowns or moratoriums of intercountry adoption from Cambodia, portions of India, Nepal, and Vietnam. Some Latin American countries have responded to such concerns by introducing regulations of intercountry adoption that dramatically reduced the numbers of such adoptions, and some receiving countries have limited adoptions from Guatemala due to such concerns. The vulnerability of intercountry adoption to child trafficking arises primarily from the large fees and “donations” that have become customary. Many sending countries have

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a significant portion of their population living on less than $1 per day—the international poverty standard—as well as a significant portion who live on less than $2 per day. Even the “middle class” in such societies may generally earn U.S. $3,000 to $15,000 annually. Under these circumstances, the practice of spending $5,000 to $20,000 per adoption within the sending country creates the same kinds of profiteering motives that exist in labor or sex trafficking. Thus, purportedly “legitimate” adoption fees and donations become the motivations for criminal activity, with the funds used to purchase babies, pay child finders or other intermediaries, and bribe government officials, leaving ample funds to pay both the legitimate costs of intercountry adoption and provide profits for facilitators and orphanage directors. Some have trouble understanding why anyone would buy or steal children for adoption where there are so many children living in orphanages. There are several reasons for this paradoxical behavior. First, in many countries children in orphanages, like children in the United States foster care system, are overwhelmingly much older children, while families generally prefer to adopt infants or toddlers. Second, Americans adopting internationally generally prefer to adopt girls; while a predominance of girls is found in Chinese and Indian orphanages, such is not the case in some sending countries. Third, in many orphanages in developing and transition economies, most children are not legally free for adoption, as they still have family ties. For example, in some sending countries the poor use “orphanages” or “hostels” as a kind of boarding school or family resource, which can provide education, food, and housing beyond that which the family itself can provide. Based on these circumstances, children are systematically purchased and stolen for adoption in countries with significant numbers of children living in orphanages. Baby selling within the United States has sometimes taken the form of black-market transactions in which babies are explicitly sold for money. Many states enacted criminal prohibitions of baby selling during the 20th century, in a context where notorious and large-scale babyselling scandals were sometimes publicized. In recent years, it has been noted that the legal adoption system operates in significant ways like a market in babies, with adoption fees dependent on various characteristics of the babies, controversially including race. While states try to control the amount and categories of permissible adoption fees and assistance to birth mothers, some adoptions appear to operate in a “gray-market” zone testing those limits. Issues related to so-called surrogate mother contracts complicate the question further, making it harder and harder to discern which contractual and financial arrangements constitute illicit baby selling. Within this context, some critics have proposed that an explicit market in adoption be legalized. According to this proposal, birth parents would be selling

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their parental rights, rather than the child, and hence the arrangement would not constitute illicit baby selling. This distinction between baby selling and the sale of parental rights has not been accepted as yet by either courts or legislatures. However, the domestic adoption system, particularly in relationship to privately arranged infant adoption, continues to set “prices” and fees according to principles of supply and demand, despite the clear prohibitions of baby selling. David M. Smolin see also: Adoption; Slavery, Child further reading: International Labour Organization, A Future without Child Labour, 2002. • David Smolin, “Child Laundering,” Wayne Law Review 52 (2006), p. 113. • U.S. Department of State, Trafficking in Persons Report, June 2007.

baby talk. see Language: Language and Social Life baldwin, james mark (b. January 12, 1861; d. November 9, 1934), American psychologist, biologist, and genetic epistemologist. Although James Mark Baldwin is little known among many of those interested in child development, his ideas have had a significant impact on the field. This influence has been exerted through those like Jean Piaget, L. S. Vygotsky, George Herbert Mead, and Lawrence Kohlberg, who incorporated fundamental insights from Baldwin into their own respective theories. In a career that began in 1887, brought him to the University of Toronto, Princeton University, and the Johns Hopkins University, and led to numerous honors, including the University of Oxford’s first honorary doctorate of science, Baldwin became one of early scientific psychology’s most internationally renowned figures. In 1909, his career was cut short at its height by a scandal that drove him from the field and led to a long period during which his writings went into eclipse. Baldwin’s contributions to contemporary understanding of the child are numerous and important. In the early 1890s, he carried out psychology’s first, systematic, experimental studies of infant reaching and imitation. In Mental Development (1895), he articulated a biological theory of individual development in which the child is viewed as an active organism cognizing the environment through direct and immediate action on it. In modern developmental psychology, this has become known as the sensorimotor principle. Development, for Baldwin, occurs through a biologically given process (which he termed a circular reaction) by which an increasingly complex system of sensorimotor tendencies to action (a habit system) grows through incorporation of new action possibilities (accommodation). In Social and Ethical Interpretations (1897), Baldwin extended the principle of accommodation through circular reaction to social adaptation. In social adaptation, accommodation to the social environment occurs through imita-

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tive and inventive social actions selected for incorporation into the child’s social repertoire on the basis of positive confirmation received from significant others in a broad sociocultural context. Baldwin called this context social heredity and described it as “the mass of organized tradition, custom, usage, social habit . . . already embodied in the institutions and ways of acting . . . of a given social group, considered as the normal heritage of the individual social child” (p. 301). In elaborating his theory of social adaptation, Baldwin presents cogent and valuable discussions of a wide range of developmental phenomena, including imitation, creative invention, altruism, egoism, morality, the social self, self-awareness, and theory of mind. Between 1906 and 1911, Baldwin published a multivolume genetic epistemology or developmental theory of knowledge, Thought and Things, that traces mental evolution from early prelogical, prereflective thought and the emergence of meaning through the development of reflection, logic, and higher-order synthetic cognition. His History of Psychology (1913), which traces parallels between the historical development of psychological concepts from the Greeks to the moderns and mental development of the child in ontogenesis, is the first history of science written from the point of view of genetic epistemology. Robert H. Wozniak see also: Cognitive Development; Evolution of Childhood, Biological further reading: John M. Broughton and D. John FreemanMoir, eds., The Cognitive-Developmental Psychology of James Mark Baldwin, 1982. • Robert H. Wozniak, “Lost Classics and Forgotten Contributors: James Mark Baldwin as a Case Study in the Disappearance and Rediscovery of Ideas,” in Thomas C. Dalton and Rand B. Evans, eds., The Life Cycle of Psychological Ideas: Understanding Prominence and the Dynamics of Intellectual Change, 2004.

bateson, gregory (b. May 9, 1904; d. July 4, 1980), American cultural anthropologist and pioneer of cybernetics and communications theory. Gregory Bateson was destined from his own childhood to think about life and learning in evolutionary terms. His father was the pioneering geneticist William Bateson. Before World War II, he worked as a cultural and visual anthropologist in New Guinea, where he met his first wife, Margaret Mead, and then in Bali. Bateson quickly moved out of traditional anthropology, however, and into the young field of communications theory. He became a member of the famous Macy Conferences on cybernetics (1947–53). He also worked at the Veterans Administration Hospital in Palo Alto, California, from 1949 to 1962, where he wrote about the metacommunicative processes of play and developed his double-bind theory of schizophrenia. Metacommunication is the skill of learning that linguistic and bodily signals are signals, not literal signs. When children play, for example, they mimic bluff, battle, tease,

and so on. They act “as if ”; that is, they know that they are playing. Such metacoding represents an evolutionary step in the development of language and learning for Bateson. It also has something to say about schizophrenia, which for Bateson is partly a function of a person’s inability to distinguish metacommunication from literal truths (the implications for religious ritual and symbol seem especially poignant here). Bateson also speculated that schizophrenia is the product of a double bind in communication between child and mother by which the child picks up two different logical types of communication (the mother’s coded expressions of rejection and her forced but literal affection) and finds itself caught in an impossible situation. If the child accepts the mother’s simulated love, this is likely to provoke fear and withdrawal in her. If, however, the child responds to her coded resistance, she is likely to take this as a negative judgment on her motherly abilities and respond accordingly. The child is thus effectively punished for either discriminating accurately or discriminating inaccurately. Eventually the child may lose the ability to negotiate between the two logical types of communication altogether and become schizophrenic. Bateson also experimented with the communication styles of dolphins and octopuses (a dozen of which he kept in his living room for a year) and became an early spokesman for what would eventually develop into the antiwar and ecological movements. Most abstractly (and he could be very abstract), he was committed to wholeness, unity, process, the “patterns that connect,” as he put it. These were his watchwords as he wrote a series of wide-ranging essays that he would later recognize as “steps to an ecology of mind.” This poetic expression captured Bateson’s understanding of mind as any complex system that can process information and self-correct. Cells, societies, and ecosystems are all forms of such mind, which may or may not possess consciousness. All minds, though, rely on multiple material parts; hence, there can be no final separation of the mental and the physical. This is why Bateson detested dualism, supernaturalism, or any theory or theology that separated what he called the “necessary unity” of mind and nature. Jeffrey J. Kripal see also: Communication, Development of; Mental Illness; Play further reading: Gregory Bateson, Steps to an Ecology of Mind, [1972] 2000. • Gregory Bateson, Mind and Nature: A Necessary Unity, 1979.

battered child syndrome. see Abuse and Neglect bedwetting. Approximately 85% of children are dry through the night by 5 years of age, 95% by 10 years. By 15, only 1% to 2% of adolescents continue to wet their beds. Boys are affected two to three times more often than girls,

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for unknown reasons. Approximately 10% of the time, bedwetting is caused by a recognizable disease process. Anything that increases the volume of urine or causes increased bladder irritability, in addition to structural abnormalities, can cause bedwetting. A complete history and physical exam with routine urinalysis for all and a urine culture for females generally is adequate to diagnose these problems. Additional testing should only be pursued if suggested by the history and physical or abnormal urinalysis. In the remaining 90%, the exact cause of bedwetting is unknown. Some children’s bladders empty during sleep before filling to capacity. Other children produce more urine than their bladders can hold in the night, while some seem not to be aroused from sleep by the sensation of a full bladder or fail to inhibit the bladder and stay asleep. Regardless of the specific underlying factors, bedwetting is largely genetically determined. Half of children who wet their beds have an immediate relative with the same problem, and 70% have an extended family member who wets the bed. The child of one parent with a history of bedwetting has a 44% risk of developing the same condition; if both parents wet their beds as children, their offspring have a 77% chance of also being affected. No specific gene is known to cause the disorder, although several possibilities have been identified through genetic linkage analyses. Children who bedwet beyond age 5 should have medical causes evaluated. In most cases of uncomplicated bedwetting, children younger than 7 years are merely watched. Parents are educated about the maturational variation among children and then advised to avoid punishing the child for accidents. However, children older than 7 are often more self-conscious, with bedwetting interfering with sleepovers and camp. Once bedwetting becomes distressing to a child older than 6 or a family dynamic is strained, then treatment may be considered. Tr e atm en t Education and demystification are primary interventions for children with bedwetting and their families. Positive reinforcement for dry nights, visual imagery before bed, and mind-body connection activities improve symptoms in many. A bedwetting alarm can cure more than 70% of affected children but requires motivation and organization from the affected child and the parents. The alarm is connected to the child’s underwear and then buzzes or vibrates when moisture is detected. The child must rouse or be aroused by parents, urinate, change his or her underwear and top sheet, and replace the alarm. Visualization and practice before bed as well as drinking excess water before bed (to overlearn the behavior) after initial cure all increase efficacy. Some children learn to wake to urinate, but most sleep through the night and remain dry with this technique. Medication may be considered. One type, similar to a hormone that controls urine formation, can decrease urine

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output during the night. Helpful for discrete periods of time, desmopressin significantly decreases bedwetting episodes when it is used, but symptoms resume in up to 70% after medication discontinuation. Historically, an older antidepressant has been used to treat bedwetting with 50% to 60% efficacy; however, it also fails to provide a long-term cure and has potential cardiac side effects, so it is less commonly used. Var i atio n a mo ng Groups Bedwetting appears to occur evenly across races, countries, and socioeconomic classes. Around the world, behavioral interventions are espoused along with conventional and alternative treatments. Limited evidence-based data supports the use of hypnosis, psychotherapy, and chiropractics in bedwetting treatment; however, a growing body of literature substantiates the role of acupuncture, long-practiced in Chinese medicine and studied internationally in such countries as the United States, Italy, Japan, Korea, and Romania. Short- and Long-Ter m Consequenc es Nighttime bedwetting is often quite stressful to families of affected children. Particularly when parents are uneducated about the accidental nature of the disorder, marital dysfunction and child abuse can result from frustration, shame, and blame. At the least, affected children face barriers to activities involving an overnight stay; for many, the impact is far greater. While children who suffer from bedwetting are no more likely than unaffected peers to have serious psychiatric disorders, as a consequence of this disorder self-esteem is more likely to be impaired. Studies show that affected children have less competence socially, lower school success rates, and higher than expected levels of behavioral problems. Compared with children suffering from chronic illnesses such as asthma and heart problems, children with bedwetting have more negative feelings about their condition, have more maladaptive coping strategies, and have more negative adjustment to the stress bedwetting causes. Children with bedwetting seem to be at increased risk for attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), and children with ADHD have more voiding dysfunction than those without ADHD. Furthermore, having ADHD lowers success rates of bedwetting treatment by alarm or medication, mostly due to noncompliance. Alison Schonwald and Leonard A. Rappaport see also: Shame and Guilt; Sleep: Physiology of Sleep; Toilet Training further reading: Howard Bennett, Waking Up Dry: A Guide to Help Children Overcome Bedwetting, 2005.

behavioral disorders, education of children with. see Emotional Disorders, Education of Children with

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behaviorism. see Development, Theories of: Behavioral Theories

benedict, ruth (fulton) (b. June 5, 1887; d. September 17, 1948), American anthropologist. Ruth Benedict was a founder of the anthropological school of thought that came to be known as culture and personality. As a mature student, she gained a PhD at Columbia University in New York City under the tutelage of Franz Boas, who impressed upon his students the urgent need to study cultures that were fast disappearing in the modern age, depriving the world of their unique ways of being and understanding. Along with a group of close friends and colleagues, including anthropologist Margaret Mead and linguist Edward Sapir, Benedict developed a strong interest in applying psychological ideas to anthropology. Her great contribution, expressed in Patterns of Culture (1932), is that cultures are organized around central themes or patterns, expressed through customs, rituals, ways of thinking, and social arrangements such as child rearing. Individuals are inexorably shaped by the patterns of the culture into which they are born. Throughout her life, Benedict showed a fascination with the “deviant” individual whose temperament and talents confl icted with cultural expectations (as hers did) and who therefore struggled unhappily against the pattern. Margaret Mead, Benedict’s lifelong friend, is best known for anthropological studies of child rearing in different cultures, based on significant fieldwork in Samoa, New Guinea, and Bali. Benedict, although not a keen fieldworker herself, also made contributions to understanding how cultures shape children. The Chrysanthemum and the Sword: Patterns of Japanese Culture (1946) introduced the contrast between shame-based cultures, such as Japan, and guilt-based cultures, such as the United States. It contained a delightful account of Japanese child rearing. The Japanese, she suggested, were indulged more than Americans in babyhood, yet as they grew up they were expected to become more stoic and submit to the wider social group, shame being the mechanism of social control. American culture, with its Puritan foundations, was far more individualistic and used guilt for social control. Benedict’s description of Japanese culture, which gained considerable accolade, was not based on fieldwork—she was never able to visit Japan—but rather on documents and interviews arising through her work on “cultures-at-a-distance” during World War II. Benedict was a gentle, inquiring, and deeply tolerant individual. She worked for the advancement of women and abhorred racial prejudice. She gave the world the term racism in her 1940 book on that topic, Race: Science and Politics. A picture book, In Henry’s Backyard, formed the basis of an innovative animated film alerting children to the “green devils” of racism, which she saw as based on envy, fear, and lack of understanding.

Benedict’s work on cultural patterns was seen by critics, with some justification, as overly simplistic. The strong emphasis on “nurture” rather than “nature” in shaping individuals, in the work of the culture and personality group, has also been subject to criticism, some of it ill informed. She stands as a major cultural theorist of the 20th century. Hilary Lapsley see also: Child: Historical and Cultural Perspectives; Mead, Margaret; Shame and Guilt further reading: Margaret Caffrey, Ruth Benedict: Stranger in This Land, 1989. • Hilary Lapsley, Margaret Mead and Ruth Benedict: The Kinship of Women, 1999.

best interests of the child. Under current law in the United States and in many other countries, court decisions regarding a child must be grounded on a judgment regarding which option would be in that child’s “best interests.” By its nature, this is a vague standard rather than a precise rule, more a broad delegation of authority combined with a direction to focus on the perspective of the child (rather than on the claims and interests of other parties). At the same time, this amorphous standard has the potential to hide significant bias and to either cover or encourage arbitrary and inconsistent decision making. The concept best interests of the child was first introduced as a standard for determining child custody, an openended, child-centered standard in sharp contrast to the custody standards that had preceded it. In ancient Roman law, and in the English and American common law until the 19th century, custody of a child in a case of divorce or separation would go to the father. In the 19th century, the English courts developed the idea of a “tender years presumption,” such that young children (usually understood as 7 years old or younger) would go to the mother, unless she was shown to be unfit; a number of U.S. courts reached similar conclusions at around the same time. Though the new rule could be seen as simply a change from a paternal to a maternal presumption of custody for the youngest children, what was significant was the alteration in the underlying justification: The paternal presumption had been based on a sort of property right the father had in his children; the maternal presumption was grounded on arguments regarding what would be in the best interests of the children. Over time, the justificatory language of “best interests” turned into a standard itself: a legislative or judicial rule that custody decisions should be grounded on the best interests of the children. Most U.S. states have a statute directing courts to consider a long list of factors in coming to their decision regarding which custody outcome is in a child’s “best interests,” but the statutes usually offer little guidance as to the relative weight to be given to different factors (sometimes guidance has been added by subsequent judicial deci-

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sions, but usually significant discretion and indeterminacy remain). In U.S. custody law today, “best interests” remains the ultimate touchstone, the underlying justification offered for choosing one standard for decision over another, but in many jurisdictions the actual rules may be more specific: for example, a presumption for joint legal or physical custody, a presumption for custody by the “primary caretaker,” a strong preference for parents over nonparents in custody disputes, or deference to the stated custody preference of an older child. It is interesting to note the way that the legal presumption most states have adopted for parents against nonparents in custody decisions grew out of a reaction against a particular “best interests” analysis: the Iowa Supreme Court’s decision in the notorious case of Painter v. Bannister (1966), in which the court argued that placement with more traditional grandparents in Iowa would be more conducive to a child’s “best interests” than returning the child to his “bohemian” father in California. In a different sort of legal evolution, the focus on children’s “best interests” has been the moving and justifying force behind the “nexus test” in custody decisions adopted by a growing number of jurisdictions; this standard holds irrelevant all accusations of parental immorality (accusations of adultery, promiscuity, homosexuality, or polygamy had once been determinative in many custody battles), except in the unusual case in which such alleged immoralities can be shown to directly affect the well-being of the children under care. The phrase best interests of the child has expanded far beyond its origins to become ubiquitous in U.S. family law, covering not only decisions on custody and visitation, but also adoption decisions, decisions whether to allow a custodial parent to relocate, determinations of whether to suspend or terminate parental rights (e.g., due to allegations of abuse or neglect), foster care placements, medical decision making for the child, and countless other contexts in which the question directly concerns children. Even when the legal rule in some areas approximates traditional ideas about parental rights and prerogatives, courts, lawmakers, and commentators often feel a need to justify such rules in terms of how they work for the best interests of children (or, at least, how they serve those interests better than alternative rules). There are occasions when the rules regarding custody and visitation more clearly subordinate children’s interests to other concerns—whether parental rights (e.g., in the way that it takes a significant show of harm to a child before a court will cut off a legal parent’s right to visitation) or societal interests (e.g., regarding when courts are allowed to take race or religion into account in their rulings regarding custody and visitation). The “best-interests” standard does not assume any particular theory of child development or child psychology,

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but it can in fact work in tandem with or incorporate any such theory, for these are basically competing theories about what would be in the best interests of children. Though “best interests of the child,” at least in that formulation of the standard, may have originated in AngloAmerican family law, the standard has become common— now, the rule rather than the exception—in other jurisdictions and in international law. For example, the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (ratified in 1989), states (Article 3, point 1): “In all actions concerning children, whether undertaken by public or private social welfare institutions, courts of law, administrative authorities or legislative bodies, the best interests of the child shall be a primary consideration.” Those skeptical of the use of “best-interests” standards raise various concerns. Some commentators are worried that the “best-interests” standard gives too much discretion to judges, thus creating too much disparity in outcomes among cases, undermining any sense of predictability, and creating too much of an opening for improper, and hidden, motives and reasons for decisions. Related to these objections, one consequence of a relatively open-ended and discretionary decision standard, as contrasted to a standard more constrained by presumptions (e.g., a presumption for maternal custody or a presumption for an equal split in physical custody), is that the uncertainty both encourages litigation and leads many who value custody to give up property and alimony rights in order to establish their custody rights in a separation agreement. And the litigation that is encouraged is often harmful both to the parents who will have to continue to work together to raise the children and to the children themselves, as the litigation will inevitably focus on each parent accusing the other of being unfit—or, at least, less fit—often an expensive and acrimonious process. There are also circumstances in which a “best-interests” standard risks misleading decision makers. For example, with adoption, the language of “best interests” seems to direct decision makers to find the best possible placement for a child, rejecting all others. However, this could lead an agency or court to reject quite adequate placement options on the basis that a better placement might be available at a later time. The effect, however, would be to let children languish in foster or institutional care when loving homes are available. The better understanding of “best interests” in such cases would be to inquire whether the placement in question is in the best interests of the child, taking into account the current alternatives and those likely available in the near future (where a suboptimal but clearly loving home placement would arguably almost always be preferable to current institutional care combined with uncertain long-term prospects). Additionally, some commentators are troubled that a too-great focus on children’s interests will lead to an under-

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mining of the rights and interests of parents or the proper claims of certain communities (e.g., American Indian tribes or certain racial and ethnic groups) to which the children belong. Finally, some have argued that the standards and procedures developed to protect “the best interests of the child” in fact work only to protect the interests of a certain class of adults, often in confl ict with children’s real interests. Brian H. Bix see also: Abuse and Neglect: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives; Adoption: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives; Custody; Family Court; Foster and Kinship Care: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives; Freud, Anna; Goldstein, Joseph; Rights, Parental; Rights, Termination of Parental; Solnit, Albert J(ay) further reading: Philip Alston, ed., The Best Interests of the Child: Reconciling Culture and Human Rights, 1994. • Nancy E. Walker, Catherine M. Brooks, and Lawrence S. Wrightsman, Children’s Rights in the United States: In Search of a National Policy, 1999. • Claire Breen, The Standard of the Best Interests of the Child: A Western Tradition in International and Comparative Law, 2002. • Martin Guggenheim, What’s Wrong with Children’s Rights, 2005.

bettelheim, bruno (b. August 28, 1903; d. March 13, 1990), psychoanalytic educator and clinical scholar of child and adolescent development. Bruno Bettelheim was born in Vienna, Austria, to an upper-middle-class Jewish family. After earning his doctoral degree in aesthetics at the University of Vienna, Bettelheim’s interests gradually shifted from philosophy to child development in the tradition of child psychoanalyst Anna Freud. Following the 1938 annexation and invasion of Austria by Nazi Germany, Bettelheim was detained, stripped of all his property, and imprisoned in the labor camps of Dachau and Buchenwald for a year, as a consequence of both his “socialist” connections and his Jewish ancestry. Ironically, it was this terrible year that presaged Bettelheim’s later concern with the impact of milieu on learning and development. His 1943 essay “Individual and Mass Behavior in Extreme Situations” was based on his observations of the guards and responses of his fellow prisoners, which helped Bettelheim preserve his sanity while in the camps. Aided by family connections, Bettelheim was freed from the camps and immigrated to the United States in 1939. In 1944, he was appointed director of the Sonia Shankman Orthogenic School, then one of the University of Chicago’s laboratory schools. Using his understanding of the relation of personality and environment that he had previously observed in the concentration camps, Bettelheim reorganized the school as a therapeutic milieu in which all aspects of the Orthogenic School’s physical environment and staff were viewed as integral to the child’s personality change. Concerned with the impact of mass society, Bettelheim stressed the importance of an individual approach to each child’s care and to a cheerful physical surround that avoided typi-

cal institutional characteristics. His writing on the work of the Orthogenic School in Love Is Not Enough (1950) and Truants from Life (1955) documents this work and provides compelling portraits of childhood personality development and psychopathology as well as evidence regarding the importance of emotional factors in promoting learning in school. Extending his observations of childhood in contemporary society, Bettelheim later wrote on topics as varied as the impact of group care and child rearing upon personality in such environments as the Israeli kibbutz, the significance of cross-gender identity in both boys and girls, parenthood in contemporary society, and the importance of fairy tales for personal development and culture. Perhaps the best known of Bettelheim’s work, The Uses of Enchantment (1976), highlights the power of fairy tales to help children come to terms with unruly emotions and resolve inner confl icts, issues that are often neglected in contemporary accounts of child development. The most problematic of Bettelheim’s work was The Empty Fortress (1967), which reported on the Orthogenic School’s work with so-called autistic children. While mistaken in his belief that parental emotional disregard was the cause of autism, he used this diagnosis (sometimes incorrectly) as a metaphor to argue that in contemporary society parents have become so preoccupied with their own concerns that they overlook their children’s needs. Bettelheim’s contribution was to show the importance of feelings and wishes in the study of child development. Bertram J. Cohler see also: Autism Spectrum Disorders; Development, Theories of: Psychoanalytic Theories; Folk and Fairy Tales further reading: Nina Sutton, Bettelheim: A Life and a Legacy, 1996.

bilingual education. Bilingual education, understood as instruction of curriculum content through the medium of two languages, can be traced back to Greek and Roman times. In the United States, bilingual schools that taught through German and some other European languages were common in certain states prior to World War I. However, after that point, language maintenance efforts were equated with disloyalty to the nation, and bilingual schools disappeared from the social landscape until the 1960s. It became common to reprimand and frequently punish children for speaking their home languages in school and to advise parents to switch to English in the home if they wanted their child to succeed academically. The twin discourses of bilingualism (and by implication, bilingual education) as an impediment to the learning of English and as a threat to social cohesion are still readily identifiable in media commentary and political debate in the United States and other countries that are characterized by high levels of immigration. However, the political con-

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troversy has obscured the fact that there is a high degree of consensus among researchers with respect to the legitimacy of bilingual education. The research shows clearly that bilingualism represents a positive rather than a negative force in children’s cognitive and academic development and that bilingual education for minority-group students is associated with moderately positive effects on their English academic development. C o n t e xt There are an estimated 5,000 languages spoken in the world’s 200 or so sovereign states. Thus, the majority of states encompass multiple languages within their boundaries. About two-thirds of all children in the world grow up in a bilingual or multilingual environment. To illustrate, 90 million of China’s more than 1 billion population belong to a national minority, and most of these minority groups speak languages other than Mandarin, the official language of the country. Linguistic diversity also exists among the Han majority group as a result of multiple “dialects” that represent mutually unintelligible spoken languages, even though all share the same writing system. Singapore, Switzerland, India, and most African countries are just a few other examples of countries that recognize multiple national languages and that regulate the status and use of these languages in education, government, and other social arenas. In the current era of globalization with unprecedented human mobility and social interchange across cultural and linguistic boundaries, processes of language learning (and language loss) are apparent in societies around the world. Government policies attempt to influence these processes by supporting the teaching of certain languages in schools and, in some cases, by actively discouraging the maintenance of other languages, usually the languages of subordinated groups within the society. Therefore, in addition to their role in promoting academic achievement, bilingual programs have emerged in recent years as a viable option for governments and communities interested in promoting more effective learning of socially valued languages and/or maintaining languages that are endangered, such as many indigenous languages in North America. T y pes, Goals, and Part ic i pan ts There is a range of types of bilingual education programs that differ on characteristics of students in the program, goals of the program, and organizational structures. For instance, programs differ as to whether the participants are speakers of the majority or minority language; that is, whether a language is the language of the numerically dominant group in a society or that of a numerically nondominant group. A similar distinction can be made between dominant and subordinated students or groups. These terms are often used interchangeably with majority and minority, but they refer explicitly to power and status relations

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between societal groups rather than to the numerical size of the groups. Another distinction can be made between enrichment and remedial programs. Enrichment bilingual education refers to programs that aim to enrich students’ educational experience by strongly promoting bilingualism and biliteracy. Dual-language programs involving both majority- and minority-language students are one example of enrichment programs. Remedial programs, by contrast, aim to remediate or compensate for presumed linguistic deficits that bilingual children bring to school. In addition, maintenance programs may be distinguished from transitional programs. Maintenance programs aim to help linguistic-minority students maintain and develop their proficiency in their home language, while transitional programs are designed to use the first language as a temporary bridge to a situation in which academic instruction takes place exclusively through the dominant language of the school and society. Moreover, transitional bilingual programs are often distinguished according to the grade level at which students transition from the bilingual program into mainstream monolingual classes. Early-exit programs are typically motivated by the assumption that students will benefit by transitioning from the bilingual program into the mainstream program as rapidly as possible. The transition usually occurs by second or third grade. By contrast, late-exit programs, also known as developmental programs in the United States, transition students close to the end of elementary school (fifth or sixth grade). The assumption is that academic outcomes in both the majority language and students’ first language will benefit from strong promotion of both languages. Another relevant distinction is between immersion and submersion approaches. The term immersion came into widespread use in the context of French immersion programs initiated in Canada during the 1960s. About 300,000 Canadian students currently participate in immersion programs. In these programs, students whose first language is English are initially “immersed” in a Frenchlanguage school environment for two to three years prior to the introduction of formal teaching of English. Instruction through students’ second language is designed specifically to support them in accessing academic content. Englishlanguage arts are typically introduced in second grade, and English is used as a medium for teaching other subject matter (e.g., science, math, social studies) by third or fourth grade. Generally, by fourth grade, 50% of the instructional time is spent through each language. The goal is to develop fluent bilingual and biliterate abilities among majoritylanguage students. By contrast, submersion programs make no attempt to develop minority students’ bilingualism and provide minimal support to enable them to understand the language of instruction and access curricular content. Bilingual programs can also be categorized according to who participates in the program. Four broad, overlapping

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categories can be distinguished. The first category involves programs intended for indigenous students (e.g., Native Americans in the United States) and those from nationally recognized minority groups (e.g., Basque speakers in the Basque Autonomous Community in Spain). Typically, these programs are intended to either maintain or revitalize the minority language. The second category involves students from the dominant or majority group. The goal is to develop bilingual and biliteracy skills among these students. Examples are the Canadian French immersion programs and dual-language programs in the United States that enroll both majority- and minority-language students. The third category involves students who come from immigrant communities. Most of these programs are transitional and remedial in nature, with the primary goal of supporting students’ academic development in the majority language. The final category of bilingual education programs involves children who are deaf or hard of hearing. These programs use a natural sign language, such as American Sign Language (ASL), as a medium of instruction together with the dominant language of the society, frequently with a focus on the written form of this language. Bilingual-bicultural programs are common and well accepted in Scandinavian countries such as Sweden and Denmark but are still struggling to gain acceptance in North America and many other parts of the world. Ou tcom e s A finding common to all forms of bilingual education is that spending instructional time through two languages entails no long-term adverse effects on students’ academic development in the majority language. This pattern emerges among both majority- and minority-language students, across widely varying sociolinguistic and sociopolitical contexts, and in programs with very different organizational structures. Three additional outcomes of bilingual programs can be highlighted. First, significant positive relationships exist between the development of academic skills in first and second languages. This is true even for languages that are dissimilar (e.g., Spanish and Basque; English and Chinese; Dutch and Turkish). These cross-lingual relationships provide evidence for a common underlying proficiency (or what Fred Genesee and his colleagues have called a cross-linguistic reservoir of abilities) that permits transfer of academic and conceptual knowledge across languages. This transfer of skills, strategies, and knowledge explains why spending instructional time through a minority language entails no adverse consequences for the development of the majority language. Another finding is that the most successful bilingual programs are those that aim to develop bilingualism and biliteracy together. Short-term transitional programs are less successful in developing both first- and second-language literacy than programs such as dual-language programs

that continue to promote both first- and second-language literacy throughout elementary school. Finally, bilingual education for minority students is, in many situations, more effective in developing secondlanguage literacy skills than is monolingual education in the dominant language. However, this kind of bilingual education is not, by itself, a panacea for underachievement. The National Literacy Panel on Language-Minority Children and Youth, established by the George W. Bush administration in the United States to synthesize the scientific findings on the education of English-language learners, concluded that bilingual instruction exerts a positive effect on minority students’ English academic achievement that is moderate in size. This finding concurs with the results of other recent comprehensive reviews, such as that done by Genesee and his colleagues in 2006. However, it is important to emphasize that underachievement derives from many sources, and simply providing some firstlanguage instruction will not, by itself, transform students’ educational experience nor reverse the effects of poverty and poor nutrition. Con trov er si es and Futur e Di r ections Controversy surrounding bilingual education is highly selective. It focuses only on the provision of first-language instruction for students from linguistic-minority backgrounds and, in particular, students whose communities have immigrated relatively recently into the host country. For example, there is little concern in the United States about English-speaking students who enroll in SpanishEnglish dual-language programs as a means both to acquire fluency in a second language and enrich their educational experience. There is, however, strong opposition to native Spanish speakers who are not yet fluent in English enrolling in the same programs as a way of maintaining their home language and developing strong bilingual and biliteracy skills. In Canada, there has been little controversy in relation either to French immersion programs intended to support Anglophone students in learning French or Frenchlanguage programs intended to help minority Francophone students outside of Quebec maintain French. These programs serve the interests of the two official language groups. However, few bilingual programs have been established for the many other minority-language groups, and, in some provinces, it is illegal to use any language other than English or French as a medium of instruction. Although opposition to bilingual education often invokes educational arguments (e.g., bilingual education will deprive students of access to English), it is fueled primarily by ideological concerns relating to diversity and power. Use of a language as a medium of instruction confers recognition, status, and often economic benefits (e.g., teaching positions) on speakers of that language. Consequently, bilingual education is not simply a politically neutral instruc-

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tional innovation. It is also a sociopolitical phenomenon that is implicated in the ongoing competition between social groups for material and symbolic resources. The debate among researchers and academics about the scientific legitimacy of bilingual education is finished, although there is still much to be discussed and investigated regarding optimal models and practices under different sociopolitical and sociolinguistic conditions. The ideological debate about the legitimacy of bilingual education for linguistic minorities will continue for the foreseeable future, partly because it has very little to do with education. It represents one small dimension of the larger controversy about national identity, immigration, and human rights in societies where diversity of language, culture, religion, “race,” and sexual orientation is increasingly evident and openly contested. Jim Cummins see also: Bilingualism; Classroom Culture; Ethnic Identity; Language; Literacy; Multicultural Education; Sociolinguistic Diversity further reading: Ellen Bialystok, Bilingualism in Development: Language, Literacy, and Cognition, 2001. • Diane August and Timothy Shanahan, eds., Developing Literacy in Second-Language Learners, 2006. • Fred Genesee, Kathryn Lindholm-Leary, William Saunders, and Donna Christian, eds., Educating English Language Learners: A Synthesis of Research Evidence, 2006. • Ofelia Garcia and Colin Baker, eds., Bilingual Education: An Introductory Reader, 2007. • Jim Cummins and Nancy Hornberger, eds., Bilingual Education, Encyclopedia of Language and Education, 2nd ed., vol. 5, 2008.

bilingualism. Many of the world’s children are raised with bilingualism as their first language; that is, they acquire two languages, usually spoken by caregivers, in their early years. Many others become bi- or multilingual later, when they learn one or more languages informally in their community and/or formally in school. The process is not exactly the same, although the end product—fluency in two or more languages—can be. But stipulating the level and types of skills that define “a bilingual” is problematic. Tests of speaking, reading, writing, and comprehension use monolingual norms as the measuring stick and do not measure ability to use different languages in multiple situations with varied interlocutors. A bilingual child is not two monolinguals joined at the tongue but a member of a family and one or more communities who learns how to be bilingual in fluid and varied contexts. The facility with which children become proficient speakers of two or more languages can have more to do with the impact of class, race, and culture on the opportunities and support for their bilingual development than with the linguistic process or individual talents. In countries where nation and language are viewed as indivisible, purist language and cultural ideologies can impede the natural progress of bilingualism and lead to misinterpretations of normal phenomena. Where large immigrant populations exist, the emphasis on the dominant language

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and the low status of immigrant languages generally result in the loss of the family language by the third generation, and sometimes by the second. Many immigrant offspring cannot communicate with their grandparents, and many speak to their parents in the dominant language, with negative repercussions for family communication, the authority of elders, and children’s development. Consequently, parents, educators, and the general public are not well served by myths about child bilingualism. Unfortunately, large-scale research is hampered by the many variables related to the different contexts in which children acquire languages. Furthermore, most studies focus on only one aspect of bilingualism: either the linguistic/psycholinguistic analysis of the rate and type of lexicon (vocabulary), phonology (sounds), and syntax (grammar) acquired in each language or the anthropological analysis of the relationship between the children’s languages and the cultural practices that define group membership. A few scholars adopt an “anthropolitical linguistic” perspective to incorporate the ideologies and sociopolitical structures that determine what children learn about the value of specific languages and the status of their speakers. Despite their differences, the leading researchers all challenge popular myths about the negative impact of bilingualism on children’s first words, vocabulary growth, grammar, cognitive load, and identity. Evidence from diverse languages proves the communicative, cultural, and cognitive benefits of bilingualism in childhood, whether both languages are acquired simultaneously or a second one is learned after the first one. Th e Li nguistic Per spectiv e : Simultaneous and Succ essiv e Bi li nguals Children who are raised from infancy with two languages simultaneously—that is, with bilingualism as their first language—acquire each language in almost the same way as the respective monolinguals. In their phonology, vocabulary, and grammar, simultaneous bilinguals and their monolingual counterparts are more alike than different; that is, they go through the same stages, make the same mistakes, and reach the same milestones at approximately the same ages. All children begin speaking by crying, then babbling, until they reach the single-word stage circa 18 months and say two-word “sentences” around 2 years of age. But bilingual infants can babble in both languages, and toddlers as young as 2 years old can distinguish two or more languages, use the appropriate language for people they know, and follow the language lead of strangers who address them. At about 3 years of age, bilinguals produce understandable sentences in two languages, like native speakers of both. Like monolinguals, they differ in the ages at which they arrive at specific milestones. Unlike monolinguals, however, bilingual children can alternate between their languages

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and sometimes mix them, usually in the form of lexical inserts. For example, at 4, my niece described capital F as “one palito [‘little stick,’ Spanish) down, two palitos across.” Some cross-linguistic influences in the area of grammar can also occur; for example, “the car of my uncle” follows the possessive rules of French (or Spanish). Also, children never receive equal input, whether one language is spoken at home and the other outside, either by family members highly educated in the heritage and dominant society’s languages or by poor immigrants with little schooling in either. But most sentences that bilingual children hear and produce are in a single language, even in communities where switching languages (within and across sentences) is the norm, like New York’s Puerto Rican barrios. When both of their lexical stocks are added together, simultaneous bilinguals produce approximately the same number of words as their monolingual counterparts. The fact that data sets in many countries may include many translation equivalents—for example, children say “milk” and “juice” in both of their languages—is evidence against a single-system theory that claims that bilingual children begin with a fused lexicon and then move to a fused syntax before differentiating the grammars. Further evidence for a dual system is the fact that bilingual children make the same mistakes as monolinguals—for example, in English negation (“me no want X”)—and usually do not transfer the word order, verb positions, or grammatical morphemes from one language to another. The majority view is that the human language faculty is multilingual, and simultaneous bilinguals possess two separate but connected systems. “Successive” or “sequential” bilinguals—that is, children who learn a second or third language after the first language has been established—are at the center of a debate about the existence of a critical period for language acquisition. Some researchers maintain that the brain’s faculty for language declines between 5 and 10 years of age, after which children no longer acquire the languages in their environment like native speakers. Rather, they must learn them like adults, resulting in competence that varies more than that of simultaneous bilinguals. Brain lateralization research and brain imaging of adults indicate that late and early bilingual brains differ, but not in ways that decide the critical period issue. The left hemisphere is central to first-language acquisition while second-language acquisition includes the right hemisphere, and the brains of early bilinguals show a common location for processing both languages, unlike the separation in the brains of late bilinguals. Researchers who contest a rigid distinction between simultaneous and successive bilinguals attribute the differences in fluency to exposure and practice, arguing against biological constraints that begin near puberty. Younger is not always better than older, they contend, if older learners get the necessary amount and kind of input. Whether simultane-

ous or sequential, bilingualism is rarely stable throughout childhood, as family lives change. Establishing a second language at home requires 25% or more weekly input, and the American Council on the Teaching of Foreign Languages suggests three to five classes per week, for at least 30 minutes each. Immigrant students can pick up basic conversation in six months, but managing academic school work can take five to seven years of exposure and training. Fortunately, children who speak their second language infrequently can become active bilinguals with sufficient incentive and opportunity. Th e An th ro po lo gical Per s pec ti v e : B i l i ngual R eperto i r e s o f I d en ti t y Linguistic anthropologists take a constructivist approach to bilingualism, focusing on the coconstructed practices critical in the production of bilingual repertoires of identity. Children learn how to be a member of their families, communities, and cultures by learning the social rules for the use of the languages that are spoken to them; knowing the grammar is not enough. Bilingual toddlers function like junior ethnographers, ascertaining what language to speak to whom, when, and how, and sometimes chastising adults who break the rules. And they may be surprised when they encounter children who are not bilingual: “¡Qué pena!” (“How sad!”), lamented a 3-year-old in Miami when told that a child who did not respond to his Spanish greeting only spoke English. Gender can play a significant role; girls often speak the family language(s) more than boys because they spend more time at home. Bilingual children are socialized to use each of their languages in culturally specific ways—for example, for greetings and leave-takings, teasing and praying, reading and writing. Because they are not passive recipients of cultural models but active agents who exploit both traditional and new ways of “doing being an X,” bilingual repertoires of identity, particularly in adolescence, may include hybrid linguistic and cultural practices that defy narrow classification. Just as they love and combine the foods, music, and sports of their heritage with those outside the home, they may mix the languages they speak and create new vocabulary that reflects their new reality of lunchrooms and chat rooms, including rapping and downloading. Loan words adapted to the borrowing language’s pronunciation and grammar may become completely integrated, the way French garage became part of English. But borrowing and mixing are often frowned upon, with insiders and outsiders patrolling their respective language borders against Spanglish, Chinglish, and so forth. Nevertheless, children who grow up accustomed to switching to accommodate monolinguals may use both languages with other bilinguals, symbolizing their dual identity, often with pride. Fluent bilinguals are likely to switch, juggling two grammars in rule-governed ways

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that defy the charge of linguistic corruption, to accomplish a myriad of communicative strategies, including topic and role shifting. In other situations—for example, when they serve as language brokers for their elders—bilingual children may act more like monolinguals, but, despite its linguistic and emotional pressures, translating makes them appreciate the power of bilingualism. Th e An th ropolitical Per spectiv e : Li nguistic Capital and S ymb olic V io lenc e Parents interested in raising a bilingual child are advised about the linguistic, psycholinguistic, social, and educational factors, but political factors can be crucial. Children become aware of the linguistic capital that their languages enjoy or lack. They are not immune to the symbolic violence done by ideologies of superior versus inferior languages or dialects, the rejection of loans and code switching as corruption, charges of semilingualism, and challenges to the authenticity and/or patriotism of bilingual identities. The violence can be more direct, as in Asia, where the misguided desire to facilitate English pronunciation leads to slicing the tongue’s membrane. Even without frenectomies, linguistic and cultural confl icts can traumatize children. The historical debate about the benefits of bilingualism underscores the need for an anthropolitical perspective. For the first half of the 20th century, xenophobic fears of immigrant pollution and isolationist politics found justification in studies that linked bilingualism with low intelligence and criminality, until their unsound methods and principles—including testing illiterate and impoverished immigrants in English—were disputed. Beginning in the 1960s, the pendulum swung in the opposite direction; more rigorous research since then has documented that bilinguals, compared with monolinguals, enjoy wider linguistic repertoires, enhanced learning strategies, cognitive flexibility, metalinguistic awareness (heightened consciousness about language), and the ability to become trilingual. Accordingly, among scholars who study the subject, support for childhood bilingualism is high. Nevertheless, society’s institutions, especially the media, the schools, the courts, and the health system, often impose policies that affirm the low status of working-class bilinguals in contrast to elite bilinguals. In the U.S. census, children are officially categorized as “linguistically isolated” if no one in their home over the age of 14 speaks English very well, even if younger children are monolingual in English. Private schools, au pairs, and study abroad facilitate bilingualism for wealthy children, while public schools eliminate bilingual education despite its proved success and the No Child Left Behind Act stresses English scores at the expense of other languages. Disney cartoons perpetuate racist stereotypes of racial and class dialects and foreign accents,

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while media metaphors and mock speech link immigrant languages to imprisonment, chaos, stupidity, and criminality. Teachers, pediatricians, speech therapists, even judges warn parents that bilingualism is detrimental, and institutional gatekeepers disparage English-as-a-second-language speakers in their children’s presence. In these situations, raising a bilingual child is a political act, in defense of two languages and cultures. Ana Celia Zentella see also: Bilingual Education; Communication, Development of; Ethnic Identity; Language; Sociolinguistic Diversity further reading: Ana Celia Zentella, Growing Up Bilingual: Puerto Rican Children in New York, 1997. • Fred Genesee, Johanne Paradis, and Martha B. Crago, Dual Language Development and Disorders: A Handbook on Bilingualism and Second Language Learning, 2004. • Colin Baker, Foundations of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism, 2006. • Annick De Houwer, “Bilingual Development in the Early Years,” in Keith Brown, ed., Encyclopedia of Language and Linguistics, 2nd ed., 2006. • Jürgen M. Meisel, “The Bilingual Child,” in Tej K. Bhatia and William K. Ritchie, eds., The Handbook of Bilingualism, 2006.

binet, alfred (b. July 11, 1857; d. October 30, 1911), French psychologist. Although Alfred Binet’s research interests spanned a large number of areas, including psychopathology, experimental psychology, and child psychology, it is in the domain of intelligence assessment that Binet’s legacy to psychology is most largely felt by both scholars and the general public. An updated edition of his test of intelligence, the version known in the United States as the Stanford-Binet-IV, is still one of the most widely used intelligence tests. Binet’s ideas about intelligence have also given rise to related tests of intelligence, such as the Wechsler Intelligence Test for Children (WISC). That his name is almost a “household brand” in the domain of intelligence assessment testifies to his contribution to popular understanding of children and the measurement of their cognitive abilities. Binet’s research in the domain started out with an interest in “abnormal” children; that is, children who were unable to function at the same level as their age peers in the classroom. Many of Binet’s contemporaries considered abnormality as retardation (delayed development) and viewed remediation as simply repeating a grade or attending lower grades that corresponded to the delayed stage of development. However, Binet considered abnormality to be a different developmental pattern rather than simple retardation in the standard developmental trajectory. In other words, those with retardation develop not only slower, but differently. Based on this conception, in 1905 he created, in collaboration with his doctoral student Theodore Simon, the Metric Intelligence Scale to identify those children who should be offered special education. Binet’s perspective was also somewhat different from that of his colleagues

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in the United States, such as Louis Terman, who in 1916 introduced a U.S. version of the Metric Intelligence Scale that became the Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale. Unlike Binet, Terman stressed the importance of hereditary factors in explaining IQ test performance and considered this genetic influence to be so strong that it could not possibly be altered through education. Although Binet’s work focused on children with special needs, the importance of psychometrically sound assessment scales to measure cognitive development was soon generalized beyond the population of abnormal children, both in the United States and in Europe. Binet’s belief in the modifiability of intelligence led him to create mental “orthopedics” to help reeducate children’s psychological functions and attain increased developmental synchrony. One example is the “statue game,” in which all the students must freeze and keep immobile. This exercise proved beneficial to increase children’s concentration and focus, and it considerably calmed down the classroom atmosphere. Many of these “orthopedic” exercises are still used in special education classes today. In addition to Binet’s well-known contributions to the assessment of intelligence, scholars have benefited from his application of experimental methodology to research in education and pedagogy. Unlike many of his contemporaries, Binet insisted that in pedagogy—as in psychology— it is imperative to observe and experiment. Binet’s need to apply a scientifically sound study method to pedagogical issues also led him to develop new statistical tools and to make a systematic use of control groups. Among his statistical inventions was the use of rank correlation coefficients (a measure of the degree of correspondence between two rank-ordered variables) to investigate the relations between academic performance and socioeconomic background. Binet found that academic performance increases with socioeconomic status, a finding frequently replicated in contemporary studies. Robert J. Sternberg and Linda Jarvin see also: Intelligence; Intelligence Testing further reading: T. H. Wolf, Alfred Binet, 1973. • R. J. Sternberg and L. Jarvin, “Alfred Binet’s Contributions as a Paradigm for Impact in Psychology,” in R. J. Sternberg, ed., Anatomy of Impact: What Has Made the Great Works of Psychology Great? 2003, pp. 89–108.

biological parents. see Adoption; Paternity and Maternity; Reproductive Technologies bipolar disorder. see Mental Illness birth defects. see Congenital Anomalies and Deformations; Genetics

birth order. In the United States and other industrialized nations, most parents expecting their second child are

careful to prepare their firstborn for the arrival of a little brother or sister. No doubt this preparation makes the initial adjustment easier for the firstborn, but in the long run it seems to make little difference. In many families in Western societies, discord between siblings is a routine part of family life. Domination of the younger sibling by the older one is also routine, though parents try hard to prevent it. The older child’s domination is sometimes of a benevolent sort—teaching and guiding, rather than controlling or bullying—but often it is not. When siblings play together, the older one tends to behave in a more aggressive manner. Patterns of family life are different in parts of the world where traditional tribal or small village societies still exist. Parents in traditional societies generally make no effort to prepare the older child for the birth of a sibling; the arrival of the new baby is likely to come as a shock. Yet sibling rivalry tends to be muted and short-lived. Typically, children are put in charge of their next-younger sibling by the time the younger one is old enough to join the local playgroup (around age 3). The older child takes this responsibility seriously, protecting the younger one from harm. Since it is considered natural in these societies for older children to dominate younger ones, children are given a good deal of power to instruct and control their younger siblings, with little or no interference from adults. But aggressive interactions seem to be uncommon. Siblings are allies in childhood and generally remain so in adulthood. One feature of family life found in industrialized and traditional societies alike is parental favoritism toward the baby. Although parents treat a second-born child of a given age much the same way they treated the firstborn when the firstborn was that age, they treat children of different ages differently: A younger child receives more attention and affection. Consequently, among parents of two preadolescent children of different ages, there is a tendency to favor the later-born child. In one American study, more than half of the mothers and fathers questioned were willing to express a preference, and about 85% of them admitted feeling more affection for their younger child. Bi rth Or der and Per s onalit y Wherever they live, firstborn and later-born children have different experiences within the family they grow up in. Do they, as a consequence, develop different personalities? It was neo-Freudian psychoanalyst Alfred Adler (1870–1937) who first theorized about the effects of birth order on personality development. Ever since, birth order has been a popular—and contentious—topic among psychologists. In 1983, the Swiss researchers Cécile Ernst and Jules Angst surveyed the previous 35 years of birth-order research and also carried out a large, carefully designed study of their own. Their conclusion—that birth order plays little or no role in shaping personality—produced only a temporary lull in the birth-order industry. The topic remains a perennial favor-

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ite among writers of pop psychology books. Though many different personality characteristics have been attributed to firstborns, later borns, and middle children, there are some recurring themes. Firstborns are commonly described as serious, achievement-oriented, and bossy; later borns as cheerful, easygoing, and rebellious. Certain types of research studies do provide support for these popular stereotypes. When parents are asked to describe their children’s personalities, or adults are asked to compare themselves with their siblings, personality differences between firstborns and later borns are reliably found. But no consistent differences show up on standard selfreport personality questionnaires or with objective measures. For example, college students who were asked to describe their siblings tended to name the firstborn as the academic achiever, a later born as the rebel. But large amounts of objective data on academic attainment provide no support for these descriptions. Firstborns are not, on average, more likely to graduate from college; later borns are not more likely to rebel by underperforming in school or dropping out. There is a reason why, in this case, everyday observations agree so poorly with objective data: People of all ages behave differently in different social contexts. Judgments by family members are based on the way firstborns and later borns behave in the company of their parents and siblings. Birth-order theorists assume that patterns of behavior acquired within the family are automatically carried along to other contexts, but this assumption has been called into question. Research has shown that children’s behavior with their siblings does not predict how they will behave with peers. Children who get along poorly with their siblings are not at greater risk of having stormy relationships with friends. Firstborns accustomed to dominating their younger siblings are not more likely to behave in a dominant or aggressive manner on the playground, nor are later borns more likely to allow themselves to be dominated. After all, a child who is the smallest one at home might turn out to be the largest or strongest on the school playground. But sibling interactions do not occur only at home. Brothers or sisters, especially if they are close in age, often spend time together outside the home and may belong to the same circle of friends. This can lead to trouble during adolescence, because the younger sibling is likely to be introduced at an earlier age to the temptations of teenage life and, consequently, is more likely to succumb to them. The somewhat higher rates of teenage problem behaviors (e.g., smoking and drug use) found in later borns may be the source of the “rebel” stereotype. However, it appears to be the earlier introduction to teenage temptations that is responsible, rather than birth order per se. The same increased risk of problem behaviors is found in teenage girls who are physically mature for their age. These adolescents, too, are likely to have older friends.

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Bi rth Or der and Homo se xualit y A discovery made by Canadian researchers offers another reason why later borns may be seen as rebels: Later-born boys with older brothers are more likely to adopt a homosexual lifestyle in adulthood. The likelihood of homosexuality goes up with each older brother a boy has—more precisely, with each older brother their mother gave birth to—even if the brothers are not reared in the same family. Researchers have hypothesized that the mother’s immune system may become sensitized to a substance produced by male fetuses and that this affects the prenatal development of subsequent male fetuses. Bi rth Or der and I n telligenc e Though there has been much research on the question of whether birth order affects intelligence, as yet there is no consensus. A recent large study of young adult males, carried out in Norway, found that firstborns had slightly higher IQs than their later-born brothers. This result, however, confl icts with earlier findings of no birth-order effects on IQ if comparisons are made between siblings in the same family. It also confl icts with the previously mentioned research on educational attainment. If firstborns are, on average, a little smarter than their younger siblings, then they should be a little more likely to graduate from high school and go to college. But the research shows no educational advantage for firstborns. If firstborns are in fact more intelligent than their younger siblings, the differences appear to be too small to have important consequences. Thus, though birth order undoubtedly has an impact on the child’s experiences within the family, it plays at most a minor role in long-term developmental outcomes. Judith Rich Harris see also: Demography of Childhood; Family; Intelligence; Multiple Births; Personality; Siblings further reading: Irenäus Eibl-Eibesfeldt, “The Development of Interpersonal Relationships,” in Human Ethology, 1989, pp. 594– 600. • Judy Dunn and Robert Plomin, Separate Lives: Why Siblings Are So Different, 1990. • Judith Rich Harris, No Two Alike: Human Nature and Human Individuality, 2006.

birthmarks. Birthmarks come in a variety of shapes, sizes, and colors. Most involve pigment having to do with excess or decreased color. Some may be made up of abnormal blood vessels or other tissues, such as sebaceous glands that are normally present in the skin, but out of normal proportion. Some pigmentary birthmarks, while present at birth, may not be immediately noticeable because newborns tend to have lighter skin. Babies develop their natural skin color over the first weeks after birth. The most common pigmentary birthmarks are dermal melanocytosis, often referred to as “Mongolian spots,” nevi (moles), and café-au-lait spots.

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Mongolian spots are brown, blue-gray, or blue-black patches that are most often located over the lower back but may be seen elsewhere. Up to 80% of African American and Asian babies will have these present at birth; they are sometimes mistaken for bruises. They are of no concern and will gradually fade over the first years. Café-au-lait spots are tan to brown, flat, round to oval patches. They can occur in up to a fifth of newborns. While having a few of these spots is not unusual, if a child has six or more, he should be evaluated, since these may be a marker for certain genetic diseases such as neurofibromatosis. Although moles (marks that are often dark brown or black) are common in childhood, they are only seen in about 1% to 2% of newborns or young infants, and these are termed congenital nevi. Most of these are small and will grow at the same rate as the child. Congenital nevi that are more than a few centimeters in size should be followed closely by a physician, as there is a slightly greater chance of caner developing in these larger congenital moles. Depigmented (or white) birthmarks can be seen at birth or shortly after. Though they can occur as solitary and isolated marks (called nevus depigmentosus), they can also be a marker for the genetic disease tuberous sclerosis. In this case, they can have various forms, including small, “confetti-like” spots or lance ovate, “ash-leaf ” shapes. A child with these marks should be evaluated by a physician because tuberous sclerosis is associated with other medial problems and early diagnosis is important. Sebaceous nevi are abnormal collections of the glands that produce oil. They are most often on the scalp. They usually have an orange hue and there is no hair growth in the area. They are affected by hormones and are more obvious at birth. They are flatter during childhood but will become bumpier during adolescence. At adolescence, these birthmarks can develop growths within them, so surgical removal is advised. Vascular birthmarks are also very common and can range from simple self-resolving pink spots to permanent and medically significant lesions. The most common vascular birthmark is referred to as nevus simplex. These are light pink spots that are commonly seen on the forehead, eyelids, nose, and nape of the neck. When on the face, they are commonly called “angel kisses,” and on the nape of the neck they are commonly called “stork’s bite.” These pink spots will become more pronounced when the baby cries or has a fever. The majority of angel kisses will resolve over time. They are harmless lesions that do not require treatment unless they persist into childhood. Stork’s bites may not resolve over time but are usually covered by hair and are not noticeable. Another red patch of infancy is a capillary malformation, often referred to as a “port-wine stain” because of the darker color it acquires over time. These spots can occur over any part of the body. Unlike nevus simplex, port-wine

stains do not resolve and usually slowly darken over time without treatment. Location can be important, as some breakdown can occur in areas such as the groin. Other locations, such as around the eyes, may be associated with vision and brain problems. The lesions can be bothersome in themselves, because of the darkening of the skin, and have a tendency to develop thickening areas that can bleed or blood clots that can be painful. Laser treatment can be very helpful with these lesions. Medical evaluation of these larger lesions is needed. Hemangiomas are vascular birthmarks that are often not obvious at birth, being first seen as a pale or pink spot in the first week of life. They rapidly increase in red color and size and can become more protuberant over the first few months of life. Sometimes they are deeper and may present as a swelling of the skin. Their natural course is to grow for six to nine months until they reach a stable size, followed by slow regression. The majority of hemangiomas will resolve without serious health problems. However, if they are in sensitive areas, such as around the eye, on the nose, or in the diaper area, or are large in size, they can lead to serious permanent damage, and these cases should be evaluated by a physician. Any hemangioma that ulcerates may leave scarring and should also be evaluated by a physician because the ulcer can progress without treatment. Large hemangiomas may be associated with internal or more widespread problems. In certain cases, medical or surgical treatment may be needed. If there is any concern about a hemangioma, medical advice should be sought. Birthmarks are common, and most are benign. If an infant has a birthmark that is unusual, early evaluation by a physician is appropriate. Victoria R. Barrio and Lawrence F. Eichenfield see also: Skin Disorders and Diseases further reading: Lawrence F. Eichenfield, Ilona J. Frieden, and Nancy B. Esterly, eds., Textbook of Neonatal Dermatology, 2nd ed., 2008.

bisexuality. see Homosexuality and Bisexuality blindness. For young children with normal vision, it has been estimated that between 75% and 80% of their early understanding about their environment, about the details of their daily lives, and eventually about basic cognitive concepts is based on their ability to see. Blindness interferes in all aspects of learning and development. The term blindness has no universally acceptable definition, particularly in reference to preverbal children. Only about 25% of legally blind individuals have little or no light perception; the rest have some functional vision. The term legal blindness refers to best corrected distance visual acuity in the better eye of 20/200 or less and/or a visual field restriction of less than 20 degrees. These criteria were origi-

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nally established by federal and state governments to determine eligibility for financial aid and special services for adults with acquired vision loss. These measurements are often difficult to determine in young children. For example, one child with distance visual acuity of 20/400 may require the use of Braille to read, while another child with an identical distance acuity might be able to read large print. The latter may be possible because this child has more efficient use of residual vision than the other child. Most educational systems use a distance visual acuity cutoff of 20/60 to 20/70 for determining eligibility for special education services. Children with corrected acuities in the 20/70 to 20/200 range are said to have “low vision” or to be “visually impaired.” More important than these numbers is the determination that a student’s visual impairment interferes with his ability to learn through vision. Epi demiology and Causes Worldwide, 45 million people have blindness. According to World Health Organization prevalence data from 1993 to 1999, approximately 1.5 million of these are children younger than 15 years, including 1 million in Asia, 0.3 million in Africa, 0.1 million in Latin America, and 0.1 million in the rest of the world. Worldwide, approximately 500,000 children become blind each year, predominantly in developing countries. In Asia (excluding Japan) and Africa, the prevalence of blindness and severe visual impairment in children is approximately 6 to 15 per 10,000 children. The causes of blindness in most children in developing countries are acquired conditions that are either readily treatable or preventable. It has been estimated that in developing countries roughly one-third to one-half of childhood blindness is preventable. Examples include nutritional deficiencies such as insufficient intake of vitamin A, causing xerophthalmia (“dry eye”); bacterial infections such as trachoma; parasitic infestations such as toxoplasma; and endemic infections by tiny worms (onchocerciasis or “river blindness”) in Africa, Yemen, and some South American regions. In developing countries where medical access is limited, amblyopia due to uncorrected refractive errors accounts for a significant burden of visual impairment in children. The World Health Organization’s (WHO’s) Vision 2020: The Right to Sight program has targeted childhood blindness as a high priority internationally. In the United States, Western Europe, and Japan, advances in sanitation, nutrition, mandatory immunizations, access to a high standard of medical and ophthalmologic care, and pharmaceutical treatments of infections render the above-noted causes of blindness very rare. The overall rate of childhood blindness in developed countries is 1 to 3 per 10,000 children. Roughly 50% to 75% of these children have additional neurological or medical problems. In the United States, roughly half of children with visual impairments have genetic/heritable conditions.

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The most common causes of significant visual impairment in the United States, in decreasing order of prevalence, are cortical visual impairment (CVI), a group of neurological disorders that affect the brain’s visual cortex before, during, or after birth; retinopathy of prematurity (ROP), the growth of abnormal blood vessels of the immature retina in premature infants; and optic nerve hypoplasia (ONH), a congenital abnormality in which the optic nerve is abnormally small and contains insufficient numbers of nerve cells leading from the eye to the brain. The first two are often associated with multiple disabilities. ONH and albinism are the two most common eye conditions in children who do not have other disabilities. A wide range of other eye conditions can result in significant visual impairment in children. Most are hereditary and/or genetic in origin and include albinism (decreased pigment in the skin, hair, and/or eyes), coloboma (incomplete or abnormal closure of the embryonic optic fissure), diseases of the cornea, glaucoma (abnormally high pressure inside the eye due to inadequate drainage of the normal fluid in the anterior chamber), retinal dystrophies such as retinitis pigmentosa, and specific disorders of the retinal photoreceptors (i.e., the rods and cones). Medical and/or surgical treatment should be implemented promptly to preserve eye health and improve visual function if possible. Some optometrists specializing in low vision can also contribute to information about a child’s functional vision. A certified teacher of the visually impaired (TVI) can make recommendations for adaptations that will allow optimal learning and skill development within the child’s natural environments and routines at home and school and in the community. Dev elopmen tal Featur es When vision is absent or significantly impaired, the impacts on a child’s development may be broad and will depend to some extent on several key factors: the age at the onset of blindness, the etiology and physiological cause(s) of blindness, the nature and extent of any additional neurological disabilities, the child’s genetic “potential” for learning, the nature and intensity of early and ongoing educational opportunities, the availability of environmental adaptations, and the attitudes of key people in the child’s environment. For the vast majority of severely visually impaired children living in developed countries, their blindness is congenital (present at birth) or acquired early in infancy. Many genetic disorders that affect a child’s vision first become apparent during infancy, often heralded by such symptoms as jerky movements of both eyes together (nystagmus), cloudy corneas, and poor visual regard or diminished reaching for nearby objects and faces. However, in some genetic conditions, the actual vision problems may not become apparent until later in childhood, adolescence, or even adulthood. For example, retinitis pigmentosa (RP) is a group of hereditary

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disorders resulting in degeneration of the light-sensitive cells (rods and cones) of the retina. In the most common form, the child has normal vision until adolescence, when he or she notices progressive loss of peripheral vision (“tunnel vision”) and reduced ability to see under dim lighting conditions (both due to gradual degeneration of rod cells). In other variants of RP, symptoms associated with progressive vision loss could be expressed in infancy (e.g., Leber’s congenital amaurosis) or childhood. In general, if onset of the child’s blindness occurs prior to about 5 years of age, there is little likelihood that any prior visual experiences or memories will be developmentally useful. Children with conditions that affect the eye only, while sparing the central nervous system, are likely to have developmental progress that is closer to the “normal” milestones of their sighted peers than children who either have blindness on the basis of cerebral abnormalities (e.g., cortical visual impairment) or have both eye and brain disorders. However, even in the absence of any other disabilities, several aspects of cognitive, language, and motor development are unique in children with severe visual impairment: Incidental learning that is available to sighted children is less accessible, acquisition of developmental milestones may occur in a different sequence than is typical for sighted children, and the learning of some concepts and skills (e.g., moving through space) takes longer than it does in children with intact vision. In the language domain, for example, the acquisition of single sounds and words is similar to that of sighted children, but blind children tend to have a more prolonged period of pronoun confusion (e.g., “You want a cookie?” instead of “I want a cookie.”) and of verbatim repetitions of what the child just heard (echolalia). For a sighted child, the conceptual linkages between thought and language are nearly automatic; for the child who is blind, these same concepts can be learned, but it often takes longer. For example, through repeated incidental observations in the kitchen, a sighted young child learns that an object associated with the word “egg” can have multiple physical textures, appearances, and tastes (i.e., scrambled, hard-boiled, runny liquid). His blind peer can easily learn the word yet remain confused until he is older as to why such apparently different substances are all called “egg.” One important aspect of early intervention is for caretaking adults to supplement verbal lessons and reading with hands-on and real-life experiences as often as possible. Children with blindness or severe visual impairment often exhibit other unique behaviors that may concern parents and teachers. Foremost among these are repetitive, stereotypical movements or mannerisms, such as body swaying, rocking, flapping of the arms or hands, gazing at lights, or eye pressing (“blindisms”). The underlying causes are not known, but one theory is that diminished visual input creates a need for exaggerated efforts at seeking vi-

sual or nonvisual sensory stimulation. Repetitive body movements provide intense sensory inputs that are both vestibular (related to balance) and proprioceptive (awareness of one’s body’s changing position in space). As with sighted children’s behaviors, these movements can become even more pronounced during stressful situations. Such behaviors often impede socialization with peers, but fortunately, they often subside as the child gets older, apparently related to an increased awareness of social interaction and a desire to fit in. As noted, some children with severe visual impairment (especially those due to retinal disorders) develop a habit of pressing a finger or thumb forcefully into their eyes. One theory regarding causation is that such pressure may stimulate phosphenes in the retina, creating a sparkling sensation that becomes a form of selfstimulation. Unfortunately, such pressing can further damage and distort the child’s eye and its surrounding tissues. Other unique difficulties seen in children with blindness include problems with head and body posture (e.g., tending to keep their heads down), preoccupation with or aversion to certain textures on the skin or in the mouth, and problems with sleep. Confusion between autism and blindness can sometimes complicate diagnostic and treatment decision. Although roughly 50% to 60% of children with visual impairment also have additional disabilities, including autism spectrum disorders, the presence of common repetitive behaviors needs to be carefully viewed in the total context of the visual impairment. An interdisciplinary team evaluation by professionals who have experience with typical behavioral and developmental features of children with visual impairments can assess whether the child’s repetitive behaviors interfere with his or her learning, communication, socialization, or nutrition. They can then recommend strategies, approaches of care, and educational modifications to help the child become less inner-directed and more interactive with his or her environment. Another major goal for children with blindness is understanding the nature of three-dimensional space. Such awareness has direct implications for the child’s safety as well as confidence to move and explore the environment. Intertwined with mobility skills is knowledge about “orientation” in space. This then facilitates moving more safely, more efficiently, and as independently as possible. Such learning needs to begin as early as possible. These lessons can be accomplished more systematically with the assistance of a professional in the field of orientation and mobility (O & M). Children who are visually impaired do not automatically acquire increased powers in the use of their other senses. They require encouragement to actively explore their environment with all available senses and benefit from hearing verbal descriptions and explanations of these experiences. They and their caregivers need specialized instruction and

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active assistance from professionals trained in this area in order to fully achieve effective learning and mobility skills and to function as independently as possible. Special adaptations in the curriculum for students who are blind might include learning Braille, adaptive software to allow auditory feedback while browsing the World Wide Web on a computer, and tactile models when studying biology, geometry, geography, and so forth. Adolescents with visual impairments face additional challenges beyond those typical for age, particularly achieving independence and peer acceptance. Even learning to pick out appropriate clothes can be a daunting task. Th e C h i ld and Adolesc en t with Low V i sion The term low vision usually refers to those individuals whose distance visual acuity in the better eye is between 20/70 and 20/200. A comprehensive functional vision assessment must be the starting point for a student’s educational evaluation, which in turn can be the foundation for establishing appropriate services and teaching strategies and for recommending visual aids. Although children with low vision have some obvious functional advantages compared to those who have little or no vision, they may also bear some unique, and often hidden, frustrations. These include delays in diagnosis, misunderstanding by peers and teachers who overestimate what the child can see, and inappropriate or insufficient modifications in the classroom. For the child with residual vision, it will be important for his medical eye-care specialist, teacher of visually impaired, and orientation and mobility specialist to collaborate in assessing his range of visual function. This information, along with data regarding cognitive and language competence, should effect appropriate decisions about curriculum; seating location in class (e.g., to avoid glare near the window); lighting; use of aids for magnification such as stand magnifiers, closed-circuit television (CCTV), or monocular telescope; and appropriate reading media (Braille vs. large print). These decisions sometimes have to be revisited as the child gets older, particularly when the eye condition leads to gradually worsening vision or the emergence of additional disabilities. Stuart W. Teplin see also: Vision; Visual Impairments, Education of Children with further reading: Virginia Bishop, Selected Anomalies and Diseases of the Eye, 1986. • David H. Warren, Blindness and Children: An Individual Differences Approach, 1994. • M. Cay Holbrook, ed., Children with Visual Impairments: A Parents’ Guide, 1996. • Rona L. Pogrund and Diane L. Fazzi, eds., Early Focus: Working with Young Children Who Are Blind or Visually Impaired and Their Families, 2002.

blood disorders. The blood is a complex solution, consisting of the plasma, which is a clear fluid, in which a number of formed elements—the red blood cells, several

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types of white blood cells, and the platelets—are suspended. Abnormal numbers, types, and functioning of these various cell types lead to hematological diseases. Abnor m aliti es of th e R ed Blood C ells : Th e Anemias The red blood cells are small disks packed with an ironcontaining protein called hemoglobin, which gives blood its red color. Unlike most of the cells in the body, the red blood cell has no nucleus and has a life span in the circulation of only about 120 days. The main function of hemoglobin is to pick up oxygen from the lungs, transport it through the body, and release it to the tissues. When there is a decrease below normal levels of the number of red blood cells and the amount of hemoglobin, anemia is said to be present. Anemia may occur because not enough red blood cells are being made (underproduction) or because the red cells do not survive normally in the circulation (hemolysis). Anemias Caused by Underproduction. The most common form of anemia in childhood results from a deficiency of iron in the diet. The major source of iron in the diet is egg yolks, meat, and fish so that iron deficiency anemia is very common in infants whose diet is predominantly milk and adolescent girls whose diet may be inadequate in ironcontaining foods. Iron deficiency may also occur when there is loss of blood from the body due to bleeding. In some parts of the world, blood loss because of hookworm infestation and other serious gastrointestinal disorders is an important cause of iron deficiency anemia. Without enough iron, normal amounts of hemoglobin cannot be manufactured, resulting in anemia. The red cells that are formed are pale and small. The diagnosis of iron deficiency anemia can be made by blood tests and measurement of the level of iron in the blood. Iron deficiency anemia can be easily treated by giving iron medications by mouth and eliminating causes of bleeding or other blood loss when present. Iron deficiency can be prevented by ensuring adequate amounts of iron in the diet. Iron deficiency anemia in infants can usually be prevented by the use of iron fortified infant milk formulas. Blood formation also requires certain other nutrients such as folic acid and vitamin B12. Inadequate amounts of these nutrients in the diet or their impaired absorption may result in anemia; these anemias are uncommon. Because red blood cells are produced in the bone marrow, diseases that replace the normal bone marrow, such as leukemia, frequently are associated with anemia. There are a group of inherited anemias in which hemoglobin is produced in inadequate amounts. The most important of these genetic anemias is called thalassemia. The genes for thalassemia are very frequent in people of Italian and Greek ethnicity, hence the term Mediterranean anemia.

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People who have only one thalassemia gene have a mild anemia (thalassemia minor), which resembles iron deficiency anemia but does not respond to iron therapy. Persons who inherit two thalassemia genes, one from each parent who has thalassemia minor, have a severe, life-threatening anemia that requires regular red blood cell transfusions all of their lives (thalassemia major). A serious complication of repeated transfusions is the buildup of abnormal amounts of iron from the transfused blood. Abnormal levels of iron cause tissue damage, especially to the heart, which leads to early death. Iron overload can often be controlled by the use of drugs that remove iron from the body (iron chelators), and the life expectancy of these patients has greatly improved with their use. Thalassemia major can be cured by bone marrow transplantation. Testing at-risk populations to identify individuals with thalassemia minor and providing them with genetic counseling and consideration of prenatal diagnosis have greatly decreased the frequency of thalassemia major births in the United States. Anemias Caused by Hemolysis. The red blood cell is a relatively simple cell, consisting of the membrane, its cargo of hemoglobin, and a group of enzymes that help maintain the cell’s integrity. Inherited abnormalities of the membrane and the hemoglobin are the most frequent causes for the red cell to be destroyed faster than normal (hemolysis). In hemolytic conditions, the red cells survive only for days or weeks rather than the more than three-month survival of normal red blood cells. Because the bone marrow production can often not keep up with the rapid destruction of the abnormal red blood cells, anemia of varying degrees of severity occurs. The most common hemolytic anemia caused by an abnormality of the red blood cell membrane is hereditary spherocytosis. Hereditary spherocytosis occurs in all ethnic groups but is most common in persons of Northern European descent. This condition is usually passed on to a child by one parent who also has the condition (dominant inheritance). Many of the red blood cells of an affected person have a perfectly spherical shape like a BB, rather than the donut, disklike shape of normal red blood cells. Spherical cells have a greatly shortened survival rate due to their destruction in the spleen. Anemia often is seen at the time of birth and may require blood transfusions. If the degree of anemia is severe and persistent, the hemolysis and anemia can be cured by removal of the spleen. A large number of inherited changes in the chemical structure of the hemoglobin molecule are called hemoglobinopathies. In most instances, when an individual inherits only one hemoglobinopathy gene from a parent (sicklecell trait) there is no hemolysis or anemia. However, if two genes for a hemoglobinopathy are inherited, one from each parent (recessive inheritance), the hemoglobin in the red

cell is almost entirely abnormal (sickle-cell anemia) and significant hemolysis and anemia occur. The most frequent hemoglobinopathy in the United States is sickle-cell hemoglobin, which occurs most frequently, but not exclusively, in people of African American or Caribbean American ethnicity. The sickle-cell mutation originally occurred in periequatorial Africa, and persons with the abnormal gene were brought to the Western Hemisphere by the 16th-century slave trade. In periequatorial Africa, as many as 20% of individuals have sickle-cell trait, which is believe to impart a degree of resistance to malaria. The sickle-cell gene also occurs in individuals in Southern Europe (Italy and Greece), the Middle East, and Asiatic India. About 1 in 12 (8%) African Americans have one sickle-cell gene (sickle-cell trait). Their red blood cells contain both sickle hemoglobin (Hb S) and a predominance of normal adult hemoglobin (Hb A). The normal Hb A dilutes the Hb S, and so these individuals are clinically well. However, when a person inherits a sickle-cell gene from both parents, the red cells contain almost exclusively Hb S and cause sickle-cell anemia. About 1 in 400 African American newborns has sickle-cell anemia. Newborn testing for sickle-cell disease and other hemoglobinopathies is now performed in almost all of the United States. Hb S has abnormal physical characteristics when it becomes deoxygenated in the body’s venous system. Deoxygenated Hb S takes on a crystal-like shape in the red blood cell distorting its usual smooth, disklike shape into elongated, sharply pointed cells that resemble agricultural sickles (hence the name coined by Dr. James Herrick of Chicago in 1910.) The abnormal sickle cells are rapidly destroyed, with survivals of only 15 to 20 days. Severe anemia occurs with red blood cell counts and hemoglobin level only about 50% of normal. In addition, the abnormal sickled cells often get trapped in small blood vessels and obstruct blood flow through them. This blockage of the delivery of oxygen to the tissues results in damage to these tissues and causes pain in the extremities and back, which is called the sickle-cell painful crisis. The treatment of sickle-cell crisis is to treat the symptoms; there are few effective therapies for sicklecell anemia and its painful crises. Recently, it has been possible to actually cure certain cases of sickle-cell anemia by bone marrow transplantation. Unfortunately, there is significant risk to this procedure, and because many patients do not have a matched sibling for a donor the procedure has not been widely possible. It is hoped that sometime in the future it will be possible to cure sickle-cell anemia by genetic engineering. B l eed i ng D i s o r d er s Abnormal bleeding is usually a consequence of either a decrease in the numbers or function of the blood platelets or decreased levels of specific plasma proteins, collectively called coagulation factors.

blood types

Platelet Disorders. The platelet is a small, nonnucleated blood cell. Once released into the blood, platelets normally survive for 7 to 10 days. Platelets are very important in the initial response of the blood vessels to injury. They form a plug at the site of vessel injury and then trigger the coagulation mechanism described in the following section. A low platelet count (thrombocytopenia) is associated with small red bleeding points in the skin (petechia), bruising (purpura), nosebleeds, and prolonged bleeding from cuts. Thrombocytopenia can be caused by decreased production of platelets by the bone marrow, which occurs in leukemia or other diseases that crowd out the normal bone marrow. Another group of thrombocytopenias result from destruction of platelets faster than they can be replaced. Idiopathic thrombocytopenic purpura (ITP) is caused by a patient’s production of antiplatelet antibodies (autoantibodies) that cause rapid destruction of platelets. ITP in children is frequently preceded by a viral infection that appears to stimulate the production of antiplatelet antibodies, although the exact mechanism is uncertain. Spontaneous petechiae and purpura occur when the platelet count is very low. The most serious complication of ITP is bleeding into the brain, which fortunately is rare. Effective therapies, including steroid and intravenous gamma globulin administration of serum proteins, are available that reduce the severity of bleeding and increase the platelet count rapidly. ITP in children has a good outlook for recovery: 60% of children have normal platelet counts within 3 months, and more than 90% recover within 9 to 12 months. Coagulopathies: The Hemophilias. There are a number of different proteins (coagulation factors) dissolved in the plasma involved in blood clotting. They interact with one another in a sequential fashion that results in the formation of an insoluble fibrin clot that permanently stops the bleeding. Deficiencies of coagulation factors, many of which are inherited conditions, are responsible for many bleeding disorders. The most prevalent congenital coagulopathy is hemophilia A, caused by a genetic inability to synthesize a coagulation factor called factor 8. The gene for factor 8 is carried on the X chromosome, so the disease is passed from a clinically normal mother who is a carrier to about 50% of her sons (X-linked recessive transmission). Females are very rarely affected; almost all patients are males. One of the most famous patients with hemophilia was the czarevitch Alexei of Russia, last heir to the throne. It is said that his severe disease and the lack of effective therapy was an important contributor to the Russian Revolution in 1918. Robert Massie’s Nicholas and Alexandra provides a poignant account of these events. Affected patients have levels of factor 8 in their blood that is only 0% to 1% of normal. Bleeding symptoms may occur in the newborn period but become more evident in

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later infancy as the boy begins to walk. Large bruises occur after minimal trauma, which often leads to the diagnosis. The most troublesome and debilitating complication of hemophilia A is spontaneous, repeated bleeding into the joints (hemarthroses), which may result in permanent damage to the joints. In the past, many patients became crippled. Effective therapy for hemophilia can be provided by intravenous infusions of factor 8, which temporarily can provide a near-normal factor 8 level in the blood. Unfortunately, factor 8 lasts only 8 to 12 hours in the blood, so repeated infusions may be necessary to stop a bleeding episode. Concentrates of factor 8, prepared from large pools of human plasma, were used through the 1980s, many of which were contaminated by the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV). As a consequence, many boys with hemophilia contracted and died of AIDS. Today’s factor 8 concentrates are made free of HIV by better methods of preparation and also by the use of recombinant DNA technology that completely avoids the use of human plasma. Howard Pearson see also: Blood Types; Congenital Anomalies and Deformations further reading: R. K. Massie, Nicholas and Alexandra, 1967. • H. A. Pearson, “History of Pediatric Hematology Oncology,” Pediatric Research 52 (2002), pp. 979–92. • H. A. Pearson, “Diseases of the Blood,” in C. D. Rudolph, A. M. Rudolph, M. K. Hostetter, G. Lister, and N. J. Siegel, eds., Rudolph’s Pediatrics, 2003. pp. 1519– 82. • “Sickle Cell Anemia,” http://www.nlm.nih.gov/medlineplus/ ency/article/000527.htm

blood types. The membranes, or outsides, of red blood cells have genetically determined features, composed of a sugar and protein that can prompt an immune response, that can be antigens to systems that do not share the same composition. The exact function of these antigens is not clear, but they allow for the categorization of blood into groups. More than 200 different red blood cell antigens have been identified that can be assigned to 23 genetically discrete blood-group systems. Individuals exposed to antigens that are not present on their own red blood cells may develop antibodies against those antigens. The most important of these categories is the ABO system. Th e AB O Blood S ystem The ABO system was first described in 1901 by Dr. Carl Landsteiner, who received the Nobel Prize in Medicine in 1930 for this discovery. Landsteiner showed that the red blood cells of humans can be divided into four distinct categories—group A, group B, group AB, and group O—on the basis of whether clumping occurred when these red blood cells were mixed with plasma from other individuals who did not have red blood cells with similar surface components. Furthermore, he showed that the plasma of individuals contained circulating specific proteins, or antibodies, against ABO antigens that were not present on their own red blood cells. These antibodies are a consequence of

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exposure to naturally occurring substances acting as antigens in the environment. If one has type A blood, the A glycoproteins are on one’s own red blood cells, and one’s serum contains anti-B (but not anti-A) antibodies. The converse is true for type B blood. Those with type O blood do not have either of these specific antigens on the red cells and have both anti-A and anti-B antibodies in the serum. Type AB has both types of glycoproteins on the red blood cells and no antibodies to either. Every individual has two genes for the ABO blood groups: one inherited from each parent. Therefore, a person who receives an A gene from one parent and an O gene from the other parent, although they could be considered as type AO, would test as group A. The frequency of ABO blood types in Caucasian individuals is approximately: type O, 43%; type A, 45%; type B, 8%; and type AB, 4%. There are differences between ethnic groups, types A and B being less common in African Americans. Before a blood transfusion, the recipient is typed to determine blood type. Blood from an ABO-compatible donor is selected. If incompatible blood is given—such as giving A or B red blood cells to a group O recipient—the antibodies present in the recipient’s blood rapidly destroy the donor cells, resulting in a transfusion reaction that can be severe and life threatening. However, it may be permissible to give red blood cells from a type O individual (universal donor) to type A, B, and AB recipients. Th e R h ( R h esu s) S ys t em The Rh system was discovered by Landsteiner, some 50 years after he discovered the ABO system. The name Rh was used because when red blood cells from rhesus monkeys were injected into rabbits, the rabbits formed antibodies. These antibodies clumped the red blood cells of about 85% of donors who were designated as being Rh-positive, while individuals whose red cells did not react were designated as Rh-negative. In Caucasians, the frequency of Rh negativity is about 15%, but it is only about 5% in African Americans and virtually absent in Asians. Rh antibodies do not occur unless an Rh-negative individual is exposed to Rh-positive red blood cells by transfusions or pregnancy. Rh-negative individuals are only transfused with blood from an Rh-negative donor. H e mo ly t ic D i s e as e o f t h e N ewb o r n : Er y t h ro b l asto si s F etal i s During pregnancy, red blood cells from the fetus enter the maternal circulation, especially at the time of delivery. If a mother is Rh-negative and her fetus is Rh-positive, the mother may then develop anti-Rh antibodies. In subsequent pregnancies, this maternal anti-Rh antibody may cross the placenta into the fetal circulation and destroy Rh-positive fetal red blood cells, resulting in anemia in the fetus or newborn. The anemia may be so severe that the fe-

tus dies. Infants who survive to birth may develop severe jaundice caused by continuing destruction of Rh-positive red blood cells. Unless jaundice can be controlled, brain damage may occur, resulting in intellectual disability and cerebral palsy. The usual treatment of affected newborns is exchange transfusion through an umbilical cord blood vessel to replace the antibody-damaged Rh-positive red cells of the newborn with normal Rh-negative donor red blood cells. Intrauterine transfusions are now possible. Sensitization of an Rh-negative woman carrying an Rh-positive fetus can be greatly reduced by administering anti-Rh antibodies to the mother at the time of delivery. Hemolytic disease of the newborn due to Rh immunization has virtually been eliminated in the United States because of this treatment. Howard Pearson see also: Blood Disorders; Paternity and Maternity; Pregnancy further reading: L. K. Diamond, “Blood Transfusion: A History of Blood Transfusions,” in M. M. Wintrobe, ed., Blood Pure and Eloquent, 1980, pp. 658–715.

boarding schools. Less than 3% of American secondary students attend private residential schools— boarding schools—and less than 1% attend elite college preparatory schools, or prep schools. Within this last type of boarding school are several varieties ranging from western Outward Bound schools to eastern seaboard college preparatory schools known for their long traditions and elite alumni. Many sociologists have argued that the elite eastern schools prepare students to become members of the power elite. Several decades ago, sociologist Digby Baltzell, for instance, in his work on the Protestant establishment, argued that these schools were critically important for the reproduction of the American upper class. Today, the power of the Protestant establishment has been somewhat diluted by the growth of the new economy and the political rise of the American West, but these schools continue to produce graduates who take their place as leaders in the economy, culture, and often in politics. Since elite prep schools play similar roles across societies in which they are found, a focus on U.S. prep schools will provide a useful snapshot of their nature and functions. Most prep schools are coeducational, although some remain single-sex. Nearly all of the families who send their children to elite schools are affluent; at the most prestigious schools, most parents are from the upper socioeconomic levels as measured by income, wealth, occupation, family history, and inclusion in the social register. The most elite preparatory schools are known as the select 16 because of their exclusiveness. These schools include Phillips Academy (established in 1778), Phillips Exeter Academy (1783), Episcopal High School (1839), Hill School (1851), St. Paul’s School (1856), St. Mark’s School (1865), Lawrenceville School (1883), Groton School (1884), Woodbury Forest

In a country club–like setting, the prep-school students file from their classes to an ivy-covered brick dining hall for lunch. Almost all of the boys and girls are clean-cut, tan, and attractive. The boys must wear jackets and ties, and most of the girls wear skirts, often so short that they must pull or hold them down as they walk despite the school’s rule that skirts must extend past their fingertips. Many students dress in expensive brand-name clothing such as Brooks Brothers, J. Crew, and Polo and wear Reefs, the preppy flip-flop of choice. Pink is a popular color choice for both sexes (even pink underwear), but the boys disavow any pink nonclothing item because “pink is for girls.” Although New England boarding schools have been educating America’s elite for four generations, they have rarely been the subject of study. Even more unusual are studies like my own, which involved a close-up examination of daily life in one such school, which I call Bolton Academy. Most of the approximately 350 students at Bolton come from the wealthy suburbs of Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New York, while approximately 30% are offspring of alumni or have siblings attending the school. Like other prep schools, Bolton started admitting minority students and women in the late 1960s and 1970s. Now approximately half of the Bolton students are female, and 15% are students of color, most of whom receive scholarships. Due to stiffer competition, only about 4% of the Bolton students matriculate to Ivy League colleges. One of the most surprising findings of my study was the highly gendered nature of the student peer culture. Entering the dining hall, the students pass the strategically placed office of the harried school counselor. Pressured by the school, their parents, and one another, the students try to keep up with the hectic pace of prep-school life and the expectations of excellence, success, and admission to Ivy League schools. The academic and social pressures drive some girls to abuse performance drugs, such as Adderall and Ritalin, not only to help them perform better academically but also to lose weight. Failure is not an option for these students, and some meet with the counselor because of depression, feelings of inadequacy, drug and alcohol abuse, and eating disorders. After the boys fill their trays full of hot food from the buffet line and the girls fix small plates of salad, a bagel, or cereal, they head for “their” table. The distinct and hierarchal nature of their cliques becomes visible as they sit at the same tables day after day with their same group of friends. The higherstatus groups sit nearest the door and farthest from the kitchen and the teachers. Among the boys, two influential cliques, the hockey group and the high-class club, share an uneasy coexistence. Tim, like many of his friends, comes from a middle-class family and has bonded with the hockey clique but often feels like an outsider in this setting of privilege. His popularity with the girls rests on his “badass” attitude, and he hesitates to act

in any way that would “fuck with his image.” In contrast, the high-class club members, described by the other students as “very rich” and “really preppy,” take pride in their expensive attire and lavish lifestyles. These boys view the hockey players as socially beneath them and label them as “obnoxious jerks” or “the annoying hockey guys,” while the hockey players dismiss them as “snobs,” “the pink team,” or “fruit cakes” because of their emphasis on wealth and appearance and their lack of athletic abilities. Among the girls, a self-proclaimed group of “rich bitches” or “senior princesses” forms a rivalry with a group of “crazy” girls who start a ritual called “topless Tuesdays” and parade around their dorm only in only their panties trying to shock others with their bare breasts. The girls in both of these high-status cliques are pretty, rich, and preppy, participate in dance or theater instead of sports, and focus on clothes and makeup. Shana, the only wealthy African American girl at the school, is a member of the otherwise all-white “bitch squad.” Living up to the group’s reputation, she and her friends use smart boys for help with homework and then ditch them. These girls judge and criticize others, especially girls, on their appearance and clothes, refusing to associate with anyone who “is ugly or over a size 8.” They are attracted to boys with expensive shoes and style and unabashedly declare that they plan to marry for money. Although a few resist, most of these students become caught up in the upper-class pursuit of excellence, success, and perfection and perform extreme masculinity and femininity in order to fit in and not to be a loser. Ben, an intelligent sophomore, feels pressure not to work too hard lest he be labeled a nerd, but he wonders how he will ever meet the male ideal of being “buff,” “good at sports,” “the captain of every team,” and the “best at everything.” Despite secret desires to show sensitivity and emotions and have closer friendships, Ben hesitates to act on these needs. Caroline, a freshman, wants to “be perfect” and to have “perfect” grades, personality, behavior, and looks. Because she does not fit the valued ideal of being blond, blue-eyed, straight hair, and size 4, she is “almost scared” of her low self-esteem. A scholar at her previous school, she sits silently in the classroom lest she talk too much and appear too smart. Acting perfectly prep, the students do what is necessary to rank highly in the social hierarchy and to avoid being associated with groups that the popular kids call the “nerdery,” “losers,” “sucky people,” “ugly,” “worthless,” “sketchy people,” and “outcasts.” They soon realize that acceptance among their peers at prep school as well as in their future upperclass lives of privilege and power often depends on performing gender extremes. Sarah A. Chase further reading: Sarah A. Chase, Perfectly Prep: Gender Extremes at a New England Prep School, 2008.

imagining each other

imagining each other

Perfecting Gender in a New England Boarding School

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School (1889), Taft School (1890), Hotchkiss School (1892), Choate School (1896), St. George’s School (1896), Middlesex School (1901), Deerfield Academy (1903), and Kent School (1906). In addition to being quite old by American standards, these schools are found in New England and on the East Coast. The oldest of these schools reach back to colonial times and have been preparing young men, and now young women, for leadership and the exercise of social power. These 16 schools are the focus of attention here because it is the graduates of these schools who have the greatest impact on the American and international economy, culture, and society. The graduates of these schools belong to a small society of individuals and families who share a lifestyle that reinforces their sense of solidarity and earned privilege. The ethos of the elite schools is service; service in this context, however, implies leadership and, to some degree, material comfort. The assumption that the upper class is meant to command is implicit in the educational missions of the elite schools that model themselves on British public schools such as Eton and Harrow. In terms of human variety, a study of the elite schools provides the opportunity to examine a special population of children and adolescents who are selected for success and provided with multiple opportunities to attain success. Most of these young people belong to a social class with shared interests, attitudes, and ambitions; it is also a class that reproduces itself through education, social credentials, marriage, and by joining exclusive neighborhoods, clubs, and resorts. The connection between power and the elite schools is enduring. For instance, posted at the entrance to the Groton School is a framed letter from a president of the United States extolling the students to be of service to their country. This service sometimes means public office (Presidents Franklin D. Roosevelt, John F. Kennedy, George H. W. Bush, and George W. Bush are all graduates of elite prep schools). However, most graduates of elite boarding schools do not enter public life but are found in the financial fields associated with Wall Street, international banking, and venture capital. The culture of elite schools helps explain how students internalize privilege and how this sense of entitlement contributes to the preservation of the American class system. Peter Cookson and Caroline Hodges Persell have referred to this socialization process as “deep structure regulation.” This phrase refers to how the schools manage not only the physical lives of students but students’ emotional lives as well. While the schools have become less controlling in recent decades, there is still enough attention paid to the daily behavior of students that most adolescents would find it intrusive. The elite schools produce a recognizable social type who has internalized the values of the class from which he or she comes or the class to which he or she aspires. The elite private boarding schools began and continue as

a highly selective route to the nation’s most prestigious colleges and universities. Despite the increasingly competitive admissions environment at highly selective colleges, boarding school students continue to attend Ivy League colleges as well as the nation’s most selective public and private colleges and universities. While the lower socioeconomic strata have had their safety net considerably weakened since the early 1980s, the upper strata safety net remains as strong as ever. As a consequence, even mediocre students who graduate from an elite school generally have an advantage over other students in the race for social advantage and economic rewards. Cookson and Persell, in a 1985 study, found that elite school students with relatively low grade-point averages and SATs attended selective colleges with regularity; in effect, the elite schools have a pipeline to selective colleges. The favorite universities of the graduates of the elite schools remain Princeton, Brown, Harvard, and Yale. The academic curriculum of the elite schools is vigorous and demanding. Prep schools place a strong emphasis on language, mathematics, science, history, and the arts. Standards of performance are very high; students are expected to acquire higher-order thinking skills. One mission statement of an elite school phrased it as follows: “The ability to reason carefully and also logically and to think imaginatively and sensitively is the hallmark of the educated mind.” This near-classical curriculum serves as a strong social signifier about class origin and class destination. The pressure on elite school students does create stress; the expectation for success leaves little room for failure, and life in a boarding school is also intensified by the social demands placed on students living, studying, and sleeping in the same environment around the clock. This stress is expressed in a number of ways: hypercompetitiveness, reliance on drugs and alcohol, experimentation with sexuality, and occasionally symptoms of significant psychological depression manifested in suicide or attempted suicide. From a human development perspective, life in a total institution leaves its mark on those who pass through it. Studies reveal that 90% of the students who graduate from boarding school feel that boarding school changed them in terms of their understanding of the world and their relationship to their peers. These changes are not necessarily in the direction of conformity as the schools might wish; most changes occur due to the strong and ever-present student culture. Learning to manage the contradictions between the exercise of power and legitimating it through earned privilege creates a subtlety of mind that few non-prepschool students experience. This preparation for power takes place at the manifest level (academic credentials), but it also takes place at the latent level (the pursuit of personal and class interest). The graduates of elite boarding schools carry their ideas, beliefs, and dispositions into the larger world and form

b o d y im a ge a n d m o d if ic a t io n

bonds with other graduates of elite schools in the United States and abroad. This networking creates a strong sense of solidarity among the international elite. This sense of solidarity and the exercise of power make the study of elite boarding schools of social importance and may help better explain the riddle of how socialization occurs and how class conscience shapes the social world in seen and unseen ways. Peter W. Cookson Jr. see also: Schools further reading: E. Digby Baltzell, Philadelphia Gentleman: The Making of a National Upper Class, 1958. • James McLachlan, American Boarding Schools: A Historical Study, 1970. • Peter W. Cookson and Caroline Hodges Persell, Preparing for Power: America’s Elite Boarding Schools, 1985. • Reuven Kahane, “Multicode Organizations: A Conceptual Framework for the Analysis of Boarding Schools,” Sociology of Education 61, no. 4 (October 1988), pp. 211–26.

body image and modification. Though the term body modification may call to mind practices such as cosmetic surgery, tattooing, scarification, body piercing, or foot binding, the term refers to anything done to alter the appearance of one’s body—either permanently or temporarily—including body adornment or decoration. Body modification is often overlooked as such when it falls within the “normal” or “natural” practices of a culture. In the United States, for example, this includes wearing makeup, styling hair, dieting, and exercising, while in other societies, scarification, lip plugs, or body painting are common forms of body modification. Body modification is complex and diverse in its scope, motivation, and meaning, though the actual practices themselves may appear similar. Ear piercing, for example, can signify gender, beauty, wealth, sexual orientation, or be a talisman against evil spirits. Similarly, while tattoos or body piercings signify defiance of social conventions in the United States, and are therefore a popular form of body modification among teenagers, they are ritual body ornamentations necessary to religious expression in the South Pacific. Even within a given culture, the meaning of the body is subject to change over time. For example, while a large body once connoted prosperity, health, and high social ranking in America and Western Europe, this same body type may now signify poverty, ill health, and low socioeconomic status. The meaning and desirability of bodies also change over an individual’s life span, from the cultivation of plump infant bodies to the cultural imperative of slenderness for American girls and women. Since the body is both a receptacle and a vehicle of social meaning, body modification is a highly practical and efficient activity that serves many important psychological and sociological functions: for example, to show affiliation with a social group, to express cooperation with or rebellion against social norms, to demonstrate socioeconomic

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position, or to signal a change in status. Body modifications may also be an attempt to communicate or address suffering, as with self-injuries such as cutting. The human body transmits an array of complex information, intentionally or otherwise. Body image—a person’s learned and subjective perceptions of and about his or her body—also plays a role in body modification, particularly around the pursuit of body ideals or appearance norms. When body image is discordant with perceived social expectations for physical appearance— whether the goal is “normalcy” or beauty—people will generally seek to change their bodies accordingly, as with boys who take up weight lifting because they feel “small.” Cultural expectations about ideal bodies—transmitted through family, peers, media images, and even children’s toys, such as Barbie and G.I. Joe—also contribute to body-image disorders, such as anorexia nervosa and muscle dysmorphia, disorders that often become apparent through associated body modifications, such as dieting and weight lifting. While strongly influenced by media, peers, and others who shape the daily experience of children’s lives, children’s body image is significantly influenced by parents, through modeling and daily interactions. Children also develop their body image based on their health and physical capabilities, perceptions of how others respond to their appearance, and cultural and community standards for “ideal bodies,” images conveyed by the media and reinforced by peers and family. Body image is a critical component of self-image and self-esteem and, hence, an important aspect of children’s overall development. Because the body is such a strong conduit of social meaning and a critical component of personal development, children are subject to, or participate in, body modification from infancy onward. Many early forms of body modification in children are intended to signal gender, such as pierced ears for female infants, color-coded clothing (pink for girls, blue for boys), or short, trimmed hair for male children in contrast to longer hair for females. Indeed, the development of gender identity begins early in life and is subtly shaped in part by just such body-based practices. From differences in ideal body images, hair, and clothing to notions of appropriate exercise and cosmetic surgery, gender norms are also at play throughout adolescence and adulthood in the gendered approach to all body projects. Other common forms of body modification practiced on children are religiously or culturally prescribed, such as genital circumcision of male Jewish infants, female and male circumcision among some African ethnic groups, and the Hindu ear-piercing ceremony known as Karnavedha performed on infants of both sexes. Because some of these practices are controversial, they may be alternatively labeled mutilation, but within their own cultural context, these practices are considered an integral part of cultural membership. This difference of perception and labeling—

East African societies are well known for their age-graded forms of social organization. The life cycles of men and women are punctuated by collective rites of passage performed as one’s own age-graded cohort reaches a new social position. Practices and beliefs related to the ages of life changed tremendously in Kenya during the 20th century. Now all children attend primary school, and some of them graduate to higher grades. Yet older traditions of age grading are still active and intermingle with modern forms. The Meru Tigania-Igembe, Bantu speakers settled on the Nyambeni Hills located on the northeast side of Mount Kenya, use physical markings to signal age transitions from birth to the age of majority. These markings signal the cultural creation of manhood in a society where it is believed that both boys and girls will linger in a state of androgyny unless society assists them in clarifying their ultimate gender identity as either a man or a woman. I speak of past practices, traces of which continue to exist in the present, based on ethnographic data collected in the 1980s and 1990s. Among the Meru, a newborn baby was not named until it was expected to survive. At the age of 1 or 2 years, the child was shaved for the first time and given the first name of a grandparent of the same sex. In the minds of many Meru, there is an equivalence between alternate generations: Grandparent and grandchild were (and still are) regarded as namesakes, and it is believed they will resemble each other, since any first name is like a “seed” conveying a kind of psychological temper that will develop during the life course. It is also imagined that something of the grandparent will continue after his or her death through this grandchild. At about the age of 4, a he-goat was customarily sacrificed by the father to celebrate the successful growing up of his son; and the father then offered the son a protective necklace and pieces of leather clothing made out of the goat’s hide. Weaning occurred very late, at the time the child was thought to be able to perform some home chores like tending small livestock. Weaning from the breast and physical separation from the mother marked the stage at which the child (mwana) became a “small noninitiated boy” (kaijî): The child entered a new age class that conveyed an emerging gender identity but also implied the necessity for further initiations into full manhood in the future and the remaking of a sex-appropriate body image. Thus, for example, when a boy’s permanent teeth replaced his milk teeth, the father or a friend pulled out the boy’s two lower incisors; this dental surgery, which is carried out without much ado, refashions an organ of the body that the Meru endow with a creative power of growing importance as one matures. The piercing of the ear lobes was the next major mark of a child’s emerging maturity; this operation occasioned a big feast organized by a father who celebrated the development of his family and ties between generations. Paternal grandparents and their friends of the same generation who had reached the age grade of “accomplished persons” (mwariki) were the main ritual actors; with the assistance of a small arrow, they pierced the grandchildren’s earlobes. These

initially tiny holes were then slowly enlarged by pushing in small sticks; heavier rings would later help adorn and elongate the lobes to the extent that they could reach across the mouth, which was the local aesthetic ideal. At puberty, which the Meru identified by the breaking of the voice together with sexual maturation, a boy entered the category of mwîjî or “big noninitiate,” a word coined by adding a new prefix to the root of the previous age. No particular ritual punctuated this natural physical change of the body, but this stage of growth was accompanied by several practical arrangements and a further distancing or departure from the parental homestead. Starting about that time, the “big noninitiated” boy would sleep in a dormitory built by the parents in the neighborhood, wherein he joined the other big noninitiated boys who gave him a second name that was supposed to remain secret. Here the yet to be fully initiated boy was expected to obey the older noninitiates and show respect for the male age hierarchy. After being trained in wrestling, he participated in contests between neighborhoods. He also developed and sharpened his intellectual skills in competitive verbal contests and the exchange of riddles. Yet his first duty was to keep on working at his parents’ homestead, where he remained the main laborer. As time passed, the boy eagerly awaited full initiation, but many conditions had to be fulfilled. No boy could be initiated until the members of his father’s age class had reached the grade of political authority. This meant that firstborn sons might be initiated into manhood at the age of 30, while other boys might be initiated at the age of 17. Initiation itself was a highly elaborate ritual whose completion required nearly two years, although now it lasts three weeks and is undertaken at a much younger age. Among the many ritual sequences in a full initiation ceremony, groups of boys were (and still are) circumcised together at a public place, enduring a complicated surgery of the sheath, which signified a rebirth and new conception of the boy’s personhood. The circumcision was followed by nine months of seclusion in a shanty hut that represented the process of a new gestation. Afterward, the boy, viewed as a “newborn,” entered the warriors’ barrack; together with his age mates, he became a muthaka, a “bushman,” and was given a third name reinforcing his link with his father. The word muthaka also means “son.” The age grade of warriorhood was a protracted stage, and men were expected to earn their fourth name, which was coined after they had accomplished some warrior-like deed. No warrior could marry or have children before one’s own age class was allowed to do so by the senior age class in power. Among the Meru, a young father still had a long way to go before he became an “accomplished person”; this would take more time and more rituals. Anne-Marie Peatrik further reading: O. F. Raum, Chaga Childhood. A Description of Indigenous Education in an East African Tribe, [1940] 1996. • S. Heald, Manhood and Morality: Sex, Violence and Ritual in Gisu Society, 1999.

imagining each other

imagining each other

Marks Make the Man in Kenya

b o d y im a ge a n d m o d if ic a t io n

modification, beautification, or mutilation—is a tribute to the extent to which a society is capable of constructing its own unique perception of the “normal” and “natural.” The difference between what is considered body beautification versus mutilation is largely a function of how that particular body modification corresponds to sociocultural notions of what is “good,” which is itself a complex composite of social values and ideology. Also at issue for such controversial practices is the question of control: Who owns the body and has the right to alter it? From hair styles and dress styles to ear piercing and circumcision, the role of parents in children’s body image and modification is most significant early in life, declining as children enter adolescence and begin to initiate or coconspire in their own body projects as a way of exerting selfcontrol and establishing independence. At this stage, children take a more active role in their body projects, although the formative influence of parents still remains, whether as a direct influence or a counterpoint. Mothers, for example, are significant figures in the transmission of cultural messages about femininity, ideas that are later played out at the site of the body, through hair, clothing, diet, and exercise. These messages are being communicated ever earlier, as with the growing popularity of manicures and other beauty treatments for even preadolescent girls. As adolescence approaches, body projects are increasingly associated with achieving appearance norms or ideals of beauty, such as braces to adjust the position of teeth, diet and exercise to manipulate the size and shape of the body, and even cosmetic surgery to reshape noses, ears, breasts, and other body parts. While once almost exclusively focused on adults, cosmetic surgery is increasingly performed on children and teens. Along with regimens of diet and exercise, many of these procedures are aimed at achieving beauty, a primary dimension of which is body shape and size. Beauty has great value in society, where there are both real and perceived benefits to fitting the social definition of attractiveness, and this bias applies also to children. Children’s attractiveness has been repeatedly shown to positively influence not only the grades they receive in school but also their peer relationships and social acceptance, even as early as preschool. Parents, too, are unconsciously affected by children’s appearance, tending to give more attention and affection to attractive infants. It is little wonder that children and adolescents, who are struggling to define their identity and relationship to the world, are often so captive to ideals of beauty. Though physical appearance tends to be a greater concern for girls than for boys, it is a cornerstone of identity for adolescents of both sexes. Girls often feel pressure even before puberty to conform to a socially prescribed ideal of beauty—an ideal that with few exceptions is contemporaneously centered on thinness—and most of their body projects are focused on

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pursuing this ideal. Experimentation with hair and makeup begins at an increasingly earlier age, and it is currently estimated that by fourth grade, approximately 80% of girls have been or are dieting. Anorexia is growing in prevalence among young girls, while boys, once believed to be exempt, are becoming increasingly concerned with their body shape and size, albeit in a different manner. In contrast to girls, for whom thinness is the reigning body ideal, boys are increasingly invested in achieving an ideal of athleticism and muscularity. Adolescent male body projects associated with this ideal include the use (or abuse) of performanceenhancing drugs, body-building techniques, and nutritional supplements aimed at increasing muscle mass and tone. Though there are meaningful differences between cultural and ethnic groups in the United States in defining body ideals—such as the emphasis on attitude and personal style over body size among African American girls—examples from other cultures illuminate the constructed nature of all notions of beauty. While in America, girls go on diets in order to be thin, among the Azawagh Arabs of Niger, fatness is considered such a beautiful and desirable trait that girls as young as 5 years old are sent to fattening houses to plump up and may also be force-fed. In some instances, however, unattractiveness may be the goal of body modification, as with children in 19th-century West Africa, whose parents used facial scarification to make their children undesirable to slave traders. In addition to appearance, another common motivation for body modification, including cosmetic surgery, is the benefit to children’s emotional development. In fact, these two motives are highly interrelated via the medium of the self: The body’s appearance—including dress, grooming, adornments, and other elaborated exteriors—is generally considered a prime expression of the self, one reason that the body is such a preoccupation for adolescents. Notions of self are intimately linked to the body—through one’s own body image and others’ reactions to one’s appearance—and appearance is highly related to social status and acceptance; these in turn all have an impact on emotional development and self-esteem. Witness the teenage girl who has rhinoplastic surgery to enhance her self-confidence. In fact, teens who seek cosmetic surgery typically do so in order to fit in and look acceptable within their peer group, a reason that goes far beyond superficial appearance. Because the body is such a potent symbol of the self and society, its form and appearance are highly political. This politicization of the body occurs not just on the national stage but also in homes when children and caregivers clash over when children may get their ears (or other body parts) pierced, wear makeup, style their hair, or dress the way they choose. Here, the body becomes contested terrain in which the overarching issue is who controls the child’s body. For adolescents in particular, for whom identify formation is a

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critical developmental task, body modification projects are typically centered around this theme of control. Along with identity development, children’s body modifications are also associated with rites of passage, in which the body is ritually marked or altered in some way that signals (or induces) a change in social position. While such explicit rites of passage have become increasingly distanced from mainstream life in most industrialized countries, people still modify their bodies to mark the advent or conclusion of important times in their lives. For adolescents in particular, who are entering a phase of life defined by separation from caregivers toward greater autonomy, symbolic rites of passage can be a means of negotiating this transition. Examples of this include body modifications intended to indicate an initial transition to adult status, such as boys growing their first mustache (a rite of passage into masculinity) or teenagers getting a tattoo or body piercing. Body alterations can also indicate leaving behind a stage of life, as with a teenager who cuts her hair after breaking up with a boyfriend or a child who adopts a new style of dress upon moving to a new school. When a child comes home with a tattoo or pierced ears or makes independent choices about hair, clothing, and makeup styles, she is using the medium of her body to make a declarative statement about her identity and independence, be it rebellious or conventional. These adolescent body projects are complex with a multitude of potential meanings. Cultivating a punk or gothic body style, for example—a hallmark of rebellious adolescence—signifies not only a peer-group affiliation but also an identity experiment and a physical manifestation of resistance to both parental and societal expectations. Paradoxically, even when the body is used to proclaim disdain for mainstream culture or ideals, that overarching ideal or value system is still the motive, albeit negative, for the ways in which the message is physically expressed. Erica Reischer see also: Gender; Peers and Peer Culture; PerformanceEnhancing Drugs; Rites of Passage; Sexual Development further reading: J. J. Brumberg, The Body Project: An Intimate History of American Girls, 1997. • Harrison G. Pope, R. Olivardia, and K. Philips, The Adonis Complex: The Secret Crisis of Male Body Obsession, 2000. • Thomas F. Cash and T. Pruzinsky, eds., Body Image: A Handbook of Theory, Research, and Clinical Practice, 2002.

bone and joint disorders. see Orthopedic Disorders

books, children’s. see Literature: Children’s Literature books on child development, landmark. Any historically based trawl through landmark books on child development inevitably encounters problems of definition. First, where to start and end the consideration of

such books? In this article, the point of departure is the late 19th century (which witnessed the first empirical childdevelopment studies implemented more or less along the lines recognizable today), and the terminus is the last decade of the 20th century (as it takes time for a book to acquire landmark status). Next, which cultural and intellectual traditions to include? Here, the selection is limited to the works of Europe and North America. A still larger question concerns what makes a book worthy of landmark status. Inevitably, some of the works described in this article represent personal predilections formed by research experience stemming from issues concerned with the development of brain and behavior, but others are books whose landmark status few would dispute. Many other books with claims to such status—including works in the psychoanalytic tradition (by Sigmund Freud and Erik Erikson, among others) and the anthropological (Margaret Mead, John W. M. Whiting, and Beatrice B. Whiting)—are described in other articles on specific theorists and theories throughout the rest of this volume. E ar ly L an dm ar k s In 1888 and 1889, Wilhelm T. Preyer published his twovolume book The Mind of the Child, based on longitudinal observations of his son. Greatly influenced by Charles Darwin’s work as well as Ernst Haeckel’s theory of recapitulation (which states that the stages of development of each individual repeat the stages of evolution of the species), Preyer attempted to reconcile the extremes of nativism (with its emphasis on biologically innate dispositions, capabilities, and structures) and empiricism (with its emphasis on individual experience as the source of all knowledge) as applied to the study of child development. In doing so, he came to reject Haeckel’s theory and concluded that the development of a child’s perception, will, and mind is susceptible to environmental influences, even though it is “primed” by evolutionary pressures. While Preyer’s approach remained largely descriptive, his book provided one of the first systematic attempts to record the details of infant behavioral development using a protocol of direct observation, which was advanced for its time. For this achievement, at least, he might be viewed as one of the founders of child psychology. If Preyer can be regarded as a founder of the field from a biological standpoint, then James Mark Baldwin can certainly stake a claim to be such a figure for the study of cognitive and social development. Unlike Preyer’s work, however, Baldwin’s observations and experiments were guided by a self-devised theory, one that can be termed the theory of sensorimotor adaptation, which states that the developing child gains knowledge of the world through actions and circular reactions that vary according to environmental circumstances. This theory is expounded in Mental Development in the Child and the Race (1895). Baldwin can also

b o o k s o n c h il d d e v e l o p m e n t , l a n d m a r k

be credited with another landmark book, Social and Ethical Interpretations in Mental Development (1897), a treatise on the development of the social self. It embraced a breathtaking array of topics, examples of which are altruism, empathy, friendships, play, stranger anxiety, and temperament. In fact, intimations of the currently fashionable theory of the child’s mind can be discerned in this highly original and important book. From B eh av ior i sm to Cogn i t i v i s m In the 20th century, two of the major schools of thought on child development were behaviorism and cognitivism. The radical behaviorist John B. Watson set about ridding psychology of such Baldwinian ideas as mental states and, in fact, anything that smacked of consciousness. These “metaphors of the mind” had to be replaced with observable responses elicited by well-defined stimuli, Watson argued, if psychology was to be regarded as a proper science. Watson’s “physics of behavior” (also known as classical conditioning) entered the realm of child development with his book Psychological Care of Infant and Child (1928). This book reflected the ethos of his quote, “Give me a dozen infants . . . and I’ll guarantee to take any one at random and teach him to become any type of specialist I might select.” Watson’s book, together with his publications in popular magazines, had an enormous impact on child care, particularly among middle-class U.S. parents. While he advocated treating children with respect and discouraged excessive corporal punishment, his underlying credo was that parents should engender “good habits” in their children through a dispassionate training regime based on emotional detachment. Watson’s unfettered nurturist rhetoric gave rise to opposition from the so-called maturationists, including, notably, Arnold Gesell and Myrtle B. McGraw. In fact, this label was a misnomer, as both Gesell and McGraw tried to find a medium between the extremes of nature and nurture. Of the many books written by Gesell, one stands out as a landmark, namely, The Embryology of Behavior (1945), written with the help of Catherine S. Amatruda. This book can be considered a prospectus for the view that individual development abides by the principles of self-organization in open systems, which function through a continuous inflow of energy. Indicative of Gesell’s conviction that the study of development is a multidisciplinary undertaking, it also foreshadows significant features of current dynamical systems approaches to identifying the processes of change over ontogenetic time. McGraw drew inspiration from the writings of John Dewey and George Coghill, the founder of neuroembryology. Dewey theorized that the laws of energy as devised by Michael Faraday and James Clerk Maxwell could be applied to infant development, which McGraw did in her groundbreaking studies of infant locomotion. Many of these studies formed the basis of her landmark book The Neuromuscu-

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lar Maturation of the Human Infant (1943), which still reads with a remarkable freshness today. The 1950s witnessed a reaction in which cognitivism usurped the stranglehold of behaviorism on academic psychology. Narrowly defined, cognitivism amounts to the view that the human mind consists of discrete, internal mental states whose functions can be captured by stagebased models of information processing. But this narrow definition is belied by the richer visions of cognitive development expressed in landmark books by at least two major developmentalists, namely Jean Piaget and L. S. Vygotsky. The sort of cognitivism associated with Piaget, which he referred to as genetic epistemology, amounted to a monumental attempt to steer the middle ground between preformationism (the idea that development is an unfolding over time of a predetermined script or plan for the creation of a mature form) and environmental determinism. While often depicted as a stage theorist, Piaget was not wedded to the idea that cognitive development could be demarcated by a fixed succession of discrete stages, nor did he couch mental operations as proceeding through a chain of informationprocessing stages across real time. Rather, his focus of interest was the delineation of cognitive structures (which he termed schemes) underpinning the acquisition of knowledge and how they were transformed through temporary imbalances in the relationship of assimilation (modeling the new or unfamiliar on the basis of the routine or familiar) and accommodation (creating new responses). Three of Piaget’s books stand out as landmarks among his mind-boggling output of academic texts. Two concern the period of infancy, namely, The Origins of Intelligence in Children (1936) and The Child’s Construction of Reality (1937). Translated into English in 1953 and 1955, respectively, these books together represent a tour de force of direct observation leading to simple experimentation and back again that revealed new (and not so new) insights into the mental abilities of infants. Perhaps the main insight delivered is that of how infants acquire the concept of object permanence, the idea that objects continue to exist even when they are out of sight or out of one’s own consciousness. The relative simplicity of the procedure devised by Piaget to investigate object permanence has evolved into something of a cottage research industry in developmental psychology, with literally hundreds of studies being devoted to it. Piaget’s third landmark book, which addresses cognitive development beyond infancy, is The Growth of Logical Thinking from Childhood to Adolescence (1958), which he wrote with Bärbel Inhelder. Covering the cognitive structures that function as concrete operations (a stage in the development of children’s thinking when they are able to see things from more than one perspective at once and also recognize the necessity of, for example, the weight of a ball of clay remaining exactly the same even when it is molded into a different shape) and that show the first glimmerings

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of those pertaining to formal operations (abstract thinking such a symbolic logic) in adolescents, it once again rests on simple, but ingenious, experiments whose procedures are still followed in the early 21st century. The cognitive tradition also survives today through new theoretical developments that have been building up momentum since the mid-1990s. The vehicles for this potential transformation have been so-called dynamical systems thinking and connectionism. Two books feature as landmark publications in these respects. The first book is A Dynamic Systems Approach to the Development of Cognition and Action (1994) by Esther Thelen and Linda B. Smith. A dynamical system is simply any system that changes over time, where time can be anything from milliseconds to years. Such systems are either linear or nonlinear, the latter being the source of inspiration for the book. In a nonlinear dynamical system, an agent of change can originate in the moment-to-moment activity of a developing organism (e.g., an animal repeatedly grasping an object) and ultimately induce a qualitative shift in behavioral organization on a longer time scale (the creature making a transition from a palmar to a pincer grasp). Thelen and Smith synthesize and express with great clarity the intricacies of such thinking and its implications for child development. While their initial examples create the impression that they are striving for a general theory of sensorimotor development, they extend the principles applied in this context to cognitive development, particularly with regard to category formation and language. Connectionism is a theoretical approach that also addresses the behavior of nonlinear dynamical systems. The utility of connectionist models for simulating change in child development is elucidated in a landmark book by Jeffery Elman and colleagues entitled Rethinking Innateness: A Connectionist Perspective on Development (1996). In essence, the book tenders a new framework for studying child development founded on different types of learning and the formation of representations that are buttressed by recent findings from developmental neurobiology. The authors’ resolution of the nature-nurture issue might be paraphrased in two ways. First, they say, genes influence virtually all behavior, but virtually no behavior is determined by them. Second, the environment is instructive and the genotype permissive. S o c i a l a n d E mot io nal D e v elo pm en t Alongside the schools of behaviorism and cognitivism, the 20th century witnessed other approaches to the study of child development. In the realm of children’s social and emotional development, John Bowlby undoubtedly wrote a landmark work in the trilogy consisting of Attachment (1969), Separation (1973), and Loss (1980). These books, based on Bowlby’s clinical experiences of the effects of maternal deprivation on children, and his two subsequent

books on the same theme had a profound effect on both theory and practice relative to child development. On the one hand, his work fostered a new breed of researchers that was prepared to take ideas from psychoanalysis and ethology and apply them to the study of infants in real-life situations. On the other hand, it offered a humane approach to the care of children that assuaged the excesses of Watson’s behaviorism, set in motion improvements in the institutional care of children, and generally enabled parents to better understand their infant’s everyday, and sometimes puzzling, patterns of behavior. Without the pioneering work of Mary D. Salter Ainsworth, it would be fair to say that the theory of infantmother attachment would never have achieved the status it has in the early 21st century, as witnessed by the superabundance of studies it has nurtured. In 1978, Ainsworth and her colleagues published the landmark book Patterns of Attachment: A Psychological Study of the Strange Situation (1978), derived from a corpus of monthly observations of 26 Baltimore families. Its major concern was the establishment of a method aimed at measuring the security of attachment, which is termed the Strange Situation. This 20-minute system of assessment designed to reveal individual differences in the way 12-month-old infants react to the brief separations and reunions with their mothers has become one of the most widely used methods in research on child development. The Strange Situation has been the subject of ongoing controversy about the interpretation of cross-cultural variation in attachment patterns. However, the book itself remains an excellent piece of writing on how to carry out research on individual differences that relies not on psychometric tests but on a keen eye for observation under constrained circumstances. Perhaps one of the most salient of phenotypic markers of human diversity is sex differences. Without doubt, the representative landmark book of this area of study is The Psychology of Sex Differences (1974) by Eleanor E. Maccoby and Carolyn N. Jacklin. At the time it was written, there were a number of suppositions, or what some called “myths,” about cognitive and other differences between boys and girls. Through careful scrutiny of a mountain of literature on sex differences, Maccoby and Jacklin dispelled a number of myths and identified sex differences that are supported by research. The latter have to do with aggression, mathematical and spatial skills, and verbal skills. In addition to differences, there are also similarities between the sexes, which the authors are at pains to point out. Thus, for example, they conclude that boys and girls share common pathways of learning throughout the preschool years. Beyond these years, however, contemporary educationalists are growing increasingly concerned about more academic failures among boys, a difference that might in part have its roots in a finding discussed in the book, namely, that from the outset boys have more difficulties in learning to read.

bowlby, john

Maccoby and Jacklin’s book had a substantial influence on research concerned with this aspect of human diversity as well as giving food for thought about the education of boys and girls. The overriding view expressed in the book is that parental influences on the socialization of children to adopt particular gender and sex-based preferences are not paramount. Rather, it is biological influences that drive the development of sex differences. Maccoby has more recently softened this view. In particular, she stresses that sexsegregated experiences have a profound influence on adult heterosexuality, parenting, and employment. Dev elopmen t i n Soc iocultur al Con te xt If Piaget’s influence on U.S. developmental psychology had to await the demise of behaviorism, Vygotsky’s influence arose similarly in the wake of Piaget’s. The attraction of Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory was twofold. First, it dissented from Piaget’s view of the child as a lone searcher of knowledge and provided one in which the child was aided and abetted by parents, teachers, and peers. Second, and related, it clearly spelled out its implications for curriculum design, instruction, and assessment methods that were new and intuitively appealing to educational practitioners. The richness of Vygotsky’s theory can best be appreciated through his two landmark works: Theory and Thought in Language (1962; originally published in 1934 in Russian) and Mind in Society (1978). The first book, regarded by some as his greatest work, is essentially about the role of language in cognitive development. For Vygotsky, thought and language have independent origins and then grow together such that the sociocultural experience of language guides and facilitates thought. In contrast, Piaget maintained that the development of mental concepts propagated the acquisition of language. What really separated the two theorists in this regard was the role Vygotsky accorded to internal or private speech, which he said enables the developing child to internalize social experience, leading to “higher mental functions.” His perspective on the interface between language and cognitive development, and especially that concerned with selfdirected utterances, has had an abiding influence on how the nature of child development is construed. Its distinctiveness is brought into further relief in Mind in Society, which contains a representative selection of Vygotsky’s theoretical essays. Here, one finds concepts that are indubitably Vygotskian in origin. The ones that stand out are the interrelated concepts of the zone of proximal development (ZPD) and scaffolding. In short, what they convey is that tasks the child cannot master alone but is able to do with the assistance of adults and more accomplished peers (the ZPD) become independently achievable through a system of support (scaffolding), which gradually abdicates responsibility to the child. The implications of these and other concepts discussed in the book (such as those regard-

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ing the role of play in development) have been absorbed, for example, into research on parent-infant communication and executive functions in older children. They have also given rise to new dynamical assessment methods and influences on educational practice, such as play therapy for children with developmental disorders. In addition, Vygotsky’s ideas inspired an intellectual tradition that has helped create a cultural psychology. Along with anthropological traditions, the Vygotskian lineage is one of the major theoretical strands that envisions children’s development as embedded in and shaped by the contexts, practices, and discourses of everyday life. In sum, this selection of landmark books conveys the range and richness of ideas that animated the first 100 years in the scientific study of child development and whose influence can still be felt in many corners of contemporary scholarship on children. Brian Hopkins see also: Advice Literature, Popular; Development, Concept of; Development, Theories of; Research on Child Development further reading: Emmy E. Werner and Ruth Smith, Journeys from Childhood to Midlife: Risk, Resilience and Recovery, 2001. • Michael Tomasello, Constructing a Language: User-Based Theory of Language, 2003. • Harry W. Gardiner and Corrine Kosmitzki, Lives across Cultures: Cross-Cultural Human Development, 3rd ed., 2004. • David Howe, Child Abuse and Neglect: Attachment and Development, 2005. • C. Wenar and Patricia Kerig, Developmental Psychopathology, 2005. • Dan H. Sanes, William A. Harris, and Thomas A. Reh, Development of the Nervous System, 2006.

bowlby, john (b. February 26, 1907; d. September 2, 1990), British psychoanalyst and creator of attachment theory. In formulating attachment theory, John Bowlby drew on concepts and empirical findings from many fields beyond psychoanalysis. These included ethology, evolutionary biology, cybernetics/systems theory, cognition, and developmental psychology. He had an uncanny knack for recognizing cutting-edge ideas before they became generally accepted and was able to synthesize them into a new theory about close relationships. Attachment theory originated from the notion that the disruption of family relationships through separation, social deprivation, and bereavement adversely affects children’s emotional development. Bowlby became sensitized to this topic through his clinical work as a child psychiatrist and psychoanalyst. After World War II, he and his research team at the Tavistock Institute in London studied young children who were hospitalized or institutionalized without access to parents. At the same time, the World Health Organization commissioned him to survey the wellbeing of institutionalized, mostly orphaned, children. From his findings, Bowlby concluded that to facilitate healthy development, “the infant and young child should experience a warm, intimate, and continuous relationship

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with his mother (or permanent mother substitute) in which both find satisfaction and enjoyment.” He also concluded, “If a community values its children it must cherish their parents.” In Attachment (1969), the first volume of his trilogy, Bowlby argued that an infant who seeks to be close to his or her attachment figure when frightened and checks in with that figure while exploring increases his or her likelihood of protection and, hence, survival. Emphasizing the child’s active role in the relationship, he also maintained that an attachment figure’s prompt and sensitive responsiveness to a child’s distress engenders a more secure and trusting relationship that fosters self-reliance. In making these claims, he drew on Mary D. Salter Ainsworth’s short-term longitudinal studies of infant-mother attachment in Uganda and the United States. Bowlby’s second volume, Separation (1973), reviewed emotion research and social learning theory to underscore that fear is attenuated when a child can flee from danger and toward an “older and wiser” attachment figure. In the third volume, Loss (1980), Bowlby fleshed out ideas on the role of memory and other forms of representation (internal working models) in relationship functioning and personality development in the context of bereavement. The theory has shown remarkable robustness and has been highly productive in generating research. Particularly influential have been longitudinal studies from infancy to early adulthood, not only in the United States but several other cultures. More recently, research on attachment at the representational level in adults and children has reconnected attachment theory with its clinical roots. Bowlby has been criticized for excessive emphasis on the role of the mother, lack of attention to the father, and undermining the role of women as workers outside the home. This criticism is, in large part, due to changes in societal norms after the theory was developed. Many studies on child-father attachment and on attachment as related to child care have led to extensions and adaptations of the theory, but they have not undermined its major principles. However, much more work is needed to show how different cultures incorporate attachment into family and societal functioning and how multiple attachment relationships in families interact and what differentiates secure infantmother attachments from attachments between adults. Inge Bretherton see also: Attachment, Infant; Attachment Disturbances and Disorders; Development, Theories of: Psychoanalytic Theories further reading: J. Holmes, John Bowlby and Attachment Theory, 1993.

brace, charles loring (b. June 19, 1826; d. August 11, 1890), founder of the Children’s Aid Society and pioneer of child welfare and foster care.

Charles Loring Brace was born in Litchfield, Connecticut, and raised primarily in Hartford. Moving to New York City in 1848 to attend Union Theological Seminary, Brace began working with a Methodist mission at Five Points (Manhattan’s most notorious slum) and delivering sermons at a city prison and charity hospital. These experiences convinced him that, while adults were “confirmed in the ways of vice,” children were still susceptible to moral influence and thus the most productive focus of reform work. Brace was also disturbed by the common practice of incarcerating vagrant children in juvenile and adult prisons. Most of these children, he argued, were not criminals but only poor. What they needed were jobs, education, and homes. In 1853, Brace founded the Children’s Aid Society (CAS) to provide New York’s poorest children just such benefits. Perhaps the most successful of the CAS’s many initiatives was the Newsboys’ Lodging House, in which, for an extremely modest charge, vagrant children could find a bed for the night, schooling, and a job-referral service. Brace insisted on the charge because he wanted to preserve what he saw as the chief virtue of street children: their “manly” independence. A Girl’s Lodging House opened a decade later but was less successful, largely because its managers insisted on residents’ sexual abstinence (boys were subject to no such strictures). Another successful CAS project was “industrial schools” for poor children whose need to work or shame over their ragged clothing barred them from public education. The most influential and celebrated—and infamous—of Brace’s CAS initiatives was his Emigration Plan, under which groups of poor city children were sent to the country and displayed to local residents. If approved by a CAS agent, these local residents could take one or more of the children home to live with and work for them. Brace’s most significant insight was that no orphanage or juvenile asylum could care for children as well as an ordinary family. Throughout its history, the Emigration Plan’s ideal goal was adoption, but initially it operated primarily as a job-placement service, as reflected in the fact that the families taking children were called “employers.” The Emigration Plan was widely imitated, domestically and abroad. Between 1854 and 1929, 250,000 children were relocated by what came to be called “orphan trains,” with 105,000 of these children placed by the CAS alone. Starting in the 1870s, critics became increasingly concerned with the CAS’s inadequate initial screening and postplacement monitoring of the families taking children, and western states also began to protest New York’s exportation of its “human garbage.” As a result, all the organizations sending out “orphan trains” began increasing placement supervision and making placements closer to home. By 1930, most of the surviving organizations—including the CAS—had evolved into modern foster care and adoption agencies. To this day, the CAS remains one of New York’s most innovative and effective child welfare agencies. Stephen O’Connor

b r e a s t f e e d in g see also: Adoption: Historical and Cultural Perspectives; Foster and Kinship Care: Historical and Cultural Perspectives further reading: Charles Loring Brace, The Dangerous Classes of New York and Twenty Years’ Work among Them, 1973. • Stephen O’Connor, Orphan Trains: Charles Loring Brace and the Children He Saved and Failed, 2003.

brain development. see Neurological and Brain Development

breastfeeding. Human milk is the natural extension of fetal life, essential for growth and development of the infant and young child. It is sufficient by itself to support optimal growth and development for the first six months of life. Anthropological and comparative studies suggest that humans wean infants at 3 to 4 years. While many infantmother pairs throughout the world breastfeed for this duration, in the United States and many other countries, weaning occurs at an earlier age, possibly to the disadvantage of both the child and the mother. Breastfeeding initiation and duration rates gradually increased in the United States at the end of the 20th century. United States Healthy People 2010 goals of 75% initiation, 50% still breastfeeding at 6 months, and 25% still breastfeeding at 1 year are still not met. African American breastfeeding rates are about 30% lower at all ages than white and Hispanic rates in the United States. Breastfeeding initiation rates in other countries vary widely from lows of 20% in some industrialized Asian nations to as high as nearly 100% in many European countries, especially in Scandinavia. Duration rates vary in relation to national policies on maternity leave for mothers working outside the home, with greater duration in those countries providing paid maternity leave of 4 to 12 months. Anatomy and Ph ys io logy of L actat io n a n d B r e as t f eed i ng The glandular tissue of the mammary gland is embedded in connective and adipose tissue, with ducts leading from the secretory structures to openings on the tip of the nipple. Mammary gland tissue initially develops in the 18- to 19week fetus, remaining small throughout fetal life and childhood until puberty, when over a period of two to three years growth of both glandular and supportive tissues occurs, usually prior to the onset of menses. Newborn infants occasionally secrete small amounts of milk for a few days after birth due to the influence of maternal hormones. Mammary gland size and capacity for storage of secreted milk varies widely among women, although there is no relationship between breast size and capacity to produce milk. Approximately 95% to 98% of women can produce adequate milk for their offspring without need for any supplementation. During pregnancy, under the influence of progesterone and prolactin, breast enlargement occurs. The pigmented

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area around the nipple, called the areola, will usually darken, as well. Later in pregnancy, the initial milk, called colostrum, may be secreted in small amounts, but major production of milk is prevented by the high circulating concentrations of the hormone progesterone. Following delivery of the infant and the placenta, milk secretion increases, and, even without suckling by the infant, the breast enlarges and colostrum leaks from the nipple. Emptying of milk by the infant increases milk secretion by removing an inhibitor of milk production that is a normal component of breast milk. Stimulation of the nipple during the process of suckling also carries neurological messages to the pituitary gland, resulting in release of the hormone oxytocin, which causes contraction of smooth muscle cells around the mammary gland ducts. This forces milk out of the ducts and into the infant’s mouth. This process is known as let down; it will occur a number of times during each suckling episode. Oxytocin also stimulates uterine muscle contraction, facilitating expulsion of the placenta, reducing bleeding, and returning the uterus to its prepregnancy size. Suckling also stimulates release of prolactin, another pituitary hormone, which is essential for milk production. Milk volume increases daily after birth in response to the frequency and completeness of emptying of milk from the breast. Thus, the infant who is hungry will feed more frequently, sending a message to increase milk production. As the infant becomes more satisfied and reduces the frequency of feeding, the volume of milk produced diminishes slightly or reaches a steady state. This feedback mechanism between infant and mother continues throughout breastfeeding. Gradual weaning from the breast occurs when the infant increases the interval between each feed, until no further milk is removed, at which point milk production ceases. During the first days of life, the volume of colostrum secreted is small, only 1 to 2 ounces (30 to 60 milliliters) and is low in fat and high in protein and antibodies, providing immediate protection against a wide variety of infections. By about the third or fourth day of lactation, milk production increases in response to the infant’s need. C om po s i t io n o f H um an M i l k Each species of mammal, including humans, provides a complex array of milk components that are specific for that species. The composition of the milk is constantly changing, reflecting the specific needs of the infant at different ages and under different circumstances, including exposure of mother and infant to specific infectious agents. Small amounts of foods eaten by the mother also enter into the breast milk, providing the child with a broad range of taste experiences preparing him to accept a wide array of culturespecific foods after weaning. Some components assist in the development of the digestive tract itself. Because human milk is so balanced to

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the needs of the infant, the breastfed infant’s stool volume is small. Human milk is high in whey and low in the phosphoprotein casein, in contrast to cow’s milk, which is the opposite. The amino acid composition of the proteins is also quite different and meets the precise growth needs of the human. The lipids in human milk provide a high-caloric source for energy and specific fatty acids essential for optimal development of the brain and retina. High in cholesterol, human milk supports the prolonged period of brain growth in the human, as this process is dependent on fat nutrition. The structure of the triglycerides is different from that of other mammals and of fats of plant origin, which, in combination with the lipase of human milk, assures a high rate of absorption. At the beginning of a breastfeeding episode, the fat content of the milk is relatively low, gradually increasing two- to threefold in concentration as the feed proceeds. The high fat content at the end of the feed may signal the infant to end the feed. Calcium and phosphorus are present at concentrations lower than in cow’s milk, but they are absorbed more efficiently than in infant formula or whole cow’s milk because of their binding to digestible proteins. Iron, zinc, and copper, as well other trace elements, are also present in human milk in low concentrations but, with their high rates of absorption, are adequate to the needs of the infant. Vitamins A, B, C, and E are present in adequate concentrations, but vitamin K is at a low concentration. An injection of this vitamin is needed. Vitamin D is at too low a level to prevent rickets. Current recommendations are that infants and young children be given daily oral vitamin D drops. A specialized mechanism in the lactating mother assures the appearance of new, specific antibody in her milk within days of the first exposure to an infectious agent. For this system to work optimally, intimacy, including kissing, between mother and infant is essential so that the mother is constantly “sampling” the bacterial and viral environment of the infant and, thereby, making antibody to protect her infant. I m po rta nc e o f B r e as t f eed i ng fo r th e I nfan t The breastfed infant is healthier and has fewer diseases than infants who are not breastfed. A large number of acute infectious diseases have been repeatedly shown to occur in significantly lower incidence and with reduced severity in both developing countries and in well-developed nations, including the United States. It is not only the presence of antibacterial and antiviral effects of human milk but also avoidance of contaminated water and foods that contribute to these differences. The diseases with proved protection include diarrhea and other gastrointestinal infections,

respiratory disease including wheezing and pneumonia, otitis media (middle ear infection), botulism, urinary tract infections, blood infections, and meningitis. Rates of reduction in incidence range from 50% to 90% for all these diseases, and the longer the duration of breastfeeding, the greater the benefit. The need for hospitalization of breastfed infants is reduced by more than two-thirds compared with artificially fed infants. The protective effects of breastfeeding continue beyond the actual period of breastfeeding; middle ear infection is less frequent in 2- and 3-yearold children who were breastfed only during the first year of life. This is probably due to enhancement of the immune system and permanent changes in the bacterial flora in the airways. Chronic diseases later in childhood and adolescence vary in incidence in relation to the duration of breastfeeding. These include reduced rates of insulin-dependent diabetes (type 1), inflammatory bowel disease (Crohn disease), leukemia and lymphoma, obesity, asthma, and some allergic conditions. Enhanced development, as measured by childhood IQ and school performance, has also been associated with breastfeeding in proportion to duration of human milk intake. This may be due to direct effects of human milk components on brain development, to reduced rates of illness during infancy and early childhood, or to increased maternal-infant bonding, including physical contact. These beneficial effects on development have been reported for both full-term and premature infants. I m po rta nc e o f B r e as t f eed i ng fo r t h e Mot h er Less well recognized is the beneficial effect of breastfeeding on the health of the mother, both during the postpartum period and later in life. These include reductions in postpartum uterine bleeding, more rapid return to prepregnancy weight, and reduced stress accompanied by improved mothering behavior. Many of these acute benefits may be mediated by the hormone oxytocin, which, in addition to causing smooth muscle contraction, also has an effect on emotional well-being. Long-term benefits include delay in return of menses and ovulation, with increased spacing between infants. The anovulatory, or birth-control, effect of breastfeeding is evident during exclusive breastfeed, including at least one feed during the night. Increased spacing between sequential births of 20 to 24 months has been shown to reduce the risk for premature delivery and to reduce infant mortality rates. Other long-term benefits include up to a 50% reduction in premenopausal breast cancer, ovarian cancer, and type 2 diabetes in direct relation to the woman’s cumulative duration of breastfeeding. Although the lactating woman loses approximately 5% of

b r e a s t f e e d in g

her bone calcium during the first three months of nursing, rapid recalcification of bone occurs after weaning. M ater nal Con tr ai ndicat ions to B r e as t f eed i ng Most maternal illnesses and medications are entirely compatible with breastfeeding. However, there are some relatively rare situations in which breastfeeding by mothers may not be safe for the infant. These include mothers with active tuberculosis who have not had at least two weeks of treatment, mothers receiving highly toxic antimetabolites for cancer therapy or other diseases, and mothers receiving radioactively labeled products for diagnostic or therapeutic indications. Mothers who are using illegal drugs should not breastfeed due to potential toxicity. In the United States and most developed countries in the world, it has been recommended that women who are positive for human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) not breastfeed their infants because of evidence that the virus can be transmitted to the infant in human milk. In countries with higher risks for infant illness and death from diarrhea and other infectious diseases and from malnutrition, the recommendation is to inform the mother of the relative risks of breastfeeding and not breastfeeding, letting her make the decision. In the absence of antiviral treatment, approximately 25% of infants born to HIV-positive mothers will be infected either during pregnancy or at the time of birth, with an additional 14% acquiring the infection during nursing. However, in locations where infant mortality is high without breastfeeding, the risk of death may be higher. This matter remains controversial, and new studies may change the recommendations. Maternal varicella (chicken pox) and herpes simplex lesions on the breast may require delay in initiation or interruption of breastfeeding. Occasional alcohol consumption in small amounts is not a contraindication to breastfeeding, although large amounts may both inhibit milk production and may transmit large doses of ethanol to the infant. Tobacco use is not a contraindication for breastfeeding, but mothers who smoke should be counseled never to smoke in the same room with the child since second-hand smoke is injurious to the infant. Mothers who are chronic carriers of hepatitis B and C viruses should be encouraged to breastfeed since it has been repeatedly demonstrated that breastfeeding does not increase the risk of acquiring those infections. Transmission of these viruses to infants of carrier mothers occurs in utero or at the time of birth only. I n fan t Con tr ai ndicat ions to B r e as t f eed i ng Classic galactosemia (a metabolic disorder caused by the lack of an enzyme required to digest galactose) is the only

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absolute infant contraindication. Most other inborn errors of metabolism are compatible with breastfeeding. Occasionally, a newborn with a very high serum bilirubin concentration may have to be taken off breastfeeding temporarily to avoid brain toxicity. R ec om m en datio n s fo r I n i ti atio n a n d M anage m en t o f B r e as t f eed i ng Cultural practices affect breastfeeding initiation and management, but generally agreed upon principles and practices are widely accepted worldwide and recommended universally by the World Health Organization, UNICEF, La Leche League International, and the International Lactation Consultants Association, the American Academy of Pediatrics, the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, the Academy of Family Physicians, the American Dietetic Association, as well as many other national professional organizations. These generally accepted guidelines are summarized in the following sections. Antepartum. It is strongly advised that all young people receive education in the importance of breastfeeding and in its practice. In addition, all pregnant women should be given information by oral, written, and visual communications to ensure that their decision is a fully informed one and they can initiate nursing right after birth. Formal training should be available for all pregnant women, followed by individual support by experts in breastfeeding after delivery for as long as needed. At Birth. The infant should be put to the breast within the first 30 to 60 minutes following delivery. The mother and infant should be kept together in close proximity throughout the postpartum period, and the mother should be encouraged to put the baby to the breast at the earliest signs of hunger and before the start of crying, a late sign of hunger. With this practice, it can be expected that a minimum of 8 to 12 breastfeeds per day will occur. With this frequency, milk production will increase optimally. Mothers should be helped to position their infants correctly. Breastfed infants should be given no water, food, or other milk during the initiation and thereafter for the first six months of life, unless there is a medical indication for supplementation. Vitamin K at birth and vitamin D daily are the only recommended supplements. Breastfeeding should be continued for a minimum of one year and thereafter for as long as mother and infant wish to continue it. Cultural Variations. Breastfeeding practices vary around the world, with some but not all compatible with success. In many Asian countries, it is widely believed that colostrum is not normal milk, since it appears thicker and yellower, and women commonly do not initiate breastfeeding until the

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third or fourth day after delivery. This denies the infant the much-needed anti-infective properties of colostrum and also delays and mitigates against optimal milk production. In some African and Asian countries, it is common practice to feed various mixtures of herbs and honey to infants prior to initiation of breastfeeding or as a complement to breastfeeding. Since these products are of no advantage to the infant and may interfere with establishment of a milk supply, as well as be contaminated, it is to be discouraged. In many countries, it is accepted and expected that mothers will breastfeed infants publicly. More than half of the states and the federal government of the United States have recently enacted laws making breastfeeding of an infant a legal act or civil right in any location in which the mother and infant may legally be. Reluctance to breastfeed in public is given by many women as the reason they choose not to breastfeed or to terminate breastfeeding in early infancy, to the disadvantage of their child and themselves. While pregnancy prepares the breast for lactation immediately after the birth of the infant, it is possible for a woman to gradually induce milk production, even when not having been pregnant, by repeated stimulation of the nipple by a suckling infant with or without additional hormonal stimulation. Some adopting mothers utilize this practice. For biological and adopting mothers who are unable to breastfeed or choose not to, other alternatives to the use of infant formula include the purchase of frozen, pooled human milk from approved human milk banks. The older common practice of employing a wet nurse to feed an infant has gone out of practice in most developed countries because of the risks of infection, cost, and cultural preference. In some parts of the world, including the United States, private, paid, or voluntary arrangements for obtaining expressed milk from other women is utilized, as well as the practice of nursing another woman’s infant. These ad hoc arrangements carry a small risk for transmission of infections and are best undertaken with medical supervision. Environmental Issues. Human milk has been found to contain small but detectable amounts of many chemicals from the environment, often stored in body fat. With the onset of lactation, some of these chemicals are mobilized into the mother’s circulation and make their way into the milk. Although such contamination of human milk gets much attention in the media, it should be recognized that there is no evidence of any significant increase in infant acquisition of these chemicals or of infant illness as a result of breastfeeding. The great proportion of transfer of these agents from mother to infant occurs during pregnancy. Only when the mother has had a large, acute, toxic dose of such chemicals, such as mercury, is there evidence of the infant being put at risk. Breastfeeding is a complex process, delivering a complex, made-to-need substance to the human infant. It has many

advantages over artificial feeding for infants, mothers, and the general health and well-being of society. Lawrence M. Gartner see also: Eating and Nutrition; Feeding, Infant; Malnutrition and Undernutrition further reading: Valerie A. Fildes, Breasts, Bottles and Babies, 1986. • Gabrielle Palmer, The Politics of Breastfeeding, 1988. • World Health Organization, Global Strategy for Infant and Young Child Feeding, 2003. • R. A. Lawrence and R. M. Lawrence, Breastfeeding: A Guide for the Medical Profession, 2005. • American Academy of Pediatrics and the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, Breastfeeding Handbook for Physicians, 2006.

bronfenbrenner, urie. see Development, Theories of: Social Contextual Theories

buddhism. Like many religions, Buddhism was not created with an eye to its long-term viability as a social institution. Instead, Buddhism came into its full social and institutional presence in a gradual manner and somewhat by accident. This seems particularly true for the range of Buddhist positions on children and childhood, positions that emerged slowly and for a variety of different reasons. Thus, in the surviving accounts of the Buddha’s career (all of which were written hundreds of years after his death), it would seem that he, like many contemporaneous mendicants, simply taught a way to avoid future rebirth in samara—the ceaseless cycle of life and death—with little attention paid to legislating rules for family life or specific instructions for raising children. In the centuries after the Buddha’s death (roughly the 5th century BC), a complex framework of monasticism grew into existence, with detailed rules for running a celibate community but also with dictates for interacting with the community at large. Understanding this gradual growth of institutional armature is crucial for understanding the place of children in Buddhism, since building institutions and providing a role for children in Buddhism were both agendas intent on managing the reproduction of tradition—in one case the physical plant, in the other the staff. Thus, while on one plane Buddhism is rightly depicted as a religion fundamentally directed toward the goal of getting out of life and into nirvana, this in no way inhibited the development of all sorts of life-managing doctrines and practices. That said, it is fair to offer the following generalization: Buddhism, by and large, has little to say about children directly. Likewise, child-directed rituals are few: There are no birth-purification rites or infant baptisms, nor are there rites of circumcision or even clear rulings on child rearing; similarly, there are no Sunday school–like entities until the colonial era. Still, at least five categories of discourse related to children appear in Buddhism. First, there is the Buddha’s supposedly perfect childhood. As found in various biographical accounts, the Buddha was supernatural from the beginning

b u d d h is m

and did not actually have a normal childhood since, after being delivered from his mother’s side, he arrived into the world already walking and talking. Actually, it is clear that many Buddhist authors wanted to emphasize that the Buddha was immaculately conceived. Thus it is usually stated, or implied, that his mother, Maya, practiced Buddhiststyled ethics and received the Buddha in the form of a sixtusked elephant in a dream. This piece of mythology was far from being an arcane textual claim since it was regularly rendered in the art that decorated popular pilgrim sites and reliquaries throughout India. Second, Buddhist literature, apparently from very early on, relied on the trope of parent and child to explain one’s relationship to the Buddha and, by proxy, one’s relationship to tradition and one’s preceptors. In the monasteries, this meant that the teacher-disciple relationship was explicitly designed to mimic the father-son pair in the family. Similarly, in slightly later texts of early Mahayana Buddhism (which appears roughly at the beginning of the current era), correct Buddhist identity was spoken of as being a son of the Buddha. For instance, in a crucial sequence in chapters 2 and 3 of the Lotus Sutra, the narrator has the Buddha explain to his leading disciple, Sariputra, that Sariputra has always been a son of the Buddha even if he has not quite understood what this sonship involved. In fact, in older strata of Buddhist literature Sariputra had claimed that he was a figurative son of the Buddha, but the Buddha convinces him in this narrative that this was only an initial form of sonship that had to be expanded in order for Sariputra to win his full inheritance, generated by a so-called rebirthing from the Buddha’s mouth. Later in the narrative, the text offers a facsimile of this new Buddhist sonship to those who would read this text with faith, thereby turning the text into a free-floating refathering mechanism that actualizes itself in the very process of reading. In Tibetan Buddhism, as in more developed tantric forms of Mahayana Buddhism, one also finds a kind of parent-child template that explains the relationship between a neophyte and his or her guru, with the example of Milarepa and his master Marpa being a much-loved example. In some tantric practices (largely secret), it appears that the neophyte is initiated into the guru’s spiritual lineage/family by receiving a drop of semen on his or her tongue, which is believed to effect this kind of tantric rebirthing. Arguably, much of this is an attempt to render in ritual much of the father-son logic that had been generated in the earlier strata of Mahayana sutras, such as the Lotus Sutra and others. Third, and in a very different vein, East Asian authors developed a kind of Buddhist filial piety that focused on getting sons and daughters to recognize a debt to their parents that could only be repaid by making offerings to Buddhist monasteries. Roughly in the 6th century, a cycle of myths appear in which Mulian is shown using his Buddhist

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powers to travel to hell to save his mother. Key to understanding these stories is that Mulian is both a monk and a filial son, with these two roles being successfully combined such that Mulian’s career as a monk is motivated by his desire to care for his mother and, more distantly, his patriline. Terming this “great filial piety” (da xiao), advocates argued that sons fulfilled their own filial duties by participating in annual Buddhist rituals celebrating Mulian’s exploits and by transferring goods from the sphere of the household to the monastics. This medieval fusion of Buddhism and filial piety defined a new form of Buddhist family values that has lasted to the present in East Asian countries. Fourth, in India and East Asia, there is evidence of a kind of Buddhist fertility cult. For instance, it is claimed in chapter 25 of the Lotus Sutra that if women propitiate a bodhisattva named Avalokitesvara (in Chinese, named Guanyin), then they can expect to become pregnant and even select the sex of their child. Later in China, this bodhisattva shifted from being male to being female and was given a new epithet: “Child-Granting Guanyin” (Songzi Guanyin). Along with Child-Granting Guanyin, another bodhisattva, Ksitigarbha (in Chinese, Dizang), became central in a cult of fertility in East Asia. Later in Japan, roughly in the 14th century, Dizang (in Japanese, Jizo) was presented as the special guardian of deceased children, even as he appears equally in charge of fertility and the health of children. These strands of East Asian Buddhist thought on filial piety, fertility, and deceased children took a somewhat different turn in the 20th century. In Japan in the 1970s, there emerged a cult based on caring for aborted fetuses. Built around “rites for the water child” (mizukokuyo), a sizable number of Japanese monasteries began offering monthly and annual services designed to placate aborted fetuses. It was also claimed that caring for the spirits of these aborted fetuses served to ensure the health of the family’s living children. Last, in Chan and Zen, the masters’ disciples were categorized as little filial sons (xiao xiaozi). Thus, in the earliest Chan monastic rules—the Chanyuan qinggui of 1103—the funeral of an abbot requires that his chosen descendents don customary Confucian funeral garb and treat the abbot, their master, as though he was their father. This suggests that the Chan monastic system, like its Indian predecessor, also relied on the at-home model of patriarchal rule to structure authority in the large public monasteries. Alan Cole see also: Child: Religious and Philosophical Perspectives; Religious Instruction further reading: Helen Hardarce, Marketing the Menacing Fetus in Japan, 1997. • Alan Cole, Mothers and Sons in Chinese Buddhism, 1998. • Alan Cole, Text as Father: Paternal Seductions in Early Mahayana Literature, 2005.

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built environment, children and the. American children spend more than 90% of their lives indoors, and the places where they live, play, and learn inevitably influence their development. Research on children and the built environment has revealed that environmental characteristics more proximal to the child, such as conditions in the home or school, have more developmental impact on them than those more distant, such as neighborhood conditions or the degree of urbanization. Social class also plays a central role in the quality of the built elements in places like home, school, or neighborhood that children inhabit. Hom e a n d S c ho o l Qua l i t y Contemporary residential settings of American children are a far cry from the experience of their forebearers. In colonial America, family activities such as cooking, eating, sewing, schooling, and sleeping occurred in one or two rooms for nearly the entire populace. Family sizes of 10 or more were common and private space a rare commodity. By the mid-19th century, a typical American family farmed, and children spent their days helping their parents garden, caring for animals, hauling water, and performing numerous household chores. With the rise of the Industrial Revolution, a marked shift from agrarian to urban life dramatically reshaped childhood settings. Urban settings became more demarcated by social class, with large numbers of poor children living in squalid conditions that led to excessive rates of infectious diseases and various social problems. Residential crowding became fused with polluted conditions, and play spaces were transformed from home and nearby yards and fields to streets and commercial establishments. Compared to their wealthier counterparts, poor children had relatively free range throughout urban neighborhoods. Many did not go to school regularly if at all beyond the younger school ages, and in a trend that sadly persists to this day, the schools poor children attended were often inferior. Both contemporary and historical conditions of the built environs for American children vary considerably from those encountered by the majority of today’s children throughout the world. Unfortunately, little systematic investigation of the built environment and child development has occurred in the developing world. Substandard housing involving structural defects, poor maintenance, physical hazards, and inferior indoor climate adversely affects mental and physical health in young children. Substandard housing, in turn, is typically linked to poverty but impairs development even when income is taken into account. Nonetheless, the importance of housing quality in child development has likely been underestimated since most research emanates from affluent countries where substandard housing barely approximates what most of the world’s children must live with. For example, even low-quality housing in North America and Western Eu-

rope typically has safe water, indoor plumbing, electricity, refrigeration and cooking appliances, safe heating equipment, and a ratio of at least one room per person, whereas millions of children in the economically underdeveloped world lack such basic amenities. In the developing world, fewer than half of urban dwellings and fewer than 25% of rural homes have safe drinking water available inside the home. Younger children are especially vulnerable to the negative impacts of poor-quality housing because of developmental immaturity in concert with greater time spent in the home. Particularly in low-income families, young children who live on higher floors of high-rise buildings suffer more behavioral problems. This is probably due to greater social isolation of the mother plus inaccessible outdoor play spaces. Because it is difficult to supervise and monitor children outside of the immediate residential unit, parents in high-rise buildings often restrict their children’s outdoor play. School building quality affects development in a different way. Standardized achievement test scores are lower in poorer-quality school buildings, as are teacher turnover and morale. More open plan layouts with ill-defined and poorly bounded instruction spaces engender greater distraction and noise and cause more off-task time. Because these U.S. and European data do not reflect the degree of crowding and substandard school building construction (e.g., absence of central heating/cooling, indoor plumbing) experienced by the majority of the world’s children, the negative effects of poor-quality schools are likely underestimated. Crowding. Residential crowding, measured as people per room, is inimical to children’s development, with similar adverse effects found in North America, Europe, Asia, and Latin America. Children living in more crowded conditions suffer from more psychological distress, poorer cognitive development, and elevated aggression compared with children living under less-crowded conditions. These effects occur because parents in more crowded homes are less responsive to their children and engage in harsher, more punitive parenting. Such parenting behaviors likely reflect elevated social withdrawal and stress, two common sequelae of crowding among adults. The effects of crowding may be different for boys and girls. Boys show more sensitivity in physiological stress reactions and behavioral conduct problems. Girls are more vulnerable to psychological distress. Crowding in schools also has negative effects. Research in North America and Europe shows that crowding at child care or primary school adversely affects children’s cognitive and emotional development. Larger class sizes also hurt academic achievement, especially for low-income children. Moreover, children in larger schools feel more alienated and less connected to their school community.

b u il t e n v ir o n m e n t , c h il d r e n a n d t h e

Noise. Noise levels are rapidly escalating throughout the world and are a major problem for children in homes and schools. Primary school children in noisier schools, independent of family socioeconomic status, have delayed reading acquisition. Interestingly, these effects occur at sound levels far below those necessary to produce hearing damage. Children in noisy environments appear to tune out auditory stimuli, perhaps as a way to cope with stimulus overload. Unfortunately, this tuning out occurs indiscriminately and impairs reading ability, since learning to read is dependent upon adequate speech perception. Ambient noise, the sounds people hear everyday in the world around them, is usually chronic and uncontrollable. High levels may contribute to a sense of helplessness: the belief that one cannot control one’s environment. Helplessness undermines academic motivation. Some of the ill effects of noise on reading may also occur indirectly via teachers. Teachers in noisy classrooms suffer more fatigue and stress. There is also considerable loss of instruction time in noisy schools. For example, in a study of a primary school in New York City located next to a train track, more than 10% of teaching time was lost because of acoustic intrusions. Ambient noise can also directly affect children’s physical health. Primary school children in noisy schools have elevated blood pressure and stress hormones. Chaotic Environments. In order for children to thrive, they need regular, predictable, and increasingly challenging interactions with their surroundings. Crowded, noisy, substandard housing along with unpredictable and lessstructured social interactions and routines undermine cognitive and emotional development. Such living conditions occur more often in low-income households, which is one reason why poor children suffer more cognitive and socioemotional deficits relative to their wealthier counterparts. Toxic Environments. Although current housing in the developed world no longer resembles the squalor depicted by Charles Dickens, Friedrich Engels, Jacob Riis, and other 19th-century reformers, homes continue to harbor toxins and allergens that are harmful to children. Neurotoxins such as lead and other heavy metals, pesticides, and solvents from cleaning products all have well-documented adverse cognitive and behavioral outcomes in children, particularly during the pre- and neonatal period. Childhood exposure to environmental tobacco smoke in the home is a major threat to physical health as well. One explanation for the surging asthma epidemic in North America is the presence of high levels of residential allergens (e.g., cockroaches), particularly in low-income, urban neighborhoods. An additional indoor pollutant contributing to asthma and other respiratory ailments for many children in poor countries is the high level of smoke associated with the use of biofuels (e.g., wood) for heating and cooking.

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Indoor Climate. Indoor climate, particularly elevated temperatures, as well as improper ventilation reduce student performance, particularly on more demanding tasks that require sustained attention. Carbon monoxide, particulates, and possibly allergens are believed to underlie these effects. School absenteeism has also been linked to poor indoor climate quality in school buildings. N eigh b o r ho o d As children move into adolescence, their daily orbits expand beyond the confines of home and school to include neighborhood and community. Yet the years since the 1970s have witnessed a dramatic compression in the home range of youth, especially in North America and Europe. Children who do not explore their surroundings miss important learning opportunities that contribute to confidence and competency. Decreased exploration is also bad for children’s physical health. Reduced physical activity is a major reason for the epidemic of childhood obesity in America. Parental concerns about safety and crime are a major factor in restrictions on mobility in children, but so is urban sprawl. High traffic volumes, limited-access motorways, and greater distances make it very difficult for children to walk or bike in many North American communities. Before the mid-20th century, most American neighborhoods had well-connected and pedestrian-friendly streets. However, as automobiles became ubiquitous in daily life, homes, schools, parks, and retail buildings were no longer accessible on foot. Mounting traffic made streets hazardous, especially for children and youth. In the 21st century, fewer than one in seven American children walks or bikes to school. Fift y years ago, four out of seven American children got to school this way. According to the World Health Organization, within the next generation the major, worldwide nutrition challenge for children will shift from malnourishment to obesity. While restrictions on children’s movement have increased dramatically in affluent countries, children in developing countries continue to have considerable free range. Unfortunately, this often heightens their exposure to multiple physical hazards such as traffic and pollutants that are endemic to many urban centers in the developing world. Research in North America and Europe indicates that children who live on streets with high traffic or who have to cross more streets to go to school have substantially higher rates of pedestrian injuries and fatalities. Pedestrian injury is the second leading cause of injuryrelated deaths in children throughout the world. These hazardous street conditions are even worse in underdeveloped countries. Although there are few data, living in a city may influence children’s social development. Adults in cities throughout the world experience more incivilities and behave less caringly than residents in small towns or rural areas. Urbanites

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are also less likely to know and interact regularly with their neighbors compared to rural citizens. Pl ay Setti ngs and Toys When children live in communities affluent enough to provide playgrounds, they play less often on playgrounds with stand-alone equipment like swings and slides. Children play more frequently and in more complex ways on playgrounds designed to encourage interactions with other children and active manipulation of the equipment, materials, and structures provided. Play-setting features that enable children to manipulate and construct settings more attuned to their developing competencies, with greater challenges over time, support more sophisticated play. Unfortunately, concerns about physical injury, particularly in the litigious American climate, have markedly limited adventure-style playgrounds designed to encourage active manipulation of materials and construction of play spaces by children themselves. Children also prefer and exhibit more complex play in moderately sized, enclosed spaces, particularly when they provide visual accessibility to other children. Natural elements often provide better and more complex play opportunities and may provide restorative elements to help children recover from stress and cognitive fatigue. Preadolescent children prefer outdoor over indoor settings for play. Some of the reasons for this include the wider array of motor and social play opportunities and independent mobility afforded by outdoor settings. Natural areas compared to traditional playgrounds support greater physical activity and motor-skill development. The benefits of nature on children’s play are universal, but children’s access to nature is clearly influenced by urbanization, social class, and in some societies by gender. Toys are a critical component of the immediate built environment, especially during early childhood. Toy design is linked to preference and may affect cognitive and socioemotional development. Children everywhere play more with toys that are functionally complex. Movement attracts and holds attention, and the ability of a child to control how a toy or object operates is important. The relationship between toy complexity and preference is nonlinear, with some medium amount of complexity optimum. Moreover, this inverted U-shaped function shifts upward with age: Older children desire more complexity. It is universally documented that monotonous stimuli depress exploration, beginning in early infancy. The degree of gender stereotyping in toys influences play behaviors, and the level of violence portrayed in video games affects aggression. Env i ronmen t and C h i ldhood Pov ert y One of the defining qualities of childhood poverty is a confluence of inferior environmental conditions. Low-income children are significantly more likely to reside in substan-

dard, noisy, crowded housing with more chaotic surroundings and are exposed to more toxins and allergens. They move more frequently, and the higher proportion of income expended on often poor-quality housing contributes to tremendous strain among low-income families. Poor children’s homes are more often situated in high-crime, physically dilapidated neighborhoods, often with inadequate municipal services and containing a greater number of physical hazards. Relative to more affluent children, poor youth have less access to parks, attend schools with lower per capita financing and lower physical quality, are in larger classes taught by less-experienced teachers, and must contend with higher rates of teacher turnover. Poverty exacerbates poor-quality physical environments and is a primary force in the ecological context that shapes children’s lives. Gary W. Evans and Pilyoung Kim see also: Allergic Diseases; Lead Poisoning; Marketplace, Children and the; Parks, Playgrounds, and Open Spaces; Toys and Games; Universe of the Child further reading: Joachim F. Wohlwill and Harry Heft, “The Physical Environment and the Development of the Child,” in Daniel Stokols and Irwin Altman, eds., Handbook of Environmental Psychology, 1987, pp. 281–328. • David Satterthwaite, Roger Hart, Caren Levy, Diana Mitlin, David Ross, and Jac Smit, The Environment for Children, 1996. • Gary W. Evans, “The Environment of Childhood Poverty,” American Psychologist 59 (2004), pp. 77–92. • Gary W. Evans, “Child Development and the Physical Environment,” Annual Review of Psychology 57 (2006), pp. 423–51.

bulimia. see Eating Disorders bullying. A child is being bullied when one or more peers intimidate or put down a more vulnerable other. In contrast to a confl ict situation in which children have equal power, as when two friends have an argument, in a bullying situation there is an imbalance of power between the perpetrator and the victim. An imbalance can also be achieved in a numerical sense when a group of youth gang up on one child. Regardless of the intentions of the perpetrators, behaviors can be classified as bullying as long as the target child finds the behavior unwanted and offending. Unlike teasing, the parties involved in bullying do not share the common understanding of a friendly intention. Bullying takes many forms. Across cultures and age groups, name-calling is by far the most common form of bullying among boys and girls. Young children, and boys of all ages, are more physically aggressive than are adolescents and girls of any age. Conversely, girls—especially young teens—are often depicted as the masters of covert social tactics of meanness. Despite these gender differences, victims typically get bullied in multiple ways. There is no evidence that one form (e.g., a kick or a punch) always hurts more than others (e.g., a nasty rumor).

b u l l y in g

Pr evalenc e Bullying is a universally common experience in any group settings starting in preschool, especially when adults do not monitor behaviors and intervene with incidents. Depending on the definition of what constitutes intimidation, prevalence estimates of bullying vary somewhat across gender, class, and culture. For example, 70% to 80% of American adolescents report having been bullied at some point during their school career, and about 50% of young teens in urban schools report at least one experience of bullying in school during a two-week period. Estimates for engaging in bullying are typically lower, with around 20% to 25% of American secondary school students stating that they have bullied others. Even though bullying behaviors are likely to be underreported, one or two bullies can intimidate or terrorize entire classrooms or grade levels. Prevalence estimates for persistent bullies and chronic victims are lower, ranging from 5% to15%. The large differences between prevalence estimates of occasional versus repeated bullying are meaningful when considering the social and personal functions of the behavior addressed in theoretical accounts of bullying. Th eo r etical Accoun ts of Bully i ng B eh av io r Sociologists and anthropologists presume particular types of bullying, such as gender policing, serve a socialization function. For example, gender norms (e.g., “boys don’t play house;” “boys don’t cry”) are shaped in part by bullying, inasmuch as those who deviate from the group norms are punished. In other words, children are presumed to resort to bullying to reinforce group norms by intimidating those who violate the group’s identity or threaten its cohesiveness. If the tactic “works,” the deviant individuals change their behavior. The threat of being ostracized or excluded by peers can indeed be a compelling reason to change one’s behavior. According to this perspective, bullying should stop once the child complies. The establishment and maintenance of dominance hierarchy is accomplished through hostile behavior in primate troupes. By aggressing toward those who challenge the power hierarchy of the group, the leader secures the social order of the collective as well as maintains his or her dominant position. This account may apply to bullying among children inasmuch as bullies frequently have high social status. In contrast to nonhuman primate troupes, however, children’s peer groups do not benefit from the dominant status of the bully. What motivates an individual child to bully others? Psychological studies reveal that some aggressive children find the signs of suffering by their victims reinforcing. But the high social status of bullies is especially rewarding.

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Although the popularity of bullies may be based on fearmotivated respect by peers, their high social standing partly explains the inflated self-perceptions of bullies. Contrary to the popular belief, bullies often have high, as opposed to low, self-esteem and view themselves more socially accepted than they are. These findings make sense when considering the social feedback bullies receive from their peers: Children rarely challenge bullies and may instead join in or encourage their behavior (e.g., by watching a fistfight or by helping spread nasty rumors about someone). When bullies are socially rewarded with popularity, interventions targeting bullies rarely work. Even if short-term reductions in bullying behaviors can be accomplished, the behavior changes are rarely maintained over time. Hence, bullying is not necessarily caused by lack of social skills but reflects a motivational problem that cannot be ameliorated by focusing interventions on perpetrators. In sum, theoretical accounts of bullying vary, some emphasizing the social or group function, others focusing on the individual. Regardless of the particular account, however, social norms supporting bullying behavior are regarded as one of the major challenges for intervention. Some of the most promising antibullying interventions are specifically designed to change the social norms that encourage and maintain bullying because of its detrimental effects on the victim. Th e Pl igh t o f th e V ic ti m Research on daily encounters of bullying in middle school reveals that even single incidents are associated with increased feelings of anxiety, anger, and humiliation. Assuming that bullying indeed is a way for the group to police or foster collective norms, bullying experiences are meant to be painful, but bullying would be expected to stop once the child complies with the normative expectations. For example, children who transfer to a new school or move to a new neighborhood might be prime targets if they push the limits of what is normative or threaten the cohesiveness of the existing group(s). Emotionally painful experiences of bullying might indeed make them behave in ways that help them fit in. Although data supporting this functionalist account is limited to qualitative analyses of case descriptions, the high prevalence rates of occasional bullying experiences are consistent with this perspective. But there are also chronic victims of bullying who do not appear to modify their behavior to fit in. Instead, bullying experiences increase the very vulnerabilities that seemed to evoke hostile behavior. For example, socially withdrawn and passive children are at heightened risk of getting bullied, and these children become even more withdrawn and submissive after repeated experiences of bullying. Similarly, youth who respond to bullying with unregulated aggression are at high risk for continued peer maltreatment that only

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increases related manifestations of maladjustment, such as extreme peer rejection and school difficulties. Hence, when bullying continues, the causes and consequences form a vicious circle. In these cases, bullying does not serve a group socialization function, although ganging up against one person can enhance the cohesiveness of the group. Although most victims of bullying suffer emotionally, they rarely report their source of distress to anyone. It is also unlikely that victims of bullying resort to violence as a means to get back at their tormentors. Nevertheless, the tragic school shooting incidents in the United States since the late 1990s highlighted the fact that violent offenders, like chronic victims of bullying, have trouble effectively dealing with social failures (e.g., public ridicule or rejection by a romantic partner). Some violence prevention and antibullying interventions therefore teach youth strategies that help them better cope with bullying incidents and find constructive strategies that can stop peer maltreatment.

In sum, certain behaviors that deviate from group norms mark a child as an easy target. Whereas bullying experience might teach a lesson in some cases, in others bullying experiences only exacerbate the very behaviors that evoke hostility. Although victims are unlikely to retaliate by resorting to violence, they need help effectively coping with social failures and peer intimidation. Promising antibullying prevention approaches aim to change the social norms that encourage and maintain bullying as well as teach children responses that help them respond to and cope with peer intimidation. Jaana Juvonen see also: Aggression; Prejudice and Stereotyping further reading: Dan Olweus, Bullying at School, 1993. • Ken Rigby, Bullying in Schools and What to Do about It, 1996. • Jaana Juvonen and Sandra Graham, eds., Peer Harassment in School: The Plight of the Vulnerable and Victimized, 2001. • Cheryl Sanders and Gary Phye, eds., Bullying: Implications for the Classroom, 2004.

c camps, summer. Research conducted by the American Camp Association (ACA) has confirmed what the first camp directors knew: Camps are potent fun. Parents, staff, and children report significant growth in campers’ selfesteem, independence, leadership, friendship skills, social comfort, peer relations, adventure seeking and exploration, environmental awareness, positive values, healthy decision making, and spirituality. Naturally, no camp promotes growth in every child, nor does every child mature in each area. However, enough children have grown in noticeable ways that the institution and social movement of organized youth camping in the United States has blossomed from a single camp in 1861 to more than 12,000 camps, serving 10 million children annually. These children, and the trained staff who lead them, represent myriad ethnicities, socioeconomic levels, nationalities, religions, and abilities. Around the world, families recognize that camp changes lives, and policy makers view camp directors as youth development professionals. The earliest camps in the United States were nonprofit experiments directed by educators who saw opportunities to teach children in ways schools did not. From the 1860s to the 1890s, private school headmasters, such as Fredrick and Abigail Gunn, and university students in education, such as Ernest Balch, created programs that brought children out

of what were viewed as “depraved” or “corrupt” urban settings and into the New England countryside. The Gunnery Camp, initiated on the Connecticut coast in 1861, may have been the first. Under the direction of enthusiastic and often idealistic adults, children experienced the essential trinity of camp: community living, away from home, in an outdoor, recreational setting. This holistic experience included physical exercise, such as hiking; mental challenges, such as cooperative problem solving; social skill development, such as making friends from different backgrounds; and spiritual events, such as outdoor worship. Soon after camp’s inception, adults recognized its value for children who were poor, disabled, or ill. For example, Dr. Joseph Rothrock founded a camp for boys with physical disabilities in 1876. More recently, specialty camps arose for children with wide-ranging medical needs, such as cancer, AIDS, burns, and diabetes; mental health needs, such as autism, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, and substance abuse; sports interests, such as soccer, tennis, and sailing; and academic interests, such as the environment, computers, and outer space. Most camps also offer some form of need-based financial assistance. Initially, organized camps had no professional association or governing body, but the distinctive opportuni-

camps, summer

ties of camps attracted the attention of leaders of youthserving organizations, such as the YMCA and the National Recreation and Park Association. By 1910, influential professional educators, such as Luther and Charlotte Gulick, cooperated with these organizations to establish boys and girls camps across the United States. Camping also inspired new organizations. In 1902, Canadian American naturalist and author Ernest Thompson Seton founded the Woodcraft League of America. Woodcraft was—and still is—a set of adventurous outdoorliving skills and an educational philosophy of understanding and existing in harmony with nature. In 1906, Seton sent his Woodcraft guide to British Lord Robert Baden-Powell, who borrowed parts for his Scouting for Boys. After the Boy Scouts of America was incorporated in 1910, Seton revised that work as the first American Boy Scout Handbook. Other camping organizations soon developed, including Camp Fire Girls (1911; now the coed Camp Fire USA), and the Girl Scouts of the USA (1912). Dissatisfaction with traditional schooling; concern for the physical, mental, and spiritual health of children; a Protestant work ethic; the American pioneer spirit; interest in American Indian traditions; progressive educational theories; conservationism; and the philanthropic interests of social service organizations were among the most important factors that converged to propel the nascent youth camping movement. In the 1920s and 1950s, patriotism and military traditions also fueled interest in camping. Most recently, trends toward outdoor education, teaching values, and providing child care for working families have renewed enthusiasm for traditional summer camps. Despite the wholesome intentions and creative vision of camp’s founders, the first decades of camping were not without controversy. Pioneers such as Ernest Balch chastised other early directors, such as Winthrop Talbot, for creating a servant class at his camp by hiring a cook. Balch was among those directors who believed camp should be thoroughly egalitarian. When the Camp Directors Association (later renamed the ACA) formed in 1910, there was criticism of those directors who were capitalizing on camping’s popularity and running for-profit operations. Other early controversies included how much religious education should be included in the daily program; how structured camp schedules should be; what contact should be permitted with the “outside world”; what role military traditions, patriotism, and American Indian lore should play; and whether the ACA should be a federation or an association. These philosophical, stylistic, and managerial controversies persist, along with new ones such as how much electronic technology should be permitted at camp, whether healthy competition is an oxymoron, and whether the best camp experience is coed or single sex. Such questions engender productive discussions among camp professionals about the best ways to serve children. Increasingly, directors must

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ask themselves, “Are we a mission-driven camp or a marketdriven camp?” Of the estimated 12,000 U.S. camps, approximately 8,000 are operated by nonprofit groups, including youth agencies and religious organizations, and 4,000 by independent, for-profit operators. About 7,000 are resident camps and 5,000 are day camps. The most common session length at resident camp is no longer between six and eight weeks, but closer to two weeks. Approximately 2,300 U.S. camps are accredited by ACA, meaning they have voluntarily complied with up to 300 industry-accepted and government-recognized health, safety, and program quality standards. Some camps operate year-round programs (e.g., conference and retreat centers, environmental education), both to stay solvent and to offer variations on the camping theme. Trip camps provide programs where participants transport themselves to different sites by backpacking, riding, or canoeing. Travel camps transport campers to geographic and topographic places of interest. One task nearly all campers must accomplish is learning to cope with homesickness, the developmentally normal longing for home. Research since the mid-1990s has elucidated the most effective ways children can prevent strong homesickness. Spending practice time away from home, rehearsing effective coping strategies, and becoming familiar with the camp’s culture, structure, and routines are all ways to cultivate a positive attitude about camp and reduce the likelihood of intense homesickness. Camps and the ACA take an increasingly proactive role in partnering with families to promote healthy adjustment to the separation from home. Many camps now provide new camper families with the ACA’s homesickness prevention DVD-CD set, entitled The Secret Ingredients of Summer Camp Success. The International Camping Fellowship brings together camps from countries as diverse as Mexico, Colombia, Venezuela, Russia, Greece, Japan, Romania, Mongolia, and Malaysia. Abroad, the American model of camp evidences inspired variation but is faithful to camping’s roots. Naturally, every camp incorporates local and national religious and cultural customs. Religious and cultural differences can also create strife, but programs like Seeds of Peace—which brings together Arab and Israeli youth—use camp as a vehicle to literally make the world a better place, one friendship at a time. Now that research has confirmed camp’s value, camp directors, researchers, and funding organizations are turning their attention to these key questions: How can camp programs best complement school programs, and how can the best camp practices be implemented? How can camps work with state governments to protect the duration of summer vacation? How can camps manage inherent risks, and how can they better meet the needs of campers with medical, physical, emotional, and behavioral problems? Finally, how

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can camps comply with an ever-expanding variety of laws and regulations that affect children? Camping was a way of life for the planet’s earliest people. Now people deliberately re-create valuable portions of that experience to teach some of life’s key skills and lessons. Although marshmallow has replaced mammoth at the end of the roasting stick, nothing has replaced the fellowship, respect for nature, self-reliance, and, for some, connection with a higher power. No doubt those transcendent forces felt around the first campfires will always be present at children’s camps worldwide. Christopher A. Thurber see also: Extracurricular Activities; Organizations for Youth; Sports further reading: Hedley S. Dimock and Charles Hendry, Camping and Character: A Camp Experiment in Character Education, 1929. • Eleanor Eells, History of Organized Camping: The First 100 Years, 1986. • Christopher A. Thurber and Jon C. Malinowski, The Summer Camp Handbook, 2000. • American Camp Association, “Camp Research and Trends,” http://www.acacamps .org/research/

cancer. Childhood cancer is quite rare overall, as only about 1% of all malignancies occur in patients who are younger than 20 years of age. Yet childhood cancer is second only to breast cancer in the number of years of life saved by successful treatment. This counterintuitive conclusion arises from the fact that the cure rate for childhood cancer is now rather high, and a successfully treated pediatric patient can expect many additional years of life. For example, when the modern treatment era for acute lymphoblastic leukemia (ALL) began, more than 50 years ago, the five-year event-free survival rate was just 4%. Now, at least 89% of patients with ALL can expect to be cured. A 5-yearold child treated for ALL can reasonably expect to live another 65 to 70 years, whereas an elderly person treated for colon cancer may live only an additional 5 to 10 years. This astonishing increase in treatment success has resulted from a fruitful effort to understand the biology of childhood cancer and to coordinate clinical research across centers in the United States and Europe. I nc i d enc e of C h i ld hood Canc er The most common categories of childhood cancer are the leukemias, which make up about 31% of new cases, and the brain tumors, which make up about 19% of new cases. These two categories together account for roughly half of all new pediatric cancer cases every year. Other relatively common categories include the lymphomas, neuroblastomas, soft-tissue sarcomas, osteosarcomas, and retinoblastomas, which together account for another 33% of childhood cancers. The remaining 17% of new childhood cancer cases comprise a broad range of rare cancers. The incidence rate for childhood cancer has been increasing progressively over time. According to the National

Cancer Institute’s Surveillance, Epidemiology, and End Results (SEER) Program, the incidence of both leukemia and brain tumor increased significantly in the United States over the period from 1975 to 2002. During this interval, the rate of childhood cancer overall increased by 27%, with leukemias increasing by 37% and brain tumors increasing by 61%. It is hard to explain such a dramatic rise in incidence, although it may reflect the use of better diagnostic tools. In particular, the incidence of childhood brain tumors increased by 11% per year from 1983 until 1986, a time period during which magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) was first used in brain tumor diagnosis. Yet other types of childhood cancer, including soft-tissue sarcomas and liver tumors, have also undergone significant increases in incidence over the same time period, without a major change in diagnostic capabilities. The increase in incidence of childhood cancer in the United States is paralleled in Europe. This rising incidence of childhood malignancy remains unexplained. Etio lo g y o f C h i l d ho o d Canc er All cancers result from an alteration of the genetic information that is sequestered in DNA. Yet whether such alterations arise as a result of a heritable genetic mutation or an environmental trigger is often ambiguous. The classic example of a genetic etiology is retinoblastoma, a cancer of the retina of the eye. Retinoblastoma tends to cluster in families, suggesting that family members may share an inherited mutation, yet there is also evidence that, in most cases, an inherited tendency is not sufficient to induce cancer. This has led to a “two-hit hypothesis,” which postulates that two separate events are required to induce cancer. In the case of retinoblastoma, the “second hit” is probably a random genetic mutation that occurs against the backdrop of a preexisting familial mutation. In other cancers, the second hit may be an environmental toxin, and, in some cancers, there is evidence to suggest that both hits are environmental; one of the clearest examples of a cancer that results largely from environmental exposure is smoking-induced lung cancer. Certain familial conditions are associated with a greatly increased cancer risk. There are many inherited syndromes or conditions that are associated with a substantial increase in the risk of childhood cancer. For example, pediatric cancer can be associated with Down syndrome, Bloom syndrome, Li-Fraumeni syndrome, Wiskott-Aldrich syndrome, Gorlin syndrome, von Hippel-Lindau syndrome, Beckwith-Wiedemann syndrome, neurofibromatosis (NF-1 and NF-2), ataxia-telangiectasia, tuberous sclerosis, xeroderma pigmentosum, and more than 30 other heritable genetic conditions. In general, the mechanism by which any particular syndrome or mutation gives rise to childhood cancer is poorly understood. Variation in cancer incidence that is correlated with ethnic risk factors may also be genetic, though ethnic risk factors tend to be weaker in predicting cancers and are there-

cancer

fore not well understood. The epidemiological network in many parts of the world is not sophisticated enough to track all childhood cancers, and patients in some parts of the world may never be diagnosed. Yet there is clear evidence that African American children are likely to be at higher risk for ALL than are European American children, although the survival rate is essentially the same for both groups. Similarly, the incidence of ALL is high among Hispanics who live in California, in Florida, and in Costa Rica, suggesting that there may be a genetic risk factor for ALL common to people of Hispanic origin. In general, the younger a cancer patient is at diagnosis, the less time there has been for the environment to induce cancer and the more likely it is that cancer arose in the context of a familial genetic condition. Because the peak age at incidence of ALL is younger than 5 years of age, this argues that a genetic abnormality may be the underlying cause of leukemia. Yet there has not been a specific genetic mutation identified, except in a very small number of cases. However, certain genetic variants appear to put children at greater risk of developing ALL, if these children are also exposed to risk factors such as maternal smoking during pregnancy, high levels of pesticides, or environmental toxins such as gasoline, paint thinners, or solvents. The incidence of ALL varies greatly between different countries. The only countries where leukemia incidence in young children is more than 6 patients per 100,000 children are Denmark, Australia, Sweden, and parts of the United States. Conversely, the only countries where the incidence of leukemia in young children is less than 2 patients per 100,000 are India, Israel, and Nigeria. There is a trend for affluent countries to have higher rates of ALL, for unknown reasons. In general, there is a twofold difference in incidence of childhood leukemia between the richest and poorest countries. One explanation for such country-tocountry variation in childhood cancer may be differences in industrialization with accompanying environmental pollution or differences in food sources, types, or additives. The incidence of ALL is known to have increased at least fourfold in the United States and in Europe between the 1920s and the 1980s. During this time period, the overall standard of living increased greatly and the death rate from other childhood diseases fell sharply. This could mean that children who once would have died of diarrhea or influenza or pneumonia are now more likely to survive, only to fall victim to leukemia instead. Alternatively, it could mean that the incidence of ALL is somehow inversely related to the prevalence of infectious disease. Although a specific virus has not been linked to childhood leukemia, nor is there evidence of viral DNA within leukemic cells, it is nevertheless possible that leukemia is a rare reaction to a relatively common infection. There seems to be an ALL protective effect from increased social contact during the first year of life (e.g., nursery school attendance), and social contact clearly

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increases the rate of childhood infections. It has been proposed that leukemia can occur if there is delayed exposure to an infectious agent, followed by a rare genetic event that may involve DNA breakage or flawed DNA repair within white blood cells. There is also a hypothesis that high socioeconomic status may be a risk factor for childhood leukemia, such that children of affluence are more prone to ALL. This trend is not as clear-cut as once was thought, and there is a great deal of controversy as to whether the socioeconomic status effect is real. Perhaps the best recent evidence comes from a population-based study that included 5,240 cases of childhood leukemia diagnosed in Canada between 1985 and 2001. This study found robust evidence that the risk of leukemia was lower among the poorest children, suggesting that high socioeconomic status is indeed a risk factor for childhood leukemia. This result is quite surprising; epidemiological studies generally find higher rates of morbidity and mortality among children of poverty, and no convincing explanation has been offered as to why this trend may be reversed in the case of childhood leukemia. Risk factors for brain tumor are even more poorly understood than risk factors for leukemia. Ironically, the only well-established risk for childhood brain tumor is radiation, and this is known only because radiation has been used so successfully in treating childhood leukemia. As noted, the five-year event-free survival rate for ALL was originally just 4%, but recognition that leukemic relapse usually occurs in the brain led to the use of prophylactic cranial radiation therapy (CRT) to reduce this type of therapeutic failure. Within 20 years, the 5-year event-free survival rate had increased to 53%, and most of this improvement was attributed to CRT. Yet prophylactic CRT was also associated with a 28-fold increase in the risk of secondary brain tumor, which explains why there is now an emphasis on preventing leukemic relapse in the brain without resorting to CRT. Additional risk factors for brain tumor are poorly understood but may include several genetic conditions, such as neurofibromatosis (NF-1 and NF-2), Li-Fraumeni syndrome, tuberous sclerosis, Turcot syndrome, and familial adenomatous polyposis, as well as exposure to environmental toxins (e.g., N-nitroso compounds, pesticides, tobacco smoke), viruses or other infectious agents, medications, and certain parental occupational exposures. D i agno s i s o f C h i l d ho o d Canc er There is solid evidence that the diagnosis of cancer in a child is often delayed, because the disease is rare and symptoms can overlap with more common infectious illnesses. The diagnostic methods that are used for childhood cancer are essentially the same as are used for adult cancer. Patient history and physical examination will likely be important far into the future, even if other diagnostic methods improve substantially, because the initial ex-

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amination helps the physician focus on particular issues. Laboratory tests—of blood particularly, but also of bone marrow—are also likely to remain important, especially as more immune-based tests become available that are able to recognize biological markers of cancer. Diagnostic imaging methods—including MRI, computed tomography (CT), and positron-emission tomography (PET)—have matured at an impressive rate, and these methods will continue to grow in importance in cancer diagnosis. Tumor biopsy is often done—either by needle, by minimally invasive surgery, or by surgical procedures—in order to make a definitive diagnosis. Biopsy material or surgical samples are then evaluated in a pathology laboratory, either to make the initial diagnosis or to confirm the diagnosis during surgery. Tissue samples are also subjected to expanded analysis of DNA abnormalities and other intracellular factors that may lead to further diagnostic clarity and assist in treatment decisions. T r e atm en t o f C h i l d ho o d Canc er Generally, childhood cancer is treated with the same modalities that are familiar from the treatment of adult cancer. Surgery, radiation, chemotherapy, immunotherapy, and bone marrow transplantation have all been used for childhood cancer, and all of these treatment modalities are still in current use. But a major difference between childhood and adult cancer is that child patients are typically healthier and more resilient than adult patients, so children can tolerate far more aggressive treatment. Another major difference is that childhood cancer can be associated with a developmental or genetic insult to stem cells, whereas adult cancers more often arise as a result of “abuse or disuse” of mature or differentiated cells. Eventually, treatment of childhood cancer may become a matter of redirecting cancerous cells down a more normal developmental pathway, whereas adult cancers may be unable to revert to a healthy precancerous form. Surgery has been frontline therapy for cancer for hundreds of years and likely will remain so for many years to come. Even if chemotherapy becomes far more effective than it is now, surgical reduction of the tumor mass will mean that there are fewer tumor cells to treat and that the function of normal structures in the body can be preserved. Radiation is still widely used for cancers that are inoperable, for tumors that cannot be entirely removed by surgery, and for tumor types that tend to recur locally, but radiation is not useful for tumors that are metastatic, or able to spread throughout the body. For tumors that tend to seed cancer cells throughout the body, for tumors that tend to invade adjacent structures, and for tumors that are resistant to radiation, chemotherapy is the treatment of choice. Chemotherapy first gained acceptance as a treatment modality only in the mid–20th century, and in those early days many patients felt that the treatment was as traumatic as the dis-

ease. But there has been remarkable progress in how cancer chemotherapy is used: Drugs are more carefully targeted to kill tumor cells while sparing normal cells, there has been an increasing emphasis on controlling tumor cells rather than on merely killing them, chemotherapeutic agents may be used to modulate the patient’s immune response to the cancer, patients can now be supported through most clinical crises that arise during the course of treatment, and the patient is often spared the devastating side effects that once made treatment so aversive. An important source of success in treating ALL has been the use of very aggressive chemotherapy—which would ultimately be toxic to the blood cell–producing bone marrow—combined with bone marrow transplantation to reconstitute the marrow. This approach has enabled oncologists to treat ALL and other cancers with doses of chemotherapy so high that they would be fatal, unless the patient is “rescued” by marrow transplantation. Since many leukemic cells can lurk in the marrow, killing marrow cells may be partially responsible for the increased survival of ALL patients in recent years. Furthermore, reconstituting the patient’s immune system by bone marrow transplantation may stimulate the transplanted cells to attack the patient’s cancerous cells. In the United States, roughly 90% of pediatric cancer patients are treated in a clinical trial, which is in sharp contrast to the situation in adult cancer patients, among whom fewer than 10% are enrolled in a clinical trial. This is important because clinical trials standardize treatment and assure that patients receive state-of-the-art therapy. The success in enrolling children in clinical trials probably accounts for why progress in treating childhood cancer has been much more rapid than progress in treating adult cancer. The weakness of the current system is that many adolescents and young adults are treated in adult centers, even if they have a pediatric cancer. There has been an astonishing improvement in treatment efficacy for childhood cancer, and many pediatric cancers are curable or at least survivable. According to data from St. Jude Children’s Research Hospital, the five-year survival rate was better in 2006 than in 1962 for all forms of childhood cancer. For example, ALL survival went from 4% to 94%, osteosarcoma (bone cancer) survival from 20% to 65%, Hodgkin’s (blood cancer) survival from 50% to 90%, neuroblastoma survival from 10% to 55%, and Wilms (kidney tumor) survival from 50% to 90%. Yet this dramatic increase in therapeutic success has come at a cost. Evidence first began to surface around the mid-1970s that surviving ALL patients could have severe cognitive impairment following treatment. Perhaps the adverse impact of treatment on the pediatric brain was not recognized at first because so few children survived. But, when larger numbers of surviving patients were evaluated, and especially when longer periods of follow-up were used,

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a clear trend was demonstrated for higher ALL cure rates to be associated with greater cognitive impairment. Now there is strong evidence that high-risk children—those who are very young when diagnosed or who get aggressive chemotherapy because they have an ominous type of ALL—are likely to experience more severe academic problems than are children who get less aggressive therapy. Overall, learning is impaired in roughly half of the long-term survivors of leukemia diagnosed at younger than age 2. In other forms of childhood cancer as well—especially brain tumors— improvements in treatment success have come at the cost of serious treatment morbidities. The realization that successful treatment can lead to unfortunate side effects that impair the quality of life over the long term has brought greater attention to the needs of cancer survivors. There is a very compelling need for new treatments that are effective but that minimize treatment aftereffects. C h i l d ho o d Canc er i n t h e F u t u r e Clinicians and scientists do not know whether the striking recent increase in incidence of childhood cancer is a grim harbinger for the future or a short-term trend that has already played out. Yet the rising levels of environmental pollution in many parts of the world surely cannot be good news for children, and there is a possibility that the rate of childhood cancer will continue to rise. There is therefore a compelling need for new diagnostic and therapeutic approaches so that ill children can be identified sooner and treated more successfully. Gene-targeted therapy and therapy to modulate the immune system are potentially important. But perhaps the most difficult challenge that remains for pediatric specialists is to increase the success of treating childhood brain tumors while preserving the cognitive abilities of the patient. R. Grant Steen see also: Infectious Diseases further reading: R. G. Steen and J. Mirro, Childhood Cancer: A Handbook from St. Jude Children’s Research Hospital, 2000. • C.-H. Pui, C. Cheng, W. Leung, S. N. Rai, G. K. Rivera, J. T. Sandlund, R. C. Ribeiro, M. V. Relling, L. Kun, W. E. Evans, and M. Hudson, “Extended Follow-up of Long-Term Survivors of Childhood Acute Lymphoblastic Leukemia,” New England Journal of Medicine 349 (2003), pp. 640–49. • E. M. Ward, M. J. Thun, L. M. Hannan, and A. Jemal, “Interpreting Cancer Trends,” Annals of the New York Academy of Science 1076 (2006), pp. 29–53.

capital offenses. see Death Penalty, Children and the care providers. see Child Care; Kinship and Child Rearing catholicism. The New Testament shows Jesus taking children in his arms and blessing them, saying, “Let the children come to me, do not hinder them; for to such belongs the kingdom of God. Truly I say to you, whoever

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does not receive the Kingdom of God like a little child will never enter it” (Mark 10:14b–15). Jesus’s words radically affirm children’s capacity for faith, even as the reaction of Jesus’s disciples (who try to keep the children away) attests to an adult sense of children’s limitations. This image of Jesus is central in a Catholic church that teaches that children come into the world marked by grace (God’s loving image) and by original sin (mythologically explained in the story of Adam and Eve in Gen. 1–3). St. Augustine wrote in the 4th century that infants, thought not capable of deliberate and conscious sin at an adult level, reveal their “noninnocence” in greedy cries for their mothers’ milk. Catholics today do not make the same judgment on hungry infants, but they do hold that children, like all people, retain a goodness that recollects God’s love and a tendency to do evil that is evidence of the human separation from God. Throughout their history, Catholics have sought to balance a belief that human beings are both good and evil from birth with an understanding that children’s capacities for good and evil increase with their progress toward adulthood. As early as the 13th century, Catholic theologians spoke of an “age of reason” (generally age 7) after which children could be held more accountable for their sins because of their ability to understand what they were doing and to choose evil over good. Today, growing awareness of developmental psychology makes precise judgments about children’s capacities more difficult. Nevertheless, the contemporary tradition continues to negotiate a balance between guiding children and respecting their capacity for religious and moral activity. Fa m i ly R i tua l s : Th e D om e s tic C h u rc h Despite the fact that most contemporary Catholics would place family at the center of their faith, the New Testament has very little to say about marriage or family. When Jesus does address family, he speaks of it mostly as something with potential to distract believers from the important work of discipleship (Luke 14:26). This radical insight underlies traditional Catholic valuing of the vowed religious life of priests and nuns over family life. Popular religious devotions to the holy family of Mary, Joseph, and Jesus stand as a counterwitness to this teaching. However, today more than ever, the church teaches that even if celibacy is a higher calling, family life is holy in its own way, not a second-best choice but the primary path of discipleship for human beings. As esteem for the family has grown, emphasis on the family’s role in the religious and moral development of children has increased. The image of “domestic church,” common in the writings of some early church fathers who wrote during the 1st through 4th century, was recovered at Vatican II (when the world’s bishops gathered in Rome to update church teachings, 1962–65). Families are viewed as the smallest Christian communities with a fourfold mission to

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grow in love, welcome and nurture children, contribute to a more just society, and develop the church of their home. As the late Pope John Paul II stated in Familiaris Consortio (1981), within this church, parents are called to lead their children in faith, prayer, and service. In fact, though family devotions such as evening prayer, rosaries, and scripture reading were common in the 20th century, they are considerably less common today. In Europe and Latin America, lower levels of adult religiosity mean that fewer parents have an interest in passing the faith onto their children. In the United States, it is typically only Hispanics (40% of American Catholics) who embrace traditional family devotions. In all countries with significant Catholic populations, a minority of Catholics engage in “family catechesis,” involving a combination of old devotions with newer practices such as spontaneous prayer and family service projects, but the typical Catholic family is more likely to limit their religious practice to prayer before meals and at bedtime when children are young. Most theological writing on the domestic church emphasizes the crucial and irreplaceable role of parents as first educators and first teachers of the faith for their children. Less often, the capacity of children to serve as models of faith for their parents is recognized. In his Letter of the Pope to Children in the Year of the Family (1994), John Paul II held up the examples of faith-filled children in scripture, among the saints, and in the modern church. The contemporary attempt to recognize the gifts of children is particularly relevant in some European countries where children are more likely to embrace faith than their parents and thus are seen as the hope of the church. Th e Lo cal Par i sh : Sac r amen ts of I nitiation In the 20th century, Catholic life was centered around neighborhood parishes. At Sunday Masses, the parish school, devotional activities, and social events, extended families and neighbors gathered as a community. In the contemporary United States, Catholic families have migrated to mixed suburban neighborhoods, and identification with parishes has waned. Many urban parishes are closing, while large, new suburban parishes are being built. The commitments of Catholic families are divided between multiple schools, workplaces, and other civic institutions. In Europe and Latin American, as secularization advances, church attendance is considerably lower, and parishes lie even further at the margins of adult Catholic life. Still, in most countries, parishes continue to play a key role in the socialization of children into the Catholic faith through the sacraments of initiation: baptism, Eucharist, and confirmation. Most Catholic children are baptized into the church as infants. This ritual is viewed more as reception into a community of faith than a necessary remedy to remove the stain of original sin, though the presence of sin

and grace in the child is recognized. Traditionally, godparents present the child to the community and promise to act as spiritual guides, though their role has declined in practice and the parental role has become more important. Hispanic Catholics may have multiple padrinos and padrinas who play more significant roles in children’s lives. Around the age of 7, most children receive the sacraments of reconciliation and Eucharist in the same year. Preparation for first reconciliation (formerly penance) focuses on how sin moves people away from God and others, and confessing sins to God with the help of a priest who represents the church community is a way of recognizing this. Priests give children appropriate penances (e.g., apologizing to siblings children may have hurt) and offer absolution. Often parents are reintroduced to a sacrament they may not practice regularly because they experienced it in a pre–Vatican II context. First Eucharist follows an intensive year of preparation in which children are introduced to an age-appropriate version of the Catholic understanding of how ordinary bread and wine change into the body and blood of Christ. The day is marked by special clothes (white dresses and veils for girls, suits or blazers for boys, often more elaborate for both among Hispanics), family parties, and gifts of money and devotional items such as saints’ medals, crosses, and prayer books. The age of 7 has been standard for first Eucharist since 1910, but in the early church even baptized infants were given Eucharist because advanced understanding was not considered a requirement for reception. Today, first Eucharist represents a step on the way to taking fuller responsibility for one’s faith. The age for confirmation varies widely and depends on the decision of the local bishop and on his position in an ongoing discussion about what the sacrament is meant to signify. Until the 13th century, the bishop added his seal of confirmation to the baptism of newly initiated Christians as soon as he was available to do so. Those wanting to retrieve this view claim that confirmation should occur as soon as possible after baptism and Eucharist. Even today, adult converts to Catholicism generally receive all three sacraments in one ceremony. However, in modern times confirmation has begun to signify mature acceptance of Catholicism. The sacrament is seen as a rite of passage for adolescents, similar to a bar or bat mitzvah in the Jewish tradition. Some dioceses offer it in 8th grade, others in 10th, and some encourage children to wait until they are ready. The experience of Catholic children whose families are active in parish life includes weekly Eucharist, often at a family Mass during which children may elect to attend the children’s liturgy of the word where they discuss the day’s scripture readings with a teacher and return to Mass in time for the celebration of the Eucharist. Some boys and, since 1994, girls participate in the Mass as altar servers, while others may serve as lectors or choir members. However, in

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the United States, only about 40% of Catholics attend Mass weekly, and in Latin America and Europe, only a slim majority attend. Even with increasing attempts to recognize the growing maturity of children, initiation into the sacramental life of the church is far more significant in the lives of some children than others. R eligiou s Educat ion The religious education of Catholic children has traditionally occurred primarily in the prayers and devotional practices of the home and at a weekly Mass where they were introduced to the symbols, stories, and values of the faith. Catholic schools in the United States and public schools in Latin America provided a relatively dry, supplementary catechesis. Since Vatican II, as Mass attendance rates, parish subcultures, and family devotional practices have declined, Catholics everywhere have realized that religious education must play a more significant role in the formation of children. Moreover, in Latin America, religious instruction for children in public schools has become more controversial, creating a need for new alternatives. In response, there is an attempt to provide parish programs that appeal to children by integrating spiritual practices, service, and stories about people of faith with traditional teachings. Most Catholic children receive their religious education in weekly classes at their local parish. Teachers work with a variety of materials to explain the Catholic faith and show its relevance to the daily lives of children. Amid widespread agreement that the religious education needs reform, debate continues over whether the curriculum is too conservative or too liberal, too experiential or too dry. In many countries, a Montessori program called the Catechesis of the Good Shepherd (created by Sofia Cavaletti in Rome in 1954) is gaining in popularity. About 15% of Catholic children in the United States (down from 50% in the 1960s) attend Catholic schools. The percentage attending Catholic schools has been steadily declining, though it seems to have leveled off in the 21st century. These children typically have daily religion classes as well as opportunities to attend and participate in Masses, retreats, and prayer services. In the post–Vatican II church, the makeup of parish schools has changed significantly. Today, a majority of principals and a large majority of faculty are lay people. In many schools, priests and nuns play only marginal roles. The student body of Catholic schools has also changed and now includes more children who are minorities (24%) and more non-Catholics (13%). A key concern is maintaining the Catholic identity of the schools while respecting the beliefs of all community members. A very small minority of Catholic children are home schooled by their parents, most of whom have religious motivations for adopting this rigorous practice. Catholic home-schooling parents are often dissatisfied with the quality of religious education and desire to take seriously their

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role as first educators of their children. Critics contend that children benefit from encountering different views outside the home. Con ti nui ng Con trov er si es The clergy sexual abuse crisis of the 1990s rocked the Catholic Church because it revealed the extent of the large and heartbreaking problem of sexual abuse of children and teens by clergy. The Church’s response is suggestive of broader continuing controversies. Any adult who has contact with Catholic children in any capacity is now required to attend a training session on sexual abuse. All children in religious education programs and Catholic schools are taught to distinguish the appropriate touch of loving adults from unsafe touch. Though obedience to adults is generally upheld, children are told that in some situations they should say “No.” The church is trying to acknowledge children’s legitimate role as questioners of adults who may speak the truth when adults fail them. The dilemma that plays out tragically here runs through the Catholic tradition: How can the Church acknowledge the innocence of children and still respect their ever-present and growing capacity to reason, discern, and question for themselves? Julie Hanlon Rubio see also: Child: Religious and Philosophical Perspectives; Eastern Orthodoxy; Judaism; Protestantism; Religious Instruction further reading: Robert D. Duggan and Maureen A. Kelly, The Christian Initiation of Children: Hope for the Future, 1991. • Marcia J. Bunge, ed., The Child in Christian Thought, 2001. • Thomas C. Hunt, Ellis A. Joseph, and Ronald J. Nuzzi, eds., Catholic Schools Still Make a Difference: Ten Years of Research: 1991–2001, 2002. • Florence Caffrey Bourg, Where Two or Three Are Gathered: Christian Families as Domestic Churches, 2004.

child Historical and Cultural Perspectives Religious and Philosophical Perspectives Physiological Perspectives Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

historical and cultural perspectives. In each human society, there is a widely held conception of childhood that includes children’s abilities, proper activities, and contributions at different ages as well as their expected needs for care, patterns of growth, and developmental pathways to maturity. Such conceptions vary in form and content across culturally differing populations and historical periods, but in all there is recognition of childhood as a distinct period of life with age-related properties, norms, and expectations. This last statement would be a truism but for the longlasting influence of Philippe Ariès’s best-selling book of 1962, Centuries of Childhood: A Social History of Family Life, in which he declared, “In medieval society the idea of childhood did not exist.” In the aftermath of Ariès’s claim, some writers on the history of childhood followed his lead in de-

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nying that childhood was recognized by Europeans of the Middle Ages and in emphasizing their harsh and distant treatment of the young. Detailed historical research into Ariès’s claim in France, England, and Germany, however, has shown that it does not stand up to close examination. Historian Nicholas Orme summarizes some of this literature as follows: None of the scholars . . . has found material to support the assertions of Ariès; all, in different ways, have rebutted them. They have gathered copious evidence to show that adults regarded childhood as a distinct phase or phases of life, that parents treated children like children as well as like adults, that they did so with care and sympathy, and that children had cultural activities and possessions of their own. This book [on England] reaches similar conclusions. Medieval people, especially (but not only) after the twelfth century, had concepts of what childhood was, and when it began and ended. The arrival of children in the world was a notable event, and their upbringing and education were taken seriously. The Church and the common (secular) law regarded children as equal to adults for some purposes. Equally, both branches of authority accepted that children were not yet adults and required separate treatment.

Ariès had created a historical narrative that began with the unenlightened parents of medieval times and concluded with the child-centered parents of the modern era. This narrative was flattering to modern readers but based on inadequate evidence. For example, Ariès famously interpreted (or misinterpreted) medieval paintings in which children were depicted wearing adult clothing as meaning that children were conceptualized as little adults. The revised view of historians brought medieval Europeans into the range of cultural conceptions of childhood found by anthropologists in other human societies. Anthropologists have found that conceptions of childhood and child-rearing practices vary cross-culturally along numerous dimensions, starting with the degree to which stages of childhood are marked by distinct terms, rituals, and expectations. Some peoples, like the Gusii of Kenya, conduct elaborate initiation ceremonies for boys and girls (including genital operations), through which they are promoted to quasi-adult status as mature and gendered persons. The ceremonies were for teenagers before the onset of British colonial rule in 1907. They were seen as transforming a boy (omoisia) into a warrior (omomura) and a girl (egesegaane) into a woman ready for marriage (omoiseke). Before undergoing the ceremonies, boys tended sheep and goats; girls fetched water and cared for infants. After the ceremonial transition to adulthood, the males lived in the warriors’ cattle camps and females cultivated the soil with their mothers until they were married. The British rulers proscribed armed confl ict and disbanded the cattle camps, removing the social purpose of the male initiation cere-

mony. The ceremonies moved downward in age so that boys of 10 to 11 and girls 7 to 9 years old went through them, but they remained significant to the community and its children as dramatic steps toward personal maturity. The Luo people next door to the Gusii have no such ceremonies. From the Gusii perspective, Luo adults remain children throughout their lives, but the Luo have their own less dramatic ways of recognizing the growing maturity of their children. This contrast is replicated in other parts of subSaharan Africa where peoples with initiation rites live next to those without these practices. Although ritual markers are aspects of a distinctive cultural identity for some peoples, those without such markers also recognize the immaturity of children and their phases of development. Work is another aspect of childhood that varies across cultures. Peoples who live by labor-intensive horticulture ranging from Africa to Central America often put children to work at an early age and tend to regard their play as an unnecessary distraction; all members of the family carry out essential subsistence and household tasks at home. From the viewpoint of societies that have abolished child labor, these rural children are not as free as they should be. But they work under parental supervision, and in the context of a community without schools that depends for survival on the domestic cultivation of crops and animal husbandry, children’s participation represents not only a necessary labor contribution but an educational experience that prepares them for adulthood. On the other hand, in parts of the Pacific where people live by fishing as well as agriculture, or where, as in India, traditional technology in the form of the plow and draft animals has made sedentary agriculture relatively efficient, there is less pressure on children to work and more time for them to form groups and engage in symbolic play and other activities of their own. There is also cross-cultural variation in the child’s relationships with parents, siblings, peers, and others in the community. Bronislaw Malinowski, the great ethnographer of the Trobriand Islands in Melanesia, reported observing parents beating their children but just as often children beating their parents. This audacious behavior of children has since been observed elsewhere in the Pacific, but in sub-Saharan Africa and many other parts of the world it is almost unimaginable. For the Gusii, as for many other African peoples, respect is the cardinal virtue for children to acquire, and even toddlers are remarkably compliant. In these largely patriarchal societies, children are under hierarchical control and, as the lowest in the age hierarchy, are expected to obey their older siblings and adults in the family. The authority of parents and older siblings lends an increasing formality to the growing children’s interactions that plays an important part in their future adult relationships. Yet the egalitarian-hierarchical dimension, though a major component of parent-child communication and re-

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lations, captures only one aspect of cultural variation in childhood social interaction. There can be, as anthropologist Ruth Benedict pointed out many years ago, discontinuities in a culture’s conception and treatment of children such that they are indulged in the early years and only when deemed able are they expected to follow hierarchical norms of respect no less compelling than those of societies that introduce respect in infancy. This seems to be the case among urban Chinese and Japanese, who have their own distinctive ways of combining affection and authority in the organization of parent-child relationships. In fact, the cross-cultural evidence shows remarkable variety in how peoples of diverse cultures organize childhood social relations according to equally diverse conceptions of what such relations consist of and where they are leading. For a particular community at a particular historical moment, there is a particular developmental pathway toward adulthood— comprised of cultural traditions, moral ideals, and contemporary pressures—that is recognized as the right path and is as rich in local symbolism as any other aspect of culture. These pathways vary across historical periods, as societies change in the economic, structural, and cultural environments of families and children. At present, there is a great gulf in conceptions of childhood between the contemporary American middle class and many of the agrarian peoples of the world. Agrarian peoples in Asia, Africa, and Latin America often view the domestic group and parent-child relationship in hierarchical terms, with young children at the bottom of a domestic hierarchy, acting respectful and obedient, working hard in domestic production, and being quiet rather than talkative in the presence of adults. With age, the child graduates to higher status and receives respect from younger children while continuing to respect the elders. Contemporary Americans, on the other hand, tend to conceive of the parent and child as partners: in play, in verbal dialogue, and in activities that foster the acquisition of desirable verbal, and eventually academic, skills. Young children are regarded as emotionally vulnerable beings who should not be beaten or harshly scolded yet who must learn to become independent of their parents, from infancy onward. Despite this sharp contrast across cultures, it was only a few generations ago that Americans held that “children should be seen and not heard” and took seriously the saying, “Spare the rod and spoil the child.” As Americans moved to the cities from rural areas in which children worked on the family farm, they reconceptualized (more than once) the developmental pathways for children and the moral norms by which they were raised. The cross-cultural contrast today thus partly replicates the historical shift in American society. Yet it would not be right to assume that rural American conceptions of the child in the past were similar in most or all respects to those of agrarian peoples on other continents. Cultural traditions operate to diversify the ways in

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which peoples with similar economies and social conditions conceive of childhood and child rearing. The tendency to diversify has been observed within several regions of the world. Among the foragers of subSaharan Africa who live by hunting and gathering, there are variations in the organization of infant care: The !Kung San of the Kalahari Desert have an exclusive mother-infant relationship, the Efe of the Ituri rain forest have multiple care by adult women, and among the Baka of the Central African Republic rain forest, fathers play a large role in infant care. In Europe, the affectionate and sometimes authoritarian style of interacting with preschool children that is widespread in Italy contrasts with a concept of desirable distance between mother and child in Germany. Mothers in Japan try to avoid any confrontation with their 2-year-olds on the grounds that it would disrupt the learning relationship, while their counterparts in Taiwan seek confrontations as occasions for the “opportunity education” advocated in ancient texts. On some Pacific islands, children live free and unregulated by parents or other adults; on others they are under hierarchical control. Understood in the contexts of their cultural traditions and the practical conditions of their social lives, these contrasts make sense and exemplify how conceptions of “normal” childhood and norms for rearing children vary widely and are adjusted to particular circumstances. Despite this variability, it is virtually universal that parents of a particular community believe their current way of child rearing is natural, normal, and necessary, and they tend to disparage alternative ways as stupid, immoral, or ludicrous. Many Americans, aware that their ancestors considered the corporal punishment of children to be a discipline necessary for the inculcation of moral virtue, are nonetheless convinced that it is immoral “physical abuse” and should be legally prohibited. They see their standards as signs of moral progress over generations past. (Given America’s diversity and political divisions, there are of course other Americans who advocate corporal punishment and express nostalgia for the past.) Whatever the position, it comes with a sense of moral certainty and superiority, at least before the next generation departs from it. This variation in moral aspects of child rearing across cultures and historical periods does not preclude general trends. Humans lived largely by domestic agriculture and animal husbandry for thousands of years before the Industrial Revolution and urbanization of the 19th and 20th centuries. (The hunter-gatherers had survived at the margins from an earlier age, in places ranging from Australia and Africa to Arctic America, but they were a small minority.) Agrarian conditions generated cultural similarities between geographically disparate peoples, such as resemblances in economic and demographic conditions of family life, accompanied by broadly similar moral codes for parent-child relations and cultural models of the life span in which par-

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enthood symbolically occupies the central place. Fertility and filial loyalty were cardinal virtues, necessary ingredients of an ideal personal career. The desire for numerous children who supported their parents was paramount. This meant bearing as many children as possible, raising as many to maturity as conditions would permit, engaging them in domestic food production during childhood, and securing their lifelong loyalty on the land they (or some of them) could expect to inherit. This agrarian model and its virtues were consecrated by the great world religions, which emerged from the literate agrarian societies of Asia; elsewhere, local religions without scriptures celebrated the same virtues. Culturally and ideologically, agrarian societies fashioned a particular conception of childhood that resonated throughout the world. The experience of growing up in an agrarian society was directly affected by this conception: High fertility meant one had numerous siblings and often neighboring cousins of the same ages, and participation in the family’s work routines—tending animals, cultivating crops, carrying water, caring for babies—could begin as early as 4 years of age. Children were seen as economic assets and usually contributed directly to domestic production, though (as mentioned previously) societies varied widely in the amount of work assigned to children and the ages at which tasks were expected. Childhood obedience in task performance and respect for parents and elders were transformed in adulthood into the filial loyalty on which parents could depend in their later years. In the more developed agrarian societies, from West Africa to Eurasia, older children, particularly boys, worked outside of the home, as apprentices in craft production, service provision, and religious organizations. The boy would be apprenticed to a master, who was conceptualized as being in loco parentis and entitled to the labor of the child and to discipline him while obliged to provide him food and housing. The boy would start with the most unskilled and menial tasks but also learned from observation of the skilled craftsmen at work until he graduated to performing the higher-level tasks himself. This apprenticeship system of training applied also to premodern schooling (e.g., the Qur’anic school of the Islamic world, the gurukula of Hindu India, the heder of Eastern European Jews), extending agrarian parent-child models of relationship, learning, and economic participation to settings outside the child’s family. A radical break with the agrarian conception of childhood came with the spread of mass (Western) schooling after 1850 in Europe and Japan and after 1950 in Latin America, Africa, and the rest of Asia. The universal schooling of boys and girls regardless of social status originated as an idea in Europe’s 16th century Protestant Reformation, with the call for all believers to read the Bible; it was

widely though unevenly implemented in Protestant areas of Europe and North America during the next two centuries and reformulated in secular terms during the French Revolution (1789–99) and its aftermath throughout Europe. During the early 19th century, mass schooling assumed a bureaucratic organization, initially in Prussia, and became associated with the rise of the nation-state (except in the United States) and with the bureaucratization of governmental activities (in the United States as elsewhere). In the 1870s, school attendance became legally compulsory in much of Europe, North America, and Japan and after the Russian Revolution in the Soviet Union. Following World War II, mass schooling spread to all the newly decolonized nations, from sub-Saharan Africa to Indonesia, as well as to other countries like China, Iran, and Nepal; Latin America expanded its school systems to reach most children in most countries. This was arguably the most important event in the modern history of childhood. The importance of mass schooling began with its curtailment of parental power over children. The state’s decree that children must attend school, initially for at least for four to six years, subsequently for much longer periods, meant that parents lost much of their control over their children’s labor and other activities. It also meant that children must learn a common curriculum through a set of standardized procedures stipulated by bureaucratic authority. Standard school buildings, age-segregated classes, professionally trained adult teachers, scripted classroom interactions, formal assessments, and school inspectorates were parts of the shift from agrarian models of learning to the bureaucratic model that spread throughout the world. Previously, a child’s education could be accurately conceptualized as taking place at home and in craft workshops or traditional schools modeled on the home; now education was conceived of as the function of the school. The acquisition of canonical knowledge, skills, and attitudes there; the assessment of all children according to a common standard; the evaluation of school children by their teachers, peers, parents, future employers, and themselves according to their progress up the academic hierarchy—these represented a sharp break with the agrarian model of childhood experience and the life span. Whereas the agrarian model presumed an age hierarchy for each gender through which each child would progress to adulthood in the context of a kin group and local community, the new model ushered in by bureaucratic schooling presumed—even where domestic production still prevailed—an academic-occupational hierarchy in which the level of school completed would, or at least could, lead to employment at a particular ranked level in an urban occupational structure. Entering school now meant a child’s initiation into a wider world of national and even international institutions. A later step in the impact of bureaucratic schooling oc-

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curred when women’s schooling had expanded to a point that a large proportion of mothers had attended school and brought its conceptions of childhood, learning, and teaching into the home and particularly into the rearing of their own children—a process still going on in much of the world. Such mothers are likely to formulate their goals for child rearing in terms of advancement in school and its desirable consequences and are also able to act as coaches and tutors for their children in their schooling. Schooled mothers observed in different countries tend to communicate verbally with their infants and to continue verbal engagement with their children as they reach school age, thus promoting, consciously or not, the verbal skills schools desire and reward. There are long-term global trends other than school expansion that changed, and continue to change, the status of children and childhood experience: The spread of bureaucratic employment takes economic production out of the home and puts it in factories and offices where (for the most part) children cannot participate in it or see it. Urbanization alters the environments in which children grow up as well as parental perceptions of their costs (higher) and contributions (negligible). The demographic transition to lower birth and death rates, strongly associated with urbanization and education, has greatly improved child survival in most places but diminished the number of children born. Yet all of these trends are uneven across the world, not only between the developed countries where they started in the 19th century and the less developed countries that changed after 1950 but also within the latter category itself. For example, in 2005, 77% of the population in Latin America and the Caribbean was urbanized, but only 29% of South Asia and 31% of sub-Saharan Africa. Infant mortality (deaths during the first 12 months, of every 1,000 live births) ranged from 165 in Afghanistan and Sierra Leone to 11 in Costa Rica (and 5 in the industrialized countries). The total fertility rate (lifetime fertility of the average woman) ranged from 7.8 in Timor Leste to 2.5 in Latin America and the Caribbean (and 1.6 in the industrialized countries). As Göran Therborn says of the patriarchal family: Compared to the world of 1900 patriarchy has had to retreat everywhere. The legal rights of women and children have been extended in all countries, and the extension of education and paid work has extended autonomy. Dramatic socio-economic, political and cultural changes have undercut the authority of fathers and elders. However, the most important feature of the twentieth-century change of patriarchy is not its universal tendency. It is the variation in outcome as well as timing.

In other words, despite the trends that have destabilized and changed—perhaps irreversibly—agrarian social orders

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of the past, the world has not become homogeneous in its family life—or in other aspects of children’s environments. The idea that “modernization” is a universal process that would radically reduce, possibly eliminate, institutional, cultural, and psychological variations in the world seemed plausible to some social scientists in the mid-20th century, but evidence to the contrary soon emerged and, like the historical research disproving Ariès’s notion that medieval society lacked the idea of childhood, provided a more accurate account. Consider the contrast mentioned previously between Japanese and Taiwanese mothers’ culturally influenced styles of confronting their young children: The middle-class mothers observed in both of these economically advanced East Asian countries live in modern apartments in large cities and had at least a high school education in Western-type schools, but they drew on different cultural models of childhood in training their children. This suggests that cultural variation in childhood environments is not a thing of the past. Generalizing across diverse cultures and historical periods about cultural conceptions like those of childhood is perilous and can lead to false judgments. It may be true that there has been a trend toward child-centeredness among Western parents in recent times, as suggested by Ariès and others, and that if reformulated in terms of parent-child communication, egalitarian attitudes toward children, concern with the feelings of the child, and a focus on the child’s welfare and future career, this trend has been spreading to other parts of the world. Yet it is just as likely on present evidence that even child-centeredness can take different social forms with differing symbolic content among the diverse cultures of our heterogeneous world. Robert A. LeVine see also: African Societies and Cultures, Childhood and Adolescence in; American History, Childhood and Adolescence in; Ariès, Philippe; Asian Societies and Cultures, Childhood and Adolescence in; Benedict, Ruth (Fulton); European History, Childhood and Adolescence in; Islamic Societies and Cultures, Childhood and Adolescence in; Latin American Societies and Cultures, Childhood and Adolescence in; Mead, Margaret; Pacific Island Societies and Cultures, Childhood and Adolescence in; Whiting, Beatrice B(lyth); Whiting, John W(esley) M(ayhew) further reading: Robert A. LeVine and Merry I. White, Human Conditions: The Cultural Basis of Educational Development, 1986. • Nicholas Orme, Medieval Children, 2001. • Göran Therborn, Between Sex and Power: Family in the World, 1900–2000, 2004. • UNICEF, The State of the World’s Children, 2007, 2006.

religious and philosophical perspectives. Ideas of childhood throughout history have not only expressed but also frequently shaped larger religious and philosophical beliefs. This article traces the complex relations and differences between a wide diversity of written conceptions of childhood, especially those that have influenced today’s de-

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veloped world, from ancient times to the present. Different perspectives are compared around three broad questions: What are children as they enter the world? How should one conceive of the aims of child rearing? And what, as a result, are adults’ and society’s child-related responsibilities? Thinkers have struggled in often quite divergent ways throughout history to understand children as distinct members of humanity. Anc i en t Per spectiv es The ancient Mediterranean world, up to the 1st and 2nd centuries AD, generally sees children as imperfect and irrational and child rearing as a communal civilizing responsibility. The 4th century BC Greek philosopher Plato places child rearing at the center of his two major social treatises, The Republic and The Laws. Children enter the world like unruly animals, lacking fully human reason or speech (logos). Vigorous discipline and education (paideia) are required if they are to grow up into rational, virtuous, and free citizens. Children’s gradual acquisition of reason risks merely adding cunning to disordered passions, especially in the greater capacities of boys (although girls, too, require education up to a point). Philosophy itself receives much of its justification from its ability, in contrast with traditional stories and poetry, to turn children’s excitable imaginations in the direction of true order and justice. Because males are considered the more rational gender, the responsibility for educating children belongs, in Plato, chiefly to men. Mothers bring children into biological existence and sustain them prior to the capacity for logos around age 7, and they have ongoing special obligations toward girls. But children’s souls are ultimately the possessions of the paterfamilias, the male head of the extended household. Plato’s Republic imagines children ideally being raised by the polis, or city-state, without knowing their biological parents at all. However, in his later Laws he recognizes the importance of parental attachment and dedicated teachers. Male leadership in child rearing will persist virtually unchallenged into late modernity on the assumption of men’s greater rationality and knowledge of the public good. Aristotle writes much less on childhood, in brief parts of his Nicomachean Ethics and Politics, but his slightly different perspective significantly influences later medieval Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Aristotle’s chief innovation lies in his less sharp distinction of body from mind, bios from logos, and his correspondingly less severe judgment on children’s animal beginnings. Children’s lack of reason simply means they are not yet capable of true goodness or happiness (defined as activity in accordance with virtue). The job of the father and educator is to train children’s growing rational and social potential. Aristotle criticizes Plato for underestimating the greater investment that will be made by biological parents than anyone else in a child’s good. He also supports traditional Greek honor-shame codes, articulated for

example in Homer, that encourage children to grow up to bring honor to their extended household though economic skill for boys and sexual purity for girls. The Hebrew Bible, canonizing 1,000 years of tradition around the 1st century AD, provides a somewhat more affirming assessment of children’s natures. Taking a primarily spiritual rather than biological approach, it frequently views children as images of God and expressions of new hope for a disordered world. The very first command to humanity in the Torah is the Genesis 1:28 injunction to “be fruitful and multiply,” lending spiritual value to procreation. Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden enjoy a certain childlike innocence, in the sense less of nonrationality than of simplicity and moral purity. God’s promises to Israel through the Abrahamic and Sinai covenants are centered on a nation of offspring and marked by male infant circumcision. Nevertheless, children remain objects of strict discipline, property of fathers, and occasional victims of infant exposure or ritual sacrifice (illustrated in the story of Abraham and Isaac). The only one of Moses’ Ten Commandments to speak directly concerning children echoes honor-shame codes by requiring children to “honor your father and your mother.” The Christian New Testament offers a similar perspective but now more strongly influenced by the Greeks. On the one hand, the Gospels use children as positive metaphors (Jesus as “the Son of God” and his disciples as “children of God”), assert Jesus’s infancy as the divine incarnation, and show Jesus healing children and welcoming them into his presence (often against the resistance of his disciples). Most strikingly, Matthew 18 reports Jesus placing a child in the midst of his followers as a model for human entry into heaven. On the other hand, early Christianity adopts the surrounding Greco-Roman view of children as the lowest members of society. The apostle Paul claims to have “put an end to childish ways” in order to overcome the passions of the flesh and thereby live by the grace of the spirit. Other New Testament letters argue for strict household codes similar to Aristotle’s according to which children are to be submissive and obedient. Non-Mediterranean religions of ancient times also suggest ambiguities about the relative goodness versus unruliness of children. Hindu sacred texts depict children as entering the world imperfect because reincarnated and hence still in need of final rebirth or moksha. Nevertheless, the child is the object, even as an embryo, of numerous purification and initiation rituals intended to aid its movement toward liberation. Child rearing is again chiefly directed by fathers, here as a continuation of the male family line, a duty to ancestors, and in the case of boys a kind of physical rebirth into the next generation. At the same time, a male guru or second father frequently provides a religious education that transcends biological attachments. Children’s simultaneous imperfection but possibility for spiritual growth is central also in ancient Buddhism. Here, family ties are arenas for

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compassion but finally also subordinated to the spiritual nonattachment of enlightenment or nirvana. Medi eval and R efor m ation S y n th eses Second- to 16th-century European and Middle Eastern thought on childhood produces a wide variety of sometimes confl icting syntheses of biblical and Greek perspectives. The early church theologians of Western and Eastern Christianity in the 2nd to 4th century hold a generally positive view of children as “innocent” in the sense of spiritually and morally untainted, indifferent to status and wealth, and sexually pure. Clement of Alexandria, Origen, Tertullian, Cyprian, and Gregory of Nyssa all see children as full human beings entering the world without sin. John Chrysostom, one of the great figures in Eastern Christianity, writes of children as ready to be formed by parents as an artist creates a sculpture and as God created the world. Children’s innocence is viewed as a sign that despite evil humanity remains primordially an image of God. A dramatic shift occurs with Augustine of Hippo’s AD 397–401 autobiography Confessions, which becomes arguably the most influential text on childhood in Western Christianity. Augustine revises Plato to argue that childhood demonstrates humanity’s condition of original sin. Childhood and youth are periods of struggle, turmoil, selfishness, and the great sin of pride: taking one’s own experiences for the whole. Infants’ tantrums and unconcern for others display a disordered human nature, inherited from Adam, that as humans grow older they would be ashamed not to have put under control. “Innocence” is reinterpreted through the Latin term nocere (to harm) to refer to children’s lack of strength (not will) to do harm. Children need to be steered away from their innate corruption, idleness, self-aggrandizement, and growing lust through the strict discipline of parents, teachers, and ultimately God. Indeed, beyond Plato, childhood unruliness is taken as a symbol for human fallenness overall and hence humanity’s need, beginning with infant baptism, for God’s mercy and grace. The emergence of Islam as a new Abrahamic religion in the 7th century AD emphasizes children’s common but fallen humanity. The Qur’an understands children in an Aristotelian light as their fathers’ property. It refers to children as blessings to the household from Allah (26:133, 40:67, and 60:12) but also, indeed more frequently, as “temptations” or “trials” that threaten parents’ seeking their own true reward in heaven (8:28, 18:46, 57:20, and 64:15). Children’s need for moral and spiritual discipline, even from the very start of life, is emphasized in the requirement that the first sound a newborn should hear at birth is a religious authority or male relative whispering in its ear the Islamic call to prayer. Likewise, the obligatory circumcision of boys, at different ages in different cultures, is a ritual of purification needed to help form the child’s character toward submission to Allah’s teachings. Girls remain subordinate but are neverthe-

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less provided greater equality in the Qur’an than previously in Arab culture as also children of Allah. The 12th-century theologian Abu Hamid al-Ghazali unites Muslim and Greek perspectives into a complex developmental picture of children’s character, intellectual, and religious formation. The 13th-century Christian monk Thomas Aquinas, the father of modern Catholicism, synthesizes biblical and Greek ideas in yet another way. Drawing chiefly on Aristotle, Thomas argues that children come into the world “irrational animals” lacking “the use of reason.” Nevertheless, since nature itself is the fruit of a good and rational Creator, children develop individual and moral reason in appointed stages. Around 7, a child gains minimal reason by becoming able to learn from others, around 14 begins also to think for himself or herself, and around 21 gains the full human capacity for reasoning alongside others. Since they lack reason altogether, infants who die unbaptized go to limbo instead of hell (but not heaven). Parenting, too, is viewed as part of God’s natural law (though less perfect than celibacy), mothers through physical attachment and fathers through marriage. A century later, the great female theologian Christine de Pizan’s The Treasure of the City of Ladies defines (upper-class) mothers’ household roles almost entirely as supports to fathers’. The 16th-century Protestant Reformation sees a revival of Augustinianism. John Calvin writes extensively in his Institutes and Commentaries that children are born with “the seeds of sin,” which, through the development of reason around 7 and puberty around 14, only give rise to increasing capabilities for “the fruits of sin.” Child rearing provides children spiritual and moral discipline to prevent sin from utterly ruling and dominating them as adults. Unlike for Thomas, infant baptism provides no actual salvation but only a retrospective encouragement as the child matures to recognize their great need for God’s mercy. Calvin’s most important innovation is to involve not only the community but also the then-emerging nation-state in the difficult child-rearing task. Strong parenting and stable marriages are vital, but so also are the spiritual discipline of the church (the child’s true “mother”) and the social discipline of state law. Calvin creates the first juvenile justice system and the first public schools in Europe—because family alone is insufficient for training unruly children into citizenship. S h i f ts i n Mo d er n i t y The onset of modernity in the 17th- and 18th-century Enlightenment ushers in further major shifts in philosophical and religious understandings of childhood that powerfully shape attitudes today. The turning point is a 1693 essay by the great theorist of human rights John Locke, titled Some Thoughts Concerning Education, read widely among the emerging European bourgeoisie. Against the harsh Calvinistic Puritanism of England at the time, Locke argues that children enter the

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world as “white paper” or “wax” upon which society should inscribe or impress enlightened “Reason.” Children only become good or evil to the extent that they gain or fail to gain the use of their growing rational faculties. Locke has a rather dim view of mothers as clouding emerging rationality through “Cockering and Tenderness.” But fathers, too, see a more limited role next to the educational function of schools, in which children (especially boys) may learn the new discoveries and practices of the arts and sciences. The goal of child rearing is thinking and independent individuals worthy of free citizenship and rights. At the same time, children themselves lack social rights until they have reached adult autonomy. Almost a century later, Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s similarly popular 1762 treatise Emile, or On Education criticizes Locke for failing to appreciate the inherent goodness and rationality within children themselves. Rousseau’s romanticism involves a significantly higher view of “Nature” in which children start out, like noble savages, filled with an “innocence” now understood as purity, joy, and spontaneous goodness. The chief problem of child rearing is not the child but the corruptions of adult society, which children need protection from and eventually may transform. Children’s natural inner love of self (amour de soi) must be cultivated against the temptations of outer public reputation (amour-propre). Its high regard for childhood makes Emile the first philosophical treatise to argue for detailed empirical observation of the lives of actual children themselves. However, Rousseau more sharply than Locke differentiates education by gender: Nature suiting boys to public life and girls to the private home. The Enlightenment does not represent, however, a straight march toward children’s purity, as evidenced by the last published work of the greatest modern philosopher of all, Immanuel Kant’s relatively unknown 1803 Education. Kant argues that childhood is neither blank nor innocent but involves a fundamental human struggle between reason and desire. Like Plato, Augustine, and Calvin, Kant views children as passionate, unruly “animals.” But unlike them, he also sees children’s reason as emerging from the inner child him- or herself, so that “discipline” takes on the meaning of the “cultivation” (Bildung) of the child’s increasing capacity for self-legislation. The purpose of education is to strengthen the child’s use of his or her own moral and intellectual autonomy in the face of powerful immediate wants. In effect, Kant recasts 18th-century Protestant approaches from figures like John Wesley and Jonathan Edwards, replacing children’s original sin with physical desire and the grace of God with the inner power of reason. The most extensive writings on childhood in Christianity during this period, however, come from the founder of modern Protestantism itself, Friedrich Schleiermacher, in his 1806 novella Christmas Eve: Dialogue on the Incarnation and his 1820 collection of sermons The Christian Household.

Schleiermacher takes Rousseau one step further to argue that children enter the world pure gifts from God. Children intuitively understand the fundamental theological “feeling of absolute dependence” through their great natural capacities for love, joy, play, and goodwill. Indeed, against the avarice of adult society, children are “the pure revelation of the divine,” God’s true Christmas “gift” or “incarnation.” Here for the first time, the chief focus shifts to girls, who most embody pure divine goodness. And it is in Schleiermacher that can be found the earliest sustained defense of the child-rearing primacy of mothers. As in the emerging ideology of industrialization, which designates separate spheres for men and women, it is mothers above all, albeit supported by breadwinning fathers, who are called to nurture the natural private sanctity of the home. In contrast, John Stuart Mill’s 1859 utilitarian treatise On Liberty takes up child rearing as a question primarily of weaning children from the narrow circle of personal and family selfishness and toward enlightened social liberty. The rights of families are limited by the rights of states to educate their future citizens. Setting the groundwork for universal public schooling across Europe, Mill argues that free societies can be achieved only on the basis of systems of national education. The liberties produced by education are the right of boys and girls equally, as well as rich and poor. Each child’s nascent capacities for public reason cannot develop without liberal and scientific training. Somewhat like Plato, Mill views children themselves as lacking self-governance and requiring protection from self-harm. But now all children should be educated in equal liberties, and the paterfamilias is replaced by the state. C h allenges To day The late 20th and early 21st centuries have witnessed a renewed interest in childhood among religious and philosophical thinkers as modernist perspectives have increasingly encountered their limits. Above all, children themselves have not fared as well as confidently predicted. Fundamental new thinking has been prompted by children’s conditions amid globalization, widespread poverty, victimization by and participation in violence, market commodification, influence by mass media, and growing up in conditions of cultural pluralism, marriage instability, and shift ing roles of men and women. As a result, new questions are being asked about children’s agency, vulnerabilities, gender, rights, and spirituality. One broad contemporary view, especially among philosophical and religious communitarians, argues that as a result of modernity children are treated too permissively. Children require instead strong families and civil societies to initiate them into robust and particular social values. This top-down perspective recovers a less sanguine conception of childhood chiefly from premodern thought and writings as well as the need for developmental discipline into common

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goods through strengthened marriages and fatherhood. Globalization threatens children by its market individualism and uprooting of traditions. But cultural, religious, and character education can provide children a moral compass for navigating an increasingly fragmented world. A contrasting broad perspective, with again both secular and religious proponents, instead presses elements of modernity toward further postmodern conclusions. Children need to be treated with still greater individual humanity as agents and constructors of their own worlds, participants in larger social meaning, uniquely gifted by God, and bearers of full human rights. The most visible articulation of this bottom-up approach is the 1989 United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, which declares children’s global rights to such things as nondiscrimination, protection from violence and poverty, parenting, education, and freedom of expression. This view develops upon new 20thcentury movements in feminism, social justice, and liberation theology by lifting up the dignity and voices of children against their historical and contemporary marginalization. Wherever one falls among these and other contemporary possibilities, it is clear that, as in previous times of great historical transition, rethinking childhood will involve also rethinking the very meaning of humanity. John Wall see also: Animism; Aristotle; Buddhism; Catholicism; Confucianism and Taoism; Confucius; Eastern Orthodoxy; Hinduism; Islam; James, William; Judaism; Locke, John; Mormonism; Native American Religious Traditions; Plato; Protestantism; Rousseau, Jean-Jacques further reading: Joseph M. Hawes and N. Ray Hiner, Children in Historical and Comparative Perspective: An International Handbook and Research Guide, 1991. • Hugh Cunningham, Children and Childhood in Western Society since 1500, 1995. • Marcia Bunge, ed., The Child in Christian Thought, 2001. • Jacob Neusner, ed., The Ethics of Family Life, 2001. • Peter B. Pufall and Richard P. Unsworth, eds., Rethinking Childhood, 2004. • O. M. Bakke, When Children Became People: The Birth of Childhood in Early Christianity, 2005.

physiological perspectives. The child is not simply a miniature adult. Every organ system of the body has its own developmental course, starting in embryonic life and continuing into adulthood. Maturation of various physiological processes proceeds at variable speeds. This adds vulnerabilities in the young to myriad assaults, depending upon the timing and extent of injury, disease, or nutritional compromise. Developmental arrest or development off track means outcomes that may show delay or are aberrant. While recovery and adaptation potentials are greater in the child than the developed human organism, so are the potentials for lasting compromise or at least an altered developmental course. The discussions in this volume on the child’s organ systems and diseases all have developmental perspectives. This dimension makes the concept of health and well-being that

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much more complex for a child than for an adult. In the absence of expected developmental changes and maturation, the concepts of delay and of disease states special to childhood come into play. This is the physiological backdrop for understanding child health and behavior. This unique developmental dimension is most vibrant in understanding brain development and, therefore, behavior. In the past 25 years, more has been learned about how the brain functions, the influences both internal and external that alter that mind and that behavior in predictable, understandable, and adaptive ways. The notion of the child as a “blank slate,” whose every behavior, even every thought, is due to simply the sum total of positive and negative environmental reinforcement has been put to rest. Rather, the intricate workings of the brain as it is developing provide a powerful instrument by which environmental forces are inputted, processed, and outputted in an idiosyncratic way, specific to the various functions of that specific brain, in that specific econiche. There is a dynamic interface between the child’s developing brain and the world around him. The capacity for information processing is vast: There are about 100 billion nerve cells (neurons) in the central nervous system, each one connected to as many as tens of thousands of others. The communication from one neuron to another occurs via connections called synapses, in which the long communication “wire” of the neuron (the axon) connects with the receiving station (the dendrite) of another. Each connection is simple, telling the connecting neuron to either get more excited or more inhibited. The sum total of all the communication to that neuron is computed as the neuron “decides” whether its electrical firing should increase or slow down. This information is then communicated to its myriad connections. With trillions of such connections in the central nervous system, the power of the brain to process information is more vast than any computer. While humans are born with pretty much the full complement of neurons, the number of synapses (synaptogenesis) begins to explode at birth. The number and type and distribution of these connections appear to be largely driven by genetic programming and local brain chemical conditions that tell a growing axon to zig or to zag. By the end of the first three years of life, there is an overabundance of synapses, enough to process information from almost any venue, which gives humans the potential to adapt—as they have, both as a species and as individuals—to almost any environment. But learning is the paring down of possibility, of learning coherent rules and distinct categories of mental processing. This inexhaustible potential is much like a large block of marble awaiting the master’s fine chisel to create a statute of coherence and beauty. The synapses formed in early life are not destined to survive if not stimulated. Much like a plant that withers without water, synapses that are not stimulated are extinguished

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in a sort of “neural Darwinism.” Only those that are used survive, lending a selective advantage to processing only that information that is salient to the child’s environment. The environment can encourage the growth and complexity of brain connections. Teaching a child a second language early in life allows the brain to apportion more of its real estate to language processing, an advantage that may persist throughout the lifetime. This, however, does not mean that an enriched environment is necessary to fashion an enriched brain. In fact, the “ordinary expectable environment” or the “good enough environment” offered by most families provides sufficient stimulation to optimize brain development. However, there is little doubt that innate talent and innate challenge are modulated by the complexity and quality of the synaptic connections in that specific area of functioning. This is the resonance between nature and nurture, the innate processes of development, and the influence of the environment. The synapses in the brain do not work like an electrical outlet. Rather, the connections occur via chemicals called neurotransmitters, which are ejected from the end of the axon onto the dendrite. More than 100 of such neurotransmitters have been discovered. Many are well known, such as serotonin (involved with mood and depression), dopamine (associated with behavioral regulation), endorphins (involved in pain diminution), and cortisol (involved with the stress response). Part of what makes every child unique (e.g., in terms of temperament) is her unique neurotransmitter profile—high in one area, low in another—that leads to a tendency to respond one way or another to the world. Finally, the brain is not equipotent. That is, not every area can perform every function. Rather, each part of the brain has its own specific role. For example, one set of neurons in the vision center only lights up if there is a vertical line, another with a horizontal one. The right side of the mature brain is more involved with mathematics, the left with language. This geographic demarcation in itself has its own developmental course. Brain modules are integrated into higher-order processes like decision making and thought and—the biggest mystery of all—into human consciousness. The physiological perspective as applied to brain development has lead to great excitement, as well as some unwarranted hype, in the world of child development. Surely, as researchers come to understand more about the human brain, they shall come to better understand the forces guiding children’s development: What goes right and what goes wrong or what makes for the differences in human development. And the much-used metaphor of “building a better brain” is a powerful one. Social support in the maximization of development for children means resources and protections applied early in life and continuing into adulthood. Additionally, the physiological perspective by no means

implies that all child development will eventually be broken down to understanding the functioning of synapses; this would be akin to thinking that knowing all there is to know about bricks can explain all there is to know about the aesthetics of architecture. There are many lenses by which the complexity of children can be viewed and understood, many of which are covered in this volume. The physiological perspective provides a useful window into the intersection of the physical processes that interact with the behavioral issues and, most salient, the linkage of brain function and behavior. But no matter what a brain may look like under the microscope or in an MRI, the child’s overt behavior will always serve as a necessary level of understanding, perhaps the most important of all, by which to judge that function. The whole child can and should never be subsumed by his parts. And as all those parts change over childhood, the integration and interaction make for the most exciting process on earth. Steven Parker and Suzanne D. Dixon see also: Evolution of Childhood, Biological; Neurological and Brain Development

legal and public-policy perspectives. Children have always occupied a special place in the law of most European and North American countries, albeit one that has changed dramatically over the centuries. In legal terms, childhood is technically the period of time before an individual acquires the full legal rights and responsibilities of adulthood. Under the English common law, individuals were considered infants prior to attaining the age of 21, with the exception of the king, who reached majority at the age of 18. The statutory age of majority in most of the United States, as well as elsewhere in the world, is now 18 years, although in many countries the age of majority is not reached until age 21, and in some countries it is as young as 16. Upon reaching the age of majority, children shed their special minority status to become full rights-bearing citizens. Law defines childhood not only in terms of chronological age but also in relation to the corresponding legal status of parenthood. To be a child is to be, by definition, in relationship with one or more adults identified as legal parents. These parents need not actually be present in a child’s life; they may be deceased or absent in some other way. Most of the time, the law defines the parent-child relationship in biological terms, although exceptions have always existed. Adoption is probably the most common and well-known exception to biological parenthood. Under the common law, the presumption of paternity also operated to identify the mother’s husband as the legal father of the child even if he was not the biological father. New reproductive technologies such as egg donation and gestational surrogacy have introduced complexities into the biology of motherhood.

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Rights and responsibilities associated with legal parenthood are sometimes assigned to the person who has most functioned like a parent in the child’s life, including samesex partners of a biological parent. While the law acts as if the legal parent-child relationship securely rests on biology, the numerous exceptions to the biological norm reveal a measurable degree of uncertainty surrounding this fundamental legal relationship. Laws regulating childhood often operate negatively by denying children a vast array of rights, including the right to vote, to run for office, to contract, to marry, to make medical decisions, to determine where to live, to drive, to drink, to engage in sexual relations, and so on. Some laws also operate affirmatively to grant children special benefits, such as protection from abuse and neglect, welfare support, and access to rehabilitative services. Yet a perspective that focuses solely on what the law prohibits or provides obscures a deeper and more complex picture of the overlapping and sometimes confl icting claims of legal authority over children. Law directly prohibits children from enjoying adult rights and responsibilities, but in the process it also distributes the power to control the upbringing of children. Parents play the primary role in this socialization process, but parental authority is circumscribed by state regulation of the terms and conditions under which this authority can be exercised. Since the late 19th century, the state has exercised its parens patriae power to override parental authority in specific areas such as education, work, and abuse and neglect. By the late 20th century, courts and legislatures had also begun to recognize the right of adolescents to make their own decisions in certain domains of life, such as sexuality, religion, and custody. Confl ict between parents and the state over child rearing and the increasing claims of children to self-government are at the core of the most important laws and legal decisions involving children over the last century. Changes in the balance of decision-making authority among the state, parents, and children provide a window onto the law’s underlying conception of childhood and its transformation over time. Prior to the late 19th century, children were treated in most parts of the world as the property of their parents, possessing almost no legal rights and subject to the full physical, social, and economic control of their parents. These legal conceptions reflected the prevailing view that children required the strong moral upbringing of parents to bring their untamed natures into line with the values of “civilized” society. During this period in history, the law in common-law and civil-law countries tended to incorporate traditional religious beliefs about the proper parental role in raising children to become good moral citizens. Custody laws typically gave fathers the primary authority for this endeavor. In the United States, married women had no independent legal identity and no right to the legal custody of

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their children. Indeed, the law at this time treated married women in much the same way as children. Up until the end of the 19th century, wives and servants were often grouped with children as individuals subject to the full legal authority of the male head of household. Illegitimate children and their mothers in the 19th century had an even harder time of it, as depicted in Elizabeth Gaskell’s 1865 novel Ruth, which offered a sympathetic portrait of an unmarried mother living in a morally censorious society. Under the English poor laws, fathers had no duty to support their illegitimate children, and unmarried mothers frequently had to resort to workhouses or other parish relief. The public support of illegitimate children and their mothers was seen as promoting immoral behavior on the part of unmarried women. Poor children were often forced to work as domestic servants or apprentices in more welloff families. Although informal adoption was an option for children in the United States, it was not common. Character traits such as immorality and criminal tendencies were believed to be inherited, and many people were hesitant about adopting children from the lower classes. Views about children in the United States as in many other countries began to change in the late 19th century away from a belief in illegitimate and delinquent children’s inherent depravity and in the direction of a more romantic view of children’s moral innocence. Laws and public policies started to operate on the assumption that nurture rather than nature was the prime ingredient in the development of children and that bad childhood behavior such as delinquency was the result of a bad familial and social environment rather than inherited traits. This change was reflected in a wide variety of state laws, including laws relating to child welfare, compulsory education, juvenile justice, custody, and labor. The child-saving movement in the United States fostered many of these changes by promoting both private and public efforts to further the best interests of children. As industrialization took over and men went to work outside the home, mothers acquired primary responsibility for children’s physical, moral, and intellectual upbringing. The “tender years” presumption in custody law that developed at this time automatically awarded fit mothers custody of children younger than the age of 7. These changes in attitude and family structure were accompanied by a rise in state laws directed to protect children from abusive or neglectful families, to ensure children’s educational development, and to foster delinquent children’s rehabilitation. Some of these reforms were designed to stimulate sound economic growth for the country by educating children to become good workers in a newly industrialized economy. Some were also intended to promote the assimilation of newly arrived immigrants to the United States by requiring that children be educated in public schools. But many

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of these legal changes were the result of a Progressive Era focus on the physical and emotional needs of children and their welfare. The increase in state involvement in children’s lives brought about a corresponding decrease in the right of parents to control the upbringing of their children. Labor was a particularly contested area. The assumption that children were a legitimate source of economic support for a family did not disappear overnight, and child labor peaked in the early decades of the 20th century. Moreover, in 1918 the U.S. Supreme Court struck down a national child labor law on the ground that it exceeded Congress’s power under the commerce clause of the U.S. Constitution. Despite these resistances, reformers continued to press for national legislation. The Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938 banned the employment of most children younger than the age of 14, and this time the Supreme Court upheld the restriction on child labor. State compulsory education laws went hand in hand with labor legislation, and by 1921 these laws were in place in all the states. Apart from agricultural and family businesses, children could no longer be counted on as a significant year-round source of family income. Instead, children were now treated as family dependents deserving of physical, emotional, and economic support. Although state authority over children increased in the early part of the 20th century in part as a result of Progressive views of a nurturing state exercising its parens patriae power to help protect and socialize children, the U.S. Supreme Court from the beginning set limits on state incursions into the rights of parents to control the upbringing of children. As the Court has stated on many occasions, “the child is not the mere creature of the state” (Pierce v. Society of Sisters, p. 535). In a pair of cases from the 1920s, the Court laid the foundation for the modern doctrine of family privacy by holding that state laws limiting parental authority with respect to certain educational choices violated the parents’ fundamental constitutional rights. In the first of these decisions, Meyer v. Nebraska (1923), the Court struck down a state law prohibiting the teaching of German in school. Similarly, in Pierce v. Society of Sisters (1925), a state law requiring that children below the eighth grade attend public school was found to violate parents’ right to choose private education. Greater controversy has surrounded parents’ right to object to their children being required to read certain textbooks, to recite the Pledge of Allegiance, or to take part in school prayer. While the law is not settled in this area, the Court generally takes the position that the state has the power to expose children to civic ideas but cannot coerce their participation in activities such as reciting the Pledge or engaging in prayer. The troubled history of the juvenile justice system in the United States is an especially vivid illustration of the ways in which the Progressive ideal of a nurturing state failed to

achieve its goals. When juvenile courts were established at the turn of the 20th century, with Illinois being the first in 1899, rehabilitation rather than punishment was the primary aim, a direct outgrowth of the prevailing view that delinquent children were in need of developmental guidance and that the role of the juvenile justice system should be to nurture and socialize. By the 1960s, serious questions about the fairness and efficacy of a system that provided no rights to children had arisen, and in the 1967 decision in In re Gault the U.S. Supreme Court held that children in juvenile court possess certain constitutional rights, such as the right to counsel and the right to confront witnesses. By the mid-1990s, state laws increasingly made it easier to transfer the worst youthful offenders to the adult criminal court. A discernible shift in the direction of treating the worst youthful offenders like adults has taken place, a shift reminiscent of 19th-century ideas about delinquent children’s inherently bad characters and moral culpability. Child welfare laws protecting abused and neglected children originated in the early 20th century, also as a result of Progressive views about the importance of the state role in protecting innocent children. Prior to the 1900s, uncaredfor children were treated much like adults. Orphans and children abandoned by their parents worked as indentured servants in well-off families or were placed in private orphanages. Later in the 19th century, private agencies began to place children with foster families, but the system was not heavily regulated by the state. Early 20th-century child welfare laws dramatically increased the power of the state to intervene in family life by removing neglected or abused children from their parents’ care. Problems with the child welfare system illuminate some of the dangers associated with increased state power in this area. The experience of American Indian children is an example of an especially egregious governmental policy that promoted the removal of Indian children from their parents in order to place them in non-Indian homes off the reservation, a policy eventually changed with the passage of the federal Indian Child Welfare Act in 1978. Child welfare authorities in the United States have several times conducted massive raids on polygamous fundamentalist Mormon communities, resulting in the forced removal of hundreds of children. Despite greater awareness of the problems, questions are raised about a system of child welfare in which a disproportionate number of impoverished and minority children are found to be neglected and placed in foster care solely on the basis of factors associated with poverty. Although universal public education is one of the most important and long-lasting achievements of the early 20thcentury reform movement, unequal funding for public schools perpetuates a system of unequal education in the United States, the ill effects of which fall most heavily on inner-city minority children. Beginning with the 1954 U.S.

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Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education, states were charged with the task of providing an educational environment that would give children of all backgrounds and races the skills necessary for participating as equal citizens in the broader society. Over the course of the next few decades, courts ordered desegregation and busing at the primary and secondary school levels. By the late 20th century, however, the social and legal tides had shifted. De facto educational segregation emerged as white families relocated from the inner cities to the suburbs, and the U.S. Supreme Court upheld the system of local funding for public schools against constitutional attack despite the disparate effects on poor communities. In 2007, the Court prohibited voluntary state efforts to desegregate schools where evidence of a history of intentional state discrimination was absent. As a result, states cannot take direct steps to remedy the effects of residential segregation on young children’s educational upbringing. While the federal No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 aims to improve the educational experience for all children, its emphasis on standardized testing and harsh punitive measures have provoked widespread criticism. Welfare in the United States is another area where the state’s responsibility for protecting children has dramatically evolved. In 1935, the federal government passed the federal Aid to Dependent Children (ADC) assistance program, which was intended to provide financial support to poor families with children. From the beginning, the ADC program focused on payments to “deserving” recipients, such as widows and white families with children. As the range of recipients expanded in the 1960s to include single parents and minority households, the program also increased state involvement by requiring recipients to give up basic rights to privacy and personal liberty in exchange for ever-decreasing benefits. In 1996, Congress passed the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Act, which eliminated the federal entitlement program altogether in favor of block grants to the states, signaling a change in policy from a focus on the best interests of children to a more punitive system for moving impoverished, and often uneducated, parents into the labor market. Outside the United States, child welfare systems vary considerably depending on the region. Countries in Western Europe, for example, have a strong history of social welfare programs that benefit children and generally have a stronger tradition of state responsibility for raising children than exists in the United States. Parental leave laws tend to be very generous in Western Europe, health care is universal, and some countries like France offer family allowances upon the birth of a child. In contrast, countries that offer relatively little in the way of family support, such as the United States, Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom, also have some of the highest child

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poverty rates among Western countries. Like Western Europe, countries in some regions of Eastern Europe, Africa, and Asia emphasize collective responsibility for children, although many countries in these regions have inadequate resources to deal with the high numbers of children at risk from social problems such as poverty, armed confl ict, trafficking, and health crises such as AIDS. The Hague Convention on Protection of Children and Co-operation in Respect of Intercountry Adoption, ratified by the United States in 2007, seeks to ensure that adoptions are made in the best interests of the child and to prevent the abduction, the sale of, or traffic in children. The adoptive child’s country of origin may also regulate intercountry adoption practices. In 2007, U.S. parents adopted more children from China than from any other country, and the Chinese government strictly limits foreign adoptions to oppositesex married couples between the ages of 30 and 50, where the spouses have high school educations, are employed, and not disabled, deformed, or obese. In some countries, children are still treated as the property of their parents, even to the extent of being sold for intercountry adoption or, in the case of young girls, into marriage. Child prostitution, forced child labor, and child trafficking still exist in many parts of the world. Despite international treaties banning these practices, domestic enforcement is difficult. The emergence of the children’s rights movement in the United States and elsewhere in the world in the late 20th century has added an important new dimension to the law’s treatment and conception of childhood. In 1989, the United Nations adopted the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), which as of 2008 had been ratified by all member states with the exception of the United States and Somalia. The Convention identifies a set of affirmative entitlements, including the right to parental care except in certain circumstances, the right to freedom of expression and religion, the right to freedom from physical violence and neglect, and the right to an appropriate education. The CRC also requires that states help families provide children with an adequate standard of living. Critics of the CRC in the United States argue that the treaty will weaken parental rights and increase state intervention in family life. Moreover, the U.S. Supreme Court has held that the Constitution affords children no fundamental affirmative right to state protection from parental abuse (DeShaney v. Winnebago County, 1989), a position at odds with the CRC’s emphasis on state responsibility for guaranteeing the primacy of children’s best interests over parental rights. Only in 2005 did the U.S. Supreme Court rule that the juvenile death penalty violated the U.S. Constitution and international norms of justice. In addition to seeking affirmative rights, the children’s rights movement promotes the idea that children have interests independent of both the state and parents and that

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older children especially should possess some legally recognized rights to autonomy and self-determination. In the United States, the idea of children’s autonomy rights dates back to the 1960s, when the U.S. Supreme Court first held that children have procedural rights in juvenile court and rights to free expression in school. In Tinker v. Des Moines Independent Community School District (1969), a case involving schoolchildren wearing black armbands in protest of the Vietnam War, the Court found that children have a First Amendment right to express their political views in school as long as the speech does not disrupt the learning environment. In a later case recognizing a mature minor’s right to choose to terminate her pregnancy without parental consent, the Court observed: “Constitutional rights do not mature and come into being magically only when one attains the state-defined age of majority. Minors, as well as adults, are protected by the Constitution and possess constitutional rights” (Planned Parenthood v. Danforth, 1976, p. 74). By the time they reach early adolescence, children in the United States enjoy an increasing array of rights, including the rights to free speech and free expression, rights to contraceptives and reproductive health care, and some rights to determine with whom they will live. By the age of 16, in most states in the United States, adolescents can emancipate themselves through court order or through marriage. Viewed through this lens of autonomy rights, children are no longer solely objects of socialization or dependent beings in need of nurture and care. Older children are at least partly seen as autonomous individuals in their own right. Comparisons with children’s autonomy rights in other countries are not easy to make. In France, for example, which has ratified the CRC and also has a strong tradition of social welfare, Muslim girls are prohibited under French law from wearing the traditional head scarf in school, arguably in violation of the CRC’s protection for children’s religious rights. Controversy also exists in the human rights community over the legality of certain medical procedures, such as female circumcision, performed on young children in some African countries. Defenders of cultural pluralism argue that, as long as there are no long-term, adverse health effects, parents should have the right to consent to a procedure that is central to the community’s cultural and religious traditions. Child rights advocates, in contrast, argue that children have the inherent and universal right to be free from unnecessary medical procedures until they are of an age when they can consent for themselves. Critics in turn reply that child rights advocates exhibit a cultural bias in failing to recognize the many ways in which parents in Western countries consent to medical treatments that are medically invasive but “unnecessary,” such as male circumcision. The children’s rights movement bears some similarities to the early 20th-century children’s reform movement.

Much like Progressive reformers, children’s rights advocates have a programmatic plan for ensuring children’s welfare and advocate a strong state role in advancing that plan. Also similar to early 20th-century reformers, children’s rights advocates rely heavily on a developmental paradigm of children’s needs and abilities. Critics of the children’s rights movement, like critics of the Progressive reformers, focus on the movement’s weakening of parental rights and the dangers of state assimilation. Yet the children’s rights movement also differs from the earlier reform effort in important ways, primarily in its emphasis on international norms of child justice and on children’s autonomy rights. Despite continuities with the early 20th-century movement for children’s welfare, the children’s rights movement signals a major turning point in the law’s conception of children. Once viewed exclusively as dependents under the socializing control of parents and the state, children are increasingly treated as distinct individuals with their own independent moral, political, and legal claims. Anne C. Dailey see also: Dependency, Legal; Education: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives; Parens Patriae; Property, Children as; Rights, Children’s; Welfare further reading: Martha Minow, ed., Family Matters: Readings on Family Lives and the Law, 1993. • S. Randall Humm, Beate Anna Ort, Martin Mazen Anbari, Wendy S. Lader, and William Scott Biel, eds., Child, Parent, and State: Law and Policy Reader, 1994. • Stephen Macedo and Iris Marion Young, eds., Child, Family, and State, 2003.

child care Historical and Cultural Perspectives Effects on the Child Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

historical and cultural perspectives. Child care— paid care for young children whose parents or parent works outside the home; also known as day care—is both an old and a relatively new phenomenon. Parents of young children have always shared child-rearing responsibilities with others from their communities, and to the present day it can be difficult to pinpoint the demarcation between informal and formal care. In traditional, rural societies, responsibility for young children was embedded in the fabric of community life. Industrialization and urbanization brought new patterns of family life and new stresses on families. A private, domestic sphere emerged, with child rearing a defining activity, assigned largely to mothers. At the same time, inadequate wages for factory work (requiring both parents to work outside the home), presumption of women’s greater suitability for some types of factory work, and/or absence of a male head of household (due to death, abandonment, or disability) collided with women’s

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heightened domestic responsibilities. The fact that many newly urban families had left their traditional social support systems behind exacerbated the challenges posed by the evolving labor market. New work and family patterns and their associated difficulties suggested a need for new social institutions to support families. As one such institution, child care appeared first in Europe and somewhat later in the United States. Beginning in the latter decades of the 18th century, rudimentary child care was provided in houses of asylum or refuge, so residents with small children could work to pay their keep. The crèche, the prototype for today’s child care centers, emerged in mid-19th-century France. Crèches were located near factories so that mothers could breastfeed their babies and continue to work in the mills. The first significant formal child care provision in the United States was the day nursery, which appeared in the 1850s and 1860s and grew steadily in number until the 1920s. The immediate goal of the day nursery was to provide basic physical care and supervision for young children who otherwise would be left on their own or in the care of older siblings. Its larger goal was to keep the poorest families intact by ending the painful practice of giving children up to the care of other institutions. From the outset, day nurseries struggled to meet the needs of large numbers of children with severely inadequate resources, and conditions ranged from bare to deplorable. These struggles were exacerbated by the ambivalence of the very same reformers and philanthropists who had helped create this new institution, due to fear that it would somehow weaken family bonds. Such ambivalence contributed to funding that was typically inadequate so that children in day nurseries were sometimes harmed instead of protected. The day nursery never achieved the legitimacy, or the public funding, that formal education achieved in this same period. By the early decades of the 20th century, those concerned with the welfare of poor children were disparaging child care altogether and urging that deserving (i.e., morally blameless) female-headed families with young children should receive a stipend that would allow mothers to stay at home. The limited state mothers’ pensions programs that resulted did little to meet the support needs of young, struggling families but, nonetheless, served as the prototype for the federal Aid to Families with Dependent Children created in the late 1930s. From that point on, the child care issue would become in part a corollary to the question of how best to support and what to expect of young parents dependent on welfare. The larger question of how to reconcile the ideal of motherhood with the economic reality of many young families’ lives (and later with women’s heightened aspirations for their own lives) remained largely unaddressed. From their inception, child care centers as such never

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served more than a modest portion of young children. Until the 1970s, the great bulk of nonfamilial care was provided by neighborhood women paid to care for relatively small numbers of children in their homes. Child care participation rates began increasing significantly only in the 1970s, as mothers of very young children entered the labor force in large numbers. It is estimated that close to half of all infants and toddlers in the United States now spend at least 30 hours a week in some form of paid, nonfamilial care, the majority in home child care settings, and the proportion in center-based care increasing as children move through the preschool years. Of some 70% of preschoolers in organized programs, about half appear to be in preschool (i.e., settings whose primary goal is educational rather than protective) and half in child care. Cur r en t Status Even as it has expanded in the past few decades, child care has remained a diffuse institution. The wide age range of children served and the great variety in forms of care complicate questions of purpose, quality, and desirable qualifications or attributes of child care providers. Child care is partly an extension of families’ own natural social support systems, partly a kind of community resource, partly a particular type of formal human service, and partly a child development intervention. Some view it as not that different from what parents do, others as not at all comparable to parenting. Young children, particularly infants and toddlers, seem to need primarily attentive, attuned, warm, and responsive caregiving, including abundant close physical contact with a caregiver, consistency in the caregiving figure, from day to day and over time, and some degree of predictability and structure in daily schedule. The attributes of good caregiving sound somewhat like good parenting, but it is not clear how care is experienced by a child when it is provided by someone for whom it is a job and who, however caring, is a temporary figure in a child’s life, rather than by someone who has a deep and lifelong emotional bond to that child. Over the past few years, child care—including that for infants and toddlers—has come to be redefined as a kind of early schooling experience. This has shifted definitions of purpose and quality to include provision of language richness and cognitively stimulating environments. Regardless of the definition of quality used, study after study has found that a majority of young children in child care in the United States, and especially large numbers of infants and toddlers, receive care that ranges from mediocre to dismal. Typical findings include children waiting to eat, to be helped with basic physical needs, or simply for a response to a bid for attention; children rarely being held, hugged, or cuddled; little rich or extended verbal interaction or cognitive stimulation, toys being out of reach, and

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Aia Ke Ola I Na¯ Ku¯puna

imagining each other

Fami ly-Bas ed Car e i n Nativ e H awai i an Cultur e

My daughter Mahina, a young toddler, spends several days a week in the care of her grandparents, my father and mother, her Papa and Tu¯tu¯ as she calls them. When she is with her grandparents, Mahina spends many hours a day clinging like a flower lei around the neck of her indulgent Tu¯tu¯, while Tu¯tu¯ goes about her daily business. As I write this, Mahina is playing at the seaside in my parents’ backyard, which opens onto Ka¯ne’ohe Bay in Ko‘olaupoko, Hawai‘i. Mahina sits in Tu¯tu¯’s lap at the water’s edge watching the crabs crawl along the rocks as tiny fish dart back and forth in the shallow water beneath. She looks up to watch a fisherman with a throw net on a distant reef and listens intently as Tu¯tu¯ explains step by step what the man is doing. Needing to get some work done, Tu¯tu¯ then scoops up Mahina and plops her in a two-person canoe that sits on the grassy shoreline. As Tu¯tu¯ tends to the plants nearby, she hums a gentle melody and rocks Mahina in the canoe as if to mimic the rhythm of the ocean. Inside the canoe, Mahina giggles as she sways from side to side, learning to shift her weight with the vessel in order to stay upright and maintain her balance. When Mahina tires of the canoe, she crawls out to visit her Papa, who is pulling weeds on the hillside. She watches as Papa disentangles the native laua‘e ferns from the alien weeds and tries her hand at tugging a few weeds herself before Papa sends her back to my mother. “Mahina, have you learned your ABCs today?” my father asks her teasingly. “All the other kids are in school, you know. You can’t just play all day. Go tell your Tu¯tu¯ that you need to start learning something or we’re going to fall behind.” Like many Hawaiian families, our family jokes a lot, and there are often various levels of kaona, or hidden meaning, to

lack of consistency in caregivers. Some children seem to cope reasonably well with such day in and day out experience. Others are probably harmed in ways that adults are just beginning to understand. Roots of th e Qualit y Problem Beyond the inherent difficulty of providing high-quality child care, especially to infants and toddlers, the reasons for the child care quality problem in the United States are rooted squarely in societal priorities, beliefs, and values. In every country, perceptions of children’s needs, of women’s roles, of the importance of maternal care and the desirability of nonmaternal care, are filtered through a complex set of lenses to yield a particular child care narrative. A country’s history and situation, its broad values and myths about itself, play a role in shaping child care provision, as do religion, population size, and degree of homogeneity, (fluctuating) labor force demands, birth rates, and, not least,

the things we say, so it is hard to know for sure if my father was serious about what he said or, knowing that I was within earshot, was speaking in jest. However, my sense is that there was a little bit of each going on. The fear of my daughter, and other Native Hawaiian children, falling behind in school readiness is not new to me or my family. Native Hawaiian children are often characterized as starting behind even before they begin their formal schooling at kindergarten. The dire statistics facing Native Hawaiian families and our young children are chanted almost ritualistically by Hawaiian and non-Hawaiian agencies alike: Native Hawaiian families suffer from economic deprivation, low educational attainment, poor health status, substandard housing, and social dislocation. Hawaiian children are twice as likely to be poor as children of other ethnic groups in Hawai‘i. They are also much more likely to have a parent in prison, as Native Hawaiians suffer from one of the highest rates of incarceration as a group in the United States. A recent advertisement urging legislators to invest in formal child care programs for Native Hawaiian children pictures an overstretched dollar bill at the top, along with a header that reads, “ ‘All Children Safe, Healthy and Ready to Succeed.’ Native Hawaiian Children: Help Now! Or Pay Later.” The ad explains that, statistically, Native Hawaiians, who constitute a little over one-third of the children born in Hawai‘i each year, have risk factors that lead to high dependency on the state’s social support system. A related state legislative bill argues that “highly structured and monitored,” formal, outside of the home, early education for Native Hawaiian and other low-income children would be a cost-effective, preventive measure that would generate a sizable return on the state’s investment through savings in wel-

beliefs about the role and responsibility of government in supporting family life. To cite two examples: Sweden’s high-quality, universal public child care system, while originally stimulated by labor shortages, has been shaped by a long tradition of social democracy, consensus that government has an important role to play in assuring social well-being, an egalitarian ethos with respect to gender roles, and a strong child orientation. In Italy, significant regional differences in maternal employment patterns, a decentralized governmental system, an assertive role by the Catholic church in family and community life, and a tradition of extended family care have contributed to a mixed private-public child care system, with nonfamily care for children younger than 3 rare. Child care in the United States has been shaped by national values of family privacy, individual responsibility, a belief in the primacy of the marketplace in social provision, and a belief in a limited government role in family life. (Upon

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Aia Ke Ola I Na¯ Ku¯puna (continued)

vetoing the first federal bill to define child care as a public responsibility, President Richard M. Nixon argued that its passage would commit the vast moral authority of the national government to the side of communal approaches to child rearing, over and against the family-centered approach.) Most young families who need child care must purchase it out of their disposable household income, in a marketplace made up largely of private individuals and firms and a diverse array of human service agencies. The nature and quality of care that children receive depend on their parents’ ability and willingness to pay and to accomplish the necessary logistics, on the local supply of care, and on parents’ ability to locate available care and determine the quality of a particular setting. State governments play a modest regulatory role, but government regulation mostly provides an assurance of minimum conditions of care. For almost all family child care providers and for about 40% of center-based providers, the need to make a profit

based early childhood settings where all trace and scent of the parents and their world must be removed from the children each day. Remnants of this tradition remain with us today. Time and again, we find that various early childhood and social service agencies in Hawai‘i view Native Hawaiian parents and families, and our influence on our young children, as a “problem”—a detriment to be compensated for rather than a source of strength and knowledge to be supported and built upon. Similarly, my conversations with various friends and colleagues have encouraged me to consider enrolling my daughter in more a formal child care situation, somewhere where she might be more “suitably stimulated” socially, cognitively, and emotionally. However, in the case of many Hawaiian families, such as mine, our choice to leave our young children in the care of their ku¯puna (grandparents) is not a purely economically motivated decision. In Hawaiian culture, the use of elder family members to care for young children is a very familiar practice. We truly believe in the benefits of this intergenerational exchange and its necessity for the perpetuation of our Hawaiian culture. Aia ke ola i na¯ ku¯puna (There is life-giving substance from the elders). There is much that my daughter can learn at the seaside with her grandparents that she could never learn in any classroom. So for now that is where she will remain. Julie Kaomea

imagining each other

fare, crime, and remedial education costs. The bill suggests that many Native Hawaiian and other low-income families are unable to meet the hefty price tag for high-quality, formal early childhood programs and therefore rely on the “unstructured,” informal home care of kith and kin. The bill goes on to explain that there are some subsidies available for assisting these families with child care costs. However, these funds currently give families a good amount of leeway in their choice of child care provider. Consequently, instead of opting for formal child care settings, the majority of families receiving child care subsidies apply their funds toward the “unstructured, unregulated, informal” care of relatives and other extended family members. The bill recommends closer monitoring and regulation of these funds to get these children out of their “at-risk” homes and into “highquality,” “formal” child care programs for at least a good part of the working day, thereby increasing the chances that these children will enter school “ready to succeed.” Historically, the beginnings of center-based early child education and care in many countries had to do with taking the babies of immigrant and poor, working-class families away from their parents during the day because their parents could not be trusted to raise them “correctly.” This was true of the settlement-house tradition of early childhood education and care for Italian and Irish immigrants in the United States, which was well intended but also implicitly insulting. It was also true of the crèche tradition in France, where, upon bringing their children to the crèche each day, poor and working-class parents had to remove their children’s clothing and hand their naked infants over the threshold of the nursery to the crèche nurses who would bathe them. The need to strip and bathe the infants at the point of entry to the crèche is a powerful metaphor and metonym for the function of center-

Adapted from Julie Kaomea, “Reflections of an ‘Always Already’ Failing Native Hawaiian Mother: Deconstructing Colonial Discourses on Indigenous Child-Rearing and Early Childhood Education,” Hu¯lili: Multidisciplinary Research on Hawaiian Well-Being 2, no. 1 (2005), pp. 67–85.

may lead to cost cutting that may sometimes threaten good service. For example, it can lead to a high ratio of adults to children; the hiring of staff with little or no preparation to care for infants, toddlers, and preschoolers; and, through poor salaries, to high rates of staff turnover. Moreover, though most child care is subject to state regulation, half or more of all care is provided by unlicensed caregivers (some of whom cannot afford the investment necessary to meet minimal health, safety, and space standards). Child care is expensive to provide well, being particularly labor intensive (e.g., requiring low ratios of adults to children and long hours of work) and inherently inefficient: There is no shortcut to sitting on the floor following the lead of a 2- or 3-year-old in no hurry to finish a pretend story using blocks and action figures. Good-quality infant and toddler care costs between $12,000 and $15,000 per year and care for preschoolers about $8,000 per year. Few parents can afford to pay this much, even with government

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subsidies at current levels. Providers, whether for profit or not for profit, are caught between the cost of high-quality care and what parents are able and willing to pay. Not least, child care in the United States carries a greater burden of family support—especially during infancy and toddlerhood—than is the case in other industrialized countries. In other countries, child care is not only publicly funded but is embedded in a broader constellation of supports for young children and their families: strong public maternal and child health care systems, paid parental leave systems, and child allowances. Thus, for example, the availability of parental leave policies allows more working mothers to choose to stay home during their infant’s first year or two, reducing the demand for infant care. The costs of child care are seen as part of a larger investment in young families, making child care a less singularly ideological issue. Lo o k i ng to t h e F u t u r e The challenge of providing decent quality child care in the United States will be ameliorated somewhat in coming years by the growth of public preschool provision. Public preschools, with their defined public funding base and supports for quality learning and developmental experiences, will, in effect, become a de facto part of the child care system. One question in that regard will be the willingness of thousands of local school systems to assume some full-day responsibility for children in half-day preschool programs. Increasing the quantity and strengthening the quality of infant and toddler care will nonetheless continue to pose an enormous social challenge. Moreover, as the United States becomes increasingly diverse, child care providers will have to grapple more directly with the beliefs and preferences of cultural minorities. Latino families, for instance, often prefer more family-like child care arrangements, even at the cost of what child development professionals define as quality. For all these complexities, there is reason to believe that even the U.S. ambivalence about child care has begun to be addressed. Other social institutions increasingly share the child-rearing role with families, and this is widely recognized. At its best, child care provides opportunity for rich, stimulating experiences, interaction with other children, screening for developmental support needs, and related benefits. But millions of children do not experience child care at or anywhere near its best. Robert Halpern see also: Head Start; Kinship and Child Rearing; Preschool and Kindergarten; Work and Home Life, Conflict between further reading: M. Lamb and K. Sternberg, “Sociocultural Perspectives on Nonparental Child Care,” in M. Lamb et al., eds., Child Care in Context, 1992. • S. Kontos, C. Howes, M. Shinn, and E. Galinsky, Quality in Family Child Care and Relative Care, 1995. • NIEER/ National Institute for Early Education Research, The State of Preschool, 2004. • NICHD Early Child Care Research Network, Child Care and Development: Results from the NICHD Study of Early Child Care and Youth Development, 2005.

effects on the child. Since the 1970s, the percentage of American mothers with young children who work outside the home has almost doubled. As a result, the number of young children who spend time in nonparental child care has risen dramatically; in 2002, almost 50% of 3- and 4year-olds and approximately 38% of children younger than age 3 were in child care full time. (While the term child care is often used interchangeably with day care, child care is the more inclusive term, reflecting nonparental care situations that are intended for working parents and thus may be offered for extended hours during the day or during nontraditional work hours.) These trends have led to increased interest in the effects of nonparental care on children’s development. Assessing the impact of child care on young children’s development in the United States presents a unique challenge; in contrast to other countries like France and Sweden, where publicly funded child care is extensively available and utilized, the availability and type of child care arrangements used by families in the in the United States vary widely. In the United States, families from every socioeconomic stratum utilize nonparental care for their young children; wealthy families may turn to private-market solutions such as live-in nannies, while low-income families rely on family, friend, or neighbor care in a home-based setting or on government-subsidized center-based care. Because the child care choices of low-income families are constrained by their financial situation and because of recent welfare reform legislation that requires women with young children to work, most of the recent child care research in the United States has focused on low-income children. There is general consensus that high-quality child care is linked to better cognitive and social outcomes for young children, and multiple studies have provided both theoretical and empirical support for an association between responsive and stimulating child care and enhanced child development outcomes. However, the timing, duration, and type of child care as well as characteristics of a child’s home environment, such as family income, can color how child care affects children’s development. The combination of increased rates of child care use by American families and the widely accepted view among developmental researchers that early child care experiences can have an impact on later development has lead to concerted efforts by the scientific community to better understand the varying effects that child care can have on healthy child development.

T y pes and Qualit y of C h i ld Car e Child care in the United States generally takes place in a home (either the child’s, a relative’s, or the home of an unrelated adult) or in a center, each of which can vary in quality. Several elements of child care settings have emerged as meaningful indicators of quality. Elements of structural quality are those that pertain to the child care environment

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itself, such as the ratio of children to staff members, the condition of the physical facility, teacher qualifications and training, staff turnover rates, and program administration. Process quality refers to the actual experiences of children and staff in a care environment. Elements of process quality include the frequency and content of interactions between the child and caregiver and between the child and other children. Process quality and structural quality are, in fact, highly correlated, and both can have immediate and lasting effects on children’s cognitive and social development. Findings are mixed as to whether home-based or centerbased care is better for children. Studies have generally found that center care produces lasting cognitive and social gains when there is a low ratio of children to staff members. Some studies have found that, compared to home-based settings, center-based programs tend to offer more stimulating toys and materials, such as activity stations and opportunities for play with sand and water. Additionally, the staff in center facilities may have more specialized training and be better credentialed in early childhood education than home-based care providers. Several recent studies have found that high-quality center care had a significant and lasting influence on children who would have otherwise been cared for by an adult in a home-based setting. However, several other studies have demonstrated the relative superiority of home-based care to center-based care. For example, the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (NICHD) Early Child Care Research Network (hereafter referred to as the NICHD Network) has found that home-based care settings scored higher on measures of structural quality, such as low childto-staff ratios, than did center-based care environments. The NICHD Network uses data from the NICHD Study of Early Child Care (SECC); initiated in 1991, the NICHD SECC tracked the child care choices of more than 1,200 families from the time the child was born. Families in the study sample came from 10 sites in the United States and largely represent the population of families with young children in the communities from which they were recruited. Although sample families were slightly more likely to receive public assistance than U.S. families in general, 75% of families in the NICHD SECC were white, and mean education and income levels were higher than those of U.S. families in general. Findings from the NICHD SECC suggest that center-based care settings exert the least positive impact on child developmental outcomes, mostly because child-to-staff ratios were higher than recognized standards such as those used by the National Association for the Education of Young Children (recommendations for infants are generally 1 adult for every 4 children; preschool-age children should have 1 adult for every 10 children). Other studies have suggested that when home-based child care involves stimulating interactions between caregivers and children, it can contribute to positive developmental out-

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comes typically associated with time spent in centers, such as improved school readiness and language skills. C h i l d Age A great deal of attention has been paid to the differential effects of nonparental child care on children of varying ages. In particular, researchers have focused on children age 1 and younger. Findings from the NICHD study described earlier indicate that almost three-quarters of infants received some form of nonmaternal care on a regular basis in their first year of life. Findings for very young children have been mixed. In several studies, child care begun in the first year of life had a negative influence on later social and emotional adjustment, as well as on cognitive outcomes. For the youngest children in home-based care settings, whether the caregiver received specialized training had an impact on the level of responsiveness and stimulation that the caregiver provided. Researchers have also concentrated on the effects that child care may have on children in their third and fourth years of life. Children who enter care when they are 2 or 3 years old have distinctly different experiences than their infant counterparts. For instance, data suggest that care initiated after a child’s first year can confer positive effects on development and can produce significant and lasting gains for disadvantaged children, whereas care begun in a child’s first year of life may have adverse consequences on attachment and social development. Children who experience quality center-based care when they are 2 or 3 years old may have improved school readiness skills and thus may be more prepared for formal schooling upon kindergarten entry. Fa m i ly I nc om e The impact of different types of early child care settings may depend on family income. For instance, home-based care for children from low-income families tends to be of low quality. Poor families, including those who rely heavily on the mother’s wages, tend to enroll their very young children in nonparental care earlier, which, as mentioned previously, has been associated with negative behavior outcomes. Studies have found that children in families that experience bouts of poverty and financial stress tend to receive the poorest quality child care. In fact, the NICHD SECC found that home-based care for children from poor families often lacked educational toys and materials that enhance children’s learning experiences. Home-based care for very low-income children tended to be less stimulating and more disorganized than center-based care. Yet one study showed that poor children received higher-quality center care than their middle-class counterparts. Additionally, there is evidence that 3- and 5-year-olds from poor or welfare families who received center care demonstrated score increases on assessments of school readiness.

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Research implies that children from low-income families who qualify for child care subsidies may experience better child care than do their near-poor peers and that highquality child care made available to poor children at a very early age can, in fact, produce lasting cognitive and social gains. Likewise, children of wealthier parents who can pay for high-quality early child care in a center setting benefit from those care arrangements. However, children from middle-income families who cannot afford quality child care and do not qualify for child care subsidies may be enrolled in low-quality child care arrangements. For example, studies on the child care usage of middle-income families across several U.S. cities found that middle-class families are more likely to enroll their children in centers with lower-paid staff, less-qualified staff, higher teacher-to-child ratios, and higher staff turnover rates compared to very high- and very low-income families. Hour s i n Car e There is a great deal of evidence that time spent in child care matters for child outcomes. Researchers have argued that long hours in nonparental care for children younger than 6 months of age may negatively impact development, particularly in the areas of attachment and emotional regulation. For instance, 15-month-old children who had been in care for more than 10 hours per week demonstrated negative effects on maternal attachment. Likewise, some research findings on slightly older children suggest that extensive time in center-based care is associated with increased behavior problems, such as aggression and tantrums. For children at age 2 who had spent time in a succession of different care arrangements, problem behavior was observed more frequently than among children who spent less time in one or more care arrangements. Two-year-old children in the NICHD SECC who were exposed to large amounts of center care demonstrated increased behavior problems, as reported by caregivers, and decreased social competence, as reported by mothers. Similarly, children who spent more hours in care were observed by their care providers, teachers, and mothers to be more fearful and shy. C o nc lu sio n Taken together, the recent surge of research on child care suggests that it is the quality of care that matters most for children’s development and that, ultimately, developmental outcomes are influenced by characteristics of the child care setting in interaction with family and child characteristics. Anna D. Johnson and Jeanne Brooks-Gunn see also: Emotional Development; Social Development; Work and Home Life, Conflict between further reading: J. P. Shonkoff and D. A. Phillips, From Neurons to Neighborhoods: The Science of Early Childhood Development, 2000. • D. M. Blau, The Child Care Problem: An Economic Analy-

sis, 2001. • J. Brooks-Gunn, A. Sidle Fuligni, and L. J. Berlin, Early Child Development in the 21st Century: Profiles of Current Research Initiatives, 2003. • J. C. Gornick and M. K. Meyers, Families that Work: Policies for Reconciling Parenthood and Employment, 2003. • A. Clarke-Stewart and V. D. Allhusen, What We Know about Child Care, 2005. • The NICHD Early Child Care Research Network, Child Care and Child Development: Results from the NICHD Study of Early Child Care and Youth Development, 2005.

legal and public-policy perspectives. Since the 1980s, child care has become an increasingly important part of American social policy. This is partly attributable to advocacy of state and national organizations, working in partnership with several key members of the U.S. Congress, to educate policy makers about the value of high-quality and affordable child care. While great strides have been made in bringing child care to the attention of public policy makers, many eligible children from low-income working families remain without such care. Two main reasons for this are insufficient federal and state funding and lack of awareness among policy makers and the public at large regarding the benefits of good-quality and affordable child care for children, families, employers, and society.

Ov erv i ew of Feder al and State C h i ld Car e Po l ic i e s Prior to the 1990s, American child care policy was characterized by ideological stalemate. Liberals (most of whom were Democrats) advocated for an increase in publicly supported child care programs, while conservatives (most of whom were Republicans) opposed any type of government role in child care, which they considered strictly a private family domain. The debates over child care were deadlocked since President Richard M. Nixon’s stinging 1971 veto of a national child care bill. Enactment of the 1990 Child Care and Development Block Grant (CCDBG) marked the beginning of a new era as federal funds became available for states to subsidize child care for children younger than age 13 and to improve child care quality. The CCDBG was the first federal child care program not part of welfare or any other initiative. In 1996, Congress revised the CCDBG as part of welfare reform (Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act), shifting the CCDBG’s emphasis from low-income working families, the target population for the 1990 law, to welfare recipients. Under the 1996 Temporary Assistance to Needy Families law (TANF), 50% of a state’s welfare recipients have to meet certain work requirements, with leeway given to parents of very young children, or the state risks losing TANF funding. In order for TANF recipients to work or participate in training or education programs, states need to provide child care assistance. This provision bolstered support for a sizable increase in federal child care funding. The 1996 law also renamed the CCDBG as the Child Care and

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Development Fund, signifying the merging of the CCDBG with several welfare-linked child care programs, although it is still commonly referred to as the CCDBG. Under the 2005 Deficit Reduction Act, Congress reauthorized the TANF program and tightened its work requirements. This federal reauthorization further strengthened the linkage between child care and welfare policies in these two areas of state funding. C h i ld Car e Fundi ng In 2006, federal and state spending on child care from the TANF and child care block grants totaled approximately $11.7 billion, a slight drop from previous years. Approximately $4.9 billion of that amount came from the three CCDBG funding streams: mandatory, federal share of matching funds, and discretionary. Specifically, the federal government is mandated to allocate funding to each state, according to a formula determined by the CCDBG law. States receive matching funds as long as they spend a corresponding amount of their own funds and comply with other funding requirements. Congress determines the CCDBG discretionary funding each year under the appropriations law. In addition to CCDBG funding, states allocate funding for child care by redirecting TANF funds. States are allowed to transfer up to 30% of their TANF block grant funds to the CCDBG. They are also allowed to spend TANF funds directly on child care. Under the CCDBG, states must make vouchers available to parents to use at an eligible child care provider. Care for approximately 85% of children under the CCDBG is financed with vouchers. States may also enter into contracts with eligible providers who agree to hold a certain number of slots for publicly funded care. C C D B G El igi bi li t y Despite large federal and state investments in child care, millions of eligible children are not receiving assistance. One of the major reasons is because most states set their CCDBG income eligibility level below the maximum level (85% of state median income) allowed under federal law and even below the federal government’s recommended level (75% of state median income). At least 70% of state mandatory and matching funds must be spent on TANF families, those transitioning off TANF, or those at risk of becoming TANF dependent. This leaves only 30% of such funding for other low-income working families. Consequently, in many states these eligible families are on waiting lists for subsidized child care. Mindful of the importance of parental choice in child care policy making, the federal law grants states flexibility with regard to eligible providers. Thus, families receiving CCDBG assistance may use centers, group, or family providers or care in the child’s own home. Care provided by

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religiously affiliated entities, relatives, or any other legal child care provider is also eligible for reimbursement under the CCDBG. C h i ld Car e Qualit y When discussing child care quality, it is important to note that the United States lacks federal child care standards. Efforts to approve such provisions have been highly controversial because of opposition from organizations and other constituencies that oppose a federally regulated child care system, prefer state flexibility over federal authority, or are concerned that federal child care standards could increase the cost to child care providers, thereby making tuition out of reach for low-income families. Instead of federal standards, the CCDBG stipulates that as a condition of federal funding states must have health and safety requirements in three areas: prevention and control of infectious diseases (including immunization), building and physical premises safety, and minimum health and safety training for the provider setting. These areas are distinct from child care licensing requirements, which states must also have in place in order to receive CCDBG funding. Licensing policies address issues such as group size, ratios of staff to children, and staff qualifications, with considerable variation across states. Another source of funding for child care quality is the CCDBG’s 4% set-aside for activities to improve quality and availability of care. Also, the CCDBG discretionary fund has a set-aside for quality expansion, a portion of which is designated for infant and toddler care. Under the CCDBG, states have the flexibility to establish higher payment rates for care that is above the level of quality required for licensure or federal funding. Examples include programs that receive national accreditation or inhome providers who obtain certain child care credentials. H e alth and Safet y of C h i ldr en i n C h i l d Car e To enhance the ability of child care providers to safeguard children’s health and safety, the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP), American Public Health Association (APHA), and National Resource Center for Health and Safety in Child Care issued recommended standards. The second edition of their work, Caring for Our Children: National Health and Safety Performance Standard: Guidelines for Out-of-Home Child Care Programs (2002), contains 659 standards in areas such as staffing, health promotion, infectious diseases, and nutrition. Stepping Stones to Using Caring for Our Children: Protecting Children from Harm (2003) contains the 233 standards in Caring for Our Children that were considered to have the greatest impact on reducing frequent or severe disease, disability, and death in early education and child care settings. The federal Maternal and Child Health Bureau provided

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funding and other support for both Stepping Stones and Caring for Our Children. C h i ld Car e Advo cac y Organizations representing children, women, educators, labor unions, and community agencies have advocated for national child care legislation for decades. Following enactment of the 1990 CCDBG, child care policy deliberations shifted from one of whether the government should be involved in child care to what that role should be. In the early 2000s, child care advocates lobbied for reauthorization of the CCDBG and securing additional government funding, especially given the tightening of welfare-to-work requirements in the 2005 Deficit Reduction Act. Aside from the funding issues, child care remains a policy arena full of challenges. Among them are the scarcity of care for welfare and other low-income parents who work evening and night shifts, difficulties getting children to child care settings in neighborhoods other than their own by having to rely on public transportation, and the lack of infant and toddler care, which is typically more expensive than care for other children because of its higher staff-tochild ratios. Recently, child care and early education advocates have focused on 3- to 4-year-olds as part of school readiness initiatives and the assumption that lawmakers can generally relate more to the child care needs of this age group than of infants and toddlers. Some policy makers think that having welfare recipients work as child care providers would solve two problems at once: welfare-to-work requirements and the low availability of child care providers. But this quick fix is not a viable solution, because without proper education in child development, safety, and other aspects of care, quality suffers and children are put at risk. Furthermore, child care providers’ low wages makes this an impractical option. Child care policy leaders and analysts often turn to other countries for ideas about how the United States might improve its policies. Other industrialized countries, especially Western Europe, usually have universal (available to all children) child care and early education, built upon paid family leave policies that foster parental care of infants. Some child care policy experts are beginning to propose ideas for replacing the block grant with plans that might lead to a more equitable distribution of benefits between welfare and other working low-income families. Others have suggested stronger coordination and linkage among child care, Head Start, and other early education programs. It is unclear if there is enough support among advocates and members of Congress to support any of these initiatives. Regardless, there is much to be done to ensure that children of all socioeconomic backgrounds, regardless of religion, race, or culture, have access to high-quality and affordable child care so that they can develop to the best of their potential. Sally S. Cohen

see also: Work and Home Life, Conflict between further reading: Caring for Infants and Toddlers, The Future of Children 11, no. 1 (Spring–Fall 2001). • S. S. Cohen, Championing Child Care, 2001. • Center for Law and Social Policy, http://www .clasp.org • National Child Care Information and Technical Assistance Center, http://www.nccic.org • U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Administration for Children and Families, Child Care Bureau, http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/ccb

child selling. see Baby and Child Selling child support. Child support refers to the periodic payment of monetary assistance pursuant to a legally binding order or agreement for a child who does not reside with the payer. Today, all individuals recognized as a child’s legal parents may be required to pay child support. Nonparents may also be required to pay child support in some circumstances. The support obligation typically terminates when the child reaches the age of majority or becomes emancipated, although in some jurisdictions there may be a continuing obligation to support an incompetent adult child or to provide postmajority educational support. Th e H istory of C h i ld Support In most nations, the legal obligation to pay child support is of relatively recent origin. The first statement of such an obligation within Anglo-American sources is contained in the Elizabethan Poor Laws (1601), which instituted a comprehensive public welfare program and a legal duty to reimburse the state for benefits. This reimbursement obligation was not restricted to parents; grandparents were liable for the support of their grandchildren, husbands for the support of their wives, and adult children for support of their parents. The Poor Laws did not provide a mechanism for children to directly obtain support from an absent parent, and the common law also failed to provide such a remedy. Needy children were thus forced to seek public relief; only the state could enforce a parent’s support duty. This indirect approach to child support derived, in part, from the legal unity of the family. The common law vested virtually all income and property rights in the male household head; neither wives nor children had an enforceable support entitlement. Indeed, the legal identities of wives and children were so merged with that of the family patriarch that they could not individually maintain a lawsuit, even against an individual outside the family. Family relationships were also permanent: Legal divorce was unavailable and parental status interminable. The new social conditions produced by the Industrial Revolution produced a wave of laws that pierced both the unity and permanence of the family. Statutory divorce laws permitted spouses to terminate their marriages, and neglect laws enabled the state to terminate the rights of parents

c h il d s u p p o r t

who did not provide appropriate care. New support laws also authorized both former wives and children to directly obtain support from the family’s male breadwinner after separation from him. These new support laws also permitted the child to obtain more than subsistence benefits. Statutory standards specified that the support obligation should reflect the father’s income and the family’s prior standard of living insofar as the father’s current means permitted. Support values thus were subject to modification based on changes in the child’s or father’s circumstances, and judges were granted extensive discretion to fashion awards sensitive to each family’s circumstances. Little evidence exists on how courts exercised their discretion in awarding support. Although there is late 19thcentury data showing that alimony was awarded infrequently, there is virtually no information on the frequency with which child support was awarded, the level of payments, or the factors that judges deemed important in fashioning an award. The results produced by the new child-support laws are largely a mystery right up until the modern era. Mo d er n I n novat ion s i n C h i ld -Support L aw During the 1970s and 1980s, public authorities in many nations began, for the first time, to collect comprehensive data on child-support awards and payments. The impetus for this data collection effort—and the wave of child-support laws that accompanied it—were rising rates of family dissolution and dependence on public aid, the same concerns that motivated both the 16th-century Poor Laws and 19thcentury support innovations. In the United States, most of the new laws were initiated by the federal government, which pays for most public assistance to children, instead of the states, which traditionally have been responsible for the development of family law. One set of innovations focused on increasing the number of individuals with legal support obligations. Support duties were everywhere recast in gender-neutral terms so that mothers as well as fathers could be required to pay child support. Responding to dramatic increases in nonmarital birth rates and new, highly accurate paternity tests, legislatures also enacted laws designed to increase the rate of paternity establishment for nonmarital children. In the United States, the federal government required the states, as a condition of federal child-support funding, to adopt streamlined case-processing methods and enact statutes of limitation extending to 18 years after the child’s birth; it also mandated procedures for voluntary paternity acknowledgment. In some countries, but not the United States, support obligations were also extended to stepparents. A second set of innovations focused on increasing the likelihood that support would be paid. In the United States, the federal government established a tax-refund intercept

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program and a parent-locator service. It also provided incentives to the states to institute new automated support systems, new laws to streamline and improve interstate support enforcement, and new penalties, such as passport revocation and license suspension, for nonpayment. Although the United States has not done so, many nations have gone further and adopted child-support assurance schemes. Under such a scheme, the support obligor, or person who is bound by legal obligation, makes payments to a governmental agency. Even if the obligor fails to pay, that agency sends at least some portion of the required payment to the payee. It also assumes the task of collecting unpaid support. Some nations have expanded the child-support assurance concept further by guaranteeing a minimum support payment; when the payer’s legal support obligation is less than this minimum, the state pays the difference. A third set of innovations aimed to achieve higher and more consistent award values. Surveys of support awards under traditional, discretionary standards showed that these standards produced inconsistent, but typically lowvalue, awards that produced, on average, a significant livingstandard loss for the child and gain for the payer parent. To alter this pattern, virtually all industrialized nations adopted numerical guidelines to govern support-value determination. Typically, these guidelines produce a presumptive award from which the decision maker may deviate based on one or another specified case characteristic. Although traditional support law had identified the living standard of the child’s intact family as the touchstone of support-value determination, no guidelines were designed to achieve this level of support. Instead, the vast majority aimed to produce an award value that roughly represents the proportion of total parental income the child would have received from the obligor had the parents lived together. Legislators’ preference for this “continuity-of-expenditure” approach over one aimed at maintaining the child’s living standard reflected several factors. First, because two households cannot live as economically as one, family separation ensures that some portion of the divided family will experience a living-standard loss. Second, because mothers typically earn less than fathers and obtain custody of the children 80% to 90% of the time, very large support transfers would often be required to maintain the children’s preseparation living standard. Transfers of this magnitude would create strong work and payment disincentives for payers, and in some cases they would also create serious hardship. The continuity-of-expenditure approach relies on consumer surveys of child-related outlay in intact families. This survey data is used to derive standardized percentages that reflect the number of children to be supported. The relevant percentage is applied to the payer’s income, as defined by a guideline formula, to yield an award value. The “percentage-of-obligor-income” and “income-shares” models are perhaps the most common continuity-of-expenditure

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guideline types. Income-shares guidelines are typically more complex; most guidelines of this type take the payee’s income into account as well as the payer’s and require or permit add-ons to the basic support value for potentially large and variable expenditures associated with health or child care. Increasingly, both models also take account of time the child spends in the home of the payer. Because of variation in their details and income definitions, guidelines using similar methodologies often produce very different award values. For example, a 1997 survey of U.S. support guidelines found that the highest presumptive monthly award ($1,054) for a sample middle-income family was in Nebraska, an income-shares state, and that the second-lowest ($604) was in Kentucky, another incomeshares state. Cross-nationally, the values produced by support guidelines tend to bear an inverse relationship to the level of public support for single-parent families. In countries like Australia and the United States that offer minimal public support, guideline percentages are relatively high in comparison to those of countries like the Scandinavian nations that offer substantial public support. Many countries have entrusted the task of administering support guidelines to an administrative agency to lower costs to both the parties and the government. In other countries, notably the United States, courts or the parties themselves continue to determine support values. Th e Succ esses and Fai lur es of Moder n C h i ld -Support L aws Changes in child-support law have been accompanied by research showing that eligibility for child support is associated with a wide range of serious risks. Children living in single-parent households are far more likely than children in two-parent households to experience poverty, poor health, behavioral problems, delinquency, and low educational attainment. As adults, they have higher rates of poverty, early childbearing, and unstable personal relationships. Reduced economic status is the most important identifiable source of the disproportionate risk borne by children in single-parent households. Most of the research reports suggest that this factor is responsible for about half of the disadvantage associated with single parenting. Child-support assurance schemes that guarantee children a fairly generous level of state support clearly succeed in reducing child poverty and thus significantly reduce the risks associated with living in a single-parent household. For example, in the United States, where there is no childsupport assurance and relatively few child-related benefits, more than half of children living in single-mother homes were poor in the late 1990s. In Sweden, which has a generous child-support assurance system and a high level of child-related benefits, fewer than 10% were poor during this period. Child-support assurance systems are expensive,

however, and some experts assert that they may encourage family dissolution and nonsupport. The success of initiatives to improve the adequacy, consistency, and payment of child support by private support obligors is less clear. In 1978, the first year that the U.S. government collected national child-support data, 59% of support-eligible mothers had obtained support orders. About half of those awarded support received full payment, and the average value of support paid ($4,889 in 2001) represented less than half of what economists estimated as typical child-rearing costs. State research also documented consideration variation in award values among families with the same number of children and similar incomes. In 2001, the same U.S. government survey found that 63% of eligible mothers had obtained support orders. Slightly less than half (45%) of those with orders received full payment, and the average value of support paid ($3,192 in 2001) had actually declined in inflation-adjusted dollars. Research at the state level continued to document consideration variation in award values among families with the same number of children and similar incomes; some surveys showed that more than half of awards deviated from the presumptive values contained in the relevant support guideline, and more than 80% of deviations produced lower-thanguideline support amounts. These disappointing results do mask some successes, however. First, paternity-establishment reforms have improved outcomes for never-married mothers. In the United States, the award rate for this group more than doubled between 1978 and 2001; given the rising numbers of nevermarried mothers, current results would be much worse were it not for this improvement. Over the 1990s, the poverty rate of U.S. custodial mothers eligible for child support also fell markedly; in 1993, their poverty rate was 37% and in 2001, 25%. However, the single-mother poverty rate remained four times higher than that of married-couple households with children, and most of the poverty-rate improvement appears to be due to increased employment among custodial mothers rather than higher support payments. Governmental efforts to collect child support also cost money. During the late 1990s, U.S. child-support enforcement agencies spent about $1 for each $4 that they collected. Among the English-speaking nations, the highest return rate was in Australia (7:1) and the lowest in the United Kingdom (3:1). Marsha Garrison see also: Custody; Parenthood; Paternity and Maternity; Separation and Divorce further reading: Marsha Garrison, “Autonomy or Community? An Evaluation of Two Models of Parental Obligation,” California Law Review 86, no. 1 (1998), pp. 41–117. • J. Thomas Oldham and Marygold S. Melli, eds., Child Support: The Next Frontier, 2000. • William S. Comanor, ed., The Law and Economics of Child Support Payments, 2004.

c h il d b e a r in g, a d o l e s c e n t

childbearing, adolescent. Childbearing among youth in the United States has become increasingly visible to scholars, policy makers, and the general public as a consequence of several demographic trends. In spite of the fact that birth rates (i.e., the number of births per 1,000 women) were decreasing rapidly among teens (i.e., those ages 15 to 19) during the 1960s and 1970s, the entrance of the large baby boom cohort into adolescence during this period increased the absolute number of births to teen women, creating the illusion that teen birth rates were increasing. As birth rates among adult women have been declining more rapidly than rates among teen girls, the proportion of births occurring to teens has increased. Finally, the percentage of teen births occurring to nevermarried girls increased from 14.8% to 78.7% between 1960 and 2000. However, overall birth rates for teen girls declined from 89.1 to 48.7 during this same time period, and this decline occurred for non-Hispanic whites, nonHispanic blacks, and Hispanics. For women of all reproductive ages, increases in the proportion of births to unmarried women, termed the nonmarital fertility ratio, have been driven by decreases in marriage rates, increases in nonmarital birth rates, and decreases in marital birth rates. Changes in marriage have had a greater impact on the nonmarital fertility ratio than changes in reproductive behavior. For teens in particular, increases in the nonmarital birth ratio are less of a reflection of the rate at which unwed girls are becoming pregnant and more of a reflection of changes in the circumstances under which pregnant girls give birth. Teen women, like their older counterparts, have been decreasingly likely to marry in response to a premarital conception. Teen childbearing is associated with numerous factors. Girls born to an adolescent mother are more likely to become a teen parent than their counterparts born to older mothers, and girls living with a single mother or a stepparent in adolescence are more likely to have a teen birth than their counterparts who live with two biological parents. Girls are also more likely to become parents early if they have parents who are less educated or less economically advantaged or if they themselves have lower academic achievement or aspirations. Girls living in more disadvantaged communities (e.g., communities with larger percentages of impoverished families) are at greater risk of early parenthood, regardless of their own characteristics. Girls are more likely to have a teen birth if they reside in states with weaker child-support enforcement, but their chances of having an early birth increase only slightly, if at all, as the level of welfare benefits in their state increases. Yet, girls growing up in an Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC)–receiving household are much more likely to have an early birth than girls whose parents did not receive welfare. Finally, girls are more likely to become

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mothers early if they experience changes in family structure and income. Girls from more disadvantaged families and communities are more likely to have a child early because they associate it with fewer negative consequences. To the extent that these girls reject conventional paths to adulthood (i.e., marriage or a career) or view them as blocked, they perceive early motherhood as having fewer negative consequences. Girls born to or living with single mothers are not only directly exposed to unwed motherhood, but they also receive less monitoring and supervision. Girls who experience major life events, like parental divorce or unemployment, are thought to have a diminished sense of control over their future. Although the influence of various factors on the likelihood of early parenthood appears to have changed little over recent decades, racial and ethnic differences in early parenthood have changed. Up to the early 1990s, blacks had the highest teen birth rates, followed by Hispanics and then by non-Hispanic whites. Due to the large decline in teen birth rates among non-Hispanic blacks during the 1990s, Hispanics have surpassed blacks in their teen birth rates. As of 2000, rates for non-Hispanic whites, non-Hispanic blacks, and Hispanics were 32.6, 79.2, and 87.3, respectively. Higher birth rates among minority teens are due in part to their greater socioeconomic disadvantage. Differences in teen birth rates across racial groups and over time can be better understood by examining changes in the “proximate determinants” of fertility: sexual activity, contraception, abortion, and pregnancy. Declines in teen birth rates during the late 1990s have been linked to declines in pregnancy. A small fraction of the decline in pregnancy rates has been attributed to increases in sexual abstinence, but the remaining large share of the decline has been attributed to increases in contraceptive use. Other developed countries have similarly experienced large declines in teen birth rates over recent decades. Declining birth rates in developed countries have been attributed to the greater motivation to delay childbearing for the sake of pursuing an education and developing work skills and to increased knowledge of contraception and access to it. The decline in birth rates for U.S. teens has been considerably smaller than the decline observed in many other developed countries. Consequently, teen birth rates in the United States are high in comparison to those of Canada and European countries. The relatively higher birth rates among U.S. teens are only partly due to their greater socioeconomic disadvantage. Within all socioeconomic groups, U.S. youth tend to have higher teen birth rates than their counterparts from other developed countries. Nor are the higher birth rates on the part of U.S. teens due to greater levels of sexual activity. U.S. youth begin having sex around the same age as youth in other developed countries. U.S.

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imagining each other

Launching a Reproductive Career in Kenya In 1980, Kenya had one of the world’s highest population growth rates. Although various population theories, using information about education, modernization, and Christianization, predicted that the nation’s fertility should have declined, it actually had increased. Exemplifying this situation was the village of Kikuyu farmers where I was working at the time, in the productive central highlands north of Nairobi, where completed family size had risen to around eight. My research with adolescents in this village from 1979 to 1981 suggested reasons that early and frequent childbearing persisted despite widespread education, modernization, and Christianization. Early insight came when one of the study participants, whom I shall call Wanjiku, took me home to visit her mother and hear about the recent marriage of her sister. Wanjiku, aged 16 and then in year three of high school, admired her sister, aged 21, for her good education, lucrative town job, and well-connected, affluent husband. But she had also worried about how “old” her sister was before she married, the difficulty of finding an eligible husband, and the challenge of hanging on to a desirable man other women might steal. The large wedding had been a notable event, given the social and material status of both parties and the bride’s parents’ desire to demonstrate their success. The service had been held in the local Episcopal church, known for prudent congregants oriented to Westernized modernity, progress, and upward mobility. Arrangements—flowers, guest list, clothing, hospitality, and bride-price from the groom’s parents—had absorbed months of planning and negotiation. The selection of a white satin wedding gown and veil had featured promi-

youth are said to have higher teen birth rates because of other factors: a weaker consensus that childbearing is only an adult behavior, less accepting attitudes toward teen sex, less access to family planning services, and less extensive youth development programs. Teen childbearing continues to be an issue of concern not only because of increases in the proportion of teen births to unwed mothers, but also because it is associated with negative outcomes for mothers and children alike. To consider just a few examples, teen mothers are less likely than their counterparts without an early birth to complete high school and to marry, and the children of teen mothers are less likely than the children of older mothers to receive prenatal care. More recently, scholars have argued that some of the negative outcomes associated with early childbearing are not a consequence of having a teen birth but a reflection of conditions that existed prior to the birth. According to this argument, girls whose life chances are more precarious are more likely to select themselves into early motherhood; these girls would have had comparable experiences even if they had postponed a birth. It has also been argued that teen childbearing is less consequential

nently. The picture-book wedding was, in Wanjiku’s words, “just like the magazines.” Given the constrained modesty of village lifestyles, I had been intrigued by how Western the wedding sounded and was keen to learn more about it. Wanjiku and I entered the cinder-block, tin-roofed house, stepped onto the prized concrete floor, and sat on a vinyl sofa in a scrupulously clean living room complete with TV. After serving strong, steaming milk-and-sugar tea in a flowered enamel mug and regaling me with a general account of events, Wanjiku’s mother proudly exhibited the big wedding album. Following sedate shots of people and settings, we finally turned to the full-page picture of the beaming bride and groom. The bride was indeed lovely and the groom quite impressive, but I was stunned: The white satin front of the dress bulged roundly to accommodate a very advanced pregnancy. Too astonished to inquire at the time, I later learned this was viewed as a desirable state of affairs. An established pregnancy represents, in local idiom, the “proof of the pudding.” For traditional Kikuyu society, sexual compatibility and a woman’s fertility potential were important preconditions for marriage. Tradition favored early marriage for women and valued large families for production and protection. Historical accounts report an extensive ritual initiation and social agenda for youth that included ngweko, mutual masturbation with interfemoral clitero-penile contact without penetration. Although these accounts insist that premarital pregnancy didn’t happen, the attitude toward intimacy as part of mate selection apparently persisted even as the custom of ngweko disappeared: A survey of village households revealed

now than it was in the past, due to changes in institutional responses (i.e., pregnant teens are no longer required to drop out of school) and reduced stigma surrounding single parenthood. Little is known about the relationship context of births to “single” teen girls or about the fathers of their children. Statistics based on mothers of all ages reveal that the number of births that occur to cohabiting girls is growing and substantial. Information that teen mothers report about fathers on birth certificates suggests that teen fatherhood is much less common than teen motherhood. It is estimated that only about a third of the partners of teen girls are teens themselves, and about a fifth of them are 25 years old or older. Kara Joyner see also: Abortion; Adolescent Decision Making, Legal Perspectives on; Adoption; Demography of Childhood; Health and Sex Education further reading: C. A. Bachrach, “The Changing Circumstances of Marriage and Fertility,” in Robert A. Moffitt, ed., Welfare, the Family and Reproductive Behavior, 1998, pp. 9–32. • Frank F. Furstenberg, “Teenage Childbearing as a Public Issue and Private Concern,” American Review of Sociology 29, no. 1 (2003), pp. 23–39. • Centers

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Launching a Reproductive Career in Kenya (continued)

for Disease Control and Prevention, National Center for Health Statistics, Birth Data, http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/births.htm • Child Trends, http://www.childtrends.org • Guttmacher Institute, http:// www.guttmacher.org

childhood resilience. Since the last two decades of the 20th century, mental health professionals have focused on the question of why some children cope successfully with major adversities in their lives, while others develop serious and persistent emotional problems. The resilience these children display is not a fixed trait but a dynamic process that enables them to deal effectively with adversity in their lives. Current knowledge about the roots of resilience comes from a dozen longitudinal studies (studies of populations followed over time) that extend from Hawaii and California to the Midwest and the eastern parts of the United States. These studies include Asian American, African American, and Caucasian children who have been followed at different developmental stages. Among them are youngsters who managed to cope successfully with poverty, parental abuse, alcoholism, mental illness, family discord, and divorce.

marriage or an illegal abortion that risked reproductive health. Fear of infertility after abortion and untreated sexually transmitted disease was a common concern in everyday as well as clinical and public health discourse. Then, even if one secured a well-educated husband with good financial prospects, legal polygyny raised the risk that a second wife would step in later and divert hard-won resources. Wanjiku’s older sister’s best friend, an accomplished minister’s daughter, was holding out for a “good” marriage without premarital pregnancy, but with no success despite her advantages. By contrast, a less ambitious, local, farm-based marriage and a judicious premarital pregnancy could seem attractive. Therefore, young women like Wanjiku must weigh carefully modern and traditional routes to marriage against the need to maintain reproductive health and start a successful reproductive career. Wanjiku herself did less well in school than had her sister: Her postprimary exam score merely merited placement in the local high school, which predictably led to scores insufficient for university admission. She opted to remain safely at home and cultivate domestic and farm management skills for which her mother was famous. She volunteered as a high school aide. Within months, Wanjiku was visibly pregnant, and her happy parents announced that their 18-year-old daughter was soon to be married to a high school teacher who would also inherit the farm holdings of their sonless family. Thus, she was safely launched on a long and fertile reproductive career. (Note that fertility behavior changed during the 25 years after this research: by 2006, the total fertility rate had fallen to 5.0.) Carol M. Worthman

imagining each other

that most first births came a few months after marriage. Thereafter, births occurred about every two years and continued as long as possible. In the uncertainties of a modernizing world, many children were needed to ensure at least one would succeed and support one’s old age. Pregnancy constituted proof of both sexual competence and the woman’s fertility and set the stage for marriage. As villagers put it, pregnancy established the prospective bride as “healthy.” With harambee, or progress, the age at marriage for young women had gone up to age 20, postponed by schooling and work, both of which were desirable accomplishments in a bride. Such delay also increased possible need for contraceptives and abortion to prevent premature childbearing. Both were believed to damage fertility, increasing the chance that a young woman becomes “lost,” incapable of childbearing. Consequently, concern for a prospective bride’s “health” increased, and pressure for premarital pregnancy to demonstrate it intensified. For Wanjiku and her peers, to coordinate securing a husband with launching a childbearing career posed a crucial and risky challenge. Children, more than husbands, were essential to a woman’s worth and dignity in old age, but a husband was needed for access to land and other material and social resources for child rearing. Romantic love, as one mother noted, just interfered with the practical business of family. Pursuit of education and employment enhanced marriageability but stalled the marriage-childbearing project. Delay was risky. Sexual predators commonly plagued young women, particularly if they roomed away from home while studying or working in town, and might force an undesired pregnancy and

Their findings are complemented by the results of longitudinal studies from Australia and New Zealand, Denmark and Sweden, and Great Britain and Germany. The individual’s characteristics and sources of support in the family and community that are associated with successful coping among these high-risk children have been replicated in all these different geographic contexts, with different socioeconomic and ethnic groups, and in different historical periods—from the children of the Great Depression to the child survivors of World War II to contemporary children on three continents. In most cases, these protective factors in the child and her environment also predicted benefit to “low-risk” children. Children who have coped successfully with adversity tended to be in good physical health and were less easily distressed in adversity than those who developed learning and behavior problems. Resilient children had an active, sociable, “engaging temperament” and possessed good communication and problem-solving skills, including the ability to attract substitute caregivers. They had a particular talent or skill that was valued by their elders or peers and a conviction that their actions could make a positive differ-

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ence in their lives. They enjoyed school, had realistic educational and vocational plans, and assisted others in need. Resilience was also fostered by external resources in the family and community. Foremost was a competent, caring mother; a close relationship with a primary caregiver that nurtured trust; and affectionate bonds with alternate caregivers, such as grandparents or older siblings, teachers, and elder mentors. An external support system in the neighborhood, school, church, or youth groups that rewarded competence and provided them with positive role models and a faith to live by enhanced resilience. The children who made a successful adaptation in the context of adversity were not passively reacting to the constraints of negative circumstances. Instead, they actively sought resources within their family and community that increased their competencies, opened up new opportunities, and decreased the number of stressful life events they subsequently encountered. Children who displayed greater autonomy and social competence in their preschool years encountered fewer stressful life events by age 10. Boys and girls with higher scholastic competence at age 10 reported fewer stressful life events in adolescence. Youths who displayed a higher degree of self-efficacy in their teens experienced fewer stressful life events in adulthood. The processes that linked individual dispositions and competencies with sources of support from the family and community highlight the importance of the early childhood years in laying the foundation for resilience. The possibility of recovery from a troubled childhood or adolescence at later stages of development is enhanced if an individual is able to draw on a foundation of secure attachment and supportive care in the early years. Just as risk factors tend to cluster in a specific developmental period, so do protective factors. The presence of variables that buffer adversity at one point in time also makes it more likely that other protective mechanisms come into play at a later time. Tur ni ng Poi n ts i n Li fe Tr a jector i es Several longitudinal studies in the United States and Great Britain have shown that most high-risk children who were troubled adolescents turned their lives around in young adulthood and became responsible partners, parents, and citizens. Among the most potent forces resulting in positive changes in their lives were continuing education at community colleges, educational and vocational skills acquired during military service, marriage to a stable partner, membership in a religious group that required active participation in a “community of faith,” and recovery from a life-threatening illness or accident. The individuals who used such opportunities and whose life trajectories subsequently took a positive turn differed in significant ways from those who did not. They were more active and sociable, had been rated as less anxious by their parents and teachers, were more competent problem

solvers and readers, and had been exposed to more positive interactions with their primary caregivers in infancy and early childhood than youths whose coping problems persisted. Gen d er D i f f er enc e s All longitudinal studies of risk and resilience report gender differences that vary with the stages of the life cycle. In the prenatal period and infancy, more males than females perish or have serious physical problems. In childhood and adolescence, more boys than girls tend to develop serious learning and behavior problems and display more externalizing symptoms (acting-out behaviors). In late adolescence and young adulthood, more girls than boys are subject to internalizing symptoms, especially depression. Among the high-risk youth who had grown into troubled teenagers, more females than males managed to make a successful transition into adulthood. Protective factors within the individual—an engaging temperament, scholastic competence, and self-efficacy—tended to make a greater contribution to the quality of adult adaptation for females; external resources in the family and community tended to make a greater impact on the lives of males who successfully overcame childhood adversities. Gen e -En v i ro n m en t I n t er ac t io n s Longitudinal studies in the United States, Europe, and Australia have all shown that pre- and perinatal complications are linked to negative outcome in genetically vulnerable children, especially the offspring of alcoholic, depressed, and schizophrenic mothers. Several studies have suggested that in the case of antisocial behavior and depression, environmental risk factors operate most strongly with genetically vulnerable children. Investigators in Dunedin, New Zealand, have demonstrated that the frequency of subsequent antisocial behavior and depression displayed by abused children is moderated by genes that regulate the production of neurotransmitters, such as serotonin. Individuals with one or two copies of the short allele of the 5-HTT gene exhibited slightly more (self-reported) depressive symptoms in adulthood than did individuals homozygous for the long allele. Emergi ng Issues i n th e Study of R esi li enc e The evidence for the phenomenon of childhood resilience comes almost exclusively from studies conducted in industrialized countries. Cross-cultural perspectives on the development of children from Asia, Africa, Latin America, and the Middle East are urgently needed. Many of these children now enter North America and Europe as immigrants and refugees. Researchers need to know more about individual dispositions and sources of support that enable them to transcend cultural boundaries and about the role

c ir c u m c is io n , f e m a l e

of resilience in the face of war, displacement, and political violence. An exciting new avenue of research is focusing on cardiovascular reactivity and immune competence as moderators of children’s vulnerability to stressful life events. Further research on the role of psychobiological reactivity to both physical and emotional stressors should become an important item on the agenda of behavioral scientists interested in resilience. Finally, there is a need to document the effectiveness of intervention programs that attempt to alter the course of development of children who live in adversity, from preschool programs to mentoring programs in high school. Some of these intervention programs, like the Chicago-based ChildParent centers (for 3- to 9-year-olds) and the Big Brothers/ Big Sisters program (for 10- to 16-year-olds), have proved to be effective in combating school failure, violence, and drug abuse. Children from the poorest neighborhoods profited the most. It is unlikely that there is a model intervention program that will succeed every time with every child who grows up in adversity. But it is imperative to map the diverse pathways and contexts in the family, school, and community that increase competence and self-efficacy, decrease the negative effects of psychosocial and biological risk factors for children, and open up opportunities. Emmy E. Werner see also: Poverty, Children in; Stress; Temperament; Violence, Children and; War, Children and further reading: J. David Hawkins and Richard F. Catalano, eds., Communities That Care: Prevention Strategies: A Research Guide to What Works, 2000. • Michael Rutter, “Resilience Reconsidered: Conceptual Considerations, Empirical Findings, and Policy Implications,” in Jack P. Shonkoff and Samuel J. Meisels, eds., Handbook of Early Childhood Intervention, 2nd ed., 2000, pp. 651–82. • Emmy E. Werner and Ruth S. Smith, Journeys from Childhood to Midlife: Risk, Resilience and Recovery, 2001. • Sam Goldstein and Robert Brooks, eds., Handbook of Resilience in Children, 2005.

children’s hospitals. see Hospitalization chorionic villus sampling. see Genetics: Genetic Testing

circumcision, female. Female circumcision, also widely referred to as female genital cutting or female genital mutilation, is an umbrella term for a wide range of practices involving the alteration of the external female genitalia. It can entail any of a number of procedures, varying in severity and including symbolic pricking of the clitoral prepuce, partial or complete clitoridectomy, excision of all or part of the inner labia, and infibulation, in which all the external genitalia are cut and then stitched nearly shut. These practices historically have been performed in numerous cultures across Africa as well as in some parts of the

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Middle East, Malaysia, and India, but it should not be assumed that the custom is “ancient and entrenched” everywhere it is found. Instead, it is a practice in flux: abandoned in some contexts, adopted in others, and widely undergoing alterations, particularly in that accompanying ritual is often falling away and girls are generally circumcised at a younger and younger age. Although the prevalence rate for female circumcision is much higher in some nation-states than others, ethnicity is a better indicator of whether a person or community practices circumcision or not, and frequently practicing groups straddle national boundaries. Female circumcisions were historically practiced in the West as well, as a Victorian “cure” for perceived female ailments including “hysteria.” Presently, there is a widespread global campaign opposed to female circumcision, including resistance to any medical support intended to make it less harmful; and while male circumcision in Africa increasingly is performed in clinical settings or with some medical support, this is much less common for female circumcision, which has become highly stigmatized by activist campaigns and is often illegal. Although religious rationales are sometimes offered for female circumcision, it is not explicitly mandated by Islam or Christianity. In many societies, female circumcision is seen as equivalent to male circumcision, and there are very few contexts in which female, but not male, circumcision is practiced. Often, female circumcision has been performed in the context of coming-of-age ritual or as preparation for marriage. While it is commonly assumed that the reason for performing circumcision is to suppress female sexuality, this reason is not necessarily stated by practitioners themselves, who often invoke the importance of “tradition” and adhering to powerful female peer conventions, nor does the evidence necessarily indicate that the practice has the actual effect of eliminating female sexual desire or pleasure. As the ages at which girls are circumcised go down, this becomes increasingly an issue affecting children. The focus of anticircumcision campaigns has over the years somewhat shifted from an emphasis on the health effects of these practices—which vary greatly, depending on the type of procedure—to combating them as violations of the human rights of women and children. A standard approach to opposing circumcision practices performed on minors is rooted in claims of child abuse and violations against the United Nations’ Declaration of the Rights of the Child (UNDRC). Scholars have pointed out, however, that such claims risk alienating and putting on the defensive parents and other relatives who—while believing that they are acting in the best interest of the child—become accused of being incompetent and/or abusive. It may be problematic, as well, to simply refer to the assertion in the UNDRC that every child has the right to “develop . . . in a normal manner” in

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Empowering Girls in Sierra Leone

imagining each other

I n i t i at io n i n to t h e B o n d o S o c i et y

In Sierra Leone, West Africa, different ethnic groups initiate all male and female youth into status groups, which are sometimes referred to by the Western misnomer “secret societies.” Anthropologists have described this cultural region as the Poro/Sande zone, in reference to the male (Poro) and female (Sande) institutions that govern the initiations of preadolescents. It used to be commonly asserted in Sierra Leone that no person could become a head of state, or even a serious politician, without the grassroots support of Sande and Poro leaders from the interior of the country. Among the ethnically Kono people, who inhabit the eastern part of Sierra Leone, the women’s “secret society” is also known as Bondo. In the past, a high-ranking woman, called Soko, from one of the founding lineages typically established a Bondo chapter, and all girls within the jurisdiction were required to be initiated and put under this chapter and the senior woman’s authority. The Bondo social hierarchy paralleled that of its Poro (male) counterpart. As with the Bondo leader, the head of the Poro was a senior male authority from one of the founding lineages; all uninitiated boys in his village or jurisdiction had to be initiated into his Poro “bush.” Initiation into either a Bondo or Poro chapter called for a surgical refashioning of the genitals, a process known as excision for females or circumcision for males. This process took place at parallel ages and for reasons related to the development of adult gender identity. In Kono society, all principal male and female political and religious advisors usually held high-ranking roles within Poro and Bondo as well. Thus, the

cultural contexts in which being circumcised is to develop in a “normal” manner. Increasingly, children are seen as having cultural rights, along with more basic rights to, for example, food and shelter, and some observers have pointed to the irony inherent in the fact that, according to international law, children have both a right to practice their culture, under Article 30, and a right to be protected against traditions prejudicial to their health, under Article 24(3). These issues become more sharply focused as individuals from circumcising societies migrate. A number of observers point out that if girls were to be made to undergo circumcision procedures in exile settings, without the strength of previous community support, the procedures would likely be perceived as far more traumatic than would have been the case “at home.” What one child may perceive as a fulfilling “traditional” coming-of-age ceremony associated with her home society, another child born or raised elsewhere may experience as traumatic violence and alienation. Therefore, even those critical of a blanket condemnation of all circumcision procedures agree that allowing any such operations would have to be tied to an age of consent, although the

institutions of Poro, Bondo, and initiation were inextricably linked with and reinforced by traditional dual-sex sociopolitical institutions and cosmology. According to traditional Kono cosmology, before a child entered Bondo or Poro, he or she was considered an “androgynous” or confusingly dual-sex male or female child. Thus, the purpose of initiation was to transform a dual-sex, androgynous, or “protosocial” child into a socially recognized single-sex male or single-sex female person. The rite of male circumcision involved the removal of the foreskin (a female element in the male, reminiscent of the “feminine” prepuce), which symbolically effected the creation of a male sex. The rite of female excision involved the removal of the “masculine” clitoris (a male element in the female) and represented the ritual creation of a female sex. The single-sex female and single-sex male persons were then brought together in the institution of marriage, where they reproduced the next generation. Preadolescent and adolescent girls traditionally entered Bondo accompanied by female elders, such as their grandmothers, as well as numerous other initiated female cousins, relatives, and friends. After several traditional rites involving relatives from both their mothers’ and fathers’ family lines, the young initiates were taken to the river and ritually washed with protective medicines and painted with white clay to mark their anomalous status; their hair was braided and they were carried off to the ritual operation site, where they were excised by a specially trained female operator. The newly initiated girls, called sandene, were then congratulated and celebrated

issue of informed consent is complicated by diverse cultural ideas regarding age of maturity and the decision-making powers of children versus parents. Ylva Hernlund see also: Circumcision, Male; Rites of Passage further reading: Bettina Shell-Duncan and Ylva Hernlund, eds., Female “Circumcision” in Africa: Culture, Controversy, and Change, 2000. • Ellen Gruenbaum, The Female Circumcision Controversy: An Anthropological Perspective, 2001.

circumcision, male. The routine surgical removal of infant boys’ foreskins for a medical rather than ritual rationale has an accidental origin, an increasingly contentious status, and an uncertain legal and moral future even as the procedure gains scientific interest as a public health measure for stemming the spread of HIV, especially in parts of Africa. Male circumcision has long occurred among Jews and Muslims, as well as in many societies outside the monotheistic tradition, especially in East and West Africa. But the common medical procedure dates only to the mid-19th century. In 1870, Dr. Lewis Sayre, an orthopedic surgeon

c ir c u m c is io n , m a l e

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Empowering Girls in Sierra Leone (continued)

examining the partial paralysis of a 6-year-old boy’s legs, was cautioned by the nurse to avoid the child’s sore penis, which Sayre later described as “irritated and imprisoned” in an infected foreskin. The next day, Sayre surgically removed the boy’s foreskin, and the child’s penis, legs, and overall health quickly improved. Thereafter, Sayre championed the use of circumcision as a routine procedure to improve the physical and psychological well-being of boys. It rapidly became normative in the United States and Britain but also, to a lesser extent, Australia. In traditional societies, male circumcision occurs before marriage. Typically, the procedure is linked to a rite of passage that includes moral and religious education about adulthood. In the West, however, it became an element of modernization. No single factor explains the rapid and widespread acceptance of routine circumcision to non-Jews in the late 19th century, although the wider scientific and sociocultural contexts of the Victorian era are instructive. The routine procedure took hold in, and likely legitimated, the rise of the modern medical professions, which included a shift from home births to hospital deliveries. Indeed, male

communities. Although it is doubtful that international efforts have prevented women from carrying on their traditions to any significant degree, clearly there are now many different, often conflicting, voices on the contemporary meanings and future of these women’s rituals in Sierra Leone. In the words of a 23-year-old Sierra Leonean American woman studying in the United Kingdom: It’s been 15 years since my initiation and I still find it difficult to come to terms with my experience. On the one hand I feel that I can relate to my extended female cousins or fellow Sierra Leoneans in the diaspora who have also gone through Bondo. They admire the fact that we have something so personal in common. We share an exclusive bond and I feel proud to be a part of this intimate circle. Yet the response from some of my close African girlfriends who have not undergone this practice is a lot more judgmental and disapproving. They consider it to be a backward tradition that serves as a tool for men to suppress women sexually. They feel that young girls have little if any say in the matter and are forced to endure pointless physical and emotional pain. Many of them do not know that I have been through Bondo. I feel ashamed to confide in them something they have described to me as disgusting. Fuambai Sia Ahmadu

imagining each other

by hundreds, sometimes thousands, of women, dancing, clapping, ululating, tossing money, and singing songs of women’s reproductive powers. Many adult women fondly recall these celebrations—their honored status, their special treatment, the solidarity and sisterhood with coinitiates, and the joviality of the Bondo masquerade. Among the older generation, the physical pain of excision is often talked about in terms of female “stoicism” and “bravery” and is associated with women’s ability to withstand and survive childbirth, among other positive attributes. Today, there are many variations in “traditional” initiation ceremonies. These are a result of complex global forces, including the interactions between colonialism, modernity, and the spread of Christian missionary and Islamic schooling and religious practices. Since the 1990s, massive emigration due to a protracted war and increasing poverty have also affected initiation and excision in multiple ways, particularly with respect to the timing of ceremonies, the length of seclusion, modifications in “traditional” genital cutting, age at excision, and so on. The ceremonies also have been affected by other forces related to globalization and postmodernity, such as a growing international opposition to and condemnation of what abolitionists have called female genital mutilation (FGM). Criminalization of FGM and coordination of international efforts to eradicate the varied practices in African countries have in many ways stigmatized women’s initiation and excision traditions and placed significant pressure on national governments to do more to eliminate these practices within their

further reading: Fuambai Ahmadu, “Rites and Wrongs: An Insider/Outsider Reflects on Power and Excision,” in B. ShellDuncan and Ylva Hernlund, eds., Female “Circumcision” in Africa: Culture, Controversy, and Change, 2000.

circumcision through World War II was a bodily token of parents’ medical sophistication, education, faith in science, and wealth. Circumcision, too, fit with the prevailing notion of the human body and disease. The reigning view of physiology held that a delicate web of nervous energy permeated the body. Physical and mental diseases were understood to result from excess stimulation or agitation. Removal of the sensitive foreskin would, in this view, prevent any unhealthy genital irritation. The procedure was prophylactic. Circumcision was also understood to prevent early childhood phimosis, or the condition of a nonretractable foreskin. Circumcision also addressed two moral outlooks current in the Victorian era. First, Victorian reformers severely censored licentiousness as antithetical to proper piety, work, moral citizenship, marriage, and childbearing. Circumcision was understood to curtail boyhood masturbation by removing the easily aroused foreskin, thereby directing youthful energies to social, productive, and reproductive labors rather than more prurient and solitary pursuits. Indeed, the rise of male circumcision corresponded with a broad sense among religious leaders that society needed a

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vigorous moral and bodily rehabilitation—everything from physical education and a healthy diet to circumcision. Second, public heath reformers aggressively targeted immigrants and the cities for a thoroughgoing moral and bodily cleansing. With the rise of the germ theory of disease, various locations on the body and body politic were marked for sanitizing, including foreskins. Circumcision emerged as a neonatal rite of passage into the modern world and its commitment to medical science and increased state scrutiny of the health of citizens. Through the early part of the 20th century, male circumcision slowly gained status as a normative neonatal procedure in tandem with the medicalization of birth. In the early 1930s, physicians started to advocate circumcision as a preventive for penile cancer and venereal diseases, especially syphilis. The latter rationale gained importance during World War II. At this time, circumcision was largely associated with white, middle-class, urban-dwelling men and, of course, Jews. The procedure was rare among the rural poor and African Americans and was seen partly as an effort at modernizing these underclasses. Specialized clamps were developed as early as the mid-1930s. After World War II, the procedure declined dramatically in Britain with the creation of the National Health Service in 1948. English physicians failed to agree on the medical benefits of circumcision and so excluded it from automatic coverage. Since the United States lacked a national health plan, there was little incentive to formulate a singular policy. Consequently, the medical procedure persisted—albeit with increasing debate. In the post–World War II era, American physicians and health care associations increasingly promoted male circumcision. The rationale no longer centered on masturbatory fears. It still included protection against sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) and penile cancer as well as defense against urinary tract infections (UTIs) and cervical cancer. By the early 1960s, the rate of routine male circumcision in the United States approached 90%. Comparable high rates exist today in Israel, South Korea, and the Philippines (in the latter two countries the practice was adopted as a result of American influence and scientific prestige, although in South Korea the surgery is not typically neonatal). Most non-Jewish American parents agreed to circumcise their newborn sons not from any detailed medical knowledge but from a vague, diffuse sense of hygiene and a largely unquestioned approach to medical authority. Many parents, too, believed it best for their sons to resemble their fathers and subscribed to a general sense of foreskinless aesthetics. The normal American penis was foreskinless. Today, however, increasing debate swirls around the procedure. Most American medical organizations such as the American Pediatrics Association now acknowledge some health benefits to male circumcision. Yet they no longer endorse its routine occurrence. Approximately 60% of

all newborn American boys are now circumcised after birth, a rate unmatched by any other English-speaking country. The rate is greatest in the Northeast (80%), then decreases in the South and Midwest (60% to 70%), and is lowest in the West (40%). Approximately 20% to 30% of the males in the world are circumcised. The American Academy of Pediatrics estimates that Americans spend $70 million annually on the procedure. Individual states regulate the procedure as practiced by physicians and Jewish ritual circumcision specialists. In many states, Medicaid no longer automatically covers the surgery. When viewed in context of the overall annual health expenditure of the United States, however, which was a bit under $2 trillion in 2005, the per capita and total cost of the operation is infinitesimal. Since the 1980s, growing opposition to routine and ritual circumcision has stridently argued against any demonstrable medical benefit to the procedure that cannot otherwise be achieved through proper hygiene and safe sexual practices. The anticircumcision or “genital integrity” movement sees the procedure as a form of child abuse that violates the Hippocratic oath, impairs the boy’s later ability to fully enjoy sexual pleasure, and, most outlandishly, results in all manner of psychological distress, including rage, hate, fear, betrayal, shame, distrust, victimization, powerlessness, withdrawal, low self-esteem, and emotional numbing, all of which circumcised men allegedly attempt to overcome through promiscuity, competition, misogyny, and alcohol and drug abuse. If, in many respects, early circumcision advocates pinned their hopes for medical modernization on the removal of the foreskin, current circumcision opponents see the practice as the source of contemporary anxieties about masculinity. Additionally, circumcision opponents routinely vilify Jews, whom they erroneously believe responsible for the spread of the procedure in the United States. Some well-known “intactivists” have even gone so far as to argue that Jews infl ict the procedure on non-Jews as a way of avenging the Holocaust! It is, to be sure, wholly appropriate to questions the utility and morality of any routine medical procedure, especially one enacted on children and infants. Circumcision opponents routinely exaggerate the potential for harm from the procedure and routinely neglect all studies that find that circumcision is medically efficacious. Still, it is reasonable to ask, as they do, whether the supposed benefits mandate the performance of circumcision on infants. Is the procedure truly in the best interests of the child? Would it not be equally efficacious to allow older boys to consent? Do the medical benefits, moreover, which are preemptive, justify parents making a body-altering decision for their sons? An increasingly common legal challenge to male circumcision hinges on the equal-protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution since female circumcision, or female genital mutilation, is illegal.

c iv ic e d u c a t io n

As legal and moral challenges to the surgery grow in the United States, so, too, does evidence begin to accumulate from Africa that the procedure inhibits the female-tomale spread of HIV and AIDS, which is the main path of the disease in Africa. Recent studies have claimed that the foreskin, which is susceptible to minute scratches and tears, contains specialized cells (e.g., Langerhans) that readily join with HIV and other pathogens. Many Western-trained scientists, and local African cultures, now promote circumcision as one element in a broad program to contain the African AIDS epidemic. Eric Kline Silverman see also: Circumcision, Female; Judaism; Rites of Passage further reading: David L. Gollaher, Circumcision: A History of the World’s Most Controversial Surgery, 2000. • Eric Kline Silverman, “Anthropology and Circumcision,” Annual Review of Anthropology 33 (2004), pp. 419–45. • Shaye Cohen, Why Aren’t Jewish Women Circumcised: Gender and Covenant in Judaism, 2005. • Eric Kline Silverman, From Abraham to America: A History of Jewish Circumcision, 2006.

civic education. The goals of civic education are to develop the knowledge, skills, dispositions, and attachments of children as citizens within their society. Whether civic education is effective in producing good citizens depends, in part, on how one defines citizenship. Some commentators divide citizenship into three types: the personally responsible citizen who demonstrates citizenship through individual acts such as volunteering, the participatory citizen who engages in local community affairs and stays current on local and national issues, and the justice-oriented citizen who, like the participatory citizen, emphasizes collective work toward community betterment while maintaining a more critical stance on social, political, and economic issues. Civic education in the United States aims to foster the development of adult citizens with some combination of these skills and dispositions. Civic education takes place in formal educational settings such as schools as well as in nonformal educational contexts such as community-based organizations and families. Families exert direct and indirect influences on children’s civic education. Parents model behaviors such as voting and volunteering, shape children’s values concerning contributing to the common good, and typically choose the communitybased institutions in which their children engage. Children’s civic education also is influenced by their family’s socioeconomic status. Compared to economically stressed families, in middle-class homes and communities children are more likely to have access to opportunities for civic engagement through their schools and community-based organizations. Besides families, community-based organizations such as 4-H, Boys and Girls Clubs, and Scouts provide a venue for children’s civic education. The development of citizenship is a prominent goal listed in the mission statements of many community-based youth organizations, and membership

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during one’s youth in such organizations is one of the best predictors of civic engagement in adulthood. Civic knowledge is the content typically associated with a social studies education. Courses in history and government convey information that enables young people to exercise the rights and fulfill the obligations of citizenship. Content analyses of civics textbooks suggest that there is more emphasis on the rights than on the responsibilities of citizens. In addition, the framing of citizenship in most textbooks fails to clarify the citizen’s obligation to participate in political life in order to defend and preserve civil liberties. According to national studies of high school students, the content that students learn in civics classes does affect their level of civic knowledge, especially if that content is meaningful and is combined with practices that enable students to act on the knowledge. Content is more meaningful if it is connected in some way to students’ lives. For students from ethnic minority backgrounds, this can mean ensuring that the history and contributions of their ethnic group are included as part of the national story. Adolescents in general tend to remember information about due process and governmental structure when studying the laws regulating driver’s licenses. National studies also show that students understand local government better than the federal government, possibly because the federal government is distant from things that matter in their everyday lives such as the safety of their neighborhoods or the quality of their local schools. Students are less likely to appreciate and remember history if it is taught as a series of disjointed events, major figures, and “facts.” Rather, history comes alive for students if they understand that it is a product of collective actions, of competing perspectives, and often of the struggles of groups to attain their rights as citizens. Indeed, students’ motivation to learn and their retention of civic information is enhanced by controversy, whether through debates in class, discussions of current events in which competing perspectives are aired, or contested views of historical events. Too often, only the “good parts” of history (such as the passage of the Civil Rights Act) are taught, with little attention to the negative parts (such as the laws supporting segregation and the acts of civil disobedience) that preceded them. Controversy motivates students because they learn that it matters to have an opinion and to take a stand. Knowledge is a necessary but not sufficient goal of civic education. To be engaged citizens, students also have to develop civic skills such as clarifying their arguments and communicating their opinions in public, listening to others’ perspectives, organizing activities and groups, and assuming leadership. Young people gain such skills through practice, largely in extracurricular or community-based activities. The most effective models emphasize a partnership between youth and adults in which young people take the

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lead and adults act as mentors or coaches. Typically, these nonformal educational settings offer more opportunities than do classrooms for young people to assume authority and be in charge. If youth have a say in the projects that the group takes on, they are exercising their voice in the organization. But the group’s projects cannot succeed unless the members assume responsibility and pitch in. To the extent that young people identify with the organization and feel like they have a voice in it, they are more likely to develop a sense of responsibility and obligation to the organization and its mission. Exercising rights and assuming responsibilities that benefit the common good are civic behaviors. Thus, by being involved in community-based organizations, young people develop an understanding of what it means to be a citizen. In very concrete activities and in very local relationships, they gain a sense of themselves as part of a larger community with rights and obligations associated with membership in that community. In the process, young people develop the psychological dispositions that undergird democratic societies. They learn to work with and trust fellow community members whose perspectives may differ from their own. They see how their self-interest is linked to the interests of the whole group, and they develop habits of civic participation. Engaging in extracurricular activities or communitybased organizations also develops the democratic dispositions of young people. Engagement in such organizations is associated with higher levels of trust, cooperation, and commitment to the common or public good. In the giveand-take with peers in the group, youth learn how to articulate their point of view, to hear others’ perspectives, to deliberate on that which is best for the whole, and to compromise to achieve that goal. By working together toward a shared goal, young people also learn a sense of civic efficacy, meaning that goals that benefit the group are achieved by working together. In schools, the climate for learning and the opportunities for connecting formal classroom learning to community issues are critical components of civic education. At a basic level, students who learn about the Bill of Rights in classrooms where differences of opinion are discouraged may feel skeptical about the tenets of the Constitution. A sizable body of literature shows that classroom climates in which teachers encourage an open exchange of divergent opinions, including perspectives that challenge the teacher’s position, are good conditions for civic education. Such democratic climates are positively related to civic competencies and values in students, including their ability to critically assess issues, their tolerance for dissenting views, their civic knowledge, and their commitments to democratic norms such as tolerance and civic participation. Community service is a more common civic behavior for youth in the United States when compared to their peers in other postindustrial nations. In the last few decades,

that practice has become institutionalized in school-based service-learning courses, which combine hands-on activities (such as environmental projects, tutoring, service to the elderly, or community beautification projects) with classroom-based instruction and reflection. In such projects, student citizens address public issues that members of their community share. Because it is classroom based, service-learning is more likely than community service to generate discussions between students, especially if teachers structure time for group discussion of the community experiences and link them to learning in the classroom. Although there is wide variability in the content and implementation of service-learning, when it is implemented well, students in service-learning courses outscore their peers in classrooms with traditional instruction in social studies, civics, or government on measures of civic knowledge, dispositions, and efficacy. Elements of good implementation of a service-learning program include direct service (e.g., tutoring or visiting senior citizens) as opposed to indirect service (fund-raising or office work), duration of at least one semester, and challenging assignments. Some studies show that engaging in well-implemented service-learning during the adolescent years causes some students to rethink their priorities and results in a higher level of civic commitment. The civic engagement of younger generations is focal in educational policies throughout the world. Most societies consider the adolescent years a time when young people should learn about the political system, and so they include some formal civic education during those years. However, despite rising levels of education in most developed countries, civic participation, measured by conventional indicators such as voting, has been declining in younger generations. And in developing countries, civic opportunities available via formal schooling do not reach the large numbers of students who complete only a primary level of education. Until recently, research on youth in the developing world has emphasized traditional development goals such as health and education; thus, literature on youth civic engagement is limited. Furthermore, in postcolonial societies, the nation-state may be a less meaningful source for identity, rights, and responsibilities than are ties of kinship, religion, or ethnicity. Rapid economic, social, and political changes in many parts of the world also make intergenerational forms of political socialization less reliable. Nonetheless, international conventions such as the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child have drawn attention to the civic capacities and needs of those younger than age 18. And a discourse on social inclusion within developed as well as developing countries has drawn attention to various ways that democratic societies are impoverished when the voices of some groups, whether due to gender, age, economic resources, or other factors, are excluded. With increasing globalization and with the promise of the Inter-

clark, kenneth b(ancroft)

net for communicating across the borders of nations, the civic education of future generations and even the meaning of citizenship may continue to evolve. Constance Flanagan see also: Community Service and Service-Learning; Freedom of Speech; Political Activism, Children and; Social Studies, History, and Geography further reading: R. Niemi and J. Junn, Civic Education: What Makes Students Learn, 1998. • J. Torney-Purta, R. Lehmann, H. Oswald, and W. Schulz, Citizenship and Education in TwentyEight Countries: Civic Knowledge and Engagement at Age Fourteen, 2001. • Carnegie Corporation of New York and CIRCLE: The Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement, The Civic Mission of Schools, 2003. • C. A. Flanagan, “Volunteerism, Leadership, Political Socialization, and Civic Engagement,” in R. M. Lerner and L. Steinberg, eds., Handbook of Adolescent Psychology, 2004, pp. 721–46. • J. Westheimer and J. Kahne, “What Kind of Citizen? The Politics of Educating for Democracy,” American Educational Research Journal 41, no. 2 (2004), pp. 237–69. • C. Flanagan, P. Cumsille, S. Gill, and L. Gallay, “School and Community Climates and Civic Commitments: Patterns for Ethnic Minority and Majority Students,” Journal of Educational Psychology 99 (2007), pp. 421–31.

clark, kenneth b(ancroft) (b. July 24, 1914; d. May 1, 2005), American psychologist, educator, scholar, and civil rights activist. Kenneth B. Clark’s contributions to improving the lives of children and their families by researching and writing about the root causes of race prejudice in the 20th century were of historic proportions. A graduate of Howard University and Columbia University, Clark taught psychology at Howard (1937–38) and at Hampton Institute (1940–41). In 1938, he married the psychologist Mamie Phipps, then a graduate student at Howard University studying selfperception in black children. Kenneth Clark became the first African American to be a full tenured professor (1960) at the City College of New York, where he taught from 1942 to 1975, and to be a member of the New York State Board of Regents (1966–86). Mamie Clark continued her work at Columbia, where, in 1943, she became the first African American woman and the second African American (after her husband) in the university’s history to receive a psychology doctorate. Kenneth Clark and his wife were coauthors of a breakthrough psychological study of black and white children, upon which the widely accepted theory that black children felt inferior by virtue of their color in segregated Southern schools was based. The Clarks’ study set a precedent when social science data was recognized—for the first time—as acceptable legal evidence by the United States Supreme Court in its landmark Brown v. Board of Education decision (1954), which held that “separate but equal” educational facilities were unconstitutional. The case for the complainant was argued by Thurgood Marshall, then an attorney with the National Association for the Advancement of

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Colored People and later a Supreme Court justice himself. The Clarks’ carefully documented research was popularly known as “the doll study” because it showed that, when given a choice between playing with black or white dolls, black children in segregated schools favored playing with white dolls. This study proved, Marshall argued successfully, that segregation was the direct cause of loss of selfesteem and, as a result, the lagging academic performances of black children as compared to white. There were a few critics of the doll study from academia—New York University law professor Edmond Cahn, for one, who felt that constitutional rights should not be based on what he called the “fl imsy” findings of social science—but those who held this view were in the minority. Clark believed that children are the fundamental building blocks of a healthy, psychologically balanced, democratic society. As he wrote in his 1955 book Prejudice and Your Child, “One of the most characteristic and impressive things about the American people is their dedication to their children. Ours is indeed a ‘child-centered’ society. Almost no sacrifice is too great for parents to make if it will benefit their children. Parents will work, scheme, attend church, buy life and endowment insurance, move from country to city, from city to suburbs, from one neighborhood to another, from south to north, from east to west— all for the welfare of their children.” Among his other classic works are Dark Ghetto: Dilemmas of Social Power (1965), Possible Reality (1972), and Pathos of Power (1975). Between 1939 and 1940, Clark also published with his wife three major articles on the subject of race and children. Clark was recognized as a full-fledged partner in the national campaign for civil rights and equal justice. In 1946, he and his wife founded the Northside Center for Child Development in Harlem to serve the needs of emotionally disturbed children. In 1965, under a federal grant, he made an in-depth study of children in poverty and created a nationally acclaimed program, Harlem Youth Opportunities, Inc., through which young men and women from the ghetto were motivated to find jobs and to become part of mainstream society. In his later years, he became a consultant to a number of the Fortune 500 companies, assisting them in their efforts to comply with the new civil rights laws calling for affirmative action in employment. Clark’s classic books on race and poverty urging social change helped motivate a new generation of intellectually inspired civil rights leaders with whom Clark himself became a close advisor. These included a number of stalwarts of the civil rights movement of the 1960s: Roy Wilkins, Whitney M. Young, James Farmer, The Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., The Rev. Adam Clayton Powell Jr., and Malcolm X. Clark also had a practical, far-reaching influence on the thinking of U.S. Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy, with whom he talked during the height of King’s protests. Woody Klein

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clark, ken n eth b( a n c ro ft)

see also: Development, Theories of: Social Contextual Theories; Education, Discrimination in: Racial Discrimination; Race and Children’s Development

class size. The relationship between school class size and student achievement has been one of the most researched topics in education. Studies appeared in the United States in the first decade of the 20th century, and new articles still appear. Class size is an issue of great fiscal importance. It is a key teacher workload concern. School class sizes differ substantially around the world and within nations. The average elementary school student in Norway may attend a class with 10 or 12 age mates. In Bangladesh, a class may have 40 students. Classes in North Dakota are much smaller than classes in Los Angeles. Class sizes reflect both wealth and population density. They have declined steadily around the world. The pupil-to-teacher ratio in U.S. public schools dropped from about 40 in 1900 to about 23 in 2000. The research results on whether children learn more in smaller classes are quite clear: Student achievement increases as class size drops. Dozens of studies support this conclusion. In 1982, for example, Gene V Glass and colleagues performed a meta-analysis of some 75 studies of class size reduction and published the results in School Class-Size: Research and Policy. This synthesizing of data on thousands of students of all ages in many different subjects confirmed what educators long suspected: Children learn more in smaller classes and decidedly more in very small classes. One of the most ambitious and best experiments in the history of educational research—the Tennessee Student Teacher Achievement Ratio (STAR) study reported by Frederick Mosteller in 1995 in The Future of Children: Critical Issues for Children and Youths—has confirmed it. Even though the research on class and achievement is clear, the leap to policy recommendations to reduce class sizes is not easily made because achievement gains from class reductions may not be as cost-effective as other methods. The relationship between class size and achievement is what mathematicians call “geometric.” Each unit decrease in class size predicts an increase in achievement, and each subsequent unit decrease predicts a larger increase until size “1” is reached. Decreasing class size from 30 to 29 may produce a very small, indiscernible increase in achievement, whereas decreasing from 10 to 9 is likely to increase achievement more markedly. The question is often asked, “What is the optimal class size?” The person asking the question wants an answer like “19” or “14.” In fact, the only answer that research gives is “1.” Most elementary school classes in the United States have about 25 students. The gains in achievement from even very expensive size reductions, say from 25 to 20 students, would not be impressive. Compared to other approaches, such as cross-age tutoring, class size reduction is not particularly cost-effective.

It is often argued that even though achievement gains from class size reduction are not large in general, impressive gains could be obtained by reducing classes at certain grades or subjects. By and large, such assertions are mere conjecture with little empirical research to back them up. Th e Tennessee STAR experiment seemed to suggest that smaller classes were more beneficial at the early elementary grades (e.g., kindergarten and first grade). The researchers also found that splitting a class in half was more beneficial than merely introducing a teacher’s aide to reach the same pupil-to-adult ratio. However, these qualifications were not as well established as was the overall finding that smaller classes learn more. Similarly, it has never been convincingly shown that gains in achievement from class size reduction occur for one subject (e.g., math, reading, science, social studies) and not another or for one type of student and not others. The STAR study suggests that class size reduction benefits the achievement of very young children (kindergarten through third grade) more than older students (fourth through sixth). No solid evidence supports the conclusion that poor or minority pupils benefit more than others from smaller classes. Teachers want smaller classes because they require less work. Students want smaller classes because they feel better served. School boards and taxpayers often want larger classes because they reduce the cost of schooling. The two sides frequently argue about class size when they meet at the bargaining table. Gene V Glass see also: Ability Grouping; Grades and Grading; Schooling, Inequalities in

classroom culture. Classroom conversations are often very different from those of everyday life. While everyday conversations are organized in two-part sequences, classroom lessons are organized in three-part sequences: a teacher’s initiation act (“What time is it, Denise?”) induces a student’s reply (“2:30”), which in turn invokes a teacher’s evaluation (“Very good, Denise!”). This three-part I-R-E structure exists because teachers often ask “known information questions” in which students’ knowledge is tested rather than new information sought from them. Recitation lessons, therefore, are teacher centered and require students to respond, often individually, with student behavior evaluated quite publicly. In everyday conversation, by contrast, speakers routinely ask questions in order to obtain information they do not possess (information-seeking questions); identify the next speaker, who is someone who presumably possesses that information; and acknowledge or thank them for their trouble (acknowledgment). The presence of an evaluation, which comments on a student’s reply to a question, is one of the features that distinguishes conversations that take place in classrooms and other educational settings (such as tests) from those that occur in everyday situations.

classroom culture

A competition among individuals is implicit but not explicit in the contrast between this snippet and everyday conversation. This feature of classroom culture recapitulates the competitive and individualistic features of U.S. culture in which classrooms and schools are situated. In classroom discourse, students are often invited to compete for turns at talk, which becomes a microcosm of the competition they face from kindergarten to graduate school for other scarce educational resources, such as course grades, access to high-ability groups, rigorous academic tracks, seats in selective colleges, and, after they complete school, jobs in the workforce. The difference between the discourse patterns of the classroom and the discourse patterns of the home has been at the crux of competing explanations of the educational challenges faced by low-income youth. The “cultural deficit” explanation asserts that the language of low-income and minority youth is inadequate for complex expressions, while the “cultural discontinuity” account counters that claim by saying that the language of the classroom is often incompatible with the discourse patterns of low-income and minority families. Cult ur al Discon ti nuit y bet ween Hom e a n d S c hoo l Students of language use in homes and schools have suggested that recitation-type lessons in school may be compatible with the discourse patterns in Anglo families but may be incompatible with the discourse patterns of certain minority group families. This discontinuity, in turn, may contribute to the lower achievement and higher dropout rate among minority students. In the hallmark study in this tradition, Shirley Brice Heath in Ways with Words (1983) reports that the children of middle-income teachers in “Trackton” were taught to label and name objects and to talk about things out of context, which were the skills demanded of students in school. These same teachers talked to the students in their classrooms in ways that were very similar to the ways in which they talked to their own children at home. They instructed students primarily through an interrogative format using “known information questions” and taught students to label objects and identify the features of things. However, this mode of language use and language socialization was not prevalent in the homes of low-income students. Low-income adults seldom addressed questions to their school-age children at home and even less often to preverbal children. Where Trackton teachers would use questions, Trackton parents would use statements or imperatives. And when questions were asked of Trackton children by their parents, they were much different from the types of questions asked by teachers. Questions at home called for nonspecific comparisons or analogies as answers. They were not the known information or information-

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seeking questions associated with the classroom. Heath concludes that the language used in Trackton homes did not prepare children to cope with the major characteristics of the language used in classrooms: utterances that were interrogative in form but directive in pragmatic function, known information questions, and questions that asked for information from books. While providing a powerful antidote to cultural deprivation explanations of educational inequality, the cultural discontinuity account of educational inequality is not without its detractors. Critics fear that its assumptions that schooling should assimilate culturally and linguistically different youth will not help achieve educational equity in U.S. society because this perspective can mistakenly reduce inequality to a problem of miscommunication. Even if parents read more stories to their children at bedtime or teachers learned to respect language-minority students’ codes or learned to communicate effectively with them, critics argue that structural inequities (glass ceilings, down-sized corporations, and institutional discrimination in the workplace, for example) would remain. Despite these disclaimers about cultural discontinuity as a theory to explain educational inequality, a vigorous set of policy recommendations has emerged from this body of work. The basic idea is to use students’ home knowledge and language as a resource in classroom instruction. A first wave of intervention research based on sociolinguistic insights about the logic, grammaticality, and coherence of language variants incorporated the language and culture from disadvantaged groups to develop classroom instruction that was more culturally compatible. A second wave of intervention research uses students’ language and culture as resources for developing fundamentally important academic skills, such as critical thinking in reading. These researchers do not want to simply build upon the strengths of home language to smooth classroom interaction; they want to empower students by linking cultural resources with critical thinking. Modi fy i ng C l assroom Discour se for Cult ur al Compati b i lit y The work of teachers collaborating with researchers at the Kamehameha Early Education Program (KEEP) is a representative example of the attempt to modify classroom discourse to achieve cultural compatibility. KEEP teachers spontaneously introduced narratives jointly produced by the children into the beginning of reading lessons—a detail later observed by researchers associated with the project. In addition, they shifted the focus of instruction from decoding to comprehension, implemented small-group instruction to encourage cooperation, and included children’s experiences as part of the discussion of reading materials. All of these modifications were consistent with Hawaiian cultural norms and had significant consequences. Student

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participation in lessons increased, and their scores on standardized tests improved. Both of these effects were notable because they contravened the notoriously low school performance of Native Hawaiians. Usi ng Cult ur al R e sourc es to Empower Studen ts’ C r itical Th i nk i ng William Labov’s pathbreaking 1972 work Studies in the Black English Vernacular showed that youngsters who seemed culturally and linguistically deprived in formal testing situations provided linguistically elaborate and logical statements in less-formal conversations. Organizing classroom instruction so that these discourse strategies could be transferred to the classroom has proved to be a vexing task. Carol Lee, in a 1995 article in Reading Research Quarterly, has described how one teacher accomplished this important goal by introducing and building upon material drawn from popular cultural routines and rituals. Convinced that African American youth who are skilled at “signifying” (the practice of exchanging ritual insults in a one-upmanship fashion) use certain strategies to process dialogue that are comparable to those that expert readers use to construct inferences from narratives, the teacher designed instruction to make students’ tacit knowledge explicit and usable when analyzing short stories and passages from novels. Organizing classroom discourse around inquiry and students’ everyday knowledge has beneficial results for many groups of students. Current research suggests that scientists do their work within a community of practice. They transform their observations into findings through interpretation and argumentation, not simply through measurement and discovery. While scientists may claim that they discover facts passively, close observation of their practice reveals they construct findings actively. While textbooks depict the scientific method as orderly, logical, and rational, sociological studies show that scientific practice entails making sense out of contradictory observations, choosing among competing hypotheses, and convincing others about the importance of findings. Ann Rosebery and colleagues, in a 1992 study, explored this idea that scientific understanding is shaped by a community through scientific argument, rather than received from authority, with a class of seventh- and eighth-grade Haitian students in Cambridge, Massachusetts. The Water Taste Test was designed to investigate the “truth” of a belief held by most of the junior high school students that the water from the fountain on the third floor was superior to the water from the other fountains in the school (in part because “all the little kids slobber” in the first-floor fountain). After discussing methodological issues of sampling, masking the identity of the water, and ways to overcome bias in voting, the students conducted a blind taste test of water from several fountains. Test results showed a vast majority of the junior high school students thought they preferred

water from the third-floor fountain but chose the first-floor fountain. In order to interpret their findings, the students analyzed the school’s water. Analysis showed that the water from the first-floor fountain was 20 degrees colder than that from the other fountains (and theorized that the water was cooled by underground pipes and warmed as it flowed to the third floor). Therefore, they concluded that temperature was probably a deciding factor in students’ preferences. Summ ary and Conc lusions The approaches to classroom instruction that appropriate the language and cultural knowledge of low-income and language-minority students are radical departures from the recitation scripts that dominate the culture of many classrooms. Here, students construct literary and scientific understandings through an iterative process of theory building, hypothesis testing, and data collection. These students posed their own questions, generated their own hypotheses, and analyzed their own data. These activities facilitated students’ appreciation of responses that were different from their own, which Vygotskians and Piagetians alike agree is essential in learning to take the perspective of the other. Like scientists and literary critics in real life, these students challenged one another’s thoughts, negotiated conflicts about evidence and conclusions, and shared their knowledge in order to achieve an advanced understanding. Like adults in real-world situations, these students worked in a community of practice in which the exploration of individual participants was guided and supported by the whole group. The research reviewed here reinforces a more general point: The engagement of students in learning activities results from a connection between social participation structure (form) and academic curriculum (content). If the social participation structure is familiar to students, then performing with new academic content is less alienating. On the other hand, if the academic content is familiar or engaging, then students may be willing to try out new ways of interacting and using language. The issue underlying both cases is safety—not having to risk looking clumsy or stupid in front of others. Lesson content and form, taken together or separately, can reduce the risk of embarrassment, which in turn triggers resistance—the withholding of assent to learn and to participate in learning activities. Hugh Mehan see also: Bilingual Education; Education, Discrimination in; Multicultural Education; Peers and Peer Culture; Schooling, Inequalities in; Schools; Sociolinguistic Diversity; Teachers further reading: Terry McCarty, S. Wallace, R. H. Lynch, and A. Benally, “Classroom Inquiry and Navajo Learning Styles: A Call for Reassessment,” Anthropology and Education Quarterly 22 (1991), pp. 42–59. • Hugh Mehan, Lea Hubbard, Irene Villanueva, and Angela Lintz, Constructing School Success: The Consequences of Untrack-

c o gn it iv e d e v e l o p m e n t ing Low Achieving Students, 1995 • Norma González, Luis C. Moll, and Cathy Amanti, eds., Theorizing Practices: Funds of Knowledge in Households and Classrooms, 2005.

clerc, (louis) laurent (marie) (b. December 26, 1785; d. July 18, 1869), American educator. Deaf people in the United States today lead their international counterparts in education, professional achievement, individual self-determination, and cultural autonomy. Their language, American Sign Language (ASL), is the most used, studied, and sophisticated of manual languages; its influence is ubiquitous. Many historical factors and individuals have contributed to deaf Americans’ success. None is more important than Laurent Clerc. Clerc came to the United States in 1816 from the Royal National Institute for the Deaf in Paris, where he was a teacher, to assist Thomas Hopkins Gallaudet in establishing the institution that became the American School for the Deaf (ASD), the first permanent school for deaf children in the United States. Deaf since early childhood, Clerc did not speak, but he read and wrote French and learned written English under Gallaudet’s tutelage. He and Gallaudet toured New England in 1816 to convince parents, legislators, and wealthy benefactors of the educability of deaf children, using Clerc as the example of what deaf people could achieve. They raised $5,000 in donations, matched by another $5,000 from the Connecticut State Legislature. In 1818, on his own, Clerc met with members of the U.S. Congress, including Speaker of the House Henry Clay, conversing with them in written French and English, to gather support for a federal donation of land to the ASD. Congress gave the ASD 23,000 acres of federal land. Clerc is most recognized for establishing the first American pattern of deaf education, which was firmly grounded in the use of sign language for classroom communication and in the employment of deaf teachers. Clerc brought French Sign Language with him when he came to the United States. He and his ASD students modified the language to fit American customs and local, or home, sign systems. As the ASD’s lead teacher and most fluent user of sign language, Clerc instructed both new teachers and new students in this early ASL. Many of the ASD’s teachers and the institution’s former students went on to found or teach in other schools for deaf children, thus spreading ASL throughout the United States. By the 1850s, the ASD model dominated American deaf education. Nativists, social Darwinists, and eugenicists attacked ASL in the late 19th century, however, and the ASD model lost favor for nearly 100 years. Schools for deaf children dismissed their deaf teachers and began emphasizing the use of speech and lipreading rather than ASL, a method termed oralism. For decades, the American Deaf community resisted these changes, holding firmly to Clerc’s belief that ASL provided the most effective communication for deaf

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children and insisting that deaf students should be taught by deaf teachers. Spurred by the civil rights movement, scholarly research establishing that ASL was a language (not a gestural gloss on English) and pointing to studies showing poor educational achievement by orally educated students, deaf Americans in the last three decades of the 20th century successfully pressured schools to reintroduce the use of ASL and to hire deaf people as teachers and administrators, re-creating the model Clerc introduced. John Vickrey Van Cleve see also: Gallaudet, Edward Miner; Hearing Impairments, Education of Children with; Sign Language; Special Education: Historical and Philosophical Perspectives further reading: Harlan Lane, When the Mind Hears: A History of the Deaf, 1984. • Douglas Baynton, Forbidden Signs: American Culture and the Campaign against Sign Language, 1996.

clothing. see Body Image and Modification cognitive development. The study of cognitive development encompasses all of the processes that contribute to children’s acquisition of knowledge about their world. These processes include phylogeny, the process of human evolution encoded in genetic material; culture, the socially inherited body of past human behavioral patterns and accomplishments that serves as the resources for the current life of the social group into which children are born; and ontogeny, the child’s experiences with its environment that realize the child’s genetic potential in a culturally organized way. The study of human cognitive development shares with all aspects of the study of human development the complicating circumstance that the biological and cultural foundations of development coevolved over some 6 million years. As a consequence, the structure of the human body, including the brain, the central organ responsible for the acquisition of knowledge, has itself been modified by cultural processes so that biology and culture are intrinsically intertwined in the process of cognitive development. For example, the human brain has developed specialized potential for learning language, a defining characteristic of Homo sapiens, but it is children’s interactions with their specific linguistic and cultural environment that determine the particular language they will learn. Until well into the 20th century, it was thought that infants are born with only rudimentary capacities for perceiving and coordinating with their environment, a view summed up in the expression that newborns’ experience is a “blooming, buzzing, confusion.” The brain was seen as a general processing organ that supported the ability to respond to some stimuli in the environment in a highly stereotyped manner typical of Pavlovian unconditioned reflexes (e.g., startle, sucking) and to associate new stimuli with those that elicited unconditioned reflexes (e.g., they

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could learn through a process of conditioned reflex formation and by responding differentially to the consequences of various behaviors [operant conditioning]). This view, which dominated the study of cognitive development in the middle of the 20th century, has been radically altered in recent decades. It is now widely believed that children arrive in the world with a remarkable, if incomplete, set of cognitive abilities that help them act upon and interpret their experiences. In addition to generalpurpose adaptive mechanisms such as habituation to repeatedly presented stimuli, memory, imitation, and contingency detection, a plethora of domain-specific “modules” or “privileged domains” have been claimed to be functioning at birth. On this view, infants are born with a vast repertoire of “skeletal knowledge,” inherited as part of their evolutionary endowment, that is gradually fleshed out by experience. Among the specific domains that are claimed to be present at, or very soon after, birth are language, a variety of physical laws, elements of the number concept, and the distinction between animate and inanimate entities. These inherited capacities are then shaped by culture as the child interacts with its specific environment. Brain development at the species level has been shaped over many thousands of generations by selective pressures that are manifested as patterns of neural connections that follow highly constrained sequences from early in embryogenesis. During the process of brain development, cell division results in an astounding and rapid proliferation of nerve cells; it is estimated that the vast majority of the estimated 100 billion neurons in individual nervous systems originate prenatally. Importantly, synapses, points of contact between two neurons, are massively overproduced and subsequently undergo a process of “pruning” in which the synapses that are more active are strengthened and retained while those that are less active are eliminated. Because they are activity dependent, the processes of synapse formation and pruning clearly reflect the influence of the child’s interactions with its specific cultural environment. For example, up to about 6 months of age, children are equally adept at discriminating speech contrasts present in any of the world’s languages, but between 6 and 12 months, discrimination of speech contrasts in nonnative languages decreases markedly. However, if exposed to nonnative speech sounds between 6 and 12 months, the ability to discriminate the nonnative speech sounds is retained, even if the second language is not learned. As children develop within their particular cultural context, there are both universal patterns and culture-specific adaptations in the growth of their cognitive abilities. Infants in all cultures quickly display increasing mastery of many forms of knowledge. If one object hits another, they expect the second object to move. They are surprised if an object they are attending to is hidden from view and then disappears when their view is no longer obscured. By the

age of 3 months, they appear to appreciate that animals such as cats and dogs or airplanes and birds are members of different categories, although psychologists disagree about the extent to which perceptual similarity (as opposed to conceptual inclusion) serves as the basis for their knowledge. Memory for past events increases markedly over the first year of life. At 6 to 7 months of age, they display knowledge of the statistical regularities in their native language, although it will be several months before they begin to display comprehension of words. Early in the second year of life, infants display increasingly systematic and complex forms of problem solving; trial-and-error attempts to solve such problems as retrieving a toy through the bars of a crib begin to give way to the application of simple reasoning, such as pulling on a cloth on which the toy is resting. At about this same time, children begin to use their first words, indicating the onset of the symbolic capacities underpinning language. Further indication of the onset of symbolic capacities is the emergence of pretend play in which one object stands for—that is, represents—another, as when a toy rake is used as if it were a comb. Language and symbolic capacities that underpin further cognitive development grow rapidly between 18 and 36 months of age. Not only do children’s vocabularies grow rapidly, but this growth is accompanied by the development of the ability to combine words in accordance with the grammar of children’s native language, enormously increasing their ability to acquire information and to communicate their growing understandings to those around them. At the same time, they begin to be able to use pictures and miniature models as guides to the way they search for absent objects, another indication of growing symbolic thought processes. Once they have achieved elementary mastery of their native language and developed fundamental capacities to categorize and think about the world, children’s experience of the world begin to expand in new ways. Yet, during early childhood, they are still susceptible to difficulties when dealing with a number of cognitive tasks that adults cope with routinely, especially when they are placed in unfamiliar circumstances. For example, they appear at times to fail to take into account what people around them are experiencing, they are susceptible to confusing things that look like rocks from real rocks, and they often reason in a manner that appears entirely illogical. However, when facing these same sorts of challenges in familiar settings where they can bring their own personal prior experience to bear, they often appear perfectly competent thinkers. During middle childhood, the “islands of cognitive competence” displayed by young children appear to become better connected. Children think through a range of problems in a more logical manner, so long as the material to be thought about is present for them to deal with. They are more likely to be able to think about two or more aspects

c o m b a t , y o u t h in

of a problem at a time, as expressed, for example, in their ability to think through a potential action and its consequences before acting. Their ability to engage in deliberate remembering increases, providing a larger and larger store of knowledge upon which to base their inferences about their experiences in the world. The mutual contributions of phylogeny, culture, and ontogeny on the process of cognitive development during childhood are nicely illustrated by studies of conceptual development in the domain of number. By approximately 4 months of age (the earliest age at which they have been tested), infants display elementary knowledge of addition and subtraction of small numbers. They are surprised if they the see an adult place two objects behind a screen and then remove one if two objects remain there when the screen is lowered. So long as the number of objects is not too large, when 3-year-olds who have not attended preschool view the addition or subtraction of N objects from a known number and are asked to predict the answer and then check their prediction, they provide reasonable cardinal values as predictions and accurate counting procedures to test their predictions. Such results provide evidence for the existence of “skeletal principles” as a consequence of human phylogenetic history. Evidence of cultural influences on development of even relatively simple arithmetic calculations is also abundant. Baoule and Dioula children live adjacent to one another in the Côte d’Ivoire. The Baoule are primarily farmers who use primitive agricultural methods to eek out a subsistence living; the Dioula also farm, but they also engage in trades such as tailoring and peddling, which require frequent participation in the money economy. The children in both groups display knowledge of relative quantity, a skeletal principle, but the Baoule children display far weaker counting and calculation skills than Dioula children. However, if Baoule children attend school (an important cultural influence on cognitive development), differences in elementary arithmetic ability disappear. Research comparing the development of numerical knowledge and skills among middle-class and workingclass children in the United States also supports the idea that culture elaborates on core domain knowledge to different degrees and perhaps in different ways. Researchers observed children and their mothers in their homes, presented a variety of arithmetic tasks to the children, and observed mothers present prespecified problems to their children. They found that children from both social classes were regularly engaged with activities involving numbers, but by 4 years of age children from middle-class homes displayed greater competence on more complex numerical tasks than did their working-class peers. During motherchild interactions, all mothers adjusted their goals to reflect the child’s ability, and children adjusted their goals to their mothers’ efforts to organize the activity. However,

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the working-class mothers were more likely to engage in greater simplification and were more likely to profess lower expectations for their children in conversation with the interviewer. Finally, dramatic evidence of the influence of culture on number development comes from research among the members of the Pirahã tribe in a remote part of the Amazon jungle in Brazil. The Pirahã are among the cultures in the world that have at most a few count words on the order of “one, two, many,” and cultural practices involving number are virtually nonexistent. Pirahã adults display only very elementary arithmetic abilities when confronted with small arrays of objects, but their performance quickly deteriorates with larger numbers, similar to results obtained with American preschoolers. But Pirahã children who learn Portuguese show no such difficulties. As children enter adolescence, the transition to adulthood, there are additional changes in the brain, cognitive processes, and cultural practices that contribute to cognitive development. During this period, there is an additional period of rapid proliferation of synapses followed by pruning in the frontal and prefrontal areas of the brain that is associated with increased capacity of the young people to engage in systematic thinking. And it is during this transition period that young people begin to be placed in situations of responsibility where such systematic thinking is essential not only to their own welfare but also to their capacities to raise a family in a manner that will maximize the continued success of their social group. Michael Cole see also: Attention; Concepts, Children’s; Creativity; Development, Theories of: Cognitive Theories; Imitation; Intelligence; Intelligence Testing; Language; Learning; Logical Thinking; Memory; Neurological and Brain Development; Perception; Piaget, Jean; Planning; Problem Solving; Stages of Childhood; Vygotsky, L(ev) S(emenovich) further reading: U. Gaswami, ed., Blackwell Handbook of Cognitive Development, 2002. • K. Inagaki and G. Hatano, Young Children’s Naïve Thinking about the Biological World, 2002. • M. Cole, “Culture and Cognitive Development in Phylogenetic, Cultural-Historical and Ontogenetic Perspective,” in D. Kuhn and R. S. Siegler, eds., Handbook of Child Psychology, vol. 2, 6th ed., 2006, pp. 636–86. • C. A. Nelson, K. M. Thomas, and M. de Haan, “Neural Basis of Cognitive Development,” in D. Kuhn and R. S. Siegler, eds., Handbook of Child Psychology, vol. 2, 6th ed., 2006, pp. 3–57.

colic. see Crying and Colic youth in. Worldwide, approximately 250,000 children, mostly teenagers, are associated with fighting forces of governments or opposition groups, guerrilla groups, or paramilitaries. Teenagers and people in their early 20s are often recruited for their large size, cognitive abilities, and willingness to take risks. Here youth is defined as people between 13 and 24 years of age, recognizing that

combat,

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different cultures define youth in different ways and may not regard teenagers as children. The phenomenon of youth combatants is not new, as many teenagers fought in the American Civil War, and the Crusades included children’s brigades. In contemporary armed confl icts, however, youth soldiering occurs on a much larger scale than it did even half a century ago or in the more remote past. Youth enter armed groups through a mixture of forced and nonforced recruitment. The specific recruitment methods are highly contextual, and in a particular confl ict armed groups may use a mixture of coercion and incentives. At greatest risk of recruitment are youth who are separated from their families, the very poor or marginalized youth, and those who live in active zones of fighting where joining an armed group can provide the only means of protection, food, and survival. This pattern resembles that in the United States, the United Kingdom, and other highly industrialized countries, which often use incentives to lure poor and at-risk youth into national armed forces. Widely used methods of forced recruitment include abduction, press-ganging, quota methods, and conscription. In the northern Uganda confl ict between the so-called Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) and the Ugandan government, the LRA recruits youth almost entirely by abduction. Not uncommonly, the LRA forces abductees to kill members of their family or village, thereby making it difficult for the youth to return home. In countries such as Ethiopia and Colombia, armed groups have recruited by press-ganging, which entails rounding up groups of youths from marketplaces or schools at gunpoint. In Angola and Sierra Leone, armed opposition groups typically recruited by attacking villages and forcing all the young people to go with them. In Sri Lanka, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) recruit partly through a quota system in which each household is forced to hand over one boy or girl. The government of Myanmar (formerly Burma), the largest single recruiter of children and youth at present, recruits by having police detain youth, threaten them with prison time, and offer military service as their only way out. Youth may also decide to enter armed groups without explicit coercion, though talk of “voluntary” recruitment can obscure the desperate circumstances and lack of viable options available to many youths. Youths’ decisions reflect diverse motives and the influence of their social ecologies, such as the family, peer groups, the community, their religious or ethnic groups, and the society. These motives and influences create a mixture of “push” and “pull” factors. Family conditions are powerful influences on recruitment. In Sri Lanka, some girls have joined the LTTE to escape forced marriage and family abuse; in Colombia, girls have joined guerrilla groups in search of a sense of belonging and a surrogate “family.” In Afghanistan, boys in the northern provinces often joined the fight against

the Taliban because their relatives were fighting and soldiering was seen as a type of labor that young people are expected to provide in a situation of armed confl ict. In Liberia, numerous youths joined a rebel group because they had been victimized by government forces or to avenge the killing of family members. In some cases, Liberian youth joined armed groups for protection, since not having a gun or being associated with a group made them highly vulnerable. Not uncommonly, youth join armed groups to obtain money. For very poor youth, joining an armed group offers the opportunity to acquire goods, often through looting and stealing, that they could not obtain otherwise. Soldiering sometimes provides money that youth send home to support their families. Youth also may join to obtain a sense of prestige and power that they had not had in civilian life. The motives—protection, belonging, power, prestige, and money—are visible also in the decisions of youth in the United States and other countries to join gangs. Ideology and political socialization also influence youths’ decisions. Youth are political actors and may join struggles to end oppression, as occurred during the antiapartheid struggle in South Africa. They may also join because they see fighting as a means of overthrowing an unjust social order and achieving liberation. Adults often use propaganda as a means of appealing to youths’ sense of idealism. Some youth find meaning through their participation in violence, including acts of terrorism, which is an integral part of many armed confl icts. In Sri Lanka, the LTTE recruits girls in part as suicide bombers, since girls can slip through checkpoints more easily than boys can. Selected girls enter the Liberation Birds, a squad of young suicide bombers whose willingness to die for the cause confers honored status and special rewards for their families. Inside armed groups, youth have diverse roles that tend to vary according to gender, age, and culture. Typically, boys serve as combatants, although small boys may be used as porters, guards, and camp laborers. In Angola, girls were rarely used as combatants but were recruited primarily for their ability to carry heavy loads long distances without making noise. In other African countries, some girls are combatants, even commanders, whereas others are domestic laborers, cooks, medics, or spies. In African confl icts, girls are usually exploited as sex slaves who are bound by threat of violence to provide sexual service on demand to their captors or groups of soldiers. However, the LTTE and some armed groups in the Philippines prohibit girls’ sexual exploitation and have an explicit discourse of gender equality. The impacts of associating with an armed group are physical, psychosocial, economic, and spiritual and depend on a host of factors such as the youth’s gender, role, and the amount of time spent with the armed group. Girls who have been raped while in military roles are particularly likely to be stigmatized and often experience profound reproductive

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health problems. In general, the longer one’s stay with an armed group, the greater is the risk of negative outcomes, such as being killed or wounded or feeling overwhelmed by one’s war experiences. However, the impacts depend on one’s role and experiences inside an armed group and also how one had been recruited. Less likely to suffer serious damage are youth who had been porters, who did not fight or see frequent killings, or who did fight and kill but saw themselves as following orders and doing what was necessary to survive following their abduction. More likely to suffer serious impacts are those who repeatedly witnessed or participated in firefights, extreme brutality, or who carry the stigma of having killed members of their own families or villages. Often, the greatest impacts come from current stresses such as not having a job or feeling isolated and stigmatized. In African societies, spiritual distress may have significant impact. A boy soldier may believe that he is haunted by the spirit of the person he killed and that he needs to be cleansed by a local healer before reentering his family or village. Fortunately, most former child soldiers have a positive life course and cannot be discounted as a “lost generation.” In Mozambique, the first longitudinal study of formerly recruited boys indicated that most children cope relatively well and become functional as civilians. Although a minority suffer lingering issues such as traumatic memories, the majority transition into civilian life, performing roles such as husband, father, worker, and citizen. Effective transition to civilian life occurs through holistic, community-based assistance that includes education, health services, family and community mediation, and spiritual and livelihoods supports. Michael Wessells see also: War, Children and further reading: J. Boyden and J. de Berry, eds., Children and Youth on the Front Line, 2004. • R. Brett and I. Specht, Young Soldiers, 2004. • S. McKay and D. Mazurana, Where Are the Girls? 2004. • N. Boothby, J. Crawford, and J. Halperin, “Mozambican Child Soldier Life Outcome Study: Lessons Learned on Rehabilitation and Reintegration Efforts,” Global Public Health 1, no. 1 (2006), pp. 87–107. • M. G. Wessells, Child Soldiers: From Violence to Protection, 2006.

comfort habits. The term comfort habits refers to behaviors used to cope with heightened levels of emotional distress. In children, they take the form of cuddling a blanket or soft toy (security objects), thumb and pacifier sucking, head banging, body rubbing and rocking, hair twirling, and nail biting. Typically, they are used at bedtime when the child is trying to settle down or as a soothing distraction when the child is cranky, hungry, bored, or not feeling well. The actions are often repetitive and ritualized; for example, stroking the fringe of a blanket with the fingers and holding it under the nose.

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The ability to regulate one’s emotions, especially negative emotions such as distress, fear, and anger, is seen as a core component of socioemotional development in the infanttoddler period. Even very young infants use nonnutritive sucking and body rubbing to control discomfort, although at this age caregiver assistance is often needed in situations where the level of discomfort is relatively high. With developmental improvements in memory, motor skills, and self-awareness over the first two to three years of life, there are major increases in children’s ability to differentiate different arousal states, in their repertoire of behaviors for regulating these states, and in their desire to handle their own distress. The advantage of comfort habits, of course, is that they are under the child’s control. A child with an attachment to an object such as a blanket, for example, has selected the object himself and will seek it out when stressed or fatigued. Caretakers may not always be available in times of stress, but comfort habits are. Many of these comfort habits begin in the first year of life and end by the time the child enters school around 4 or 5 years of age, although it is not uncommon for some to continue into late childhood and adolescence in a modified and more developmentally appropriate form (e.g., keeping the security object in one’s room) or when the child is under stress (e.g., problems at school). Thumb/pacifier sucking and body rubbing are seen in the first six months of life. Head banging on the sides of the crib, head rolling against the crib bars, and rocking back and forth while sitting on hands and knees may start as early as 6 months. Although the comforting function of security objects may be evident during the first year of life, their use increases rapidly during the second year when a more verbal and mobile toddler begins to ask for the object or to get it herself. On the other hand, some comfort habits begin later in childhood. Nail biting, for example, typically begins between the ages of 5 and 10 years. All of these habits end when children discover alternate ways of coping with stressful situations. There is widespread consensus that comfort habits are a normal part of development, although the choice of comfort habit(s) and the intensity and frequency of use depend on child temperament, child-rearing practices, and maternal personality. Some children use rhythmic rocking; others suck on a pacifier. Some children have only one comfort habit; others combine habits (e.g., holding a blanket and sucking a thumb). Some children easily give up a habit; others become considerably distressed if a habit is thwarted (e.g., their security object is lost). In general, gender has little effect on the development of comfort habits. Girls are more likely than boys to twirl their hair, but this difference may be due simply to the fact that girls typically have longer hair than boys. Certainly, a child’s sensitivity to distress plays a role in determining comfort habits. Infants as young as 2 months of age demonstrate dramatic differences in how quickly

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they recover from stress or pain. A child with few obvious comfort habits may simply be less sensitive to upset. Research shows that temperament also plays a role in determining the type of comfort habit used. Children attached to soft objects tend to have strong emotional reactions to both pleasurable and sad situations, enjoy quiet times, are persistent, have relatively long attention spans, and are sensitive to tactile stimulation (e.g., itchy clothing, the sun’s warmth). Children attached to pacifiers, on the other hand, tend to be highly active children who prefer to run rather than engage in quiet activities. Differences in child-rearing practices probably account for the cross-cultural differences seen in some comfort habits. Although nail biting crosses every social and economic barrier, object attachments and thumb sucking are much more common in children from countries experiencing a high standard of living, urban settings, and affluent families. Overall, in the United States, for example, it has been estimated that about 60% of young children have at some time been attached to a soft object, although the prevalence rate varies as a function of social class. Cultures in which object attachments and thumb sucking are more likely to occur appear to be those that encourage frequent separations and independence from the mother; for example, when infants sleep in their own rooms, are breastfed for a shorter period of time, or are left to fall asleep on their own. These observations have led both psychoanalytically oriented and social learning theorists to hypothesize that object attachments stem from the child’s need to cope with separation from the mother. Parents contribute to the maintenance of comfort habits through the rules they set for the habit’s use (e.g., the pacifier may be used only when the child is going to sleep) and even through explicit directions to use the habit for stress reduction (e.g., telling the child to “get Blanky” when he is upset). Parents also often try to play a role in decreasing habit use, especially thumb/pacifier sucking, head banging, and nail biting, although they are usually less successful in discouraging than in encouraging their use. The small number of studies conducted on maternal personality suggest that its role in determining whether a child becomes attached to a soft object is mediated by associated childrearing beliefs and practices. Psychologists generally agree that, when comfort habits are used in a developmentally appropriate way, there is no reason to suspect that they indicate emotional insecurity in the child or reflect deficiencies in the parent or in the parent-child relationship. Nevertheless, there is cause for concern even in the toddler years if the behavior becomes self-injurious (e.g., intense head banging), interferes with the child’s social functioning (e.g., failure to be calmed by parents), or if the habit is bizarre or fails to soothe. Other causes for concern include a habit that persists beyond the age when most children give it up or a habit that reappears

in later childhood or adolescence. These occurrences may lead to other problems; for example, prolonged thumb sucking may interfere with the proper growth of the mouth and alignment of teeth. They may also be a signal that the child is under stress or depressed. To keep things in perspective, however, it is useful to note that sucking, biting, and mouthing habits continue across the life span. Many adults, for example, chew gum, bite their nails, or gnaw on pencils. Adults also use special objects for comfort just as children do. A favorite photograph or pen can make a new office feel more familiar and secure. This functional continuity across the life span indicates that comfort habits are best viewed as individual differences in people’s attempts to cope with stress and discomfort. They are a normal developmental phenomenon. Elyse Brauch Lehman see also: Emotional Development further reading: Claire B. Kopp, “Regulation of Distress and Negative Emotions,” Developmental Psychology 25, no. 3 (May 1989), pp. 343–54. • Alison J. Steier and Elyse Brauch Lehman, “Attachment to Transitional Objects: Role of Maternal Personality and Mother-Toddler Interaction,” American Journal of Orthopsychiatry 70, no. 3 (July 2000), pp. 340–50. • Steven P. Shelov and Robert E. Hannemann, eds., Caring for Your Baby and Young Child: Birth to Age 5, 4th ed., 2004.

comic books. Comic books graphically relate narratives through speech balloons and drawings. In modern comic books, story lines are serialized. When bound together, the completed narrative is referred to as a graphic novel. The story lines of comic books and graphic novels are told in partially connected frames, with continuity between frames being inferred by the reader. This type of disconnected presentation of information forces readers to engage their imaginations, thus becoming active participants in the creation of the story line. Comic books and graphic novels are found throughout the world in diverse locations such as Europe, Asia, India, Latin America, and the Middle East. More than 15 different genres of comic books and graphic novels have been identified, including humor, crime, horror, science fiction, religion, and pornographic. However, it is the superhero genre that typifies the American comic book. In 2006, all of the top 25 grossing comic books in the United States involved superheroes. The target audience for most comic book genres is 10- to 14-year-old boys. However, recent estimates suggest that comic book readers vary greatly in age, with as much as 25% of comic book sales generated by individuals over age 40. Not all comic books are meant for youth; some even carry an explicit advisory warning because their content is similar to that of R-rated movies. Although newspaper comic strips were prevalent between the late 1890s and 1920s, the comic book was not introduced to the American public until the 1930s. The height

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of comic book popularity in America occurred during the 1950s, at which time the average household purchased 15 comic books per month. Currently, the annual gross sales of comic books in the United States ranges between $400 million and $500 million, with sales declining yearly. Graphic novels, however, are becoming increasingly popular, with annual sales in the United States greater than $200 million and trending upward, a phenomenon found throughout the world. For instance, Japanese graphic novels, referred to as manga, make up nearly 20% of Japan’s entire publishing market. Given the engrossing nature of comic books, the potential influence of this form of media seems great. As early as 1910, newspaper comics were thought to weaken the use of good manners, teach lawlessness, cheapen life, and increase the chance of mental illness. Although concern was raised over the tawdry nature of comic book characters, the glorification of violence as a means of problem solving, and the promotion of gay (e.g., Batman and Robin) and lesbian (e.g., Wonder Woman) lifestyles, it was the story lines of crime comics, which involved stealing, murder, mayhem, torture, and other criminal activities, that caused the greatest public concern. In the 1940s, nearly 50 cities attempted to ban the sale of crime comics. Ten years later, violence in comic books was thought to promote deceit, stimulate unhealthy ideas about sex, and increase aggression and delinquency in children. In 1954, the Senate Subcommittee on Juvenile Delinquency initiated hearings on the influence of comic books on youth. As a direct result of the Senate hearings, the Comics Code Authority (CCA) was formed in order to monitor and censor comic book content. Although the CCA is still in place today, the overwhelming majority of comic books today contain violent themes, such as decapitations, eviscerations, and amputations. In fact, finding a comic book without any acts of aggression is very difficult, for even humorous comic books that target a preteen audience contain acts of slapstick violence. Moreover, many comic books portray female characters with hyperfeminized body proportions and wearing sexually provocative clothing. Although comic books have been shown to increase children’s understanding of physical disabilities and promote sex education and AIDS education, one of the most controversial features of comic books continues to be their realistic depiction of violence. The Seduction of the Innocent by Fredrick Wertham (1954) remains the best-known book on the impact of violent comic books on youth. Wertham concluded that comic book reading led to illiteracy, racial prejudice, deviant sexual beliefs, and the endorsement of and desire to follow a lifestyle of delinquency, including criminal behavior and violence. However, Wertham’s methods were so flawed that these findings have been discredited. Few studies have been conducted since the 1950s, and the ones that have been conducted have failed to con-

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sistently link comic book violence with aggressive behavior or attitudes. Steven J. Kirsh see also: Literature; Magazines; Media, Children and the further reading: M. Benton, The Comic Book in America, 1989. • S. J. Kirsh, Children, Adolescents, and Media Violence: A Critical Look at the Research, 2006.

commitments, in-patient. see Mental Health Care communication, development of. Pragmatics, or communicative competence, involves the appropriate and strategic use of language in social contexts. Pragmatic skills include a range of behaviors: greetings, requests, forms of address, apologies, and routines such as “trick or treat.” They also include behaviors necessary for conducting conversations such as initiating them, taking turns, maintaining the topic, giving and responding to feedback, and concluding them. There are forms that convey one’s role in a conversation (e.g., “I” vs. “you”) and degree of knowledge shared with listeners (e.g., “a” vs. “the”). What primarily characterizes these behaviors is their contextual sensitivity. That is, no communicative behavior is inherently appropriate. Rather, its appropriateness varies as a function of the social context (who is interacting with whom in what setting). Infants demonstrate increasing evidence of communicative intent and acquire minimal pragmatic skills over the course of their first year. By about 10 months of age, when they use gestures or vocalize, they make eye contact with their partners, use consistent forms, pause for responses, and persist with their efforts when they are not understood. Even before they begin to produce words, they are able to use gesture, intonation, and phonemes to communicate requests for objects or actions, their desire to direct others’ attention, as well as their refusal of objects or actions. From 12 to 24 months, the range of communicative functions infants can express increases dramatically along with their vocabulary. Such oft-heard pragmatic expressions as “please,” “thank you,” “uh-oh,” “hello,” and “bye” are typically acquired well before 2 years. One skill necessary for conversation, turn taking, has its roots in the first year. In many cultures, infants enjoy familiar caregiver-infant routines such as give-and-take games and peekaboo. Through these caregiver-driven routines, infants learn that particular responses follow specific caregiver behaviors. At the age of 1 year, infants begin taking a more active role in initiating these interactions, which often include vocalizations. From the age of 2, the responsibility for initiating communicative interactions becomes more balanced. As children move into their third year, the capacity for simple conversation unfolds. Most of the literature has focused on the development of particular pragmatic skills during the preschool and middle

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childhood periods in middle-class North American and European samples. The earliest studies of pragmatic behavior investigated children’s ability to modify their speech in different situations. This research was in part a response to Jean Piaget’s claim that, before 7 years, children are egocentric and unable to take their listeners’ perspectives. In fact, preschoolers have the capacity to speak differently to adults, peers, and toddlers and to refer differently to objects when speaking to sighted as contrasted with blindfolded listeners, for example. Whether children actually do modify their speech according to context depends in large part on their motivation and the cognitive, linguistic, and social demands of the task. Even adolescents and adults may sometimes speak egocentrically, but they have a greater capacity for sociocentered speech. Preschoolers also are becoming adept at understanding and producing requests. Some of the hardest forms to understand are indirect requests like “It’s too noisy” as a request to be quieter. Toddlers and preschoolers respond to such forms as requests for action, and preschoolers’ refusals indicate that they also comprehend their intended meanings. With respect to requests they produce, preschoolers are able to vary their requests as a function of their power relative to that of their listener. All other factors being equal, they tend to use more indirect, semantically softened requests (e.g., “Please do you mind handing me that book?”) with more powerful listeners and more direct, semantically aggravated requests (e.g., “Give me that book or else!”) with less powerful listeners. Th e Grow th of P r agm at ic S k i l ls Conversational skills show a great deal of growth over childhood and into adolescence. Infants have rudimentary turn-taking skills, demonstrating earlier competence with cooperative adults than with peers, and preschoolers rarely overlap turns. The challenge, however, is simultaneously taking turns while maintaining the topic and monitoring the conversation. Older children develop more precise timing of turns, become more responsive to subtle cues that speakers are done, and better anticipate upcoming conversational boundaries. There are fewer long pauses in their conversations. As they get older, children also become more skilled at holding the floor by employing fillers such as “y’know” and sentence-initial “and.” They also acquire the ability to interrupt by offering excuses, and skilled interrupting develops at least through adolescence. With age, children get better at initiating and sustaining coherent conversations. Where toddlers and younger preschoolers rely more on strategies like imitation, simple recasts, and sound play, older children elaborate topically by adding new but relevant information to the previous speaker’s turn. They can eventually contribute by responding to their listeners’ stated or implicit motives, feelings, and beliefs. Adolescents’ conversational skills improve fur-

ther. Teens can contribute novel ideas, transition elegantly among topics, include jokes and anecdotes, and employ dramatic gestures and facial expressions. They also become more adept at multiparty talk involving adults and peers. Various other devices for maintaining cohesive conversations are honed during childhood. During the preschool years, children begin to use words such as “then,” “so,” and “because” that connect sentences. From the age of 2 or 3, they also link their talk to earlier parts of a conversation in a kind of shorthand. They start to use pronouns (e.g., “she”) to refer to nouns that were explicitly stated earlier (e.g., “my mother”) and produce sentences that delete information that may be assumed given the prior talk (e.g., “I did” in response to the question “Did you feed the cat?”). Such forms, called anaphora and ellipsis, require that both participants attend to the conversation at hand. Children use anaphora more frequently and less egocentrically with age but do not appear to understand it fully until the middle school years. And more complex forms such as “for example,” “though,” and “perhaps” that mark relationships between utterances are seldom produced until later adolescence. This developmental progression applies to English; development depends in part on the complexity of forms used in a particular language. Longer, coherent conversations are also made possible by an increasing ability to convey understanding (or the lack thereof ) and to repair conversations when they break down. Young children are generally quite poor at indicating that they do not understand and acknowledging that they do (i.e., they tend not to nod or say “OK” or “uh-huh”). When they receive explicit feedback in a familiar and natural situation, 2-year-olds are capable of simply repeating or verifying what they said. Although preschoolers can selfcorrect to some degree, it is not until they are about 6 that they mark correction with phrases such as “I mean.” Older preschoolers can sometimes request from listeners specific information they lack and provide clarification contingent on the feedback they receive. However, they are inconsistent in doing so. During middle childhood and adolescence, children provide more feedback to listeners, with constructive interruptions such as “I know what you mean” promoting conversation. Older children can also respond appropriately even to subtle feedback such as listeners’ quizzical expressions. As children move into adolescence, their expanding social worlds both enable and pressure them to display more sophisticated pragmatic skills. Experience with a greater variety of teachers and peers and participation in extracurricular activities such as sports teams and work motivate adolescents to take others’ perspectives and use language strategically. Furthermore, pragmatic behavior reflects normal advances in identity development and increasing autonomy from parents. The social contexts in which adolescents display pragmatic behavior also expand to in-

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clude such technologies as cellular phones and the Internet. Therefore, it is not surprising that new pragmatic skills emerge in this developmental period. During adolescence, language assumes an especially significant role in marking identity. Appropriate use of current slang expressions and gestures unique to the peer group is critical. These behaviors mark solidarity with members of the groups to which teens belong and assert teens’ separateness from other groups and from younger children and adults. Knowing the current labels for the groups themselves (e.g., “jocks,” “emos”) and knowing ways of teasing and arguing gain importance in the teen years. Shifting among various registers and language varieties enables adolescents to align themselves with particular age, social class, racial, and ethnic groups. The technology available to adolescents affords new opportunities for social interaction. Pragmatic skill is required to shift adeptly among different styles of communicating depending on with whom one is communicating and whether one is speaking on the phone, text messaging, or using the Internet to communicate through instant messaging, chat rooms, e-mail, social networking sites, or blogs. Different terminology is appropriate to different modalities, and the anonymous modalities allow teens to construct identities by means of e-mail addresses, screen names, and selective sharing of information. Especially for younger adolescents who have a limited ability to meet peers outside of school, technology provides a mechanism for one-on-one communication that promotes friendship and for simultaneous communication with many others that promotes group identity formation. Communication using technology is also structured differently from face-to-face communication and offers greater privacy and control. Adolescents can keep multiple channels of communication open and (to some degree) monitor and participate in all of them simultaneously. Another difference is that, with chat rooms, related utterances are often separated by several turns of other conversations. Cellular phones and the Internet enable teens to defer conversations, communicate from almost anywhere at any time, and save messages. Sou rc e s o f Var i at ion There are many influences on the acquisition of pragmatic competence. Children’s natural sociability drives them to interact with others and to do so effectively. Cognitive abilities such as perspective taking and theory of mind (an understanding of the mind and mental operations) appear to be prerequisites to pragmatics because appropriate communication requires children to recognize that other people have different ideas that need to be accommodated. Scripts, general knowledge about familiar, everyday events, also help children communicate effectively by establishing expectations about interactions and freeing cognitive

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resources. When children share knowledge of scripts, they are better able to maintain conversational interactions because they already know what they are talking about. Of course, children must have basic language skills and a repertoire of pragmatic terms and routines in order to display pragmatic competence. Much of this repertoire is learned through interactions with family members. Societies and cultures vary with respect to the pragmatic behaviors they value and the means by which they socialize pragmatic behavior. Middle-class American parents socialize pragmatic behavior more than other aspects of language. They prompt both explicitly (e.g., “Say ‘thank you,’ ” “Don’t talk with your mouth full”) and indirectly (e.g., “What’s the magic word?” “What did you say?”) when young children make pragmatic errors, and they anticipate potential errors (e.g., “Don’t forget to say ‘trick or treat’ ”). They model and praise appropriate behavior. Occasionally, parents pose hypothetical pragmatic situations, evaluate behavior retroactively, and address children’s questions and comments about pragmatics. Much of this discourse occurs at the dinner table. Such multiparty interactions are especially useful contexts for acquiring conversational and narrative skills. In non-American cultures such as the Basotho of Lesotho, explicit parental prompting of appropriate language is also common. However, not all parents explicitly socialize young children’s pragmatic behavior in this way. The Kaluli of Papua New Guinea do not speak to prelinguistic infants but rather speak for them like ventriloquists. It is not until children are older that mothers employ pragmatic prompts. Canadian Inuit parents do not believe children can reason until they are 5, so they do not typically converse with infants and young children. Insofar as those children ultimately acquire pragmatic competence, it is clear that monitoring the conversations of speakers around them can also help children. Older siblings and fathers are thought to contribute to the development of pragmatic competence differently from mothers. Because they tend to be less tuned in to the communication of young children and assume less responsibility for maintaining conversations than do mothers, siblings and fathers may pressure the youngsters to communicate more effectively. On the other hand, older siblings often act as cultural socializing agents, introducing younger children to communication norms. In addition, younger siblings are motivated to learn to enter family conversations. Laterborn children exhibit more advanced conversational skills than do firstborn children. Peers, as relatively uncooperative conversational partners, appear to exert communicative pressure similarly to fathers and siblings during the preschool years. Across development, peer interaction is relatively unconstrained, symmetrical, collaborative, and emotionally engaging, and children and adolescents spend a great deal of time with peers. By its nature, peer interaction provides a unique con-

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text for observing and practicing narrative skills, role-related language, humor, and confl ict management. As noted previously, as children move into adolescence, communication with peers is a mechanism for acquiring identity-related communication skills. Schools also influence pragmatic development in many ways. Games, cooperative learning, storytelling, and informal conversations encourage different forms of discourse. Teachers explicitly provide some rules governing classroom communication (e.g., raise your hand if you wish to speak, no screaming indoors), whereas other rules (e.g., teachers initiate topics) must be inferred from ongoing interaction. Teachers also have the opportunity to remediate communication deficits by training specific pragmatic skills and reinforcing pragmatic competence. Children themselves contribute actively to the acquisition of pragmatic competence. Just as they ask questions about definitions and pronunciations, they sometimes inquire about pragmatic conventions (e.g., whether one says “trick or treat” on Christmas) and check whether they are speaking appropriately. Research with atypical populations provides evidence that theory of mind, social orientation, and general linguistic ability are indeed important for the acquisition of pragmatic competence. Pragmatic deficits are the most central diagnostic criteria for children with autism, who have significant impairments in theory of mind. Their lack of understanding of others’ intentions, motivations, and beliefs impairs their ability to take listeners’ needs into account. They have difficulty initiating conversations, responding reciprocally and adding new information to sustain conversation, taking turns, and responding appropriately to requests for clarification. They also tend to use scripted or idiosyncratic speech that is irrelevant to conversations. Not surprisingly, they tend not to produce many of the basic social functions of language, such as requests for information and acknowledgement of others’ talk. The greater the degree of symptomatology, the greater the conversational impairment, regardless of children’s overall language skill. In contrast, children with Down syndrome have better theory of mind and are more sociable. They are more effective conversationalists than are children with autism. They use various devices to converse appropriately, including maintaining the topic and revising their utterances (though not always successfully) in dealing with misunderstandings. Relative to their phonological and expressive language, pragmatics is an area of strength. Deaf children of deaf parents acquire sign language (e.g., American Sign Language) as easily and naturally as hearing children acquire spoken language. However, the situation for deaf children of hearing parents is different. Although such children receive loving interaction, their hearing parents may not provide the rich communication environment that would foster typical linguistic skills. Similarly to hear-

ing children, young deaf children can initiate conversations but have difficulty commenting, asking questions, maintaining the conversational topic, and making conversational repairs. They also express communicative functions more ambiguously, rely more on imitation, and communicate less frequently. Deaf children of hearing parents tend to use more nonlinguistic devices than do hearing children, but these are insufficient for complex communicative interactions. Semantic and syntactic improvements are associated with greater pragmatic skills. C o n s equenc e s o f Var i atio n i n P r agm at ic C om p et enc e There are a number of consequences for individual and group variation in pragmatic behavior. One area for which pragmatics may have significance is literacy. Some pragmatic behaviors in preschoolers predict literacy skills. Pragmatic awareness may facilitate early reading by helping children understand implicit meaning in text. The ability to take multiple perspectives in multiparty conversation may also aid in text comprehension. Narrative skills may promote pleasure in literature and help children learn about the structure and conventions of stories. More specifically, skill at structuring narratives and elaborating plots is associated with subsequent reading and writing abilities. Second, children who are pragmatically skilled function better in school and other evaluative contexts than do children who are not. Teachers form impressions of children’s abilities and motivations on the basis of pragmatic behavior, and pragmatic behavior appears to influence children’s opportunities for educational interactions with others throughout the life span. The relevance of pragmatic behavior in schools is particularly salient when the conventions of the classroom confl ict with those of the home. Cultures vary in how and when children may converse with adults, ask questions, display knowledge, make eye contact, wait for others’ responses, and use volume. However, teachers usually evaluate children using the communicative patterns of the culture with which they are most familiar, commonly the majority culture. For example, relative to middle-class non-Inuits, young Canadian Inuit children are inexperienced at speaking with adults and accustomed to speaking simultaneously. Teachers make their students uncomfortable when they assess understanding by asking many questions, and they view calling out simultaneously as rude. In contrast, when the communicative practices of home and school are more compatible, children are more comfortable and display their communicative competencies more fully. Similar consequences can be found in other contexts in which adults evaluate children. Speech pathologists, medical staff, and other professionals can obtain more comprehensive and valid samples of language when they appreciate cultural practices and modify their practices accordingly. Finally, children with pragmatic competence are more

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socially effective than less-competent children. Throughout development, peers prefer those who are adept at entering peer groups using such strategies as greeting, suggesting, and asking to join in. In contrast, peers tend to dislike children who nag, disrupt, or disagree without explaining. Well-liked children and youth tend to be able to engage peers in conversation and show responsiveness both verbally and nonverbally through gaze and expressivity. Accepted children maintain cohesive discourse. In adolescence, those who convey allegiance to the group by using more inclusive pronouns and asking questions are viewed as better peer leaders than those teens who simply talk more. Not surprisingly, teens and young adults skilled in negotiation and persuasion are more successful professionally. Insofar as having friends and being held in peer regard are predictive of physical health and psychological adjustment, pragmatic skills are quite important in children’s lives. Judith Becker Bryant see also: Autism Spectrum Disorders; Bilingualism; Gestures; Language; Language Disorders and Delay; Narrative; Sign Language; Sociolinguistic Diversity further reading: Jean Berko Gleason and Sandra Weintraub, “The Acquisition of Routines in Child Language,” Language in Society 5 (1976), pp. 129–36. • Catherine Garvey, Children’s Talk, 1984. • Judith Becker, “Bossy and Nice Requests: Children’s Production and Interpretation,” Merrill-Palmer Quarterly 32 (1986), pp. 393–413. • Susan Hoyle and Carolyn Temple Adger, eds., Kids Talk: Strategic Language Use in Later Childhood, 1998. • Shoshana Blum-Kulka and Catherine Snow, eds., “Special Issue: Peer Talk and Pragmatic Development,” Discourse Studies 6, no. 3 (2004). • Robert Kraut, Malcolm Brynin, and Sara Kiesler, eds., Computers, Phones, and the Internet, 2006.

community service and service-learning. Community service is the voluntary contribution of one’s time and energies to the betterment of others in a formal context for a given period of time. Community service can take place on a neighborhood, local, state, national, international, or global level. In 2004, 30.4% of all U.S. teenagers, age 16 to 19, served as volunteers. This represented an estimated 15.5 million American teens who provided 1.3 billion hours of service, with an average of 35 mean annual hours of service, typically to a single organization. Females were more apt to volunteer than males, and those from more affluent homes were more likely to volunteer than others; white youth volunteered more often than Hispanic youth, who volunteered more often than African American youth. Most young people volunteered to work with a single organization, though a small percentage worked with as many as five. Schools and youth development organizations play the largest role in connecting young people with volunteer opportunities, followed by those who are connected through faith-based institutions. The rest get involved through civic

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or political organizations, health organizations, sports, public safety organizations, and a range of other social institutions such as social clubs. Most youth get involved in tutoring or mentoring other young people; raising funds; and/or collecting, preparing, and distributing food. Other volunteer activities popular with girls include providing transportation or general labor; making crafts or distributing clothing; performing music or helping with art; coaching or refereeing for sports teams; and performing other activities, such as ushering, counseling, or serving on committees. Helping with civic protection and disasters are more often boys’ specialties. Individuals who provide community service as young people tend to volunteer more often than young people who did not volunteer. A study in 2003 found that 54% of American young people who earlier had volunteered were still providing community service two years after being graduated from high school, and 42% volunteered eight years after being graduated. This compares to the 26% of those who did not provide community service. Those who had engaged in mandatory service in high school had a rate of later volunteerism barely higher than the 26% of those who did not volunteer at all. Young people are motivated to serve for two broad reasons: feeling a moral or religious obligation to help solve a problem and/or as a benefit to oneself. Most young people who perform community service report that they serve for both reasons. Youth who serve over a long period of time also report that they volunteered to gain additional perspectives on life, seeing service as a means to connect to people like themselves or to belong to a community and/or as a way to confront and act to address a social problem. Community service has a long history and has been institutionalized in at least 57 other nations throughout the world. For example, the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) has supported youth volunteerism since 1947 and made it a priority in 1998, describing service as a powerful tool to achieve youth empowerment and participation. UNESCO sponsored youth service opportunities in China, Mozambique, Mexico, and other countries to preserve the cultural heritage and encouraged a large range of other service opportunities. Community service is also institutionalized in at least 57 other nations and is recognized as a way to give young people a sense of belonging and efficacy. UNESCO noted that while the cost of service is relatively low, there are support costs that should be provided, such as transportation, housing, and food for crossnational projects, and other logistical supports. Estimates of costs range from $20 to $50 per month in the United States to $2,000 per month in Asia. Governments tend to provide the largest percentage of the funding, followed by private enterprise, private sponsors, and others. The United States has a long tradition of community ser-

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vice. In the early 1800s, Alexis de Tocqueville commented on the apparent norm for helping others as a part of American life. President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s Civilian Conservation Corps in the 1930s relied in part upon the spirit of community service. In the 1960s, the Peace Corps and the Volunteers in Service to America (VISTA) were created during the John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson administrations. In the 1990s, President George H. W. Bush and President Bill Clinton established the Commission (later the Corporation) for National and Community Service. In each case, the federal government recognized the benefit of the provision of service to the community both for the server and for those being served. About half of all U.S. public high schools and a third of all public K–12 schools currently offer a particular form of community service called service-learning. Servicelearning is an instructional approach that promotes mastery of content standards in nearly every topic addressed in schools through service preparation, provision, and reflection. Service-learning can take multiple forms, including environmental study and preservation, helping the homeless and elderly, building homes for the homeless or ramps for the disabled, helping citizens register to vote, engaging in fund-raising, and nearly any other form of service that meets a community need. Studies show that in high-quality service-learning approaches, the young people help choose the service in which they will partake, and they have direct contact with those being served. Service-learning that has the highest impact also is of sufficient duration, at least a semester; is tied directly into learning standards; and features cognitively challenging reflection activities. Personal benefits of engaging in service-learning have been found in four areas: academic engagement, civic engagement, personal and social development, and career aspirations and pathways. Students who have high-quality service-learning experiences have been found to become more engaged in school, both in terms of attendance and paying attention in class. They are more motivated to learn and are more likely to see the value of schooling. Several of these studies demonstrate that students who participated in service-learning had higher scores on tests of academic achievement, were more likely to attend school, and were less likely to drop out. Participation in service-learning is also related to helping students acquire civic knowledge, skills, and dispositions. Compared to students who do not participate, youth who engage in service-learning are more likely to follow the news; take action on a social problem; intend to vote; and feel more attached to their schools, communities, and society at large. Theorists believe that these experiences help shape a young person’s sense of civic identity and citizenship and that service connects youth with positive adult role models and social networks, leading to a stronger disposition to help others, vote, and engage in civic and

political life. High-quality service-learning experiences also promote reduction in risky behaviors, development of respect for diversity, development of altruism and selfefficacy, and taking more responsibility for self and others. For example, quasi-experimental studies have shown that students who engage in service-learning activities are less likely than their matched comparison group peers to become pregnant or to drink excessive amounts of alcohol. In dozens of studies, relative to their nonparticipating peers, young people who participated in service-learning were more likely to feel that they could make a difference in their communities, that they would help others in need, and that they had the responsibility to take care of their schools and communities. Service-learning has also been found to be an effective way of introducing young people to a variety of professions and careers. By encountering community agencies for the first time, youth learn about specific occupations and career pathways. When college applicants were asked in a survey why they participated in service or service-learning, their number one response was that it helps prepare them for employment or acceptance at a postsecondary institution. Schools and communities also tend to benefit from service-learning implementation. School faculties that adopt service-learning schoolwide were found to change their prevailing culture to become more student centered. Communities derive direct benefits in having their needs met, and community members who partner with schools in service-learning activities tend to change their view of youth, seeing them as resources and contributors rather than as a drain on community resources. For example, in one study, students who worked with senior citizens on health-care issues and on helping to monitor the cleanup of a nearby river convinced the voters, who were disproportionately elderly, to pass a tax bond to support the schools, the first time this happened within the community in 40 years. In another study, young people who canvassed the community found that residents were disturbed by graffiti and addressed this by painting murals all over the neighborhood were thrown a party by the community members who then asked the students to join them in other beautification projects. Critics of service-learning and community service question its appropriateness to public schools. To some, it seems a draft of unpaid labor. Others are troubled by the opportunity it offers for the development of stereotypes. Others are troubled by how close it may be to methods of promoting and mobilizing political action for youth—especially where young people are taught to identify and investigate social issues and move them toward the current agenda—seeing this as inherently inappropriate to community-supported schools. Some worry that service in the international sphere conveys overtones of imperialism. As of now, however, supporters of community service are in the ascendant in the

computers

United Kingdom, the United States (the more so in view of the well-remembered work of youthful volunteers in the disastrous hurricanes of 2005), and elsewhere. Such work seems to many to promote social cohesion, along with the developmental and educational advantages community service advocates proclaim. Shelley H. Billig see also: Civic Education; Political Activism, Children and; Work, Children’s Gainful further reading: S. H. Billig, “Research on K–12 School Based Service-Learning: The Evidence Builds,” Phi Delta Kappan 81, no. 9 (May 2000), pp. 658–64. • A. M. McBride, C. Benitez, and M. Sherraden, The Forms and Nature of Civic Service: A Global Assessment, 2003. • Bureau of Labor Statistics, Volunteering in the United States, 2005. • Corporation for National and Community Service, Building Active Citizens: The Role of Social Institutions in Teen Volunteering, Youth Helping America Series, Brief 1, 2005. • Kate Thomsen, Service-Learning in Grades K–8: Experiential Learning That Builds Character and Motivation, 2005.

computers Computers as Learning Tools Computer Games The Internet

computers as learning tools. The Russian psychologist L. S. Vygotsky has suggested that cultural tools enable children to use their basic mental functions adaptively. The computer has become such a cultural tool through the applications it offers. Computer applications include programming and word-processing software, games (instructional games; entertainment games; “edutainment,” or entertainment with educational content; or serious games as they are variously called), and applications offering access to the Internet. Youth use the Internet for instrumental purposes (schoolwork, news, downloading music) and for socialcommunication purposes (communicating with friends and meeting new people). Scholars frequently distinguish between computer use in the more formal context of schools (K–12 settings) and the informal context of the home as well as that of after-school and early-childhood settings.

C om pu t er U s e i n Fo r m a l S ett i ng s Classroom computer applications fall into two main categories: programs to provide drill and practice (e.g., for spelling, multiplication) and programs that present subject content (e.g., social studies, geography) through games. Drill and practice software may be used by teachers to provide students with repeated opportunities to learn facts such as multiplication tables and to enhance instruction, such as during spelling drills. With instructional games, the premise is that students will be more engaged in learning-based activities if it is presented in a gamelike context. Despite the proliferation of educational computer games, in the classroom there is little hard evidence of

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specifically academic benefits from educational computer games. In 2006, Yasmin Kafai wrote that a survey of the educational publications of 20 years revealed very little hard academic benefits of playing educational games. Another recent review of 20 studies on this topic concluded that children do learn from computer games but that the overall value of such learning remains in question. In particular, it is still unclear how educational software compares to other teaching methods as well as the particular features of games that may promote learning. One recent well-designed longitudinal study using a national sample compared classrooms that used reading and mathematics software with classrooms that did not. The study found that there were no statistically significant differences between the test scores of students in the classrooms that used the software products with those in classrooms that did not. However, there is some evidence that the computer may serve as a good motivator, particularly for drill-based activities that children may consider boring. In fact, the benefit of software/computer games to education may lie more in their motivational and social advantages. However, one promising use of computers as learning tools in schools is providing students with opportunities to construct their own games. For instance, in one case study four students were given the opportunity to create their own games with their own worlds, characters, and story lines to teach fractions to a group of younger students in their school. This study showed that the students enjoyed making games for learning and were able to develop their programming skills; based on an analysis of the games designed, the authors concluded that the context of designing games helped the students develop more sophisticated and complex representations of fractions. In contrast to the traditional method of playing games for learning, making games for learning allows learners to develop new understandings of content knowledge. Worth mentioning here is a longitudinal case study of six students through four years of high school described in Computer Acquisition: A Longitudinal Study of the Influence of High Computer Access on Students’ Thinking, Learning, and Interactions, published in 1992 by Apple Computer, Inc. Observations of these students suggested that high computer access contributed to the ability to represent and explore information dynamically as well as to increases in experimentation and problem solving, social awareness, confidence, effective communication, independence, and collaboration. Together these findings help make sense of the mixed nature of the research regarding computers as tools of learning. They suggest that computers are motivating to students and if used intensively may be most effective in developing new forms of thinking, problem solving, and representation but are less likely to show effects on traditional measures of academic learning. Another use of the computer as a learning tool is in the

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context of teaching writing. Word-processing software is routinely used by children as early as elementary school to create written reports and oral presentations; at a very basic level, the software is believed to help with the spelling and the other mechanical aspects of writing. A bigger advantage of using the computer for writing is that it readily enables the process of revising, editing, and creating multiple drafts—all essential to developing good writing skills. One review of evaluation studies conducted in the 1980s and 1990s concluded that compared to students who wrote compositions using paper and pencil, those who wrote compositions on word processors produced higher-quality and longer compositions. Finally, online synchronous chat rooms are also being used in the context of writing instruction. Although the research is ambiguous for the most part, one recent study with high school students suggested that students who wrote journal entries on the computer wrote more words than those who used paper and pencil. Within the formal settings of schools, the Internet is used most often as an information source when doing research for reports, projects, and the like. It is not clear the extent to which students are provided instruction on search strategies. An even bigger issue is whether youth are taught about credibility issues surrounding online information; a related concern is the practice of cutting and pasting information from the Web into written documents. It is imperative that children and adolescents be taught that they should pay attention to the source of the information on the Web and that they have to paraphrase into their own words information that they obtain from the Web. I nfor m a l C om pu t er U s e Similar to schools, computer use within the home includes educational and entertainment games; the latter are played either on computers or on game systems. Computer use during the preschool years has been found to enhance school-readiness skills such as alphabet recognition, counting and premathematical knowledge, concept learning, and language scores. Well-controlled studies have found that computer use in after-school contexts has positive effects on reading and mathematics, computer knowledge, following directions, grammar, and school achievement tests. Importantly, there is a small but significant body of research that has found positive effect of playing video games on specific cognitive skills such as eye-hand coordination and spatial skills. Even less is known about the effects of the Internet on learning. One area of concern with regard to Internet use is that of multitasking, which is the practice of having multiple applications open on the computer at the same time. Research suggests that youth, particularly adolescents, often engage in multiple instant-messaging conversations with friends while at the same time working on homework (e.g., working on a report). Research is needed to better un-

derstand the effects of young people’s multitasking on their learning. Another consideration is gender differences in computer use. Early studies of both formal and informal computer use suggested that girls did not gravitate toward computers to the extent that boys did. Concerns were raised that this would put females at a disadvantage with regard to computer literacy skills and subsequently with regard to careers in technology. With the introduction of the Internet and in particular the communication applications, however, gender gap in access and time use of computers has narrowed. Kaveri Subrahmanyam see also: Curriculum further reading: Kaveri Subrahmanyam, Patricia M. Greenfield, Robert E. Kraut, and Elisheva Gross, “The Impact of Computer Use on Children’s and Adolescents’ Development,” Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology 22, no. 1 (2001), pp. 7–30. • Yasmin B. Kafai, “Playing and Making Games for Learning: Instructionist and Constructionist Perspectives for Game Studies,” Games and Culture 1, no. 1 (January 2006), pp. 36–40. • U.S. Department of Education, Effectiveness of Reading and Mathematics Software Products: Findings from the First Student Cohort, March 2007. • Simon Egenfeldt-Nielsen, “Third Generation Educational Use of Computer Games,” Journal of Educational Multimedia and Hypermedia 16, no. 3 (July 2007), pp. 263–81.

computer games. Computer and video games have be-

come an integral part in the lives of children living in the United States today. Although the former are played on a computer and the latter on stand-alone game systems either at home or in arcades, both are similar in structure (active and interactive) and content, and so the terms computer games and video games are used synonymously. Since their arrival, computer games have always been popular among school-age children. Children are using these media at younger and younger ages; a Kaiser Foundation survey conducted in 2003 using a nationally representative sample of 1,065 parents of children 6 months to 6 years old reported that children younger than 6 spent the same amount of time (approximately two hours) playing outside as watching television and playing computer and video games and, ironically, much less time having people read to them. Moreover, 25% of the 4- to 6-year-olds that they sampled played computer games several times a week or more. It should be kept in mind that computer games are just one part of the digital media consumed by children these days, which also include television, the Internet, music, movies, and more. In response to the media-saturated environment that children are growing up in today, the American Academy of Pediatrics recommends one to two hours of quality screen time for older children and no screen time for children younger than 2 years of age. One concern regarding the effects of game playing is that time spent playing games is time spent away from other

computers

“more productive” activities, such as reading and physical activities; the reduction in the latter raises health concerns such as obesity. Because of the difficulties involved in obtaining accurate estimates of young people’s media use, the exact nature of the relation between computer game playing and other activities such as television watching, reading, and physical activities is not clear. Research has found that electronic game use is associated with childhood obesity. In one study of 922 Swiss elementary school children, researchers found a twofold increase in the risk of obesity for every hour per day that was spent playing electronic games. However, another study, which analyzed data from a national sample of 2,800 children younger than 12 years, found a U-shaped relationship between obesity and time spent playing electronic games: Children with higher weights reported spending moderate amounts of time playing games, whereas children with lower weights played either a lot or very little. Thus, the relation between computer games and obesity is not entirely straightforward. Game playing has also been linked on occasion to epileptic seizures and to a kind of tendinitis, sometimes called “Nintendinitis” (a reference to the Nintendo gaming platform), in which there is severe pain in the extensor tendon of the right thumb due to repeated pressing of the buttons on the game controller. One positive effect of playing computer games is the enhancement of cognitive skills. Research on this question was motivated by the idea that because computer games entail specific cognitive skills, repeated game playing may have an effect on those skills. Some features of video games include rapid movement, visual imagery, simultaneous action at different locations on the screen, and judging of speeds and distances. Studies have shown that with training on such games, children and adolescents do improve their attentional, spatial, and iconic representational skills. Furthermore, Patricia Greenfield has suggested that at least within the United States, the documented increases in performance IQ in the general population is related to the increased exposure to electronic games. Two things about this body of work should be kept in mind. First, game playing can enhance a particular skill only if the game utilizes that skill. Second, only the short-term consequences of game playing have been studied, and research is needed to study long-term effects of computer game playing on cognitive skills. Perhaps the area of greatest concern is with regard to the effect of playing violent games. Fueled by incidents such as the Columbine school shooting in the United States and the report that the shooters had been obsessed with the violent video game Doom, these concerns have taken on urgency given the increasingly violent content of games and the realistic nature of this violence. A meta-analysis (a statistical analysis of other studies’ statistical effects) by Craig Anderson in 2004 revealed that playing violent video games was associated with increases in “aggressive behavior, aggres-

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sive cognition, aggressive affect, and physiological arousal” as well as decreases in “helping behavior.” Stronger effects were obtained from methodologically stronger studies compared to methodologically weaker studies. Anderson points out that the size of the effect of violent video game exposure on aggressive behavior is larger than that of condom use on HIV risk or passive workplace smoke exposure on lung cancer. With regard to long-term effects, another review examined two longitudinal surveys (one over a twoyear period and one over a four- to five-month period); the authors concluded that the evidence was strongly suggestive of a link between repeated playing of violent video games and aggressive and violent behavior. Despite these findings, research suggests that parents have little knowledge and control over their children’s playing of video games. In a study of 607 eighth- and ninth-grade students, fewer than half of the respondents (31%) thought that their parents understood the video game ratings put out by the Entertainment Software Ratings Board (ESRB), and only 15% reported that their parents consistently monitored the ratings when purchasing or renting video games. In fact, 10% of the participants reported having games whose content would not be approved by their parents. One persistent finding in computer game playing has been that not only do more boys play games than girls, they also typically play for more time than girls. Researchers have suggested that this gender difference may stem from girls’ dislike for the violent content, fast pace, and other content of most computer games. They have theorized that girls may prefer games based more on reality, with familiar themes, characters, and realistic game worlds. The Girls’ Games movement, which was started in response to concerns about the gender gap in game playing, has largely floundered. Scholars are divided as to whether girls ought to have separate games. Regardless, gender differences in game playing have persisted and remain even for the newer generation of online games. Kaveri Subrahmanyam see also: Toys and Games further reading: Kaveri Subrahmanyam, Robert E. Kraut, Patricia Greenfield, and Elisheva Gross, “The Impact of Home Computer Use on Children’s Activities and Development,” The Future of Children: Children and Computer Technology 10 (Spring 2000), pp. 123–44. • Craig A. Anderson, “An Update on the Effects of Playing Violent Video Games,” Journal of Adolescence 27 (2004), pp. 113–22. • Nicolas Stettler, Theo Singer, and Paolo Sutter, “Electronic Games and Environmental Factors Associated with Childhood Obesity in Switzerland,” Obesity Research 12 (2004), pp. 896–903. • Elizabeth A. Vandewater, M. Shim, and Alison G. Caplovitz, “Linking Obesity and Activity Level with Children’s Television and Video Game Use,” Journal of Adolescence 27 (2004), pp. 71–85.

the internet. The Internet, a decentralized, global communications network resulting from the conjunction of

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computers and telecommunications, has been available to children, in developed countries at least, since the mid1990s, when it first entered the mass market. Children have begun to use the Internet at home, in school, and in their community. While each new medium in children’s lives has been accompanied by public debate over benefits and harms, this debate has been pronounced for the Internet, partly because of its comparative rapidity of diffusion and partly because it has consequences across the range of children’s lives—entertainment, education, employment, civic participation, identity, relationships, and so forth. A primary concern has been that of socioeconomic inequalities. The so-called digital divide debate examines the possibility that those who lack access—for reasons of income, knowledge, or interest—may miss out on social benefits compared to those with access. Research consistently shows that households that are advantaged in income, education, location (e.g., urban vs. rural), and other ways gain domestic Internet access earlier, and even when poorer households do gain access, the better off maintain their advantage by acquiring more computers, updated software, faster connections, and so forth. Researchers are increasingly investigating less tangible sources of inequality than access or costs, focusing on digital literacies as a source of digital exclusion. It should also be noted that, perhaps surprisingly, the benefits of Internet access—educational and otherwise—remain to be demonstrated clearly in empirical terms. However, it is widely believed that Internet access provides a route to social inclusion and educational success as well as revitalizes the supposed civic apathy of youth. To redress the balance for poorer households, governmental, nongovernmental, and charitable organizations worldwide have initiated some often creative programs to introduce the Internet into ethnically, geographically, or economically disadvantaged communities. Yet, evaluations do not consistently demonstrate the success of these initiatives, instead showing that access alone is insufficient without guidance, skills, and motivation. The role of the Internet in children’s lives from birth through adolescence changes as younger children gain access and as online communication becomes embedded in adolescent peer culture. At home, children are often the acknowledged “experts” on the Internet, according them status in the family. As for other media, parents seek to regulate children’s Internet use, particularly as it comes to rival television in terms of time spent with it. Interviews show that parents claim more regulation than children recognize, partly because parents may not monitor children’s Internet use as effectively as they claim and partly because children regard the Internet as a new opportunity for private or peerto-peer activity and evade parental scrutiny. In schools, the Internet has become a staple feature of the curriculum in developed nations, though access and type of use vary widely. How the Internet can and should be incor-

porated into teaching is not yet settled: For some, it offers a convenient means of curriculum delivery; for others, it opens up a route to new modes of learning, transforming educational literacy (e.g., permitting child-centered learning, individual unstructured exploration, a shift from “learning that” to “learning how,” or from rote learning to learning by doing). For teachers, the Internet poses the challenge of identifying materials, learning new skills, changing forms of assessment, and developing in children the tools they need for critical evaluation of online content. Children have been among the most enthusiastic adopters of the Internet. Statistics show households with children lead in access. While informational and educational uses come high in children’s preferences, their favorite activities online are generally peer related: communication, game playing (including participation in the fast-growing array of online multiplayer fantasy games), music file sharing, and so forth. Initial expectations were that the Internet would facilitate children’s communication with other children around the world—a glorified system of pen pals; this has not come about significantly. Nor has the early fear been supported that the Internet would encourage social isolation, displacing face-to-face with online communication, with the possible exception of already-lonely children. Most children, especially teenagers, use the Internet for frequent but routine communication with friends; in other words, to stay in constant contact. Like the cell phone, the Internet has also enabled some expansion in peer networks to include “friends of friends.” Debate persists over whether the online friendships are as strong or significant as faceto-face friendships, though for some it seems that the anonymity and privacy afforded online permits expression that is otherwise difficult: sharing personal experiences, gaining health information, discussing embarrassing topics, and exploring niche interests. Even a casual glance at the variety of Web sites and other online activities engaged in by children reveals a dizzying variety of creative, constructive, sometimes esoteric, sometimes naughty activities, including the small minority who use the Internet for such “adult” activities as political campaigning, economic entrepreneurship, pornography, and even criminal activities. As social scientists begin to conduct longitudinal research over several years, findings have begun to clarify ways in which the Internet both aids and hinders children’s development. A crucial part of the picture are the risks, actual and potential, that the Internet introduces into children’s lives. These have attracted even more controversy and regulatory interventions than the debate over potential benefits. The range of risks is sizable, including threats to the technology itself (e.g., viruses, hacking), financial risks (scams), legal risks (illegal music downloading), privacy risks (cookies, spyware), and moral risks (spam, pornography). Contact risks arise through off-line meetings resulting from communication begun online (and, increasingly,

c o n c e p t s , c h il d r e n ’s

through forms of purely online exploitation or abuse). Surveys show a significant minority of children younger than 18 meet strangers off-line whom they first met online (e.g., in chat rooms). For a small minority, this results in physical or, more often, sexual abuse and may come to the attention of psychologists or law enforcement. Attention has focused on the pedophiles who instigate and track young people online, with speculation increasing that the Internet has facilitated a marked increase in the ease and incidence of criminal activity. But there is also a rise in sexual abuse, bullying, and privacy invasion initiated or perpetrated online by same-age or older teens. Considerable efforts by governments, educators, and the industry have sought to raise awareness among young people and their parents, with some success. Content risks largely focus on pornography. There is general agreement that the Internet enables the ready availability, and possible increase, in sexual and pornographic content, ranging from that already available to young people through movies and magazines to that hitherto restricted or even illegal. Concerted international collaboration has sought to prevent the circulation of illegal child-abuse images, especially those used to create a demand for the further criminal abuse of children so as to profit from further images circulated online. More generally, regulatory interventions receive ambivalent support, partly because of national or cultural differences in relation to pornography and partly because such intervention confl icts with legal protections for freedom of expression. Less attention has been paid to other content risks, though the notable rise in race hate on the Internet has attracted legal intervention in some jurisdictions. Commercial content is also regarded with ambivalence, though targeting the child and youth market online is profitable, and many businesses provide entertaining or educational content for children. Critics are concerned that this content is often stereotyped, invasive of children’s privacy, and offering little participation for youth while providing considerable advertising and sponsorship opportunities at children’s expense. Other risks, which are increasingly being framed as “conduct risks,” arise from user-generated (i.e., child-produced) content; for example, teenagers’ circulating fl irtatious, revealing, or indecent images of themselves without realizing the hazards of this reaching unintended recipients immediately or in the future. Other child-originated risks include online stalking and harassment, though it is unknown whether this represents a shift online of once off-line activities or an increase in the overall incidence. As the Internet is accessed from devices other than a desktop computer, notably the cell phone, new content and contact risks are emerging, often led by the ingenuity and inventiveness of young people themselves and often faster than those responsible for young people’s safety can anticipate.

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There is, therefore, in the policy realm something of a race between technological and market developments, research informing policy regarding children’s and parents’ everyday activities, and regulatory responses. Legislation represents a slow but effective form of regulation, implemented on a nation-by-nation basis. Considerable efforts also go into cross-national collaboration to raise awareness of risks and increase media or Internet literacy for children, parents, and teachers. Sonia Livingstone see also: Pornography, Child further reading: S. Livingstone, Young People and New Media: Childhood and the Changing Media Environment, 2002. • M. Bakardjieva, Internet Society: The Internet in Everyday Life, 2005. • E. Seiter, The Internet Playground: Children’s Access, Entertainment, and MisEducation, 2005. • Pew Internet and American Life Project, http:// www.pewinternet.org

conception. see Embryology and Fetal Development; Pregnancy

concepts, children’s Overview Concepts of the Physical World Concepts of the Psychological World Concepts of the Social World

overview. Current views of children’s concepts (or concep-

tions) of the physical, social, and psychological worlds can be described by comparing them with the Piagetian view that dominated the research area through the 1960s and early 1970s. Although there were some minor variations, traditional Piagetian theory of concept development was based on two main ideas: constructivism and stage theory. Constructivism holds that children actively build their own concepts as they adapt to their environment through interaction with it. Stage theory holds that the extent of cognitive maturity of the concepts depends on the qualitative level or “stage” the child has attained in the development of logical thinking in general. Stages were conceived of as logical structures, applicable across situations and domains of knowledge, and found universally across cultures. As children pass through these stages, their concepts become more coherent and more abstract at about the same time across all domains (such as reasoning about mathematics, spatial relations, or social relations). Although Jean Piaget’s notion of constructivism has found widespread acceptance among researchers and theorists in conceptual development, his stage theory has not fared so well. Current models of conceptual development differ with stage theory in three main ways. Current views, first of all, emphasize domain specificity instead of domaingeneral stages. Instead of one big shift to a new stage, contemporary theories describe concepts as constructed sepa-

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rately, domain by domain, at differing rates. For instance, the concept of conservation of number (e.g., the concept that the number of items in a set does not change when the items are rearranged) is acquired one to two years earlier than conservation of substance (e.g., the amount of material, such as clay, does not change when its shape changes). Thus, logically equivalent concepts are acquired at different rates in the mathematical and physical domain of knowledge. Within individuals, variations in problem solving, comprehension, and learning are now explained in terms of domain-specific prior knowledge and understanding. Children as well as adults reveal higher levels of competence in those domains in which they have accumulated many experiences and possess richer and better-structured bodies of knowledge. For example, children in certain potterymaking cultures, who handle clay routinely, acquire conservation of substance sooner than children in neighboring non-pottery-making cultures. Second, contemporary investigators agree that the process of knowledge construction is “constrained” both by innate tendencies as well as by prior acquired knowledge, leading to differences in the acquisition process across domains. However, the exact nature of the innate constraints is yet to be specified and has been the target of heated debate. Many researchers believe that there are “core” or “privileged” domains that display characteristic domain boundaries and task specificity. The acquisition of concepts in these domains is easy, early, and universal across cultures. Widely accepted candidates for such core domains include naive physics, naive psychology (theory of mind), naive biology, and numerosity. In these privileged domains, humans seem to be genetically prepared to acquire knowledge systems that deal with relevant essential features of the world in much the same way that they are genetically prepared to learn language. For example, some theorists believe that infants possess innate concepts of numerosity, the ability to recognize the numerical differences between small groups of objects, giving them a head start on the concept of number, which could explain why concepts of number are acquired before logically equivalent concepts of substance. Third, many current researchers assign much more significant roles than the Piagetians did to sociocultural practices and contexts (sociocultural constraints) in the acquisition and revision of concepts. For example, in Europeanderived cultures, the concept of classification is based on objects’ physical similarities, as when forks are stored with forks, spoons with spoons, and so forth. In other cultures, such as the Kpelle tribe of Liberia and Guinea, the concept of classification is based not on physical similarity but functional similarity, putting a spoon, for example, with the bowl it will be used with instead of with other utensils. Sociocultural practices and contexts not only provide children with materials that support concept construction but also influence the conceptual development by constraining

the construction process interactively. Thus, mothers participate with children in problem solving, structuring the interaction in a culturally specific way, and then gradually relinquishing control to the child, who must conceive of the task in the culturally specific way the mother does in order to solve the problem correctly. Sociocultural constraints include usable artifacts that are shared by a majority of people in a community, including physical facilities and tools, social institutions and organizations, documented pieces of knowledge, and common sense and beliefs. In spite of these distinctive differences from the classic Piagetian view, there are important continuities with the Piagetians in the current views of concepts. First, concepts are acquired by construction, not by transmission alone. That knowledge is constructed was an idea inspired by Piaget, but it constitutes the Zeitgeist shared by current researchers. Humans interact with the environment, find regularities, and construct understandings, starting with concepts of simple events that follow condition-action rules; then, by integrating these simple conceptions with one another, they construct more elaborate conceptualizations. That concepts are constructed is seen in the fact that humans acquire concepts richer than the knowledge they are presented with and even invent concepts that have never been presented, often as a by-product of their problem solving or attempts to comprehend aspects of the world that they do not understand. Knowledge can be directly transmitted to some extent, but, as Piaget pointed out, one must have first have constructed a sufficient conceptual structure to absorb the ideas presented. Moreover, transmitted knowledge becomes applicable to a variety of situations only after it is reconstructed by being interpreted and connected to the prior knowledge of children. Second, the development of concepts involves restructuring; that is, not only does the amount of knowledge increase but also one’s body of knowledge is reorganized as more and more interrelations among ideas are understood. This process of reorganization is now often called conceptual change or theory change, which, although domain specific, was described as a qualitative change in structures or as a shift from one stage to another in the Piagetian terminology. As the third commonality, contemporary researchers also assume powerful general learning or developmental mechanisms specific to the human species akin to Piaget’s model of the construction of logicomathematical structures. Even infants possess the ability to identify sequential dependencies in the speech stream or in the mechanical movement that occurs when one object collides with another. Moreover, humans are conceptual learners from early on. To mention just a few such processes, they are able to build concepts into a coherent larger system; understand a set of antecedent-consequent pairs in terms of unobservable, mediating forces; and “bootstrap,” that is, create a new system of representation that is more powerful than those present.

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Instead of seeing these developments in terms of the construction of logicomathematical structures, contemporary theorists usually attribute these mechanisms to growth in working memory capacity or related planning and monitoring ability consistent with uniquely human frontal cortex development. Some neo-Piagetian theorists, however, continue to see conceptual development as the construction of structures of mental skills but restricted within specific domains and channeled by social support and constraints. Giyoo Hatano see also: Development, Theories of; Logical Thinking; Piaget, Jean; Research on Child Development further reading: L. A. Hirschfeld and S. A. Gelman, eds., Mapping the Mind: Domain Specificity in Cognition and Culture, 1994. • R. A. Shweder, J. Goodnow, G. Hatano, R. A. LeVine, H. Markus, and P. Miller, “The Cultural Psychology of Development: One Mind, Many Mentalities,” in W. Damon and R. M. Lerner, eds., Handbook of Child Psychology, 5th ed., vol. 1, 1998, pp. 865–937. • H. M. Wellman and S. A. Gelman, “Knowledge Acquisition in Foundational Domains,” in D. Kuhn and R. S. Siegler, eds., Handbook of Child Psychology, 5th ed., vol. 2, 1998, pp. 523–73. • G. Hatano and K. Inagaki, “Domain-Specific Constraints of Conceptual Development,” International Journal of Behavioral Development 24 (2000), pp. 267–75.

concepts of the physical world. Children have con-

cepts of the physical world long before they enter school, and in the course of further development these rudimentary concepts typically change in everyday settings, even without formal instruction. This kind of knowledge is often termed intuitive physics. Understanding children’s concepts about the physical world is valuable for both practical and theoretical reasons. Practically, adequate physical concepts have a high survival value. This becomes evident if one imagines what would happen if a child did not have at least rudimentary knowledge about, for example, the relations that exist between time, speed, and distance in space. Moreover, it is of practical interest if and how these implicit or intuitive forms of knowledge can serve as a basis to build upon in educational endeavors. As to the theoretical side, studying children’s intuitive physics has been regarded as the via regia, or main route, to studying children’s way of thinking and their knowledge structures in general. This conviction goes back to the seminal work of Jean Piaget, whose vision was to delineate the development of children’s concepts about the physical world from the cradle to adulthood, identifying developmental laws valid across different domains. In recent years, the picture has become more differentiated. First, two main camps of researchers can be identified: those interested in infants and those interested in children from preschool age onward. The main reason for this split is a pragmatic one: Quite different methods of research are required for the different ages. Second, it is now widely rec-

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ognized that the search for domain-general developmental laws is futile and that looking at the elementary physical domains separately, together with the corresponding concepts, is interesting in its own right. Some concepts seem to be relevant only in infancy, other domains are of overarching interest from infancy through childhood, and still others get into focus only from preschool age. I n itial Conc epts ab ou t Ob jects For a long time, children’s physical concepts in the first year of life were seen as highly deficient, if not nonexistent. Early researchers held the belief that infants lack the most basic concepts about objects in the physical world, above all the concept of object permanence. The assumption was that in the infant’s mind objects do not continue to physically exist if they get out of view. This fundamental cognitive deficiency, if true, would of course severely hinder the formation of any adequate physical knowledge in infancy. Research in the past decades has accumulated a wealth of findings suggesting that the picture of the incompetent infant has to be strongly modified. Using infants’ looking times (instead of their actions, such as reaching) as main data, these experiments have shown that infants as young as 3 months have an understanding or at least an appreciation of basal physical principles such as continuity (objects exist continuously in space and time), solidity (two objects cannot exist in the same space at the same time), rules of gravity and inertia, and phenomena of support (one object is supported by another or not; e.g., a box placed on a table or falling from its edge) and collision. For some scientists, these recent findings point to the possibility that these principles are constituents of an innate core domain of naive or intuitive physics. Associated with this view is the assumption that the data show that infants have a conceptual understanding of the physical laws and principles in question. This rich interpretation of the data, however, is not without criticism. There is now some evidence favoring a lean interpretation: Infants’ looking preferences may not always be driven by their conceptual understanding of the shown events, but by relatively trivial perceptual factors that specify them. Regardless of how this debate will be settled, infants’ early sensitivity to basic physical principles of objects and object motion remains impressive. I nanim ate v er sus Anim ate Ob jects In the world outside, there are animate and inanimate objects. When do children first make the distinction between living and nonliving things, which biological properties do they take as a basis for the distinction, and how does their knowledge about biological systems develop? These questions have been intriguing ones in the past few decades of research. Behavioral reactions like looking times and smiling indicate that infants as young as 2 months can make a basic dis-

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tinction between living individuals and nonliving objects (even if the latter are toy animals). However, within the animate category this early distinction seems to be limited to human people as privileged exemplars, with features of the face playing an important role. Beyond that, infants seem to have an appreciation of self-generated motion as a characteristic of living things. Whether there is already a more general category for animate entities and where exactly the boundaries are are issues difficult to assess with the nonverbal methods available for these very young children. The animate-inanimate distinction is far from complete by the end of infancy. This has been found using methods designed for children with a sufficient understanding of language. By early preschool age, children know a lot about similarities among different exemplars within the animate category and also about dissimilarities between them and inanimate objects. However, children of this age are still hesitant to view the human person as belonging to the broader category of animals or to think of plants as animate entities. The core distinction that seems to be there by preschool age undergoes considerable refinement in the years thereafter, largely due to children’s better understanding of biological processes such as growth, reproduction, inheritance, contagion, illness, and healing—processes that are specific for living systems. What and when children learn about these biological properties and, hence, how fast the distinction gets refined differ between cultures. Ph ysical Causalit y Children’s knowledge about the animate-inanimate distinction is, among other things, also relevant to their understanding of physical causation. While living organisms have the ability of self-generated motion, this is not the case for nonliving objects: When they begin to move, some external force or agent must be the cause. Accordingly, young children’s reasoning about physical causation has been studied via the “launching event”: On a computer screen, a moving object bumps into a second, which begins to move immediately—a movement interpreted by adults as caused by the first object. In other conditions, the second object moves with a delay or before the first one touched it, suggesting an absence of causation. The data from several variants of this task indicate that infants as young as 6 months are sensitive to causal connections. Findings like these have led some researchers to speculate that there is, in accordance with the Kantian idea, an inborn module of causality. Other researchers are not convinced: They interpret the data as evidencing that infants learn to infer causality and that causal reasoning is an empirical rather than a formal activity in the first years of a child’s life. Beyond infancy, children become interested in causal connections even when no cause is readily apparent. They

try to find the mediating mechanisms in causal situations and the causal connections in mechanical devices, including toys. It deserves mention that only around the age of 5 years children’s tendency to search for (invisible) causes is strong enough for an appreciation of magic tricks; younger children generally fail to see the point of them. The findings reported in the previous two sections lead to the conclusion that at least two traditional Piagetian ideas relevant in this context are no longer tenable: Neither do children up to about 6 years generally attribute lifelike properties to inanimate objects (animism), nor do they believe that all naturally occurring events are caused by people (artificialism). Spac e , Time , and Speed Space is omnipresent and inescapable. The question of how children mentally represent space in the course of their development has inspired many researchers, beginning with Piaget. The issue is a multifaceted one, as are the findings. In the present context, one facet that is of particular importance is the ecological space: the space in which people move about in their daily lives. The empirical data from an extensive body of literature can be summarized as follows: Infants have an appreciation of space from early on. In the first months of life, this remains restricted to the perceptual and reaching space. Beginning in the second half of the first year, the developing ability of self-locomotion noticeably enhances infants’ sense of space, with ecological space now being accessible to them. However, they still have difficulties in overcoming their body-centered perspective. Only gradually do children come to reliably use external landmarks for spatial orientation, a development that is often not finished by the age of 7 years depending on the complexity of the spatial layout and also on culture. Children growing up in lessdeveloped cultures who move around a lot from their early years appear to have considerable advantages in developing representations of space. It is also noteworthy that visual stimulation is, although certainly facilitating, not necessary for the development of spatial understanding. Children who are blind from birth can develop an impressive sense of space. In contrast to space, time is not perceivable. Time must be inferred from perceivable events or from the speed of objects moving over distances in space. It is probably for the latter reason that Piaget attempted to assess children’s concepts of time via their ability to integrate starting and stopping times of moving objects or, in particular, to infer time from the speed of objects and the distance covered in space. The problem with the Piagetian approach, adopted in many follow-up experiments, is that the tasks used could be solved without any reference to speed and space. Therefore, the claims about the emergence of time and speed concepts and their order in development that

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came out of this research are obsolete, as are the former claims that children up to the school age cannot distinguish time from speed. More recent research done within the framework of information integration theory has shown that if the tasks are designed appropriately, children as young as 4 years of age exhibit a virtually perfect knowledge about the functional relations that exist between time, speed, and distance. The data from these experiments also imply that, in contrast to earlier claims, children at latest from preschool age on do not confound time, speed, and space but conceptualize them as separate entities. However, children—like adults—cannot apply this knowledge in all contexts. If particulars of the situation change, with the basic formal structure or the task remaining unchanged, children fall back on incorrect rules to integrate the information. This has been demonstrated for judgments of time savings or time gains caused by changes of speed as well as for estimates of speed changes that would be necessary on a final section of a route to compensate for time losses on an earlier section. Interestingly, children’s responses were closer to the normative laws when they could act on the moving objects; that is, they were allowed to actually produce the required speeds (of toy cars) rather than to communicate the estimations on a speedometer scale. M atter , Weight, Forc e , and Emb odi ed K nowled ge For seemingly less complex concepts than time and speed, children appear to have more problems up to the early school years. They have been found to confuse matter, weight, and density of static objects. Similarly, children’s concepts of force have been found to vary a great deal depending on the context in which they are assessed. This has been investigated in tasks in which children had to predict the trajectory of objects, one example being the straight throw. Here, two important forces have to be integrated: the force originally exerted on the moving object and the force of gravity. In several variants of the task, children as young as 5 years provided data in nearly perfect agreement with the physical laws, but only if they could exert the necessary initial force by themselves by acting on the object. When the same children judged the forces on rating scales, the responses of many of them exhibited a pattern contrary of the one they had produced with their own actions. Findings like these suggest that it is not only infants whose knowledge is embodied in sensorimotor patterns. Children and even adults often understand physical concepts better if they act them out themselves. It is often much harder to articulate this implicit embodied knowledge in an explicit formal task or test. Friedrich Wilkening see also: Animism; Death, Children’s Experience of; Piaget, Jean; Universe of the Child

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further reading: Alison Gopnik, Andrew N. Meltzoff, and Patricia K. Kuhl, The Scientist in the Crib: Minds, Brains, and How Children Learn, 1999. • Friedrich Wilkening and Susanne Huber, “Children’s Intuitive Physics,” in Usha Goswami, ed., Blackwell Handbook of Childhood Cognitive Development, 2002, pp. 349–70. • Susan A. Gelman, The Essential Child: Origins of Essentialism in Everyday Thought, 2003.

concepts of the psychological world. Children in-

habit a social community. They are raised in families, play with other children, and learn from teachers. To successfully interact with others, it is crucial for children to learn about the social world, namely people and their behaviors. This naive psychology, or a commonsense understanding of others, is necessary for normal human functioning. Three concepts are considered to be the core of this naive psychology: desires, beliefs, and actions. These concepts—invisible, causally linked, and developing early in life—culminate in a theory of mind. Theory of mind refers to an understanding of how the mind works and how it influences individuals’ behaviors. Further, it organizes the understanding of various psychological processes, such as perceptions, intentions, and emotions, into a coherent structure. Theory of mind skills develop through childhood and have implications for both social and cognitive success in adolescence and beyond. I n fanc y From birth, infants find other people very interesting and appealing. Very young infants prefer to look at human faces as compared to other objects and human bodies as compared to other moving images. By 6 months of age, infants can follow another person’s eye gaze to a visible object, and 18-month-olds can use the direction of an adult’s eye gaze to determine the location of an object not in plain view. Sociocultural theorists suggest that the foundation of human cognitive development is the ability to establish intersubjectivity, or a mutual understanding shared between communicative partners. Because effective communication requires that the participants focus on the same object or topic as well as each other’s reactions, infants’ ability to follow gaze direction is an important first step. Gaze following becomes more important during the socalled 9-month revolution. Around this age, infants first acquire joint attention, defined as when infants and their social partners intentionally focus on a common referent in the environment. Infants are now able to monitor changes in their partners’ attention and actively direct their partners’ attention toward objects of interest. Joint attention increases infants’ ability to learn from other people. They engage in social referencing, looking to adults for information on how to respond to an unfamiliar event. For example, when they encounter a stranger, infants often look to how the parent responds to that stranger as a guide to their own

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response. When an adult labels an object with an unfamiliar word, infants are more likely to learn the new word if they are looking at the same object as the adult. In fact, the younger the age at which a child first shows joint attention, the faster she acquires new vocabulary as a toddler. To learn about the social world, it is also important for children to learn about other people’s goals. One key aspect of human behavior is that it is purposeful and goal directed. Six-month-olds interpret a human reaching toward a toy as an intentional action, but they do not interpret a mechanical claw in the same way. Some researchers suggest that children learn about others’ goals through their own experiences. An infant will feel certain emotions when he or she intends to produce a particular outcome. The infant can then use his or her own experiences to interpret others’ emotions when they produce intentional behaviors. Infants also appear to have an early understanding of other people’s knowledge states. For example, researchers have shown that 2-year-olds behave differently based upon their parents’ knowledge of a situation. In one study, children watched an experimenter place a very desirable toy on an out-of-reach shelf, either while the parent was watching or absent from the room. Although all of the children later sought their parents’ assistance to retrieve the toy, they named and pointed to the toy more frequently if the parent had been absent and had no knowledge of where the toy was hidden. Pr esc hool and Ear ly C h i ldhood Infants’ interest in other people and their understanding of intentions provide the foundation upon which they build a theory of mind during the preschool years. During this period, children demonstrate a more complete knowledge of desires and beliefs, two of the key concepts underlying naive psychology. Researchers have shown that children understand others’ desires prior to understanding beliefs. In one study, 18-month-olds expressed a preference for one of two snacks: broccoli and goldfish crackers. An experimenter then tasted each, saying “Mm” and smiling at one, “Ew” and frowning at the other. Half of the children saw a match; if the child liked the crackers, the experimenter also liked the crackers. The other half of the children saw a mismatch, where the experimenter disliked the crackers but liked the broccoli. When the experimenter asked, “Can you give me some more?” the children overwhelmingly gave the experimenter what she had liked, regardless of the children’s own preferences. This demonstrates that even toddlers have some understanding that other people may not share their own preferences. Two-year-olds can predict that storybook characters will act in accord with their desires, thereby demonstrating a knowledge that desires influence behavior. However, 2-year-olds do not yet understand that beliefs are also influential. This is evident in false belief problems, in which

another person believes something the child knows to be false. In one classic false belief problem, children are shown a Band-Aid box. When asked what is inside the box, children say “Band-Aids.” The experimenter then opens the box, revealing that it actually contains crayons. Most children express their surprise, but when the experimenter asks what another child would say if shown the closed box, most 3-year-olds incorrectly respond “Crayons!” In fact, most children do not respond correctly until age 4 or 5. False belief problems indicate that preschoolers have difficulty understanding that other people act on their own beliefs, whether those beliefs are accurate. This is a culturally robust finding. One group of experimenters gave a variety of false belief problems to preschoolers in Canada, India, Peru, Samoa, and Thailand. In all five countries, children’s performance improved dramatically between ages 3 and 5. Although there is some cultural variation in the age at which children successfully pass false belief problems, the overall trajectory remains the same. Performance also improves for children with Down syndrome between these ages. Children’s understanding desires before beliefs is also reflected in their language. English-speaking children use desire words, such as want, as early as 24 months of age. However, they typically do not use belief words, such as know, until age 3 or older, similar to when they begin succeeding at false belief problems. This pattern has also been demonstrated for Mandarin- and Cantonese-speaking children raised in Beijing and Hong Kong. As children are learning to successfully navigate the social world, they also actively engage in fantasy worlds. During the second year, children begin to pretend, creating symbolic relationships between objects, such as using a banana to represent a telephone. Following the second birthday, they start to engage in sociodramatic play with other children or adults. The socially oriented Russian psychologist L. S. Vygotsky suggested that pretend play may help children learn about the world by considering how various situations could make them or others feel. Research supports this claim. For instance, the amount of time a child engages in pretend and fantasy play is positively related to his or her accurate interpretation of others’ thoughts and emotions. M i d d l e C h i l d ho o d a n d A d o l e s c enc e Although preschoolers show an understanding that desires and beliefs influence behavior, they do not yet fully understand the nature of others’ thoughts. It is not until between 6 and 8 years of age that children consistently judge that people are thinking when engaged in tasks such reading, listening, or talking. Slightly older children describe the mind as an active constructor of knowledge. By middle childhood, children understand not only that beliefs can be false, but also that a single event can legitimately be inter-

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preted in multiple ways. Around age 6 to 7, children begin to understand that someone can convey an emotional state that is at variance with their true underlying state. Understanding that beliefs are “interpretive” can be helpful in school performance. Preteens with good theory of mind skills outperform peers with poor theory of mind skills in scientific reasoning tasks. They are better at systematic problem solving, showing greater proficiency at generating and accurately evaluating new strategies. They are also better at monitoring their own states of knowledge and ignorance. Education may also be helpful for theory of mind performance. In a study of rural African children, those children with formal elementary school educations performed better on theory of mind tasks, likely because formal schooling is structured to highlight mental processes. Children’s understanding of others’ desires and beliefs may also influence their relationships in adolescence. Theory of mind skills are positively correlated with prosocial behavior as well as relational aggression. In fact, relationally aggressive bullies show advanced theories of mind, whereas overtly aggressive bullies show poor theory of mind skills. Regardless of whether a child wants to influence others in a positive (i.e., prosocial) or negative (i.e., relationally aggressive) manner, it is important to accurately assess others’ thoughts. Au tism Whereas most children find other people inherently interesting, this appeal appears to be lacking in individuals with autism. Children with autism often engage in solitary repetitive behaviors and tend to be more interested in objects than people. They rarely form close relationships with other people. Researchers suggest that autistic children’s lack of involvement in the social world is related to an overall failure to understand other people. Many of the previously discussed abilities are absent in autistic children’s development. Children with autism do not establish joint attention with other people, nor do they engage in pretend play. They tend to have poor language skills and demonstrate less concern than normally developing children when others appear distressed. When viewing videotaped footage of conversations, individuals with autism focus their attention more on the characters’ environment than the speakers’ faces. Perhaps most informative is their difficulty in passing false belief tasks. In a study of 6- to 14-year-olds with autism, fewer than half of all participants successfully solved the false belief problems that are easy for typical preschoolers. Ashley M. Pinkham, Jennifer Van Reet, and Angeline S. Lillard see also: Autism Spectrum Disorders; Cognitive Development; Universe of the Child

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further reading: S. Baron-Cohen, H. Tager-Flusberg, and D. J. Cohen, Understanding Other Minds: Perspectives from Autism, 1993. • J. H. Flavell, “Cognitive Development: Children’s Knowledge about the Mind,” Annual Review of Psychology 50 (1999), pp. 21–45. • H. M. Wellman, “Understanding the Psychological World: Developing a Theory of Mind,” in U. Goswami, ed., Handbook of Cognitive Development (2002), pp. 167–87. • M. Tomasello, M. Carpenter, J. Call, T. Behne, and H. Moll, “Understanding and Sharing Intentions: The Origins of Cultural Cognition,” Behavioral and Brain Sciences 28, no. 5 (2005), pp. 675–735.

concepts of the social world. Children’s social world is multifaceted and encompasses a diverse array of social “objects.” Depending on factors such as age and experience, children may construct ideas about specific social institutions such as government, politics, and religion, along with concepts pertaining to broader features of social interactions, such as morality or how people ought to treat one another. Perspectives on how children think and reason about these aspects of social life are equally diverse, ranging from approaches that seek to find general commonalities in the development of children’s thinking across diverse areas, to those that argue that children’s thinking is bounded within distinct domains, to those that emphasize the important role played by culture in organizing views of social life. Some perspectives on children’s thinking about the social world have been influenced by the stage theory of Jean Piaget. These cognitive developmental theories tend to emphasize how children’s social thinking develops from an initial focus on the immediate or concrete aspects of experience to a consideration of more abstract features of social life as they grow older. In the realm of morality, this approach is represented by the theory of Lawrence Kohlberg. Young children’s thinking about right and wrong, according to this view, moves from a focus on punishment and explicit social rules early in childhood to a consideration of social institutions such as law or social customs or conventions in middle childhood. Only in late adolescence or adulthood do individuals consider the more abstract purposes behind social rules and institutions, such as principles of justice, due process, or rights. One of the areas that has been explored in research inspired by cognitive developmental theory is children’s conceptions of government or politics. In this research, the political conceptions of young children have been characterized as based on affect and highly personalized. Young children first develop an attachment to political authorities and symbols, but with little understanding of how political institutions themselves function. For example, the mayor of a town may be seen as an ultimate authority who passes laws and who ensures, through the vigilance of the police, that his or her directives are enforced. Some very young children may even confuse religious authorities, such as

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God or Jesus, with political authorities and believe that laws or rules have their source in divine authority. Later on, beginning around middle childhood, children’s conceptions of politics transcend the purely personal and begin to embrace the principles that underlie various political institutions. Older children have a better understanding of how the various functions of government in a democratic society are differentiated and relate to one another. For example, older children and adolescents recognize the necessity of separating the function of law enforcement (policing) from that of law making (legislation), and they also show an appreciation of the role played by the courts (the judicial function) within democratic societies. In addition, the purpose of many democratic political institutions, such as elections or political rights such as freedom of speech, begins to be understood during middle childhood. In general, research from this perspective has characterized children’s views of government as moving from an initial conception in which power and control are invested in authorities, who use social institutions and police power to serve their own interests, to one in which power is seen as shared and invested in the people themselves—a situation that may be secured and maintained through wellfunctioning democratic institutions (e.g., an elected legislature, due process, and the rule of law). Again drawing inspiration from the stage theories of Piaget and Kohlberg, some researchers have charted similar developmental sequences in people’s understandings of religion. Fritz Oser has explored the development of religious conceptions throughout childhood, adolescence, and adulthood, using a variety of religious dilemmas, or situations that involve personal confl icts of faith (such as when people confront issues of mortality or unjust suffering in their lives). “Religion” here is understood broadly as the perspective that one holds on ultimate reality, and thus is meant to embrace a variety of construals of this dimension of human experience that may include both deistic and nondeistic worldviews. Religious conceptions have been found to move from a focus on concrete issues such as punishment or tit-for-tat exchange early on, to a concern with more abstract meaning systems and philosophical dimensions of religious experience in adolescence and beyond. For example, young children have a heteronomous perspective on religion in which fear of punishment and obedience to God’s authority and power are emphasized. At this level, divine beings are represented anthropomorphically and believed to intervene directly in the world and in the fate of persons. People are believed to have little ability to influence the will of any Supreme Being and must follow his commands or face punishment. This perspective gives way in development to a more reciprocal understanding of the individual’s relationship with God. After the initial heteronomous level comes a way

of thinking in which it is believed that individuals may influence God’s actions through prayer or good deeds. People are no longer conceived as mere passive subjects to divine forces but can engage with and enter into transactions with a Supreme Being who is viewed as responsive to human concerns. This stage is unstable, however, as it ultimately cannot address experiences in which good behavior is unrewarded or the just person suffers greatly in life despite having a good relationship with God. Subsequent constructions of religious experience emphasize the ways in which each person is responsible for his or her own life and destiny. This new perspective is typically constructed in mid- to late adolescence. Here, it is recognized that although a divine plan may exist, this plan must leave an important place for individual will and freedom. At the highest levels of religious understanding (not always reached), individuals attempt to reconcile their understandings of an ultimate reality or order that gives meaning to life with respect for individual will, autonomy, and choice. There is a deepening appreciation of the unity of opposites; human autonomy is conceived as being expressed through and within a connection or partnership with the supernatural. This general progression in religious thinking—although sometimes with delayed age trends—has been found across a variety of cultures and religious worldviews, including among European Christians; among Hindus, Jains, and Buddhists from different parts of India; and among a traditional group practicing ancestor worship in Rwanda. In contrast to these cognitive developmental approaches emphasizing the age-related succession of broad stages of reasoning, researchers working within a perspective developed by Elliot Turiel and colleagues, known as social domain theory, have stressed the types of distinctions that children make when reasoning about different types of social interactions and social rules. For example, research has shown that young children distinguish between moral issues, or those that implicate harmful consequences to others or issues of fairness, and social conventions, or arbitrary behavioral uniformities or customs, such as forms of address (e.g., titles) or etiquette. Moral acts, such as one child pushing another child off a swing, are judged as wrong, whether an authority says so or not, and wrong even if they are not prohibited by a rule. Moral acts are also judged as wrong across situations, including even in other countries where they may be common practice. However, social conventions, such as a social norm about not eating with your fingers, are judged as wrong only if prohibited by an authority or an explicit social rule, and the rightness or wrongness of these acts is seen as potentially variable across different social contexts (e.g., it might be OK to eat with your fingers when with close friends or in another country where it is common practice). Children not only make these discriminations but also

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justify their judgments with different types of reasons. For instance, moral issues are justified by appeals to the consequences of these acts for others, such as harm or unfairness. In contrast, when reasoning about social conventions, children appeal to explicit rules, social sanctions (punishment), or the dictates of authorities. These types of distinctions in children’s social reasoning have been found as young as 3 years of age, becoming more reliable and stable in the kindergarten years. Moreover, the distinction between moral and social conventional issues has been found not only in Europe and North America but also in a variety of other cultural settings, such as China, India, Indonesia, Nigeria, Korea, and Colombia. This perspective has been applied to study children’s and adults’ understandings of a variety of areas of social life, including concepts of authority, religious rules and prescriptions, and political issues such as civil liberties and democracy. Across all of these areas, children have been found to distinguish between authority or existing rules and regulations and issues of fairness or justice. For example, even young children do not believe that it would be appropriate for authorities such as teachers to issue commands that could lead to harm or unfairness, nor do they believe that such commands should be followed. In the religious sphere, American children and adults from a variety of religious backgrounds, including those from fundamentalist Mennonite and Amish communities, Conservative and Orthodox Jews, and Roman Catholics, have been found to distinguish between religious conventions (religious rules about issues such as dietary restrictions or observance of religious rituals) and moral issues such as commandments against killing or harming others. Religious conventions are seen as alterable by religious authorities (e.g., the Church or God) and not binding on others who do not share the faith, whereas moral commandments are seen as unalterable, even by God, and binding on people everywhere. In the area of political reasoning, beginning in the elementary school years, children develop notions of political rights such as freedom of religion and speech. These rights are seen as universal rights that apply to all people across cultures and are not contingent on existing laws and rules. Moreover, elementary school age children in European and North American cultures have been found to perceive democratic systems of government that give the people a voice in governance as more fair than exclusionary or nondemocratic systems. Similar findings also have been obtained in studies of rights and democracy conducted in other kinds of cultures, such as mainland China. Research conducted by Larry Nucci and colleagues has found that even young children also distinguish a domain of “personal issues,” or those that are seen as part of an individual’s personal choice or discretion, such as keeping a private diary or choosing one’s own friends or recreational activities. Children do not view it as appropriate for au-

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thorities to regulate or restrict these types of behaviors, and they appeal to reasons such as privacy, individual rights, and personal choice to justify these judgments. Some theorists have argued that the construction of a personal domain is related to universal psychological needs for autonomy and a unique personal identity. Others, however, have claimed that the personal domain is a product of an “individualistic” cultural orientation, found in North American or Western European cultures, emphasizing freedom, individual rights, and personal choice. The individualism of the West, it is claimed by some, contrasts with a collectivistic cultural orientation found throughout most of the rest of the world that emphasizes the subordination of the individual to authority or the social group. However, recent research has indicated that the personal domain is found in children and adults from a variety of cultures that are often labeled as “collectivistic,” including China, Japan, Hong Kong, Colombia, and Brazil and among traditional Muslim cultures such as the Druze of Israel. Social domain theorists have argued that these types of distinctions in understandings of social obligations and interactions emerge out of children’s reflections on diverse aspects of their social experience. As noted, the personal domain is associated with universal human needs for identity and autonomy found across cultures. Moral concepts are believed to emerge in the context of events that children experience having features of harm or unfairness, whereas social conventions are constructed out of children’s experiences with explicit rule systems and authority. Studies of children’s own communications regarding actual events that they observe or experience in these domains have shown that children themselves differentially appeal to these distinct features of social events when making judgments about and responding to social interactions. In contrast to social domain theory’s focus on the sources of social and moral concepts in features of events that children directly experience, researchers who subscribe to a position known as “cultural psychology” have stressed the ways in which these conceptions are influenced or determined by specific cultural belief systems. For example, Richard Shweder has identified a “morality of Divinity” that is prominent in cultures such as India in which religious conceptions more fully permeate social life. Traditional Hindus have been found to treat some issues that North Americans see as matters of personal choice, such as choices about certain forms of dress or dietary practices, as having spiritual significance and thus as universally binding. Other psychologists have noted how moral norms may vary in application across cultures. For example, Joan Miller has explored the reasoning of persons from India and the United States about interpersonal obligations to kin and strangers. People from India are more likely to see helping behavior in certain situations as matters of duty, whereas individuals from the United States are more likely to view

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helping in these situations as a personal choice. In a set of studies investigating beliefs about lying, Kang Lee found that Chinese children, unlike Canadian children, tended with increasing age to judge it as praiseworthy for individuals to deny prosocial acts that they had in fact committed. It is argued that these endorsements of “lying” by Chinese children reflect their socialization into modesty norms that proscribe against calling undue attention to the good behavior of the self. Cultural influences on the development of social and moral understandings are important areas of ongoing investigation whose interpretation continues to generate lively debates and controversy in the field. Charles C. Helwig see also: Death, Children’s Experience of; Kohlberg, Lawrence; Moral Development; Piaget, Jean; Social Development; Spirituality; Universe of the Child further reading: F. Oser and P. Gmunder, Religious Judgment: A Developmental Approach, 1991. • Richard Shweder, Thinking through Cultures: Expeditions in Cultural Psychology, 1991. • Larry Nucci, Education in the Moral Domain, 2001.

conduct, legal regulation of children’s. The law limits children’s freedom in a variety of ways, prohibiting some activities, such as smoking and drinking, and requiring other conduct, such as attending school. In one of its earliest decisions about children’s constitutional rights, Ginsberg v. New York (1968), the U.S. Supreme Court held that a state may prohibit the sale of sexually oriented materials to minors even though the materials are not obscene for adults. The Court observed that the law was justified to advance two goals: protecting children so that they grow into healthy, productive adult citizens and protecting parents’ interests in raising their children. However, a state does not have carte blanche to define material as obscene for minors. In Erznoznik v. City of Jacksonville (1975), the Supreme Court held that an ordinance banning the showing of films containing nudity at drive-in movie theaters was unconstitutional because not all nudity is obscene for minors. While regulating children’s conduct for the reasons given in Ginsberg is common across cultures and times, specific rules vary greatly, reflecting differences in social circumstances. For example, the laws of the Massachusetts Bay Colony (1648) provided that a rebellious son age 16 or older who refused to obey his parents should be put to death. Today, while children are still legally obligated to obey their parents, sanctions for violating this rule have softened considerably. Statutes in all states authorize juvenile courts to assert authority over children who are beyond the control of their parents or who have run away from home. Some states label such minors as juvenile delinquents and others as dependent children. However, it has become common

wisdom that the legal system is ill-equipped to deal with confl icts between parents and adolescents, and in all states informal efforts to resolve the problem are preferred. In most states, as a practical matter, referral to juvenile court is available only as a last resort, if at all. Most of the special rules of childhood end at the age of majority, though that age has changed over time. At common law the age of majority was 21, but in the early 1970s during the Vietnam War most states lowered the age to 18, when the minimum voting age was also reduced to 18. People younger than the age of majority can own but not manage property, cannot enter into legally enforceable contracts, and cannot sue or be sued in court in their own name, although they may participate in litigation with the assistance of adults appointed to protect their interests. In most states, a person must be at least 18 to possess tobacco or to gamble legally, and in almost three-fourths of U.S. cities with a population of 100,000 or more, curfew laws prohibit people younger than 18 from being on the streets late at night without a parent or guardian unless they are on the way to or from school or work. A principal rationale for all these rules is protecting young people from the consequences of their own immature judgment. Because the capacity for sound decision making does not magically arise when a person attains the age of majority, the minimum age for some activities is more than 18 and less than 18 for others. For example, federal law requires that states set the minimum age for purchasing and possessing alcohol at 21 as a condition of receiving federal highway funds. Mothers Against Drunk Driving led the lobbying campaign that resulted in the federal alcohol law. Before then, the minimum age for possession of alcohol was 18 in most states, and even those laws date only to the mid-1930s. The federal law is intimately connected to another set of laws regulating teen conduct: state driving rules that allow people as young as 15, 16, or 17 to obtain drivers’ licenses with parental permission, which have been enacted in all but seven states. During the 1990s, concerns about high rates of teenage automobile accidents led most states to enact graduated licensing laws for minors. Such laws prohibit young drivers from driving late at night, and many limit the number and age of passengers that young drivers may carry. The Supreme Court’s decision in Bellotti v. Baird (1979), concerning minors’ access to abortion, is widely understood as recognizing minors’ gradually emerging capacity for autonomy. The Court said that three state interests may justify limitations on minors’ right to an abortion: protecting minors because of their vulnerability to pressures from others, protecting them from the consequences of their own immaturity, and protecting parents’ interests in raising their children as they see fit. The Court wrote that these interests would justify a law that conditioned a minor’s access

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to abortion on obtaining parental consent or a judicial ruling that either the minor was mature enough to make the decision about the abortion for herself or the abortion was in the minor’s best interests. As of 2008, two states and the District of Columbia explicitly allow minors to consent to abortion. Another six states have no law addressing minors and abortion. Of the remaining states, two require both parental notification and consent, 22 require consent of at least one parent, and 11 require that at least one parent be notified. All the states requiring parental involvement have a judicial bypass procedure, and six also allow a grandparent or other relative to participate instead of a parent. Most of the states have exceptions to consent or notice requirements for medical emergencies, in cases of abuse, assault, incest or neglect, or both. In Carey v. Population Services International (1977), the Supreme Court held that laws preventing 16-year-olds from acquiring nonprescription contraceptive devices are also unconstitutional. In 2008, the laws in 21 states and the District of Columbia explicitly allowed minors to have access to prescription contraceptive services without parental permission, 4 states had no legislation, and the remaining 25 states allowed minors to consent to such services only in limited circumstances. These laws regarding reproductive health are exceptions to the general rule that a minor cannot consent to medical treatment. Parental consent is generally required before a minor can undergo medical procedures. Statutes in many states exempt other categories of care, such as counseling and treatment for venereal disease, from the parental consent requirement. The exceptions recognize that a parental consent requirement in certain circumstances operates as a barrier to health care since many minors would choose to forgo care rather than tell their parents. Other laws allow teens to engage in certain types of restricted conduct, but only with parental permission, allowing parents to act on their own judgments about how best to raise children and to make individualized decisions about their children’s readiness to take on responsibility. For example, in most states the minimum age for marriage is 18, but in most states parents can give their consent for children 16 and older to marry. Similarly, teens younger than 18 can enlist in the military and obtain drivers’ licenses only with parental consent. One of the most significant limitations on children’s conduct is that they attend school, a limitation from which parents cannot exempt a child. Most states require that attendance begin at age 6 or 7, or even as young as 5 in some states. The minimum age for quitting school in most states is 16, though some states require attendance through age 17 or 18. The Supreme Court held in Tinker v. Des Moines Independent Community School District (1969) that school children have free expression rights in school. However, in

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other cases it has held that schools may restrict students’ expression in ways that would not be permissible for adults because of schools’ special interests in controlling students and carrying out their educational functions. For the same reason, in a series of cases beginning with New Jersey v. T.L.O. (1985), the Court has held that schools may search students without observing all the constitutional safeguards required in other settings. Children’s employment opportunities are limited in ways that support the school attendance laws. All children younger than 18 are prohibited from working in certain hazardous industries, and the number of hours that teens may work is also limited. Children older than 14 may work up to 18 hours per week when school is in session; beginning at age 16 children may work up to 44 hours per week. However, all children younger than 18 are prohibited from working as coal miners, loggers, roofers, and in other occupations posing similar hazards. Federal minimum wage law does not apply to minors, but some states extend minimum wage protection to minors. Federal laws prohibiting discrimination in employment, as well as laws regulating overtime, paydays, paychecks, and deductions from wages, apply to minors. Labor laws do not cover minors delivering newspapers or performing domestic work, and children who work for their parents are exempt from most labor laws. Leslie Joan Harris see also: Abortion; Adolescent Decision Making, Legal Perspectives on; Contraception; Drug Testing; Emancipation; Juvenile Delinquency; Procreate, Right to; Rights, Children’s; Status Offenses; Work, Children’s Gainful further reading: Donald Kramer, Legal Rights of Children, 2nd ed., 3 vols., 1994. • Leslie J. Harris and Lee E. Teitelbaum, Children and the Law, 2002.

conduct disorders. Conduct disorder (CD) is a psychiatric diagnosis defined by the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, fourth edition, text revision (2000; DSM-IV-TR) as repetitive disregarding, or violating, of rules or the rights of others—including people, animals, or property—that affects the social, emotional, or interpersonal functioning of the individual. As a diagnosis, CD is a condition that can be reliably identified, for which studies demonstrate its genetic basis and prognosis, and for which there are some directions in terms of treatment. While CD is one of the most common forms of psychopathology in children and adolescents referred to clinical attention, its diagnosis requires careful consideration. CD is not an equivalent of “delinquency,” which is determined by a judicial authority. Nor are all delinquent, rule-breaking, or dangerous children diagnosed with CD. The diagnosis can be applied only when the antisocial behavior is repeated in multiple settings or realms, as long as the behavior is not

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better accounted for by other diagnoses and as long as the behavior negatively impacts the individual. And, according to the DSM-IV-TR, CD can be diagnosed if three such behaviors have occurred within 12 months, with at least one of them in the prior 6 months. The behaviors must be among the 15 criteria listed in the DSM-IV criteria set. These rules were calibrated to increase the reliability of the diagnosis, and they constrain the potential for inappropriate diagnosis of CD. There are many additional features of CD: The DSM-IV criteria set provides four overall groups, and 15 examples, of antisocial behaviors, including aggression to people or animals, destruction of property, deceitfulness or theft, or serious violations of rules. As opposed to adolescents, children with CD usually make little attempt to conceal their antisocial behavior. Sexual behavior and regular misuse of substances of abuse begin early for such children and adolescents. Some children with aggressive behavioral patterns have impaired social attachments, and poor self-esteem is common (despite an image of toughness). Aggression is not universal, and in girls it is unusual; girls use indirect, verbal, and relational aggression, including alienation, ostracism, and character defamation. While there is no minimum age for diagnosis of CD, considerations include normal developmental expectations for an individual. The maximum age of diagnosis for CD is 18 (unless the individual meets the criteria for CD but not for antisocial personality disorder [APD]). CD has been divided into a childhood-onset subtype, in which at least one symptom has emerged before age 10 years, and adolescentonset type. In general, a lower age of onset is associated with greater severity. In the United States, the prevalence of CD is estimated to be 1.5% to 3.4% of the general population, although some studies have documented rates up to 10%. Boys most commonly meet the diagnostic criteria by 10 to 12 years of age, whereas girls often reach 14 to 16 years of age before the criteria are met. There is a 5:1 ratio of boys to girls, although this gap reduces with age. The condition, one of the most frequently diagnosed in clinical settings, is more often made in urban settings. Comor bi dit y and Di ffer en tial Diagno sis Consideration of any psychiatric disorder addresses other disorders with which it frequently co-occurs (comorbidity) and other conditions with which it should not be confused (differential diagnosis). For CD, there are a number of conditions that exist in both groups, including attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), depression, and learning disorders. Along with oppositional defiant disorder (ODD) and ADHD, CD is one of the “externalizing” disorders, so named because it is the behavior external to the patient, which is a problem. Each of these may cause unwanted or

“disruptive” behavior, but they differ in that in ADHD it is due to inattention, impulsivity, and/or hyperactivity, and in ODD it is due to oppositionality, defiance, and associated behaviors. CD and ODD are, by definition, mutually exclusive. There is ongoing controversy as to whether ODD is a forerunner of CD, but under DSM-IV they are constructs of different behaviors. ADHD and CD are not mutually exclusive, and their co-occurrence is not uncommon. Other commonly comorbid conditions include substance use disorders, learning disorders, and mood disorders (including depressive disorders or bipolar disorder). And there should be a consideration as to the role of any sort of brain injury or neurological pathology such as trauma or seizures in the production or violence, impulsivity, or poor judgment. Pro gno s i s The main question for the long term is whether the CD will lead to an antisocial personality disorder (APD); around 40% of those with CD develop APD. A good prognosis is predicted for mild CD in the absence of coexisting psychopathology and the presence of normal intellectual functioning. Cau s e s The causes of CD are unknown, but one usable perspective is that CD is a “final common pathway” of biological, social, or psychological influences. Risks that impact the condition include poor family functioning, family substance use, family psychiatric illness, and poor parenting. Maltreatment is a “highly specific risk factor” for CD. There are protective factors as well: high intelligence, easy temperament, good relatedness, areas of competence, and at least one positive adult in the child’s life. Although there is a great deal of information about the neurobiology of aggression and impulsivity, no specific neurological pathology makes the diagnosis of CD. There is good evidence that, like APD, CD has some genetic basis. Genetic factors, independent of familial influence, have been found to be much more important for transmission among boys than girls. CD is also associated with several psychosocial factors such as low socioeconomic level. Socioeconomically deprived children are at higher risk for the development of CD, as are those raised in urban environments. Unemployed parents, lack of a supportive social network, and lack of positive participation in community activities predict CD. The modeling provided by one’s parents affects the potential for CD. Parental divorce and harsh parenting have been seen as risks independent of parental externalizing or genetic liability. Children brought up in chaotic, negligent conditions often express poor emotional modulation of emotions, including anger, frustration, and sadness. Poor modeling of

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impulse control and the chronic lack of having their own needs met lead to a less well-developed sense of empathy. Tr e atm en t Clinical approaches to CD must be individualized and are best when they take into account, and ideally address, all of the child’s problems (as well as strengths). Approaches that “wrap around” the child’s life, such as multimodal systemic therapy (MST), are most effective. The pieces of MST, including family therapy, individual therapy, medication therapy, and others as needed, may be helpful as parts, but they are best when coordinated as a whole in a wraparound plan such as MST. Medications are used to treat for symptoms or signs that may accompany CD. These include antipsychotics (e.g., risperidone), mood stabilizers (e.g. valproate), or clonidine to help control aggressive and assaultive behaviors. Various selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors have been used to diminish impulsivity, irritability, and lability of mood. Some forms of treatment have been found to be deleterious, including programs such as “boot camps” or “scared straight” exposure to correctional facilities. Other studies have demonstrated the failures of low-intensity case management; psychoanalytically oriented group therapies have led to episodes of aggression or agitation during the sessions. Ultimately, prevention is essential: Identification of children who are at high risk may benefit from various private or public programs. Avram H. Mack see also: Aggression; Authority and Obedience; Bullying; Crime, Juvenile; Juvenile Delinquency; Mental Health Care; Mental Illness; Oppositional Defiant Disorder further reading: S. W. Henggeler and A. J. Sheidow, “Conduct Disorder and Delinquency,” Journal of Marital Family Therapy 29 (2003), pp. 505–22. • T. E. Moffitt, “Life-Course Persistent and Adolescence-Limited Antisocial Behavior: A 10-Year Research Review and a Research Agenda,” in B. Lahey, T. E. Moffitt, and A. Caspi, eds., The Causes of Conduct Disorder and Serious Juvenile Delinquency, 2003, pp. 49–75.

confucianism and taoism. Confucianism was founded by Confucius (551–479 BC) in ancient China. Confucius wanted to restore the feudal social order of the early Zhou dynasty by advocating an ethical system centered on the concept of benevolence (ren). His doctrine was enriched by Mencius (372–289 BC) and Shiun-tze (315–226 BC), who added the concepts of righteousness (yi) and propriety (li), respectively. Benevolence (ren) in the Confucian tradition is not kindness or goodness directed to all of humanity including strangers but is defined as favoring people with whom one has a close relationship, righteousness (yi) refers to respect for those whom respect is required by the relationship, and propriety (li) is defined as acting according to previously established rites or social norms. Confucians advocated five cardinal ethics for the five

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major dyadic relationships in Chinese society. The obligations that accompany the roles of each of these five relationships are fulfilled by practicing different core values: What are the things that humans consider righteous (yi)? Kindness on the part of the father, and filial duty of the son; gentleness on the part of the elder brother, and obedience of the younger; righteousness on the part of the husband, and submission by the wife; kindness on the part of the elders, and deference by juniors; benevolence on the part of the ruler, and loyalty of ministers. These are the ten things that humans consider being righteous. (Li Chi, Chapter 9: Li Yun)

This passage, which does not include a reference to relationships between friends, promotes the idea that social interaction should follow the principle of respecting the superior, particularly in interactions between parents and children and between a king and his loyal subordinates. When Confucians were contemplating the ontology of the universe, they did not conceive a transcendent creator as did the Christians. Instead, they recognized a simple fact that each individual’s life is a continuation of his or her parents’ physical lives and the lives of one’s descendants are the derivatives of one’s own. Therefore, Confucians proposed the core value of filial piety and advocated for the ideal of “kind father and filial son,” which was a prototype for arranging the relationship between “benevolent king and loyal minister.” A father should run a family like a feudal ruler reins a state. Parents are obligated to show their kindness by taking good care of their children, while children are expected to fulfill their filial duties by working hard to pursue goals that are highly valued by the whole society. Children in Confucian society are generally educated to value self-cultivation and to become upright by following rules of proper conduct (li) and working hard to strive for social performance from early childhood. Once a child attains a particular worthy goal such as passing an examination with a brilliant grade, winning an award, or acquiring a good job, all family members should share his glory with a feeling of “having face.” Conversely, if a child fails in striving for such a goal, other members of his family may suffer from a feeling of losing face for his failure. Assuming one’s proper role in life implies enduring the psychological burdens caused by social restraint, interpersonal confl ict, emotional disturbance, or frustration. As a direct opposition to Confucianism, Taoism advocates a life philosophy of emancipating oneself from the ethical bounds of this world by following the way of Nature and returning to the state of authentic self just like a newborn baby. Taoism was first proposed by Lao tze, who is thought to have been a librarian serving the kingdom of Zhou when it was in decline. His main work, Tao-de-jing, a work of 5,000 words, was left with a gatekeeper as Lao tze escaped the

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kingdom to become a hermit. Another famous contributor to Taoist philosophy, Zhuang tze, was a contemporary of Mencius and a gardener who lived in poverty. Tao is the way of Nature. De refers to morality or the Way to be followed by human beings. Lao tze’s Tao-de-jing suggests that all things are constituted by the yin and the yang that keep acting upon each other to maintain a state of equilibrium that is a manifestation of the dynamic force of qi ( ) or energy. Every element in every system in the universe is composed of the two opposing components, yin and yang. They are kept in balance by the operation of qi. During the period of the Han dynasty (206 BC–AD 220), the cosmology of Taoism was transformed into a philosophy about the polar opposition and combination of yin and yang as well as the Five Evolutionary Phases. All systems in the universe are said to be composed of Five Transformative Phases, namely, metal, wood, water, fire, and earth, which are metaphoric names for different parts of the system. The fundamental operating rule for any system in the world is supported to keep a state of balance and harmony between yin and yang within each of the Five Transformative Phases. Based on such philosophy, Taoists of China developed geomancy (or feng-shui), divination practices to predict the future, a system of Chinese medicine, and therapeutic techniques concerned with life, death, and so forth. The Taoist cosmology provides an interpretative system of meaning for Chinese to explain an individual’s misfortune in terms of one’s birth date (destiny), the specific arrangement of one’s forefathers’ graves or one’s own living place (geomancy), the ancestors (belief in soul), or the internal balance within one’s own body (concept of body). An individual may obtain instruction from a fortuneteller, a geomancer, a Taoist priest, or a Chinese medical doctor who has been trained with a specific doctrine of the Taoist tradition. However, in contrast to Western concepts of viewing knowledge as an objective system for an individual to recognize or to learn, Taoists are advocates of learning by doing or by bodily experiencing. Analects, a book of Confucian sayings recorded and collected by his disciples, has been used as material for teaching children for more than 1,000 years in China. But classics of Taoist doctrine have seldom been used as teaching material for children. Any youth who decides to learn a specific system of knowledge derived from Taoism has to formally become an apprentice to a master in a solemn ceremony, to follow instructions from the master step-by-step, to practice it in daily experience, and he may become a master himself after several years of practice. Otherwise, he can only consult a master at times when he encounters difficulty in life. Confucius is respected as the greatest sage and teacher of Chinese society. Since Buddhism was introduced to China during the East Han dynasty (AD 58–74), Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism have been coexisting as folk reli-

gions there. For instance, it is not unusual to find a statue of Confucius being worshipped in a Taoist temple. Although during the Cultural Revolution (1966–76) Red Guards denounced Confucian doctrine as a feudal ethical system for maintaining the hierarchical social order of traditional China, it still has a profound influence on East Asian societies, including China, Japan, Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Singapore. Kwang-kuo Hwang see also: Buddhism; Child: Religious and Philosophical Perspectives; Confucius; Religious Instruction further reading: J. J. M. De Groot, Religion in China: Universalism, a Key to the Study of Taoism and Confucianism, 1912. • M. Weber, The Religion of China: Confucianism and Taoism, 1964. • D. Bell and C. Ham, Confucianism for the Modern World, 2003.

confucius (b. 551 BC; d. 479 BC), the most respected educator in Chinese history. Confucius was born in the State of Lu (now Shandong province) during the tumultuous so-called Spring and Autumn Period (772–484 BC) in ancient China. His father, a midrank official, died when he was 3 years old. Confucius worked as a shepherd and as an accountant for a noble family. He was very interested in the rites and institutions that prevailed in a much earlier period of Chinese history during the Zhou dynasty (1122–256 BC) and devoted himself to study of the traditional culture of Zhou. During Confucius’s lifetime, feudal princes were frequently trying to usurp the throne. He hoped to restore social order by advocating a return to a morality of loyalty and the ethical system of filial piety. Confucius began his career as a public teacher at the age of 22. His fame gradually increased, and it is said that he attracted 72 disciples and more than 3,000 students, which earned him a good reputation and made him famous. In the year 517 BC, Duke Chao of Liu came into open quarrel with three hereditary ministerial families in the state, who were continually encroaching on the authority of their feudal ruler. Confucius fled into Chi, the state adjoining Lu, to avoid the prevailing disorder of his native state. After the rebellion was suppressed, he returned to the State of Lu and obtained a position in the government. He was forced to resign the post after three months as he failed to persuade the king to accept his suggestion to destroy three castles constructed by feudal princes without the permission of the king. In his old age, he toured with some of his disciples around various states hoping that his political advocacy might be accepted by other feudal kings. Confucius identified himself as an educator whose mandate was to rectify the world by teaching virtues. In attempting to restore the feudal social order of the early Zhou dynasty, he spent a lot of time researching and recording rites and music for ceremonies and other occasions express-

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ing one’s dedication to family, country, and state. He also edited poems and classics collected from various states, including Lu, Zhou, Sung, and Chi. He wrote a history of Lu entitled Spring and Autumn and annotated 10 supplements to the oracular text I-ching, which is thought to be the most ancient Chinese book of philosophy and cosmology. All of these were used as materials for teaching his students. Confucian doctrine represented an eclectic conglomeration of many ideas originating from ancient feudal Zhou culture. Confucius advocated the principles of favoring the intimate and respecting those who are superior. These were proposed as core values for ordinary people and were supposed to be helpful for a ruler to effectively reign over his state. Despite his ethical recommendations, the princes of the kingdom in this time struggled to consolidate their own power, and none of them adopted his principles or followed his lessons during the period of Warring Kingdom. After China was unified, most emperors soon realized the important function of Confucianism for maintenance of social order. His political and moral influence became so substantial that the Martial Emperor (157–87 BC) of the Han dynasty designated Confucian doctrine as the official orthodoxy for subordinates to learn. Confucian classics were the main content of civil-service examinations from AD 690 of the Tang dynasty (AD 618–904) until the exam was abolished in 1905. For more than 1,000 years, Analects, a collection of Confucian sayings, has been used as material for teaching probity to Chinese children in school in the expectation of educating them to become morally upright persons. For example, Confucius said: “A youth should be filial at home, respectful to his elders when going out. He should be earnest and trustful. He should overflow in love to all, and cultivate friendship with the good. When he has time and opportunity after performing all there things, he should employ himself in literary studies” (Analects, Book 1: Hsio R, chapter 6). Tze-Gong asked: “Is there one word which may serve as a rule of practice for all one’s life?” Confucius answered: “It must be Reciprocity. What you do not want done to yourself, do not do to others” (Analects, Book 15: Wei-ling Gong, chapter 23). Confucian theory was denounced as a feudal moral system by the Chinese communists during the Cultural Revolution (1966–76). Now it is recognized that Confucian doctrine has a profound influence on Chinese culture and society and is therefore a suitable topic of study for social science. Kwang-kuo Hwang see also: Child: Religious and Philosophical Perspectives; Confucianism and Taoism further reading: R. Wilhelm, Confucius and Confucianism, 2005.

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congenital anomalies and deformations. Congenital anomalies are structural defects present from birth, whether apparent then or not. They generally fall into one of four categories—malformation, disruption, deformation, and dysplasia/dystrophy—though some do not fall neatly into a single category. A primary anomaly in one category can produce secondary defects in one or more categories, known collectively as a sequence. This article covers select examples of defects in each category, with an emphasis on common anomalies. M al fo r m atio n s Malformations are primary defects in physical development that may be isolated or be part of a multiple congenital anomaly syndrome. Isolated primary defects usually have a multifactorial etiology: one or more genes interacting with presumed or known environmental factors. Isolated malformations include cardiac defects, craniofacial anomalies (e.g., cleft lip, cleft palate, microtia or underdeveloped ears), genitourinary malformations (e.g., horseshoe kidney, multicystic dysplastic kidney, hydronephrosis, hypospadias, cryptorchidism), digestive system anomalies (e.g., esophageal atresia, duodenal atresia, pyloric stenosis, imperforate anus, gastroschisis), limb defects (e.g., absent radius, syndactyly, polydactyly, clubfoot), and central nervous system anomalies (e.g., hydrocephaly, holoprosencephaly, septooptic dysplasia, neural tube defects). Cleft Lip. Cleft lip is due to failure of the medial nasal embryonic tissue to fuse with upper jaw tissue at 35 days after conception. Cleft lip occurs in approximately 1 in every 1,000 Caucasian births; prevalence is lower in those of African ancestry, higher in Asians, and higher in males. Half of clefts are left-sided, 25% occur on the right, and 25% are bilateral. Failure of lip fusion may impede fusion of the palate, which should occur at nine weeks following conception. When the palate is also cleft, chronic otitis media (middle ear inflammation), conductive hearing loss, and speech and swallowing disorders can result. Maternal smoking and high maternal homocysteine level are risk factors for cleft lip. Studies on folic acid’s ability to prevent cleft lip have been inconclusive. Treatment consists of surgery to repair the lip (and palate), special feeding practices if needed, correction of nasal deformity, bone grafting if the gum ridge or hard palate is cleft, middle ear ventilation, orthodontia, speech therapy, and psychological support as needed. Cleft lip is part of a syndrome, or a multifaceted malformation condition, in 10% to 30% of cases. More than 300 malformation syndromes have associated cleft lip. Nonsyndromic cleft lip carries an excellent prognosis when coordinated care is provided.

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Cardiac Anomalies. One child in 125 is born with an anomaly of the heart or great vessels. By far, ventricular septal defect is the most common congenital heart anomaly, accounting for approximately one-third of all congenital heart defects. Other common defects are patent ductus arteriosus, atrial septal defect, atrioventricular canal defect, pulmonary stenosis, coarctation of the aorta, tetralogy of Fallot, transposition of the great vessels, hypoplastic left heart syndrome, and aortic stenosis. While some defects can be diagnosed prenatally, the majority are diagnosed based on detection of a heart murmur in the infant. Some teratogens that increase the risk for congenital heart defects are alcohol, retinoic acid, and lithium. Maternal diabetes and certain prenatal infections also carry a risk of these malformations. The BaltimoreWashington Infant Study Group found some racial and socioeconomic differences in the prevalence of specific cardiac malformations (increased prevalence of Ebstein’s anomaly, aortic stenosis, and aortic coarctation in whites; increased prevalence of pulmonary stenosis and heterotaxy in blacks; increased prevalence of aortic stenosis with increasing socioeconomic status). Recurrence of most defects is 1% to 3%, but left-sided flow-related defects have a higher recurrence risk. Outcome depends upon the type of cardiac defect and whether there is an underlying syndrome (3% to 4%) or associated anomalies (up to 30%). Hydrocephaly. Hydrocephaly results when there is impairment of cerebrospinal fluid reabsorption resulting in a large head due to fluid accumulation inside and around the brain. The diagnosis is suspected on physical examination when the head circumference is large and there is evidence of increased intracranial pressure (e.g., split skull sutures, bulging fontanel). Imaging confirms the clinical suspicion and can identify other central nervous system abnormalities that might be present. Congenital hydrocephaly occurs in approximately 1 in every 1,000 live births. No sex or racial predilections are reported. Risk factors include prenatal infection and (probably) maternal diabetes. The recurrence risk for congenital hydrocephaly alone is 1% to 2%. However, other congenital anomalies (cardiac defects, oral clefts) are associated in 70% to 80%. Outcome is variable depending on the underlying cause and on what other anomalies are present. Clubfoot. Clubfoot includes any alteration in the position of the foot that is not due to position alone. The most common variation is talipes equinovarus, where the foot points down and inward. The incidence of clubfoot may be as high as 1 in every 300 births if it is secondary to an underlying disorder (neuromuscular, spina bifida, chromosomal). For isolated, idiopathic clubfoot, the incidence is 1 per 1,000 births, with twice as many boys as girls affected. No racial or ethnic predilections have been noted.

Traditionally, clubfoot treatment has involved a combination of casting and surgery. Traditional casting methods have success rates of less than 60%, and tendon transfer surgeries are employed for those who fail casting. Newer techniques may improve nonoperative success. Generally outcome is good, although corrected adults report sore feet. Recurrence risk of nonsyndromic clubfoot is 2%. Neural Tube Defects. Neural tube defects (NTDs) are due to failure of the neural folds to fuse between three and four weeks after conception. This failure can occur anywhere along the neural axis (brain to tip of the spinal cord) and can result in anencephaly, encephalocele, or spina bifida/meningomyelocele. NTDs can be isolated or a feature of a malformation syndrome. For isolated NTDs, sibling recurrence risk is 2% to 3%. Risk can be reduced by daily consumption of folic acid. Prenatal diagnosis is aided by measuring serum alpha-fetoprotein and ultrasound, which together detect more than 95% of NTDs prior to birth. The incidence of NTDs in the United States is 1 in every 1,000 live births. Worldwide, this varies widely; socioeconomic, nutritional, and genetic factors probably account for this variation. The highest incidence of NTDs is in northern China. Those of Celtic origin have a higher rate of spina bifida, and those of African and Asian ancestry have lower rates overall. Females outnumber males. There has been a worldwide decline in living newborns with NTDs in the last 30 years, probably due to a combination of increased prenatal detection followed by pregnancy termination and public health service intervention including fortification of grains with folic acid and recommendation of folic acid consumption by all women of reproductive age. Maternal diabetes and some antiseizure medicines are also risk factors for NTDs. At least 85% of children with spina bifida have urinary incontinence, although bowel control can usually be managed. The care of most patients is managed by a multidisciplinary team of orthopedic, urological, neurosurgical, and rehabilitation specialists. Anencephaly (failure of all upper brain development) is uniformly fatal, though not necessarily immediately so, and it may be part of a genetic syndrome with other anomalies. Encephalocele, an abnormal brain development in one or more areas, carries a variable prognosis, depending on the location, amount of extruded brain tissue, and other abnormalities of brain development. Forty percent of children with spina bifida will require special education. Cognitive outcome depends on presence of hydrocephalus, associated brain abnormalities, and occurrence of central nervous system infection posttreatment. Cesarean delivery is usually recommended after prenatal diagnosis. Fetal surgery to cover the defect spinal or brain defect offers the possibility of improved outcome

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by preventing secondary damage to the neural tissue exposed to amniotic fluid and perhaps a lowered incidence of hydrocephalus. M alfo r m at ion S y n d rom es Malformation syndromes, which represent a cluster of more than one abnormality, can be caused by chromosomal errors (Down syndrome, Turner syndrome, Klinefelter syndrome), single gene defects (fragile X syndrome), teratogenic exposures, or unknown causes. Down Syndrome. Described by J. Langdon H. Down in 1866, Down syndrome occurs in approximately 1 in every 800 live births. It is easily recognized and the most common chromosomal syndrome producing intellectual disability. The features are low muscle tone; small, upslanting eyes with inner eye skin folds; flat midface; flat occiput; small ears; tongue thrusting; excess skin at the back of the neck; single transverse palmar crease; short incurved fifth fingers; and widely spaced first and second toes. The facial features are similar across all ethnic groups; similarity to the facial profile of Asians or Pacific Islanders can make diagnosis more difficult in these groups. The term mongolism refers to the similarity in facial features of people with Down syndrome to those coming from Mongolia. Down considered this group an inferior race, so “mongolism” has a racist and pejorative connotation and is no longer used. The majority (more than 95%) of individuals with Down syndrome have an additional 21st chromosome in all cells (trisomy 21). This genetic accident occurs with increased frequency as maternal age advances. Approximately 2% to 3% of cases are due to translocation of chromosome 21 material onto another chromosome; these cases require parental chromosome studies to determine recurrence risk. A small percentage of cases are individuals with a mosaic profile; that is, they have both normal cells and trisomy 21 cells. Although on average these individuals perform at a higher level than nonmosaic patients, karyotype cannot be used to predict performance on an individual level. Prenatal diagnosis of this disorder and other chromosomal abnormalities is made by genetic analysis of a specimen acquired by amniocentesis (drawing a sample of amniotic fluid around the fetus) or chorionic villus (placental tissue sampling). Screening using maternal serum in the second trimester detects 60% to 75% of Down syndrome cases. Ultrasound measurement of the posterior neck skin fold in combination with serum studies in the first trimester detects 90% of Down syndrome cases. Postnatal diagnosis is usually made with clinical examination. Prognosis is for moderate intellectual disability (IQ 40– 55). Muscle tone improves with age and physical therapy. Twenty-five to 40% of individuals will have a cardiac defect; other major congenital anomalies occur in 1% or less and include gastrointestinal maldevelopment, annular pan-

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creas, cataracts, Hirschsprung disease, polydactyly, limb deficiency, cleft palate, and cleft lip/palate. Leukemia occurs in 1%; there is increased sensitivity to chemotherapeutic agents. Instability of the top two spine bones in the neck can be demonstrated radiographically in approximately 15% of individuals, but symptomatic spinal cord compression resulting from this is rare and usually occurs before age 10. Vision problems (myopia, strabismus, nystagmus, cataract) and auditory impairment are additional concerns. Individuals with Down syndrome require lifelong surveillance for thyroid disorders, diabetes, malignancies, and premature aging. Moderate short stature and delayed sexual development are common. Fertility is usually normal in females; males are infertile. Turner Syndrome. Turner syndrome is due to the absence of a second X chromosome. Most individuals have a 45,X karyotype, but individuals with mosaicism (45,X/46,XX and 45,X/46,XY) and individuals with a structurally abnormal second X chromosome can have a similar phenotype (appearance). The original description by H. H. Turner in 1938 was seven females with short stature, webbed neck, increased carrying angle at the elbows, and sexual infantilism. 45,X is thought to be the most common chromosomal abnormality at conception, but because of extreme fetal loss (more than 99%), only 1 in 2,500 females is born with Turner syndrome. Prenatal lymphedema, blockage of lymph drainage, accounts for many of the features of Turner syndrome, including protruding ears, broad or webbed neck, low posterior scalp hairline, widely spaced nipples, and abnormal nails. Edema can persist postnatally in the hands and feet, gradually resolving. Cardiac defects occur in 20% of cases. Kidney anomalies are common but are usually not functionally important. There is an increased incidence of hypertension and thyroid dysfunction. Due to abnormal ovarian development, most girls with Turner syndrome fail to achieve secondary sexual characteristics. A minority will show evidence of estrogen production in adolescence, but it is usually inadequate and transient. The appropriate time to begin estrogen replacement therapy in adolescence depends on psychological maturity. Fertility has been reported in a few individuals with mosaic karyotypes, but infertility is the rule. Women with Turner syndrome have successfully borne children conceived via in vitro techniques. Intelligence is normal, but there are specific learning disabilities in visual-spatial processing that can make some school subjects challenging. Short stature can be treated with growth hormone. Klinefelter Syndrome. Described by H. F. Klinefelter and his colleagues in 1942, Klinefelter syndrome occurs in 1 in 500 males. Most affected newborn males look normal but may have genital abnormalities. In childhood, these boys are

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generally tall with slender builds and long limbs. Many experience delayed expressive language and speech problems. IQ is 10 to 15 points below that of siblings. Immature, shy, and insecure behavior often poses more difficulty than the cognitive impairment. Testicles remain small during childhood and adolescence. Many boys will enter puberty but will have inadequate testosterone production for complete virilization. Breast enlargement and a tendency toward obesity are prevented by testosterone administration, which sometimes improves behavior. Klinefelter syndrome is one of the most common causes of male infertility. Although nearly all men with Klinefelter syndrome are infertile, assisted reproductive techniques have allowed some to father children. Fragile X Syndrome. Fragile X is a notable single-gene disorder. Other examples (not discussed in this article) include neurofibromatosis, tuberous sclerosis, and Marfan and Noonan syndromes. J. P. Martin and J. Bell described an X-linked mental retardation syndrome that later became known as fragile X syndrome due to the “broken” appearance of the X chromosome in cell culture. This defect affects approximately 1 in 4,000 males and 1 in 6,000 females. Children with fragile X syndrome have delayed expressive language and usually global developmental delays. Boys with fragile X syndrome may appear physically normal in infancy and early childhood but develop a characteristic appearance in older childhood, with large ears, prominent lower jaw, and long face. Macroorchidism (large testes) develops with puberty. Many have an autistic behavioral profile or autistic-like behaviors. Performance in males with full mutations ranges from mild impairment to severe intellectual disability. Girls with full mutations have normal physical appearance, and 60% will have cognitive impairment. Fragile X syndrome is due to a mutation in the FMR1 gene on the X chromosome. A repeating CGG trinucleotide, which is found in 6 to 55 copies in the normal population, is expanded to more than 200 copies (full mutation) in affected individuals. Individuals with 60 to 200 repeats are premutation carriers and are usually asymptomatic in childhood but can have neurological and behavioral symptoms in adulthood. Early ovarian failure and a Parkinsonian-like dementia are seen in female and male carriers, respectively. Premutations are prone to expansion to full mutations when transmitted from the mother. Teratogens. Teratogens are environmental agents capable of producing human malformation. Human teratogens include thalidomide, warfarin, aminopterin, methotrexate, retinoids, anticonvulsants, lithium, and alcohol. These may cause structural or functional abnormalities due to their influence on fetal development. The type, dose, and timing of

exposure during prenatal life, as well as other maternal and fetal factors, determine what abnormalities result. The best-known retinoid (synthetic derivative of vitamin A), isotretinoin, is used to treat severe cystic acne. When used during a critical period of embryo formation, it can produce a pattern of mental and physical defects in the fetus known as isotretinoin embryopathy. Abnormalities include growth delays both before and after birth, heart and brain defects, and abnormalities in the formation of the ears, face, and skull. The severity of the mental and physical impairments is variable. Disruptions A disruption occurs when the normally developing fetus is subject to a destructive extrinsic process—such as a vascular accident, an intrauterine infection, or a mechanical force—that damages or distorts existing structures or destroys the developmental process. An example of a disruption is the amnion rupture sequence, which occurs when the early rupture of the amnion (the innermost membrane of the fetal sac) disrupts normal organ development by attachment of sheets or strands of amnion to developing fetal structures. Chronic leakage of amniotic fluid can produce deformations. Bands of amnion may disrupt facial development (causing atypical clefts), cranial development (causing anencephaly-like defects), abdominal wall development, or limb development. Fetal entanglement in strands of amnion can produce constriction rings or amputation of digits or limbs. Examination of the placenta shows evidence of this intrauterine process. A minimum prevalence of 1 in 2,000 live births is estimated; the occurrence is undoubtedly much higher in miscarried pregnancies. Usually no traumatic event can be identified as the cause. Plastic surgical approaches may be needed. D efo r m atio n s Deformations are alterations of normally developed structures that arise due to mechanical pressure. Deformations may resolve once the mechanical force is relieved if the tissues are still malleable. Examples of deformations include clubbed feet, torticollis (head tilting due to neck muscle shortening), oligohydramnios sequence, and the cranial deformations intentionally produced postnatally with boards or other apparatuses in some cultures. In the oligohydramnios sequence, for example, the lack of amniotic fluid, whether by insufficient production or loss, creates deformations by direct pressure of the uterus on the fetus. Loose skin, large ears, nasal compression, clubbed feet, and cryptorchidism are the main results. Prognosis is poor when there is complete lack of amniotic fluid, because lung development is insufficient to support life. Recurrence risk depends on the cause of the oligohydramnios; amnion rupture has a negligible recurrence risk. Renal abnormali-

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ties in the fetus can be the source of reduced amniotic fluid, and these recur in 10%. Dysp l asias/ Dyst rop h i es Many different muscular dystrophies and skeletal dysplasias (generalized atypical bone development) can produce an evolving pattern of malformation. The most common of these are achondroplasia, Duchenne muscular dystrophy, and myotonic dystrophy. The most common of all short-limbed dwarfing conditions, achondroplasia, occurs in 1 in 10,000 children. Achondroplasia is readily recognized by limb shortening, which is maximal in the proximal segments; shortening of the trunk, which is less severe than shortening of the extremities, producing disproportion; and large head with forehead prominence and midface hypoplasia. Achondroplasia is often not recognized immediately, but slow growth and atypical proportions usually lead to diagnosis in early infancy. Diagnosis is secured radiographically by specific spine and pelvis abnormalities. Accentuated lumbar lordosis and waddling gait are characteristic. Fluid retention in the middle ear can result in impaired hearing, delayed emergence of language, and disordered speech. The opening for the spine at the base of the skull is smaller than normal and can lead to the development of hydrocephalus or spinal cord compression, which can present with severe hypotonia or low muscle tone, sleep apnea, or sudden death in infancy. Adult complications include progressive spinal disorders and obesity. Intelligence is normal. Adult height is approximately 4 feet. Achondroplasia is caused by fibroblast growth factor receptor 3 gene mutations. Eighty percent of cases are the result of new mutations, and 20% are inherited from a parent with achondroplasia. With some adaptations to the environment, full independence is the rule. Limb-lengthening procedures have been undertaken in a minority. A strong support network of “little people” provides mutual support and advocacy. Lynne M. Bird see also: Embryology and Fetal Development; Fetal Alcohol Spectrum Disorders; Genetics; Heart Disorders and Diseases further reading: John M. Graham Jr., Smith’s Recognizable Patterns of Human Deformation, 2nd ed., 1988. • Kenneth Lyons Jones, Smith’s Recognizable Patterns of Human Malformation, 6th edition, 2006. • Roger E. Stevenson and Judith G. Hall, Human Malformations and Related Anomalies, 2nd ed., 2006.

consumers, children as. Since the early 20th century, merchants, advertisers, and marketers have conceptualized, addressed, and treated children as consumers in varying degrees and intensities. Prior to the 1910s, industries specializing in manufacturing children’s goods were sparse, as most were made as a sideline to other products.

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Retail stores did not cater to children as customers to any significant degree, aside from candy counters or a single toy shelf in a dry goods store. By the 1920s, industries had arisen that produced specially made and designed products for children, such as toys, clothing, furniture, and nursery ware. Throughout the 1920s and 1930s, children’s goods in department stores steadily acquired their own spaces decorated with child-oriented iconography and staffed by personnel who specialized in selling to children and their mothers. Many stores eventually dedicated entire floors to juvenile merchandise. More than simply housing children’s goods, the overall layout, the height of the fixtures and mirrors, and the color schemes of these departments and floors were designed to appeal to the child’s point of view, rather than that of the mother. In the same period, media began to address children and youth as an audience. Advertisements appeared in children’s magazines for BB guns, toys, clothing, and breakfast cereals. Beginning in the late 1920s, children’s radio shows regularly occupied the airwaves. Radio and magazine companies cultivated child audiences through club memberships that were often tied to product purchases like breakfast cereals. Child film stars like Shirley Temple and animated characters like Mickey Mouse increased their appeal and reach through product endorsements and licensed merchandise such as watches, dolls, and dresses. The early efforts to speak to the child’s perspective through specialized commercial goods, spaces, and media helped institutionalize a children’s consumer culture by recognizing children as consumers who have their own desires and preferences. In the ensuing decades, garnering and appeasing the child’s view became inseparable components of children’s marketing, merchandising, and advertising. The rise of an adolescent youth culture in the 1950s and beyond, for instance, depended in large part on music and clothing that displayed a recognizable “youth” identity over and against anything that might be seen tainted as “adult.” In the late 1980s, the cross-promotion of “kid brands” between films, food, clothing, television, toys, and video games continued to mark out an increasingly specific sphere of children’s goods and media. Children need not personally purchase items in order to be considered, and to consider themselves, consumers. Cultivating children’s desires invariably involves parents, especially mothers, who figure directly into the identities and practices of children as consumers. Advertisers and merchandisers have long recognized that mothers act as arbiters of children’s purchases by wielding the veto power of the purse. Marketers also understand that mothers wish to please their children while at the same time ensuring their health and development. Virtually all commercial messages regarding children— from advertisements to commercials to packaging to film

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and television shows—encode a “dual appeal,” addressing the child’s enjoyment and the mother’s concerns and wishes. Marketers realize that the emotional value of children to their parents can be used as a bulwark against parental resistance when children’s desires gain a foothold in family consumer decision making. Children in this way can serve as an effective proxy sales force for a company or brand when they nag or beg their parents for things they want. James McNeal, a pioneer of research on children as consumers, estimates that children and teens spend out of pocket more than $200 billion annually on things for themselves. They are, in addition, thought to influence parental purchases of such things as the family vacation destination, the family vehicle(s), and dining out locations from anywhere between $130 billion and $500 billion annually. Criticism and controversy have always accompanied efforts to address children as consumers, but it was not until the late 1960s that children’s consumption and media drew the attention of social activists and academic researchers. The issues that have preoccupied activists and academics center on questions of children’s knowledge and ability to process information, about the age at which a child can understand the distinction between a program and a commercial, and when children can understand the selling intent of a commercial. In 1968, a group of Massachusetts housewives and mothers concerned about the quality of children’s television founded Action for Children’s Television (ACT), a child advocacy group. ACT addressed both the programming content of children’s television and larger concerns about advertising and the commercialization of children’s television entertainment. In 1974, the advertising industry, under pressure from ACT and other groups, set up the Children’s Advertising Review Unit (CARU) of the Better Business Bureau as a way for the industry to regulate itself and avoid government intervention. The controversy over children’s television continued to rage throughout the 1980s and culminated in the Children’s Television Act of 1990, which set a few limits on the amount of advertising that could be aired during a “children’s” program and called for more educational programming for children. Critics have been unsatisfied with the bill, which then U.S. President George H. W. Bush refused to sign, seeing it as a compromise that did little to stop the incursion of market interests into children’s lives through television. Many in the media and advertising industries have counterargued that children are much more knowledgeable and savvy about commercials and program content than parents and regulators give them credit, and that market forces, like children’s and parents’ desires, should determine programs and advertisements, not government regulation. Other controversies related to children and their consumer activities include the violent and sexual content of television, film, and video games. Researchers have linked

the viewing of violent media content with subsequent violent or aggressive behavior, but the research has failed to have a significant effect on public policy or commercial sales. Parents and watchdog groups also have voiced concerns about what they see as the increasing sexualization of young girls through provocative clothing styles and the use of cosmetics, all of which they claim are encouraged by unfavorable images of girls through media and toys, such as Barbie, the famous doll made and owned by the Mattel Corporation. Since 2000, there have been growing concerns about whether increasing childhood obesity in the United States is linked to the marketing of children’s food and the cross-promotions between food, television, film, and toy companies. More generally, academic social critics like sociologist Juliet Schor argue that it is the overall materialistic values promoted by advertisers and marketers that have a negative effect on children’s self-image, their physical health, and their relationship to peers and family. The felt need for teens and tweens to “have it all” has spurred a good deal of public discussion regarding the increasingly central role of commerce and advertising in the lives of young people. Images of conspicuously consuming youth continue to circulate in public media that often belie the fact that many families in difficult economic circumstances are too poor to provide for their children’s basic needs, let alone to be in a position to purchase things to help them maintain social standing among their peers. Children’s commercial involvement tends to vary in intensity and in the particular practices actually engaged in across socioeconomic, racial, and ethnic groups but remains a ubiquitous presence exerting subtle pressure in nearly every corner of a child’s life. The pressure to help their children “fit in” at school by having certain brands of clothing or electronic devices can prove to be too much for single mothers struggling to make ends meet. In the context of an ever-present and growing consumer and media culture, denying children access to certain goods can have the effect of limiting their participation in a social world increasingly defined by branded possessions. No longer confined to the Anglo nations of North America, Europe, and Australia, the phenomenon of a children’s consumer market and culture can be found in numerous countries across the globe in the early 21st century. Enabled by the spread and adoption of electronic media and a favorable climate for global corporate investment, markets for children’s goods arise and exist wherever a moneyed middle class claims a presence, such as in Israel, Dubai, Cairo, in parts of Beijing and Shanghai, Mumbai, Delhi, Bangalore, and in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo. In these places, goods and media like Barbie dolls, the Sesame Street show, and McDonald’s Happy Meals as well as locally made products are available to children and families who want them and can afford them. Daniel Thomas Cook

c o n t r a c e p t io n see also: Advertising; Marketplace, Children and the; Media, Children and the; Popular Culture further reading: James U. McNeal, The Kids’ Market: Myths and Realities, 1999. • Elizabeth Chin, Purchasing Power: Black Kids and American Consumer Culture, 2001. • Daniel Thomas Cook, The Commodification of Childhood: The Children’s Clothing Industry and the Rise of the Child as Consumer, 2004. • Gary Cross, The Cute and the Cool: Wondrous Innocence and Modern American Children’s Culture, 2004. • Juliet B. Schor, Born to Buy: The Commercialized Child and the New Consumer Culture, 2004.

contraception. Practices of and attitudes toward contraception continue to be a topic of public and private concern because of their association with pregnancy, childbearing, and the contraction of sexually transmitted diseases (STDs). In the United States, rates of having an unintended pregnancy and acquiring an STD are more elevated among adolescents than older age groups in the population. Furthermore, U.S. adolescents have higher unintended pregnancy and STD rates than adolescents in other developed countries. These patterns have led scholars, policy makers, and practitioners to ask several questions. What, exactly, are the patterns of adolescent contraception in the United States, and how have they changed over time? What explains variation in adolescent contraception across different societies and within them? Finally, what are the consequences of contraceptive beliefs and practices during adolescence? The term contraception refers to a variety of practices used to prevent a conception. The different contraceptive practices fall into four general categories that represent the means by which they prevent a conception: barrier methods (e.g., condom and diaphragm), chemical methods (e.g., the pill and emergency contraceptive pills), natural methods (e.g., withdrawal or fertility awareness), and surgical methods (e.g., vasectomy and tubal ligation). Contraceptive methods can also be categorized according to whether they involve a male (e.g., condom), female (e.g., pill), or couple (e.g., abstinence). Generally speaking, hormonal and surgical methods are found to be most effective in preventing conception and natural methods the least effective (with the exception of abstinence). Practices of contraception have been measured in a variety of ways. Surveys concerning practices typically ask respondents about their contraceptive use at first sex or most recent sex, assuming that use during these particular events is easier to recall. As an indicator of consistency, they ask about the frequency of use over an interval of time (e.g., the last 12 months or last month). Additionally, they ask respondents about their use of different types of contraception since methods differ considerably in their effectiveness in preventing pregnancy. To obtain information on attitudes toward contraception, some surveys ask adolescents about their agreement with statements such as “birth control is too much of a hassle to use” or “using birth control

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is morally wrong.” Many surveys addressing contraception practices and beliefs include several questions on condom use due to its additional role in preventing the contraction of STDs. Data from the National Survey of Family Growth, a periodic survey on topics related to families, fertility, and health, allow researchers to document recent patterns of contraceptive use for men and women ages 15 to 44 and to track use among women of this age group at different points in historical time. Results from the 2002 survey reveal that among never-married women ages 15 to 19 who had ever had vaginal intercourse, 22.0% of non-Hispanic whites, 28.8% of non-Hispanic blacks, and 28.6% of Hispanics failed to use any contraception at first intercourse. Among sexually experienced men ages 15 to 19 who were never married in 2002, 14.6% of non-Hispanic whites, 13.9% of nonHispanic blacks, and 27.3% of Hispanics reported that they were unprotected during first intercourse. Considering the method of use, 67.5% of women used a condom, 16.6% used the pill, and 13.8% used a dual method (i.e., a condom and a hormonal method together); 71.1% of the men used a condom, 15.1% used the pill, and 10.6% used a dual method. Among the subset of youth who reported having sexual intercourse in the three months prior to the interview, contraceptive use was much higher. For instance, while 75.2% of never-married women ages 15 to 19 used contraception at first intercourse, 83.2% of the sexually active women in this group used contraception at most recent intercourse. Fewer than half of the never-married teens who had sex in the past month reported that they consistently (i.e., always) used a condom. While teens generally displayed favorable attitudes toward condom use, only a minority of them (14.9% of the men and 3.0% of the women) reported “no chance” that a condom would reduce physical pleasure. Contraceptive use among U.S. adolescents is associated with factors at the individual, couple, and community level. While youth are more likely to use contraception during first sex if they are older at the time, they are less likely to protect themselves if their partner is older than they are. Adolescents with higher levels of parental education, self-esteem, cognitive ability, and academic achievement/orientation report greater contraceptive use. In contrast, youth who report more “self-silencing,” anxiety about sex, sex guilt, sex partners, negative contraceptive views, and ambivalent attitudes about pregnancy report less contraceptive use. Couples who communicate more about sex in general and contraception in particular report greater contraceptive use. Couples are more likely to use contraception if they wait longer before having sex or if they are serious (e.g., romantic or going steady), as opposed to casual (e.g., just friends or acquaintances). These patterns partly reflect the fact that couples in longer and more committed relationships are more likely to discuss contraception before having sex for the first time. There is

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also evidence that adolescent contraceptive use increases as the number of family planning clinics in a community increases, and it decreases as the economic status of a community decreases. The association between contraception and factors such as academic achievement and economic disadvantage is thought to reflect the motivation of youth to avoid a pregnancy. Adolescents who lack conventional means to attain adult status (i.e., a career or marriage) view unwed parenthood as less costly and perhaps even rewarding. Still, social psychological factors (e.g., self-silencing) and dyadic factors (e.g., limited bargaining power) may limit the ability of adolescents to use contraception even if they are motivated to avoid a pregnancy. Some studies suggest that factors that lead individuals to delay sexual activity also decrease their chances of using contraception when they do begin having sex. To offer a few examples, adolescents who are fundamentalist Protestant or who have taken a pledge of virginity begin having sex at a later age than their counterparts, but they are less likely to use contraception at first sex. Presumably, the joint determination of contraceptive use and sexual activity in adolescence reflects the fact that sex education programs and public discourse tend to promote either safe sex or abstinence. Studies following youth over time find that adolescents who use contraception during first sexual intercourse are more likely to use contraception during subsequent intercourse events, even after taking into account characteristics that predispose them toward risky behavior. This suggests that contraceptive use is “habit forming.” Girls who use contraception are considerably less likely to become pregnant, especially if they use contraception consistently. Contraceptive use among men and women ages 15 to 19 increased considerably between 1995 and 2002 and is said to explain much of the decline in pregnancy rates during this period. In spite of this increase in contraceptive use, U.S. teens continue to use contraception (including more effective hormonal methods) less than their counterparts in other developed countries. Presumably, the lower use of contraception among teens in the United States is due to more negative discourse about teen sex, more restricted access to affordable health services, less positive attitudes toward contraception, and less motivation to avoid pregnancy. Levels of unmet need for contraception are even higher in developing countries due to several factors, including misconceptions of pregnancy risk, limited knowledge about contraception, restricted access to family planning services, and concerns about the inconvenience or health consequences of specific contraceptive methods. Kara Joyner see also: Abortion; Childbearing, Adolescent; Health and Sex Education; Sexual Development; Sexually Transmitted Diseases

further reading: John R. Weeks, Population: An Introduction to Concepts and Issues, 2005. • Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Center for Health Statistics, National Vital Statistics System, http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/nvss.htm • Child Trends, http://www.childtrends.org • Guttmacher Institute, http://www .guttmacher.org

contract, children’s right to. see Property and Contract, Children’s Rights to

corporal punishment. Corporal punishment is the use of physical force with the intention of causing a child to experience pain, but not injury, for the purpose of correction or control of the child’s behavior. Examples include slapping a child’s hand or buttocks (called “spanking” in the United States and “smacking” in the United Kingdom), squeezing a child’s arm, and hitting the child on the buttocks with a belt or paddle. Provided the child is not physically injured in a way that leaves lasting marks or bruises, parental use of corporal punishment is legal in every state in the United States and until recently was legal in all other countries. Studies in the United States and England have found that more than a third of parents infl ict corporal punishment on infants at least once and more than 90% of parents spank toddlers. From age 6 onward, the rate decreases rapidly, but a 1995 U.S. national survey found that a third of parents of 13-year-old children were still using physical force to control the children’s behavior. Until recently, corporal punishment by teachers was equally prevalent. In 1979, all but 4 of the 50 United States, and almost all other countries, permitted teachers to hit children. Since then, there has been a worldwide movement to end corporal punishment in the schools. In the United States, about half the states now prohibit corporal punishment by teachers, and most of the large cities in the remaining half have prohibited the practice even though it is permitted by state law. The modern movement to end parental use of corporal punishment began in 1979 with a Swedish antispanking law and has since spread to 13 other countries. The educational effort to implement these laws has varied. Sweden has done the most to inform children and parents that corporal punishment is not permitted, although some Swedish parents continue to spank. The commission charged with implementing the United Nations charter on children’s rights has ruled that corporal punishment by parents as well as teachers is a violation of the charter. The European Union also requires its member states to end corporal punishment of children. Although the movement to end corporal punishment is strong and worldwide, it is not without controversy. Most parents in the United States and most other countries believe that corporal punishment is an essential tool when

c o r p o r a l p u n is h m e n t

other methods of correction and control fail. Fundamentalist Christians believe they have a religious obligation to follow the Old Testament injunctions to use the “rod” to correct misbehavior, although liberal Christians believe “rod” refers to the staff used by shepherds to guide the flock. Psychologists and pediatricians have generally avoided taking a stand on corporal punishment. After years of controversy, in 1998 the American Academy of Pediatrics passed guidelines that advised avoiding the practice but did not include spanking in the list of corporal punishments that “are unacceptable” and “should never be used.” However, a small but growing minority of professionals explicitly tell parents to never spank. Short- and Long-Ter m Effects One of the reasons parent educators, pediatricians, and psychologists are starting to be more vocal in opposing corporal punishment is the publication of more definitive research showing two key points. First, although corporal punishment “works,” it does not work any better than other methods of correction and control. Second, corporal punishment has harmful side effects that other methods do not, such as an increased probability of physically aggressive behavior by the child, a reduction in the child-to-parent bond, and depression. Given these harmful side effects, standard medical practice requires advising parents to switch from corporal punishment to practices that have the same effectiveness but not the harmful side effects. This is a difficult message for parents and professionals working with parents to accept because the belief that corporal punishment works when other methods do not is so firmly embedded in most cultures. It is also hard to accept because it seems to be contradicted by the day-to-day experience of parents who have told a child “no,” reasoned or explained, or used time-out, only to have the child repeat the misbehavior. What parents and professionals advising parents do not take into account is that when the behavior of a 2-year-old is corrected by any method, including spanking, 50% will repeat the misbehavior within two hours and 80% in the same day. This is because, although 2-year-olds can understand what is expected, they do not have sufficient control over their behavior to act consistently on that knowledge. An important difference between spanking and other noncorporal modes of correction is that parents who spank are typically prepared to repeat spanking until the child ceases the misbehavior. But when parents use noncorporal discipline and the child repeats the misbehavior, they are likely to turn to corporal punishment out of frustration or confusion because other methods seem to have failed. Parents who spank and repeat the spanking until the child learns are actually doing the right thing, but with the wrong method. If parents learned to be persistent with noncor-

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poral methods, they would likely achieve the desired results without putting their children at risk of harmful side effects. Tr en d s There is data on trends in corporal punishment by parents for only a few countries, but in every case it reveals substantial decreases. Perhaps the most dramatic example is Sweden. A study of all children born in a district of Stockholm in 1955 found that at age 3, 94% of the parents were using corporal punishment, and a third of them did it at least daily. By 1994, the percentage of parents who spank had dropped to 31%. The most complete data is for the United States. The trends here are more mixed. About two-thirds of a national sample of parents of 13-year-old children reported using corporal punishment in 1975. By 1995, that rate had decreased to one-third. However, for toddlers, there was no decrease from the more than 90% of parents who spanked in 1975, probably because, as explained previously, when a toddler repeats a misbehavior after being repeatedly corrected, parents incorrectly conclude that spanking is necessary, whereas it is consistent forms of discipline that are shown to be most effective. The decreasing use of corporal punishment is an acceleration of a long historical trend away from state-sanctioned forms of violence, including physical abuse of children and violence between parents. Violence, even for socially desirable ends, is becoming less and less acceptable. The courts rather than duels are used to settle questions of honor. State laws allowing corporal punishment of misbehaving wives and military servicemen ended in the last quarter of the 19th century. The death penalty has been eliminated in all countries of the European Union and most other countries. Interwoven with the decrease in state-sanctioned forms of violence is an expansion in human rights, as manifested in the elimination of slavery, voting rights for women, the right to a free public education, and the United Nations charter on human rights. Most recently, the United Nations charter on the rights of children, which has been signed by all nations except Somalia and the United States, has extended additional human rights to children, including the right not to be physically attacked for misbehavior. The banning of corporal punishment by teachers in half the United States, in all European Union countries, and in countries as diverse as South Africa and the states of Hyderabad (India) is part of this centuries-long process of expanding human rights. Ending corporal punishment in the schools began in Europe in the 1920s, long before there was empirical evidence of harmful side effects. The worldwide decrease in corporal punishment in schools and families reflects a fundamental change in moral standards regarding children’s rights to physical autonomy and safety. In Europe, ending corporal punishment in schools was the

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first step in a process that resulted in the prohibition of corporal punishment by parents, first in Sweden and other Scandinavian countries, and is now the policy goal for all nations in the European Union. Since 2000, there has been a rapid increase in the number of developing nations that ban corporal punishment in schools, including Fiji, Kenya, Thailand, Trinidad and Tobago, and several states in India. If developing nations follow the pattern experienced in Europe, it may be the start of a process that will eventually end in prohibiting parents from hitting children in most of the world. Concerns that the decline in corporal punishment will bring about an increase in behavioral problems in children are not supported by the evidence. The data for Sweden shows that, contrary to warnings that Sweden would become a country with out-of-control children, the opposite has happened. There have been substantial decreases in crime, drug use, and suicide by Swedish children and youth. There are many possible reasons for these decreases, and it is therefore not possible to conclude they show the benefits of ending corporal punishment. However, fears that the decline in corporal punishment will result in uncontrollable children have not been borne out by the change in Sweden to a less violent and more humane mode of child rearing. Murray A. Straus see also: Abuse and Neglect; Authority and Obedience; Discipline and Punishment; Punishment, Legal further reading: Philip Greven, Spare the Child: The Religious Roots of Punishment and the Psychological Impact of Physical Abuse, 1990. • Irwin A. Hyman, Reading, Writing, and the Hickory Stick: The Appalling Story of Physical and Psychological Abuse in American Schools, 1990. • Murray A. Straus, Beating the Devil out of Them: Corporal Punishment in American Families and Its Effects on Children, 2nd ed., 2001.

cosleeping. see Sleep: Sleeping Arrangements cosmetics. see Body Image and Modification crawling. see Motor Development creativity. It was in 1950 that psychologists were first challenged to pay attention to a neglected topic: creativity. In that year, in an American Psychological Association presidential address, J. P. Guilford focused on modes of thought that were divergent, moving outward to consider multiple dimensions of a problem or situation and thus supporting the capacity to innovate, inform, and transform human circumstances. Although creativity is typically thought of as novelty of ideas or products, most definitions also emphasize the appropriateness of the novelty to some domain of knowledge or human activity and social recognition that the product is, indeed, creative. A distinction is often made between

“big C” and “little c” creativity. The former refers to creative products, which are included in the cultural resources of a community and at times transform the understandings and conventions of a domain of knowledge or human activity. The latter consists of activities that people engage in every day, their innovations and dreams, such as a child’s powerful drawing in the sand, or journal entries. In some of the most successful environments developed for young children, such as the Reggio Emilia School in Italy, creativity is viewed as part of everyone’s way of thinking, knowing, and making choices. Most research in creativity takes either a psychometric or a case-study approach. The psychometric approach consists of the construction of tests to measure personality characteristics and “traits” of creative individuals. For instance, a frequently identified component of creativity, divergent thinking, is measured by tests that include fluency, flexibility, and originality of ideas. One of the most widely used measures is the Wallach-Kogan test, in which ideational fluency is elicited through verbal and visual patterns. This test has been translated into many languages and used among Chinese, British, U.S., and Israeli children. Creativity research that relies heavily on tests has been criticized by many scholars who see limited connection between children’s test performance and creative contributions in adulthood. In the case-study approach, the early beginnings of gifted and creative individuals are examined in detail to highlight personal, social, intellectual, and artistic qualities that may have contributed to later achievement. Studies of this kind have shown, for instance, that family members of eminent creators frequently participated in the same domain or a closely related one. Some, noting Mozart’s family’s rich musical background, have called this phenomenon “the Mozart Effect,” the opportunity for young children to immerse themselves in the domain of their choice in their family environment. The fluency with which Mozart composed seems to be partly the outcome of his intensive apprenticeship and of his opportunities to internalize, while very young, the musical possibilities of his times. Most theorists agree that the beginnings of creative imagination are found in children’s play. Both the Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget and the Russian psychologist L. S. Vygotsky have characterized imagination as internalized play. According to this view, activities ranging from early games of peekaboo, to pretend play with mothers, siblings, and caregivers, to fantasy narratives, and to roleplaying “mommy” or “baby” later appear internally as generalized imagination. However, while Piaget considered this internalization to be an individual phenomenon, Vygotsky viewed it as a between-person phenomenon, noting the play activities begin as social interactions and only later in development become solitary endeavors. Such play first starts with social interaction with adults and older siblings.

c r im e , j u v e n il e

Children later play to re-create these social interactions, exploring their relationships and social roles. Gradually, children develop the ability to carry out play activities mentally. By late childhood and adolescence, Vygotsky argued, imagination is play without action. In strongly individualistic cultures of Europe and North America, creativity is typically equated with personal growth and experimentation. But in many more traditional, collectively organized cultures, art and creativity serve communal functions including ritual and socialization. In such communities, children playfully imitate their parents’ activities. Pueblo children in the American Southwest make simple pottery and jewelry based on their observations of their elders. In their cross-cultural studies, Barbara Rogoff and her collaborators documented many examples of guided participation, or the way in which adults include their young children in weaving, farming, and animal herding. Together with such participation, children both practice and elaborate on these joint activities through their play. Because of the focus on personal growth in Europe and North America, creativity is closely associated with giftedness (significantly higher than average intellectual or artistic ability) and prodigy (unusually early appearance of intellectual or artistic ability). For this reason, a great deal of research has been directed at the study of gifted children and prodigies. Research on prodigies conducted by David Feldman and Ellen Winner, among others, highlights the speed with which gifted young individuals move through the levels of their chosen domain once they become committed to it. Additional characteristics of gifted children are that they read voraciously, they are open to experience, they engage in fantasy, and they delight in challenges. While they search for and appreciate mentors and teachers, they also possess the ability to teach themselves. They focus sharply, and when in a state of “flow” they lose a sense of the outside world. Part of the creative trajectory of gifted children includes what Howard Gardner has referred to as “crystallizing experience,” the time and place where a child first discovers the powerful attraction of a domain (such as dance or mathematics), experiencing the intensity and passion when engaging in certain activities. In case studies, the path from first attraction to a subject to socially recognized performances or products takes 10 years of immersion, commitment, and practice. In schooled societies, children gifted in science and mathematics tend to be given more support in educational settings, but even they can become lonely and isolated. Until recently, young girls interested in mathematics were discouraged from pursuing this profession. Development of exceptional talent requires nurturance, family support, mentoring, and special opportunities for exploring the young person’s interests and commitment. These include after-school programs, children’s museums, drama clubs,

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art rooms, summer camps, and caring relationships across generations. But this kind of recognition needs to be carefully managed so that it does not interfere with the playful and passionate engagement of gifted children and adolescents with their domain. There is no clear relationship between early giftedness and later creative achievement. Many prodigies and children with very high IQs fail to make notable contributions to their culture and society. The gifted individuals who receive inspiration, support, and stimulating challenges from their family, teachers, peers, and mentors will be most likely to develop their talent into adulthood. Furthermore, not all cultures relate creativity to giftedness. More collectively oriented cultures, which do not emphasize the importance of individual achievement, often view unusual accomplishment in terms of its value to the community as a whole. In some Native American Pueblo cultures in the United States, the notion of special ability is recognized, whereas the notion of giftedness is not. A special ability may be an astute knowledge of one’s culture, language skills, or an aptitude to create with one’s hands. Unlike individualistically oriented cultures, compassion, empathy, and self-sacrifice are also seen as special and highly valued talents. All of these are valued only to the extent to which they benefit the community. As researchers address children’s play, fantasy, and creative endeavors, they are making a contribution to the understanding of innovative achievements. But perhaps more important, they highlight the importance of creative activities for children whose schooling is limited to basic cognitive skills at the expense of the fuller development of their imaginative faculties. Vera P. John-Steiner see also: Artistic Development; Cognitive Development; Giftedness; Intelligence; Learning; Musical Development; Play; Problem Solving further reading: J. Piaget, Play, Dreams and Imitation in Childhood, 1962. • B. Rogoff, Apprenticeship in Thinking, 1990. • V. JohnSteiner, Notebooks of the Mind: Explorations in Thinking, rev. ed., 1997. • E. Winner, Gifted Children: Myths and Realities, 1997. • L. S. Vygotsky, “Imagination and Creativity in Childhood,” Soviet Psychology 28, no.10 ([1930] 1998), pp. 84–96.

crib death. see Sudden Infant Death Syndrome crime, juvenile. The different stages of childhood in modern Western societies produce a wide range of different rates of criminal behavior. Recorded criminal acts are quite rare for children younger than 10, but crime rates increase exponentially in the early years of adolescence, and the very highest rates of arrest at any age are recorded at the border between adolescence and young adulthood. The sharp increase in crime during the teen years is so pronounced that some scholars have asserted it is an “age crime” relationship that is universal.

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figure 1. Percentage of total arrests at ages younger than 18, eight index crimes, 2000. Source: Crime in the United States, 2001.

Figure 1 uses data from the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s Uniform Crime Reports to provide a summary snapshot of the relative importance of juvenile crime by showing the percentage of all arrests for the eight FBI “index” crimes that involved persons younger than 18 in 2000 in the United States. A substantial share of all serious offenses involve persons younger than 18, but the concentration of crimes among young offenders is most pronounced in arson, where half of all arrests involve juveniles, and in property offenses such as auto theft , burglary, and larceny, where nearly one-third involve youths younger than 18. By contrast, only 10% of homicide arrests and less than 20% of rape and serious assault arrests are youths. These aggregate averages both understate the rates of crime commission for youth 15 and older and greatly overstate the rates for younger children. More than 90% of all serious arrests involve the one-third of the youth population older than age 12. And the aggregate pattern for all youth also hides large differences by gender. Rates of violent crime by males younger than age 18 are 10 times as great as female rates for robbery and homicide and 4 times as high for assault. Overall, juvenile crime is highly concentrated among older adolescent males. There are two reasons why crimes committed by children are a special concern to policy makers and the public. First, serious crimes committed by the very young are clear symptoms of social pathology. Juvenile crime is a failure of state, community, and family to socialize and supervise. Second, the concern exists that youth crime is a foreshadowing of adult criminal behavior. Although most juvenile criminals do not continue their criminal behavior into the adult years, the social costs of the few who do are high. Intervening with the goal of ending criminal careers before they begin has a long history in the United States. Th e Spec ial C har acter of Youth C r ime When children and youth commit crimes, their behavior differs from that of adult offenders in four respects. First, children usually commit crimes with other offenders, while most adult offenders commit their offenses alone. Early

20th-century studies showed that 80% of the youth in Chicago juvenile courts were charged with committing offenses with others. A study carried out in the 1970s showed that more than 70% of New York City juveniles arrested for serious crime were also charged for crimes with companions. This group pattern gives important clues about why youths commit crimes, suggesting the dominance of what sociologists would call “peer influence.” The fact that youths are arrested in groups also means that the arrest percentages reported in figure 1 overestimate the share of crimes that youths commit. If three youths are arrested for one burglary and one adult is arrested for a second, the arrest statistics will suggest that youth are responsible for 75% of the burglaries since they represent 75% of the arrests, when the true youth share is 50%. The second special feature of youth crime is that it tends to be less serious than many adult offenses in the same crime categories. The robberies are less often armed, the assaults are often less life-threatening, and the thefts are smaller. There are, to be sure, some very terrible crimes committed by young offenders; the mix of teenagers and loaded guns is particularly problematic. But the great bulk of youth crimes, including assaults, are at the less serious end of the scale of crime severity. Here again, the summary statistics on crime tend to overstate the severity of youth crime. Third, youth crime is more often recreational or expressive than designed to produce material gain. The distinguishing feature of those crimes that young offenders dominate, arson and vandalism, is the absence of financial gain associated with crimes such as robbery and theft. And even when youths commit property crimes, their preference for group offending reduces the personal gains to a fraction of what would be produced by committing the crime alone. Youth crime is most often expressive rather than instrumental, an end in itself rather than the means to an end. The final special characteristic of high rates of offending during adolescence is that many youth seem to outgrow the propensity to commit offenses as they mature into adult social roles and adult patterns of economic and family behavior. In many cases, the best cure for youth crime is growing up. When maturity can successfully end a youthful criminal career, the least costly method of dealing with youth crime is to punish with moderation and wait for the magic of maturation to take effect. When age alone cannot solve the problem, stronger interventions may be required. Although most adolescent offenders grow out of the agespecific tendencies to fight, vandalize, and steal, many serious long-term criminal careers also begin in late childhood. It is difficult to predict solely from youthful behavior which offenders will persist in their criminal activities. It does appear that a larger number of police contacts in youth and trouble at an earlier age increase the probability of arrests during adulthood. In part, this is because the youth who exhibit these patterns have a large number of other risk

c r im e v ic t im s , c h il d r e n a s

factors in their lives. But even groups with high arrest rates while young show diminishing rates of arrest as they age. T wo L arger L e s s o n s The recent history of science and policy concerning youth crime provides one cautionary tale and one important comparative perspective. The cautionary tale concerns a series of predictions of “a coming storm of juvenile violence” that were made by social scientists and politicians in the 1990s. After the youth homicide rate climbed between 1985 and 1993 in the United States, a number of analysts predicted a continuing increase in youth homicide through 2010. In 1996, a criminologist predicted “a bloodbath” by 2005, and a political scientist warned “of approximately 270,000 more juvenile super-predators” by 2010. But what happened next was the largest drop in youth homicide arrest rates ever recorded, a 65% decrease in under-18 homicide arrests in the six years after 1993. By the year 2000, The New York Times announced that the “coming storm has dried up,” and rates of arrest for homicide have been stable since then. The dire predictions of the mid-1990s could not have been further off the mark; instead of doubling, the juvenile homicide rate dropped by two-thirds. This case study in catastrophic error in predicting trends in youth crime is dramatic evidence of the difficulty in predicting future levels of youth crime. Despite these difficulties, some aspects of youth crime are easy to predict and explain. Research on youth homicide in Canada, Australia, the United States, and Britain found that about 10% of all persons arrested for homicide in each nation were younger than 18 years old. This finding does not mean that youth homicide rates were the same in the United States and Britain, because the general rate of homicide was 10 times higher in the United States than in Britain. What the general 10% finding suggests instead is that the general rate of violence in a particular nation is both the best predictor of the amount of youth violence in that nation as well as its probable cause. Crime rates of youth mirror the crime rates of their elders. In that sense, each nation gets the youth crime problem it deserves. Franklin E. Zimring see also: Adult Criminal Justice System, Children in the; Criminal Procedure, Children and; Death Penalty, Children and the; Firearms; Gangs; Juvenile Court; Juvenile Delinquency; Prisons for Youth; Punishment, Legal; Reform Institutions for Youth further reading: Marvin E. Wolfgang, Robert M. Figlio, and Thorsten Sellin, Delinquency in a Birth Cohort, 1972. • Franklin E. Zimring, American Youth Violence, 1998. • Franklin E. Zimring, American Juvenile Justice, 2005.

crime victims, children as. In the contemporary United States, children younger than age 18 constitute a vulnerable population who frequently experience victimization. While adults and children are victims of some of the

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same types of crimes, children are at special risk for other types of victimization, such as child abuse and neglect, that do not usually apply to adults. In addition to violent crimes, children are also subject to other types of behaviors that are generally not recognized as violence either by government agencies or by law enforcement. According to Howard N. Snyder and Melissa Sickmund’s 2006 report for the U.S. Justice Department, Juvenile Offenders and Victims: 2006 National Report, children within the United States suffer victimization from crimes such as homicide, statutory rape, and child abuse. Statistics from 1980 through 2002 indicate that girls and boys have the same risk of being a victim of homicide from birth until age 12 and black children are killed more than white children for all ages. In 2002, homicide was the fourth leading cause of death for children ages 1 to 11 regardless of gender. The victim’s parents commit the majority of these homicides, especially for children from infancy through 6 years of age. However, after age 12, males are more likely to be killed by homicide than females, while females are murdered more often in their 1st or 20th years. The murder of teenage males occurs mostly at the hands of acquaintances, while family members kill female children more often. When violent crimes, including robbery, maltreatment, kidnapping, and all types of assault (simple, aggravated, and sexual), are disaggregated by age and gender, particular trends emerge. Males are more likely than females on average to be robbed, with the likelihood of a robbery increasing with the victim’s age. Girls have a higher victimization rate for child maltreatment than do boys, and younger children are at a significantly higher rate for child maltreatment than older children. Younger children are more likely than older children to experience all types of assault at the hands of family members, who are also more likely to perpetrate aggravated and simple assaults against female children than against male children. Females, at every age, experience sexual assault more than males, but when males are sexually assaulted, the vast majority (88%) of those assaults happen to boys when they are juveniles. Males commit the vast majority (96%) of all sexual assaults. As with other crimes, as children age, the less likely the offender is a family member and the more likely the offender is a nonrelative the victim knows. Data from the 2006 report show that both the types of victimization and the offender change with the age of the victim. The younger a person is, the more likely he or she is to suffer victimization from a family member. As the child grows older, acquaintance offending increases; victims ages 7 to 16 are more likely to suffer at the hands of a juvenile offender than children of any other age. The type of victimization that a child faces can be largely determined by gender. Males suffer more from simple assault, vandalism, aggravated assault, motor vehicle theft, larceny, and robbery than do females. However, females suffer kidnapping

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more often than males as well as account for the vast majority of victims of sexual offences. Other recent research reports a link between juvenile victimization and violent behaviors. This cycle of victimization and offending patterns creates disproportionately high rates of juvenile violence against other juveniles. Much of this violence occurs at school. Two of the most frequent types of nonfatal crimes at school are theft and violent crimes that include rape, sexual assault, robbery, aggravated assault, and simple assault. Theft affects females more than males, but violent crimes affect males more than females. Age plays a critical role: Theft affects children ages 12 to 14 at only a slightly higher rate than children ages 14 to 17. The younger group suffers more from nonfatal violent crimes than the older group. Children also face the violence of bullying, physical fights, hate crimes, and harassment. Hate-related crimes, as a subset of violent crimes, occur at almost the same rate to males as to females and all races/ethnicities. Statistics on crimes on school grounds reveal that males fight more than females and males also carry more weapons than females. A 2005 survey of 9th to 12th graders showed that proportionately by race Pacific Islanders carried the most weapons (15.4%), followed by multiracial students (11.9%), then Hispanics (8.2%), American Indians (7.2%), whites (6.1%), blacks (5.1%), and Asians (2.8%). Whereas fighting decreased with age, weapon carrying did not. Despite these statistics, the overall data shows that serious violent crimes within schools are in decline. Student-on-student bullying is a problem that garners a lot of public attention. A 1998 survey of 15,686 students across the United States in both public and private schools (grades 6 through 10) found that boys are significantly more likely than girls to be both victim and perpetrator of bullying. Boys are more often involved in physical and verbal bullying, while girls are more often involved in verbal bullying and rumors. Hispanic students report marginally higher involvement in moderate and frequent bullying as compared to other students, and black students report being bullied with significantly less frequency overall. Bullying is more commonly found among middle-school-age students in the 6th through 8th grade and decreases in the 9th and 10th grades as students age. However, there are other types of violence within schools that are not immediately obvious from these statistics. This violence is either not criminalized or it is ignored and not adequately documented or researched. Yet, in the past several decades, peer-to-peer sexual harassment and gaybaiting/bashing behaviors in schools have been researched and documented as a component of a hostile environment that can erode a safe learning atmosphere and contribute to gender violence. Girls are more often victimized by peerto-peer sexual harassment than are boys. Both the U.S. Congress, through the passage of Title IX of the Education

Amendments of 1972, and the federal courts, including the U. S. Supreme Court’s decision in Davis v. Monroe County Board of Education (1999), have deemed sexual harassment to be a form of sex discrimination and a violation of federal civil rights in education law. Despite the threat of financial sanctions and liability, many school officials permit harassment to continue by ignoring it once it has been brought to their attention. Gendered violence also extends beyond school yards into other aspects of children’s lives. Child trafficking and prostitution are problems recognized both nationally and internationally. The gendered nature of sex work involves violence and victimization that disproportionately affects girls. The United Nations has specific international conventions on child trafficking and prostitution. The 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child and the 2000 Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography provide local nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) with documents to advocate and pressure their governments into making changes. Without pressure and influence from organizations like the United Nations and affiliated NGOs, much of the work to establish definitions of crimes against children would not have occurred. Child prostitution and sex tourism featuring children are crimes that the UN and NGOs have identified as priorities for eradicating. Some countries that are known as sites of sex tourism are making efforts through legislation to stop both child trafficking and prostitution. For example, in Costa Rica the National Assembly has passed legislation that protects all citizens younger than age 18 from both trafficking and prostitution. According to one report, problems remain about implementation, while other NGOs continue to lobby the Costa Rican government. In the United States, efforts are slowly being taken to recognize the problem of child prostitution and trafficking. The city of Atlanta, Georgia, took measures to acknowledge and reduce child trafficking and prostitution in 2004 through special funding initiatives within the police department to track down victimized children. In addition, a shelter for children who were victims of these crimes was created. This program is one of the few in the United States that addresses the problem of child prostitution without punishing the child who is also the victim. Other NGOs such as Friends of Maiti Nepal, Polaris Project, and ECPAT USA lobby Congress about the problems of child prostitution and trafficking. The U.S. State Department also has a division in its Office for Democracy and Global Affairs that works with trafficked children and adults. While youth in the United States may become victimized by theft, bullying, or child abuse, generally they are not sold into slavery, forced to serve as child soldiers, or subjected to female genital cutting. Yet the prevailing, conventional definition of violence limits how U.S. policy makers define

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child victimization. While there may be agreement that homicide is a crime of violence, society only reluctantly acknowledges that gendered violence, sexual harassment, gay baiting, child trafficking, and pornography are also forms of violence. Eliminating these forms of violence from children’s lives will take vigorous enforcement of current laws, the passage of new laws, and constant and unrelenting pressure on the U.S. government to create new and different priorities. Nan D. Stein and Gabrielle D. Abousleman see also: Abuse and Neglect; Kidnapping; Pornography, Child; Rape; Sexual Abuse; Slavery, Child further reading: Nan Stein, Classrooms and Courtrooms: Facing Sexual Harassment in K–12 Schools, 1999. • Meda Chesney-Lind and Randall G. Shelden, Girls, Delinquency, and Juvenile Justice, 3rd ed., 2004. • Dorothy L. Espelage and Susan M. Swearer, eds., Bullying in American Schools: A Social-Ecological Perspective on Prevention and Intervention, 2004. • Nan Stein, “A Rising Pandemic of Sexual Violence in Elementary and Secondary Schools: Locating a Secret Problem,” Duke Journal of Gender and Law Policy 12 (Spring 2005), pp. 33–52.

criminal procedure, children and. In the United States, children, like adults, have constitutional rights to be free from unreasonable police intrusions on their liberty and privacy. The contours of those rights, however, are not the same for children and adults. For example, juveniles have lesser protections against government searches and seizures than do adults. In New Jersey v. T.L.O. (1985), the U.S. Supreme Court allowed a search of a child’s purse in school by a school administrator without any suspicion that she was violating the law, based only on the belief by the administrator that she had broken a school rule. The evidence seized in that search, the Court ruled, could be used in a criminal prosecution against her because juveniles in school have a lower expectation of privacy than that enjoyed by adults. The Court used the same line of reasoning to authorize random suspicionless drug testing of public school students involved in extracurricular activities. In each case, searches that would be unconstitutional if they had occurred to adults were permitted by the Court. Similarly, juveniles are subject to being arrested and detained in circumstances that would not be constitutional for adults. Juveniles may be arrested for status offenses such as being a runaway or a truant or in violation of a curfew on minors. None of these acts could constitutionally be punished for adults. Once juveniles are arrested, courts are authorized to detain them pending trial more liberally than adults. For example, it is constitutionally permissible to jail juveniles awaiting trial if the judge concludes that they lack suitable home environments or if there is a concern they will commit additional crimes. Unlike adult defendants, juvenile arrestees are not able to win pretrial release by posting bail. In other areas, juveniles may be disadvantaged by criminal procedural rules that fail to take into account the differ-

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ences between adults and children. For example, in Miranda v. Arizona (1966), the U.S. Supreme Court held that persons who are in police custody undergoing interrogation must be informed that they have both a right to refuse to answer questions as well as a right to the assistance of counsel during questioning. The Court reasoned that the right to refuse to answer police questions would be a hollow one if it did not also entail a right to consult with counsel for advice on how to proceed in the stressful and coercive atmosphere of custodial interrogation. However, more than a decade later, the Supreme Court rejected the argument that a child being interrogated by the police should have the right to request the assistance of a trusted adult other than a lawyer such as a parent or probation officer. The Court maintained that no special procedural protections beyond the normal Miranda warnings are needed for children questioned in police custody. In determining the appropriate standard by which to judge a child’s purported waiver of the Miranda rights during police interrogation, the Court rejected the call to craft a special rule to protect juveniles in this context and held that, for both adults and juveniles, consideration of the totality of the circumstances was adequate to decide whether a waiver was voluntary. Some states, however, have chosen to give juvenile suspects greater protections while being questioned in police custody and have accorded them the right to request the presence of their parents during such interrogation. Once charged with an offense, juvenile offenders are presumptively tried on those charges in juvenile court. Traditionally, children accused and tried in juvenile court received none of the basic procedural protections constitutionally guaranteed to adult defendants, such as the rights to be notified of the exact charges against them, to have the burden of proof be placed on the prosecution, to have the opportunity to bring forward their own witnesses, to cross-examine the prosecution witnesses, and so forth. The formal procedural trappings associated with criminal trials were considered unnecessary in juvenile court because the aim of the juvenile court was not to punish for law violations but to rehabilitate wayward youths whose criminal activities were nothing more than outward manifestations of underlying social maladjustment. Guilt or innocence of the particular allegations bringing the juvenile into court was, in a sense, beside the point. The real purpose of juvenile court proceedings was the proper diagnosis of social deviance and the prescription of appropriate curative intervention. For that reason, constitutional protections for criminal defendants designed to produce fair adjudication of guilt and innocence and to protect defendants from arbitrary abuse of governmental power had no place in juvenile court. In fact, procedural informality came to be seen as valuable in its own right, so that the idealized juvenile court proceeding was completely unlike an adversarial trial but something more akin to a parental disciplinary episode.

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Beginning in the early 20th century, this juvenile court model predominated throughout the industrialized nations. Few if any juvenile court systems were able to deliver on the promise of flexible, individualized hearings tailored to the particular needs and characteristics of each juvenile before the court, however. Eventually, the inescapable fact that juvenile court proceedings culminated in incarceration—often for many years—made it harder and harder to maintain that fundamental principals of due process should not apply in these hearings. In the landmark case In re Gault (1967), the Supreme Court held that the due process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment required that many of the procedural protections in criminal cases would apply in juvenile court prosecutions as well. As a result of this and later cases, most of the constitutional rights enjoyed by adults accused of crimes are also now given to juveniles charged in juvenile court. Juveniles are now constitutionally guaranteed the right to notice of the charges against them, to be represented by counsel, to have the evidence against them be presented according to the rules of evidence with an opportunity to cross-examine witnesses against them, to have the charges be proved beyond a reasonable doubt before they can be found guilty, and to appellate review of the trial. The Supreme Court has also extended to juveniles the same privilege against self-incrimination as adult defendants and has held that they cannot be tried twice for the same charge without violating double jeopardy protections. Similar procedural rights are now accorded juveniles throughout the world as mandated by the 1985 United Nations Minimum Rules for the Administration of Juvenile Justice. The only substantial constitutional trial right still denied to American juvenile defendants is the right to jury trial. In McKeiver v. Pennsylvania (1971), the Supreme Court concluded that giving juveniles jury trials was not constitutionally required, since in the Court’s view to do so would remove the last vestiges of informality from a system that was, at least in its theoretical conception, rehabilitative rather than punitive in its aims. The Court noted that individual states were free to adopt jury trials in juvenile court if they thought it desirable to implement a more explicitly punitive juvenile court system, but the Court was unwilling to hold that they were constitutionally compelled to do so. A handful of states have given juveniles the right to jury trial, but the vast majority continue to deny that right, despite the fact that the modern juvenile court—with its emphasis on accountability and “just deserts” sentencing—would be unrecognizable to the late-19th-century proponents of the juvenile court model. In comparison with criminal jury trials, nonjury trials in juvenile court are characterized by less extensive witness examination by the lawyers and short, perfunctory opening and closing arguments. Because these trials are so much shorter than adult jury trials in criminal court, juvenile court prosecutors and public defenders are

assigned much larger numbers of cases than their counterparts handling adult defendants. As a result of these high caseloads, lawyers in juvenile court frequently find themselves unable to devote adequate time to factual investigation and to seeking out appropriate dispositional alternatives to recommend in their cases. Other than the lack of jury trials, in other respects juvenile court trials today are substantially procedurally identical to adult criminal trials. Although in the original juvenile court model, juvenile court proceedings were closed to the public to prevent stigmatizing the accused youths, today in many jurisdictions these cases are open to the public and press just as are any other trials. The consequences of juvenile convictions are also more far-reaching than anticipated by the early proponents of the juvenile court system, who believed that the consequences of youthful folly ought not follow juvenile offenders and hamper their later integration into society as law-abiding adults. Today, in contrast, records of juvenile court convictions are no longer automatically sealed but in most states can be accessed by the public and count as criminal convictions for many collateral purposes, including enhancement of later adult sentences. As a general matter, juvenile courts have primary jurisdiction over persons younger than 18 who are accused of committing crimes. However, juvenile courts have always had the power to transfer jurisdiction in a case to adult criminal courts when prosecution of a particular offender as an adult was deemed more appropriate. Originally, juvenile court judges had complete discretion in exercising this transfer power. In Kent v. United States (1966), the Supreme Court limited that discretion by requiring a transfer hearing before a juvenile could be transferred to adult court. At that hearing, the juvenile had the right to be represented by a lawyer and the judge was required to expressly articulate the facts that would justify the transfer. Among the factors to be considered by the judge were the seriousness of the offense in question, the prior criminal record of the juvenile, and the amenability of the juvenile to rehabilitation given the dispositional resources of the juvenile justice system. In recent years, two additional procedural mechanisms have been implemented to transfer jurisdiction from juvenile court to adult court for certain young offenders. Most states now by statute require automatic transfer of certain classes of cases based on the seriousness of the offense. In addition, prosecutors in many states have discretion to choose to file certain charges either in juvenile court or in adult criminal court. Unlike the judicially initiated transfer process, prosecutorial waiver occurs without a hearing or opportunity of the juvenile to contest transfer and is not subject to appellate review. Today, the vast majority of transfers from juvenile court to adult criminal court occur as a result of automatic statutory transfer or prosecutorial discretionary transfer rather than judicially initiated trans-

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fer. The proportion of juvenile offenders transferred has grown dramatically since Kent, with increasingly younger and less serious offenders subject to trial as adults. Minority youths, who are disproportionately represented among juveniles accused of crime, are likewise transferred to adult courts at higher rates than are white youths. Regardless of the procedural mechanism used for transfer of jurisdiction from the juvenile court to the adult criminal justice system, juveniles who are transferred and convicted serve sentences identical in length to those given comparable adult offenders. In some states, those juveniles sentenced as adults serve their entire sentences in adult correctional facilities; in others, the first portion of the sentence is served in juvenile facilities with later transfer to adult prison. The minimum age subject to transfer for adult prosecution varies from state to state; currently, all states permit transfer of those 14 years old or older, and some permit waiver of even younger children. Federal law permits juveniles as young as 13 to be tried as adults in federal court. Although juveniles who are transferred to the adult criminal justice system are sentenced as though they were adult offenders, it has been argued that the cognitive and emotional immaturity of young offenders makes it inappropriate to punish them as though they were as fully morally responsible for their actions as adults. In 2005, the Supreme Court adopted this argument as a justification for holding that the death penalty could not be applied to those who were younger than age 18 when they committed their crimes even if they were not tried in juvenile court. This ruling brings the United States into conformity with virtually all other countries in abolishing the death penalty for juveniles as required by the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, whose signatories include every nation other than the United States and Somalia. Janet E. Ainsworth see also: Crime, Juvenile; Death Penalty, Children and the; Family Court; Juvenile Court; Legal Representation of Children; Witnesses, Children as Legal further reading: Thomas Bernard, The Cycle of Juvenile Justice, 1992. • Christopher P. Manfredi, The Supreme Court and Juvenile Justice, 1998. • Barry C. Feld, Bad Kids: Race and the Transformation of the Juvenile Court, 1999. • John A. Winterdyk, Juvenile Justice Systems: International Perspectives, 2nd ed., 2002. • David S. Tanenbaum, Juvenile Justice in the Making, 2004.

critical periods. The concept critical period originated in experimental embryology but has been widely used in many areas of psychology. A critical period is a specific time during development when an event can have such an impact on the developmental trajectory of a trait that the trait will change. The period is defined as critical because the event does not have the same impact if it occurs earlier or later in development. For example, children appear to be most vulnerable to dietary iron deficiency during the pe-

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riod from 6 to 18 months of age. This deficiency produces deficits in cognitive and motor abilities, and only some of the motor deficits are reversible when iron supplementation is given after 18 months. However, the concept of critical periods has itself changed and developed over the last century, as has its relevance and meaning within the context of human development. Development is a process that takes place over time; it involves transformations that must occur in an orderly sequence that will of necessity “occupy” time. Hence, time (age) is an intrinsic aspect of the description of the process of development for any ability, trait, or characteristic. Development typically exhibits regularity in the serial order for the appearance of specific characteristics (stages) and in the time from conception to when the stages occur. For example, limb buds appear before limbs and stepping before walking, and the time from conception to appearance for each of these characteristics is fairly similar across members of the same species. Since the time of appearance of each morphological structure is closely associated with age (time since fertilization), it is not surprising that the timing of development has long been a major focus of research. In the 1930s, Hans Spemann demonstrated that the type of tissue characteristics an embryonic cell begins to manifest is determined by its location within the embryo. Signals from the local environment induce cells to adopt a particular developmental “fate.” That is, a normal organism (e.g., a frog) will develop even when some of its tissue has been rearranged (skin and brain cells exchanged during the gastrula stage). Again, the timing is critical: If the exchange occurs when the cells are in the late gastrula stage, the organism develops with inappropriately placed patches of tissue. The cells in the late gastrula stage seem to have become committed to a particular fate. This insight led to the establishment of teratology, the investigation of factors that disrupt “normal” development. Researchers focused on defining the time/age boundaries of critical periods for exposure to various events (e.g., iron deficiency) that would affect the course of development. Embryologists identified critical periods for the exposure to many atypical environmental, particularly chemical, conditions that had profound effects on the morphological development of the organism. Teratology defined these as periods of vulnerability of the developing individual to disruptive events. Modern behavioral researchers, for example, consider the period of adolescence a vulnerable period during which the humans are highly susceptible to engaging in risky behavior (peer pressure, drug abuse, depression). As embryology grew as a science, “normal” development was defined as the typical sequence of events occurring at the typical age/time, while “abnormal” development reflected variations from this sequence. Physicians adopted developmental milestones to represent normal development, against which abnormal development could be identified.

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Meanwhile biologists began to study the species-typical (instinctive) behavior of animals in terms of critical periods. Perhaps most famously, Konrad Lorenz investigated the phenomenon of ducklings, goslings, and chicks that often mistakenly follow a human instead of their own parent shortly after hatching and concluded that there was a critical period for the development of this behavior. A chick exposed to a moving object—parent or substitute—within hours after hatching would thereafter follow that same object and would even look for a mate with characteristics similar to those of the object followed. This process of forming a perceptual pattern shortly after hatching became known as imprinting. Lorenz’s definition of imprinting included a rigidly defined critical period with an onset and offset determined by processes under control of genes. The age of occurrence of the critical period might vary across different species but vary little within a species. Lorenz also proposed that critical periods might exist for the development of other species-typical behavior patterns. Indeed, subsequent research demonstrated that the development of such abilities as birdsong, socialization, and vision within various animal species depended on critical periods. Modern studies have revealed several critical periods in human development. In the 1960s, for example, Eric Lenneberg proposed a 10- to 12-year critical period for language development and the development of the specialization of the left hemisphere for language processing. Many studies have proposed that this critical period is most notable in second-language acquisition, with apparent losses in grammar, accent, and facility when the second language is acquired after the age of 7 to 8. Around the same time, John Bowlby proposed a critical period for the formation of an attachment relationship between mother and child that, if disrupted, results in the development of adult psychopathology. He argued that the period from 6 months to 3 years seems to be critical for the formation of an attachment relationship that becomes the basis for all future social partnerships and the capacity for the individual to form emotional bonds with others or to exhibit either sympathy or empathy. Mary D. Salter Ainsworth then applied Bowlby’s notion to neglected infants in orphanages. Lacking an “attachment figure” during the critical period, she said, would lead to social and other behavioral deficits in childhood and adulthood. These predicted deficits could be alleviated if the child had some form of social intervention between 18 and 24 months. If the intervention did not involve establishing a social relationship with a single caregiver before 24 months, the child would likely have lifelong problems. Subsequently, critical periods began to be proposed for the development of a host of human characteristics, including sensory and perceptual abilities, social skills, motor skills, and critical reasoning skills. Most often, the evidence

for the critical period has consisted of some relatively minimal demonstration that a weakness of skill is associated with an unusual event or a particular kind of experiential deprivation that occurred early in the individual’s life. Educators have long proposed that educational experiences should be restricted to certain age periods because it is believed that these periods represent the time when children are “ready” for such experiences to have their developmental impact. The few empirical investigations that seemed to reveal a critical period provided support for such proposals. While critical periods were flourishing in the study of behavior, embryologists had come to focus less on the timing or age of the exposure and more on the processes that were associated with time or age. Questions of “when,” in other words, were replaced by questions of “what.” In animal studies, for example, the onset and ending of the critical period for imprinting could be altered by various sorts of environmental manipulations, such as rearing chicks in the dark. Onset also seemed to be determined by the specific sensory and motor abilities of the individuals. Investigations of birdsong acquisition similarly focused on “what” about the conditions of the individual (e.g., the presence or absence of a familiar singer) made timing of exposure relevant. Of course, at some periods (stages) of development, exposure to certain conditions more easily affects development than exposure to those same conditions at other periods. However, given the preponderance of research evidence, the notion of some process controlled by the timing or age of the individual ultimately did not seem appropriate for comprehending the historical contingency of developmental phenomena. Hence, the notion of “critical” period was replaced by the notion of a “sensitive” period. Sensitive periods are not clocklike or genetically predetermined periods in development but are themselves the product of development. Since the mid-1980s, developmental biology has shifted from questions of “what” creates the regularities of development to questions of “how” regularity is achieved. Research is focused on how processes of intra- and intercellular communication produce the various trajectories of development that result in both differences and similarities in characteristics among individuals in a population. Revealing these mechanisms will permit both the identification of developmental pathways with potentially unacceptable outcomes and identification of places in the pathway in which either simple or complicated interventions can be undertaken to establish more acceptable pathways. In other words, investigations of the “how” of morphological and behavioral development provide more sophisticated control techniques and opportunities. Thus, prevention of unacceptable outcomes could become the future treatment mode. Although time (age) can be used as part of the description of human development, in short, it should not be used

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as a part of any explanation of development. Time does not explain how any ability, trait, or character remains stable across age in the face of environmental fluctuation, is enhanced or diminished across age, or changes fundamentally across age. All of these aspects of the processes of development require identification of the necessary and sufficient conditions responsible for their occurrence. Amber N. Tyler and George F. Michel see also: Ainsworth, Mary D(insmore) Salter; Bowlby, John; Development, Concept of; Development, Theories of; Lorenz, Konrad (Zacharias); Stages of Childhood further reading: J. P. Scott, “Critical Periods in Behavioral Development,” Science 138 (1962), pp. 949–58. • M. H. Bornstein, “Sensitive Periods in Development: Structural Characteristics and Causal Interpretations,” Psychological Bulletin 105 (1989), pp. 179– 97. • G. F. Michel and A. N. Tyler, “Critical Period: A History of the Transition from Questions of When, to What, to How,” Developmental Psychobiology 46 (2005), pp. 156–62. • A. N. Tyler, “When Is a Description Not an Explanation: A Reply to Armstrong et al.,” Developmental Psychobiology 48 (2006), pp. 332–34.

critical thinking. Critical thinking, sometimes referred to as higher-order thinking, is characterized by thinking that extends beyond recall and memorization and includes evaluating statements or ideas, synthesizing information from different sources to better understand a topic or issue, and reflecting on one’s thinking. Critical thinking encompasses a suite of related thinking skills that increases the likelihood of a favorable result when solving problems, formulating inferences, evaluating assumptions, determining likelihood, and making decisions. Like other skills, the development of critical thinking is an enterprise that requires practice and sustained effort. This definition is usually associated with the Western intellectual paradigm, and within this context the beginnings of critical thinking are traced to the ancient Greek tradition of inquiry and dialectic, progressing through the Enlightenment into the modern era. However, similar traditions of thought have been identified in Eastern cultures. Richard Nesbitt and his colleagues compared Eastern and Western “ways” of thinking. They concluded that Chinese tend to think in ways they described as more circular when compared to more linear types of thinking by Westerners. They attribute these differences to different cultural histories and the influence of religion on thought. The development of critical-thinking skills is increasingly included with reading and quantitative skills as fundamental goals of education, essential for negotiating the challenges of a complex, often uncertain world in which the lack of such abilities leaves one vulnerable and disempowered. In many countries, educators are pursuing ways to engage students in thinking that is not restricted to content matter mastery. The ability to think well, reason, and make independent decisions is essential in order to access

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resources such as education and job training. Social justice advocates conceptualize empowerment among the world’s poor and disenfranchised as a set of skills that includes an individual’s ability to think critically and have cognitive awareness of the causal factors of one’s circumstance. For example, HIV-affl icted regions of South Africa have begun to seek strategies to foster change in unhealthy behaviors that rely less on largely ineffectual didactic techniques, stressing instead reflective thought and discourse regarding the ways in which cultural traditions may perpetuate destructive behaviors. T h e D e v elo pm en t o f C r i t ical T h i n k i ng Instruction in critical thinking used to be reserved for the university-educated elite, but contemporary research provides robust evidence that critical-thinking skills can be learned and developed by all children and adolescents. Although scholars disagree regarding the extent to which cognitive development proceeds through a predictable chronology, certain intellectual changes are clearly linked to particular phases of a child’s biological development. Studies indicate that incipient aspects of critical thought develop in early childhood and that an accumulation of cognitive changes progressively pave the way for the adolescent to begin to think critically, provided such skills are tapped. For example, a profound shift occurs around the age of 5, in which a child begins to recognize that in many cases what people say are statements of belief, not necessarily representations of reality. Once a child is capable of such a distinction, she can begin to establish relationships between evidence and assertions and to infer a rudimentary causal connection. These intellectual developments not only represent a nascent skepticism, they also reflect the beginning of metacognition—the ability to reflect upon one’s own thoughts and engage in self-correction—an essential strategy in the learning, development, and practice of critical thinking. Other important developments follow as the child begins to untangle events, explanations for those events, and evidence for both the occurrence of the event and the explanation; research suggests that this may be the developmental origin of an individual’s facility with scientific thinking and hypothesis testing. In middle childhood, a crucial shift comes as the child begins to exercise metacognitive strategies associated with learning, such as monitoring one’s own reading comprehension or categorizing information to enhance recall. Exercising the ability to select and use basic, strategic cognitive skills in preadolescence is thought to be a necessary forerunner to developing formal critical thinking in subsequent years. Adolescence is a particularly fruitful period during which to focus instruction on critical thinking and attitudes toward thinking, establishing a foundation for further refine-

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ment in adulthood. A pivotal point for young people occurs as they grapple with the awareness that multiple explanations can exist for a single observation and that explanations must be evaluated against some standard. This willingness to deliberately examine information, assertions, and evidence is integral to critical thinking. Teac h i ng C r itical Th i nk i ng In the early 20th century, the educational philosopher John Dewey advocated instruction that fostered skills that are today collectively referred to as components of critical thinking: reflection, skepticism, inquiry. Such instruction encourages learners to take context effects into account, list alternatives, weigh costs and benefits, define problems in multiple ways, and, in general, tolerate ambiguity while finding ways to reduce uncertainty. Whether these skills are best taught explicitly or embedded in the curriculum is controversial. Some scholars argue that critical thinking is discipline specific, that core subject areas each requires specialized thinking skills that do not generalize across domains. Teachers need to teach for the transfer of critical-thinking skills, if that is their goal, which means the use of multiple diverse examples, spaced practice, and uncued recall with informative feedback. Explicit instructional methods that target discrete strategies have been shown to be highly effective. For example, methods for organizing, analyzing, identifying patterns, and ascertaining relationships within content matter can be taught successfully to students and do transfer to other disciplines and contexts. Explicit instruction in argument analysis, causality, fallacies, and decision making provides students with strategies that permit examination of issues both in the classroom and in everyday situations. Most practitioners would agree that both modes of instruction are beneficial, are not mutually exclusive, and when used together are especially powerful. Although critical thinking is universally accepted as a central element of effective instruction, the reality is that the challenges faced by teachers who are tasked with fostering critical thought are daunting. Focus on content mastery compromises educators’ efforts to engage all students in critical thought as they progress through the school year. Virtually all state and national educational standards describe critical thinking as integral to the learning process, yet typical standards-based assessments test largely for recall. Many educators believe the time, effort, and financial resources spent on student testing and evaluating teachers and their sites would be better directed toward teacher training that facilitates learning, applying, and assessing critical thinking in order to identify areas to redress appropriately. Advocates of such efforts acknowledge the need for accountability and the important role of assessment yet insist on the need to engage students in learning that engenders critical thought, not recitation.

In many kindergarten through 12th-grade classrooms, lesson design and teaching practices reflect a shift away from pure didacticism to those that involve students more directly in their learning. Constructivism, a term that subsumes a number of related pedagogical approaches in which a central tenet is that the learner builds his or her own understanding, has been enormously influential in recent curriculum design that attempts to foster critical thinking. Constructivism includes utilization of the Learning Cycle, an inquiry-oriented teaching strategy that sequences learning into the stages of exploration, conceptualization, application, and evaluation. Using the Learning Cycle to design lesson plans is thought to be a means to provide instruction that reflects recent scientific understanding of the ways in which the human brain processes input, including the exercise of critical thought processes. For legions of teachers, Bloom’s Taxonomy of the Cognitive Domain has been an organizing structure for lesson design. The taxonomy depicts knowledge as a pyramid, with content knowledge forming the base, followed by comprehension, application, analysis, synthesis, and evaluation with the higher-order, or criticalthinking, skills (analysis, synthesis, and evaluation) built upon content knowledge, comprehension, and application. Many scholars and practitioners take issue with instruction that is based on such a one-way hierarchy where criticalthinking skills are “saved for last” and urge teaching and learning in which critical-thinking skills are built into lessons from beginning to end. Research supports a range of techniques for building critical thinking into lessons. These include the use of probing questions by the instructor, rephrasing questions, lengthening response wait time, and class discussion that purposefully engages all students rather than a select few. Discovery Learning attempts to engender critical-thinking skills as the student uncovers certain principles, often using manipulatives with minimal teacher guidance. This method has received criticism when the environment is so unstructured and disorganized that meaningful learning fails to occur. Research also supports the use of computer-assisted instruction to develop skills such as real-life problem solving, verbal analogies, logical reasoning, and inductive/deductive thinking. Such instruction can closely resemble actual scenarios and permit meaningful interactivity, thereby engaging the learner beyond that of a static text. Visual tools, also called graphic organizers, are used to aid student learning by building on the brain’s tendency to seek patterns while learning material and relating new information to prior knowledge. Several popular visual-tool software programs are available that elaborate on the practice of concept mapping in which information and ideas are expanded through a series of links and connecting terms. These software programs allow students to build skills in organizing, classifying, comparing and contrasting, using analogies, identifying cause and effect, synthesizing, and analyzing ideas and

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information at both the primary and secondary level. In the secondary classroom, problem-based learning approaches begin with an ill-structured problem—one without an obvious goal and with many alternative solutions—that student teams are required to consider carefully and research as they construct a clearer picture of the problem and design a practical, reasoned solution. Finally, classroom climate is widely acknowledged to impact thinking skills among students; a supportive, respectful environment coupled with instruction that is well planned and addresses an array of learning modalities is desirable. Lisa M. Marin, Sherylle J. Tan, and Diane F. Halpern see also: Cognitive Development; Curriculum; Testing and Evaluation, Educational further reading: Arthur L. Costa, ed., Developing Minds: A Resource Book for Teaching Thinking, 3rd ed., 2001. • Alec Fisher, Critical Thinking: An Introduction, 2001. • Daniel Fasko Jr., ed., Critical Thinking and Reasoning: Current Research, Theory, and Practice, 2003. • Diane F. Halpern, Thought and Knowledge: An Introduction to Critical Thinking, 4th ed., 2003. • M. Neil Browne and Stuart M. Keeley, Asking the Right Questions: A Guide to Critical Thinking, 7th ed., 2004.

crying and colic. There are few behaviors that affect caregivers more powerfully than infant crying. Under the best circumstances, crying acts as a signal that brings about supportive, positive, life-sustaining interactions with caregivers, including contact, feeding, and protection. Under less optimal circumstances, it can lead to unsupportive and even dangerous, negative interactions including, in the extreme, abuse or death from shaken baby syndrome. This is especially true in the first few months of life, when a unique pattern of crying occurs, sometimes called “colic.” This enduring paradox represents a challenge for infants and their caregivers as they negotiate their early weeks and months of life together. C r y i ng Patt er n s The most robust patterns of crying are seen early in life as part of the behavioral developmental trajectory of normal healthy infants of both sexes. Crying can be understood in terms of several properties that are typical of, and probably unique to, the first three to five months of life. The overall amount of crying per day (fussing, crying, and inconsolable crying combined) tends to increase week by week, usually peaking during the second month and then declining to stable, lower levels by the fourth or fifth month of age. This is sometimes referred to as the “normal crying curve.” During the peak of the curve, otherwise normal infants may cry as much as five or more hours a day. Some of the crying bouts are unexpected and unpredictable, starting and stopping for no apparent reason, and unrelated to anything that is going on in the environment, including feeding or wet diapers. In addition, these crying bouts can be resistant to

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soothing, or inconsolable. Unsoothable bouts account for only 3% to 8% of overall distress at 6 weeks of age but are rare to nonexistent after 5 months. Even more challenging for parents, the infant appears to be in pain, even when he or she is not. Crying bouts are longer at this age than at any other time, lasting 35 to 40 minutes on average. Finally, crying tends to cluster in the late afternoon and evening. Later in the first year of life, crying amounts are much reduced. However, stable individual differences in crying appear. Those infants who tend to be more reactive and to respond negatively by crying can be completely normal, but they are often thought of clinically as having a “difficult temperament.” If such infants also have difficulties feeding and sleeping, they are often thought of clinically as having behavioral regulation problems. During the second year and continuing into the fifth or sixth year of life, temper tantrums—bouts of crying, screaming, or shouting often associated with anger usually manifested as falling down, hitting and/or kicking, throwing something, or running away—become common in toddlers. These bouts may last from 30 seconds to 40 minutes, with a median of about 3 minutes. Although the data are sparse, caregiving behaviors can modify some aspects of early infant crying patterns, while others are relatively immune to caregiver intervention. Among the !Kung San living in the semiarid Kalahari Desert in Botswana, for example, who practice a form of proximal caregiving that includes constant contact and carrying, frequent feeding, upright positioning, and responsiveness to virtually every cry and fret, the overall duration of distress vocalizations is reduced by about 50% relative to infants cared for by distal caregiving more characteristic in North America, Britain, and Western Europe. However, the overall patterns—particularly the early peak pattern—are present among !Kung San infants, and the frequency of crying episodes is similar. The vast majority of these crying behaviors are not associated with disease or pathology, but the meaning of the crying for the infant’s caregivers is usually determining of its psychosocial consequences for the infant. Clearly, the meaning of crying can vary as a result of different cultural belief systems, as can the responses that are deemed appropriate to soothe crying infants. For example, in one study, more than 3% of Dutch parents acknowledged smothering, slapping, or shaking their infant in response to crying, but rates were as much as eight times higher in some immigrant groups. C o l ic Perhaps the most common clinical crying complaint is that an infant is said to have “colic” within the first 5 months of age. In the last 30 years, the concept of colic has been reconceptualized from being a condition that only some infants have (estimates vary from 6% to more than 40%) to

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the appreciation that infants labeled as having colic represent only the upper end of a spectrum of crying behaviors that all normally developing infants exhibit, as described previously. Traditionally, colic has been thought to be due to a pathological condition in the infant (e.g., intolerance to cow’s milk protein) or the caregiver (e.g., postpartum depression). However, accumulating evidence has demonstrated that disease is present in less than 5%, probably 1% to 2%, of infants with colic. Moreover, long-term follow-up studies indicate that there is no behavioral or disease difference between infants who previously did or did not have colic, and all of the behaviors considered defining of colic are also present in infants without colic, except that they are less frequent or shorter in duration. For example, the peak pattern of increasing and then decreasing crying within the first 3 months of age was considered a defining characteristic of the clinical syndrome. However, this basic pattern has been replicated as a generalized phenomenon in all Western societies studied, including Canada, Britain, and Denmark. There has been no change over decades, there is a similar pattern and timing of crying in cultures with radically different caregiving styles (as with the !Kung San), and the same pattern occurs in preterm infants at 6 weeks corrected age. In addition, there are similar distress curves in all mammalian species in whom crying has been studied, including free-living rhesus macaques. While organic diseases in which infant crying can be a symptom (e.g., intolerance to cow’s milk protein, urinary tract infection, esophageal reflux, pyloric stenosis) do occur, they are usually associated with other signs and symptoms in addition to crying and are more likely to exacerbate the increased crying that occurs as part of normal behavioral development at these ages. C o nsequenc es In the absence of a disease condition, there are no universally proved remedies for colic crying. Increasing proximal caregiving, such as constant carrying and holding, frequent feeding, and responding immediately can reduce the overall crying by as much as 50% but does not reduce the most frustrating inconsolable crying bouts that are almost unique to the first few months. Widely touted and well-meaning calming routines, usually including closeness, holding, rocking, background white noise, and familiar caregivers, reduce but do not eliminate milder fussing and crying bouts and are unlikely to be effective for the inconsolable bouts. This can result in increasing the frustration of caregivers who feel they are inadequate. Infants fare equally well whether they earlier were considered to manifest colic. Interestingly, colic is not a precursor of later “difficult” infant temperament. The two most serious negative consequences are parents who lack confidence in their caregiving skills for years afterward and infants who are shaken or abused in response to the crying. Coupled with the unfortunate belief in many cultures

that shaking an infant is an acceptable soothing method, the need to understand early crying behavior—especially the increased unsoothable crying in the first few months of life—as a normal developmental stage has considerable significance for early infant development. Ronald G. Barr see also: Comfort Habits; Emotional Development; Temperament further reading: R. G. Barr, B. Hopkins, and J. A. Green, eds., Crying as a Sign, a Symptom, and a Signal: Clinical, Emotional and Developmental Aspects of Infant and Toddler Crying, 2000. • S. Ghosh and R. G. Barr, “Colic and Gas,” in W. A. Walker, O. Goulet, R. E. Kleinman, P. M. Sherman, B. L. Shneider, and I. R. Sanderson, eds., Pediatric Gastrointestinal Disease, 4th ed., 2004, pp. 210–24. • J. Soltis, “The Signal Functions of Early Infant Crying,” Behavioral and Brain Sciences 27 (2004), pp. 443–58.

cults. The 1960s and 1970s were decades of social, political, and religious ferment in Western societies. During these decades, there was a profusion of new religious groups that are popularly referred to as cults and are termed new religious movements by scholars. At least several hundred of the more than 2,000 distinct religious groups in the United States are new religions. These movements emanate from diverse religious traditions: Christian (The Family International, Unificationism), Hinduism (Hare Krishna, Rajneesh), Buddhism (Soka Gakki, Aum Shinrikyo), Sufism (Gurdjieff Foundation), Sikhism (Happy, Healthy, Holy), UFO groups (Raelians, Heaven’s Gate), and New Age/ Human Potential movements (Scientology, Dianic and neopagan witchcraft). The prominence of Asian religious traditions among the new religions, which notably increased religious diversity in the West, is attributable to liberalized immigration laws during the 1960s. Since many new religions consciously organized on an international level, their constituent families are often diverse with respect to race, ethnicity, and national origin. New religious movements and children raise three issues with respect to children: motivations for individuals joining new religions, the response of families to those affiliations, and the advent of a second generation within new religions. The appeal of new religious movements can be traced to both generational and age-related factors. About 75 million Americans are members of the baby boom generation (1946–64), roughly one-third of the U.S. population. This generation experienced postwar prosperity, enjoyed historic opportunities for higher education and economic mobility, and held high expectations for individual selfexpression and self-fulfillment. At the same time, this generation also reached the formative years of late adolescence during which distinctive individuality takes shape at the same moment in history when Western societies were beset with a number of social crises. Baby boomers experienced profound, widespread disenchantment with political corruption, a divisive war in Vietnam, and public policy con-

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cerns about civil rights, women’s rights, and youth rights. It was this mixture of rising social expectations and moral disillusionment that produced interest in a variety of countercultural groups. From this perspective, then, new religions’ initial growth success is attributable to the availability of a large number of new religious groups, social and political crises, and a very large number of baby boomers making the transition from adolescence to adulthood. There have been two broad, competing explanations for youthful affiliations with new religions during the 1960s and 1970s. The more negative explanations focus on legitimate institutions and coercive influence techniques by new religious movements. The weakening of the nuclear and extended family is frequently identified as producing youth vulnerable to cultic recruitment. Cults take advantage of the youthful vulnerability and indoctrinate recruits using sophisticated and destructive mind-control techniques (such as inadequate sleep and diet, isolation from family and friends, constant monitoring of individual thoughts and actions, requirement of unquestioning obedience to group leaders, and trance-inducing ritual practices) that undermine individual autonomy, voluntarism, and self-directedness. Alternatively, joining new religions has been explained in an opposite way, as an attempt to break away from parental control and assert individualism and independence. The decline in primary support groups has led to a variety of alternative peer groups and social movements that mediate the transformation from adolescence to adulthood. While participating in these groups, adherents actually learn a variety of values that are functional for participation in conventional society, such as respect for authority, work ethic, and spirituality, albeit in what family members regard as an inappropriate context. Families of converts and groups opposed to new religions have been more disposed to the former explanations, and scholars studying these movements have developed the latter interpretations. Youthful conversions to new religions met with immediate and determined resistance from parents. For families, the tension during this period of transition from adolescence to adulthood was between encouraging autonomy and individualism and retaining sufficient control to ensure transition success. Families were mystified by their sons’ and daughters’ actions. In most cases, converts appeared to be well launched on educational and occupational careers and had manifested no interest in religion. The ambiguities and contradictions in the concept of childhood were brought into sharp relief when families responded to youthful rebellion by invoking their parental authority over their sons and daughters (as “children”) despite the fact that most were legally adults. Families banded together to form anticult associations (the American Family Foundation and the Cult Awareness Network) to combat new religions. Faced with the

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problem that most converts were legally adults and the groups claimed religious status, anticult groups sought to distinguish between legitimate and illegitimate religious groups and authentic and counterfeit conversions. They identified groups they deemed as pseudoreligious cults that manipulated conversions by means of brainwashing or mind control. These concepts became the foundation of anticult ideology. Armed with this rationale, many families undertook preemptive intervention in the form of what was termed deprogramming. Deprogrammers acted as agents of families, offering to rescue their children by reversing the effects of cultic programming. In its early form, deprogramming involved physical abduction, coercive restraint, and prolonged pressure and argumentation by deprogrammers and family members until the movement member agreed to renounce group membership. These techniques, which ironically closely resembled the tactics that anticultists attributed to cults, were quite successful for novitiates and less successful for more established members. Ultimately, in the face of mounting civil and criminal penalties, the anticult movement abandoned coercive deprogramming in favor of what it termed exit counseling. The latter requires voluntary participation by all parties. Exit counseling also has declined in recent years as recruitment to new religions decreased with the demise of the 1960s counterculture. Children again became an issue with respect to new religions as members began to form families within their respective movements. The result was the emergence of second-generation members within new religious movements that confronted adults with the necessity of assuming parental responsibilities, limiting their mobility, and planning for socialization and education of children. Particularly among the more conservative religious groups that eschewed birth control, large families emerged rapidly. Ironically, as parents, new religious movement members now faced the same problem their parents had faced earlier: the extent to which they should urge religion or specific religious beliefs on their children. As members of movements in protest against conventional society, these new parents experimented with a variety of alternative child-rearing educational and religious-training practices. New religions, like the neo-pagans, that perceive children to be naturally innocent and attribute the stifl ing of children’s natural emotional expressiveness and personal creativity to authoritarian institutions are more likely to demure from inculcating religious beliefs in their children. By contrast, groups, such as those in the conservative Christian movements, that perceive children to be naturally sinful and the problem of contemporary society to be the permissiveness of the nuclear family and of the dissolution of both nuclear and extended family are likely to inculcate religious beliefs as foundational to childhood socialization. A number of movements, such as The Family, engaged in

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home schooling, preferring to maintain maximum distance from schools they regarded as part of a corrupt social order. ISKCON (The International Society for Krishna Consciousness) established a network of movement-sponsored schools (gurukulas) to provide children with a spiritually based education. Neo-pagans have typically enrolled their children in public schools and sought to preserve their traditions privately. The presence of young children has created the most recent controversy for new religious movements. Given the heightened public concern over child abuse and the public definition of new religious movements as cults, confl icts involving children were predictable. There have been some tragic instances of violence involving children, such as the deaths of more than 250 children in the mass suicides at Jonestown and 10 children and adolescents in the Solar Temple murder-suicides. A number of cases of injury and death as a result of corporal punishment or faith-healing practices have been reported, particularly for small conservative Christian groups, such as The Body or Faith Tabernacle. There have also been deaths and violations of rights as a product of governmental actions, such as the deaths of 18 children in the federal assault on the Branch Davidian community. In addition, there have been numerous instances of authorities taking custody of large numbers of children, as in the cases of the Community at Island Pond and The Family, where the custody actions were subsequently reversed in court proceedings. More common have been divorces in situations in which one partner left a religious movement, leading to bitter custody disputes in which the movement-affiliated partner was frequently at a de facto legal disadvantage. Overall, there is no basis for concluding that new religious traditions are more prone to abuse than established religious traditions. David G. Bromley see also: Child: Religious and Philosophical Perspectives further reading: Anson Shupe and David Bromley, The New Vigilantes: Deprogrammers, Anti-Cultists, and the New Religions, 1980. • Margaret Singer and Janja Lalich, Cults in Our Midst: The Hidden Menace in Our Everyday Lives, 1996. • Susan Palmer and Charlotte Hardman, eds., Children in New Religions, 1999. • Benjamin Zablocki and Thomas Robbins, eds., Misunderstanding Cults, 2001.

curriculum. Every nation in the world faces a difficult problem. From the vast amount of knowledge that is available, what knowledge, skills, and values should be passed on to its children? This is especially difficult in nations with varied regional, cultural, ethnic, and religious traditions. Because of this, there is a long history of debates about what schools should teach, about who should select the curriculum, and about how it should be taught and evaluated. There is no exact or agreed-upon definition of curricu-

lum. Many people would agree that, at the very least, the curriculum is the knowledge that is taught in schools. The curriculum is also often associated with the information contained within textbooks themselves because in many subjects the scope, order, and content of what is taught are largely that of the textbooks. This happens in part because what is taught in a specific class, grade level, or subject is often decided according to state, district, school, or department guidelines regarding content or by financial and time limitations that make it hard to use other curricular resources. In this way, state-level content standards also become significant factors in determining the curriculum, in large part now because teachers and schools are increasingly expected to comply with state expectations for what should be taught in schools. The curriculum has also been defined as the entire set of student experiences that have been planned and structured by teachers and schools. John Dewey is perhaps most famous for adopting this definition, for he saw the curriculum as consisting of all of the students’ experiences in educationally structured school environments. This definition is clearly more expansive than just that of specific subjects, textbooks, or standards that define the content of what is to be taught. In addition to those considerations, this definition takes into account other factors, such as how content is taught as well. Additionally, thinking about the curriculum in terms of the student experience in educational environments, while including a focus on content, also helps acknowledge the importance of focusing on the learner and on all of her or his actual experiences as part of the curriculum. There are several different models for how the curriculum is actually enacted in schools. The most common is for the curriculum to be broken down into various individual subjects to be taught and learned. This model is usually called a discipline-centered approach to curriculum in that it focuses on organizing content by specific disciplines of knowledge. It is most often found beginning in middle school grades and carries on into high schools, where students often need a certain number of units in particular subjects (i.e., math, science, English, history, foreign language) in order to earn a diploma. In this model, subjects are separated and tend to be taught in isolation from one another. This approach is based on a general presumption that knowledge exists in relatively separated and disconnected pieces. A different model for the curriculum exists where different subjects are integrated. In the integrated curriculum model, subjects are linked to one another, and it is assumed that knowledge exists in an interconnected network. This approach can be found more commonly in the earlier grades where teachers often take a single theme or idea and study how the various subjects intersect with that theme or

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idea. An example might be a unit on water, where students learn the history of a body of water, discuss the human interaction with that body of water, including mathematical thinking about how much water is used, environmental factors of human interaction with water, and ecological sustainability. In the process, students might also take field trips, do science experiments, complete both expository and creative writing assignments, and develop artistic projects related to water. Another model for curriculum that is related to integrated forms is what is called a project-based curriculum. Project-based curricula choose a specific project for students to focus on as the basis for what they learn. The various subjects are integrated into the project itself. A community mural project, for instance, might include students studying community history, architecture, language and literature, painting, the physics of colors and wavelengths, the chemistry of paints, the mathematics of scale and graphic design, the business of fund-raising, and the importance of communication, coordination, and group work. Those who maintain a more critical analysis of schools have pointed to aspects of curriculum that go beyond content and teaching methods. One of the most important and lasting critical analyses has come through the study of what has been called the hidden curriculum. The hidden curriculum refers to the way that students from different socioeconomic classes, genders, or ethnicities are taught very different content, content that is aimed at training them for the perceived future roles in life. For instance, in her research on elementary schools, Jean Anyon found that schools that serve the children of more affluent communities were teaching content and ways of thinking that would prepare these communities’ children for highpaying executive-type jobs. In the same research, Anyon also found that schools that serve the children of the poor were teaching their students a more simplified curriculum that catered to basic skills and lower-paying work. Jeannie Oakes, in her important work Keeping Track, tells a similar story in which students in “high-track” classes are exposed to college-preparatory curriculum, while “lower-track” classes composed of racial minorities and lower socioeconomic groups were not given the opportunity to learn this curriculum. Critical analyses of the curriculum also raise other serious considerations. For instance, there are real political and cultural issues regarding what curriculum content is counted as “official knowledge” in schools. That is, some groups’ knowledge, history, culture, and religious traditions are assumed, almost automatically, to be superior. This has led to increasing confl ict over the curriculum, and many groups are engaged in serious debates about what are clearly very difficult—and at times emotionally charged— issues surrounding what should be taught. As one example,

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Michael Apple has pointed out, these concerns surface in several ways, one of which is through textbooks. Textbook writing and production is an industry, and like all industries it, too, is guided by market forces. In the case of textbooks, textbook publishers cater to the largest markets—those of California, Texas, and Florida—in order to guarantee high sales numbers. In general, large states like Texas centralize the purchasing of their textbooks and then distribute these same texts throughout their public school systems. Thus, they have a significant amount of power in determining what content is put into the textbooks themselves. In a state like Texas, the committees that determine textbook adoption for the state are usually politically and culturally conservative and work very hard to ensure that the textbooks reflect their conservative values. Because being adopted as an approved textbook in states like Texas guarantees a large amount of sales, the publishing companies will then organize and write their whole line of textbooks in reading, social studies, mathematics, and many other subjects to meet the political needs of a single market. The effects of this cannot be underestimated, since this means that this process makes the texts approved in large states with statewide textbook adoption processes the ones that are sold nationwide as well. Hence, the political and cultural perspectives of a relatively limited group of people tend to become the official knowledge to be found in many textbooks. Given the power of the textbook in determining the actual curriculum in schools, this limited knowledge provides the basis for what is subsequently taught in schools. As Apple and others have argued, this is one way that certain ideologies are transmitted in the curriculum that ultimately effect popular understandings of the world. In order to cope with the confl icts that are generated out of this process, many textbook publishers attempt to remove any material that might offend any pressure group. The result is often a bland and uninteresting set of textbooks, one in which teachers must work even harder to generate student interest in what they are studying. Another enduring controversy is whether the curriculum should teach a specific common culture to children. Most recently, support for such a common culture through the curriculum can be seen in the arguments of those such as E. D. Hirsch and Diane Ravitch, both of whom support the idea that a European-centered canon of knowledge should be taught in schools. These authors feel that in countries whose cultures derive from European traditions, the “core knowledge” of the European tradition is the most important knowledge to be learned. However, there are also many thoughtful critics of a European-centered, core curriculum, who point to the increasingly diverse, multicultural nature of contemporary societies. Groups such as Teaching for Change, publications such as Rethinking Schools, and organizations such as the National Association

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of Multicultural Education strongly oppose the positions of people like Hirsch and Ravitch, arguing, among others, that to teach such a “core” curriculum is ultimately biased and assumes that one culture is better than the myriad other cultures and subcultures that exist within a country. This example points out once again the charged nature of the issues of deciding what and whose knowledge should be taught in schools. Another contemporary debate is whether “intelligent design” should be taught in public school science classes. Intelligent design promotes the idea that the world is too complicated to have developed naturally through randomly occurring events and that, therefore, there must have been some sort of supranatural intelligent designer behind the complexity of the earth’s construction. Inclusion of intelligent design in the science curriculum is being advocated by some Christian fundamentalist and evangelical groups. On the other hand, nearly all scientists and a very wide array of religious groups have opposed the teaching of intelligent design in science classes, arguing that there is no generally recognized scientific content and that it introduces religion into the science curriculum. Another debate revolves around the federal No Child Left Behind Act, which currently requires standardized testing in reading and mathematics in grades three through eight and will soon require similar testing in science. Schools that perform poorly face several possible punishments, including losing federal money and having the entire school completely restructured with a possible takeover by the state or private industry. In response to such highstakes testing, schools are shrinking their curriculum to include mainly those subjects that will be tested and focusing their budgets on test-preparation materials. Cognitively enriching subjects such as art and music, funds for field trips, and unstructured playtime are disappearing from many elementary schools as a result. This has a disproportionate effect on children whose families lack the resources to provide such experiences outside of school. Because of this, many educators and parents, such as those affiliated with the Center for Fair and Open Testing (FairTest), are fighting against such testing and the restricted curriculum it is fostering. In diverse societies, the ability to have debates over curriculum issues helps define the health of democracies. If, within a society, there is a common commitment to a process of argument and deliberation, it can lead to a balance between stability and change that can benefit the entire schooling process. Michael W. Apple and Wayne Au see also: Arts Education; Bilingual Education; Civic Education; Critical Thinking; Education; Foreign Language Education; Health and Sex Education; Mathematics; Multicultural Education; Physical Education; Reading; Religion in Public Schools; Science; Social Studies, History, and Geography; Textbooks; Writing

further reading: E. D. Hirsch Jr., The Schools We Need and Why We Don’t Have Them, 1996. • J. Anyon, Ghetto Schooling: A Political Economy of Urban Educational Reform, 1997. • J. Oakes, Keeping Track: How Schools Structure Inequality, 2nd ed., 2005. • M. W. Apple, Educating the “Right” Way: Markets, Standards, God, and Inequality, 2nd ed., 2006. • Rethinking Schools, http://www .rethinkingschools.org

cursing. see Slang and Offensive Language custody. Disputes over the custody of children are among the most contentious and emotionally charged confl icts in justice systems throughout the world. The law of child custody within the United States has evolved over time in ways that reflect broader societal changes, but the standards that govern decision making in this important area remain highly controversial. While most childcustody cases settle out of court, the confl icts that go to trial are difficult for all concerned, including the children whose custody is at issue. Family court judges frequently remark that they need the wisdom of Solomon. In the United States, parents in intact families have equal rights of custody with respect to a minor child. These rights encompass physical access to the child as well as decisionmaking authority over the child’s welfare, including such matters as education, medical treatment, and religious training. When married parents divorce or when unmarried parents live apart, however, the state’s parens patriae authority to protect children empowers it to resolve childcustody disputes through traditional court processes. Historically, English law followed the Roman model and vested absolute custodial power and financial responsibility in the married father. He was entitled to sole custody of the child if the parents separated, except in cases of extreme paternal misconduct, and could designate a testamentary guardian by will. The unmarried mother, conversely, had the sole right of custody and financial responsibility for her children. In the 19th century, courts and legislatures began to favor maternal custody for children of “tender years.” The tender-years doctrine established a rebuttable presumption that maternal custody was in the best interests of infants and young children. Several states created a complementary paternal preference for older children who were of an age suitable for training in business. As a practical matter, children beyond the “tender” age often were placed with the parent of the same sex. The tender-years doctrine was consistent with the separate-spheres ideology of that era: Mothers were thought to be the innately superior caregivers for young children, and fathers were better suited to prepare children for adult responsibilities in the working world. The tender-years doctrine dominated American childcustody standards through the 19th century and for much

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of the 20th century. By the 1970s, however, fathers began to challenge the maternal preference as an unconstitutional violation of their right to equal treatment under the Fourteenth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, and legislatures began to revise their laws to move from outdated stereotypes about mothers and fathers to more gender-neutral rules governing custody. By the end of the 20th century, all state legislatures in the United States had adopted genderneutral child-custody standards. Nevertheless, custodial parents are still predominantly mothers, whether arranged by private agreement or ordered by a court. Gender continues to play an important role in custody laws around the world. In some nations, a maternal preference similar to the tender-years doctrine remains an explicit requirement of the law. In China, for example, a nursing mother of an infant is recognized as the direct guardian of the child. Similarly, under Hindu law the mother is the preferred custodian of children younger than 5 years of age. In many Islamic countries, mothers have a presumptive right to custody of a young child, and maternal custody of daughters sometimes extends until the daughter is married. In contrast, the customary law of some patrilineal societies in sub-Saharan Africa views the child as belonging to the father’s family. The nations of Western Europe, like the United States, have endorsed a gender-neutral bestinterests standard for resolving custody disputes, but the parents with primary responsibility for children in Europe, as in the United States, are predominantly women. As of 2005, the most common form of custody law in the United States is a gender-neutral standard requiring the court to award custody in the best interests of the child according to a list of discretionary factors. These factors commonly include the child’s relationship with both parents, past caretaking roles, the parents’ wishes, the parties’ mental and physical health, a parent’s willingness to cooperate with the other parent, and the cultural backgrounds of the parties and the child. In addition, consideration of the child’s wishes is mandatory in many states, but the weight given to the child’s views varies by statute. In a few states, the preferences of an adolescent child are presumptively controlling, but in most states judges take the child’s views into account in the exercise of their discretion. Courts employ different methods of ascertaining the child’s views, including personal interviews in judicial chambers, testimony by social workers, or, more rarely, testimony by the child. The laws of many other countries also recognize that decision makers should consider children’s views in resolving custody disputes, a principle central to the widely adopted United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. In some countries, such as Sweden, the views of older children are decisive. Best-interests statutes typically distinguish between physical custody, or physical residence with the child, and

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legal custody, or decision-making authority concerning the child, including his or her education, medical care, and religious training. The statutes also distinguish between sole custody, in which one parent has legal custody and primary physical custody of the child, and joint or shared custody, in which parents share physical or legal custody or both. Under the traditional statutory approach, the noncustodial parent is entitled to reasonable visitation or parenting time unless there is a showing that such access would be harmful to the child. Courts frequently appoint experts to perform custody evaluations to assist in determining a child’s best interests. Critics of the discretionary best-interests standard contend that the standard is elusive, indeterminate, and subject to the private biases of trial judges. A judge may believe that young children belong with their mothers, for example, and rule accordingly despite the demise of the tender-years doctrine within the formal law. Conversely, a judge might deny custody to a working single mother based on a subjective assumption that children should never be placed in child care. Likewise, a judge might deny visitation to a gay father because of the judge’s own bias rather than any evidence of harm to the child. Critics also argue that discretionary standards encourage litigation because the outcome of any given dispute is inherently unpredictable. As an alternative to the discretionary best-interests model, several states have enacted statutory presumptions or limitations that curb the discretion of divorce courts and promote particular policies relevant to children’s interests. The most prominent presumption in the United States is that of joint custody or shared parenting. Proponents of joint-custody presumptions emphasize the psychological benefits to children of maintaining strong relationships with both parents, particularly fathers. Nevertheless, critics point out that if parents are uncooperative, joint custody may be unworkable and may expose the child to continued interparental confl ict. As a practical reality, studies show that most divorcing couples today voluntarily choose an arrangement of joint legal custody (shared decision-making authority) with primary physical custody in the mother. A presumption favoring sole custody for the primary caretaker has received strong support in the literature and within a few state courts but has not met with great popularity in state legislatures. In 2002, the American Law Institute (ALI) proposed that, where the parents cannot otherwise agree on a parenting plan, physical custody be allocated to approximate the proportion of time each parent spent performing caretaking functions for the child prior to the parents’ separation. Critics point out, however, that the ALI model may not be feasible in many situations, since a couple’s preseparation division of responsibility in the intact home may not work as a practical matter once separation has occurred.

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Numerous states have created negative presumptions triggered by certain kinds of parental misconduct, such as domestic violence or substance abuse. Recognizing that family violence harms children emotionally and psychologically even when they are not direct victims, many states prohibit an award of sole physical custody to a parent who has committed acts of domestic violence. In some states, joint physical or legal custody is also barred if there is a history of interparental violence. States have enacted similar negative presumptions based on evidence of a parent’s alcohol or drug abuse. Allegations of child sexual abuse arise in a small percentage of custody cases, and courts will limit access if a parent is found to have abused the child. A few issues in child-custody litigation have raised constitutional concerns. In Palmore v. Sidoti (1984), the U.S. Supreme Court held that the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment barred a state court from changing custody of a young child to the father based solely on the fact that her white mother was cohabiting with an African American man. Most state courts hold that a parent’s religious practices should not be considered in a custody dispute unless they cause direct and immediate harm to the child and that courts cannot base a custody decision on a preference for a parent’s religious affiliation. In these cases, the state’s interest in protecting the child is balanced against the First Amendment rights of the parties. In other nations, in contrast, religion may play a more prominent role in custody decision making. In Saudi Arabia, for example, a primary concern in deciding custody disputes under Shari’a (Islamic law) is that the child be raised in the Islamic faith. Similarly, in Egypt, custody of children is generally determined by the age and sex of the child according to the tenets of Islam. Allegations of nonmarital sexual conduct between adults—both heterosexual and homosexual—may arise in litigated child-custody cases. The majority rule with respect to nonmarital, heterosexual behavior is that such conduct does not justify a denial of custody or visitation unless there is a showing of direct harm to the child. The ALI, seeking to avoid decision making based on conjecture and stereotype, recommends that courts not consider sexual orientation at all in resolving custody. Custody disputes frequently arise between a legal parent and a third party, including a stepparent, grandparent, cohabitant, or other person in a de facto relationship with the child. Traditionally, courts have employed a strong presumption favoring the legal parent except where the other party can establish that the parent is unfit. In the late 20th century, state courts began to relax the presumption, recognizing that continued contact between a child and a psychological parent is often in the child’s best interests. In a few states, persons in a de facto parent-child relationship have standing equal to that of a lawful parent in a custody

dispute. Most states, however, have retained a presumption requiring the challenger to prove that custody in the legal parent will be detrimental to the child. Once custody has been adjudicated by a court, a party’s violation of the decree can trigger ordinary civil remedies, including contempt. In addition, interference with custody is a crime under most states’ laws. In high-confl ict situations, family courts often appoint parenting coordinators to work informally with the parties to help implement custody orders. A child-custody decree is typically subject to modification on a showing of a material change in circumstance. One of the most problematic scenarios encountered by courts is relocation by a custodial parent to another state or country. States are split in their approach to this problem, with some states placing the burden on the custodial parent to prove that the move is in the child’s best interests and others requiring the noncustodial parent to bear the burden of proving that the move is not within the child’s best interests. A state court’s jurisdiction to decide child custody depends on an amalgam of federal and state law. Almost all states have adopted the Uniform Child Custody Jurisdiction and Enforcement Act (UCCJEA). The goals of the UCCJEA are to provide clear uniform standards for initial and continuing jurisdiction in child-custody cases, to clarify the law on modification of custody decrees, and to create an efficient process for interstate enforcement of child-custody decrees. The federal Parental Kidnapping Prevention Act requires recognition and enforcement of child-custody decrees across state boundaries and prohibits modification of decrees by sister states except in accordance with strict jurisdictional standards. When a child is removed to a foreign nation in violation of a domestic custody decree, the Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction provides a framework for obtaining the return of the child. The Convention has been ratified by 70 countries, including the United States. The adversarial nature of child-custody litigation can be detrimental to the emotional and psychological health of all parties, especially children. Moreover, many divorcing parents are pro se litigants because they cannot afford the cost of counsel. As a result, alternatives to traditional litigation have been developed in the United States and elsewhere, including mediation, arbitration, and collaborative law. Beginning around 1980, many states established custody-mediation programs, permitting or requiring parents involved in custody disputes to first go through mediation before resorting to formal court hearings and judicial resolution. Because mediation promotes the voluntary settlement of custody disputes by the parties, it reduces parental confl ict and can lessen the trauma of divorce for children. Studies show that parents are more likely to com-

dance

ply with agreements reached through mediation than with decrees achieved after litigation. Another popular alternative to litigation is the more informal process of arbitration, through which parties submit their dispute to an arbitrator rather than a judge. Finally, collaborative law is a growing movement in the United States in which family-law attorneys and their clients commit to cooperatively resolving all issues in a divorce, including child custody, without resort to litigation. Barbara Ann Atwood see also: Adolescent Decision Making, Legal Perspectives on; Best Interests of the Child; Family Court; Gay and Lesbian Parents; Guardianship; Kidnapping; Property, Children as; Remarriage

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and the Blended Family; Separation and Divorce; Single Parents; Visitation further reading: Joseph Goldstein, Anna Freud, and Albert J. Solnit, Beyond the Best Interests of the Child, 1973. • Eleanor E. Maccoby and Robert H. Mnookin, Dividing the Child: Social and Legal Dilemmas of Custody, 1992. • Robert Emery, Renegotiating Family Relationships: Divorce, Child Custody, and Mediation, 1994. • Mary Ann Mason, From Father’s Property to Children’s Rights: The History of Child Custody in the United States, 1994. • Andrew I. Schepard, Children, Courts, and Custody: Interdisciplinary Models for Divorcing Families, 2004. • Symposium on Comparative Custody Law, 39 Family Law Quarterly 247 (2005).

d dance. Dance refers to culturally patterned sequences of rhythmic body movements that have aesthetic value. Dance is an important element in human culture around the world, and in many places it is woven into the rituals that mark key moments in the life cycle, such as birth, puberty, marriage, and death. Among the Ubakala of Nigeria, for example, married women with offspring joyously celebrate the birth of a child in dance plays, communicate the news to the new mother’s kin, and mark their identity as mothers and as members of an influential group. The role that dance plays in the lives of children changes from birth through adolescence. Very young children copy and imitate others, exploring body movement as a part of normal development. During toddlerhood, dance can provide a means for fuller communication and self-expression than is possible with words. In many communities, dance is more socially acceptable for prepubescent children of either gender than it is for adolescents. Children may incorporate dance into their play, and dance may serve as a medium of learning and socialization. As children approach adolescence, the role dance plays in their lives is dependent upon many factors, such as caregiver and community attitudes toward dance. In some religious communities, dance is part of coming-of-age ceremonies; in others, it is prohibited. In many cultures, adolescents are encouraged to learn dances that are done with partners of the opposite gender in preparation for adult gender roles. Organized venues for learning to dance vary widely. In preschool programs throughout the United States, children engage in informal dance but are not taught steps. In ele-

mentary and middle school, folk dancing, square dancing, and social dancing may be taught during physical education classes. Private dance studios, community centers, and universities offer extracurricular programs in folk dancing, social dancing, or ballet for children and young adults. A more intensive approach to dance education can be found in specialized arts schools. In some communities, there are many informal opportunities for children to dance within the community as part of cultural or religious events, festivals, holidays, or neighborhood and family gatherings. However, social mobility has led to a decline in traditional dance forms tied to specific regions in the United States. At the same time, popular dance styles, often tied to popular music, thrive and disseminate widely within and beyond the United States. The consequences of dance participation on children are manifold. Physically, participation in dance affects all aspects of fitness. Depending on the type of dance and the frequency and duration of participation, the physical benefits can include enhanced muscular strength and endurance, joint range of motion, muscular flexibility, cardiovascular efficiency, and coordination. Participation in dance can also enhance cognitive, social, and emotional development. Self-esteem and confidence have been shown to increase during dance participation for children and adolescents. There is also evidence that overparticipation in some dance styles such as ballet during puberty and adolescence can have negative physical effects in the form of injuries to muscles and bones. Gender, ethnicity, race, socioeconomic status, and the

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types of dance available to children all interact with children’s own talents and interests to influence the role that dance plays in their lives. In many countries, boys have opportunities to participate in folk and social dancing but are discouraged from participating in other dance forms, such as ballet, that are associated with femininity. In the United States, elite dance forms (again, such as ballet) require extracurricular participation, which may be beyond the financial means of the child’s caregivers. Not all localities have the same access to teachers and varieties of dance programs within and outside the school environment. Urban areas typically have a greater supply of teachers and programs that can be adapted to individual family needs. Elin E. Lobel see also: Arts Education; Music; Popular Music further reading: Judith Hanna et al., “Movements toward Understanding Humans through the Anthropological Study of Dance,” Current Anthropology 20, no. 2 (June 1979), pp. 313–39. • Paul Spencer, Society and the Dance, 1985. • Karen Bradley and Mary Szegda, “The Dance of Learning,” in Bernard Spodek and Olivia N. Saracha, eds., Handbook of Research on the Education of Young Children, 2nd ed., 2005, pp. 243–50.

darwin, charles (robert) (b. February 12, 1809; d. April 19, 1882), English evolutionary biologist and one of the inventors of the theory of natural selection. Natural selection favors traits that enhance the reproductive success of the individual, not the group or species. The very scope of Charles Darwin’s theory of natural selection may obscure its salience to human behavior. Not just a theory of personality, cognitive development, or learning, natural selection helps explain why humans possess each of their behavioral capacities. Why is human childhood the longest of any mammal? Why do adolescent males often take risks? Darwin examined his own 10 children’s development, documenting the appearance of neonatal reflexes, visual tracking, handedness, voluntary movements, behavioral sex differences, mirror recognition, learned associations, deception, speech, and social referencing. He was especially attentive to the appearance of various emotions, including jealousy, curiosity, humor, and shyness. Darwin’s contributions to child psychology are presented mainly in The Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals (1872). This masterwork introduced still-current research methods for identifying an evolved behavior or sex difference: testing for universality, presence in newborns, stereotypy of form, specific physiological mediation, and presence in related species. Inspired by Darwin’s pioneering of direct observation of behavior, human ethologists continue to use naturalistic observation of spontaneous behavior to study topics such as play, dominance competition, and parent-infant interactions. Darwin recognized that the timing of developmental events is molded by natural selection. He noted, for ex-

ample, that sex differentiation occurs mainly at puberty, when the sexes assume their respective reproductive roles. Like the males of many other species, boys diverge more from the juvenile form than do girls. Males must develop anatomical and behavioral traits, such as pugnacity, to enhance their success in competition for females. Darwin’s understanding of the biogenetic law was quite advanced. He recognized that development will usually, but not always, recapitulate phylogeny. Earlier developmental stages, such as infancy compared with childhood, will generally entail less individual variation than later stages, consistent with what is now called terminal addition. Darwin observed that many animals warn members of their community of danger, but this aid is not indiscriminate; rather, it is directed at genetic relatives of the altruist. This tendency is now called kin altruism, whose fitness benefits to the altruist, such as to a sterile worker bee, were not understood until the mid-20th century. In analyzing children’s moral development, Darwin noted the early emergence of sympathy and, subsequently, sensitivity to approval and disapproval. He viewed language as useful in guiding the giving and receiving of help. Aided by their maturing reason and foresight, children come to judge moral issues on the basis of individual conscience. He recognized the utility, in the so-called civilized races, of a belief in an all-seeing deity for enforcing ethical behavior. He observed that parental behavior has been selected for in many species, even starfish and spiders, and of course is very elaborate in mammals such as humans. In short, Darwin provided a comparative basis for understanding, for example, the extent of sex differentiation in the human species, and the adaptive value of specieswide behaviors and developmental sequences. Glenn Weisfeld see also: Evolution of Childhood, Biological further reading: R. L. Burgess and K. MacDonald, eds., Evolutionary Perspectives on Human Development, 2005. • B. J. Ellis and D. F. Bjorklund, eds., Origins of the Social Mind: Evolutionary Psychology and Child Development, 2005.

date rape. see Rape dating. see Romantic and Sexual Relationships davis, kingsley (b. August 20, 1908; d. February 27, 1997), American sociologist. Children, as such, did not focus the scholarly attention of Kingsley Davis, but they were central in two processes central to his concerns: fertility and socialization. No American academician of his generation spoke more provocatively about childhood as an embedded social process. His highly analytic stance and sharply ironic prose style, as well as his somewhat illiberal politics, no doubt also drew attention to his work.

d a v is , ( w il l ia m ) a l l is o n

At Harvard, where Davis received his sociology training, he imbibed the comparative evolutionary perspective of structural functionalism, about to become the discipline’s dominant paradigm. His 1936 dissertation assayed a structural analysis of kinship, the classic topic of social anthropology. Davis shortly added training in demography to his intellectual armory: His perspective on childhood, as on all social phenomena, was insistently macroscopic. Davis’s major contribution to the study of childhood was theoretical. The “Structural Analysis of Kinship,” published collaboratively in the American Anthropologist in 1937, argued that the norms and institutions governing human reproduction are where social structure, by way of kinship, meets biology. “Kinship may be defined as social relations based on connection through birth,” he wrote, with fictive birth relations, like adoption or anticipated childbirth, the exceptions that prove the rule. Social institutions, everywhere—but variously—embodied in family, mediate the two-way relationship of biology and social structure: Arrangements governing reproduction were prominent among these, as were those organizing childrearing. So crucial to social reproduction is this nexus that even obvious injustices, like disadvantages suffered by illegitimate children, were necessary. Characteristically assuming the stance of disinterested, even disenchanted, science, Davis dismissed the sentimental optimism of reformers in “Illegitimacy and the Social Structure,” published in the American Journal of Sociology in 1939. “The reproductive or familial institutions constitute the social machinery in terms of which the creation of new members of society is supposed to take place. The birth of children in ways that do not fit into this machinery much necessarily receive the disapproval of society, else the institutional system itself, which depends upon favorable attitudes in individuals, would not be approved or sustained.” Davis’s analytic theorizing characteristically sought to separate the elements of a phenomenon that were conjoined in experience, so that each could be subject to separate structural analysis. In his 1940 account of “The Child and the Social Structure,” published in the Journal of Educational Sociology, “the fabrication of the infant for future positions must begin as soon as possible.” As organisms, infants were all pretty much the same, so that childhood as “fabrication” rests upon ascriptions, primarily gender, age, age relative to siblings, and kinship. The “fabrication” or socialization of the infant itself is accomplished by two distinguishable categories of persons (those in authority over him and those of equal standing) from whom the child acquires his or her sentiments, beliefs, and knowledge. At this point, Davis cites Jean Piaget, whose assertion of “two general types of morality,” constraint and cooperation, rests on these two settings of authority and equality for development. One does not look, even as one might in Piaget, for a holistic understanding of children in Davis, but for

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many sociologists, demographers, and social historians, his analytic structuralism was a crucial source of ideas. John Modell see also: Demography of Childhood; Fertility further reading: Kingsley Davis, Human Society, 1949. • David M. Heer, Kingsley Davis: A Biography and Selections from His Writings, 2005.

davis, (william) allison (b. October 14, 1902; d. November 21, 1983), American educational researcher who examined sociocultural and psychological influences on socialization and learning. Born in Washington, DC, Allison Davis was educated at Williams College, Harvard University, and the London School of Economics before completing his PhD in anthropology in 1942 at the University of Chicago, where he spent most of his career. While at Harvard and Chicago, he studied with W. Lloyd Warner, who adapted anthropological methods for the study of modern communities. Under Warner’s mentorship, Davis was senior researcher in an intensive fieldwork project that investigated racial caste and social class in Natchez, Mississippi. Drawing upon ideas from that study, Davis then shifted his focus to the socialization and personality development of black adolescents in all their diversity. He collaborated with psychologist John Dollard to examine the distinctive problems that African American youth faced in their personality development. Probing the effects of racial discrimination, their analysis, which was informed by behaviorism and psychoanalysis, refuted biodeterminist ideas about the relationship between race and personality. In later collaborations, Davis studied socialization in both black and white middle- and lower-class families in Chicago, demonstrating that class differences were greater than those based on race. In research focused specifically on middle-class families, he investigated adolescents’ emotional responses to status inequalities based on age and gender and how they learn to convert anxiety and aggression into culturally valued initiative and competition. Convinced that poor children’s destinies are not doomed because of innate cognitive deficits, Davis identified environmental obstacles to learning. He demonstrated how poor children’s class-related ways of life, along with society’s negative evaluations of them, interfere with their learning middle-class culture in school. He encouraged teachers to use a pedagogy that takes their students’ cultural reference points into consideration. Of related significance is his work on conventional intelligence tests, which measure cultural training rather than mental capacity. Collaborating with colleagues and students, he designed a less culturally biased alternative, the Davis-Eells (Games) Test. He was a member of the President’s Commission on Civil Rights (1966–67), the White House Task Force on the

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Gifted (1968), and vice chairman of the Department of Labor’s Commission on Manpower Retraining (1968–72). He had a major influence on Head Start and other developmental programs for poor children. In 1970, he was appointed the University of Chicago’s first John Dewey Distinguished Service Professor, and in 1972 he was the first scholar from education to be elected to the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. In 1994, a postal stamp in the Black Heritage series was issued in his honor. Faye V. Harrison see also: Education, Discrimination in: Racial Discrimination; Intelligence Testing; School Achievement further reading: Allison Davis and John Dollard, Children of Bondage: The Personality Development of Negro Youth in the Urban South, 1940. • W. Allison Davis and Robert J. Havighurst, Father of the Man: How Your Child Gets His Personality, 1947. • Kenneth Eells, Allison Davis, Robert Havighurst, Virgil Herrick, and Ralph Tyler, Intelligence and Cultural Differences, 1951. • Allison Davis, Psychology of the Child in the Middle Class, 1960.

day care. see Child Care deafness. Definitions of deafness vary and, within the United States, may differ from one state to another. For purposes of this article, deafness will refer to children who either have no access or very limited access to the spoken word, even with the benefit of powerful digital hearing aids. Traditionally, it was believed that approximately 1 child in 1,000 was deaf. That figure is no longer valid for children in the United States and countries such as Germany, Canada, Japan, and Australia, where the incidence now is closer to 1 child in 2,000. There are several reasons for this change, primarily due to medical advances in the prevention of deafness and some evidence that cochlear implantation may bring enhanced hearing to many children with severe to profound hearing losses. Because the various etiologies of deafness frequently are associated with additional implications, a consideration of etiologies is important. Perhaps the best-known medical advance is the elimination of maternal rubella as a cause of congenital deafness. Periodic global rubella epidemics lasting up to two years would, in the past, double the number of children born with severe to profound hearing loss. Although work on the development of rubella vaccines was in progress in the 1960s, they were not available to prevent the outbreak of a worldwide rubella epidemic in 1963 and 1964. In the United States, rubella caused deafness in thousands of children during that period. Frequently, associated conditions included neurological disabilities, learning disabilities, limited vision, and health problems. In 1969, three vaccines were licensed in the United States, and in 1979 the current vaccine was licensed and the others discontinued. The world has not experienced an epidemic since the 1960s. There also has been medical success in reducing the incidence of deafness and other conditions related to mother-

child blood incompatibility. Several types of mother-child blood incompatibility have been associated with deafness, most commonly involving maternal Rh factor complications and jaundice in the fetus and newborn. Rh factor incompatibility has been greatly reduced as a cause of deafness due to prenatal testing, intrauterine, and postnatal treatment. Although meningitis remains a common cause of deafness in the school-age population, the incidence of deafness related to meningitis has declined due to the immunizations that protect against the common bacterial pathogens. One unanticipated outcome of the advance has been that many very young children who previously might have died are now surviving meningitis, but with deafness and accompanying disabilities. Although the proportional contribution of meningitis to deafness has declined, those whom it now affl icts may have neurological impairments, including deafness. It should be noted, however, that medical advances in general have also contributed to an increase in the numbers of children who are deaf and have additional disabilities due to the survival of very preterm infants. Because of these changing etiologies, children often become deaf before the age of 3, when most language acquisition occurs. Otitis media, or middle ear infection, is common among young children and, if untreated, can cause hearing loss in children. Most children have had at least one episode of middle ear infection by 3 years of age. For one-third to one-half of the children who are deaf, the etiology is unknown. Because the greatest known cause of deafness is genetic, representing the known cause for approximately half of children in the United States who are deaf, it is assumed that many of the cases of unknown etiology are, in fact, hereditary as well. Although there may be as many as 400 hereditary causes of deafness, one gene in particular, GJB2, located in chromosome 12 and more commonly known as Connexion 26, has been found to be the most common cause of recessive hearing loss that is not part of a general or multifaceted malformation syndrome, accounting for up to 50% of childhood deafness in some populations. There are GJB2 mutations common in Caucasian and Asian populations. Another common mutation is found among people of Jewish Ashkenazi (European) ancestry. There have been discussions about the use of in vitro fertilization in regard to Connexion 26, in which parents identified as having matching recessive genes for deafness could assure the birth of a baby without deafness by elimination of fetuses carrying the “deaf ” genes. Like many such considerations of genetic engineering, the topic has generated a degree of controversy. To a large extent, the difference is between those who see deafness as a disease or disability to be prevented or cured through medicine and technology and those who view deafness as another way of being seen through a social and cultural prism.

I have a clear memory of myself at the age of 4, lying in bed, paralyzed with fear. Like many children of that age, I was imagining little monsters under the bed that were most certainly intent on chewing off my feet if I dared to step down. At such moments, most children would cry out, “Mommy, Daddy, come in here, I need you!” But for me, being the only hearing person in a house full of deaf people, a scream would be rather pointless. By this age, I knew that my deaf parents would not respond to sounds coming out of me. Ours was a visual world, and in order to get my parents’ attention I needed to get within their line of sight and wave my hands around or, if they were looking away, I would approach and gently touch their bodies to signal my presence. Sometimes causing a vibration would work, if I produced just the right level of stomping on just the right flooring. In this bedtime setting, I would usually comfort myself, but if my imagination cast the monsters as particularly vicious, I would hold my breath, take the big leap off my bed, and run into my parents’ room and crawl into their bed for safety and comfort. Looking back on such episodes, I don’t recall feeling neglected, nor did I think anything was missing. Instead, there was a certain sense of bravery being cultivated in me. This wasn’t the only context in which I felt responsible and competent. My deaf parents would often ask me to interpret for them. When I was about 4 years old, my parents had a telephone installed in our home. I felt proud and responsible when I could help them communicate with hearing people. Having made sure that I had consistent exposure to spoken language through hearing relatives, neighbors, and even the television, my parents still remained careful not to put me in inappropriate interpreting situations. They always supported me and helped me understand the “big words” that were being transmitted through me. Once, when I was about 7, an insurance agent came to our home. He smiled and asked, “Where is your older sister, the one who helped your father communicate with me on the telephone?” My school reports emphasized how advanced my language skills were, yet I don’t think my teachers ever realized I was finger-spelling words underneath my desk during spelling tests. This tactile rendering of the spoken word was intuitive for me, resulting in a perfect test score every time! While growing up, I didn’t fully identify with the “outside hearing world.” Nevertheless, I knew that I was not deaf. I felt between two worlds. I had an insider’s knowledge about the Deaf community and their ways of being. I would never make silly comments such as “Can deaf people drive?” or “Your house must be so quiet!” or “It must be weird to have deaf parents!” I always cringed when hearing people, upon finding out that I was the only hearing member of my family, would pronounce me “lucky,” implying that the rest of my family was unfortunate. Often, when I was out shopping with my mother, after she had paid for the goods, the hearing cashier would

hand the change to me with a special look that indicated she thought I was generously taking this poor, afflicted lady out for a daily outing, or a look indicating how remarkable I was to endure the hardship of having such a parent. What outsiders couldn’t see was that my parents enjoyed life to the fullest. They were educated, held fine jobs, and provided for us all. We were neither isolated nor suffering. We were participants in a vibrant sign language–using community with its own social, political, and educational networks. Yet few outsiders knew the inner workings of our “Deaf-World.” Some even seemed to hold the view that being deaf was equivalent to having an intellectual impairment. What they couldn’t accept was that I might even feel a desire to be deaf! That I didn’t feel “lucky to be hearing.” That I even fantasized that I would grow up to be deaf. In fact, without my parents’ knowledge, I investigated whether I could enroll as a student at the deaf school. (I was told the state wouldn’t allow it.) I now understand my bilingual/bicultural identity and appreciate being part of both deaf and hearing worlds. I can also see how some of my adult behaviors are the result of my upbringing in a deaf, visually oriented family. Even though I can hear, I require face-to-face contact for any conversation; visual engagement is essential for signers and simply carries over to my interactions with hearing people. I am a visual communicator; I use abundant facial expression and gesture when communicating in English. I have heightened sensitivity in my peripheral vision and a strong sense of the physical relationship between my body and my environment. I am intuitive about whether people around me understand things, and I am a good facilitator when communication breaks down. I am empowered by my Deaf identity and can now better explain to others why my hearing identity does not always fit with the hearing world’s template of being hearing. I closely identify with other hearing children of deaf parents. We share an indelible bond. I participate in conferences of the international organization for Children of Deaf Adults (CODA). There, I celebrate my dual identity. These are hearing people to whom I never have to explain what it was like; they understand the real reason I feel lucky to have been the only hearing member of my family. Through CODA, future generations of hearing children will grow up feeling lucky, as I do, and proud of their deaf parents, instead of feeling the shame projected onto them by hearing people who do not recognize that difference does not have to be thought of as a loss. Difference enhanced my life. Jenny L. Singleton further reading: J. L. Singleton and M. D. Tittle, “Deaf Parents and Their Hearing Children,” Journal of Deaf Studies and Deaf Education 5, no. 3 (2000), pp. 221–36. • Children of Deaf Adults International, http://www.coda-international.org

imagining each other

imagining each other

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Recent advances in genetic testing and counseling should provide more precise data in the near future. Hereditary deafness is predominantly recessive in nature, meaning that both parents usually are hearing carriers of a gene for deafness. Only 4% of children who are deaf have two parents with deafness. Most commonly, then, the parents of a deaf child are hearing, with little or no prior exposure to deafness or its implications. Without any prior experience with deafness, the parents—not to mention siblings and extended family members—relate to the deaf child with the habits and expectations of hearing people. Revolutionary changes and developments in areas as diverse as medicine, technology, legislation, and education have significantly affected the lives of children who are deaf, to the extent that even the demographic characteristics of the population are different from those of a generation ago. Consistently, 53% to 54% of children who are deaf are males. The difference is partially explained by X-linked deafness, accounting for up to 2% of deafness in children. Another possible factor is greater susceptibility of the male fetus to injury. Multichannel cochlear implants represent the most widely known attempted cure for deafness. As the name implies, the procedure involves implantation of a permanent device in the head. A skin flap is opened behind the ear, a hole is drilled through the skull, a section of the mastoid bone is removed, and a wire with an electrical array is inserted in the cochlea, the inner ear. The procedure became popular in Australia, where the first implants were developed, and in Western Europe before the United States, but it has become more common, and in the foreseeable future the majority of deaf children may be implanted. Deafness, per se, has no effect on the ultimate intellectual, or social-emotional development of the child, provided there is early identification, therapies, family education, and support for development. Traditionally, deaf children were not diagnosed during their first years, and precious time was lost that could never be completely made up. Universal neonatal hearing screening is now occurring in the United States, but the provision of appropriate services immediately varies greatly. This divide in the communities involved with deafness goes beyond gene selection or attitudes toward implants. One group puts forward strong support for cochlear implants, genetic selection or modification, oral-only education (i.e., no sign language), cultural integration, and inclusive educational placement, with the number of teachers who are deaf restricted to those with excellent oral skills. The other position views deafness as part of the human condition, with a unique culture and true signed languages that are equal in expressive power to spoken languages. Proponents of this latter position, in general, are in favor of residential schools for children who are deaf; instruction in American Sign Language (ASL) or another signed lan-

guage, such as La Langue des Signes de Québécoise (LSQ) in Quebec, as a first language; and instruction in deaf culture as part of the curriculum, with teachers who are hearing restricted to those with excellent ASL skills. This debate has been raging, in one form or another, since the late 19th century, but the opinions of the majority of professionals, parents, and individuals who are deaf appear to lie somewhere between the two poles. Donald Moores and Len Roberson see also: Ear Infections; Hearing; Hearing Impairments, Education of Children with; Sign Language further reading: D. F. Moores, Educating the Deaf: Psychology, Principles, and Practices, 2001. • B. R. Schirmer, Psychological, Social, and Educational Dimensions of Deafness, 2001. • D. Power and G. R. Leigh, “Cultural and Communicative Contexts,” in M. Marschark and P. E. Spencer, eds., Oxford Handbook of Deaf Studies, Language, and Education, 2003, pp. 38–51.

death, children’s experience of. Death is not a stranger to children. It is part of their lived experience, figuring into the games they play, stories they hear, movies they watch, and television programs beamed into their homes. For some, there is no escaping the sharp realities of death. All too many children live in war-ravaged countries, urban neighborhoods rife with violence, or places devastated by floods, fires, and earthquakes. Many grow up with parents or siblings dying of HIV or cancer. Children come to, and emerge from, these experiences with a variety of views of death. Children’s views, like those of adults, reflect a myriad of individual experiences; a diversity of social, economic, and cultural circumstances; and a plethora of religious beliefs, practices, and national policies. For example, one study found that while Indian (Hindu) and Kuwaiti (Muslim) children offered poverty and hunger as possible causes of death, American children did not. In another study, American Baptist children posited external catastrophic events as the cause of death, whereas Unitarian children attributed death to “natural causes.” Similarly, there is variation with regard to the reversibility of death. Not surprisingly, references to past lives are most prevalent among children living in cultures where reincarnation is accepted. Among Muslim girls, regardless of age, death is reversible and the dead can return to life. In a comparison of Chinese and American children, irreversibility and nonfunctionality were better understood by Chinese children than by American children of the same age. Israeli children’s failure to report death as universal has been attributed to the way in which children are comforted in a country where fathers and brothers are in the army and terror, violence, and death are everyday occurrences. The role of everyday violence in children’s views of death is also suggested in the work of those who have studied children in the United States living in urban neighborhoods with high

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rates of violence. Among these children, death is often ascribed to a force outside oneself. Differences between children’s notions of what happens to people when they die also bear the mark of children’s exposure to media and commercial representations of death. For example, in a study noted previously, American children were more likely than Kuwaiti or Indian children to talk about people going to heaven, with angels as white-winged beings and devils as ugly with horns, tails, and pitchforks. Opening up to the differences that children’s lived experiences with death can make in their conceptualizations and reactions sharply contrasts with early research on children’s concepts of death. Early research focused on healthy children in North America, Europe, and the United Kingdom and posited age and stage of development as key determinants of children’s views of death. Attention was given to the child’s views of the deceased’s physical, cognitive, and emotional functions; the irreversibility and universality of death; as well as the causes of death and personal mortality. While investigators have differed on when various views emerge and their prevalence among children of a certain age, they share an assumption that as children mature their views change from death as reversible, not unlike sleep or being transported to a different place, to death as an irreversible and universal event, a consequence of a physiological process, like disease or aging, that befalls everyone. In this paradigm, development is linear, with a definite end point and an implicit notion of what is a “mature” view of death as opposed to a “childish” view. Heavily weighted toward cognition, these researchers are working with what has been described as a “biologized concept of death.” It is devoid of emotional content. Absent is a consideration of the way in which the concept of death presented by the child to the researcher may be a function of the way in which the concept was elicited. Also overlooked is how the view presented by the child functions in the child’s everyday life and in how the child experiences death. John Bowlby’s classic work on separation, attachment, and loss is relevant here. In demonstrating infants’ awareness of loss or absence of a parent and children’s capacity to grieve and to mourn, Bowlby’s work raises fundamental questions about just how early children’s realization of the finality and irreversibility of death emerges and to what its emergence might be best attributed. His work also suggests the salience of experience both in the depth and quality of children’s understanding of the meaning of death and in their appreciation of the impact of the death on their lives. The impact that children’s personal experiences can have on their understanding and views of death is illustrated in Myra Bluebond-Langner’s work on chronically and terminally ill children. In the groundbreaking The Private Worlds of Dying Children (1978), Bluebond-Langner discusses terminally ill children’s awareness and communication about

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death and dying as well as their concerns. For a long time it had been assumed that children did not know, or could not know, that they were dying. They were considered “too young” to truly understand. Children did not answer questions in a way that, from the researchers’ and clinicians’ perspectives, would indicate such awareness. Through participant observation, following the children in the hospital, clinic, and home setting at play and in conversation with other children and adults, Bluebond-Langner found that the children did know they were dying. Their reluctance to speak and their ways of communicating their awareness reflected their observation of the American taboo on speaking about death as well as a desire to protect adults from their awful knowledge. Over the course of their illnesses, the children mastered the names of drugs and their side effects, understood drugs’ purposes and efficacy, and grasped the chronic life-threatening nature of their illness, the cycle of relapses, and remissions and terminal prognosis. Their views of themselves changed from seriously ill, to seriously ill and will get better, to always ill and will get better, to always ill and will never get better, and, finally, to a view of themselves as dying. Dying brought with it concern about leaving everyone they knew and cared about behind, what they would miss here on earth, and for some what would happen when they died: life in heaven or in the grave. The children did not want to be alone despite apparent efforts to push people away: withdrawal, shouts to “Go away,” and commands to “Leave me alone.” Death would come as it had to their peers, a result of the failure of medications, surgeries, and transplants to cure them or to even extend their lives. Experiences of relapses and recoveries and all that came with serious illness from tests, to overheard discussions, to the ministrations of family, friends, and clinicians are critical both to children’s acquisition of information and to their integration of that information into their views of themselves. Hence a 6-year-old who has been ill for some time can know far more than a recently diagnosed 9-yearold. Similarly, while a child might know that another child has died, viewing himself or herself as dying does not occur until standard therapies have failed and the child’s condition has deteriorated. As deterioration becomes more marked and death comes closer, well siblings, like the ill children, engage in mutual pretense. Barney G. Glaser and Anselm Strauss used this term in their seminal study Awareness of Dying (1965) to describe the interactions between dying adults and their caregivers; each party in the interaction knows the prognosis, but no one talks about it. Well siblings’ practice of mutual pretense reflects not only their concerns about their ill sibling and their parents but also their concerns about themselves and their futures. To discuss the possibility of death would put death out in front, where they do not want to have it, where it makes it difficult for them to make demands of

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their parents for a greater share of their time and attention. Like their ill siblings, well siblings do not learn everything about the illness at once. Acquisition and application of information are linked to experiences. Well siblings’ views of the illness change over the course of the illness from that of the illness as serious; to serious and manageable; to chronic, requiring constant vigilance and care; to incurable and potentially fatal; to one that will claim the life of their own sibling. This last view is there earlier for some siblings than others, even within the same family. Some suggest that with the death of a sibling the child loses not only his or her sibling but also the parents as they struggle through their own grief and bereavement. However deep and profound the loss of a sibling, it is of a different order than that of a parent’s death, viewed by many as the greatest tragedy that can befall a child. For that reason perhaps, it is not surprising that studies of bereaved children have focused on the impact of a parent’s death on development, particularly behavioral and psychological difficulties at the time of death and into adulthood. Researchers have reported a range of problems, including difficulties at school or work, outbursts of anger, hallucinations, regression, thoughts of suicide, and symptoms of anxiety, depression, and posttraumatic stress disorder. It is not clear which children will experience which, if any, of these problems or when. Risk is real, however, and attention is warranted, even for the child for whom the death occurred in infancy. Programs to help ill children and bereaved children deal with death are increasing the world over as more attention is given to the impact of illness, violence, terror, natural disasters, and death on children’s everyday lives and futures. Quality programs allow children to relate their experiences in their own words with adults listening and taking their cues from the child, moving at the child’s pace. The issue is not to tell or to not tell, but rather what to tell, how to tell, and who should do the telling. Children both want and share different kinds of information, different kinds of emotional and behavioral responses with different people, at different times. As children do not necessarily express their needs in ways that are easily available to adults, their understanding and desires are difficult to assess. The child who is laughing and playing or studying hard and getting good grades and not crying after a death is not without sadness and fear. Refusals to talk are not necessarily indicators of not wanting to speak about it. Similarly, talk and memorialization after a death is not necessarily predicative of long-lasting adjustment. Current consensus is that children should attend and even participate in funeral and memorial services and activities as long as they want to and are accompanied by an adult who can give the child full attention. Many suggest that the death of a pet is an opportunity to talk about death. Some suggest a service or other way to mark a pet’s death. Unstudied is whether children should

be included in decision making about euthanizing a pet, especially given the place of the pet in the child’s and family’s lives. A more highly charged issue is to what extent children at the end stages of a devastating and incurable illness should be involved in decisions about their own further care and treatment, including participation in clinical trials; experimental, complementary, or alternative therapies; and placement of orders to not intubate or resuscitate. The issue is complex, requiring consideration not only of the child’s need and abilities but also of the burden such decisions place on the child and family. One promising approach, metaphorically titled shuttle diplomacy, addresses some of these issues. Shuttle diplomacy is defined as a collaborative and inclusive decision-making process, involving parents, physicians, and children, that allows for the expression of assenting and dissenting views in the negotiation of a resolution. Bluebond-Langner developed and proposed the approach earlier as a way of dealing with the mutual pretense between parents and well siblings, where it also has been proved useful. In conclusion, children’s ways of dealing with death are culturally variable and include complicated features of affect, acceptance, and social relationships. Death is not passively understood by children; rather, it is lived as a sobering feature of their relationships. Children are able to and should be permitted to take part to the extent that they desire in discussions about death and dying and the customs and rituals that follow when someone they know dies. Myra Bluebond-Langner and Megan Nordquest Schwallie see also: Concepts, Children’s; Ghosts; Illness and Injury, Children’s Experience of further reading: Danai Papadatou and Costas Papadatos, eds., Children and Death, 1991. • Myra Bluebond-Langner, In the Shadow of Illness: Parents and Siblings of the Chronically Ill Child, 1996. • Brenda L. Kenyon, “Current Research in Children’s Conceptions of Death: A Critical Review,” Omega 43, no. 1 (2001), pp. 64–91. • Ann Goldman, Richard Hain, and Stephen Liben, eds., Oxford Textbook of Palliative Care for Children, 2006.

death penalty, children and the. Since the 17th century, American jurisdictions have executed a total of 366 offenders for crimes committed when they were younger than age 18, with 97% being males. The first case was in 1642, when Thomas Graunger, a 16-year-old servant boy in Plymouth Colony, Massachusetts, committed the crime of bestiality with a mare and a cow. Following the mandate of the Bible’s book of Leviticus, the colonial officials first killed the mare, the cow, and all of the calves, and then they killed the boy. Others include Hannah Ocuish, age 12, hanged on December 20, 1786, in New London, Connecticut. An apparently intellectually disabled Peqout Indian girl, Ocuish was accused of killing the young daughter of a prominent white family.

d e a t h p e n a l t y , c h il d r e n a n d t h e

The youngest juvenile executed in the 20th century was George Junius Stinney Jr., electrocuted by South Carolina on June 16, 1944. Stinney, a black boy age 14, allegedly attempted to rape and then murdered two white girls. The final American execution of a juvenile offender was that of Scott Hain in Oklahoma on April 3, 2002, who had been convicted of killing his parents when he was 17. Less than three years after Hain’s execution, the death penalty for juvenile offenders was declared unconstitutional. The process for sentencing juvenile offenders to death was essentially the same as that for adult offenders. Assuming strong evidence that they had committed capital crimes (e.g., murder), most jurisdictions permitted capital charges to be brought directly in criminal court, the only court that could impose the death penalty. Some states required that the case go first to juvenile court, which then had the discretion to transfer the case to criminal court. Either way, a capital trial of a juvenile offender in criminal court proceeded identically to that of an adult offender. The trial of a capital crime involves two distinct stages, the first dealing with the defendant’s guilt and the second focused solely upon the sentence to be imposed. The hearing at the guilt stage is nearly identical to a routine felony trial not involving the death penalty. Prosecuting and defense attorneys make opening and closing statements to the jury, sandwiched around a parade of physical evidence and witness testimony. The jury then decides whether the defendant is guilty. If the defendant is not convicted of a capital crime, the jury is discharged and the judge takes care of any remaining duties. However, if the defendant is convicted of at least one capital crime, the jury remains impaneled for the sentencing stage. The sole question before the jury becomes whether this convicted murderer should be sentenced to death or to life in prison. Here, the opening and closing statements of the prosecution and defense are sandwiched around evidence as to aggravating and mitigating circumstances. If the defendant was a juvenile offender, special mitigation arguments would be made challenging the appropriateness of the death penalty for juveniles. Once all of that evidence is submitted to the jury, they decide the life-or-death fate of the defendant. The application of the death penalty to juvenile offenders proceeded essentially under the radar until the early 1980s, at which time research scholars and defense attorneys began to mount challenges to this practice. A small victory came in Eddings v. Oklahoma (1982), in which the U.S. Supreme Court reviewed the death penalty for a 16-year-old boy. Reversing the death sentence for a variety of reasons, Eddings established that, at a minimum, “the chronological age of a minor is itself a relevant mitigating factor of great weight” (p. 116). Seven years later in Thompson v. Oklahoma (1988), the Court held that executions of offenders younger than age 16 at the time of their crimes are cruel and unusual punishment under the U.S. Constitution. Wayne Thomp-

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son was only age 15 when he was involved in a capital murder. One year later, the Court decided Stanford v. Kentucky (1989), examining the combined cases of a 16-year-old offender and a 17-year-old offender, but the Court left the minimum age at 16. The apparently final Supreme Court case on this issue is Roper v. Simmons (2005), involving Christopher Simmons who was 17 years old when he committed murder in Missouri. The decision in Simmons reversed Stanford to hold that the U.S. Constitution prohibits the imposition of the death penalty on an offender younger than the age of 18 at the time the crime was committed. Simmons held that society’s “evolving standards of decency” had brought the country to the point that the death penalty for 16- and 17-year-olds was no longer acceptable. More states were prohibiting it, fewer juries were imposing it, and no other country in the world condoned it. These trends led the Court to find “sufficient evidence that today our society views juveniles . . . as ‘categorically less culpable than the average criminal’ ” (Simmons, p. 567). In a comparative law analysis, the Court noted that the death penalty for juvenile offenders had been prohibited by the national laws of every country in the world except in the United States. Isolated tribal courts in a few foreign countries had executed an occasional juvenile offender, but these rogue rulings had been in direct violation of their nation’s own laws. The Court added that this practice also was prohibited both in customary international law (jus cogens) and in several international treaties and agreements. Most relevant was the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, ratified by every country in the world except the United States and Somalia. Noting that the death penalty was reserved for the worst offenders, Simmons identified three distinct reasons why juvenile offenders cannot be reliably placed in this category. First, the Court stated, “as any parent knows and as the scientific and sociological studies . . . tend to confirm, [a] lack of maturity and an underdeveloped sense of responsibility are found in youth more often than in adults and are more understandable among the young.” These qualities, the Court concluded, “often result in impetuous and ill-considered actions and decisions.” The second reason juveniles are less culpable than adults “is that juveniles are more vulnerable or susceptible to negative influences and outside pressures including peer pressure.” And finally, the court stated, “the character of a juvenile is not as well formed as that of an adult.” The fact that “[t]he personality traits of juveniles are more transitory, less fixed . . . render[s] suspect any conclusion that a juvenile falls among the worst offenders” (Simmons, pp. 569–70). The Court in Simmons relied in part on medical research showing that the adolescent brain does not mature organically until the late teens or early twenties, with impulse control being the last to fully develop. The last part of the

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human brain to develop organically is the frontal lobes, recognized as the locus of executive functions such as planning, impulse control, and reasoning. Particularly for males, the development of the frontal lobes may continue into early adulthood, leaving the brains of 16- and 17-year-olds not yet fully developed in precisely the manner of greatest concern to this legal issue. Even if the lesser culpability of juveniles leads to a conclusion that they do not deserve the death penalty for purposes of retribution, some still argue that the threat of capital punishment will deter crimes. This deterrence rationale arises most understandably during discussions among adult lawmakers, typically middle-aged or older. The problem, of course, is that these adult lawmakers assume that teenagers think like they do. However, teenagers tend to have little realistic understanding of death and instead tend to see themselves as immortal. This is even more aggravated for teenage boys. Nearly every admirable media role model they encounter is a death-defying hero who seems always to escape death or even serious injury. Telling teenage boys that certain behavior is dangerous and could get them killed appears likely to attract the moth to the flame. As a result of Simmons, 72 juvenile offenders were removed from the death rows of 12 states, essentially converting their sentences to life in prison without parole. These former death-row residents joined the several thousand other juvenile offenders already locked up for the rest of their lives. Victor Streib see also: Adult Criminal Justice System, Children in the; Crime, Juvenile; Criminal Procedure, Children and; Punishment, Legal further reading: Victor L. Streib, Death Penalty for Juveniles, 1987. • Barry C. Feld, “Competence, Culpability, and Punishment: Implications of Atkins for Executing and Sentencing Adolescents,” Hofstra Law Review 32 (2003), pp. 463–552a. • Lawrence Steinberg and Elizabeth Scott, “Less Guilty by Reason of Adolescence: Developmental Immaturity, Diminished Responsibility, and the Juvenile Death Penalty,” American Psychologist 58 (2003), pp. 1009– 18. • Victor L. Streib, “The Juvenile Death Penalty Today: Death Sentences and Executions for Juvenile Crimes, January 1, 1973– February 28, 2005” (2005), http://www.law.onu.edu/faculty_staff/ faculty_profiles/coursematerials/streib/juvdeath.pdf

debt, adolescent consumer. see Consumers, Children as

demography of childhood United States International Perspectives

united states. In many ways, the United States is a more child-centered society than ever. There are more children today than at any time in American history, including the height of the baby boom that immediately followed World War II. The child population is also at the forefront of the

country’s growing racial and ethnic diversity. Analysts and policy makers, as well as government programs, have focused a great deal of attention on children’s issues. Yet one cannot escape noticing large challenges that American children face. For one thing, they are poorer than other segments of society, a fact that stems in part from reductions since the 1960s of the proportion of children who live with both parents as well as government programs like Social Security that protect older Americans. Ov er all Tr en d s The United States had 73.9 million children younger than age 18 in 2007, representing slightly less than 25% of the U.S. population (see table 1). Over the past few decades, the number has fluctuated. After reaching 69.6 million in 1970 due to the baby boom generation, the under-18 population fell to 62.6 million persons in 1985, once the children of the “baby bust” generation replaced the adult baby boomers. The number of children has risen steadily since then; projections estimate 80.3 million children by 2020. While the number of children has steadily risen since the mid-1980s, the percentage of children in the overall population has continued to decline, as the aging of the population and increased immigration have caused the adult population to grow at an even faster rate. In 1965, children represented 36% of all Americans; in 1980, the proportion had fallen below 30%. By 2005, it was below 25%, and projections see a slight further reduction over the next decade. Race, Ethnicity, and Immigrant Status. One of the most notable trends in recent years has been the growing diversity of the U.S. population. In 2006, racial and ethnic minoritable 1. U.S. Population Younger Than Age 18, 1960–2020

Year 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2007 2010 (projected) 2015 (projected) 2020 (projected)

Number (millions)

Percentage of total population

64.2 69.7 69.6 67.2 63.8 62.6 63.6 69.5 72.3 73.9 74.4 77.0 80.3

35.8 35.9 34.3 31.1 28.1 26.3 25.6 26.1 25.7 24.5 24.1 23.9 23.9

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Population Division. Note: Figures for 1960, 1970, 1980, 1990, and 2000 are from the decennial census. Figures for all other years are estimates and projections as of July 1.

d e m o gr a p h y o f c h il d h o o d

ties (persons who did not identify solely as non-Hispanic white) were 34% of all Americans—significantly higher than their 20% share in 1980. Children are at the forefront of this increased diversity; racial and ethnic minorities currently represent 42% of all American children. The Census Bureau projects minorities to be a majority of American children by 2030. Only 4% of children (3.1 million) were born outside the United States, compared to 15% of adults. But about 20% of all children are growing up in immigrant families, meaning at least one of their parents was foreign born. Since the late 1990s, Hispanics have surpassed African Americans as the single largest minority group. By 2006, 20% of American children (nearly 15 million) were of Hispanic origin, compared to about 15% for African Americans. Asian, Pacific Islander, American Indians, and multiracial children made up most of the rest of the child population. In fact, of the 4.1 million non-Hispanic Americans who identified with more than one racial group in 2006, nearly half (1.8 million) were children. The racial/ethnic mix of American children is not geographically uniform. In the District of Columbia and six states (Arizona, California, Hawaii, Nevada, New Mexico, and Texas), a majority of children are members of minority groups. By contrast, minorities are less than 10% of the child population in four other states: Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, and West Virginia. Among the major minority groups, African American children are the most widely dispersed, with their greatest concentration in the South and a presence in large urban areas in every region of the country. Hispanic children are largely in the Southwest, with a few concentrations elsewhere, such as the urban Northeast, Florida, and cities such as Chicago and Denver. Since the 1990s, however, Hispanics have become more prevalent in areas where they previously had not been a significant presence (e.g., parts of the Southeast and Great Plains). Asian and Pacific Islander children long have been concentrated in the West (particularly California and Hawaii), but there are significant pockets in metropolitan areas such as New York, Houston, and Chicago. American Indian and Alaska Native children also live mainly in the West, with more than two-fifths living in four states: Arizona, California, New Mexico, and Oklahoma. Fertility. There were 4.1 million births in the United States in 2005—a number that has been growing since the mid1990s—and more than 1 million more than in 1973, during the midst of “baby bust” period of the late 1960s and 1970s. About 1.9 million of the births in 2005 were to minority women, representing 45% of all births. Of these 4.1 million births, 8.2% weighed less than 5.5 pounds at birth. Babies who weigh so little at birth are at great risk of experiencing early death and ill health as well as long-term developmental problems. Having risen

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steadily since the mid-1980s, the proportion of low-birthweight babies is higher today than it was in 1970, when 7.9% of all babies born were of low birth weight. Among the various subgroups, Hispanics had the lowest prevalence of low birth weight: 6.9% in 2005, slightly below that of nonHispanic whites (7.3%). By a substantial margin, the highest prevalence was among African Americans: 14% in 2005, twice the Hispanic rate. After reaching 62 births per 1,000 teens ages 15 to 19 in 1991, teenage childbearing declined steadily—both overall and for all racial and ethnic groups—to reach a record low of 40 births per 1,000 teens in 2005. Preliminary results for 2006, however, showed the teen birth rate to have risen to 42 births per 1,000 teens. While it is too early to tell for sure if this increase reflects a new trend, the rise was not a complete surprise since earlier studies showed that contraceptive use among high school students had declined since 2000. Meanwhile, women in their twenties remain most likely to give birth, with the rate for women ages 25 to 29 (116 births per 1,000 women in 2005) outpacing that for women ages 20 to 24 (a near-record low 102 births per 1,000 women). And childbearing among women in their thirties and forties has risen steadily. Birth rates for women in their thirties stand at their highest levels since the mid-1960s. (At 46 births per 1,000 women in 2005, the birth rate for women ages 35 to 39 is now higher than the teen birth rate.) In 2005, 37% of babies were born to unmarried mothers, continuing a steady increase since the 1960s. The share of births to unmarried women was just 5% in 1960, 18% in 1980, and 28% in 1990. Unmarried mothers accounted for roughly two-thirds of births to black and American Indian women and nearly half of births to Hispanic women. By contrast, they account for one-fourth of births to nonHispanic white women and just one-sixth of births to Asian and Pacific Islander women. And many births to unmarried mothers were not first births. Data from the 2002 National Survey of Family Growth, in fact, indicates that during the five-year period prior to the study (1997–2001), slightly more than half of all nonmarital births were of second or higher order. Mortality. The major causes of death in the United States are those that primarily occur once an individual reaches older ages: for example, heart disease and cancer. For children, the primary causes vary by age group. Among infants younger than age 1, major causes of death include problems related to low birth weight, congenital abnormalities, and sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS). After the first year of life, accidents become the leading killers of children and youth. In 2005, accidents (most of which involved motor vehicles) accounted for more than one-third of deaths for American children ages 1 to 14 and half of deaths to teens ages 15 to 19. But as youth move into their middle and late

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teenage years, homicide (particularly among African American teens) and suicide become more prevalent than in their earlier years. Combined, accidents, homicides, and suicides accounted for 75% of all teen deaths in 2005. Yet it is the first year of life that remains more precarious than any other during childhood. In 2005, more than 28,000 American infants died before their first birthday— a rate of 6.9 deaths per 1,000 live births. Although that rate is less than half the infant mortality rate was in 1975, there has been no improvement since 2000. Moreover, American infants still die at a higher rate than infants in most other industrialized countries. Among subgroups, the infant mortality rate among blacks (13.7 deaths per 1,000 births in 2005) is nearly twice the overall rate and nearly four times the rate for Asians and Pacific Islanders (3.8 infant deaths per 1,000 births in 2005). Many of the racial differences remain present when controlling for socioeconomic status: For example, infant mortality in 2003 among babies born to African American mothers with at least four years of college (10.2 deaths per 1,000 births) was more than twice the rate for babies born to their non-Hispanic white counterparts (3.7 deaths per 1,000 births). Medical advances plus the general decrease in deaths from motor vehicle accidents have combined to steadily reduce the death rate among children in the past 30 years. During 2005, fewer than 11,400 children between ages 1 and 14 died—a rate of 20 per 100,000, which is less than half the rate in 1975. Similarly, the death rate among teens ages 15 to 19 has fallen to 65 deaths per 100,000 teens in 2005, down significantly from earlier levels. Among subgroups, Asian and Pacific Islanders had the lowest rates, while blacks and American Indian children and youth died at the highest rates. C h i ldr en ’s Soc ial Conditions Living Arrangements. The traditional American family has consisted of one or more children living with both of their parents. While that remains the case for most children, there has been a steady and noticeable decline in that arrangement since the mid-20th century. Between 1960 and 1995, the share of American children living with two parents declined from 88% to 69%, although it has been relatively stable since then. The overwhelming majority of the children not living with both parents lived with their mothers, although fathers have somewhat increased their share. About 5% of American children lived with neither parent in 2006; about two-fifths of these are in households headed by their grandparents. Many more children than even a decade ago live in cohabiting households (usually with one or both parents). Among the three major racial/ethnic groups, African American and Hispanic kids are less likely than white children to live with both parents. In 2006, 76% of non-

Hispanic white children lived with both parents, compared with 66% of Hispanic children and 35% of black children. The trend for black children has been particularly noteworthy. Between 1960 and 1995, the share of black children (including Hispanic blacks) living with both parents was cut in half—from 66% to 33%—before stabilizing since the mid-1990s. Every year since the early 1980s, at least half of African American children have lived with their mother only. But some children’s living arrangements are fluid as they grow up. In a 2002 study, researchers from the University of Wisconsin–Madison noted that children born to married parents were likely to spend 84% of their childhood in married-couple families. Children whose parents were cohabitating at the time of their birth were likely to spend about half their childhood in married-couple families, partly because about half of these parents end up marrying. Finally, children born to mothers with no spouse or partner in the households were likely to spend only one-third of their childhood in married-couple families. Educational Characteristics. Preschool enrollment is becoming more common among children ages 3 to 5. In 2005, 57% of children (7 million in all) of these ages were enrolled in preschool, nursery school, or kindergarten. Among children ages 3 and 4, the share of preschool enrollment was 45% (3.7 million). In addition to children starting school earlier, more are staying in school longer and fewer teens are without a high school diploma or General Educational Development (GED) degree. In 2005, 1.1 million American teens ages 16 to 19 (7% of all teens) were high school dropouts in the sense that they were neither enrolled in school nor high school graduates. This rate was lower than the rate in 2000, which stood at 11%. Among the subgroups, Hispanic and American Indian youth had the highest dropout rates, at 14% and 13%, respectively. But preschool enrollment and high school dropout rates only measure part of how American children are doing educationally. Conducted by the U.S. Department of Education, the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) is a continuing assessment of what the country’s students know and can do in certain subject areas. The share of fourth graders scoring at or above the proficient level in mathematics has tripled, from 13% in 1990 to 39% in 2007. Eighth graders displayed similar gains, with the share scoring at or above the proficient level increasing from 15% to 32%. By contrast, there has been little change in the proficiency rates among American elementary and middle school students in reading; 33% of fourth graders and 31% of eighth graders scored at or above the proficient level in reading in 2007, less than five percentage points higher than in 1992. In both assessments, Asian and white fourth and eighth graders had the highest profi-

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ciency rates (at or above 40%), with black, Hispanic, and American Indian students lagging behind (below 20% in most cases).

table 2. U.S. Child Poverty Rate by Race and Hispanic Origin Status, 2006

Econom ic Fortunes of C h i ldr en While the mechanisms that translate higher incomes and more wealth into better outcomes for children are not always clear, the connection between family economic status and outcomes for children is indisputable. On nearly every measure of child well-being, children from families with more resources do better than children living in families with fewer resources. That is why it is important to explore the demographics of child poverty. Child Poverty. The percentage of children in poverty is perhaps the most global and widely used indicator of child well-being. Indeed, there is a close link between child poverty and undesirable outcomes in areas such as health, education, emotional welfare, and delinquency. Children in middle-class families generally experience better outcomes than children in poor families. (Interestingly, however, improvements in overall outcomes are less pronounced when comparing children in upper-income families with those in middle-class ones.) In social policy terms, studying children in poor and near-poor families is important, because relatively small changes in income—even somewhat above the poverty level—can have a significant impact on children’s lives. Moreover, much of the $334 billion the federal government spends on children every year is targeted at low-income families with children, including those with incomes between 100% and 200% of the poverty level. In 2006, there were 28.8 million children (39% of all children) living in families with incomes less than 200% of the poverty line, commonly referred to as low-income families. In 2006, 12.8 million children younger than age 18 (17% of all children)—including 4.2 million younger than age 5—were poor in the United States, based on the official government definition. The child poverty rate is higher in the United States than in any other industrialized country, partly due to the relatively low level of government support the United States provides for poor families. A recent study from UNICEF indicates that the United States has the highest child poverty rate among 26 industrialized countries, a rate twice as high as the overall average among the group (mostly in Europe). The U.S. child poverty rate is more than five times that of Denmark, Finland, and Norway. In addition, the overall child poverty figure masks enormous variation among demographic groups (see table 2). For example, the poverty rate for black (33%) and Hispanic (27%) children significantly exceeds that of non-Hispanic white (10%) and Asian (12%) children; the rate for children in single-mother families (42%) is five times the rate for

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All races White alone, not Hispanic Black or African American alone* Asian alone* Hispanic

Number (thousands)

Percentage

12,827 4,208 3,777 360 4,072

17.4 10.0 33.4 12.2 26.9

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, March 2007 Current Population Survey. Note: Beginning with the 2000 census, persons were able to categorize themselves as belonging to more than one race. The categories “white alone,” “black or African American alone,” and “Asian alone” indicate persons who identified with only that particular racial group. * Includes Hispanics.

children in married-couple families (8%); poverty is more prevalent among children in immigrant families (22%) than among children in families where both parents were born in the United States (17%); and the poverty rate for rural children (22%) is higher than the rate for children living in cities and suburbs (17%). Children also have a higher poverty level than any other age group. In 2006, the poverty rate for children was roughly 50% greater than the rate for working-age adults (ages 18 to 64) and older Americans (age 65 and older), the latter of whose formerly common poverty has been much alleviated by government programs such as Social Security and Medicare. Between 1993 and 2000, the child poverty rate fell from 23% to 16%, the biggest improvement since the 1960s. This reduction was the result of a robust economy and an expansion of government programs to help working-poor families. By 2000, the child poverty rate had reached its lowest level since 1978, and the economic improvement was widespread among children of all racial groups and in all living arrangements. Since 2000, however, child poverty rates have increased among children overall, including nonHispanic whites and blacks (the poverty rate among Hispanic children decreased in the post-2000 period)—this despite relatively good economic trends in the first five years of the 21st century. The number of children receiving welfare depends a great deal on how the term is defined. If one defines welfare as cash income, then only 3.3 million children are in households receiving Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF) and 2.6 million are in households receiving Supplemental Security Income (SSI). However, many more children receive noncash, means-tested welfare benefits of various kinds. For example, almost 10 million children live in households receiving food stamps, and 17 million live in households where someone receives a free or reduced-price

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school lunch. In 2005, nearly 30 million children were enrolled in a governmental insurance program, such as Medicaid or the State Children’s Health Insurance Program (SCHIP).

American FactFinder, http://factfinder.census.gov • U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Center for Health Statistics, http://www.cdc.gov/nchs

international perspectives. This article explores some

Children and Health Insurance. Access to good medical care is a major issue concerning resources for children. In 2006, 12% of all children younger than age 18 (8.7 million children) lacked health insurance for the entire year, an improvement from 15% in 1997. Many more children were uninsured at some time over the course of a year: 37% in one study. And since 2004, the number of children without health insurance has increased by nearly 1 million. The overall increase in uninsured children is due to the fact that children are losing health insurance coverage from their parents’ employment faster than children are gaining coverage from publicsector programs like Medicaid and SCHIP. Fu tu r e T r en d s Some future trends for children in the United States are easy to project, while others are less clear. Based on Census Bureau projections, minorities—particularly Hispanics, Asians, and multiracial children—will likely increase their share of the population younger than age 18. And so their growth is likely to continue impacting various aspects of American life, including ideas about race and ethnicity. What will happen with family structure and living arrangements is less clear. The rise in the share of children living with single parents that marked the 50 years prior to the mid-1990s has seemingly ended. Since the mid-1990s, the biggest change has been the rise in children living with cohabiting couples. Overall child well-being improved dramatically in the second half of the 1990s, but the trend line has been flat since 2000. Much of the improvement in the 1990s can be attributed to a robust economy and expanded programs to help low-income working families. But both phenomena must continue in order to sustain a long-term improvement in child well-being on a broad scale. Providing financial support for such efforts, particularly given other governmental concerns (such as the large numbers of baby boomers reaching retirement age), will become a major challenge for policy makers in the next few decades. Kelvin M. Pollard and William P. O’Hare see also: Fertility; Health, Disparities in; Malnutrition and Undernutrition; Morbidity; Mortality; Poverty, Children in further reading: Annie E. Casey Foundation, KIDS COUNT Data Book and Online Data System, http://www.kidscount.org • Child Trends, Child Trends Data Bank, http://www.childtrendsdatabank .org • Federal Interagency Forum on Child and Family Statistics, America’s Children, http://childstats.gov • National Center for Education Statistics, National Assessment of Educational Progress, The Nation’s Report Card, http://nces.ed.gov/nationsreportcard/ • U.S. Census Bureau, http://www.census.gov • U.S. Census Bureau,

of the most important dimensions of childhood around the world from a demographic perspective, including the changes that occur in the child population as a result of the demographic transition. It also notes the changing organizational infrastructure for the collection of demographic data on children, including the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, as well as the emergence and expansion of projects designed to provide indicators of child well-being. Demogr aph ic Tr ansition and th e Ro l e o f C h i l d r en Over the past several centuries, and across nations, one can look at the child population through the lens of what demographers call the “demographic transition.” The demographic transition describes a set of common trends seen in nearly every country as it develops or modernizes. The demographic transition has major effects upon population composition, economic productivity, and—especially relevant here—the lives of children. In the demographic transition model, countries start with high birth and death rates, which together lead to slow or no population growth. As a country develops, nutrition and health improvements lead to lower death rates, resulting in rapid population growth as births outnumber deaths. After a period of declining death rates, birth rates typically begin to fall as well. After a few generations, birth and death rates are both low and population growth slows. Early in the demographic transition (or in less developed countries), parents have large numbers of children, many of whom will die before reaching adulthood. In many agrarian societies, there is need for large families to assist with farm labor. Relatively little is invested in each child because of a scarcity of resources and the considerable probability of dying. As fertility rates decline toward the end of the demographic transition, families and societies make significant investments in children, most of whom will survive to adulthood and whose training will need to be more extensive and variable than in agrarian society. The development and widespread use of modern contraception methods around the world since the 1950s increased ability to control conception and hastened the demographic transition in many countries. Children, especially very young children, typically make up large proportions of populations in societies at the beginning of the demographic transition. In societies that have gone through the demographic transition, children are typically a relatively small share of the population

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because few are born and most people live a long time in adulthood. Population growth and the family planning debate have often been framed as a contrast between the world views of Karl Marx and Rev. Thomas Malthus. These two held very different views about the relationship between population growth and socioeconomic development. Marx believed that redistribution of wealth and broad socioeconomic advancement would automatically lead to lower family size. Malthus, on the other hand, felt that curbing population growth would free up resources to lead countries and families to a higher standard of material wealth. Since the 1950s, developed countries have typically taken the Malthusian view (urging less developed countries to limit population growth) and less developed countries espoused the Marxist view (seeking help from the developed world to raise their standards of living). Dev elopi ng I nfr astructur e to Monitor th e L iv e s of C h i ld r en Since the 1980s, nations not only have been called on to raise the issue of children’s well-being on their agendas, they also have been asked to make specific and time-bound commitments to improve key indicators of children’s well-being, including health, education, and poverty. This changing landscape has led to improvements in data collection, monitoring, and accountability. Nations and the international community more generally are guided by the framework specified in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child adopted in 1989. Commitments to improve children’s well-being were also made in 2000 by all United Nations member states through the adoption of the Millennium Declaration and the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). The MDGs call on countries to halve the proportion of the world’s population whose income is less than $1 a day and the proportion of people who suffer from hunger, reduce maternal mortality by three-quarters and child mortality by two-thirds of its current rate, and ensure that boys and girls everywhere will be able to complete primary schooling. Since the poverty rate for children is nearly always higher than that for adults, the MDGs have special relevance for children around the globe. Other organizations have taken a similar approach. The International Labour Organization’s Convention 182 on the Worst Forms of Child Labour calls on ratifying countries to take time-bound measures to eradicate the worst forms of child labor. Similarly, the U.S. government’s Millennium Challenge Corporation identifies countries for funding and monitors their performance based on 16 indicators in three broad areas, “Ruling Justly,” “Investing in People,” and “Economic Freedom.” The increasing interest in accountability and monitoring has resulted in the production of child indicator reports

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on a regular basis. The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), for example, publishes State of the World’s Children, a report presenting statistical information to document the lives of children around the world. In addition, the UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre has produced a series of report cards on the well-being of children. UNESCO has also produced numerous publications and statistical indicators databases to monitor countries’ progress in improving access to quality education. The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) publishes indicator data on a number of different dimensions, including health, education, economics, employment, and other social and welfare issues in 30 OECD countries. These developments are linked to the recent creation of the International Society for Child Indicators, where people interested in tracking the well-being of children can share ideas about important aspects of children’s lives and how they can be measured and reported. C h i l d r en o f th e Wo r l d Table 1 (p. 250) shows the number of children in the world from 1950 to 2050. These data indicate that there are about 2.5 billion children (younger than age 20) in the world today. The share of the world’s population that is children is declining and is expected to decline steadily through 2050. In 1950, children accounted for almost half (44%) of the world’s population, today they are about 37% of the world’s population, and by 2050 they are expected to account for just more than one-quarter. This change is due partly to smaller family size (fewer children born to each family) and partly to longer life expectancy resulting in greater numbers of adults. While children have declined as a percentage of the total population, their absolute number his risen, along with population generally, more than doubling between 1950 and today. The population of children is expected to slowly increase until 2030 to approximately 2.6 billion children but then begin to decline slowly. R egio na l D i s tr i b u tio n o f C h i l d r en The 2.5 billion children in the world today are not spread evenly across the globe. Table 1 shows the number of children in each of the continents. Almost 60% (1.5 billion) of the world’s children live in Asia. In fact, more than one-third of the world’s children can be found in China and India alone. In addition, about one-fifth (528 million) of the world’s children live in Africa, followed by children living in Latin America and the Caribbean (220 million), Europe (154 million), North America (94 million), and finally Oceania (11 million). More than half of the world’s children live in just seven countries: India, China, Indonesia, the United States, Pakistan, Nigeria, and Brazil. These absolute numbers of children reflect different proportions

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table 1. Number of Children (Younger than Age 20) by Region and Year, 1950–2050 (in thousands) Region

1950

1990

2000

2010*

2020*

2030*

2040*

2050*

world Total population Child population Children as a percentage of total population

2,535,093 1,106,660 44%

5,294,880 2,244,138 42%

6,124,123 2,414,867 39%

6,906,560 2,468,602 37%

7,667,090 2,532,022 32%

8,317,706 2,550,040 31%

8,823,545 2,489,462 28%

9,191,288 2,437,014 27%

africa Total population Child population Children as a percentage of total population

224,203 116,329 52%

637,422 352,054 55%

820,960 439,517 54%

1,032,015 528,374 51%

1,270,526 617,408 49%

1,518,309 680,923 45%

1,765,373 719,535 41%

1,997,934 739,066 37%

asia Total population Child population Children as a percentage of total population

1,410,652 652,954 46%

3,181,211 1,395,093 44%

3,704,837 1,477,729 40%

4,166,309 1,460,921 35%

4,596,187 1,442,526 31%

4,930,984 1,412,034 29%

5,147,896 1,329,695 26%

5,265,895 1,267,970 24%

europe Total population Child population Children as a percentage of total population

548,194 189,520 35%

721,321 199,138 28%

728,500 178,412 24%

730,475 154,330 21%

722,060 146,925 20%

706,911 138,148 20%

687,244 131,118 19%

664,181 129,516 20%

latin america and the caribbean Total population Child population Children as a percentage of total population

167,627 84,071 50%

444,272 206,965 47%

523,049 219,244 42%

593,699 220,238 37%

659,562 216,985 33%

712,840 208,542 29%

749,670 197,505 26%

769,229 186,116 24%

north america Total population Child population Children as a percentage of total population

171,617 58,998 34%

283,921 81,374 29%

315,670 89,490 28%

348,575 93,531 27%

379,270 96,668 25%

405,428 98,460 24%

427,074 99,498 23%

445,304 102,290 23%

oceania Total population Child population Children as a percentage of total population

8,219 4,791 58%

16,873 9,514 56%

19,140 10,473 55%

21,364 11,208 52%

23,418 11,510 49%

25,286 11,931 47%

26,777 12,111 45%

28,041 12,055 43%

Source: Population Division of the Department of Economic and Social Affairs of the United Nations Secretariat, World Population Prospects: The 2006 Revision, and World Urbanization Prospects: The 2005 Revision, http://www.un.org/esa. *Projected data.

of the total population in the different countries and regions. In Africa and Oceania, in fact, children account for just more than half the population. But children account for just more than one-fifth (21%) of the population in Europe and just more than one-quarter (27%) in North America. The situation today is quite different from that in the 1950s, when more than half of the population in Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean, and Oceania were children and children accounted for more than one-third of the populations of North America and Europe. The proportion

of children in all regions is expected to decline through 2050, but not to an equal degree: Europe will likely have only a slightly lower proportion of children than now, while children are projected to be 43% of the population in Oceania. Nations where children are a relatively large share of the population must find resources to provide quality education, adequate health care, and access to productive jobs for the growing numbers of young people. On the other hand, countries where children are a relatively small share of the population worry about finding resources to support their

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dependent elderly populations as today’s children become a relatively small workforce. H e alt h One of the most prominent measures of children’s health is the infant mortality rate, which reflects the proportion of children who die within the first year of life. Worldwide, the infant mortality rate (number deaths before age 1 divided by the number of births in the previous year) has declined from 65 in 1990 to 52 deaths per 1,000 live births in 2005. However, that worldwide figure masks enormous differences across countries and regions (see table 2). The infant mortality rate in Africa, at 84 deaths per 1,000 births, is 12 times that in North America and Europe (7 deaths per 1,000 births). And the infant morality rate in Asia (49) is seven times that in North America and Europe. The infant mortality rate has declined in every region of the world, but many countries still have unacceptably high rates. The infant mortality rate in 2005 was 101 deaths per 1,000 live births in sub-Saharan Africa, 43 in the Middle East and North Africa, 63 in South Asia, 26 in Latin America and the Caribbean and East Asia and the Pacific, compared to 5 in industrialized countries. According to UNICEF the death rate for children younger than 5 has also declined significantly. Worldwide in 2006, there were 72 deaths among children younger than age 5 for every 1,000 live births compared to 93 in 1990. The number of children younger than age 5 who died in 2006 was 9.7 million, which is the first time since data have been collected that this figure has been lower than 10 million. Reductions in deaths to children can be attributed to improvements in children’s health, such as increases in immunizations, increases in exclusive breastfeeding, vitamin A supplementation, and improvements in the treatment of malaria, pneumonia, diarrheal diseases, severe malnutrition, and pediatric HIV/AIDS. table 2. Infant Mortality by Region, 2006 Region World Africa Asia Europe Latin America and the Caribbean North America Oceania

Infant mortality rate* 52 84 49 7 26 7 27

Source: Population Reference Bureau 2006 World Population Data Sheet. *Number of children younger than age 1 who died in the past year divided by the number of births in the past year, expressed on a per-1,000 basis.

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Despite improvements in children’s health, HIV/AIDS continues to take a toll on children’s health and well-being. In 2006, there were 530,000 children newly infected with HIV and 2.3 million children younger than age 15 living with the disease. Regionally, the highest estimated number of persons and children living with HIV are found in Africa, followed by South Asia. Education The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) and the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989) identify education as a fundamental human right. Both human rights instruments call on countries to make primary (elementary) education free and compulsory. In addition to being a fundamental human right, education enhances earning potential and skills development, allowing people to participate more fully in modern society and improve their health and the health of their children. On a national level, education is essential for reducing poverty, improving and sustaining economic growth and development, protecting the environment, and improving health (including HIV/AIDS), governance, and equality. Although children’s education, particularly primary education, has received a great deal of attention around the world, and although it has spread remarkably, many countries still do not ensure that all children are enrolled and attend school. Table 3 (p. 252) shows that the highest rates of primary school enrollment are in North America and Western Europe (95%), Latin America and the Caribbean (94%), and East Asia and the Pacific (94%), followed by Central and Eastern Europe (91%) and Central Asia (90%). The three regions that are farthest behind in rates of enrollment are South and West Asia (86%), the Arab states (83%), and sub-Saharan Africa (70%). Secondary school enrollment has received much less attention, and in many regions of the world the rate of enrollment is significantly lower than that of primary school. Enrollment rates in secondary school range from a high of 92% in North America and Western Europe to a low of 26% in sub-Saharan Africa. Within some regions and countries, the rates of enrollment often differ for boys and girls. Gender inequality in education remains a concern in many nations around the world, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa, the Arab states, and Asia. For example, the primary enrollment rate for boys in sub-Saharan Africa in 2005 was 73%, compared to 67% for girls, and considerably more imbalanced in some countries there. In Niger, for example, the primary enrollment rate for boys was 46%, compared to 33% for girls, and in Burkina Faso it was 50% for boys, compared to 40% for girls. In societies that favor boys or put a low value on female education, girls are last to be sent to school and the first to be removed when household needs arise. In societies where it is customary for a girl to marry at a young age and/or live

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table 3. Regional Primary and Secondary Net Enrollment Ratios (per 100) for Boys and Girls, 2005 Primary

Secondary

Country

Total

Male

Female

Total

Male

Female

Arab states Central and Eastern Europe Central Asia East Asia and the Pacific Latin America and the Caribbean North America and Western Europe South and West Asia Sub-Saharan Africa

83.0 90.7 89.5 93.7 94.0 95.2 85.7 70.0

86.1 91.5 90.1 94.1 94.2 94.9 89.0 72.8

79.9 89.9 88.9 93.2 93.9 95.5 82.2 67.2

59.4 80.9 84.4 70.0 68.1 91.6 44.4* 25.5

61.2 81.9 85.8 69.8 66.0 90.7 48.6* 28.0

57.5 79.9 83.0 70.1 70.3 92.5 40.0* 23.0

Source: UNESCO Institute for Statistics, http://stats.uis.unesco.org/unesco/TableViewer/download.aspx. *Based on data from 2004.

with another family after marriage, girls’ education is not viewed by the family as a good investment. Ec o nom ic s Economic well-being and economic opportunity are not equal around the globe, and these inequalities often affect children the most. Of the 2.5 billion children in the world, about 1 billion live in poverty. There are more than 500 million children in families who live on less than $1 a day. According to UNICEF, 30,000 children die each day due to poverty. Extreme poverty is concentrated in sub-Saharan Africa and Southern Asia. In 2004, 41% of the population in subSaharan Africa was living on less than $1 a day, and the figure for South Asia was 30%. In developing countries collectively, the rate was 19%. While the figures in many countries are still very high, the most recent figure represents significant progress. For developing countries overall, the percentage in extreme poverty fell from about one-third in 1990 to less than one-fifth in 2004. C h i l d L ab o r a n d You t h U n e m p loym en t Too many children are working in exploitative situations, such as hazardous agricultural work, commercial sexual exploitation, bonded and slave labor, domestic servitude, and trafficking that are harmful to their health and development and at a very basic level violate their fundamental human rights. Alternatively, too many youth are not working when they are of a legal age to work and when a healthy work environment could have a positive impact on their growth. Poverty, poor economic development, and lack of access to quality basic education all contribute to children entering exploitative work situations and youth unemployment. The largest numbers of working children ages 5 to 14 can be found in Asia and the Pacific (122 million), while the largest proportion of working children can be found in subSaharan Africa (26% of all sub-Saharan African children ages 5 to 14). However, forms of child labor can be found

in almost every part of the world. Some children from Asia, sub-Saharan Africa, and Eastern Europe, for example, are trafficked to many Western countries for the purposes of commercial sexual exploitation. On the other hand, productive employment and positive work experiences of youth have long-term benefits to society and individuals. Many countries of the world struggle to provide safe, developmentally appropriate, and ageappropriate jobs with adequate wages and benefits for their youth. According to the International Labour Organization (ILO), half of the world’s unemployed population is youth between the ages of 15 and 24. Between 1995 and 2005, the number of unemployed youth increased from 74 million to 85 million worldwide. Regionally, the highest numbers of unemployed youth were in sub-Saharan Africa (17 million), followed by South Asia (14 million) and East Asia (12 million). Comparatively, the highest youth unemployment rate in 2005 was observed in the Middle East and North Africa (26%), followed by Central and Eastern Europe and the Commonwealth of Independent States (20%) and sub-Saharan Africa (18%). The two regions that witnessed the greatest increases in youth unemployment between 1995 and 2005 were Southeast Asia and the Pacific (from 9% to 16%) and Latin America and the Caribbean (14% to 17%). The developed economies (including all countries in the European Union and other developed economies) saw a decrease in their youth unemployment rate during the same time period, from 15% to 13%. C o nc lu s io n Many demographic aspects of the child population within nations and regions can be understood through the demographic transition model. The number of children around the world has more than doubled since the 1950s, but the rate of growth is slowing. Between now and 2050, the number of children will increase slightly and then decline to the current level of 2.5 billion. Over time, children have become a much smaller segment of the population. In 1950, chil-

d e p e n d e n c y , l e ga l

dren were 44% of the world’s population, today they are about 37%, and by 2050 they will be about a quarter of the population. The distribution of children across the continents is highly skewed toward Asia and Africa, where the vast majority of the world’s children live. More than one-third of the world’s children live in China and India alone. Infant mortality and child deaths have fallen over the past few decades, but differences across countries are enormous. The infant mortality rate in Africa and Asia are several times those of Europe and North America. Nearly half the children in the world are growing up in poverty, and 30,000 children die each day due to poverty-related causes. Likewise, some children get a good education, while others do not finish primary school. The fact that more countries and international bodies are implementing measurable time-bound goals and monitoring progress toward those goals is widely seen as a positive development. Amy R. Ritualo and William P. O’Hare see also: Fertility; Malnutrition and Undernutrition; Morbidity; Mortality further reading: International Society of Child Indicators, http:// www.childindicators.org/ • UNICEF Innocenti Child Research Centre, http://www.unicef-irc.org/ • United Nations Population Information Network, http://www.un.org/popin/ • U.S. Census Bureau International Data Base, http://www.census.gov/ipc/www/idb/

dental care and treatment. see Teeth dependence. see Independence, Dependence, and Interdependence

dependency, legal. It is essential to acknowledge that children are doubly dependent. They are caught between the inherent biological limitations of childhood (a capacity and authority issue) and the ideological and structural barriers to their articulating and asserting rights or responsibilities independent of the family structure (an entitlement and welfare issue). The first aspect of dependency is developmental, universal, and inevitable. The latter is a product of socialization and culture, although not necessarily more readily susceptible to change for that reason. Both forms of dependency are reflected in the laws and policies that govern children and families. Current policy in the United States, in contrast to many other industrialized democracies, mandates the needs of children in both areas are ideally met primarily within family. It is stating the obvious to note that children are dependent on others for their care. While developmental or biological limitations inherent in infancy on the ability to provide for oneself typically are progressively overcome in maturity, initial dependency necessitates that some responsible social structure be defined to care for children.

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Specific legal rules designate adults as guardians over children, a logical arrangement given their needs and the fact that decisions concerning their welfare must be made and implemented with maturity and wisdom. Not surprising, in most societies conferral of authority over children reflects the reality of biological reproduction, with parents deemed primarily responsible. Other family members typically are the preferred substitutes when parents are unable or unwilling to provide appropriate care. Societies do differ substantially, however, when it comes to the desirability of child protective monitoring of parental actions. In the United States, there is a formal legal presumption that mirrors the cultural belief that parents act in “the best interests” of their children. It is this belief that supports this grant of extraordinary power, not otherwise given to some persons over others. Attitudes about the exercise of family-based authority have changed over time. Until recently, families were very patriarchal, with men having extensive power over their wives and children. Historically, the basic legal principle restraining the state and family expressed the maxim “a man’s home is his castle.” This had economic implications, and wages and material assets of family members belonged to the husband/father. He also had the right to obedience and the ability to discipline, including the right to resort to corporal punishment should obedience not be forthcoming. Legally, this control was expressed through the doctrine of family privacy, which made intervention into the family by outside actors structurally difficult. Patriarchal privilege has been narrowed in one important respect over the past several decades. Legal reforms based on evolving societal norms about gender equality have elevated the position of wives in the interest of establishing a more egalitarian family. Historically, wives were placed in the same category as children and suffered a myriad of legal incapacities reflecting the social judgment that they were inferior in ability. Today, men are no longer considered to be the legal masters of women, who are not only perceived as the equals of men but also as independent and entitled to be treated as individuals not incapacitated by their family status. Attitudes about physical chastisement also evolved. In particular, extreme punishment of children came to be considered abusive in the latter part of the 20th century, resulting in laws punishing what had been seen as parental prerogative in earlier generations. For the most part, however, parental domination over children defies the egalitarian aspirations that brought such extensive changes in the husband-wife relationship. While contemporary American law and culture celebrates the individual and places primary importance on notions of liberty and autonomy, this is true only in relation to adults. Children remain anchored within the family. Because children are not viewed as separate and their dependent status is obscured behind the veil of family privacy,

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there is an imbalance in favor of parental rights over children’s interests, and parents exercise dominion over children relatively free of state interference. The state through its agencies assumes some responsibility for the well-being of children. However, it does so only in a secondary and very tentative way. Laws mandate that the state can only perform a protective role when there is clear and convincing evidence of imminent and serious harm to the child. Acting prematurely runs the risk of a claim against the state for interference with parental rights. The social welfare counterpart to this notion of family privacy and autonomy is the idea that the family should be economically self-sufficient and responsible for dependent members and their needs, particularly those of children. Economic and social policies over the past decades dictate that direct aid to families, which is stigmatized as “welfare,” is based on demonstrated need and available only to families that fail to live up to well-established normative aspirations for family autonomy. Social benefits to “successful” families are assumed to be distributed through the workplace in the form of health and retirement benefits and via tax policy, although the provisions of such benefits are becoming increasingly restricted. Thus, in the United States, the legal status and rights of children as dependent members of society are primarily defined derivatively, as subsumed within the family and its transcendent authority. In contrast are societies, such as Canada or those in the European Union, that have incorporated international human rights principles into their policies addressing the doubly dependent child. International human rights have implications for both the capacity/authority/parental rights and the welfare/entitlement issues. If children are viewed as rights holders, not simply passive recipients of benevolent treatment by adults, the disadvantages of their dependence are lessened. They come out of the family closet and into the purview of state concern. The basic rights claim is for a universally applicable set of standards built upon the belief that children are entitled to be treated with dignity, even by their parents. The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) contains extensive protections for otherwise dependent children in regard to civil, political, economic, and social issues. It has played a crucial role in providing an analytic framework that respects children’s gradual assumption of agency while also validating their dependency and need for social welfare benefits. In addition, the CRC also recognizes the state’s obligation to secure so-called second-generation human rights, such as the right to food, housing, health care, and education. In two recent cases, the European Court of Human Rights held that a child’s dignity interests and the right to education respectively trumped parental prerogatives in

regard to corporal punishment and home schooling for religious reasons. The developmental dependency of children cannot be denied. However, societal expectations and structures allocating responsibility can be adjusted in a way that takes account of children as independent members of society in their own right and not just as dependents in the family. Consistent with international human rights law, children might be viewed as having rights independent of, perhaps even in contradiction to, parental preferences. Martha Albertson Fineman see also: Abuse and Neglect; Adolescent Decision Making, Legal Perspectives on; Child: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives; Emancipation; Parenthood; Rights, Children’s; Rights, Parental; Rights, Termination of Parental further reading: Barbara Bennett Woodhouse, “Who Owns the Child? Meyer and Pierce and the Child as Property,” William and Mary Law Review 33 (1992), p. 995. • Barbara Bennett Woodhouse, “The Constitutionalization of Children’s Rights: Incorporating Emerging Human Rights into Constitutional Doctrine,” University of Pennsylvania Journal of Constitutional Law 2 (1999), p. 1. • Martha Albertson Fineman, The Autonomy Myth: A Theory of Dependency, 2004.

depression. Depression is increasingly recognized as a common and debilitating illness in children and adolescents. Depression has several core symptoms: persistent and pervasive sadness, lack of interest or enjoyment in pleasurable activities, and irritability, occurring with considerable intensity and duration, causing significant impairment in functioning, and representing a marked change from previous behavior. Several subtypes are described by medical professionals. Adjustment disorder refers to a self-limited and mild occurrence of depression in reaction to a specific source of stress. Dysthymia is a chronic form of depression in which youth have a year or more of some but not all symptoms of major depression. A major depressive episode, the most severe form, is defined by the presence of five of nine symptoms occurring every day, most of the day, for at least two weeks. The symptoms must include either sad mood or diminished capacity to experience pleasure. Additional symptoms may include sleep disturbance, altered appetite and/or change in weight, low energy, increased or decreased motor activity, guilty ruminations, diminished concentration, and thoughts of suicide. Major depressive disorder is diagnosed when two or more major depressive episodes have occurred without history of mania; presence of both depressive and manic episodes indicates bipolar disorder. Depression in children is shaped by developmental factors and may present differently than in adults. Depressed youth may present with bodily aches and pains, boredom, irritability, and disruptive behaviors. Symptoms of severely depressed mood, psychosis, and suicidal behavior are rare in

d e p r e s s io n

young children with depression but increase in prevalence among depressed adolescents. Childhood depression is a risk factor for subsequent onset of bipolar disorder. Bipolar disorder differs from depression in epidemiology, course of illness, recommended treatments, and prognosis. Population studies in the United States indicate that at any given time, 1% to 2% of prepubertal children and 3% to 8% of adolescents have major depression. Between 15% and 25% of youth will experience at least one episode of major depression before adulthood. Prevalence of depression among youth has increased in recent decades, paralleling a similar rise in occurrence of adult depression. Among prepubertal children, depression is slightly more common among boys. In adolescence, however, rates of depression in girls are two to three times as high as in boys; this gender difference continues into adulthood. Most depressed youth have other psychiatric disorders, most commonly anxiety, disruptive behavior, and substance use disorders. Studies estimate that 40% to 90% of youth with major depressive disorder have at least one comorbid psychiatric condition, and 20% to 50% have at least two comorbidities. Children suffering from more than one disorder have more severe, recurrent, and treatment-resistant disease; they also have an increased suicide risk. The average length of an untreated major depressive episode in youth is seven to nine months. The cumulative probability of recurrence is 40% by two years and 70% by five years. Risk factors for recurrence include confl ictive family environment and parental psychopathology. Depression often persists into adulthood; among adults with depression, those who first became depressed during childhood have more chronic, severe illness and greater impairment of functioning. Depressed youth experience impairments in academic performance and in family and peer relationships. Additional outcomes associated with depression in children and adolescents include tobacco use, alcohol and drug use, obesity, early pregnancy, and underachievement in occupational attainment. Suicide remains a leading cause of death among youth; untreated depression significantly elevates risk for suicide. The adolescent suicide rate quadrupled between 1950 and 1990; the rate steadied and then declined in the following decade and a half, paralleling the increased availability and use of antidepressant medication. Genetics and Oth er R isk Factor s The occurrence of depression involves the interaction between genetic susceptibilities and the environment. Recent landmark studies of this interplay demonstrate that individuals with a particular genetic variation coding for “short” rather than “long” serotonin receptors on brain cells are more likely to become depressed when exposed to stressful life events.

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Family studies estimate that inherited risk accounts for 40% to 80% of depression. Heritability appears most pronounced in adolescent-onset depression, as compared with prepubertal- and adult-onset illness. Multigenerational studies indicate that adults with depression are more likely to have had depressed parents and are at increased risk of having depressed children, as compared with nondepressed individuals. Children with one depressed parent are three times more likely to become depressed; having two depressed parents further increases risk. Family interactions characterized by conflict, rejection, poor communication, and limited expression of emotional support create high-risk environments for depression among youth. Stressful life events also add risk; these include divorce, bereavement, suicide of a loved one, and subjection to abuse and neglect. The link between abuse and depression is strongest when family history of depression exists. The physical and psychological challenges of adolescence lead to an increased incidence of depression in the teenage years. Cognitive changes, including increased capacity for abstract thinking leading to self-appraisal, may generate feelings of low self-worth and hopelessness in susceptible teens. Social factors may influence the higher prevalence in girls, who in many cultures typically manifest psychic suffering via “internalized” symptoms, particularly depression and anxiety, whereas boys’ expressions of distress more often take the form of “externalized” symptoms, including aggressive and delinquent behavior. Hormonal factors may add to this difference. Contemporary psychologists propose a cognitivediathesis model of depression, in which individuals with negative cognitive-emotional styles are susceptible to depression when confronted with stressful life events. Negative styles are characterized by low self-esteem, high self-criticism, negative interpretations of situations, and a feeling of lack of control over events in one’s life. Etiology of negative cognitive styles is unknown; proposed mechanisms include modeling of styles observed in caregivers, exposure to high levels of criticism and rejection, and exposure to uncontrollable and highly stressful life events. Negative styles are frequently observed in children and adolescents with depression; whether these findings represent causes or effects of depression is unknown. Several biological markers of depression in youth have been identified. Alterations in growth hormone secretion and in levels of brain serotonin levels occur in depressed children; whether these abnormalities are causal factors in the onset of depression is unknown. Evidence of disruption in levels of the hormone cortisol, often described in depressed adults, has been less reliably demonstrated in depressed youth. Similarly, objective evidence of altered sleep patterns has been less consistently demonstrated in depressed youth as compared to depressed adults.

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P r e v en t io n a n d T r e atm en t Environmental and psychological factors that may protect against onset of depression include a high level of perceived support from family and peers, membership in nondeviant peer groups, good health practices, presence of caregiverintroduced behavioral and academic expectations, and cognitive style characterized by positive self-regard and a feeling of being able to exert control over events in one’s life. Less than one-half of depressed youth in the United States receive treatment for depression prior to age 18. Many children lack access to adequate mental health care. Meanwhile, few well-designed treatment studies of depression in children have been conducted. This is an understudied, underdiagnosed, and undertreated disorder. Despite these limitations, validated treatment of youth depression exists. Two psychotherapeutic approaches, cognitive-behavioral therapy and interpersonal therapy, have demonstrated efficacy in randomized controlled trials. Psychodynamic and supportive psychotherapies have considerable anecdotal evidence of utility. Antidepressant medications have shown less consistently positive results than in treatment of adults. Controlled studies of tricyclic antidepressants in youth indicate no benefit over placebo. Selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs) have had mixed results in studies with youth; only fluoxetine is approved by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration for treatment of child and adolescent depression. Nevertheless, rates of SSRI prescriptions in youth increased during the late 1990s and early 2000s. Questions and controversy developed around the practice of prescribing antidepressant medications to youth beginning in 2003 based upon concerns that their use was associated with increased risk of suicidal thoughts and behavior. Reanalysis of data found a very small but statistically significant increase in suicidal thoughts in youth taking antidepressant medications; no evidence of an increase in completed suicides emerged. Other data indicated that regions in the United States with the highest rates of SSRI prescriptions between 1990 and 2000 had the greatest declines in teenage suicide rates during those same years. The total number of prescriptions of antidepressants to youth has declined since 2004, and effects of this change upon youth depression and suicide rates are being investigated. C ro ss- Cultur al Issues Recognition of depression as an illness affecting youth has been almost exclusively in Western, and largely Caucasian, populations. A very small number of investigators examining occurrence of pediatric depression in non-Western cultures have found in cross-sectional studies that youth depression is associated with family dysfunction, presence of depression in parents, relational problems with peers, and substance use. Cross-cultural studies of depression among adults have

suggested that while depression occurs everywhere and affects all ethnic groups, the ways in which depression is understood, experienced, and treated vary greatly in different sociocultural settings. A well-studied non-Western example of these differences occurs among the Chinese, in whom depression manifests primarily in physical, rather than psychic, symptoms. Common symptoms of depression among Chinese adults may include boredom, bodily discomfort, dizziness, and fatigue, while complaints of sadness are rare. As noted previously, depressed Western youth, and particularly depressed prepubertal children, tend to have somatic complaints and complaints of boredom or irritability. Interestingly, the somatic manifestations of depression appear in recent years increasingly to be part of the adult experience of depression in the West as well; an antidepressant medication introduced to the American market in 2004 has been heavily marketed as helpful for treating pain accompanying depression in adults. Concepts of depression continue to be influenced by cultural factors, and as youth depression is increasingly recognized in Western and non-Western societies, understandings of its many manifestations will likely continue to evolve. Matthew G. Biel see also: Mental Health Care; Mental Illness; Postpartum Depression further reading: A. Caspi, K. Sugden, et al., “Influence of Life Stress on Depression: Moderation by a Polymorphism in the 5-HTT Gene,” Science 301, no. 5631 (2003), pp. 386–89. • G. Zalsman, D. A. Brent, and V. R. Weersing, “Depressive Disorders in Childhood and Adolescence: An Overview: Epidemiology, Clinical Manifestation and Risk Factors,” Child and Adolescent Psychiatric Clinics of North America 15, no. 4 (2006), pp. 827–41. • D. T. S. Lee, J. Kleinman, and A. Kleinman, “Rethinking Depression: An Ethnographic Study of the Experiences of Depression among Chinese,” Harvard Review of Psychiatry 15, no. 1 (2007), pp. 1–8. • A. M. Libby, D. A. Brent, E. H. Morrato, H. D. Orton, R. Allen, and R. J. Valuck, “Decline in Treatment of Pediatric Depression after FDA Advisory on Risk of Suicidality with SSRIs,” American Journal of Psychiatry 164, no. 6 (2007), pp. 884–91.

desegregation. see Education, Discrimination in: Racial Discrimination

development, concept of. Explorations of the development of the child from birth to adolescence are part of a broader interest in the general nature of development. Within this broader arena, the developmental concept has been applied to numerous subjects, including the development of art forms, of societies and cultures, of religion, of philosophy, of science, and of history. Even when limited to living organisms, it has been applied to embryology, to evolution, and to the entire life span of the individual. In all of these applications, change constitutes the core meaning of the developmental concept. This immediately leads to the question of whether all types of change

development, concept of

entail development and, if not, which do. The answer is complex and to a significant degree depends on the kind of fundamental assumptions—often called worldviews or paradigms—of the person defining the concept. For the purpose of simplicity, this discussion is limited to human development and specifically to the psychological (i.e., process related to cognition [knowing], affect [emotions], and motivation [wishes and desires]) and behavioral development of the individual (termed ontogenesis). Two types of change traditionally have been considered developmental: transformational and variational change. Perception, thinking, memory, language, affect, and motivation are universal processes, characteristic of the species as a whole; any specific percept, concept, thought, word, memory, emotion, or motive represents a particular usage. Transformational change comes into focus with respect to the acquisition of universal processes; variational change is the focus concerning the acquisition of alternative usages. Transformational change refers to change in the form or organization of any system, here the systems being the human organism’s psychological processes. The morphological change of the caterpillar becoming a butterfly and a seed becoming a plant are simple organic examples. The transformation of cognitive processes from globally undifferentiated—lacking self-consciousness, thought, or language—to complexly differentiated and integrated— having reflective self-consciousness, formal logical thought, and a complex language system—between infancy and adolescence constitutes one psychological example. Transformational change has several closely interrelated attributes as necessary features. First, it is ordered and exhibits a universal sequence (e.g., infancy, childhood, adolescence, adulthood), and any order implies an orientation toward a goal or end state. Thus, it is directional in nature. For example, the development of thinking begins in simple actions and moves toward the mature, complexly differentiated, and integrated systems of symbols, concepts, and logic. Most broadly, the end state of human development is usually defined in terms of adaptation in the sense of transformations that increase the individual’s ability to survive in a complex physical and cultural world. As changes of universal processes, transformational change has also been considered relatively permanent and irreversible. Transformational change is also epigenetic, defined as increasing system complexity and the emergence of irreducible novel systemic properties and competencies. Systems move from undifferentiated states to highly differentiated and integrated states, and the differentiations with regard to integrations along the way result in the emergence of novelties. For example, early psychological processes reflect global action systems, lacking both thought and logic. With transformational change, the resulting systems exhibit the novel competency of symbolization, while further transformational change entails the emergence of thought and logical

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competencies. As the novelties emerge, they are often used to characterize the new system as a stage or level of organization of psychological functioning. In the developmental theory of Jean Piaget, for example, the advances from action to thought to logical thought are often referred to as the development of sensorimotor, preoperational, concrete operational, and formal operational stages of intelligence. The emergence of new levels does not imply that earlier levels of competence are eliminated or cease to be available. The emergence of novelty also means that transformational changes cannot be explained as the additive effect of particular causes (i.e., genetic and environmentalcultural causes). As a consequence, transformational change is qualitative or discontinuous or nonlinear rather than strictly continuous (additive). While these changes may occur slowly over time, novelty emerges, and is not the additive product of other factors. Explanations are given in terms of the actions of the individual as he or she coacts with both the worlds of internal biology and external environment-culture. Transformational change as developmental change has a long history stretching back to the pre-Socratic Greek philosophies. It received its major articulation in the 19thcentury philosophical work of G. W. F. Hegel, who interpreted history as a dialectical process involving the differentiation of parts of a system and moving toward increasingly advanced states of integration. In the 20th century, the influential developmental psychologist Heinz Werner used the dialectical process as the base for his general principle of normal development (orthogenesis), which states that whenever there is development, it proceeds from a global and undifferentiated state to advanced states of differentiation and integration. Other influential psychologists also employed this transformational idea as the foundation of their theories, including the cognitive theory of Jean Piaget, the cultural theory of L. S. Vygotsky, and the social-emotional-motivational theories of Erik H. Erikson, and various object relations theorists such as John Bowlby and D. W. Winnicott. Variational change operates within the competencies afforded by transformational change. Variational change refers to the degree or extent that a change varies from a standard, norm, or average. Particular changes in adaptive behavior at any level of adaptation constitute the province of variational change. The acquisition of various skills and knowledge content as well as individual differences in these exemplify variational change (e.g., changes in reaching behavior of the infant, the toddler’s change in walking precision, the acquisition of vocabulary, acquiring the social norms of a culture). Like transformational change, variational change is directed toward a goal (adaptation). However, it is not parallel in other ways. Variational change is generally reversible, not permanent. Consequently, variational change is not epigenetic, does not involve stages. This

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change can be represented as the strictly additive effect of causes—the interaction of several causes, itself being interpreted additively—and as a result it is said to be quantitative, continuous, and linear. Variational change as developmental also has a history stretching back to pre-Socratic times, and it received its philosophical articulation most notably in the work of the British empiricists, including John Locke and David Hume. Contemporary developmental theories that have used variational change as their foundation have arisen primarily from 20th-century behaviorism and the more recent information process movement in psychology. These include B. F. Skinner’s instrumental learning theory as represented particularly in the work of Sidney Bijou and Donald Baer, along with various social learning, information processing, and artificial intelligence theories. Population genetic theories also have proposed variation (random) in collaboration with environmental (natural) selection as foundational to the developmental concept. Transformational and variational changes thus represent the two basic forms of change that have historically defined development. The question remaining is that of the relation of the two, and here the earlier-mentioned worldviews reenter the picture. Across the history of psychology, proponents of a worldview promoting the primacy of transformational change and proponents of a worldview promoting the primacy of variational change have locked themselves into a sometimes explicit, often implicit, battle for exclusive supremacy. The proponents of exclusive variational change, for example, have pursued a program that would eliminate any meaningful role for transformational change in the concept of development. In this scenario, what appears to be transformational change would ultimately be explained away or marginalized as merely superficial description, to be replaced by a “reality” of variations along with additive causes that shape the variations. Given the long historical struggle, and the absence of either camp’s success, it would seem productive to pursue a more integrative strategy in understanding development. An integrative strategy— following from a relational worldview—acknowledges the reality and necessity of both forms of change as part features of development and treats a focus on either as a pragmatic choice dictated by the needs of particular research and scholarly interests. Willis F. Overton see also: Development, Theories of; Evolution of Childhood, Biological; Stages of Childhood further reading: D. B. Harris, The Concept of Development: An Issue in the Study of Human Behavior, 1957. • J. Piaget, Six Psychological Studies, 1967. • R. M. Lerner, Concepts and Theories of Human Development, 3rd ed., 2002. • W. F. Overton, “Developmental Psychology: Philosophy, Concepts, Methodology,” in R. M. Lerner, ed., Theoretical Models of Human Development, 6th ed., vol. 1 of the Handbook of Child Psychology, 2006, pp. 18–88.

development, theories of Overview Behavioral Theories Cognitive Theories Dynamic Systems Theories Psychoanalytic Theories Social Contextual Theories

overview. Scientific theories may be thought of as stories or narratives that scientists put together to explain the observations and experimental evidence available in a given field of study. Importantly, theories are nonfiction narratives: They are attempts to describe reality as accurately as possible. Contrary to the popular usage of the term theory to connote speculative ideas that may or may not be true, scientific theories are carefully crafted to reflect the truth insofar as it is known. Nevertheless, no single theory can tell the entire story of reality in any given field. Even in relatively mature sciences such as physics, where there is a great deal of agreement among scientists, established theories are gradually supplanted by new ones that extend the scope of explanatory power. Newtonian mechanics was superseded by Albert Einstein’s theory of relativity, which, in turn, was extended and modified by quantum mechanics. During the late 19th century, scientists began to take interest in a phenomenon that had received little scientific attention previously: the development of the human mind from birth to adulthood. Most previous efforts at scientific psychology had focused on the study of adult mental phenomena. The minds of children were often assumed to be simply incomplete or imperfect versions of the fully formed adult mind and hardly worthy of scientific attention. However, in the wake of the success of Charles Darwin’s theory of evolution and inspired by the detailed accounts of physical development emerging from the field of embryology, psychologists began to refocus their theoretical activity from the description of the end point of development to the process of change by which the infant mind is transformed into the mind of an adult. The science of developmental psychology was born. As in other areas of science, developmental psychologists have evolved a range of competing and partly overlapping narratives in their attempts to describe and explain the phenomenon of mental development as thoroughly and efficiently as possible. These theories may be compared and contrasted on the basis of several characteristics, which include the core metaphor the theory is based upon, the content or scope of developmental phenomena the theory attempts to include, and the characterization of change as either continuous steady growth or discontinuous leaps to qualitatively new levels. The first characteristic, metaphor, is common to all branches of human thought. A classic example of this is the metaphor of the machine in Newtonian

d e v e l o p m e n t , t h e o r ie s o f

physics. Sir Isaac Newton, a child of the Industrial Revolution, and other scientists of his day compared celestial motion to the workings of a machine, as if the universe were an enormous clockwork. In the mid-20th century, philosopher of science Stephen Pepper argued that all scientific theories are based on one of four “core” metaphors: formism, mechanism, organicism, and contextualism. In formism, the core metaphor is the recognizable form: the ideal square, the ideal apple. The classic proponent of formism was Plato, who saw all reality as expressions of universal ideal forms. As mentioned previously, the machine is the basic metaphor of mechanism. The root metaphor of organicism is the living, growing organism. In the framework of contextualism, the underlying metaphor is the historical act in historical context. Although Pepper considered these core metaphors mutually exclusive, in practice developmental theorists, while tending to lean on one major metaphor, often call upon more than one core metaphor and many other metaphors. The metaphors used are often influenced by the content the theory seeks to explain and the theorist’s stance on continuous versus discontinuous change. As theories evolve, they tend to incorporate aspects of competing theories, often leading to integration of concepts and metaphors once thought antithetical. The oldest theoretical tradition in developmental psychology is psychodynamic theory, stemming from Sigmund Freud’s psychoanalytic framework. Although Freud, a neurologist by training, described psychological development in terms of the interaction of organic development with the demands of society, the core metaphor of Freud’s model has been widely thought of as mechanistic because of the mechanical, confl ictual nature of his description of environmental interactions. The content of Freud’s theory is primarily emotional development, although his conception of the ego paved the way for some later cognitive theories. Freud described developmental change as discontinuous, with each new stage—oral, anal, or genital—a qualitatively different type of struggle between organic needs and societal demands. Behavioral theories of development came about partly as a reaction to psychoanalytic theory. Behaviorists such as John B. Watson and, later, B. F. Skinner believed that to place developmental psychology on a truly scientific footing, researchers must forgo attempts to describe mental phenomena and restrict the scope of developmental theories strictly to the study of observable behavior. Traditional behavioral theories are based on a mechanistic metaphor that supports the behaviorist view of developmental changes in behavior brought about by a mechanical “conditioning” process. These theories typically portray development as a continuous process in which behaviors are gradually increased, extinguished, and shaped by en-

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vironmental reinforcement or punishment. During the late 20th century, some behavioral theorists, influenced by cognitive and systems theorists (discussed in the following paragraphs), began to reformulate behavioral theory to account for widely observed discontinuous changes in behavioral development, but the scope of these models remains restricted to observable behavior. Cognitive theorists rejected the behaviorist view that the content of developmental theories should be restricted to behavior alone, noting that even mice running mazes exhibit anticipation and that the content and organization of mental phenomena can be inferred from behavioral observations, as physicists inferred atomic structure without being able to directly observe it. As the name implies, cognitive developmentalists tend to restrict the scope of their theories to cognition, the development of reasoning, memory, and learning processes. During the early to mid-20th century, the pioneering cognitive developmental theories of James Mark Baldwin, Heinz Werner, and Jean Piaget all shared an organismic core metaphor that supported their emphasis on discontinuous, qualitative changes in mental development. The developing mind was compared with the qualitative transformations of developing biological organisms, such as the frog’s transformation from egg to tadpole to adult. Piaget, the most influential of the early cognitive developmentalists, used children’s responses to problems to describe qualitatively distinct stages of logical development, from the partial logic of preschool-age children, to the “concrete” or situationally bound logic of schoolchildren, and finally to the abstract, situation-free logic of late adolescents and adults. Classical followers of Piaget adopted a formist metaphor, treating stages as universal and context-independent forms (as do nativist theories of cognitive development that posit certain universal inborn forms of knowledge such as Euclidean geometry). Late20th-century neo-Piagetians such as Robbie Case and Kurt Fischer sought to refine Piaget’s model, integrating continuous and discontinuous change in models that describe cognitive skills as constructed by the developing child and showing that developmental change is domain and context specific. Related to cognitive theories are systems theories of development, which also adopt the organismic metaphor. The Italian biologist Ludwig von Bertalanfy developed the notion of a biological system into a general metaphor that he extended to a range of scientific problems. However, unlike early cognitive theories that focused attention on discontinuity and qualitative change, systems theories use the metaphor to support their emphasis on relationality and hierarchical organization. Biological systems are intrinsically interrelated, and these relations are hierarchical in their organization: Groups of cells are organized into organs such the heart and lungs, organs are organized into systems such

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the circulatory and respiratory systems, and so forth. In the late 20th century, psychologist Richard Lerner elaborated an extensive systems theory of cognitive development, and a whole field of study also emerged directed at understanding families as systems. During the late 20th and early 21st centuries, systems theory evolved into what is termed dynamic systems theory or, sometimes, chaos theory. Dynamic systems theory recognizes that, due to the complex interrelations of various systems and subsystems, seemingly chaotic patterns of change can be explained and modeled mathematically. Dynamic systems theories attempt to integrate continuous and discontinuous models of development by showing how a number of minute, incremental changes can lead to sudden, discontinuous qualitative change. Psychologist Esther Thelen applied dynamic systems theory to infant sensorimotor development, and Kurt Fischer elaborated a dynamic systems theory of cognitive development that also attempted to integrate affective development. Contextualist theories are similar to systems theories in that they tend to be relational theories. Although the core metaphor is often said to be the “historical event,” it may be more accurate to say “historical context” because contextual theories attempt to describe the historical dimension of the mind—developmental change—in its social and cultural context. The notion of context is intrinsically relational in the sense that it implies relationships in which society and culture affect development and development contributes to the maintenance and evolution of culture. The early20th-century Russian psychologist L. S. Vygotsky is widely viewed as the father of social-contextual theories of development. Influenced by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Vygotsky described mental development as an internalization of action, a view he shared with Piaget. Unlike Piaget, however, Vygotsky described this internalization as a transfer of control from between persons to within persons, as when a mother assists a child at a task, gradually withdrawing assistance as the child gains the ability to perform it independently. Because the nature of joint tasks varies across cultural contexts, contextual theories provide a way of explaining variations in developmental pathways. Vygotsky described both discontinuous stages of development as well as continuous development in what he called the “zone of proximal development,” or the short-term, gradual process of transferring control from between to within persons. In the late 20th and early 21st centuries, contextual theorists such as Michael Cole, Barbara Rogoff, and James Wertsch refined and extended Vygotskian theory, and Urie Bronfenbrenner combined contextualist and systems theories into what he termed a bioecological theory. Thomas R. Bidell see also: Books on Child Development, Landmark; Critical Periods; Development, Concept of; Evolution of Childhood, Biological; Family Systems Theories; Research on Child Development; Stages of Childhood

behavioral theories. Behavioral theory in psychology is generally traced to John B. Watson’s 1913 paper “Psychology as the Behaviorist Views It.” This article outlined a natural science approach to psychology, focusing on behavior as the observable and objectively verifiable data of psychology. At Johns Hopkins University, Watson applied his methods to the study of children, notably a conditioning study of 11month-old “Little Albert.” Albert showed a conditioned response to a rat that had been repeatedly paired with a loud noise. This kind of classical conditioning, in which a response to one stimulus (a loud noise) is transferred to another stimulus (a rat), soon became the basic paradigm for the study of children’s responses, particularly emotional responses, fears, and phobias. Watson’s influence reached a peak in the 1920s with the publication of his book Psychological Care of Infant and Child (1928). The book argued the importance of scientifically informed child-rearing practices over the relatively unimportant whims of nature. However, Watson’s influence in psychology, in general, and behaviorism, in particular, waned. Watson’s reliance on the classical conditioning model was found to be too limiting. Instead, behavioral theory came under the influence of B. F. Skinner’s operant conditioning model. Skinner coined the term operant for spontaneous behavior that is subsequently affected by consequences. He retained the concepts of classical conditioning for reflex behaviors, which he called respondents, because they occur automatically in response to a stimulus (e.g., reacting to a loud noise). Skinner’s model emphasized the importance of environmental consequences for increasing (reinforcing) or decreasing (punishing) behavior. Although operants can be cued or evoked by antecedent events, they are not directly caused by them in the manner respondents are. Central to Skinner’s operant was a three-term contingency consisting of a discriminative stimulus (one that cues an appropriate response for a given situation), an operant response, and a reinforcing or punishing stimulus consequence. Thus, each operant was treated as a relationship between the organism’s behavior and internal or external environmental events. Behavioral development was viewed as a shaping process in which behaviors successively closer to optimal functioning were reinforced, and less-reinforcing behaviors were eliminated. Although all members of a species shared a universal set of primary reinforcers (e.g., food, touch) by virtue of their common biology, development depended significantly on the acquisition of reinforcers unique to the individual and based upon the individual’s life experiences (e.g., success, money). Skinner’s behavioral theory was based on fundamental principles that he viewed as universally applicable to all organisms. Skinner’s early research was conducted with rats and pigeons in controlled environments called operant chambers (which came to be known as Skinner boxes), and differences in species and individuals were attributed to dif-

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ferences in biological and environmental factors. Skinner’s principles, derived from the study of individual subjects rather than groups, were extended to human applications through his theoretical writings and research. A 1945 photo essay in The Ladies’ Home Journal showed a technologically advanced crib that Skinner had built for his second daughter, Deborah. This “baby tender” or “air crib” was designed to increase Deborah’s freedom and comfort but was misinterpreted by his critics and portrayed as a “Skinner box” for his own daughter. In this time period, Skinner produced a novel, Walden Two (1948), describing a utopia based on many of his empirically derived principles, and a book, Science and Human Behavior (1953). Many of Skinner’s ideas relating to child rearing are found in these works. During his post–World War II tenure at Indiana University, Skinner recruited a young assistant professor, Sidney W. Bijou, to direct a clinical psychology program. In 1948, Bijou moved to the University of Washington, where he began research on normal and developmentally delayed children, rigorously following operant procedures in studying schedules of reinforcement and other basic principles of reinforcement. With a colleague, Donald M. Baer, Bijou published a series of seminal texts beginning in 1961 that laid out a behavioral theory of child development that dominated behaviorist models for many years. Bijou and Baer defined psychological development as “progressive changes in interactions between the behavior of individuals and the events in the environment.” They added a fourth term, setting event or setting factor (recently termed establishing operation), to Skinner’s three-term contingency. Setting events are environmental or historical contexts altering the relationships between other terms of the contingency. This behavioral theory of development was based on a natural science approach that emphasized the study of individual behavior rather than groups. Bijou and Baer identified three developmental stages based on the types of interactions that predominated at each stage, rather than on the basis of age. Current behavioral approaches to development continue Bijou and Baer’s emphasis on changes in behaviorenvironment relations, the four-term contingency as an explanatory mechanism, and the use of single-subject experimental research designs. Most current behavioral viewpoints employ a parsimonious selection-by-consequences view, providing a parallel in individual behavioral development to the natural selection at work in the evolution of species. Edward K. Morris has argued that behavioral theories of development are contextualistic (based on a core metaphor of individuals in relation to their environment) rather than mechanistic (based on a core metaphor of individuals as machinelike), as had frequently been the assumption. Morris’s model posits changes in operants over time, further extending behavioral explanations of development.

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Gary Novak and Martha Pelaez have presented a behavioral systems approach, combining principles of behavioral development with principles of dynamic systems theory (the theory that both living and physical systems are highly complex, resulting in sudden, nonlinear shifts in behavior). The behavioral systems approach maintains the use of the four-term contingency as the basic unit of analysis. Rather than identifying universal stages, the behavioral systems approach views development as characterized by nonlinear phase shifts in which patterns of behavior, or response classes, coalesce through the transaction between geneticconstitutional factors, the history of interactions with the environment, current biological conditions, current environmental conditions, and ongoing behavioral dynamics. The emphasis is on current contingencies of reinforcement for assembling increasingly complex and organized patterns of behavior over time. Those aspects of development that are universal (e.g., onset of speech) are considered the result of universal biological and environmental conditions, but greater emphasis is placed upon behavioral uniqueness resulting from nonshared biological and environmental influences. Multiple determination and multiple directionality of influence contribute to nonlinearity of development, or phase shifts, creating qualitative as well as quantitative changes. Some qualitative changes are described as “behavioral cusps” when they are important nodes for further paths of development. The emergence of walking and reading are examples of cusps. Behavioral theory has been used to explain traditional domains of development, including cognitive, language, personality, and social-emotional development. Development in these areas is seen as developmental skill learning, characterized by enormous numbers of learning trials over months and years that are part of the natural ecology of parent-child and child-child interaction. For example, in language development, the child’s environment is seen as richly structured from birth in the form of “motherese” and other intuitive teaching practices employed by caregivers and shaped by millions of naturally existing reinforcement contingencies in the environment. While behavioral theories provide explanations of normal development under natural contingencies of reinforcement, the emphasis on function and pragmatism has led to the use of behavioral developmental principles for applied developmental problems. In addition to the use of systematic desensitization, counterconditioning, and other respondent-based treatments for childhood fears, operant principles have been widely used in the treatment of behavior problems, parent training, behavioral pediatrics, attention deficit hyperactivity disorders, and many other areas. Several forms of early intensive behavioral intervention, pioneered by Ivar Lovaas, have been demonstrated to be effective in autism treatment. Gary Novak

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see also: Skinner, B(urrhus) F(rederic); Watson, John B(roadus) further reading: Jacob L. Gewirtz and Martha PelaezNogueras, “B. F. Skinner’s Legacy to Infant Behavioral Development,” American Psychologist 47, no. 11 (1992), pp. 1411–22. • Edward K. Morris, “The Aim, Progress, and Evolution of Behavior Analysis,” The Behavior Analyst 15 (1992), pp. 3–29. • Sidney W. Bijou, Behavior Analysis of Child Development, 1995. • Gary Novak and Martha Pelaez, Child and Adolescent Development: A Behavioral Systems Approach, 2004.

cognitive theories. Scientists build theories to explain

cognitive development or any other set of observations— explicit models that portray what happens to produce the patterns of cognitive development based on the evidence accrued through observations and experiments. Theories change and evolve as scientists react to earlier theories and try to build better models to explain aspects of the evidence left out by other theories. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, James Mark Baldwin in North America, Jean Piaget in Europe, and L. S. Vygotsky in Russia laid the groundwork for contemporary theories of cognitive development by exploring how children and adults develop knowledge and skills, and many fields and approaches have grown from their work. Cognition means skills and knowledge, and it varies from seeing or grasping an object to analyzing complex problems in science. Three fundamental themes in the field of cognitive science are the grounding of knowledge in the biology of the human species, including people’s capacity for self-directed actions; the transformation of knowledge as children act and develop in the world; and the influence of cultures that support children as they learn and develop. Biological Groundi ng of K nowledge As members of the species Homo sapiens, human beings are built to learn. Complex learning, language, and culture are species characteristics that distinguish people from other animals. The importance of species-specific behaviors was discovered by a group of biologists who won the Nobel Prize for demonstrating that animals and people inherit specific programs that bias how they act and learn. Building on this work, the influential American linguist Noam Chomsky hypothesized that the mind includes a module (a separate specialized brain system) for processing and learning speech and language, as well as a series of other modules responsible for specific domains of action and thought, such as vision and understanding other people. Learning and knowledge in each such domain develop separately, he posited, and thus cognition is domain specific. On the other hand, Baldwin, Piaget, and Vygotsky all built their work on the biology of the human species, and all posited common developmental processes that worked across domains. Piaget formulated an especially influential model of those processes, a theory of stages of cognitive

development that portrays how the mind is transformed in development. The mind and brain grow naturally through a series of transformations in action and thought, which Piaget explained as stages characterized by distinct logical ways of organizing mental representations. Baldwin proposed a theory of the development of knowledge based on self-directed activity. To illustrate, imagine an infant grabbing a rattle for the first time and shaking it to produce a sound. The child is coordinating her individual action with the properties of the rattle to achieve the goal of producing the sound, and as she explores the rattle and learns how to make the sound consistently, she constructs what is called a skill or action scheme (grasp-shake-listen). Through repetition and exploration of actions with the rattle, she begins to master this particular coordination of action and object in this situation or context. When an older child or an adult carries out a more sophisticated cognitive action, such as adding 15 and 27, she is doing what the baby did but with her mind instead of her hand: She is grabbing the numbers with her mind and manipulating them to figure out the sum. Similarly for knowledge about people, when adolescents puzzle over what a friend is thinking as she is lost in thought, they mentally manipulate representations about what she may be thinking. In all cognition, people perceive, analyze, and mentally manipulate representations about their own and other people’s actions on objects and events in the world. They construct knowledge. Baldwin, Piaget, and Vygotsky started with the philosophy of knowledge, which is called epistemology, and focused on analyzing the origins and development of knowledge in action and society. Piaget built on Baldwin’s theory by describing in rich detail how children construct knowledge about objects, causes, space, and time and by explaining how children transform one form of knowledge into higher, more powerful forms. Vygotsky, who also viewed knowledge as constructed through action, showed how social and cultural contexts in which children develop influence the direction of their constructive activities. T r an s fo r m at io n s o f M i n d At the same time that infants learn to shake a rattle to make a noise, they are also learning many other skills, such as babbling “mamamama” to get Mommy to come into view, watching her shake a rattle, or grasping her finger or shirt when she is close by. As they develop, children transform their knowledge not only by mastering these individual skills but also by coordinating them to form more complex skills of a different kind. One of the most remarkable transformations occurs between ages 1 and 3 as they combine many skills to create language, as when they say “Shake rattle,” “Mommy rattle,” and “Mommy shake rattle.” They represent in speech the actions that earlier they could only do, and in this way they create a dramatically new kind of cog-

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nition based on symbols, or representations that are shared with other people and captured in speech (as well as in gestures, pretending, and other forms of symbolic action). In exquisite detail, Piaget described this transformation and a series of later transformations in children’s action and thought. Beginning with the sensorimotor stage (birth to 2 years), children base their cognition in actions, focusing on what they can perceive and do, both on their own and with other people. When they build the symbolic skills of language, pretending, and other kinds of representations, they enter the preoperational stage (2 to 6 years), where they mentally represent people, objects, and actions and begin to manipulate those representations in their minds. For example, they build an understanding of numbers as forming a linear sequence from 1 to 2 to 3 to 4 and so forth, constructing a mental model of numbers (the number line) as a line or ruler along which numbers move up and down by 1s. As children develop more effective skills for manipulating representations, they construct the next qualitatively different kind of mind, which Piaget calls concrete operations (6 to 12 years), the logic of concrete statements. Children learn to manipulate statements about concrete mental representations of objects, people, and events. For example, they move beyond representing their mother’s particular actions, such as shaking a rattle, hugging her children, and going to work, to understand the several roles that she plays, such as mother, wife, teacher, and friend. In this way, they come to comprehend the relations between people’s perspectives and social interactions. Similarly for objects, they coordinate several concrete characteristics, as when they relate the height and width of objects to understand how their overall size varies. When orange juice is poured into glasses of different sizes and shapes, they mentally multiply two or more number lines: the amount of height by the amount of width (and sometimes the amount of depth) to create the quantity of orange juice. The final period emerges at approximately 10 to 12 years of age, as children move beyond concrete operations to formal or abstract operations. They build on concrete understanding of particular people, objects, and events to construct abstract representations. For example, beyond specific mothers there is the abstract concept of motherhood and the role that it plays with fatherhood in society. Adolescents understand that people have hidden, internal motivations, and personality characteristics, such as malicious intentions and introverted personalities. They move beyond concrete numbers to abstract ones, such as the x’s and y’s marking variables or unknown numbers in algebra. Research on cognitive growth supports Piaget’s broad outline of developmental transformations, moving from sensorimotor actions in infancy to concrete representations in childhood and then to abstractions in adolescence and adulthood. Kurt Fischer’s work, called dynamic skill theory,

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has established rigorous criteria for specifying how children’s skills develop through a series of 10 levels of actions, representations, and abstractions and how these changes develop not in simple stages but along diverse pathways. Cultur al Support and Dev elopmen tal Pat h ways Whereas Piagetian theory focused on the transformations between levels of knowledge, Vygotskian theory emphasized the differences in developmental processes resulting from social and cultural contexts. Cognitive skills do not develop uniformly across domains from one stage to the next; they develop along separate pathways in different domains and in different cultures and contexts. At the same time, the transformations through which children move as they learn are remarkably similar across domains. Fischer’s work shows that they construct specific skills in each domain separately, while the transformations through which they move in each domain show similar patterns of organization. Understanding roles in a child’s family, for example, develops along its own pathway, separate from understanding the basic operations of arithmetic, but the transformations along each pathway have a similar form. A child understands the roles in his family by combining mother, father, and child in simple linear relationships, and he builds the number line by combining numbers, starting with 1, 2, and 3, in simple linear relationships. Yet children construct these skills separately, despite the similarity in form. Similarly for cultural differences, the roles and rules that an American child learns in an English-speaking family and school in New York City show important differences from the roles and rules that a Chinese child learns in a Mandarin-speaking family and school in Beijing. At the same time, the children’s understanding of those different roles and rules develops through similar patterns. The importance of culture is enormous, as Vygotsky emphasized. Skill and knowledge begin with interactions between individuals who affect and support one another’s activities. The most complex ways of acting and thinking, such as literature, art, and science, all come from and depend on social meaning systems provided by specific societies and cultures. Language makes this relationship especially obvious because people direct one another’s attention and thought through speaking and writing. Language thus shapes people’s learning through a system of shared meanings inside a particular linguistic community. Even universal categories such as “good” and “bad” can only be understood in relation to a particular language and culture. Vygotsky described how the internalization of language and culture gives people culturally developed ways of thinking. Children initially learn, for example, to act within the roles in their family and community, and then they internalize those roles first as ways of acting, then as concrete representations based on the actions (mother, father), and

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later as abstractions about role relationships (motherhood, fatherhood). When children act in their families, they participate in relationships long before they conceptualize those relationships. Indeed, social interactions provide support that helps children act at higher levels than they are capable of by themselves. This gap between supported performance and spontaneous performance is called the developmental range (or the zone of proximal development). Fischer and his colleagues have shown that children function at a higher level when their actions are supported by a person or artifact (such as a book or computer) that provides cues to key components of skilled performance. When those supports are removed, children quickly drop to a lower level of skill. Children are thus not at a single level or stage even for a single domain, such as doing arithmetic problems, but their level varies systematically with support. In addition, when children encounter a new problem, they routinely drop to an even lower level of skill (acting like a baby). To master something new, they need to reconfigure their skills to fit the new problem. Moving to a lower level is the smart thing to do, allowing exploration and mastery of the basic components that are required for the new problem. Kurt W. Fischer and Robert Lindsley see also: Baldwin, James Mark; Cognitive Development; Neurological and Brain Development; Piaget, Jean; Vygotsky, L(ev) S(emenovich) further reading: J. Piaget and B. Inhelder, The Psychology of the Child, [1966] 2000. • L. Vygotsky, Mind in Society: The Development of Higher Psychological Processes, trans. M. Cole, V. John-Steiner, S. Scribner, and E. Souberman, 1978. • R. Case, ed., The Mind’s Staircase: Exploring the Conceptual Underpinnings of Children’s Thought and Knowledge, 1991. • K. W. Fischer and L. T. Rose, “Webs of Skill: How Students Learn,” Educational Leadership 59, no. 3 (2001), pp. 6–12. • N. Chomsky, Language and Mind, 3rd ed., 2006. • K. W. Fischer and T. R. Bidell, “Dynamic Development of Action and Thought,” in W. Damon and R. M. Lerner, eds., Theoretical Models of Human Development, 6th ed., vol. 1 of Handbook of Child Psychology, 2006, pp. 313–99.

dynamic systems theories. Diversity is the hallmark of human behavior: Regardless of age or experience, people’s performance changes dramatically depending on context, including the presence of different people. The same sixthgrade student who can easily solve a difficult math problem in class often cannot solve the same problem at home on her own, or even in class the next day. These kinds of fluctuations in performance can be frustrating, but they are normal. The fact is that variation is a part of all human behavior. Yet despite its pervasiveness, variability has frequently been ignored in developmental science. As a consequence, the field now brims with elaborate descriptions about global changes in behavior, but it struggles to explain

why a child can recite the alphabet for his parents but not for his teacher. In recent years, a number of researchers have emphasized the importance of variability and have sought to explain both stability and diversity in behavior over time. In order to capture the richness and complexity of development, many researchers have adopted concepts, methods, and tools from dynamic systems theory—a flexible framework for analyzing how many factors act together in natural systems in disciplines as diverse as physics, biology, and education. More than two decades ago, researchers such as Esther Thelen, Paul van Geert, Kurt Fischer, and others helped pioneer the application of dynamic systems to development. Their work laid the foundation for a fresh approach to understanding how people learn, grow, and change. Formally, dynamic systems theory is an abstract framework, based on concepts from thermodynamics and nonlinear mathematics. However, whereas some of the concepts (and much of the terminology) may seem foreign to researchers and practitioners, the principles of dynamic systems theory are very straightforward and deeply relevant to the study of human behavior. The dynamic systems approach in development starts with two principles: Multiple characteristics of person and context collaborate to produce all aspects of behavior, and variability in performance provides important information for understanding behavior and development. Taken together, these principles—person-in-context and variability-asinformation—represent the backbone of dynamic systems theory. Building on these themes, researchers have overturned misconceptions and resolved long-standing arguments about the nature of development. Per s on and Con te xt Togeth er In the game of baseball, the pitcher’s job is to throw the ball for a strike. However, even the best pitchers cannot do this every time. Why not? The simple answer is that throwing a ball accurately—like all human behavior—always depends on more than just biology and experience. Context matters. In fact, so many contextual factors influence the accuracy of any given pitch—temperature, crowd noise, or having a runner on base (to name but a few)—the performance of a pitcher cannot be understood outside the immediate context. This is true for all behaviors, not just tossing a baseball. Behavior is not something a person “has”: It emerges through the interactions between person and context and depends on many biological and contextual factors. Traditional models assume that people have stable skills and discount the importance of person-in-context, the dynamics of behavior. However, ignoring these dynamics can lead to serious misconceptions. The case of the infant stepping reflex illustrates this principle nicely. Newborns have many primitive reflexes, including the

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“stepping reflex,” or the pattern of leg movements (steps) an infant makes when held upright. Present at birth, this reflex disappears after a couple of months, only to reappear around the time of walking—something that puzzled researchers for decades. Classic explanations for this phenomenon were based on the neurology of infants: Brain areas matured and then suppressed the newborn reflex. This was the established view until Thelen, using dynamic systems theory, offered a different explanation, considering characteristics of infants’ bodies that the brain explanation treated as irrelevant. The stepping reflex disappeared not because of neurological changes but because of changes in leg weight: Babies’ legs showed an increase in mass (subcutaneous fat as well as other tissue) that made it impossible for an infant to lift his or her legs from an upright position. Showing the importance of context, Thelen tested infants who had seemingly lost the reflex by placing them into a tub of water, where the buoyancy reduced the effective weight of the legs. Now, when the infants were held upright, their reflex returned and they stepped just like younger infants! By manipulating nonobvious variables, Thelen was able to control the emergence and suppression of a reflex once thought to be under strict neurological control. In this case, the key principle of person-in-context helped researchers discover the underlying dynamics of infant motor development. Var i abi lit y as I n fo r m at io n People routinely show this kind of variability in behavior, rarely performing at a single fixed level consistently. All behavior emerges through interactions between person and context, and thus performance varies dramatically and systematically depending on many factors such as arousal level, emotional state, task demands, and assessment conditions (to name a few). In contrast with classic models, dynamic systems theory treats variability as information and seeks patterns and order in the variation. Because variability is analyzed instead of ignored, researchers are able to identify factors that have a systematic effect on behavior and development, to find the order in the variation. Fischer has shown that one powerful source of variability is contextual support: With priming of key ideas or actions through the help of an adult or a well-designed computer program or text, a person can perform at a higher level, but he cannot sustain the performance without such support. The example of Madison, 16, demonstrates the influence of contextual support through her understanding of the relation between addition and multiplication, both of which involve combining numbers to get larger numbers, with addition combining single numbers and multiplication groups of numbers. This relation is difficult for adolescents to articulate, but around 15 or 16 years, they can understand the concept if they have contextual support. In Madison’s case,

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she has no problem getting the relation when her teacher prompts the key ideas, and she can even provide specific examples (5 + 5 + 5 + 5 = 20 and 5 × 4 = 20). However, when discussing it with her parents or friends, her performance drops dramatically; for example, she says that addition and multiplication are the same but cannot explain the essential difference (single numbers versus groups) that she understood with her teacher’s support. Madison’s performance speaks against the notion that people have a single level of ability: What would her “true” level be? In reality, Madison clearly varies between two levels of performance, what Fischer calls the developmental range: She understands the relation with support, but she does not understand it without support. The skill is both present and absent, depending on the context. In other words, it is dynamic. The importance of support is hardly controversial. However, when studied through the lens of dynamic systems, contextual support can reveal surprising facts about learning, and it offers a simple solution to the classic debate about stages. Using nonlinear models from dynamic systems, Fischer studied patterns of development in conditions of high and low support independently. When growth was assessed under high support, it showed clear stagelike properties. However, in low-support conditions growth was smooth and continuous. Through the careful use of dynamic systems tools, and by treating variability as information, Fischer was able to show that stages both do and do not exist, depending on the dynamics of the activity. Explaining stability and change together is a key strength of dynamic systems theory. L. Todd Rose and Kurt W. Fischer see also: Social Development further reading: E. Thelen and L. B. Smith, A Dynamic Systems Approach to the Development of Cognition and Action, 1994. • K. W. Fischer and L. T. Rose, “Webs of Skill: How Students Learn,” Educational Leadership 59, no. 3 (2001), pp. 6–12. • P. van Geert and H. Steenbeek, “Explaining After by Before: Basic Aspects of a Dynamic Systems Approach to the Study of Development,” Developmental Review 25 (2005), pp. 408–42. • K. W. Fischer and T. R. Bidell, “Dynamic Development of Action and Thought,” in W. Damon and R. M. Lerner, eds., Theoretical Models of Human Development, 6th ed., vol. 1 of Handbook of Child Psychology, 2006, pp. 313–99.

psychoanalytic theories. From Sigmund Freud’s first

propositions to the most recent theories based in attachment studies, psychoanalysis has had an implicitly developmental perspective. In virtually all these theories, two central concepts of human psychological development are taken for granted. In fact, their validity has become so widely accepted that the general public no longer acknowledges these as revolutionary concepts. First, in opposition to a classical notion that children are simply miniature ver-

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sions of adults, the idea of ontogeny posits psychological maturity as a gradual development, or unfolding, from an infantile or less organized mode of being. Second, the idea of epigenesis describes how development, arising from a simple and undifferentiated origin, increases in complexity by a succession of structured stages. Though these two ideas are interrelated, they describe distinct concepts in development: that maturity is not inherent in the infantile state and that maturity develops through predetermined stages, each with its respective configuration. Before providing an outline of the evolution and basic tenets of psychoanalytic developmental models, it is important to underscore two constraints of such models. First, much of early psychoanalytic developmental theory arose from clinical observations made either exclusively with adults, as with Freud’s initial theories, or with children referred for various behavioral and psychological difficulties rather than with a sample of normally maturing children standardized with mean ages for developmental stages. Consequently, as psychoanalysis remained relatively isolated from other developmental fields in the early and middle 20th century, its propositions retain an emphasis on psychopathology in development. This bias has led to potential distortions in theory, such as the attribution of mature structures, functions, and psychological states to infants and young children and the assumption that when childhood states and capacities persist, or regressively recur, in adults, their presentation remains essentially the same. Second, because psychoanalytic developmental theory focused nearly exclusively on infancy, childhood, and adolescence, it has neglected the developmental changes occurring in adulthood and through old age. With few exceptions, this theory has not considered development as occurring throughout the life span. Consequently, it has not grappled with how new mental structures emerge in adulthood or how existing ones are transformed. The earliest psychoanalytic developmental theory consists of the psychogenetic viewpoint—how the past influences present functioning—first expressed in Freud’s theory of infantile sexuality. Freud’s initial formulations labored nearly exclusively on understanding the origins of neurosis. In this effort, he concentrated on how early trauma or childhood seduction resulted in psychopathology. According to the psychogenetic model, the driving force in development was simply an economic one, that is, the displacement of psychic energies from one state to another. Emotional energy bound to the original traumatic event cannot be expressed directly, so it finds an alternate expression through symptoms such as hysterical blindness or the sudden inability to speak. After some years, Freud replaced his initial seduction hypothesis with an emphasis on fantasy, in place of memories of actual molestation or trauma, organized by innate biological drives. In the revised model, a predetermined sequence

of drive states determines the developmental stages proceeding from oral to anal to oedipal psychological organization. Freud postulated that personality develops through this series of innate stages during which the pleasureseeking energies of the id become focused on certain erogenous areas. Psychosexual energy, or libido, was the driving force behind behavior and maturation. Freud’s colleague, Karl Abraham, elaborated on the oral and anal stages of development and their expression in adult personality functioning. While this early psychosexual theory of development was revised by Freud and those who followed him, aspects of this stage approach to thinking about personality development persist in various analytic formulations. Freud’s next major revision of the psychosexual stage model moved to a dual-instinct model, the balance between sexuality, or constructive drives, and aggression, or destructive drives. Abraham, and later Melanie Klein, considered the vicissitudes of aggression and rage in early development as equal in significance to libidinal drives. Freud revised his model of the mind further to provide a developmental framework around a tripartite structural schema consisting of the id, ego, and superego. Relationships among these three structures are organized around themes of wish fulfillment versus reality, or versus moral injunctions. An additional theme consists of the conflict between internal fantasy and external reality. Maturation involves promoting defensive organization around these confl icting themes mediated by the tripartite mental structure of id, ego, and superego. A number of theorists following Freud elaborated on the developmental implications of the structural model. For example, Heinz Hartmann emphasized how both id and ego originate through adaptive interactions with the environment in contrast to Freud’s emphasis on the confl ict between internal drives and the demands of the real world. Hartmann introduced the concept of an average expectable environment essential for normal development. Hartmann and colleagues also noted how a behavior or function in infancy may serve a totally different function in adulthood. Subsequent to Freud, a number of theorists have emphasized the developmental significance of a child’s real experiences (as opposed to recalled or fantasized experiences) with parents, the role of developing attachment relationships, the significance of real early childhood trauma and neglect, and the cultural and social context of developmental processes. Many of these elaborations are based on direct work with children instead of retrospective theories from work carried out with adults. Anna Freud introduced significant changes into psychoanalytic theories on development. Since much of Anna Freud’s work involved direct observation of children in contrast to her father’s reconstructive work with adults, she brought a coherent, observationally based perspective to psychoanalytic theories and developmental psychopa-

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thology. She emphasized the importance of the ego and its functions in the struggle with contradictory wishes, desires, and the demands of reality. She pioneered descriptions of defense mechanisms or psychic strategies to shield the ego from psychological confl icts and explained their development significance. Defenses (e.g., denial, projection, intellectualization) evolve with psychological maturation and are a part of normal development. The persistence of earlier modes of defense even into later childhood, adolescence, and adulthood is an example of uneven or disharmonious development, a concept key to Anna Freud’s central developmental metaphor: developmental lines. The metaphor of developmental lines combined Sigmund Freud’s drive model with emerging object relations perspectives that emphasized the importance of parents and a child’s caregiving environment in developmental processes. Lines included, for example, one from “dependency to emotional self-reliance to adult relationships” or another “from irresponsibility to responsibility in body management.” The level that has been reached by the child on developmental lines represents the interaction between drives, ego-superego development, and the impact of environmental influences. Anna Freud provided a comprehensive model using the concept of developmental lines, stressing the interdependencies between maturational and environmental determinants in development in the context of its continuous and cumulative appropriation throughout childhood. Developmental lines help clinicians construct a profile of phase-appropriate developmental and adaptational issues across aspects of development. The concept of developmental lines is central to Anna Freud’s more comprehensive notion of developmental disharmony and developmental psychopathology. She proposed that discrepancies or unevenness in these lines result from constitutional factors and environmental pressures. Large discrepancies in positions across lines or notable lags in progression—that is, unevenness of development— may be a risk for later psychiatric disorders. An individual child may move back along developmental lines as well as progress forward. Regression can be necessary at times when the child has to deal with a present, potentially overwhelming, challenge. Once the situation is resolved, normal development can resume, though at times the child requires the assistance of a child therapist in what Anna Freud and her colleagues termed “developmental help.” Among the many theorists influenced in part by Anna Freud and the direct observation of children was Erik H. Erikson, one of the very few psychoanalytic developmental theorists who also elaborated on growth and change across the entire life span. Similar to Freud, Erikson proposed a stage theory of development with the implicit assumption that individuals necessarily move through these stages across maturation. Erikson’s theory emphasized social in-

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teraction along with the confl icts that arise during different stages in relation to the developing self or ego identity. According to Erikson, ego identity constantly changes due to new experiences and daily interactions with others. Each stage in Erikson’s theory is concerned with becoming competent in an area of life: If the challenge is handled well, the person will feel a sense of mastery, which in turn motivates moving ahead to the next developmental stage. If the challenge is managed poorly, the person may emerge with a sense of diminished self-regard and may not master subsequent stages. In each stage, an individual child (or adult) experiences a confl ict associated with developing a given capacity or failing to do so; hence, each stage is labeled as one state versus another (e.g., autonomy versus self-doubt). These periods of confl ict are times of developmental instability in which the capacity for change or for failing to adapt are both high. Erikson’s eight stages begin with the interplay between trust and mistrust in which the basic task is to develop trust in the dependability and quality of a child’s caregivers. If a child can learn trust, he or she will feel safe and secure in the world and will be able to progress developmentally. Caregivers who are inconsistent, emotionally unavailable, or rejecting contribute to feelings of mistrust in their children, resulting in a belief that the world is inconsistent and unpredictable. Erikson’s second stage of autonomy versus shame focuses on the increasing sense of personal control over one’s body and the ability to care for oneself. Children who successfully complete this stage feel secure and confident, while those who do not are left with a sense of shame and selfdoubt that pervades into the next stage of development, initiative versus guilt. At this stage, children begin to master aggression and assertiveness in their social interactions, a personal competency especially integral to preschool development. Failure to accomplish tasks at this stage may leave a mark in a child’s subsequent personality characterized by guilt, self-doubt, and lack of initiative. By school age, the stage of industry versus inferiority, children develop capacities to feel proud of their accomplishments and their abilities, which are supported and encouraged by responses from parents and teachers. Children who receive little support or positive feedback from caring adults (e.g., parents, extended family, and teachers) will doubt their efficacy and ability to succeed and will enter stage five in adolescence less confident in their ability to be a competent and productive person. The adolescent stage of identity versus role confusion captures the critical adolescent task of achieving independence from parents and an integrated sense of self-identity, a task that may extend well into adulthood. Subsequent adult stages include intimacy versus isolation and generativity versus stagnation and conclude with integrity versus despair in the final process of maturation late in life.

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As Anna Freud, Erikson, Margaret Mahler, and others were formulating their developmental models, other theorists were specifically elaborating on the role of social relationships and parenting behavior upon a child’s developmental progression. Object relations theory and related theories of attachment are developmental models concerned with the effect of caregiving relationships upon a range of emerging cognitive and emotional capacities. Object relations models of development as put forth by D. W. Winnicott, Ronald Fairbairn, Melanie Klein, and others suggest that the self exists in relation to objects, that is, other individuals, who may be experienced as external to the self or internal to it and mediated by mental representations. Internal objects are the representations of external objects from early interactions with parents or other significant caregivers that have become internalized in psychic reality. The first three years of life are characterized by the establishment of a close (symbiotic) relationship to the primary caretaker and the subsequent dissolution of that relationship through separation (differentiating oneself from the caretaker) and individuation (establishing one’s own skills and personality traits). The object relations theorist distinguishes between the physical and the psychological birth of an individual. An individual’s psychological birth occurs over the first three to five years of life and only through social relations with caregivers. The psychological development of the child is a reciprocal process of adjustment between child and caretaker: Both must learn to be responsive to the needs and feelings of the other, beginning with the parent who is initially most responsible for understanding and interpreting the infant’s needs and feelings. During this time, certain capacities such as the ability to walk or to use words develop in proportion to the presence of good object relations. In other words, the quality of these relations affects the quality of an individual’s development across a number of domains, including motor, cognitive, and linguistic capacities. Winnicott suggests that for the infant to individuate in a “good enough” way, the parent must be emotionally available to the child in a consistent, reasonably confl ict-free relationship. The parent must also have the ability to enjoy the sensual and emotional closeness of the relationship without losing a sense of separateness and without developing a narcissistic overinvestment in the child as a mere extension of him- or herself. According to object relations theory, the process of separation begins around six months and continues through the second year of life. During this time, the child experiences both pleasure and frustration as motor and cognitive skills develop along with the corresponding awareness of one’s limitations. Through exploration, the child experiences his or her separateness and returns to the parent for emotional refueling and reassurance of safety. The presence of an enduring, safe relationship with the parent provides the

child with the sense of security contingent for progressively longer separations, exploration, and greater cognitive and emotional development. As object relations theorists postulate, the child’s first significant relationship—most often with a parent or caregiver—will be internalized into a mental representation that persists into adulthood and continues to influence psychic reality. In conclusion, psychoanalytic developmental theory began as a strictly stage-based theory implicitly assuming that the trajectory of maturation progressed upon constitutional givens while being shaped by environmental experiences. Subsequent theory elaborated on these implicit assumptions of development in multiple directions as direct observation of children contributed considerable data about changes in a child’s social, cognitive, motor, and linguistic abilities over time. Later, and current, models introduced the notion that developmental capacities and mental structures emerge in the context of caregiving relationships: Not only does environment shape developmental trajectories, but also more specifically, capacities are contingent upon parental care and relationships in order to develop. Finally, current psychoanalytic developmentalists have made a significant contribution to the understanding of maturation by describing how individuals can shift in and out of normative or maladaptive modes of development throughout the course of a lifetime depending on both internal and external stressors. Linda C. Mayes and Prakash K. Thomas see also: Erikson, Erik H(omburger); Freud, Anna; Freud, Sigmund; Klein, Melanie (Reizes); Oedipus Conflict; Personality: Psychoanalytic Perspectives

social contextual theories. Social contextual theories, despite the name, are not theories that hold that either the social world or context is the determining factor in how children develop. Instead, these theories take a dialectical position on development, a position that cannot be reduced to either aspects of the individual or aspects of the context, but focuses on the synergistic effects of both. Stephen Pepper, a philosopher of science, first wrote about different worldviews, otherwise known as paradigms or basic belief systems about the world, in World Hypotheses: A Study in Evidence (1942), and his ideas have been used by many authors to show that all theories of psychology or child development fit within one of three different paradigms: mechanism, organicism, and contextualism. The latter two paradigms both involve a view of human development that stresses the interrelated role of individual characteristics and the broader social context. Contextualist theories differ from organicist theories, however, in that the former do not define some ideal end point to development and hold that what counts as appropriate development is likely to vary according to both historical time and context. In other words, what people in a single culture believe is ap-

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propriate development will vary over the course of history, and people living in different cultures are likely to have different ideas about how they want their children to develop. Although there are a number of scholars of human development, particularly those who work in the area of cultural psychology, whose research qualifies as social contextual, in that they describe the interrelated influences of individuals and the broader context within which they are developing, there are two major theories that fit best under the heading social contextual: L. S. Vygotsky’s cultural-historical theory and Urie Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological theory. V ygotsk y ’s Cult ur al-H istor ical Th eory Vygotsky is probably best known in the United States for his concept of the zone of proximal development (the difference between a child’s independent developmental level and the level she can achieve with social support), a concept useful for describing the way in which children learn skills and concepts by engaging in them with someone more competent. The broader context is represented in part by the person with whom the child is interacting; however, competence can only be defined with reference to the cultural group at some particular historical period. The types of skills children need to learn will clearly be different in a hunter-gather group, a rapidly industrializing society, a society at war, and so on. However, as a contextualist theorist, Vygotsky did not focus solely on context but also described the ways in which individuals are partially responsible for shaping their context. Interactions within the zone of proximal development do not involve the more competent individual deciding on the appropriate level of help or instruction and providing it, although the concept has sometimes been represented this way. Rather, Vygotsky argued that zones of proximal development were created in the course of collaboration between the individual and someone more competent. In the course of this collaboration both individuals have the chance to change, and the resulting changes cannot be simply attributed to the more competent person. Vygotsky went further, however, arguing that even what appears to be the identical context will be experienced in quite different ways by the same individual at different ages and that every context is changed by the ways in which it is experienced by the individual. In other words, Vygotsky’s theory exemplifies the dialectical nature of a contextualist theory. Bronfenbr enner’s Bioecological Th eory Like Vygotsky, Bronfenbrenner described the interrelated influence of individuals, activities, and interactions and the broader contexts (both spatial and temporal) in which individuals are situated. At the center of Bronfenbrenner’s theory are what he termed proximal processes, which serve

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as the “engines” of development. Proximal processes are the typically occurring everyday activities and interactions in which individuals engage. Children’s play; looking at books; typical interactions with their parents, siblings, friends, and teachers; their involvement in caring for younger siblings or other forms of work; their bedtime routines and rituals; and anything else that they are involved in on a regular basis all count as examples of proximal processes. Proximal processes drive development, in Bronfenbrenner’s theory, because what people typically do, how they typically do the things that they do, in the company of and/or with the support of other people with whom they generally spend significant amounts of time will heavily influence, among other things, what they come to think of as important to do, what they become skilled at, and how they think that individuals should relate to one another. The activities and interactions that are the essence of proximal processes may be the engines of development, but it is impossible to know what sorts of activities and interactions typically occur without knowing about two key elements: the characteristics of the individuals involved in the activities and interactions and the context (both spatial and temporal) in which those activities and interactions occur. Bronfenbrenner described three categories of individual characteristics, labeled demand, resource, and force characteristics. Demand characteristics are those aspects that are immediately visible to others: Age, physical appearance, and sex are among the most visible and, if not visible, the source of questions. Resource characteristics encompass those abilities, knowledge, and experiences that individuals bring to any activities and interactions in which they are involved. Force characteristics involve such things as persistence level, self-esteem, and beliefs about what one can and cannot accomplish. Despite being termed individual characteristics, each of these types of characteristics develops as the result of the complex interplay of biology and the social world and so should be thought of as coconstructed characteristics. Individuals who have developed different demand, force, and resource characteristics will clearly experience the same environment, engage in activities, and interact with others in quite different ways. Proximal processes, in other words, are profoundly influenced by the developing individual’s personal characteristics. Simultaneously, of course, they are also highly influenced by the personal characteristics (demand, resource, and force) of the other individuals who are commonly in that environment. Proximal processes are thus necessarily influenced by the context. This context—the microsystem, or any context in which the developing individual spends a good deal of time—is just one of several different layers of context, according to Bronfenbrenner. Microsystems for children include the home, child care, school, and the peer group. Proximal processes, or the typical ways in which activities and inter-

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actions occur, vary in different microsystems; the ways in which children act and interact at home differ from the ways they act and interact at school. And what typically happens in one microsystem influences what happens in another, as when children’s good or bad behavior at school influences the way their caregivers deal with them at home. Bronfenbrenner referred to these mutually determining influences across different microsystems as mesosystem influences. The final two layers of what is referred to as spatial context in Bronfenbrenner’s theory consist of the exosystem and macrosystem. Unlike the microsystem and mesosystem, in which developing individuals engage directly in the activities and interactions that make up proximal processes, exosystem and macrosystem influences are experienced indirectly. Exosystem influences are those that stem from a microsystem in which the developing individual of interest is not situated and are experienced indirectly because of their effects on one or more people with whom that individual interacts. For example, a parent comes under great stress at work and as a result is less patient with her children. The children do not experience directly the problems at work, but they do so because of their mother’s changed behavior at home. The macrosystem consists of a group of people who share values, beliefs, practices, institutions, access to resources, and a sense of shared identity. A macrosystem can thus be an entire society, when thinking about American values, beliefs, practices, institutions, and identity in comparison to Japanese values, beliefs, and so forth. It can also constitute a within-society group, when contrasting different ethnic/racial groups or social-class groups within the United States, for example. As is the case with exosystem effects, macrosystem effects are always experienced within the microsystems in which the developing individuals of interest are situated. American children learn to become Americans, rather than Japanese, to the extent that their parents share American (rather than Japanese) values and beliefs and put those values and beliefs into practice in the course of their everyday activities and interactions with their children. The same is true of groups within any society that can be differentiated in terms of their values, beliefs, practices, identities, and so forth. As always, proximal processes are key to the ways in which children develop to become members of their group because these everyday practices are the means by which children are influenced by all levels of context, whether directly or indirectly. At the same time, of course, children influence those contexts because of what they bring to these activities and interactions. The final aspect of Bronfenbrenner’s theory is time. Just as two societies or two subcultures within any society can be distinguished in terms of their values, beliefs, practices, access to resources, and institutions, so too can the same society at two different historical periods. Values, beliefs, practices, institutions, and access to resources clearly

change over time, in part because the younger generation never simply imitates or accepts what the older generation does or wants it to do and in part because each new generation faces new challenges. Bronfenbrenner also argues that development can only be studied by following research participants over two or more points of time. S o c i a l C o n te xtual Th eo r i e s i n Pr ac tic e Worldviews incorporate different ontologies (views about the nature of reality), epistemologies (views about the manner of knowing and relations between the knower and the known), and methodologies. Social contextual theories, fitting within the contextualist worldview, involve ontological and epistemological positions that are very different from those found in the mechanistic (positivist) worldview. It is therefore important to do the metamethod work of choosing methods appropriate to the theory. Positivist methods, in which the apparently independent effects of individuals and contexts can be assessed, are inappropriate for use with a contextualist theory. Contextualist methods require research on individuals-in-context. Jonathan Tudge’s research, based primarily on Bronfenbrenner’s theory, shows how this can be accomplished. This research consists of a longitudinal and crosscultural study of young children’s development from 3 years through the first years of formal schooling. The study examined proximal processes by observing each child in the study for a total of 20 hours, spread over a week, from the child waking to sleeping. Observations focused on the children’s everyday activities and interactions, their partners in interaction, and their respective roles. The goal is thus to be with the children, and their typical social partners, in the settings in which they are typically placed to get a sense of how they live their daily lives. The study also examined individual characteristics by observing both how the children initiated their activities and interactions and their parents’ child-rearing values and beliefs. Context is represented in the research both by the microsystem (the settings in which the children are situated, such as home and child care center) and the macrosystem (children from Russian, Estonian, Finnish, Korean, Kenyan, Brazilian, African American, and European American families, equally divided by social class, as determined by education and occupation). Time is represented both by the longitudinal nature of the study and by the fact that the data only make sense by placing them into their historical context. Illustrative results include the following: Children’s activities and interactions clearly varied across different societies and by social class within each society, in part because of differential use of a formal child care setting and the different functions of child care in different societies, and in part because the children themselves differentially initiated activities and interactions. Parents’ values were related to

developmental delays

variations in children’s activities, but the children themselves influenced parental values. And the impact over time of children’s activities and interactions varied in different societies, seen most clearly in Estonia following independence. Jonathan Tudge see also: Social Development; Vygotsky, L(ev) S(emenovich) further reading: René Van Der Veer and Jaan Valsiner, Understanding Vygotsky: A Quest for Synthesis, 1994. • Jonathan Tudge and Sheryl Scrimsher, “Lev S. Vygotsky on Education: A CulturalHistorical, Interpersonal, and Individual Approach to Development,” in Barry J. Zimmerman and Dale H. Schunk, eds., Educational Psychology: A Century of Contributions, 2003, pp. 207–28. • Urie Bronfenbrenner, ed., Making Human Beings Human: Bioecological Perspectives in Human Development, 2005. • Jonathan Tudge, Fabienne Doucet, Dolphine Odero, Tania Sperb, Cesar Piccinini, and Rita Lopes, “A Window into Different Cultural Worlds: Young Children’s Everyday Activities in the United States, Kenya, and Brazil,” Child Development 77, no. 5 (2006), pp. 1446–69. • Jonathan Tudge, The Everyday Lives of Young Children: Culture, Class, and Child Rearing in Diverse Societies, 2008.

developmental biology. see Critical Periods developmental delays. The development of a child from infancy to adulthood unfolds in a fascinating sequence, remarkably ordered from one child to another. Early in the 20th century, Arnold Gesell began studying children’s development from infancy. He defined the orderly sequence of skill acquisition and categorized these skills into areas of gross motor and fine motor skills, adaptive skills (visual-motor problem solving), language skills, and social/daily living skills. The Gesell Developmental Schedules, first published in 1940, gave parents and professionals a measure by which they could determine a child’s developmental level across those skill areas and better define aberrant or delayed development. If a child’s abilities fell at an age younger than his chronological age, he was considered to have developmental delay. The degree of delay is often designated as a developmental quotient, the ratio of the age equivalent of the child’s abilities (mental age) over the child’s chronological age times 100. Early intervention programs often use such quotients to determine service eligibility, generally using a 25% or 33% delay as a cutoff—that is, a developmental quotient of 75 or 66. The developmental quotient should not be confused with the intelligence quotient, or IQ. An IQ is the standard score that an individual achieves on a standardized test, normed to a particular age group. Thus the age equivalent indicates at what level of functioning the child is currently, and an IQ would tell you where that child ranks compared to same-age peers. By definition, the average IQ score is 100, and 1 standard deviation below and above the mean 85 and 115, respectively, and 2 standard deviations below and above the mean 70 and 130, respectively. Thus, a

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child with an IQ of 85 is functioning at the 15th percentile relative to other children her age. Developmental delay is a term reserved for children younger than school age. Developmental delays are often the first indicator of intellectual disability (low IQ) or learning disabilities. Concerns about development can arise at any stage, but more severe deficits typically present within the first two years of life. When a child’s behavior or development deviates from normal, further evaluation should be undertaken to determine which areas are delayed and the degree of delay as well as the quality of skills exhibited. Neurological and genetic evaluation should be considered to investigate etiology of delay. Children may have global developmental delay—that is, delays in all areas—or have focal delays—that is, delays isolated to one or two areas. At any single visit, the examiner is getting a snapshot of what the child can do. Children’s performance can vary widely day to day, so one must use caution in making definitive judgments based on a single assessment. One needs a series of evaluations to get a better picture of development across time. When these serial assessments show persistent delays, then they represent neurodevelopmental deficit or disorder. The degree of delay must also be considered, as delays occur along a continuum from mild to severe. Cutoffs defining distinct levels of abnormality are arbitrary. Generally, the lower the developmental quotient—that is, the bigger the delay—the more likely that a degree of delay will persist across time. Children with global delays of 50% or more are at high risk for future intellectual disability (formerly known as mental retardation). Formal diagnosis of intellectual disability is made either when it is clear that the child has severe global developmental delay across time or when standardized testing at age 8 shows an IQ below 70 (at the second percentile for age) associated with significant functional impairment. Focal developmental delays, limited to one or two areas, are common. In the general population of children, the incidence of isolated language deficit is 5% to 10%; nonverbal cognitive deficits, 0.5% to 1%; and social deficits (autism spectrum), 0.6%. The degree of dysfunction caused by focal impairment depends on the severity of the delay and the demands placed on the child. For example, a subtle language delay may not cause significant problems until a child enters school, when the demands for complex language surpass the child’s language abilities. Focal impairment can be an early sign of later learning disabilities. The degree of disability caused by focal delays or impairments in development depends on how pivotal those delayed areas are to everyday demands. For example, children with autism spectrum disorders who otherwise have normal intelligence can experience significant morbidity from their deficits in social and communication skills. Developmental delay can be caused by genetic abnor-

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malities, metabolic disorders, anomalies in brain development, brain injuries related to in utero or postnatal events, teratogenic exposures (environmental factors), or a combination of factors. The likelihood of finding a specific cause increases with the severity of the developmental delay. Some deficits—for example, low average intelligence— may be part of the normal curve that makes up the range of human abilities and thus should not be considered abnormal at all. However, depending on the demands placed on the child, even a “normal” range of abilities may require extra help in order to meet the expectations placed on the child. When a child is identified as having a developmental delay, referral should be made for special education services. Early intervention programs in the United States (birth to age 3) function mainly as home-based supplementary services to families, with a goal of helping families more effectively teach their children. Special educators, occupational therapists, speech therapists, and physical therapists come to the home or the child-care facility to work with the child and caregivers. An individualized family support plan (IFSP) specifies what services are needed, the frequency of services, and goals and objectives in each area of need. Specialized education services are mandated by U.S. federal law from age 3 to 21 for individuals with disabilities. Thus at age 3, a child’s services transition from home-based, early-intervention services to center-based, educational services at a school facility. If a child is found to have significant disability, then an individualized education program (IEP) is formulated. This is a formal contract between the school and parents stating the placement classification (e.g., life skills), the therapeutic services the school will provide and how often, and the goals and objectives in each area of need. In developing countries, developmental disability is much more common, and preventable poverty-related causes account for the majority of cases. Educational services for those who are both impoverished and disabled may be limited. In the United States and other developed countries, early identification, early intervention, and sensitive, thoughtful education are making inroads into helping more children minimize the disability caused by their developmental delays. Mary Pipan see also: Autism Spectrum Disorders; Cognitive Development; Communication, Development of; Critical Periods; Gesell, Arnold (Lucius); Intellectual Disability; Language Disorders and Delay; Motor Development further reading: A. J. Capute and P. J. Accardo, eds., Developmental Disabilities in Infancy and Childhood, 2nd ed., 1996, pp. 1–22. • D. L. Braddock and S. L. Parish, “An Institutional History of Disability,” in G. L. Albrecht, K. D. Seelman, and M. Bury, eds., Handbook of Disability Studies, 2001, pp. 11–68. • M. L. Batshaw, ed., Children with Disabilities, 5th ed., 2002.

dewey, john (b. October 20, 1859; d. July 1, 1952), American educational philosopher. John Dewey was born in Burlington, Vermont, at a time of transition from face-to-face community life to the impersonality and exploitations of the industrial world. Teaching high school in Oil City, Pennsylvania, after graduating from the University of Vermont, he became aware of the inefficacy of the school when it came to preparing young people for the new world of rapid expansion and change. Acutely aware of the gulf between schools and society, he also recognized other dichotomies in American thought: the split between facts and values, between individual and culture, between subject and object. Much of his professional career was devoted to critical examination of such dualisms—the artificial separation of phenomena that are in reality deeply related—and the role of human experience in overcoming dualism. Moving to the graduate school at Johns Hopkins University, he came in contact with German philosophy, most significantly with Immanuel Kant and Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, whose writings provided grounding for Dewey’s views on imagination, reason, and philosophical method. Most important, Hegel’s dialectical unity of opposites, combined with the thinking of earlier pragmatists like Charles Sanders Peirce and William James, led Dewey to the notion of transaction, or engagement with others and the natural world, as the mechanism by which experience overcomes dualism and by which individuals perpetually generate the communal relations of democracy. Education, as the means of such engagement, is the key to democracy. From Johns Hopkins, Dewey went briefly to the University of Michigan to teach philosophy. But he was already much engrossed by empirical science and by psychology and in 1894 moved to the University of Chicago to chair the Department of Philosophy, Psychology, and Pedagogy, an original integration of disciplines that would later become the philosophy of education. When the Laboratory School was established, Dewey became its head and conducted research in child development that helped promote the ideas that children are not simply incomplete adults and that the roots of perception and cognition are to be found in early childhood, prefiguring the theories of Jean Piaget and L. S. Vygotsky in the United States. Simultaneously, Dewey founded the Dewey School, thought to be a harbinger of “progressive education,” a more humane, more functional mode of education concerned with critical thinking and problem solving in the place of the formalist emphasis upon the “Truth.” When in Chicago, Dewey became increasingly interested in social problems and confl icts, partly through his association with Jane Addams and the social work and public lectures conducted at Hull House, a notable settlement house founded in Chicago by Addams, largely for working peo-

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ple and immigrants. Dewey’s support of the 1894 Pullman strike and his acquaintance with Eugene Debs’s growing Socialist Party deepened his commitment to social justice and added a “social reform” dimension to Deweyan thought, which came to influence social studies curricula. Today, it remains hard to separate conventional wisdom about child development, the importance of dialogue and narrative, and the creation of meaning from Dewey’s distinctive work on experience. The current emphasis upon the “active learner” and constructivism, an approach to knowledge based on the view that meanings are not found but constructed in the light of the knower’s perspective, is clearly rooted in Deweyan experientialism. Maxine Greene see also: Education: Historical and Philosophical Perspectives further reading: John Dewey, Democracy in Education, 1916. J. Martin, The Education of John Dewey, 2002.

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diabetes. see Endocrine Disorders dieting. see Eating and Nutrition; Eating Disorders; Obesity and Dieting

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Specific definitions of disability reflect the medical, social, and/or political purposes of classification. For example, in the United States, the Social Security Administration, which has the federal responsibility for determining eligibility for financial assistance, employs a stringent definition, requiring marked or severe functional limitations. In contrast, the World Health Organization has a looser definition: “The fact that a person is limited in his activities or restricted in his contribution to life in society in the long term as a result of alteration of one or more physical, sensory, mental, or psychological functions constitutes a disability.” Finally, the U.S. Maternal and Child Health Bureau, which promotes training, research, and the coordination of services for children with disabilities, does not consider function in the definition because of the challenges in assessing functioning in children. It classifies “Children with Special Health Care Needs” as children who are at increased risk for chronic physical, developmental, behavioral, or emotional conditions and who use health and related services to a greater degree than do children with typical development. Pr evalenc e

disabilities, care of children with Medical Perspectives Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

medical perspectives. Disability is defined as a reduction or lack of ability in at least one functional domain compared to what is considered typical for the population. Examples include blindness and deafness, which are losses of sensory functions; cerebral palsy, which reduces motor function; intellectual disability and learning disabilities, which represent limitations in intellectual or academic functioning; and attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), depression, anxiety, and mental health disorders, which interfere with psychosocial functions. According to the World Health Organization Disablement Model, health conditions can impact functioning in one or more of three levels: body structures or functions, activities of daily living, and participation in society. The extent of a disability depends not only on the type and severity of underlying health conditions but also on barriers or facilitators to functioning in the environment of the affected person. Education, habilitation, social supports, and environmental accommodation can ameliorate the functional impacts of health conditions and impairments and thus prevent or reduce disabilities. In the late 20th and early 21st centuries, the United States, the European Union, and other governments have passed legislation to protect equal access to education, employment, and public goods and services. In other parts of the world, protections and public accommodations provided to individuals with disabilities are variable.

Estimates of prevalence of disability in children from birth to age 18 years range from approximately 6% to 18%, depending on the definition used. The prevalence of children with disabilities is higher in ethnic and racial minorities and populations of lower socioeconomic status. For example, in the United States, mild intellectual disability rates among African Americans are three to four times those of European Americans. In other categories, such as vision and hearing impairments, the differences are not as great. The prevalence of disabilities has increased since the 1950s. Many advances in medical care, which have improved the survival of children who may otherwise have succumbed to disease or injury, have resulted in an increase in chronic health conditions and disability. For example, improvements in neonatology and oncology have improved the survival of children born extremely prematurely and children with cancers of the brain, respectively. These children are at high risk for sensory, motor, and cognitive impairment. Changing definitions of conditions, such as autism spectrum disorders and ADHD, have also led to an apparent increase in the prevalence of these disorders. H i s to r y o f M ed ical Car e Throughout history, medical care for children with disabilities has reflected the attitudes, beliefs, and values of the general society. The focus of this discussion will be on three historical strands that influenced the development of the allopathic medical model. In Western Europe during the Middle Ages, for example, the presence of disability was understood from a metaphysical rather than a bio-

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medical perspective. People with disabilities, who were understood to exist as a punishment for sin or as the work of evil forces, were socially ostracized. Physicians of that time and place were not enlisted to provide systematic care to children or adults with disabilities. By contrast, in Europe during the Enlightenment, humanism, a belief in the inherent value of all individuals, became a prevailing philosophy. Physicians assumed the care of children with disabilities; the goal of treatment was to cure individuals of their disabilities so that they could become contributing members of society. Institutions were initially formed to provide intensive, individualized habilitation and education. When institutional care failed to achieve the lofty goals of normalization, lack of funding, overcrowding, and limited staffing transformed institutions, which provided only segregation and custodial care. Many physicians supported institutionalization for the purpose of segregation and offered their services in sterilization and euthanasia. Finally, in the 20th century in the United States, the civil rights and disability rights movements recognized the inherent dignity of all people and promoted opportunities for social participation as one of the essential human rights. Accordingly, legal protections were instituted, including free and equal access to education, employment, and public goods and services. Influenced by these movements and by families advocating for their children with disabilities, current medical care is changing to support the inclusion of individuals with disabilities in society. Moder n H e alth Car e Current recommended practices in allopathic health care for children with disabilities promote maximizing the child’s functioning through interventions directed at the child, the family, and the environment. The traditional medical model emphasizes making an accurate diagnosis for the purposes of prevention or cure. However, diagnosis alone cannot predict the nature and extent of needed services or treatments for children with disabilities. Many conditions, such as autism and learning disabilities, fall along a spectrum from mild to severe disability. Even wellcharacterized disorders, such as Down syndrome, are associated with a wide range of outcomes. Prevention and cure are not available for many of these disorders. Medical care for children with disabilities requires functional assessments as well as diagnostic formulations to inform the creation of multifaceted management plans. These plans include supports to improve the family’s ability to care for their child, recommendations for adaptations and accommodations in the school setting, and modifications of the physical or social environment to increase the child’s participation in the community. Evaluations of children with disabilities must identify areas of relative or absolute strength as well as deficits because management plans capitalize on such strengths in promoting independence and inclusion.

Current recommended practices for children with disabilities eliminate the traditional hierarchical relationship between physician, client, and family. In family-centered practice, family members are acknowledged as the central, long-term care providers for the child with disabilities and as partners in crafting care plans. Medical providers make diagnoses, assess specific functional implications, and recommend approaches to habilitation. They also support the family’s decision making and capacity to care for the child and advocate for rehabilitative, educational, financial, and other community services. Essential in this process is respect for the family’s cultural beliefs and values. Medical care to children with disabilities typically requires the integrated efforts of an interdisciplinary team. A thorough, interdisciplinary approach typically saves resources, prevents confusion, and facilitates productive long-term interventions. In addition to the family, the interdisciplinary team may include nurses and nurse practitioners, occupational therapists, physical therapists, and speech and language pathologists, audiologists, dieticians, dentists, educators, psychologists, and social workers. Orientation toward the community is a natural outgrowth of an effort to promote inclusion of children with disabilities. Providing services in the family’s community reduces burdens of transportation and time required to go to tertiary centers. The health-care team must facilitate appropriate referral to community resources. These resources include formal service structures, such as early intervention, preschool and school-based services, and vocational rehabilitation, as well as informal supports, such as play groups, library programs, summer camps, and social clubs. A culturally competent and family-centered approach, which takes into account personal, financial, social, and cultural factors, assists in identifying services and supports that are available and acceptable to the family. Child health professionals have the responsibility for coordinating transition planning as children approach adulthood, arranging for adult health services and health insurance while promoting the inclusion of young adults with disabilities in postsecondary education, employment, housing, and community life. C o nc lu s io n At the beginning of the 21st century, health care for children with disabilities should support their inclusion in everyday life. Recommended practices for medical care of children with disabilities stress the importance of comprehensive, family-centered, culturally competent, community-based, and interdisciplinary health care to support the goal of inclusion. Randall A. Phelps and Heidi M. Feldman see also: Health Care Systems for Children; Pediatrics further reading: Mark Batshaw, Children with Disabilities, 4th ed., 1997. • Institute of Medicine Committee on Quality Health Care in America, Crossing the Quality Chasm: A New Health System

d is a b il it ie s , c a r e o f c h il d r e n w it h for the 21st Century, 2001. • World Health Organization, ICF Classification, http://www3.who.int/icf/onlinebrowser/icf.cfm

legal and public-policy perspectives. The history of persons with disabilities in the United States is a chilling story of abuse, neglect, discrimination, and isolation. Until the 1970s, the majority of children with disabilities were housed in state institutions that offered squalid conditions and denied educational opportunities. Pioneers such as Dr. Burton Blatt exposed these abuses and fought for the earliest civil rights for children with disabilities. The experience of African American and Hispanic children with disabilities typically was even bleaker. Since the early 1980s, substantial efforts and advances in policy, law, and practice have been made to eliminate or lessen the historical discrimination facing children with disabilities and their families.

Defi nitional Issues Complying with legal mandates and obtaining public funding for proper care are especially challenging given the complexities of identifying the population of children with disabilities. Varying official definitions used to determine program eligibility (e.g., health-care coverage, Supplemental Security Income [SSI], and special education services) confuse accurate determinations of disability incidence. In 2002, for example, only 7.6% of children age 0 to 11 fit into the discrete categories of disability eligible for special education services under the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA). In contrast, 15% to 20% met the Department of Health and Human Services definition of “children with or at risk for physical, cognitive, emotional, and behavioral conditions who also required services beyond that [of ] typically developing children.” The notably restrictive definition for SSI eligibility requires “marked and severe functional limitations” lasting, or expected to last, a year or to result in death. Following passage of the IDEA in 1975, boys, minorities, and children from poor families became overrepresented among children identified with disabilities and remain so today. A trend has emerged whereby a portion of these children have been labeled inappropriately with the disability du jour: mental retardation (1970s to 1980s), learning disabilities (1980s to 1990s), or attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (1990s to the present). Proper care of children with disabilities involves consideration of age, disability type and severity, culture, and other factors. What constitutes proper care may be determined by the level of family support and poverty, available community resources, and custodial arrangements. Health care and education are two important elements of care. Beyond these, key issues in the care of children with disabilities include screening and assessment, family-centered and community-based early intervention, participation of the

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family and child in decision making, inclusive preschool and out-of-school child care, care coordination and service integration, interagency collaboration, family and home versus residential care, foster care, cultural variations in care, impairment-specific care, and adoption. Legal and Polic y I nitiativ es Federal law recognizes that disability is natural to the human experience and does not diminish individual rights of participation in, or contribution to, society. Equal participation in and benefit from public and private programs and services are mandated by the Rehabilitation Act of 1973, the IDEA, the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990 (ADA), and the Social Security Act. Federal law sets the floor for available services. State and local entities may choose to provide more robust services. Title III of the ADA requires most child care facilities to provide people with disabilities equal opportunity to participate in programs and services. In part, this entails including in meaningful ways children with disabilities, reasonably modifying policies and practices toward integration, providing auxiliary aids and services (e.g., Braille, teletypewriting [TTY]), and making facilities physically accessible. These requirements apply equally to facilities run by state and local entities pursuant to ADA Title II and to federally run facilities under the Rehabilitation Act. Inclusion of people with disabilities that pose a direct health or safety threat to others may require program modifications. However, policies and practices that fundamentally alter services or pose an undue financial burden are not required. The ADA does not provide funding to implement its mandates for accessibility and equal participation. However, tax credits such as the disabled access credit are available to Title III entities to compensate costs of modifications that improve accessibility and programmatic inclusion. Some states offer additional financial assistance. For instance, the Nebraska Child Care Grant Fund allows providers to apply for up to $10,000 to make building modifications and equipment purchases, which lead to serving a greater number of infants and children with disabilities. Since 1975, the IDEA has entitled children with disabilities to appropriate individualized educational services and related services necessary for educational benefit. Related services, in particular, may involve a significant element of care not easily categorized as education or health specific (e.g., transportation, interpreting services, recreation, social work and counseling services, orientation and mobility training, physical or occupational therapy or health supports, and speech or audiology services). The U.S. Department of Education funds Parent Training and Information Centers and Community Parent Resource Centers in every state that offer families assistance in obtaining appropriate services and community resources for children with disabilities up to age 22.

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Great variation in services occurs among the states, largely due to the nature of federal funding schemes favoring block grants to implement numerous federal initiatives. States have discretion to select the services they will provide and the extent to which they reimburse care providers for services. In the Medicaid system, low reimbursement rates have resulted in many providers declining services to indigent and uninsured families. However, the Aged and Disabled Medicaid Waiver permits coverage of some typically nonmedical services that make the difference between institutionalization and the ability to receive communityor home-based care. These services may include child care for children with disabilities, respite care to relieve primary caregivers, personal emergency response systems, transportation, nutrition services and home-delivered meals, independent-living skills training, and stipends for essential household setup costs, as well as equipment, transportation, foster care services, and vehicle modifications. As of December 2002, fewer than 1% of children with disabilities received SSI benefits. However, immediate benefits are available for children with conditions considered extremely limiting, such as HIV infection, total blindness, Down syndrome, cerebral palsy, extremely low birth weight, and others. Children who receive SSI benefits are eligible automatically for Medicaid in most states and may be eligible for services under the Children with Special Health Care Needs (CSHCN) provision of the Social Security Act. Using CSHCN, states offer services often excluded from health insurance coverage, such as respite care, home modifications (e.g., ramps, roll-in showers, porch and stair lifts, positioning equipment), travel and lodging expenses, and sibling care, in part through a Medicaid waiver. Nongovernmental (private) organizations provide a substantial portion of the necessary services for children with these disabilities. Yet service cost reimbursements frequently come from federal and state programs to the private provider as a function of consumer eligibility. Other services are funded by public and private grants. C om pa r i s o n s to C o n t e m po r ar y U. S . S o c i et y Perceptions of disability and care for children with disabilities vary considerably across generations, ethnic groups, cultures, and nations. Grandmothers play a prominent role in the care of children with disabilities in the United States, especially among African Americans. Panamanian grandmothers experience less stress, grief, and stigma in caring for their grandchildren with disabilities, while Korean and Chinese parents experience greater stigma, isolation, and guilt when compared to their U.S. counterparts. Stigma may unnecessarily delay diagnosis, treatment, or care. Parents of children with disabilities—disproportionately mothers—regardless of nation or culture, are challenged

to balance their employment, daily (sometimes lifesustaining) care for their child, costs of essential programs and services, and personal health. Sweden offers greater government benefits to parents of children with disabilities relative to the United States and the United Kingdom, including free or highly subsidized transportation, home and vehicle modifications, and technology aids (e.g., wheelchairs and lifts), as well as monthly financial assistance and pensions for children. Research demonstrates that effective service models, such as community-based early intervention and agency collaboration, translate across cultures and nations. The 2006 United Nations Convention on the Right of Persons with Disabilities will further spur awareness and efforts to improve the lives of children with disabilities worldwide. Peter Blanck and William N. Myhill see also: Health Care Funding; Health Care Systems for Children; Mental Health Care; Special Education further reading: Peter Blanck et al., Disability Civil Rights and Policy, 2005.

discipline and punishment. Recent history in Western societies has witnessed important transformations in the perceptions of both childhood and parenthood, partly due to the rise of enlightened theories of education since the 17th century and partly due to overall improved life circumstances since the Industrial Revolution. Drastic changes in infant mortality rates, fertility rates, family size, women’s educational attainment, age at marriage and childbearing, and maternal employment rate have profound influences on the values and practices of child rearing and disciplining. In much of Europe and North America, today’s children are not only free from labor-market responsibilities but are also allowed greater individuality and autonomy and face fewer demands for obedience and conformity to external authority. Issues regarding proper disciplining of the child—such as what disciplinary tactics are more ideal or effective than others; how much disciplining is too much or too little; when, whether, and how punishment should be administered; and what forms are reasonable and acceptable—have aroused increasing concerns among parents, educators, and health professionals as well as children’s rights advocates. Corporal punishment in general, and spanking in particular, has also changed from a socially and morally sanctioned behavior to a heavily debated topic in today’s scientific and popular literature. The Nordic countries were among the first to ban corporal punishment of children. In 1927, Sweden banned such punishment in schools and later introduced a comprehensive ban in 1979, followed in the 1980s by Finland, Denmark, and Norway. Based on the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child, the United Nations published a report in 2005 entitled Eliminating Corporal Punishment: The Way Forward to Constructive Child Discipline, which condemned

d is c ip l in e a n d p u n is h m e n t

all forms of physical punishment of children in schools and families. In light of the Council of Europe’s campaign for the global abolition of corporal punishment of children, in 2007 the Netherlands became the 17th country in Europe to pass a law prohibiting the use of corporal punishment by parents and caregivers. As for North America, in 2004 the Supreme Court of Canada upheld the century-old “spanking law” with revisions and guidelines. Section 43 of an 1892 criminal code allowed parents, teachers, and caregivers to use corporal punishment to discipline children. The court decided to allow corporal punishment involving “only minor corrective force of a transitory and trifl ing nature” but confined its use to children between the ages of 2 and 12. Nor would it be acceptable to use objects such as rulers and belts or to strike a child on the face or head. But the court also made a distinction between parents and teachers, banning corporal punishment in schools only. Similarly, in the United States it is legally acceptable for parents to bodily punish their children for transgressions, except in Minnesota. Twentynine states (58%) have formally outlawed corporal punishment in public and private schools, whereas the rest allow some form of it. By 1966, all states in the United States, with the exception of Hawaii, had enacted mandatory reporting statutes requiring pediatricians to report suspected cases of parental physical abuse. Since then, child discipline has increasingly become a medical subject. In 1998, the American Academy of Pediatrics published its anti-corporal-punishment policy, Guidance for Effective Discipline (reaffirmed in 2004). It declares that “corporal punishment is of limited effectiveness and has potentially deleterious side effects. The American Academy of Pediatrics recommends that parents be encouraged and assisted in the development of methods other than spanking for managing undesired behavior. . . . Changing discipline methods in the United States is likely to take time and to occur gradually, but it should be a goal of pediatricians and parents.” The analyses or meta-analyses of a number of large-scale surveys have revealed that corporal punishment remains a widely used disciplinary tactic in most American homes. These surveys relied heavily on retrospective testimonials of physical punishment in childhood (e.g., often, sometimes, rarely, never) or parents’ physical punishment of their own children (e.g., how often in the past week, month, or year). According to these reports, children younger than 6 months of age are rarely punished. Physical punishment is most common among children between ages 2 and 7. Between 50% and 90% of parents admitted that they occasionally administer physical punishment to their children of this age group and have done so at least once in the past year (the average reported frequency across different studies varies from three times in the previous year to twice on the previous day). Compared to younger or older age

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groups, parents of toddlers and preschoolers also tend to use more severe forms, such as spanking on the buttocks with an object, slapping the face, and pinching. The frequency of such punishment decreases for older children and adolescents. Although patterns are not always clear or consistent, in general parents who are more likely to endorse and use corporal punishment tend to have lower socioeconomic status (with a lower income level and education of high school or less), be relatively young and religiously conservative, and have preschool-age children at home. African American parents also have been found to be more likely to endorse corporal punishment than European American parents. Those who are depressed and stressed are more likely to spank their children and were spanked themselves in childhood. Moreover, the child’s gender and temperament might also be relevant: Girls and children described as easy or cheerful are less likely to be spanked. Professional discussions on corporal punishment by parents are highly emotional and polarized. Those who oppose it tend to see any form of corporal punishment as dangerous and harmful, for it can easily escalate into violence and maltreatment, given the thin line between physical discipline and child abuse. Other than immediate compliance in the short term, corporal punishment does not contribute much to the child’s internalization of moral rules and may cause long-term behavioral and emotional problems in later life. Bodily pain can elicit anger, resentment, and insecurity in children, which could interfere with normal family interactions and damage the parent-child relationship. It unintentionally promotes antisocial and aggressive behavior in children and may contribute to adolescent delinquency and depression. It may also lead to intergenerational transmission of aggression, because a person who was corporally punished during childhood is likely to continue the practice with his own child or act violently toward his domestic partner. Hence, it is argued that such counterproductive discipline should be completely abolished and replaced by other forms of positive and mentally healthy tactics: time-outs, removal of privileges, verbal reasoning, rewards, and praise. This would therefore reduce not only the risk of antisocial behavior in children but also the level of violence in society. Some health professionals and scholars, however, maintain that it is necessary to distinguish between nonabusive, effective physical discipline and abusive, counterproductive discipline. The presupposed causal relation between corporal punishment and subsequent detrimental effects on children’s later development also requires more cautious interpretation, as it is almost entirely based on the adult respondents’ self-reports rather than actual observations of behavior over time. Moreover, baseline information on the child’s behavioral tendencies or temperamental qualities is often missing. Since the parents who spank are so heterogeneous, harsh discipline must result from a com-

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plex set of factors, and it is unlikely that any single factor, such as ethnicity, age, class, income, education level, or emotional or financial stress, can explain it. Furthermore, instead of treating spanking as isolated incidents existing in a vacuum, the context in which it occurs must be taken into consideration. When and how parents administer physical punishment, its role in their overall approach to discipline, the quality of the parent-child relationship, the level of parental emotional support, parental child-rearing beliefs and educational goals, and much broader social, cultural, and historical contexts may be more important than frequency counts. In fact, corporal punishment is not always detrimental. One commonly reported finding is that physical discipline seems to ultimately benefit children in African American families. Instead of quickly attributing this observation to race or socioeconomic status, it is important to note that African Americans are equally as concerned about child maltreatment as they are about child discipline. They draw a clear distinction between “a little chastising” and physical abuse. As responsible parents, they consider “popping,” “tapping,” or “whupping,” in conjunction with reasoning and love, an important tool for restraining disobedience and asserting parental authority. Besides, not everyone is entrusted with the child’s discipline. If he does not regularly support and care for the child, even the biological father may not be granted the right to administer corporal punishment to his child. Partly mediated by religious faith, physical punishment is seen as more favorable than yelling or verbal outbursts, for the latter can be less emotionally controlled than the former. Among adults who have committed crimes, many comment that their parents are partially at fault for not having been strict enough when they were young. Both African American parents and their children are less likely to perceive nonabusive spanking as unfair or too harsh. In the Chinese culture, filial piety is one of the most important moral values, and Chinese parents believe that filial training has to start early in life. Traditionally, the Chinese culture upheld the parental right to infl ict harsh corporal punishment upon their offspring regardless of the child’s age. A filial son was expected to endure the pain while apologizing for hurting his parents’ feelings, because “[w]hen a parent beats on the child’s body, the pain is in the parent’s heart (da zai er shen, tong zai niang xin).” A most irresponsible parent is one who spoils the child, “drowning the child in love (niai)” by showing too much love but imposing too little discipline. Nowadays, however, corporal punishment in schools has been legally banned in most Chinese societies, and most parents do not approve of frequent spanking. Spanking usually serves as the last resort when the young child repeatedly violates previously stated rules, “not listening to words (bu tinghua).” Shaming and intimidation us-

ing the threat of punishment occur more frequently than actual beating. To safeguard against excessive punishment, parents or caregivers usually play different disciplinary roles. While one assumes the harsh “black face” (heilian, or bad cop), the other plays the benign “white face” (bailian, or good cop). Harsh discipline takes place in a context of a strong parent-child bond and lifelong interdependence grounded in filial piety. Ethnographic work in northern Vietnam found that physical discipline is a gender-marked practice for both parent and child. Physical discipline exemplifies masculinity and the patrilineal hierarchy. The male household head has the right to use various means to discipline his junior male kin, including severe physical punishment, particularly on teenage boys. When the father or grandfather occasionally beats his teenage son or grandson on the buttocks with an object (e.g., stick, whip, or electric cable), he initiates a process of inflating his own masculinity while deflating the masculinity of the boy. Due to women’s inferior and submissive position in the family hierarchy, mothers and grandmothers often threaten children without implementing the actual punishment. Girls are seldom severely beaten by their elders. The importance of being in control with respect to physical punishment is highly emphasized. Ideally, in exercising his authority as a superior and fair educator, the male head should not be carried away by his hot temper. In order to distinguish discipline from abuse and to demonstrate that the punishment is administered instrumentally instead of impulsively, the male head often orders the teenager to lie down on the ground or a bed before punishing him. If the wrongdoing is indeed the boy’s fault, he will apologize and accept the punishment. A boy understands that when he deliberately transgresses or disobeys, he should expect a beating by his elders as an inevitable and reasonable consequence. However, if the punishment is unjust, the boy may feel aggrieved and angry. In northern Nigeria, nearly 40 years of observations revealed that while the non-Muslim Maguzawa farmers do not allow their children to be physically punished, the Muslim Hausa tolerate corporal punishment both at home and especially in schools. Maguzawa Nigerians are at the bottom of the social and political scale. Due to the high infant mortality rate (about 50%), children are often treated like guests until their survival beyond childhood is assured. Because of a labor shortage for field work, children are given parcels of land, miniature tools to farm, and livestock of their own to care for at an early age. They are drawn gradually through work into the adult world. The farmers need their children and are concerned more about how to “attract” them than how to control them by force. As they live in large households, socialization is accomplished mainly through adults’ verbal reprimands accompanied by ostracism from siblings

d o m e s t ic v io l e n c e

and peers. To be abused, teased, or openly shunned by some 20 to 30 young residents is a major sanction. In contrast, in urban Muslim Hausa society, children must be sent to schools, because acquiring knowledge is a religious duty. Besides, since the early decades of the 20th century when colonialism gradually set about ending slavery, schooling became a symbol of liberation and economic independence. Parents mainly entrusted schoolteachers with disciplinary responsibility. Traditionally, when a father handed his son over to the teacher, he often included a cane and some money for the leg iron or shackle to be used on the boy when necessary. In order to prevent children from fleeing their teacher’s harsh discipline, parents preferred to send their sons to schools far away from home. Today, the tradition of corporal punishment in schools still survives, grounded on the belief that learning must be accomplished through hardship and pain. Hence, ironically, the beating of boys becomes associated with modernity, whereas the refusal to physically punish them is considered backward. Heidi Fung see also: Abuse and Neglect; Authority and Obedience; Corporal Punishment; Moral Development; Punishment, Legal; Shame and Guilt further reading: David Y. H. Wu, “Child Abuse in Taiwan,” in Jill E. Korbin, ed., Child Abuse and Neglect: Cross-Cultural Perspectives, 1981, pp. 139–65. • Edith V. P. Hudley, Wendy Haight, and Peggy J. Miller, Raise Up a Child: Human Development in an African-American Family, 2003.

discrimination in education. see Education, Discrimination in

disruptive disorders. see Conduct Disorders divorce. see Separation and Divorce domestic violence. Children’s first experience with and exposure to violence is most likely to be in their own homes. In addition to their own experience with corporal punishment and physical abuse, children experience violence by living in homes in which domestic violence occurs. While there is no official reporting system for partner violence, there are a number of sources of data on the extent of violence between spouses or intimate partners. Estimates are that 15.5% of children 17 years of age or younger live in homes where there is at least one incident of domestic violence that occurred in the last 12 months. This translates into approximately 7.2 million children who are exposed to domestic violence, either directly or indirectly, during any year. Social and demographic factors play an important role in domestic violence. The major social influences on violence are age, sex, position in the socioeconomic structure, and

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race and ethnicity. Violence is generally a phenomenon of youth. The rates of domestic violence are highest among those ages 20 to 30, and the rates decline for older men and women. Unlike stranger violence and sexual assault, there is more gender parity in domestic violence. The rate of violent offending for the less-injurious forms of domestic violence is quite similar for men and women, although men are more likely to infl ict injury and commit domestic homicide than are women. Violence can, and does, occur in all social and economic groups; however, it does not do so equally. Economic status and economic inequality are two of the most salient social factors related to domestic violence. The rates of domestic violence are highest among those with the lowest incomes. The rates of violence are highest in communities with the highest rates of poverty. Poverty and economic inequality can be associated with violence for a number of reasons. First, poverty in and of itself is a powerful life stressor. Second, poverty is correlated with numerous other life stressors, such as unemployment, illness, inadequate housing, lack of medical insurance, and living in high-crime neighborhoods. Poverty and economic inequality also produce adverse psychological conditions. As researchers explain, poverty and economic disadvantage can make individuals exceedingly unhappy. Individuals who are aware of the comforts and privileges of economic well-being can deeply resent their own social and economic standing. It is difficult to interpret the data on race and domestic violence, as there is a greater likelihood of minorities coming to official attention and being formally sanctioned for violence in the home compared to whites. The relationship between race and violence could be a function of income inequality, as blacks and other racial minorities are more likely to be poor and have lower median incomes compared to whites. However, poverty and income are not the complete explanation, since controlling for income still results in minorities having higher rates of domestic violence. Other social stressors, such as unemployment, may account for the difference. Moreover, individual and institutional discrimination that disproportionately affects racial and ethnic minority groups may also be part of the social explanation of domestic violence. Children also experience and are exposed to violence at the hands of siblings. Although parent-to-child and partner violence have received the most public attention, physical fights between brothers and sisters are by far the most common form of family violence. It is rare that parents, physicians, or social workers consider sibling fighting as problematic forms of family violence. Violence between siblings often goes far beyond so-called normal violence. For example, at least 109,000 children use guns or knives in fights with siblings each year. Looking at the effect of experience with, and exposure

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to, family violence, there is a strong tendency in the field of family violence and child maltreatment to overdetermine the consequences of children’s experience and exposure to violence. Many professionals and practitioners subscribe to the “cycle of violence” or “intergenerational transmission” hypothesis about the impact of domestic violence and physical abuse on children. The intergenerational transmission hypothesis is often considered the premier hypothesis in the field of abuse. However, as some researchers explain, the intergenerational transmission hypothesis is often greatly overstated. While the rate of violent and abusive behavior of those who experienced physical abuse as children is considerably higher than the rate of violent and abusive behavior among those who did not experience physical abuse, the best estimates are that about 30% of abused children grow up to be abusive adults. Similarly, there is not a uniformly negative impact on all children of exposure to family violence. Exposure to domestic violence had been found to influence adjustment in the following areas: internalizing behavior problems (e.g., depression and anxiety), externalizing behavior problems (e.g., aggression, hostility, and delinquency), social problem difficulties, lower self-esteem, cognitive difficulties, and social and academic problems. The impact of exposure and experience with violence in the home varies with the sex of the child, the age of the child, and the type of problem being examined. The hypothesized “double whammy” geometric increase in children’s problems as a consequence of both exposure to violence and experience with violence exists only for girls, and only for girls older than 7 years old, and only for problems with adults and aggression. The notion that girls only internalize their experiences and exposures to violence is not supported by research. For boys, across the age span, experience with violence raises the likelihood of problems, but boys are not generally negatively impacted by exposure to domestic violence alone. Researchers estimate that there is a co-occurrence of domestic violence and child abuse in 30% to 60% of families in which one form of violence occurs. The fact that domestic violence and violence toward children often occur in the same family has motivated a number of states to introduce legislation that defines “witnessing” domestic violence as a form of child abuse. The core assumption of such legislation is that children are harmed by exposure to domestic violence and that caregivers (typically the wife/mother/ victim of domestic violence) are guilty of failure to protect by allowing their children to be exposed to violence. However, research does not support the claim that exposure to domestic violence is uniformly harmful to children. A landmark court decision, Nicholson v. Scoppetta (2004), ruled that the New York child abuse laws did not allow the state to remove children from mothers who were victims

of domestic violence solely because the children witnessed domestic violence. Richard J. Gelles see also: Abuse and Neglect; Family; Mental Illness; Psychiatric Illness, Parental; Substance Abuse, Parental further reading: J. Edleson, “The Overlap between Child Maltreatment and Woman Beating,” Violence against Women 5 (1999), pp. 134–52. • J. W. Fantuzzo and W. K. Mohr, “Prevalence and Effects of Child Exposure to Domestic Violence,” The Future of Children 9 (1999), pp. 21–32. • S. Schechter and J. Edleson, Effective Intervention in Domestic Violence and Child Maltreatment Cases: Guides for Policy and Practice, 1999.

down syndrome. see Congenital Anomalies and Deformations; Intellectual Disability

drama. see Theater and Acting dreams. see Sleep dropouts. Since the early 1960s, dropout has been the dominant term in the United States to describe students who leave high school before receiving a diploma. Dropout became the common term while graduation rates were rising and the majority of teenagers in the United States were graduating from high school. The term thus has two meanings: both the person who leaves a school program without completing it and the concern that people attach to leaving school early. F i n i s h i ng a n d L e av i ng S c ho o l In the early 20th century, only a small fraction of U.S. teenagers graduated from high school. The rates at which teenagers attended or completed high school depended on the availability of elementary schools with significant opportunities to be promoted through primary grades, access to a high school near one’s home, and the opportunity cost of staying in school. During the first two-thirds of the 20th century, high school attendance and graduation rates climbed dramatically, in large part because teens had fewer opportunities to work full time. By 1970, roughly threequarters of U.S. teenagers graduated from high school. In the early 21st century, estimates of the proportion of teenagers graduating from high school ranged from approximately 70% to almost 90%. Though congressional changes to the Elementary and Secondary Education Act have twice mandated measurement of graduation (in 1988 and 2002), the exact measure of graduation and dropping out remains a matter of some dispute. That dispute exists in part because observers disagree on how much survey respondents exaggerate their formal education, in part because teenagers can leave and reenter school multiple times and in part because observers disagree about the value of alternative diplomas

d r u g t e s t in g

such as the General Educational Development (GED) degree. As a test-based credential originally designed during World War II for veterans whose education was interrupted, GED testing became available to civilians in many states in the 1960s, and by the early 1990s the GED accounted for a noticeable proportion of those claiming high school diplomas in the decennial census or the Census Bureau’s Current Population Survey, a monthly survey of the civilian population in the United States. Regardless of the extent and value of the GED, there is considerable agreement among historians and contemporary researchers about the demographics of graduation and dropping out. From the late 19th century, gender and family social class have played roles in determining who attended high school, with girls having a persistent advantage and children of middle-class and wealthy families also more likely to extend schooling and finish high school. Those patterns have continued to the present, though gender differences are less prominent. Parental education has been a consistent factor since reliable records of educational attainment became available in the mid-20th century, with the children of high school and college graduates having significant advantages in graduating from high school when compared to the children of high school dropouts. More recent research has documented that students with disabilities are less likely to receive standard diplomas than their nondisabled peers. The role of race has attenuated but continues to affect the likelihood of finishing high school. Through the middle of the 20th century, most racial minorities were far less likely to graduate from high school than non-Hispanic whites. By the last quarter of the century, by some measures race/ethnicity was a declining factor in who graduated from high school. Nonetheless, African American, Latino, Native American, and some Asian American students are still less likely to graduate from high school than non-Hispanic whites. Individual students provide a variety of explanations for leaving high school. Some of the reasons that researchers have documented include prior academic achievement, family obligations, teenage parenthood, alienating school environments, and doubts about the economic value of a high school credential. That research consensus does not exist when the question is the relationship between graduation and school policies, such as primary-grade retention (not promoting students to the next grade), graduation course requirements, and exit exams. Some research suggests that requiring students to pass a test before receiving a standard diploma has a proportionately small but definite depressing effect on graduation. Such research is contentious in part because of the difficulties in measuring graduation accurately and in part because disentangling the effects of multiple policies is difficult.

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Wo r r y i ng ab ou t Dropou ts The verb to drop out was first used in connection with education in Edward Bellamy’s utopian novel Looking Backward (1888), though without the stigma currently attached to the term, and is probably a carryover from the military usage to drop out of ranks. Before the middle of the 20th century, leaving school before high school graduation was a common if regrettable event, and educators used different terms to describe attrition from school: early school leavers, school withdrawals, and dropouts. Dropout became the common term only after a majority of teenagers began graduating from high school and only after an explicit campaign in the 1960s to publicize dropping out as a social problem. Concerns about dropping out thus reflect the evolution of a new norm for childhood, that of high school graduation. The public discourse of the 1960s attached dropping out to fears of government dependence, and the common language inherited from that decade is a human capital argument: Society should worry about dropouts because they do not have the skills to be productive adults. This argument includes the social benefits of education— better health, more productive work, and wiser judgment of citizens who are graduates—but it often conflates the social benefits with the individual benefits of graduation, a greater individual likelihood of gaining a job, or the greater average income of graduates compared with dropouts. These human capital arguments do not comprise the only reason to be concerned about dropping out. Some civil rights advocates in the 1960s were concerned with differences in who dropped out, and that equity concern has become more prominent since then. Today, arguments in favor of public policies to reduce dropping out usually combine human capital and equity arguments, asserting that society should be concerned both with the economic and social consequences of dropping out and with the fact that poor and minority teenagers are less likely to earn a high school diploma. Sherman Dorn see also: Education: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives; Suspension and Expulsion further reading: Michelle Fine, Framing Dropouts: Notes on the Politics of an Urban Public High School, 1991. • Sherman Dorn, Creating the Dropout: An Institutional and Social History of School Failure, 1996. • Gary Orfield, Dropouts in America: Confronting the Graduation Rate Crisis, 2004.

drug testing. Although a significant number of minors use and experiment with controlled substances and students report the increased availability of drugs in the schools, overall illegal drug use by children and adolescents is reported to be gradually declining in the United States. The exceptions are students who use marijuana and inhalants. It is estimated that approximately 10% of students are users of

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one or more illicit drugs; the numbers are higher for those who experiment with drugs. An international study comparing drug use by students in the United States and in 30 European countries estimated that the use of marijuana and other illicit drugs is higher in the United States than in any of the other surveyed countries. It is, however, difficult to measure accurately the extent of drug usage by juveniles because studies typically rely on self-reporting and exclude the many school dropouts who also tend to be the heavy users. The problem of illegal drug usage by children in the United States is usually addressed in three different ways by three different entities: parents, schools, and police. Parents who suspect that their child is using drugs may have the child’s urine tested either by a private laboratory or at home with a special kit. Some parents do this as a prophylactic measure regardless of whether they have any reason to believe that their child is using drugs. The reports are confidential, and if the test is positive the parents decide what therapeutic or disciplinary measures to take. The state will not be involved unless the parents so choose. If the police have probable cause to believe that a particular minor possesses or distributes illegal drugs, the minor may be taken into custody and, depending on his or her age, prosecuted either as an adult in criminal court or as a delinquent in juvenile court. If a youth is convicted or adjudicated delinquent, he or she is subject to punishment, which will vary depending on the child’s age, background, and prior encounters with the authorities and the type and amount of drugs involved. The sentence can range from probation to criminal incarceration for many years. Falling somewhere between criminal prosecution and family discipline are the schools. Schools may attempt to educate students about the dangers of illegal drug use. Increasingly, however, the public schools are requiring students in certain circumstances to undergo testing. If the results are positive, students may be subject to suspension or expulsion, and the results of the tests may be turned over to the police. Because public school officials are state actors, and the taking of urine constitutes a search, the Fourth Amendment prohibition against unreasonable searches and seizures is necessarily implicated. Ordinarily, the Fourth Amendment requires government officials to obtain a warrant based on probable cause. Even if the need for a warrant is waived, probable cause is usually required to conduct a search. The United States Supreme Court, however, has concluded that the “special needs” doctrine applies to public schools. Special needs are government objectives beyond those of criminal law enforcement, such as health and supervision of regulated industries. Once the Court decides that special needs are present, it uses a balancing test that weighs governmental and individual interests and the nature of the intrusion. Whenever the Court applies the special needs doctrine, it almost always dispenses with

full Fourth Amendment protection and usually upholds the government action. Therefore, searches in the public schools require no warrants or probable cause; they need only be “reasonable under all the circumstances.” Reasonableness is a fluid term, one susceptible to varying interpretations and therefore less likely to provide clear guidelines. In the first school search case to reach the United States Supreme Court (New Jersey v. T.L.O., 1985), the assistant principal found marijuana in a student’s purse. He had no warrant, and there was no probable cause. At best, the evidence regarding the particular student constituted merely “reasonable suspicion,” a lesser standard than probable cause. The evidence was turned over to the police, and the student was prosecuted in juvenile court and adjudicated delinquent. The Supreme Court upheld the search but left open many questions regarding the reach of the Fourth Amendment in the public school environment. Issues that remain open include whether school officials may search students’ lockers and desks even if they have no reason to believe the students have drugs in them, how intrusive the searches can be (e.g., strip searches), and whether the Fourth Amendment exclusionary rule applies to illegal searches by teachers. Some public schools have gone beyond individualized searches to implement random drug-testing programs. In Veronica School District v. Acton (1995), the Supreme Court upheld random urinalysis of both elementary and high school students who voluntarily participated in interscholastic athletic programs. The school district argued that heavy drug use by students was creating serious disciplinary problems. The district had targeted athletes because of the increased danger of injury to them and because they were “role models” for the student body. The Court stressed the lesser privacy rights of students in the school setting and viewed the intrusion, teachers observing the students urinate, as “negligible.” Similarly, in Board of Education v. Earls (2002), the Supreme Court upheld a policy requiring drug testing of all students who participated in any extracurricular activities, including the National Honor Society, Future Farmers of America, band, choir, and the like. All such students had to take urine tests before joining the groups and were subject to drug testing at any time thereafter if there was “reasonable suspicion” to believe the student was using drugs. Positive drug tests were not turned over to the police but resulted in suspension from the extracurricular activity. The school district did not need to establish that there was a significant drug problem in their schools because “the nationwide drug epidemic makes the war against drugs a pressing concern in every school.” Undoubtedly, some school officials will eventually decide that all students should be subject to random urine testing. In its decisions, the Court stressed the safety and health of students as bases for upholding school drug testing. That

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rationale would tend to support the constitutionality of such programs, although the question of whether universal random drug testing of public school students violates the Fourth Amendment remains to be decided. It is unclear if random drug testing is efficacious in deterring children from using illegal drugs. Urine tests may not detect certain drugs, and the problem of false positives exists. Furthermore, adolescents are notoriously rebellious, reckless, and subject to peer pressure and thus may not be deterred by drug-testing programs. They might not foresee the serious, long-term consequences of failing a drug test. Random drug testing also may erode trust between teachers and pupils. It is possible that alternative approaches to reducing illegal drug use by children, including education, counseling, and discussion, are more effective than drug testing. The costs for children and society from the diminution of Fourth Amendment protections in the public

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schools are also troublesome. The question is how to balance the schools’ responsibility to stop illegal drug use by children against the individual and social costs of drug testing. Irene Merker Rosenberg see also: Performance-Enhancing Drugs; Substance Abuse further reading: Irene Merker Rosenberg, “The Public Schools Have a ‘Special Need’ for Their Students’ Urine,” Hofstra Law Review 31 (2002), p. 303. • Fatema Gunja et al., Making Sense of Student Drug Testing, 2004. • Gareth Diaz Zehrbach and Julie F. Mead, “Urine as ‘Tuition’: Are We There Yet?” Education Law Reporter 194 (2005), p. 775. • U.S. Department of Justice Bureau of Statistics, Drug Use among Youths, http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/dcf/du.htm

drugs. see Medicines and Children; Performance-Enhancing Drugs; Substance Abuse dyslexia. see Learning Disabilities

e ear infections. Next to the common cold, otitis me- risk factors for the development of middle-ear disease; the dia (inflammation in the middle-ear cavity, behind the eardrum) is the most frequently diagnosed childhood illness in the United States and the most common reason for children to be seen by a health-care provider, accounting for approximately 30 million office visits annually. It is the most common reason for prescribing antibiotics for children, and it often constitutes the indication for the most frequently performed operations in young children, namely, insertion of ventilating tubes and adenoidectomy. Costs attributable to middle-ear disease in the United States have been estimated at $3 billion to $4 billion annually. The term middle-ear disease encompasses two main, closely interrelated conditions: acute otitis media (ear infection) and its usual aftermath, otitis media with effusion (commonly referred to as OME), a condition lasting for weeks or months in which the lining of the middleear cavity remains inflamed and inflammatory secretions occupy the normally air-filled cavity, but usually without actual infection. Periods of OME may also precede and predispose to episodes of ear infection, and both conditions are accompanied by conductive hearing loss of variable degree—usually about 20 to 30 decibels—that persists until the underlying condition has resolved. Young age and season of the year are the most important

highest incidence and prevalence of the disease occur during the first two years of life. In general, the earlier in life a child experiences a first episode, the greater the degree of subsequent difficulty with the disease. Possible reasons for the higher rates in younger than in older children include less mature immunologic defenses; incompletely developed function of the Eustachian tube, which provides for the flow of air from the upper part of the throat to the middleear cavity; and more abundant lymphoid tissue partially or completely blocking the opening of the Eustachian tube. The occurrence of middle-ear disease peaks during the respiratory (i.e., cold weather) season, in keeping with the fact that the precipitating factor is usually a viral upper respiratory tract infection that then sets the stage for secondary infection by pathogenic bacteria and, in turn, for spread of the infection to the middle ear. The other principal risk factors for middle-ear disease appear to be low socioeconomic status and early exposure to large numbers of other children, whether at home or in child care. Other factors include a positive family history; male sex; formula (rather than breast milk) feeding in early infancy; and, perhaps, exposure to household smoking. That genetic factors play a role is indicated by the greater degree of concordance for occurrence of the disease between

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monozygotic (identical) twins than between dizygotic (fraternal) twins. Middle-ear disease has been particularly prevalent, severe, and persistent among Native American, Inuit, and Indigenous Australian children, perhaps because of their often unfavorable living conditions. The disease is also highly prevalent in children with certain congenital abnormalities, notably cleft palate and Down syndrome. Most cases of ear infection are caused by bacteria, chiefly Streptococcus pneumoniae, nontypeable Hemophilus influenzae, and Moraxella catarrhalis, acting alone or in combination with one another or with respiratory viruses. A minority of cases may be caused by viruses alone. Accurate diagnosis of middle-ear infection and of OME is often problematic in infants and young children. Although ear pain and fever are usual with ear infections, symptoms may be absent or inapparent; with OME, symptoms are generally absent. For the examiner, wax in the ear canal often obscures the eardrum and may be difficult to remove. Once the eardrum is visualized, abnormalities may be subtle and difficult to detect or interpret. Even when the eardrum is unequivocally abnormal, the distinction between ear infection and OME—important because the two conditions call for different forms of management—is often difficult. Tympanometry, a simple, noninvasive, inexpensive test to measure the sound-reflection characteristics of the eardrum, may help in distinguishing between normal and abnormal middle-ear status. C omp licat ion s a n d Con s equenc es Complications and adverse consequences of ear infection were common before the development of antibiotics and remain common where medical care is limited or nonexistent; they are now uncommon among children in developed countries. The complications consist mainly of the development of chronic inflammation and of damage or the spread of infection to adjoining or nearby structures. The more serious of these include chronic ear drainage; cholesteatoma, an expanding, cystlike growth that may become locally invasive; infection of the mastoid bone (located behind the ear); paralysis of the facial nerve; meningitis; and abscess in or around the brain. Once healed, ear infections, especially if they had been severe or chronic, may leave in their wake scarring or perforation of the eardrum, damage to the small bones of the middle ear, hearing loss of varying degree, or combinations of these effects. Some of the same eardrum and middle-ear abnormalities that can result from ear infection have been considered by some authors also to be consequences of persistent OME, but it is uncertain whether OME alone, in the absence of associated infection, can cause those abnormalities. If so, the sequence occurs uncommonly. Of greater concern has been the possibility that in children with OME persisting for prolonged periods during the first three years of life, the attendant mild-to-moderate hearing loss might result

in long-term impairments of the children’s cognitive, language, speech, or psychosocial development. Recent careful research, however, indicates that in otherwise healthy children, OME persisting for as long as one year poses no risk to any aspect of the children’s later development. T r e atm en t a n d P r e v en t io n Antibiotics have long been the mainstay of treatment for ear infections; first, because relief of symptoms and resolution of infection occur more promptly and more consistently with antibiotic treatment than without and, second, because the decline in the occurrence of complications of middle-ear disease over the past half-century has seemed attributable mainly to routine antibiotic use. However, because such use contributes to the growing emergence of antibiotic-resistant strains of bacteria and because most episodes of ear infection eventually resolve spontaneously, many authorities have recommended withholding antibiotic treatment in children who are older than 2 years of age and have seemingly mild infections, unless symptoms persist for two or three days or worsen. Whether this practice will stand the test of time remains to be seen. For OME that has been present for up to one year (it rarely persists for longer periods) in otherwise healthy children, treatment is ordinarily not necessary. However, for certain affected children who have associated symptoms or complications, surgical insertion of a tiny ventilating (tympanostomy) tube through the eardrum may be indicated. Modest degrees of protection against middle-ear disease are afforded both by breast-milk feeding and by the pneumococcal conjugate vaccine now recommended for routine administration to all infants. Influenza vaccine also appears to offer some protection. Despite such measures, however, some young children develop inordinately frequent episodes of ear infection. For such children, antimicrobial prophylaxis (daily administration of low doses of an antibiotic) may reduce the likelihood of recurrence. However, because sustained antibiotic administration contributes to bacterial resistance, the risks may outweigh the potential benefit, especially for children in child care, who in any case are at increased risk of colonization with resistant bacteria. Tube insertion constitutes a moderately effective alternative approach to preventing subsequent episodes of infection, but tube insertion also entails the risk of complications. Finally, for children who continue to have recurrences of infection after having undergone tube insertion, adenoidectomy offers some additional limited protection against further recurrences. Jack L. Paradise see also: Deafness; Hearing; Respiratory Diseases further reading: J. L. Paradise, H. E. Rockette, D. K. Colborn, et al., “Otitis Media in 2253 Pittsburgh-area Infants: Prevalence and Risk Factors during the First Two Years of Life,” Pediatrics 99 (1997), pp. 318–33. • American Academy of Pediatrics and American Acad-

eastern orthodoxy emy of Family Practice Subcommittee on Management of Acute Otitis Media, “Diagnosis and Management of Acute Otitis Media,” Pediatrics 113 (2004), pp. 1451–65. • J. L. Paradise, H. M. Feldman, T. F. Campbell, et al., “Tympanostomy Tubes and Developmental Outcomes at 9 to 11 Years of Age,” New England Journal of Medicine 356 (2007), pp. 248–61.

eastern orthodoxy. In the rich, biblically inspired sacrament of the wedding, the Orthodox Church prays that the married couple will be “granted mature judgment and children for their benefit,” in whom they will rejoice as “newly-planted olive trees around [their] table” and nurture in faith. When a child is born, the church offers traditional prayers on the 1st day (particularly for the health of the mother), the 8th day (to pronounce the child’s name and sign him or her with the cross), and the 40th day (to welcome both into the worshipping community). In recent years, more pastoral care is being offered to parents who suffer the tragedies of abortion, miscarriage, and stillbirth with the modification of traditional prayers and the creation of new ones that recognize the deceased child, sometimes even giving him or her a name. Historically, although infants were not always baptized (e.g., in the late 4th century St. John Chrysostom was baptized as a young adult despite having Christian parents), infant baptism became the norm during the early Byzantine Empire, and children have been welcomed into the church ever since, either immediately at 40 days (as in Slavic practice) or later (as in Greek practice). In distinction from Western Christian churches, children are not only baptized but also chrismated (sealed with the gift of the Holy Spirit) and communed (Holy Eucharist), following the ancient Eastern Christian practice of joining all three introductory rites. Thus, baptized infants are fully members of the church. They are welcome to participate in all aspects of the multisensory experience of Orthodox worship that form them in faith long before they can reason: beautiful vestments and icons; the sweet smell of incense; singing and chanting; bodily movements such as making the sign of the cross, kissing icons, standing, and bowing; and eating and drinking (the Eucharist, blessed bread, and holy water). In such an environment, children have, from the earliest age, the opportunity to develop a strong, intuitive faith and connection to Christ in the church. However, without a rite of passage into adulthood at a later age (such as confirmation in the Western Christian churches), the challenge is to raise children so that they will affirm their baptismal identity by consciously and deliberately acknowledging Jesus Christ as Lord, God, and Savior. Unlike many Western Christian traditions, the Orthodox Church does not understand original sin to mean that children are born with an inherently sinful nature. Rather, they are subject only to the effects of sin in the world—above all, mortality. Since the image of God is healed through bap-

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tism by being clothed with Christ, the possibility of true sanctity is affirmed in children, not just adults. For example, St. John Maximovitch of San Francisco (died 1966) is hailed in hymns as one “who lived with virtue from the earliest childhood.” Icons of St. Peter the Aleut (died 1815) depict him as a teenager. And the Chinese Martyrs of the Boxer Rebellion (ca. 1900, when thousands of Chinese Christians were killed in a violent uprising against foreign influences) include several young children, some mere toddlers. Such holiness and witness is the result of parents and parishes deliberately cultivating Christian discipleship from the youngest age. Faith education begins in the home where parents, supported by godparents and the community of faith, functionally serve as catechists and ministers, modeling the life in Christ for their children through prayer, fasting, scripture and other spiritual reading, almsgiving, and regular worship and participation in the life of a local congregation. Christian education programs in parishes complement the “church in the home,” while further instruction may come through parochial school education (most often in nonOrthodox Christian institutions) or home schooling, a small but growing choice for younger generations. With the Orthodox Church so deeply rooted in particular cultures, children for centuries have grown in faith by experiencing customs and traditions that deeply impact their consciousness as believers. This experience is complicated, however, when the vast majority of Orthodox children in traditionally non-Orthodox lands—such as the United States, Canada, Western Europe, and Australia—grow up as immigrants or the offspring of immigrants. The powerful identification of faith and culture from the Old World can either attract or repulse them, as, for example, Greek Americans or Russians in France. With greater respect for the diversity of culture in modern Western civilization, Orthodox children no longer seek to minimize such distinctions as their forebears did decades ago. Yet when children grow up without understanding—for example, Old Church Slavonic (the liturgical language of Ukrainians)—they can become marginalized from worship, the most basic, public aspect of their Christian identity. As a result, Orthodox churches in such lands have long since passed the point where an ethnic cultural identity is sufficient for retaining young people in Christian life. Increasingly, church leaders recognize the critical task of worshipping in the language of the people, preaching the gospel of Christ, inviting teens and young adults consciously to reaffirm their faith identity, and offering children of all ages not just education but also retreats and camping programs, missionary work, social outreach, and support in school (such as college campus fellowship). At the same time, a steady stream of seekers is increasingly entering the Orthodox Church from nonOrthodox backgrounds, especially since the early 1980s.

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They are bringing new vigor and fresh perspectives to learning and living the Orthodox faith. Their children are growing up with a more conscious and deliberate commitment to Christ and the church that does not take for granted this age-old mutual interpenetration of faith and culture. To this day, most Orthodox parents are content to raise their children in an ecclesial context that limits the priesthood to men, even in Western cultures where women in other Christian traditions serve as ordained clergy. Older girls and boys are welcome to serve within parish life by assisting in public worship in various (though differing) capacities, helping with the Christian education of younger children, working in youth ministry, engaging in missionary work, serving those in need, joining in fellowship, and supporting the local congregation. Recent inner-Orthodox dialogue has even issued a call to reinstate the order of the female deaconate, an order that was represented in the Eastern Christian Church for about 1,000 years until it fell into disuse long ago. Finally, Orthodox children worldwide face diverse challenges, even as parents and communities of faith treasure them and signs of spiritual renewal are evident. In Greece, powerful currents of secularism are threatening to cause children to abandon their Christian identity in the midst of a culture that is increasingly detached from its long-standing faith foundations. The intractability of the Palestinian-Israeli crisis has forced many Orthodox children to flee their native land with their families or remain and become more fragmented and isolated. AIDS and warfare have ravaged and orphaned children in Ethiopia and Eritrea. At the same time, pockets of authentic renewal are evident in the youth movement in Finland, the resurrection of the Orthodox Church in Albania, and monastic revival in Cyprus, all of which offer children opportunities for living out their faith creatively. In the midst of a world of such striking contrasts—great individual freedoms, material prosperity for larger numbers of Orthodox families, enormous human suffering, and the unprecedented diffusion of the Orthodox Church throughout the world—perhaps the place of children is best depicted in the icon of the Incarnation: the infant Savior, Jesus Christ, is surrounded by symbols that portend suffering and crucifixion, yet he is held tenderly and securely in the embrace of his mother, the Virgin Mary. Harry Pappas and Jennifer Haddad Mosher see also: Catholicism; Child: Religious and Philosophical Perspectives; Judaism; Protestantism; Religious Instruction further reading: Anthony Coniaris, Making God Real in the Orthodox Christian Home, 1977. • Sister Magdalen, Children in the Church Today: An Orthodox Perspective, 1991. • Sarah Johnson, God’s Child Andrew, 1998. • Sophie Koulomzin, Our Church and Our Children, 2004. • Rebecca Myerly, Growing Faithful Families, 2006.

eating and nutrition. Food is sustenance and socialization; food provides nutrients and transmits cultural norms. The nutritionist counts calories and estimates metabolic need; the social scientist uses food patterns to better understand family and society. In the first months of life, biological necessity prevails. Early infancy allows little nutritional elbow room for cultural influences except in the patterns of breastfeeding, maternal diet, or the choice of formulas. Once solid food is introduced, food choices are strongly influenced by the society in which the child lives. A healthy infant grows very rapidly in the first two years, increasing birth weight by 300% in the first year of life and by 33% in year two. This is the only time in a child’s life when growth is so dramatic. Toward the end of the first year, parents will notice a decrease in intake associated with the slowing growth rate. At the toddler stage, children are interested in sitting with the rest of the family while eating. Transition to solid foods has begun. As the child’s grasp develops, self-feeding and spoon-feeding improve. Mashed, ground, and soft finger foods are appropriate at this stage; fibrous meats such as steaks and roasts or hard foods are not. Toddlers may already have several teeth, but they still require foods that are easily chewed or gummed. Weaning may be delayed in some cultures where soft weaning foods are unavailable. Teaching a child to feed himself and encouraging a positive attitude toward mealtimes can be frustrating and time consuming. A child’s appetite may be erratic or even nonexistent. He may eat only one food for two weeks and then reject it completely. She may eat everything put in front of her one day and then refuse to eat anything at all the next day. After the first year, children have a less urgent demand for food and nutrients and are focused instead on exploration, imitating others, and sociability. At this stage, children are easily distracted. Many parents, fearing the child will starve, may bribe or cajole or even force-feed at mealtimes. Food may then become a subject of contention, and mealtimes may reinforce manipulative behaviors. Ideally, mealtimes are a positive social learning experience for the young child. During ages 3 through 5, a child’s height increases relative to his or her weight, and the physical appearance associated with “baby fat” is lost. Ideally, by the time a child has turned 3 or 4 years of age, the dietary concerns common to the toddler years have been resolved. Occasionally, problems related to either excessive parental anxiety or inadequate parental experience require advice from specialists in the field of eating behavior. As a child progresses through childhood, food choices are made more independently, with more peer influence and less parental supervision. Children in developed countries are likely to have access to excessive quantities of soft drinks, fast foods, and sugary treats. Although most traditional diets are adapted to healthy growth, the current U.S.

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diet produces high levels of obesity. Behavioral problems may be attributed to specific foods in the child’s diet, such as sugars and dyes. Such claims lack scientific evidence but can be influential to some parents and caregivers. The idea that specific foods influence behavior is an ancient belief. Long ago, people attributed friendly and unfriendly feelings to plants and animals, expecting these feelings to be transferred to anyone who ate such foods. Such beliefs persist. In the late 1970s, as Americans began to grow suspicious of the food industry and embrace “natural” foods, there was widespread acceptance of reports linking childhood hyperactivity to artificial colors and other food additives. Despite being largely discredited, this concept remains part of food lore. The term sugar high has a similar history. It refers to an increase in hyperactive behavior following the consumption of sugar (especially candy). Not only have controlled trials disproved the existence of such a causal relationship, but some studies actually suggest the opposite effect. Yet this incorrect belief remains widely held. As a child moves toward puberty, growth rates change. Weight gain averages nearly four-and-a-half pounds per year in early childhood, increasing to approximately nine to ten pounds per year as puberty approaches. Childhood height gain remains relatively stable, averaging 5 to 6.5 centimeters per year until puberty. At puberty, the child undergoes an increased height gain that generally equals the gain seen during the child’s second year of life, 7 to 11 centimeters per year. Additionally, physical activities may contribute to a natural increase in appetite and food intake during this time. Adolescence is a time of significant physical and psychological maturation. Rapid growth during these years dramatically increases nutrient needs. Teenagers, making increasingly independent food choices, may be misinformed about their nutritional needs and risk developing nutritional problems. They may eat too much of certain foods but still have deficiencies in some necessary nutrients. Girls in the United States generally begin their growth spurt at age 10 1/2, growing fastest around 12 years. Boys begin their growth spurt later, around age 12 1/2, growing fastest around 14 years. Both hormonal differences and the later onset of the growth spurt in males contribute to greater muscle and skeletal mass. The growth spurt in females is characterized by a smaller increase in muscle mass and a greater increase in fatty tissue. An athletic teen, regardless of gender, will have greater nutritional needs than a nonathlete of similar size. This reflects both increased nutritional needs to maintain metabolically active muscles as well as additional needs for increased physical activity. Girls require more iron than boys due to menstruation. Increased nutritional needs should be met by increased amounts of a varied and balanced diet. Adolescents often make their own decisions about what to eat, when, where, and with whom. Factors that influence

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their eating habits include desire for independence, need for peer acceptance, school and work schedules, increased mobility, and concern with self-image. In some cultural settings, decreased resources for youth on their own may create some nutritional compromise. An individual teenager’s actual caloric (energy) requirement will vary based on individual metabolic characteristics, growth rate, physical maturation, body composition, and activity level. With so many variables needed to determine optimal caloric intake, published daily value recommendations from the U.S. government should be used as guidelines only, not as specific requirements. Recommended caloric intakes are average values that provide excess calories for half the population and too few for the other half. In contrast, recommendations of the other nutrients, including protein and vitamins, are designed to meet the needs of 98% of the population. Adolescents who consume “exactly” their recommended nutrient values can expect to easily exceed their requirements for almost all nutrients (except calories). Protein, vitamin, and mineral supplements, often targeted at adolescents, are therefore of no benefit and can be harmful. Some teenagers and some populations choose a vegetarian diet. If the teenager’s diet is to support normal growth, both the adolescent and the parents should become knowledgeable about nutrition requirements and which foods can meet these needs within a vegetarian menu. Vegan diets, which contain absolutely no animal products, are very low in vitamin B12 and, unless carefully planned, may be deficient in vitamin B6, riboflavin, calcium, iron, and zinc. Strict macrobiotic diets, which exclude everything except grain, are hazardous. More moderate vegetarian diets that include milk and eggs and perhaps fish and/or poultry meet the nutritional needs of children and teens if carefully planned. Teenagers’ meals in the United States are famous for unconventional timing and composition. The meals may represent either a rebellion against the customs that parents have established or an experiment in eating habits. It is custom—not nutritional dogma—that dictates that certain foods be eaten at certain meals or that a particular meal is always consumed at a particular time of day. The teenager’s rearrangements are usually short lived, and nutrition is not likely to suffer. Snacking is an important part of adolescents’ eating and socialization patterns. Snacks are frequent and typically provide 20% or more of adolescents’ daily calorie needs. The proportion of nutrients to calories in the snacks is similar to that contributed by the rest of the diet. Adolescents in developed countries also eat a lot of fast food. This food is cheap, familiar, safe, and available at almost any hour. Fast-food restaurants are places to socialize. Consuming a meal away from home and outside of school can be an expression of independence. A teenager who

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lunches at a typical fast-food restaurant on a hamburger, a serving of French fries, and a shake will be getting 40% of his or her energy (calorie) needs and more than 40% of the needed protein, vitamin C, thiamine, riboflavin, calcium, and iron, but only 10% of his or her vitamin A requirement. With good food choices at breakfast and dinner, a teenager should be easily able to meet the remaining 60% of his or her daily needs, perhaps with the exception of vitamin A. Unless a teenager eats at a fast-food restaurant many times a week, nutritional disorders are not likely. Fast-food meals are high in saturated fats and cholesterol and generally low in both calcium and vitamin C, however. Throughout infancy, childhood, and adolescence, dietary iron is a nutritional concern. During times of maximal growth (infancy and puberty), body stores can be rapidly depleted and increased intake is essential. For the menstruating female, iron requirements are even greater. Dietary iron comes from meat, dark green vegetables, egg yolks, and whole grain or fortified cereals. The increase in skeletal mass that is part of the adolescent growth spurt also increases calcium requirements. If calcium intake is low, the body maintains normal bloodcalcium levels by taking calcium from the bones. This process can have serious long-term consequences. Bone density has the potential to increase throughout adolescence and into early adult life; after this time, bone buildup is completed. If dietary calcium deficiency prevents an adolescent from developing optimal bone density, he or she may be at risk for osteoporosis and bone fracture in later life. Calcium recommendations undergo frequent review and have regularly been revised upward. Adequate vitamin D intake must accompany calcium supplementation. Maintaining a healthy, balanced diet is a lifelong skill. The development of good eating habits begins in the home and is heavily influenced by the society in which a child is raised. A society that successfully models healthy attitudes toward eating and that provides children with access to nutritious foods has accomplished two goals: It has communicated to its children the importance of staying healthy, and it has provided them with a means to do so. Neal S. LeLeiko and Sarah L. Cutrona see also: Breastfeeding; Eating Disorders; Feeding, Infant; Food Aversions and Preferences; Malnutrition and Undernutrition; Obesity and Dieting further reading: N. S. LeLeiko and M. Horowitz, “Nutritional Requirements,” in A. M. Rudolph, ed., Rudolph’s Pediatrics, 21st ed., 2003, pp. 1313–22. • Robert Kleinman, ed., Pediatric Nutrition Handbook, 5th ed., 2004. • United States Department of Agriculture, National Agriculture Library, http://www.usda.gov/ wps/portal/usdahome • World Health Organization, Child Growth Standards, http://www.who.int/childgrowth

eating disorders. Eating disorders, characterized by a set of extreme, unhealthy concerns about food, weight,

and shape, threaten physical development, interfere with effective functioning, disrupt interpersonal relationships, and create sustained misery. Children as well as adolescents can be affected, with a range of severity from moderate to life-threatening. Anorexia nervosa is usually characterized by a significant weight loss or refusal to achieve weight gains expected on the basis of genetic predisposition, height, age, and maturational status. Weight is obsessively managed by avoiding all foods viewed as fattening, by excessive exercising, or by purging behaviors (self-induced vomiting; misuse of laxatives, diuretics, or enemas). Adolescents with anorexia have a distorted body image, tending to “see” or “feel” fat. Shape, weight, and self-control become the determinants of selfworth. Denial of illness and resistance to treatment are typical, as is depression. The peak age of onset for anorexia is 14 to 15, but this disorder can occur as early as age 7. Girls form the majority of cases and are likely to have a fierce drive to achieve “model-like thinness,” often expressed as a precise goal weight (e.g., 90 pounds at 5'4"). Adolescent boys, representing about 10% of those with anorexia, are more likely to have substance abuse problems, to be athletes or dancers, and to have obsessive-compulsive disorder. Bulimia nervosa is characterized by cycles of binge eating and purging. It is rare before adolescence. Eating binges are recurrent, uncontrollable episodes in which very large quantities of high-caloric foods are eaten. Individuals may use purging, intensive exercise, and periods of rigid dietary restriction to prevent weight gain after binges. Binge eating and purging are usually done in secret, accompanied by guilt, shame, and self-loathing. Relative to girls, adolescent boys with bulimia are more likely to be or have been overweight and more likely to be abusing alcohol and other drugs. Conversely, boys are less likely to purge. Boys are also less self-conscious and ashamed about their bulimia. The largest group of children and adolescents suffering from eating disorders do not meet all the formal criteria for anorexia or bulimia, so they fall into the category of an atypical eating disorder. These disorders are less likely than anorexia or bulimia to be compounded by major psychopathology and personality disturbances. However, there is still an increased risk of developing anorexia or bulimia. C o n s equenc e s o f E at i ng D i s o r d er s Anorexia is a serious, life-threatening disorder. Starvation, malnutrition, dehydration, stress, and exercise injury may result, interfering significantly with physical, psychological, and interpersonal maturation. Severe effects include impaired growth in stature, delay in pubertal development, and cessation of menses (amenorrhea). Dangerous changes in heart rate and blood pressure, heart arrhythmias, or sudden death may occur; loss of bone mass (osteopenia) may worsen into impaired bone formation and high risk for fracture (osteoporosis). Treatment reverses most effects, but if

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severe anorexia goes untreated for long periods, deficits in stature and bone mass may be permanent. This is a protracted disorder, with about 20% of adolescent-onset cases becoming chronic and 5% dying within 15 years. Some adolescents with anorexia develop bulimia. Positive long-term outcome is present in 50% to 75% of juvenile-onset patients, a better prognosis than that for adults with anorexia. The median recovery requires seven years. Binge eating and purging are very unhealthy. Abuse of vomiting, laxatives, and diuretics produces electrolyte (potassium, sodium, chloride) deficits that impede cardiovascular functioning and cause muscle weakness and sometimes seizures. Frequent vomiting damages enamel on the back of the teeth, leading to dental problems. Laxative abuse may permanently compromise bowel functioning. Acute dilation of the stomach and parotid gland enlargement may also occur. Bulimia usually develops in late adolescence or early adulthood. The long-term prognosis is good for about 70% of sufferers, better than for anorexia, but it can become chronic. Early detection of bulimia is associated with better outcomes following therapy. Epi d e m iolo g y Approximately 17 per 100,000 girls ages 10 through 14 develop anorexia each year; the comparable figure for boys is 4. At any point in time, anorexia affects 4 of every 1,000 girls ages 14 through 19 in the United States, Great Britain, and Europe. In adolescence, the ratio of females to males with anorexia is 10:1. The overall mean age of onset for anorexia is 17 years, with bimodal peaks at ages 12 and 18 years. Since the 1930s, there has been a steady increase in new cases of anorexia for girls and women ages 15 to 24. The incidence for girls 15 to 19 during the 1980s was 135 per 100,000, while that for adolescent boys was 1 per 100,000. Anorexia and bulimia are predominantly associated with industrialized cultures and their economic affluence. Though previously thought to be more prevalent among affluent Caucasians, eating disorders affect individuals of various ethnicities and economic backgrounds. The prevalence of bulimia in females age 11 to 19 is approximately 1%, and the average age of onset is 18 years. The prevalence of atypical eating disorders in adolescents is probably 5% for girls and 1% to 2% for boys. Thus, the maleto-female ratio for this category is much greater than it is for adolescent anorexia and bulimia. Risk factors for eating disorders include early childhood feeding problems (and accompanying disruptions in parent-child attachment); sexual abuse; negative selfconcept; a conviction that others expect perfection; obsessive-compulsive personality characteristics; social anxieties; and difficulties in interpreting and expressing hunger, anxiety, and anger.

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The eating disorders as a group may run in families, with genetic and environmental influences. Within any family, teasing and critical comments about eating, weight, and body shape tend to promote negative body image and unhealthy weight management. Parental and peer modeling of negative body image and of chaotic eating patterns increases the risk of binge eating and other bulimic symptoms. For adolescent girls, perceived pressures from mass media, family, friends, and/or coaches foster an anxious but tenacious commitment to a thin beauty ideal. These social factors and internalization of the thin ideal are risk factors for developing eating disorder symptoms. T r e atm en t a n d P r e v en t io n Many youth have recovered fully or substantially through inpatient or outpatient treatment. However, well-designed evaluations of the efficacy of specific treatments are sparse, giving little guidance for choosing one approach. Early intervention is important. Most children and adolescents can be treated as outpatients. Hospitalization or residential treatment is preferable only when the starvation state is extreme or when binge eating, purging, negative mood, self-harm (e.g., cutting), and suicidal feelings are out of control. Any inpatient or outpatient treatment for a child or adolescent should involve a multidisciplinary team that integrates medical care, nutritional rehabilitation, individual therapies, and work with the family. Families need education, emotional support, and an opportunity to be engaged in the recovery process. Family therapy is important in a multifaceted and integrated approach to treating eating disorders in children and adolescents. Regardless of the setting, treatment of anorexia and of atypical eating disorders with anorexic features begins with weight restoration because reestablishment of physical and psychological development is so important. Addressing dysfunctional beliefs and maladaptive behaviors comes later. Weight restoration should proceed slowly, with careful monitoring of heart rate and blood electrolyte levels in order to avoid a potentially fatal refeeding syndrome. Cognitive behavior therapy is the best evidence-based treatment for bulimia (and concomitant depression) in adults and adolescents ages 18 through 20. Behavioral strategies help stabilize eating patterns, breaking the cycle of dieting and binge eating. The client and therapist also collaborate to replace distorted beliefs about the self, eating, and weight. Treatment approaches for younger children have not been evaluated. When eating disorders in children and adolescents are compounded by depression, obsessive-compulsive symptoms, generalized anxiety, or other conditions, medications may be used. Antidepressant medication may help maintain weight once it is regained in an anorexic person or help

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reduce bulimic symptoms in older adolescents and adults. Therefore, its cautious use in treating some adolescents ages 14 through 18 who have bulimia, or who have anorexia and have regained weight, may be considered. Prevention research suggests the incidence of eating disorders would be reduced if youth were helped to critically evaluate and resist pernicious sociocultural influences; build strong connections with peers and adult mentors; develop identities that de-emphasize weight, shape, and body control; and learn life skills that foster a sense of mastery and competence in meeting the developmental challenges of late childhood and adolescence. Michael P. Levine see also: Body Image and Modification; Eating and Nutrition; Food Aversions and Preferences; Malnutrition and Undernutrition; Mental Health Care; Obesity and Dieting further reading: Bryan Lask and Rachel Bryant-Waugh, eds., Anorexia Nervosa and Related Eating Disorders in Childhood and Adolescence, 2000. • Aleixo M. Muise, Debra G. Stein, and Gordon Arbess, “Eating Disorders in Adolescent Boys: A Review of the Adolescent and Young Adult Literature,” Journal of Adolescent Health 33, no. 6 (December 2003), pp. 427–35. • Dianne Neumark-Sztainer, “I’m, Like, So Fat!” Helping Your Teen Make Health Choices about Eating and Exercise in a Weight-Obsessed World, 2005. • Linda Smolak and J. Kevin Thompson, eds., Body Image, Eating Disorders, and Obesity in Youth, 2nd ed., 2009.

education Historical and Philosophical Perspectives Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

historical and philosophical perspectives. Educa-

tion has been a major element of Western culture since the Middle Ages and has assumed even greater significance in the past several centuries. In the United States, educational beliefs and practices have reflected the influence of thinkers from around the world, but particularly the European traditions emanating from the Protestant Reformation and the Enlightenment. While this article focuses on American ideas and institutions, it is broadly representative of historical patterns of educational development that have shaped the experiences of children elsewhere as well. Education has been influenced by a variety of ideas since the earliest European settlements in North America. Influenced by Reformation ideas about human perfectibility, schools were closely associated with moral development, often within the framework of religious instruction. During the 19th century, a somewhat different set of priorities took hold, as the creation of state school systems contributed to an emerging national identity and a host of new theories about childhood, learning, and human development affected educational practice. In the 20th century, the scope of educational services and the level of participation increased dramatically, accompanied by debates over educational philosophy and equity in the schools. In recent

decades, these concerns have been eclipsed by a growing preoccupation with educational achievement. Formal schooling was a notable feature of certain European colonies in the New World. In Massachusetts, legislation called for schools to ensure religious conformity and help children resist that “old deluder Satan.” This and similar laws often were honored in the breach but reflected the significance that many settlers assigned to training children to read and interpret the Bible and other religious material. Similar concerns led to the development of higher education institutions. Harvard College was founded in 1636 to train Puritan ministers. Additional institutions were founded later in other colonies, principally for religious purposes, and they exerted considerable influence on primary and secondary schools. Following the American Revolution, new significance was attached to formal schooling, even if lines of responsibility were unclear. This reflected Enlightenment ideas about republican forms of government. Leaders such as Thomas Jefferson and Benjamin Rush, the noted physician and educator from Philadelphia, believed that an educated population was necessary for a democracy, but the Constitution of the new republic made no mention of schooling, leaving it to the states. This has remained a basic principle of American federalism. States were slow in organizing schools, and consequently education remained a local affair. In the Northeast, district schools were established by communities, eventually dotting the countryside in large numbers and enrolling a majority of children. Thus began a long-standing tradition of local control of education. In most communities, traditional ideas about adult authority and student behavior, often enforced with a birch rod, held sway. A high premium was placed on mental discipline, as students typically were expected to memorize lessons and perform recitations of assigned material. A notable practice that emerged early in the history of U.S. education was an emphasis on schooling for girls and women, advocated by some leaders as essential to the future of republican government. The first major reform initiative was the common school movement, focusing on primary education. Horace Mann, appointed to oversee schools in Massachusetts in 1837, was the principal voice of this movement and was widely influential elsewhere. Mann was influenced by such prominent European educational theorists as Johann Pestalozzi and Friedrich Froebel, who emphasized the natural impulses of children to learn and grow. This, too, reflected Enlightenment influences, particularly those of French philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Mann also was influenced by the example of Prussian primary schools, both because of their order and efficiency and because of their humane teaching practices. He and fellow American reformers advocated longer school terms, better-trained teachers, and improved pedagogy. They offered a vision of schools uniting the

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nation’s disparate population and prompting economic development. By the late 19th century, schools had changed all over the United States, but especially in northern and western states. Enrollment levels in the primary schools approached 90% for children age 5 to 12 in most parts of the country. Literacy rates were among the highest in the world, for both men and women. The development of public education was slower in the South, where plantation elites resisted the idea of popular schooling. The latter half of the 19th century witnessed momentous changes. The Civil War ended slavery, and millions of free blacks learned to read in schools supported by the federal government, northern philanthropists, and black community members. Racist ideas about black intellectual capabilities persisted in most of the white population, however, and most black students attended segregated schools. Compulsory attendance laws were enacted in many states, although they appeared latest in the South. Enrollment rates remained high everywhere outside the South but began to increase there as well. In larger cities, Catholic immigrants established schools in reaction to nativist and Protestant influences in public education. Major confl icts over the role of religion in public education erupted, contributing to a measured secularization of school curricula. Private secondary schools, usually called academies, were eventually eclipsed by public high schools, which multiplied rapidly after 1890. The vast majority of these institutions were coeducational, extending the uniquely American concern with women’s education to the secondary level. In fact, by the end of the century, young women dominated the nation’s public high schools, outgraduating males by nearly a two-to-one margin. By 1900, the basic structure of a national but locally controlled system of education was in place, with near universal primary schooling and rapidly developing secondary and tertiary sectors. In this respect, the United States was similar to Western European nations, but it led the world in secondary education levels, as it continued to do for most of the 20th century. This expansion was accomplished with local funding, much of it in response to rising demand for marketable credentials. American secondary schools developed in a distinctive form. In 1918, a report titled the “Cardinal Principles of Education” signaled a movement to create the comprehensive high school, an institution designed to bring youth from different social backgrounds together. Within several decades, a substantial majority of all youth age 14 to 18 were enrolled in such schools. Most comprehensive high schools divided students into various tracks representing test scores or grades, but these also reflected differences in race, ethnicity, or social class. Growing numbers of high school graduates enrolled in postsecondary institutions, especially in the decades following World War II. Urban growth accelerated in the wake of industrializa-

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tion and large-scale immigration, creating badly overcrowded city schools. Other countries also industrialized, but the resulting level of cultural diversity was unique in the United States. But city school systems also were sources of innovation, instituting reforms that were widely emulated elsewhere. These included age-graded classrooms, specialized courses of study, vocational education, and bureaucratic systems of control over budgets and curricula development, among other developments. Big-city school superintendents were counted among the nation’s leading educational authorities, an educational equivalent of captains of industry. This era also brought Progressive reform ideas, espoused by John Dewey and others, although this brand of liberal pedagogy had little immediate effect on public schooling. Dewey and his followers argued that students learned best when their interests in topics and issues outside of the schools were engaged. He also maintained that the schools were laboratories for democratic social relations and that education was integral to the development of an egalitarian way of life. Ironically, these ideas probably were more influential in private schools that largely served children from middle- or upper-class backgrounds. Dewey’s ideas were widely studied in other parts of the world and wielded considerable influence in places as disparate as China, Germany, and Russia. While the impact of Dewey’s theories on the public schools was limited, administrative reforms caught on more quickly, especially the expansion of bureaucratic systems of supervision and control. Historians have referred to these ideas and practices as administrative progressivism. Although such reforms usually made schools more hierarchical and inflexible, proponents argued that these changes made it possible to educate more children and thus were democratic. Curricula became differentiated, particularly at the secondary level, as schools prepared students for various occupational strata. Schools also became responsible for providing psychological, recreational, and even medical services for students, a continuing trend. Standardized testing for educational purposes, first developed in France, also became increasing commonplace in the United States after 1920. During the 1930s, the Great Depression led to thousands of new students in the nation’s secondary schools, as the labor market for young workers collapsed. Educators responded by instituting less academically demanding curricula, much of which eventually became described as “life adjustment education.” Proponents of this approach to secondary education argued that large numbers of youth were uninterested in academic learning and instead needed practical training in the everyday demands of adult living. Enrollments in traditional academic subjects like algebra and chemistry lagged, despite growing school populations. Life adjustment eventually came under sharp attack in the

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1950s and 1960s, as Cold War concerns made academic achievement a national priority. The years after 1950 were a time of rapid change in American education. It was an era of prosperity and economic growth, but one marked by confl ict over equality and social justice. The civil rights movement, a massive campaign against racial discrimination, had profound effects on public education. Racially segregated schools were mandated by law throughout the South and in certain other states, but in 1954 the Supreme Court’s pivotal Brown v. Board of Education decision vacated the legal foundations of segregated school systems. A decade later, federal civil rights legislation led to widespread desegregation in the South. As blacks moved to cities in the North, however, suburbanization helped preserve segregation, a process known as “white fl ight.” Court-ordered busing sought to remedy segregation but proved widely unpopular. Compensatory education measures, such as Head Start for preschool children and Title I funding for students from poor backgrounds, became widely used strategies for addressing differences in educational achievement. Despite some progress against racial inequity, however, significant disparities in black and white schooling remained a telling feature of American life. The civil rights movement also inspired litigation and legislation addressing equity in the education of other groups. Federal and state laws prohibiting gender discrimination in education have expanded opportunities for girls and women. Since the 1970s, the expanding complement of limited-English-proficiency students in the United States has been legally entitled to bilingual education or another special program designed to promote fluency in English, and students with disabilities to individualized programs designed to meet their educational needs. These measures have succeeded to varying degrees but have also consumed an increasing share of resources, creating tensions between educators and various constituent groups. Growing federal involvement in education led to elevation of the U.S. Department of Education to cabinet status in 1980. Three years later, the department published “A Nation at Risk,” a politically motivated pamphlet charging that declining academic performance in public schools made the nation economically vulnerable. This report proved a watershed in American education as policy makers began to focus less on equity and the affective development of students and more on academic achievement. Public anxieties about education were fueled by international testing programs that showed American students performing below many other nations in science and mathematics. During the next two decades, most state legislatures and many local school districts increased high school graduation requirements and developed new programs of standardized testing both to assess student learning and to evaluate schools. As education became more important in the labor market, the poorest members of society were relegated to the

weakest institutions. Recent federal initiatives have focused on boosting the academic performance of schools but with limited success. In 2001, the George W. Bush administration launched No Child Left Behind (NCLB), a policy regime designed to compel schools to demonstrate that increasing numbers of students are academically “proficient.” This is undertaken by linking resources to assessment, an approach often described as “accountability.” NCLB is proving troublesome to many schools, which face sanctions for failing to meet the policy’s escalating performance standards. Some requirements have been changed in response to local and state protests, and more modifications appear likely in the wake of growing debate over the federal role in education. Today, many states are embroiled in legislative and judicial battles concerning the organization and funding of public schools. Dissatisfaction with perceived failures of public schools has led some politicians and reformers to advocate programs of school choice, sending students to private schools at public expense. Many states have created charter schools, publicly funded institutions exempt from customary state regulations. A small but vocal minority of parents has chosen to abandon the public and private school system in favor of home schooling, which is legal in almost all states and tacitly condoned in the others. Michael Imber and John L. Rury see also: Aristotle; Dewey, John; Education, Informal; Montessori, Maria; Neill, A(lexander) S(utherland); Plato; School Reform; Schools further reading: Lawrence A. Cremin, American Education: The Colonial Experience, 1607–1783, 1970. • David B. Tyack, The One Best System: A History of American Urban Education, 1975. • Carl F. Kaestle, Pillars of the Republic: Common Schools and American Society, 1780–1860, 1983. • William J. Reese, America’s Public Schools: From the Common School to “No Child Left Behind,” 2005.

legal and public-policy perspectives. In the United

States, primary legal and public-policy responsibility for education is vested in states and localities. In most of the rest of the world, and especially in other developed countries, primary responsibility is vested in national governments. The consequences of these different approaches are profound. One is the variability of educational opportunities in the United States both among and within the states. Differences in state and local wealth and educational aspirations have created a veritable crazy quilt in which variations in school spending, and in the educational resources that spending provides, are enormous. For the most part, already advantaged students have had far more spent on their education than less advantaged students. Predictably, that has exacerbated educational achievement gaps between wealthier and poorer students and, to a considerable degree, between white students, on the one hand, and black and Hispanic

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students, on the other. That means in the United States some of the best and some of the worst educational programs coexist side by side, separated often by state, school district, or even individual school attendance boundaries. Another consequence of the localized U.S. approach to education is that students whose families move from one school district to another within the same state, or from one state to another, are almost certain to have to confront a new and different curriculum and very likely much different achievement standards. In an increasingly mobile and globalized world, that seems a very inefficient educational structure. Yet the federal role in education continues to be modest in terms of funding and variable in terms of policy. Although targeted federal spending can have a major impact in some educational areas, such as the education of disabled, low-income, and limited-English-proficient students, in most years federal funding constitutes only 6% to 7% of total spending on K–12 schools. Under the unusual constitutional structure regarding education in the United States, the federal Constitution contains absolutely no reference to education or schooling. By operation of the Tenth Amendment, this means education is a function reserved to the states. Every state has assumed that power and responsibility by including one or more education provisions in its state constitution and by legislating extensively in the field. Although relatively few states give explicit constitutional status to local school districts, all states but Hawaii have established such districts and legislatively delegated comprehensive powers and duties to them. This state- and local-dominated structure should not be assumed to mean that the federal government has only trivial influence, however. In fact, through conditions that the Congress and the U.S. Department of Education attach to federally funded programs and through the judiciary’s role in construing and applying federal constitutional provisions, the federal government has exercised substantial authority. The No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB) is probably the best-known current assertion of federal educational influence, but it is only the most recent of a string of major federal legislative initiatives over the past four or five decades. These laws are based primarily upon the federal government’s constitutional spending power and its ability to condition receipt of federal funds on compliance with specified conditions. If a state or locality chooses not to accept federal funding for a particular program, it need not comply with the federal statutory and regulatory conditions attached to that program. Occasionally, usually because the real costs of implementing a federally funded program exceed the federal fiscal support provided, a state will threaten to renounce the federal funds. Sometimes a state actually will do so, but such action has always been

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short lived because of the political consequences of rejecting federal educational funds. Even under its spending power, however, the federal government has been reluctant to press ahead vigorously with policy initiatives that suggest the creation of a national system of education. Illustratively, in June 2007, U.S. Secretary of Education Margaret Spellings expressed a seemingly contradictory set of views. On the one hand, she touted the positive impact on student achievement, as measured by the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP)— the “Nation’s Report Card”—of the NCLB’s requirement that states establish statewide standards and measure the performance of all students against them. However, she lamented that state standards generally were lower than the NAEP’s proficiency level. Finally, she warned against this leading to national standards measured by a national test, an approach that would go “against more than two centuries of American educational tradition.” Similarly, federal courts have been substantially involved in education, but only to a point. The U.S. Supreme Court’s 1954 decision in Brown v. Board of Education (1954) is the most prominent federal court decision regarding education. That decision was based on the Fourteenth Amendment’s equal protection clause. In its unanimous opinion, the Court characterized education in the following terms: Today, education is perhaps the most important function of state and local governments. Compulsory school attendance laws and the great expenditures for education both demonstrate our recognition of the importance of education to our democratic society. It is required in the performance of our most basic public responsibilities, even service in the armed forces. It is the very foundation of good citizenship. Today it is a principal instrument in awakening the child to cultural values, in preparing him for later professional training, and in helping him to adjust normally to his environment. In these days, it is doubtful that any child may reasonably be expected to succeed in life if he is denied the opportunity of an education. Such an opportunity, where the state has undertaken to provide it, is a right which must be made available to all on equal terms. (p. 493)

Given the importance that the Court attached to education, despite the absence of any explicit reference to schooling in the U.S. Constitution, the justices struck down state laws requiring the racial segregation of students but, from the start, equivocated about the appropriate remedy. Was it integration of all students or desegregation of those in de jure segregated schools? Was it equality as measured by access to schools or by the quality of education afforded? Over the decades since the first Brown decision in 1954, the Court’s implementation decisions have fluctuated between moderately and minimally assertive. Within a year, the Court signaled that its approach would be a measured, incremental one when it intoned in Brown II that desegre-

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gation should proceed with “all deliberate speed.” In crucial subsequent decisions, the Court resisted a goal of national integration by refusing to apply its constitutional ruling to de facto segregation or to regional areas. As Associate Justice Lewis Powell and others complained, this effectively limited Brown’s reach to southern states that had, in the aftermath of the Civil War, adopted laws establishing black and white schools and exempted other states in the Northeast and Midwest that actually came to have more racially segregated schools because of residential segregation. Even as to those southern states, beginning in the 1990s, the federal courts eased the standards by which previously de jure segregated school districts could be deemed “unitary” and relieved of any special desegregation obligations. The result, predictably, was the well-documented and increasing resegregation of southern public schools and the hypersegregation of many northeastern and midwestern public schools. In June 2007, the U.S. Supreme Court added another barrier to school desegregation when it used the equal protection clause to invalidate voluntary programs adopted by elected school boards in Jefferson County (Louisville), Kentucky, and Seattle, Washington, designed to foster racially diversified schools in those districts. Four justices ruled in the Parents Involved in Community Schools v. Seattle School District No. 1 case that the Constitution required color blindness and that a system using race, even for diversity purposes, was unconstitutional. A fifth justice, Anthony Kennedy, did not agree with the color-blindness interpretation but joined the other four to create a majority because he concluded that the school district programs were not sufficiently narrowly tailored, meaning they used race more substantially than might have been required to promote diversity. In a parallel body of litigation, the U.S. Supreme Court has held that the equal protection clause does not require equal educational funding for all students. In its 1973 decision in San Antonio Independent School District v. Rodriguez, the Court refused to overturn Texas’s school finance law even though it generated dramatically different levels of funding for students, largely because of huge differences in local property tax wealth. To reach that result, the Court’s majority had to conclude that education, despite its undeniable public and private importance, was not a “fundamental” interest under the U.S. Constitution and that the relative poverty of school districts, as opposed to individuals, was not a “suspect” classification. The consequence of these conclusions was that the most lenient constitutional standard was applied to Texas’s justification for its unequal educational funding and that Texas’s asserted interest in “local control” was deemed sufficient. That decision effectively barred the federal courthouse doors to claims of educational funding inequality, and the action shifted immediately to the state courts and to state

constitutional provisions. In the intervening years, all but a few states have seen litigation over school funding inequalities. The scorecard is relatively mixed overall, but there have been recent periods when challenges succeeded much more often than they failed. There clearly seems to be a correlation between success and the shift to cases based on state education clauses rather than state equal protection clauses and to cases focused on educational “adequacy” rather than “equality.” There also may be a correlation between success and positive state fiscal circumstances, usually in the form of a substantial state budgetary surplus. State courts have differed in their willingness to engage these difficult issues at all and to involve themselves in overseeing implementation of constitutionally compliant new funding systems. New Jersey’s Abbott v. Burke is the most dramatic example of a court willing to stay the course for decades. School choice is another fundamental education issue and takes many forms as determined usually by state statutes or local district policies. In many states, choices among public schools within single districts are provided, often by variants on the “magnet school” concept. In many states, interdistrict, even statewide, public school choice is available. In an increasing number of states, charter school options have been created, with charter schools typically being quasi public in nature. In a few states and the District of Columbia, voucher programs have been established (although sometimes by other names) under which students and their parents can choose nonpublic, usually parochial, school alternatives to public schools at public expense. And in a slightly larger number of states, “private” scholarship programs have been authorized under which corporate and other contributions to private programs are eligible for tax credits or deductions. An issue related to school choice is state compulsory education laws. These laws compel students to attend public schools or to receive comparable education elsewhere for a specified number of years—usually age 6 or 7 to 16. Some early compulsory education laws that severely limited alternatives to public schools, often exhibiting xenophobic legislative tendencies, were challenged in the courts as an infringement on both parental rights to determine the upbringing and education of their children and the property rights of private school operators. The U.S. Supreme Court’s 1925 decision in Pierce v. Society of Sisters established what some call the Pierce compromise: that states could compel attendance at some school or educational program but could not effectively limit attendance to public schools. Although the Pierce case’s subtext may have been religion, religious freedom was not a prominent part of the Court’s discussion and decision. Almost 50 years later, the Court dealt more directly with religious freedom when it rendered another important decision in Wisconsin v. Yoder, dealing with the relationship be-

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tween a typical compulsory attendance law, which required that students attend school between the ages of 7 and 16, and the religious freedom of parents. A divided Court ruled that Amish students did not have to attend school beyond eighth grade because that would undermine their community’s religious beliefs and practices. Yet another issue is the application of state compulsory education laws to home schooling. Under most of those laws—consistent with the Pierce compromise—students must either attend a public school or receive “equivalent instruction” elsewhere. A student’s enrollment in a recognized private school usually poses no problems under compulsory education legislation even in states where private school regulation is minimal. Home schooling may be another matter, however. Some early state court decisions raised questions about whether home schooling could provide affective or citizenship education and whether that was required for “equivalent instruction”; others looked at whether parents or other home-schooling teachers had the requisite academic and professional skills and training to provide equivalent instruction. The current approach in most states is more lenient, sometimes coming close to a “don’t ask, don’t tell” approach. This may well be a function of legal and political pressure brought to bear by organizations such as the Home School Legal Defense Association. Although in some cases home-schooled students perform well by virtually any measure, in other cases excessive deference to alleged home schooling may have contributed to students receiving little or no education. To different degrees, these cases dealt with the relationship between state compulsory education laws and, more broadly, the state’s parens patriae role in education, on the one hand, and parental freedom of religion and school choice, on the other. A third, much later U.S. Supreme Court—its 2002 decision in Zelman v. SimmonsHarris—dealt with a different school choice issue, again in the context of religion. In that case, the Court upheld an Ohio statute establishing a voucher program for students in the Cleveland school district against a challenge that it violated the establishment clause of the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. The heart of the challenge was that students could use public voucher funding to attend parochial schools. In fact, the great majority of the students did so. Nonetheless, the Court ruled the voucher statute was compatible with the establishment clause because students and their parents could have chosen to attend public schools, and the choice of private parochial schools was an individual choice. The constitutionality and policy soundness of vouchers or other means to provide public support for private and parochial school attendance are likely to be hotly contested questions for the foreseeable future. They challenge traditional American notions of how public funds should be

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used for the education of the nation’s children. But in this as in other educational respects, such as local control of education, U.S. practices are at variance with those of most other countries. In most of the world, educational systems are centralized at the national level, and in many countries private schools, including those that are religiously oriented, receive generous public funding or even are considered to be part of a unified system for delivering educational services. Of course, in many countries public schooling is more limited than it is in the United States, and students tend to be more formally tracked into different levels at an earlier age than is true, at least officially, in the United States. Paul L. Tractenberg see also: Affirmative Action, Children and; Corporal Punishment; Dropouts; Education, Discrimination in; Religion in Public Schools; School Funding; Special Education; Suspension and Expulsion further reading: Lawrence J. Cremin, Popular Education and Its Discontents, 1989. • Amy Gutman, Democratic Education, 1999. • Mark G. Yudof, David L. Kirp, Betsy Levin, and Rachel F. Moran, Educational Policy and the Law, 4th ed., 2002. • Victoria J. Dodd, Practical Education Law for the Twenty-First Century, 2003. • Michael A. Olivas and Ronna Greff Schneider, eds., Education Law Stories, 2008.

education, discrimination in Overview Gender Discrimination Racial Discrimination

overview. The United States has a long history of discrimination in elementary and secondary education. Great strides have been made in the effort to reduce discrimination against racial and national-origin minorities, girls, and students with disabilities. Nevertheless, discrimination persists within public schools, and the United States has substantial room for improvement in its efforts to provide equal educational opportunity to all students. This article offers an overview to issues of discrimination in education in the United States. The following articles cover discrimination based on race and gender in greater detail.

R ac i a l D i s c r i m i nat io n In the United States, discrimination in education began with the denial of education to slaves and women. The “separate but equal” doctrine that defined the American education system after slavery kept the races separate but provided inferior educational opportunities for African Americans. In the landmark case of Brown v. Board of Education (1954), the Supreme Court declared that the separate but equal doctrine violated the Fourteenth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, which prohibits states from denying any person equal protection of the laws. After the Court

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countenanced substantial delay in desegregation by allowing districts to desegregate with “all deliberate speed” one year after Brown, the Court ultimately issued a series of rulings that required school districts to desegregate promptly and that upheld busing to achieve integration. Children also gained a powerful weapon against segregation when Congress enacted Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 which, among other things, forbade discrimination on the basis of race, color, or national origin by recipients of federal financial assistance. However, social resistance to desegregation quickly heightened in the aftermath of these federal court rulings. Moreover, in the 1970s the Supreme Court began setting limits on desegregation that ultimately undermined the ability to create integrated schools. As a result, many children in the United States attend schools that are primarily composed of students of one race, and the percentage of African American and Latino students who attend majority minority schools is rising. Students also may experience other forms of race discrimination, such as racial harassment. Additionally, schools may adopt educational policies that harm minority students, such as tracking, which research demonstrates typically disproportionately places minority students in lower tracks and then provides students in the lower tracks inferior educational opportunities. L anguage D i s c r i m i nat io n More than 5 million English-language learners (ELLs) live within the United States. These students may experience national-origin discrimination when a school denies them English-language instruction or when a district provides inadequate materials and resources for the language program(s) that it adopts. Discrimination against ELL students may prevent them from obtaining the skills and knowledge that they need to gain work or enter postsecondary education. The United States has adopted laws and policies that prohibit the denial of appropriate language assistance to ELL students. In Lau v. Nichols (1974), the Supreme Court held that under Title VI and its implementing regulations school districts are required to “take affirmative steps” to remedy the language deficits of ELL students so that the ELL students could participate in the educational program. In addition, under Castaneda v. Pickard (1981), the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit adopted a three-part standard that now governs the legal obligations of school districts to ELL students, under which school districts must adopt a sound pedagogical approach for addressing the language deficiencies of ELL students, properly implement the approach, and evaluate the success of the approach and modify it if it is not successfully addressing students’ language barriers. Meeting the needs of ELL students will continue to rep-

resent an important issue for ensuring equal educational opportunity in the 21st century as the immigrant population continues to grow within the United States. Gen d er D i s c r i m i nat io n Gender discrimination in education takes many forms. For example, students may receive educational opportunities that are driven by stereotypes about each gender or students may be subject to sexual harassment from other students, teachers, or administrators. Gender discrimination in sports and in vocational education historically and currently represent two of the most common forms of gender discrimination in public elementary and secondary education. Ultimately, nationwide reform of gender discrimination required congressional action. In 1972, Congress passed Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972 to prohibit recipients of federal financial assistance from discriminating on the basis of sex in education programs and activities. Since the passage of Title IX, girls have made great strides in educational achievement, and disparities in educational opportunity have been dramatically reduced. For example, the National Center for Education Statistics reported in 2004 that girls perform as well or better than boys on many academic indicators and that the substantial achievement gaps that previously existed have been closed or narrowed. However, gender discrimination in education remains a serious concern, and promoting equal educational opportunity for girls and boys will require consistent efforts to maintain the gains that have been achieved and to eradicate the remaining discriminatory practices. Disabi lit y Disc r imi nation Children with disabilities need additional assistance to benefit from the education they receive. Prior to the mid1970s, the overwhelming majority of states and school districts neglected the educational needs of disabled children. However, in 1975 Congress passed the Education for All Handicapped Children Act (EAHCA), which was renamed the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) in 1990, and this legislation created a comprehensive set of procedural and substantive safeguards for children with disabilities. At the heart of the IDEA lies the requirement that each child with a disability is entitled to receive a free appropriate public education (FAPE), which is defined as publicly provided special education and related services for the child, without charge to the parents, that are consistent with the state educational agency’s standards. To ensure that FAPE is provided, each child with a disability receives a written individualized education program (IEP) that, among other things, includes annual goals for academic and functional achievement and addresses the child’s needs so that the child may participate in and benefit from the

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regular education program. The IDEA also grants parents the right to initiate a due process hearing to challenge, among other things, the school district’s provision of FAPE to their child. Since its inception, the IDEA has dramatically improved the education of children with disabilities. The United States Department of Education’s Office of Special Education Programs reported in 2007 that approximately 6.8 million children receive services under the IDEA. While the nation has made great strides in this area, additional efforts could be made to ensure that, among other things, high-quality educational services are offered to children with disabilities. In addition to the IDEA, federal law also prohibits recipients of federal financial assistance from discriminating on the basis of disability and prohibits public entities from engaging in disability discrimination. Kimberly Jenkins Robinson see also: Affirmative Action, Children and; Education: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives; School Funding; Schooling, Inequalities in; Schools, Single-Sex; Special Education: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives further reading: Gary Orfield and Susan Eaton, Dismantling Desegregation: The Quiet Reversal of Brown v. Board of Education, 1996. • Jay P. Heubert, “Six Law-Driven School Reforms: Developments, Lessons, and Prospects,” in Jay P. Heubert, ed., Law and School Reform: Six Strategies for Promoting Educational Equity, 1999, pp. 1–38. • Jennifer Hoschschild and Nathan Scovronick, The American Dream and the Public Schools, 2003. • Roslyn Arlin Mikelson, “How Tracking Undermines Race Equity in Desegregated Schools,” in Janice Petrovich and Amy Stuart Wells, eds., Bringing Equity Back: Research for a New Era in American Educational Policy 49 (2005), pp. 49–76. • Gary Orfield and Chungmei Lee, Racial Transformation and the Changing Nature of Segregation, 2006.

gender discrimination. Children become aware of gender at a very young age, and it is one of the earliest categories that they use to organize their world. Perhaps because differences between males and females are taken for granted and even naturalized, the struggle to define and achieve gender equality has been a protracted one. Education can play a critical role in addressing gender discrimination and sex-role stereotyping. This task is greatly complicated, however, by profound disagreements about what equality between men and women means. Some advocates, called “sameness theorists,” argue that females should be treated in the same way as males; this approach assimilates women to the norms created when institutions were dominated by men. At times, this philosophy yields straightforward policy answers. For instance, girls should have the right to take college preparatory classes just as boys do. At other times, though, the answers are not so clear-cut. Is it equal treatment to allow girls to try out for the football team on the same terms as boys? Does it matter that football is a contact

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sport that rewards a traditionally male athleticism, marked by speed, strength, and sheer bulk? Other reformers, referred to as “difference theorists,” contend that distinctions between men and women should be taken into account in the quest for gender equality. The desirable qualities associated with females should not be suppressed in an effort to become like men. These advocates would be sympathetic to preserving separate sports programs for boys and girls, so that girls continue to participate in events like gymnastics and synchronized swimming, which acknowledge a traditionally female athleticism marked by grace, symmetry, and flexibility. Equal Protection and Title IX Both the United States Supreme Court and Congress have struggled to establish norms of gender equality in the schools. The equal protection clause prohibits discrimination on the basis of gender, and the Court has applied an intermediate level of scrutiny to government policies that treat males and females differently. Under this standard, the policy must be substantially related to an important governmental interest to pass constitutional muster. This approach is more flexible than the strict scrutiny triggered by race-based classifications. The Court can uphold some gender-based programs and strike down others, at times requiring sameness and at times acknowledging difference. Congress also has addressed issues of gender equality under Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972. Title IX sets forth a general antidiscrimination principle that declares that “No person in the United States shall, on the basis of sex, be excluded from participation in, be denied the benefits of, or be subjected to discrimination under any education program or activity receiving federal financial assistance.” In recognition of the unresolved debates over sameness and difference, this principle is then riddled with exceptions for single-sex educational institutions, programs, activities, and living facilities. Moreover, there are some areas that are expressly beyond the reach of Title IX, including the content of textbooks and other curricular material. S i ngl e - S e x S c ho o l s a n d P ro gr a m s With the uncertainties inherent in both judicial and legislative formulations of gender equality, federal courts have had to address the propriety of distinctions between boys and girls on a case-by-case basis. One recurring area of concern has been single-sex education. The U.S. Supreme Court unequivocally struck down “separate but equal” laws that segregated public schools by race. Some educators have argued that same-sex schools are not analogous, however, because they do not stigmatize students, are not inherently unequal, and can confer significant pedagogical benefits. Despite these arguments, the Court so far has invalidated gender-based barriers to admission, at least in cases involv-

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ing public colleges and universities. In these cases, the justices asked whether same-sex instruction was substantially related to an important governmental interest. In Mississippi University for Women v. Hogan (1982), the Court held that a male student could not be barred from enrolling in a nursing degree program historically limited to women. The all-female program did not compensate for past discrimination but instead reinforced gender-based stereotypes of nursing. Moreover, admitting men did not affect the teaching style or the performance of female students. Fourteen years later, in United States v. Virginia (1996), the justices again struck down a gender-based admissions policy, this time at a prestigious military college. The majority demanded “an exceedingly persuasive justification” to uphold the wholesale exclusion of women, and the Virginia Military Institute (VMI) did not provide one. VMI had justified its male-only policy as essential to the success of its adversative method of instruction. The Court concluded that although most women (like most men) might not wish to subject themselves to the rigors of this instructional approach, those women who were interested should have the opportunity to apply and enroll. VMI also argued that a newly created school for women fully remedied any inequities. The Court disagreed because the women attended an institution with inferior faculty, buildings, and course offerings as well as a far less impressive history, reputation, and alumni network than VMI. Even with these Supreme Court precedents, public educators have persisted in creating all-male or all-female programs or schools at the elementary and secondary level. The justifications for these initiatives vary. For instance, the Detroit public schools created an all-male academy to help atrisk black students overcome poor academic performance, high dropout rates, and delinquency. The school provided the youth with male role models and relied on an Afrocentric curriculum. In Garrett v. Board of Education (1991), a federal district court struck down the program because no girls’ academy existed. The Young Women’s Leadership School in East Harlem was established in 1996 to improve mathematics and science achievement among girls as well as to develop their leadership skills. When a local chapter of the American Civil Liberties Union challenged the school, the district announced plans to consider opening a comparable all-boys institution. Today, single-sex education remains very much the exception in public schools. Some schools also offer separate programs for pregnant teenagers and young mothers. Title IX bars discrimination on the basis of pregnancy, but lower courts have found these programs permissible so long as participation is voluntary and the curriculum is comparable to that offered to other students. The courts have split over whether it is discriminatory to expel a female member from a high school honorary society when she becomes pregnant or has a child out

of wedlock. Some courts have invalidated the expulsions because males who father the children are not similarly expelled (in part because evidence of paternity is not always readily available). Other judges have found that the expulsions are permissible under Title IX and the Constitution because they are based on a failure to uphold standards of leadership and character, not on the pregnancy per se. Disc r imi nation i n Coeducational P ro gr a m s a n d S c ho o l S po rt s Even when programs are coeducational, there have been challenges to the use of eligibility criteria that disadvantage either boys or girls. Some scholarship programs have relied on standardized test scores to determine who will receive an award. Historically, girls have performed more poorly on these tests than boys, even though girls get higher grades. In Sharif by Salahuddin v. New York State Education Department (1989), female high school students successfully challenged the practice of relying solely on Scholastic Aptitude Test scores to allocate prestigious Regents Scholarships. The district court concluded that the state’s approach was irrational because a combination of grades and test scores provided a superior measure of academic achievement and did not wrongly discriminate against females. School sports have been another particularly vexing area in addressing questions of gender equality. Although Title IX states that “[n]o person shall, on the basis of sex, be excluded from participation in, be denied the benefits of, be treated differently from another person or otherwise be discriminated in any interscholastic, intercollegiate, club or intramural athletics,” this broad declaration of nondiscrimination is subject to lengthy exceptions. Most important at the elementary and secondary level is the proviso that schools “may operate or sponsor separate teams for members of each sex where selection for such teams is based upon competitive skill or the activity involved is a contact sport.” Federal courts have struggled to decide whether Title IX’s interpretation is consistent with the Constitution’s mandate of equal protection. In Force v. Pierce City R-VI School District (1983), a 13-year-old female student wanted to compete for a spot on her school’s eighth-grade football team. Relying on the Supreme Court’s decision in Mississippi University for Women v. Hogan, the district court concluded that she could safely participate in the program without jeopardizing the safety or integrity of the sport. The males-only policy relied on an overgeneralization about girls’ athletic abilities, one that was at odds with the Constitution’s mandate of individualized treatment. Although Title IX allowed schools to maintain separate teams, it did not require them where such a practice would be unconstitutional. The Force decision refused to exempt football because it is a contact sport, but other courts have

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disagreed and limited the mandate of gender integration to noncontact activities. In addition, some judges have upheld the exclusion of boys from girls’ teams as a way to compensate for past exclusion of females from sports programs. Se xual Har assmen t Title IX has played a key role in offering redress for sexual harassment in the schools. Under Title IX, students can sue for money damages as well as injunctive relief. To claim damages, a student must show that an employee engaged in inappropriate sexual conduct, that school officials had actual notice of the behavior, and that they were deliberately indifferent to the offense. In Gebser v. Lago Vista Independent School District (1998), an eighth-grade student alleged that her teacher had made sexually suggestive comments, initiated sexual contact with her, and eventually had sex with her. The illicit relationship came to light only when a police officer discovered the two having sexual intercourse and arrested the teacher. The U.S. Supreme Court concluded that because school officials did not have any prior notice of the misconduct, the district could not be held liable for money damages. After Gebser, it was unclear whether a school district could be subject to money damages for failing to address peer-on-peer harassment, a serious problem in its own right. A 1993 survey by the American Association of University Women found that 85% of girls and 76% of boys reported that they had been victims of unwanted sexual attention from classmates, typically during middle school or junior high. Most of these incidents involved comments, jokes, gestures, and looks, but 13% of the girls and 9% of the boys stated that they had been coerced into sexual activity that amounted to more than kissing. In Davis v. Monroe County Board of Education (1999), the Supreme Court recognized money damages as a remedy for peer-on-peer harassment. There, a fifth-grade female student was subjected to repeated sexual comments and unwanted touching by a male classmate. Although the student reported the incidents to her mother, the teacher, and the principal, no effective steps were taken to stop the misconduct. Eventually, the harasser pleaded guilty to sexual battery. The Court concluded that the female student should be eligible for compensation from the district if school officials were on actual notice of the problem and were deliberately indifferent to it, even though the pattern of harassment was so severe that it had “the systemic effect of denying the victim equal access to an educational program or activity.” Gay students have sought protection against peer harassment based on sexual orientation. Some courts have refused to recognize the claims because discrimination based on one’s sex is not the same as discrimination based on sexual orientation. However, a federal court of appeals reached

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a different outcome in Nabozny v. Podlesny (1996). There, a gay student suffered repeated verbal and physical abuse, including a mock rape and a beating so severe that he collapsed from internal injuries. Despite the severity of these attacks, school officials refused to intervene on the ground that “boys will be boys.” Eventually, the student attempted suicide and left school. The court concluded that gender discrimination could be shown if the school acted decisively to discipline students for male-on-female harassment but did nothing about male-on-male harassment. C o nc lu s io n In sum, the Constitution and Title IX have been most successful in addressing gender inequality when there is a consensus about what it means. For instance, no one is likely to dispute that girls and boys should have equal access to a rigorous curriculum. Title IX also has been a source of real reform in combating sexual harassment, another area in which there is little disagreement about the impropriety of unwanted sexual comments and contact. Equal protection law and Title IX have been ambiguous sources of guidance in dealing with school policies and practices that reflect a widespread belief that some gender differences should be respected and preserved. Same-sex schools and sports programs, in particular, demonstrate the complexities of defining gender equality. In these controversial areas, the struggle for fair treatment will continue to be waged on a case-by-case basis. Rachel F. Moran see also: Gender: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives; Schooling, Inequalities in; Schools, Single-Sex further reading: American Association of University Women, Hostile Hallways: The AAUW Survey on Sexual Harassment in America’s Schools, 1993. • Jessica Gavoa, Tilting the Playing Field: Schools, Sports, Sex, and Title IX, 2002. • Wendy Lutrell, Pregnant Bodies, Fertile Minds: Gender, Race, and the Schooling of Pregnant Teens, 2003. • Rosemary Salomone, Same, Different, Equal: Rethinking Single-Sex Schooling, 2005.

racial discrimination. For more than half a century, the

United States has struggled to overcome a history of racial discrimination and segregation. This has included an effort to integrate its public schools. In the wake of the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education ruling, integration efforts have been hampered by fierce local resistance to desegregation and the recent termination of many court-ordered desegregation plans. In the early 21st century, there is widespread resegregation of schools. This resegregation jeopardizes the well-documented social and educational benefits so many students have received as a result of a racially integrated education. In addition, it relegates low-income students of color to racially isolated schools with fewer resources and opportunities for advancement. It is important to understand the legal path that has led to this place, so that the

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critical work of eliminating racial discrimination in education can continue. Litigat i ng for Publ ic Educat ion R efo r m The Fourteenth Amendment of the United States Constitution guarantees every person equal protection of the laws. Still, it is widely known that even after the enactment of the Fourteenth Amendment in 1868, southern and, for a time, northern legislatures mandated racially segregated systems of education and maintained immense racial inequities in educational services. This educational apartheid continued, most prominently in the South, for almost a century after the Fourteenth Amendment’s passage. In an effort to undermine all southern “Jim Crow” laws, the NAACP Legal Defense Fund devised and executed an attack on the legal basis for racially segregated education. While the effort failed to truly garner racial equality in educational opportunity, litigation efforts since the 1950s have yielded significant gains. The high point of these litigation efforts is found in Brown v. Board of Education. In that case, the Supreme Court held that state-mandated racially segregated public education was inherently unconstitutional and violated the Fourteenth Amendment’s equal protection clause. At the time, the Court’s landmark ruling was revolutionary in its statement that racially “separate but equal [public schooling] has no place” in American society. The case spurred an end to state-mandated segregation in transportation, accommodations, employment, housing, and a host of other areas. Many people believe that the story of racial discrimination in education ended with the Brown decision. The popular tale of this landmark ruling actually hides the bleak reality that true educational equality remains an elusive goal. In fact, the Brown decision ushered in a period of vicious legal defiance, particularly in the South, where the scourge of state-enforced racially segregated public education was most evident and deeply entrenched. At every level of state and federal government, little effort was made to implement the directives of the Supreme Court’s ruling. Indeed, communities used the mantle of states’ rights to aggressively protest desegregation and created well-organized and well-funded resistance movements. The “Southern Manifesto,” signed by every congressman and all but three senators from the 11 states of the old Confederacy pledged to overturn the Brown decision. Privately, the executive branch also condemned the Brown ruling. Perhaps most detrimental, the Supreme Court waited a full year to provide any decree on how to implement desegregation and then provided only vague guidelines. In turn, even those lower courts intent on following the letter of Brown had no clear directive of how to do so. Not surprisingly, a full decade after Brown almost 100% of black students in southern states still attended fully segregated schools. Some school districts, such as Prince Edward County, Virginia, actually closed the doors to all public

schools rather than allow black children to attend school with white children. In the 1960s, President Lyndon Johnson’s administration forced those schools with a history of state-mandated segregation to comply with court decisions and with the 1964 Civil Rights Act. The Act forbade discrimination in all institutions receiving federal funding. To facilitate the promise of educational equality set forth in Brown, civil rights lawyers in the 1960s and 1970s also brought a series of lawsuits against individual school districts to require desegregation. Fourteen years after Brown, the Supreme Court held in Green v. County School Board that it was unacceptable to delay school integration. Rather, schools had a duty to eliminate all racial discrimination “root and branch.” The Court explicitly stated that it was crucial to affirmatively remove these vestiges of discrimination in the areas of student assignment to schools, school facilities, staff and faculty assignment, extracurricular activities, and the provision of transportation. Four years later, in Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education, the Supreme Court acknowledged the impact that continued housing segregation had on educational segregation and gave lower federal courts wide berth to create effective remedies to desegregate schools. Such remedies included busing programs mandated by courts, redrawing student attendance zone lines to maximize racial integration, and using mathematical ratios to ensure racial integration. Finally, almost 20 years after Brown, the Supreme Court in Keyes v. School District No. 1 (1973) extended the reach of the desegregation mandate to apply to school districts in the northern and western parts of the United States. These areas lacked the southern history of state-mandated racial segregation but had long histories of racial segregation nonetheless. The opinion also recognized the right of Latinos to attend desegregated schools. Further, it held that where school officials instituted segregated schools in one area, the officials had a duty to desegregate all city schools. Though the Supreme Court decided these cases more than a decade after the celebrated Brown decision, they had a significant impact on the desegregation of American schools, particularly in the South, over the following two decades. The cases forced school districts to consciously begin the tasks of acknowledging the long history of racial discrimination marked by a separate and unequal educational system and actively changing the model of education from one of segregation to one of inclusion. O b s truc ti ng th e Path to Educatio nal Equal i t y In spite of this late-coming enforcement period, the promise of a constitutional guarantee of educational equality remained elusive. Both the Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford

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administrations actively opposed the extension of legal desegregation obligations to northern schools, and President Nixon actually denied the administration’s Office for Civil Rights the power to enforce desegregation orders. Desegregation efforts were also significantly undermined through a series of declarations by the Supreme Court. The first such devastating pronouncement actually came as part of the 1973 Keyes decision. There, the Court moved away from Brown’s decree that segregated schools were inherently unequal. Rather, to be entitled to a remedy, plaintiffs had to provide evidence of intentional racial discrimination. Such discrimination can be extremely difficult to substantiate. Consequently, cases alleging racial discrimination in schooling were more difficult to prove in states outside of the former Jim Crow South, where segregation had not been mandated. In these northern and western states, if lawyers could not successfully show that schools were intentionally segregated by racist school officials, there was no guarantee of equal education. The second early blow to educational equality came in the case San Antonio Independent School District v. Rodriguez (1974), which diminished the remedies available to expand educational opportunity for low-income children of color. Just one year after Keyes, the Rodriguez Court held that there is no fundamental right to an education in the United States. The Court also held that there is no requirement that schools in richer and poorer areas receive equal funding. Again, Brown’s commitment to equality of educational opportunity had been gutted. The Court dodged the real issue in the case, whether a Texas scheme that allowed for educational funding disparities caused by differences in property wealth was discriminatory under the Constitution. In so doing, the Court diminished the significance of such financing variations to educational equality. The catastrophic nature of the Rodriguez decision was intensified by the Supreme Court’s ruling in Milliken v. Bradley that same year. In that case, the Court struck down a plan to desegregate schools in metropolitan Detroit. The plan had attempted to address the endemic residential segregation that leaves inner-city schools home to more lowincome children of color while suburban schools educate wealthier white students. In Milliken, the Court prohibited a desegregation remedy that included inner-city and suburban school districts because the plaintiffs could not prove that there had been intentional segregation in both the city and suburban districts. This decision barred the only avenue for desegregating schools in many urban areas across the nation. It concentrated poverty in the urban cores and allowed white fl ight to bloom. 1 9 9 0 s R et r enc h m en t a n d I t s C o nsequenc es While desegregation efforts continued in southern schools for nearly two decades, by the early 1990s, the Supreme

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Court became more interested in ending desegregation cases. The Court sanctioned a return to neighborhood segregated schools in Board of Education v. Dowell (1991), Freeman v. Pitts (1992), and Missouri v. Jenkins (1995). In this trilogy of opinions, the Court held that school systems had achieved “unitary status” and ended federal court desegregation orders. The opinions focused not on the constitutional violations to the victims of racial discrimination but on the local interests of school districts. The cases restored systems of neighborhood schools and local control, the very tools that had allowed segregation to flourish for so long. As a direct result, public schools became substantially more segregated through the 1990s. According to the 2006 report of the Harvard Civil Rights Project, Racial Transformation and the Changing Nature of Segregation, the percentage of black students attending majority nonwhite schools increased from 66% in 1991 to 73% in 2003. The most significant changes occurred in the very southern states where desegregation efforts were previously focused. Latino segregation also increased and now exceeds black segregation in parts of the South and the West. In fact, racial isolation is worse today than at any time since the 1970s. White students remain the most isolated racial group, with the average white student attending school where more than 75% of his or her classmates are also white. This marked racial resegregation of the nation’s schools is also accompanied by significant segregation along class lines. As a result of the Rodriguez decision, this translates into fewer educational resources in those schools with a majority of low-income students of color. C hallenges of th e 2 1st C en tury The United States is not a nation of black and white but one of many races and ethnicities. At the very time that the United States is experiencing the highest levels of racial and ethnic diversity in its history, a steady rise in racially segregated schools nationwide is occurring. This segregation extends beyond racial and ethnic boundaries; it fosters concentrated poverty and, in many cases, linguistic segregation. Thus far, the United States has tolerated such segregation and resulting racial and socioeconomic inequities. Yet history suggests it is wise to build on the successes of racially integrated education to best prepare students to function and succeed in this increasingly diverse world. Indeed, other nations have faced similar challenges in addressing ethnic and class inequities in education, and some have attempted to develop policies to better prepare students to thrive in this era of rapid globalization. The United States Supreme Court, however, has recently made it more difficult to even use federal legislative tools to combat racial discrimination in education. Specifically, Congress enacted Title VI of the 1964 Civil Rights Act to ensure that federal monies were not used to support racial

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discrimination. All federal agency regulations that implement Title VI state that recipients of federal funds may not engage in any activity that has the effect of discriminating on the basis of race. For more than 25 years, courts have allowed private citizens to bring suit to enforce these regulations. The ability of private individuals to sue under Title VI has been a particularly important means to combat racial discrimination in education. For example, students wishing to challenge a public school system’s discriminatory funding scheme have used this law. Nonetheless, the Supreme Court eliminated this right in Alexander v. Sandoval (2001). In that case, the Court held that private individuals may sue under Title VI only for intentional discrimination rather than institutional, structural, and systemic racism. This form of discrimination is easily hidden and almost impossible to prove. As a result, it is exceedingly difficult to garner a federal remedy for the state funding scheme that denies communities of color essential educational resources. The consequence of this is that students are less prepared to exercise their rights as citizens, and more students are relegated to a permanent underclass. Another recent Supreme Court pronouncement regarding racial integration in public education came in 2007 in Parents Involved in Community Schools v. Seattle School District No. 1. In that opinion, the Court considered the constitutionality of Seattle, Washington, and Louisville, Kentucky, school boards’ voluntary use of race in fashioning student assignment plans to increase racial diversity in schools. In a split decision, the Court held that the plans were not “narrowly tailored” to meet the requirements of the equal protection clause. Similar plans have been adopted by close to 1,000 out of 15,000 public school districts across the United States to combat effects of residential segregation and foster diversity. These school districts are left with fewer options for fostering racial inclusion in their schools. Still, a majority of the Court did hold that racial integration remains a compelling interest and that school districts can utilize some limited race-conscious measures to foster racial inclusion in education. Unfortunately, racially segregated schools are a barometer for other forms of socioeconomic inequality in educational opportunity. Studies have demonstrated that racially isolated, “high-poverty” schools suffer from problems such as lack of resources and experienced or credentialed teachers, high teacher turnover, and low parental involvement, all of which increase educational inequality for those students. Conversely, research has consistently shown the social and educational benefits of racially diverse schools for all students, including improved critical thinking skills, higher graduation rates and college attendance, and greater civic participation. These achievements should serve as a guide for continuing efforts to eliminate racial discrimination in education. Lia Epperson

see also: Affirmative Action, Children and; Clark, Kenneth B(ancroft); Race and Children’s Development; Schooling, Inequalities in further reading: Richard Kluger, Simple Justice: The History of Brown v. Board of Education and Black America’s Struggle for Equality, [1976] 2004. • Jonathan Kozol, The Shame of the Nation: The Restoration of Apartheid Education in the Nation’s Schools, 2005. • John Charles Boger and Gary Orfield, eds., School Resegregation: Must the South Turn Back?, 2006.

education, informal. One of the distinguishing features of Homo sapiens as a species is the central role of culture, the socially inherited body of past human achievements that serves as the resources for the current life of a social group ordinarily thought of as the inhabitants of a country or region. All societies must arrange for the young to acquire enough of this social inheritance (the group’s language, social organization, moral precepts and rules of appropriate behavior, various technologies, etc.) to grow to adulthood and reproduce both biologically and socioculturally. The most general term to refer to this process is enculturation, but it is not uncommon to encounter discussions of different forms of enculturation as education, broadly understood as the process of social inheritance. Consequently, care must be taken when seeking to compare different scholars’ ideas about this general area of concern. For current purposes, the means adopted by societies to enculturate/educate their young may be arranged along a continuum from informal to nonformal to formal. Informal education generally refers to the inclusion of children in adult activities where they are expected to contribute according to their abilities, but the activities do not have the imparting of the social inheritance as its major motive. Children helping chase birds from a rice farm or participating in preparing a meal where the cook assigns them simple tasks that are part of the overall process may serve as examples. Nonformal education is generally used to refer to an activity in which at least one of the motives is for adults to arrange for children to learn valued cultural knowledge. This category also includes activities that are designed to impart specific knowledge to particular subgroups within a society. Examples are various forms of apprenticeship as well as West African “bush schools,” where children live apart from their kin for a few years to be taught important myths and rituals and learn mastery of everyday skills such as house building and weaving. Formal schooling is the term for highly institutionalized, chronologically graded, and hierarchically structured education systems, spanning lower primary school to the upper reaches of the university. Consideration of variations in the process of education spanned by these terms as they relate to different kinds of societies can serve to concretize their ordering from informal to formal.

worked in far from their village. Vaani’s mother had encouraged him to learn it so that she could communicate family matters with her husband discreetly. He was using the script to keep records of his purchases of nails, saws, and other supplies and the amount of money that his customers owed him for his work. He also used the script to record taxes paid to the government and dowries for his daughters. Scholars have been especially interested in Vai literacy because it represents a rare case for teasing apart the extent to which cognitive consequences of formal education should be attributed to the acquisition of literacy or to the acquisition of a variety of information-processing skills and modes of reasoning associated with schooling. During the latter half of the 20th century, a number of scholars—including L. S. Vygotsky—had hypothesized that literacy itself could promote intellectual change. Written language, it was argued, provided an external, relatively permanent symbol system that represented spoken language. If spoken language required abstraction from raw experience, written language was a double abstraction and a tool for analyzing oral language itself. Moreover, writing occurs in the absence of continuous feedback and requires the writer to conjure up an interlocutor and to take into consideration what the recipient needs to know in order to understand what is written. Research on Vai literacy by Sylvia Scribner and me challenged this common opinion. We used a combination of methods that included ethnographic observation of the uses of written Vai, a sociological questionnaire to ascertain the social correlates of Vai literacy, commonly used experimental tasks that had previously demonstrated that schooling enhances a variety of forms of cognitive performance, and specially designed cognitive tasks modeled on the uses of written Vai observed in the ethnographic research. We found that the cognitive consequences of acquiring Vai literacy were closely tied to the particular functions that such literacy enabled. Vai literates were superior to nonliterates and to those who acquired English literacy in school when asked to analyze oral Vai in terms of syllables. They were superior to nonliterate Vai when carrying out tasks that mimicked the practice of letter writing, but they showed no general changes in cognitive performance. The profile of their performance on cognitive tasks that commonly produce superior performance among schooled populations did not differ from that of nonliterate Vai. These overall findings support the conclusion that the cognitive consequences of literacy (and by extension of any specific form of mediated activity) are a function of the generality of the particular practice in a given society; as the practices become more general, so do the cognitive consequences. Vai literacy, restricted in use as it was, produced correspondingly restricted cognitive consequences. Michael Cole further reading: Sylvia Scribner and Michael Cole, The Psychology of Literacy, 1981.

imagining each other

imagining each other

Literacy without Schooling among the Vai of Liberia In the early decades of the 19th century, a Mande ethnic group called the Vai occupied territory that bordered the northwestern seacoast of the country that became Liberia. The Vai were middlemen in the slave trade. Slaves from the interior were brought to the coast, where they were sold to Europeans and Americans. At the same time, the Vai were influenced by both Christian and Muslim missionaries who introduced them to, among other things, the existence of writing/numeracy systems. According to historical scholarship and legend, around 1920 Dualu Bukele from a town named Jondu (“Slave Net”) was inspired by a dream to create a writing system for the Vai language. The system that they created was a syllabary, for which each graphic character represents a syllable in the Vai language. This system was especially effective because Vai is a language that constructs virtually all of its syllables from consonant-vowel pairs, so that it can be written with a relatively small set of graphic symbols. Moreover, syllabaries are relatively easy to learn because syllables correspond to the smallest unit of language that can be communicated orally. Although there were no schools for teaching children to read and write Vai, perhaps 20% of adult men and a smaller number of women were literate in Vai as of the 1970s. Why did they bother to learn this local system of writing? How was such learning arranged? One might imagine that it happened this way. When Momoko Paasewe was a young man, he and other young men from his rural village liked to invite friends from other towns to visit them for important feasts and dancing. They were especially friendly with people from the town of Pujajim, which was some distance away on the other side of the Mano River. Momoko’s friend Swary, who was also a member of Momoko’s dance group, had learned the script from his father. He suggested that they write to a friend of his father’s in Pujahon and ask permission for their friends to come and visit them. Instead of going themselves to make this request, Swary wrote a letter to his father’s friend and sent it with a member of this dance group who was passing by the town on his way to seek work on a rubber plantation. A few days later, they received an answer. Their friends were coming for the celebration. Momoko asked Swary to teach him the script, so for several mornings before they went to their farms to work, his friend showed him several letters he had received and explained how each of the graphic marks on the paper corresponded to part of a Vai word. Momoko soon became sufficiently skilled to be able to write letters of his own. He especially valued the opportunity to write to his cousin, Saamba, whose sister he hoped to marry. Writing allowed him to communicate discretely without having to leave his farm at a time when it was especially important to keep the birds from eating the new rice shoots. Here’s another possible scenario. Vaani was a carpenter whose tiny town was deep in the bush, far from any school. His uncle had learned the Vai script as a small boy from his father when he came home for a visit from the iron mine he

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In small face-to-face societies where linguistic interaction is mediated by oral language and technologies of production are rudimentary, it is widely asserted that education corresponds to what is referred to as informal education. For example, the psychologist Jerome Bruner, in an influential monograph on culture and cognitive development, remarked that in watching a great deal of ethnographic film about life among the !Kung San bushmen of the Kalahari Desert he saw no explicit teaching that took place outside of ongoing adult-led activities in order to teach children about a particular subject. Rather, whatever teaching occurred was implicit. Similarly, the anthropologist Meyer Fortes, in a monograph on education among the Tale of current-day Ghana during the 1930s, claimed on the basis of extensive ethnographic research that adults and children inhabit the same “social sphere.” Whatever differentiation he was able to observe appeared to be based on relative capacity, which correlated imperfectly with age. By Fortes’s account, all members of Tale society participated in the same general activities, but in a manner corresponding to their stage of physical and mental development. These specific examples are supported by broad-based surveys indicating little isolation of education as a specific activity in small face-toface societies. However, even within the course of everyday activities, adults have been observed to put children into challenging situations starting at an early age in such a way that the child and adult share responsibility for the nature of learning situations. This may be as simple as asking a 1-year-old to walk across an uneven field to join his siblings 50 yards away or a 13-year-old helping deal with customers in a small retail store where both adult customers and the owner comment on and fill in for the boy in moments of difficulty. Moreover, even in small face-to-face societies that lack any form of schooling, it has long been recognized that there are also specialized social practices, the purpose of which is to ensure that developing children acquire societywide essential social norms and beliefs. Such practices fall under the category of nonformal schooling. For example, among the various social groups inhabiting what is now Liberia in West Africa, early European accounts describing enculturation practices report that children were separated from their communities for four or five years in an institution referred to in Liberian pidgin as “bush school.” There, children were instructed by selected elders in the essential skills of making a living as well as the foundational ideologies of the society, embodied in ritual and song. Some began there a years-long process that would later qualify them to be specialists in bone setting, midwifery, and other valued arcane knowledge. Similar social practices have been reported from a variety of societies at a similar level of technological development from many different parts of the world. In some such societies (e.g. 19th-century Native

Americans living on the Great Plains), adults organized a variety of forms of play designed to promote the development of adult skills and personality characteristics among children, while in others children’s play is seen as matter of indifference by adults. Intermediate educational/enculturation practices also include a variety that shades into the category of apprenticeship, which is conventionally defined as training designed to initiate children into a trade, often involving some sort of legal obligations between master and apprentice. For example, research carried out on the practice of weaving among the Zincantecos of south-central Mexico in the latter half of the 20th century found that weaving was a part of the household routine into which girls were initiated in a gradual process that changed in content and increased in complexity and responsibility as they grew older. In the earliest stages, they might help only in dyeing of the wool and later be given a simplified toy loom on which to practice with scraps of yarn. As they became stronger and more skilled, they gradually became a part of the adult practice, first with their mothers leaning over them to guide their every move and postural adjustment and later on their own. This Zinacantecan practice clearly fits the definition of nonformal education but only partially fits under the rubric of apprenticeship because it was a family matter, part of everyday routines, and required no legal agreement. Side by side with such nonformal educational practices, there may be full-blown apprenticeships in which the master is not a close family member, the activity occurs outside the home and perhaps in a different town, and there are legal agreements. Among tailors in Monrovia, Liberia, in the 1970s, boys were formally apprenticed to master tailors, who often but not always were adult relatives. The boys left home to live with the master. They both contributed to the process of tailoring in a manner that had clear economic consequences for the tailors, and the boys were required to carry out a variety of tasks with no relation to tailoring, such as helping on a farm or running errands. Descriptions of similar mixtures of arrangements have been reported in a wide range of societies. It should be noted that such arrangements were not necessarily benign; the economic concerns of the master commonly overwhelmed concern for the child. From early in the history of descriptions of various forms of informal and nonformal learning among nontechnological societies, there has been an interest in trying to specify the learning processes involved as well the cognitive and social consequences of these forms of enculturation in comparison to formal schooling. Proposals have included imitation, empathy, and identification. Directly or indirectly, these characterizations of the learning mechanisms involved in informal and nonformal educational practices are placed in contrast with the mechanisms presumed to occur as part of formal school-

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ing, which seem relatively more demanding because they require conscious awareness of the learning process and verbal formulation, both of which are thought to be intrinsically difficult. A number of researchers who have sought to evaluate the cognitive consequences of formal education have observed marked contrasts in a variety of classification and reasoning problems when contrasting traditional, nonliterate people with members of the same cohort who had been to school. To explain these results, they highlighted the importance in formal schools of written language, discourse patterns that incorporated scientific concepts, and the fact that schoolbased instruction involved mastery of content that was not present in the classroom and often was not present in the culture from which the children came. Evidence based on various learning and classification tasks suggested that nonschooled children and adults tend to treat each new task posed to them as if it were unique and unconnected with what preceded or followed it, thereby failing to generalize solutions across closely related problem domains. To the extent that such cognitive variations appear in tasks that are representative of the cognitive demands of everyday life, schooling may represent a special form of activity that promotes generalized learning. However, there is considerable uncertainty concerning the degree to which cognitive tasks modeled on the practices of formal schooling are in fact representative of the cognitive demands of everyday activities outside of school settings. This uncertainty arises because the kinds of problems used in this research and the ways in which the problems are presented mimic the linguistic form and often the conceptual content of the experiences of the schooled, but not the unschooled populations, so that the appearance of failures to generalize among the nonschooled populations could be interpreted as an artifact of differential familiarity with the discourse norms of schooling embodied in the tests used for comparison. In support of this alternative interpretation, a number of investigators have demonstrated that nonformal educational practices could indeed produce generalized learning. In fact, some studies comparing school and nonschool mathematics have demonstrated cases where school children generalize only the use of superficial features of arithmetic algorithms, which leads them into absurd errors, while their nonschooled counterparts who learn arithmetic as a part of local, nonschool practices are able to generalize their practice-derived algorithms to paper-and-pencil tests and do not give absurd answers. In recent decades, attention has been focused on the evidence that formal schooling often leads to superficial forms of learning and that even the more substantive learning that goes on in school makes the time and cost associated with this form of enculturation of limited value in many socialhistorical contexts. Such considerations, combined with

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recognition that nonformal enculturation practices may result in the acquisition of generalizable skills, have led to proposals for combining the two forms for enculturation practice. In a twist of fate, in some countries nonformal educational practices, which were earlier defined in terms of local practices associated with limited domains of expertise, have been officially incorporated into state-sponsored programs by ministries of education that take place apart from what has traditionally been thought of as the formal school system or extended to the activities provided by nongovernmental agencies. Consequently, what one witnesses in the world today are new, hybrid forms of enculturation in which informal, nonformal, and formal schooling are becoming part of the life experiences of developing children. Michael Cole see also: Apprenticeship; Cognitive Development; Education; Freire, Paulo (Reglus Neves); Learning; Literacy further reading: G. D. Spindler, Education and Anthropology, 1955. • J. S. Bruner, “On Culture and Cognitive Growth II,” in J. S. Bruner, R. Olver, and P. M. Greenfield, eds., Studies in Cognitive Growth, 1966. • T. Nunes, A. D. Schliemann, and D. W. Carraher, Street Mathematics and School Mathematics, 1993. • P. M. Greenfield, Weaving Generations Together: Evolving Creativity in the Maya of Chiapas, 2004.

electra conflict. see Oedipus Conflict emancipation. Emancipation is the process by which minors—persons younger than 18 years of age—lose some or all of the legal disabilities and benefits of minority. Unemancipated minors cannot sign contracts, consent to medical care, work adult hours, keep their earnings, or live where they choose. They must also obey their parents, who have the authority to make decisions for their children in the most important areas of a minor’s life: association, residence, conduct, and school. These constraints on a minor’s participation in civic and family life are familiar indicators of childhood or infancy. Although minors are treated as adults in certain areas, such as obtaining a driver’s license, in general they are not considered developmentally, morally, or mentally prepared for the burdens and freedoms of adult life. In explaining why minors may be treated differently from adults under the Constitution, the U.S. Supreme Court has recognized the “peculiar vulnerability of children, their inability to make critical decisions in an informed and mature manner, and the importance of the parental role in child rearing” (Bellotti v. Baird, 1979). There are, however, circumstances where a minor has demonstrated the ability or the need to be treated as an adult before reaching the age of 18. This early promotion into legal adulthood is brought about by emancipation. There are several methods by which minors may be emancipated. In a number of states, marriage and military service serve to emancipate. Both require prior parental consent, and although the minor may still be

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somewhat immature, the expectation is that he or she will now be cared for by someone else (a spouse or Uncle Sam). In contrast, pregnancy or parenthood does not emancipate, although a minor is entitled to make all parental decisions regarding her own children. Judges may also emancipate minors at the request of a minor or of a parent and after determining that the minor is sufficiently mature to function on his or her own. Judicial emancipations can be granted for a limited purpose, such as permitting a minor with property to write a will, or they can free a minor from the control of his parents more comprehensively. Petitions for judicial emancipation are sometimes initiated by parents seeking to end their financial support obligation for a child who is no longer living at home or who refuses to obey parental direction. Courts are careful, however, not to emancipate minors who, even if they have moved out of the family home, are still in need of parental support or guidance, such as runaways. The purpose of emancipation is to adjust a minor’s legal status to match his proved ability to function as an adult, not to facilitate the abdication of parental duties. Many states have enacted statutes providing for a minor’s partial or full emancipation. Partial emancipation statutes treat minors as adults for specific purposes, such as consenting to treatment for mental health, drug problems, or sexually transmitted diseases. In such cases, legislators have decided that medical and public heath concerns outweigh the traditional support for parental authority. Other policies dictate other partial emancipation statutes. In the area of criminal law, for example, several states now permit minors who commit serious offenses to stand trial as adults under criminal court jurisdiction, removing them from the intended protections of the juvenile justice system. A number of states have enacted innovative statutes authorizing minors to petition courts for full emancipation upon a showing that the minor is managing his own financial affairs and living independently from parents or has a sound plan to do so. The court conducts a hearing to determine if the minor has demonstrated the ability to live on his own, often by showing proof or the promise of employment, a rental lease, and an income and expense statement. California authorizes minors to petition for emancipation at age 14; the more common age is 16. While full statutory emancipation statutes benefit some mature minors, advocates for teenagers are careful to remind their clients of its drawbacks: Emancipation ends all financial support from parents. Emancipated minors are not treated as adults for all purposes. They cannot vote, drink alcohol, withdraw from school without parental permission, or, in some states, consent to an abortion. Parents, too, may be disappointed in emancipation’s limits; in some states, parents remain liable for the negligent driving of their emancipated teens. Carol Sanger

see also: Adolescent Decision Making, Legal Perspectives on; Child: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives; Parenthood; Rights, Children’s; Rights, Parental; Rights, Termination of Parental further reading: Carol Sanger and Eleanor Willemsen, “Minor Changes: Emancipating Children in Modern Times,” University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform 25, no. 2 (1992), pp. 239–355.

embryology and fetal development. The conception and development of a child is a truly wondrous process that, while well described in fine detail, is still mysterious on many levels. The process starts with the joining of an egg and a spermatocyte, continues with implantation in the womb, and progresses through multiple stages before the final event of childbirth. Potential problems can occur at every stage, some amenable to treatment and many not. The effects of genetics and the environment on embryogenesis are just beginning to be understood, and the future will certainly bring many new revelations. Conception is the joining of an egg and a spermatocyte to create a fertilized egg, or conceptus. Ovulation, or the release of an egg from the ovary, is a well-choreographed event within the woman’s reproductive system that requires the coordination of hormonal release to stimulate the maturation of an egg-bearing follicle within the ovary to mature and then release an egg that is ready to be fertilized. The start of the process of ovulation marks the transition of a girl into a reproductively mature woman who can conceive a child. Ovulation precedes menstruation, so it is possible to become pregnant before menarche (the first menstruation). The hormonal cascade that produces ovulation is often not well established for the first year of reproductive maturity, leading to irregular menses. Once the cycle is established, a woman may have regular menstrual cycles for 20 to 25 years. Each woman is born with the total complement of potential eggs that she will have during her lifetime, so that as she ages, so do the eggs. Older eggs may not be as optimal as younger eggs and can be the source of fertility difficulties later in life as well as the cause of increased genetic disorders in children of older women. Sperm are not made at birth, and a man is constantly making new sperm throughout reproductive adulthood until advanced age, allowing for fatherhood to be possible much later in life than natural motherhood. Older paternal age has also been implicated in some child health issues, such as certain pediatric cancers and pervasive developmental disorders, although much less so than maternal age. Toxins, such as nicotine and alcohol, reduce sperm counts and quality, resulting in reduced fertility. Conception can occur during a small window of time after ovulation. Spermatozoa must be present at the right time and place and in sufficient numbers to assure that the outer covering of the egg, or oocyte, is penetrated. Transit time for sperm from the vagina to the fallopian tube is about seven hours, and less than 1% of sperm complete the

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journey. That is why low sperm counts and anything that affects sperm mobility has a negative effect on male fertility. Similarly, any barrier to sperm, either artificial or anatomical, such as scarring of the fallopian tubes, also decreases fertility. Sperm can remain in the female reproductive tract for a few days and may be present at the time of ovulation. The oocyte remains receptive to fertilization for several days. Successful fertilization results in the union of chromosomes from each parent to restore the usual complement of 46 chromosomes. At this point, the fertilized egg is called a zygote. It is estimated that about 50% of zygotes end in spontaneous abortions and 50% of those are due to chromosomal anomalies, either too many or too few. The zygote takes three to four days to migrate down the fallopian tube into the uterus. Failure to do this results in abnormal implantation of the zygote; this is called an ectopic pregnancy. Ectopic pregnancies rarely last to full term and are considered dangerous to the mother because the ectopic site is not designed to carry a pregnancy and so may rupture, causing severe internal bleeding. Ectopic pregnancies can sometimes be treated with medication alone if caught early; otherwise they need to be surgically removed. During the transit to the uterus, the zygote starts to divide, becoming a blastocyst. Rarely, the blastocyst divides completely, and two blastocysts result; these become identical twins. These early cells are thought to be capable of forming any part of the eventual child and are the stem cells that have received so much attention in the news for their potential in treating many diseases. Also, during the transit, the blastocyst is not in any direct contact with the mother, so that any intoxicants that the mother may have been taking during conception are gone by the time the blastocyst implants in the uterus, seven to eight days after fertilization. Upon implantation in the uterus, further differentiation among the cells of the blastocyst occurs. Some cells are now committed to becoming the placenta, other cells to becoming the amniotic sac, and other cells continue to become the fetus. By day 11, there is enough development so that uteroplacental circulation (blood flow from the uterus to the embryo through the placenta) begins, and the mother starts nourishing the growing embryo. By day 13, the implantation site is usually healed over, but occasionally bleeding can occur at the site, now approximately four weeks after the last menses, giving the appearance of a light but appropriately timed menses. This can create the impression that there is no pregnancy and is a common cause for delaying the start of prenatal care. By this time, over-the-counter urine pregnancy tests will give a positive result. After implantation, cell division continues and cell differentiation, the process by which cells become different types of tissue and organs, makes the three cell lines from which all body tissues eventually develop. This starts with

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the definitive assignment of a cephalic, or head, area as well as front/back and left/right. The blastocyst is now multilayered, with an inner layer, or endoderm, a middle layer, or mesoderm, and an outer layer, or ectoderm. This is followed closely by the development of the notochord that will form the skeleton. The nervous system, heart, and gastrointestinal tract all start forming. Disruptions in this sequence of events will have profound effects on the developing embryo. Teratogens, substances that cause developmental defects, such as alcohol, infections, radiation, or nutritional deficiencies, can affect the differentiation process. Caudal dysgenesis is a lack of distal, or tail end, mesoderm resulting in deformities of the legs, kidneys, genital organs, lower back, spine, and nerves going to the lower body. Situs inversus occurs when left/right is inverted in the trunk so that the heart, stomach, liver, and other internal organs are on the opposite side. Unfortunately, many women are unaware of their pregnancy at this stage and fail to take the proper precautions regarding being careful about what they take in, in terms of proper nutrition and drug exposure. After the third week of gestation, organogenesis, the development of specific body organs, begins. By week four, a primitive heart and large vessels have formed and the heart starts beating. Growth of the nervous system is progressing rapidly with further development of the brain as well as early formation of eyes and ears. Skeletal formation continues with the appearance of limb buds for the arms and legs. By week six, the lungs have started. The limbs now have hands and feet with fingers and toes. Internal organs such as the liver, pancreas, and bladder also are forming at this time. Because the major organs are all forming at this time, the embryo is particularly sensitive to teratogens. Folate deficiency is associated with neural tube defects, expressed as spinal cord problems. That is why all women of childbearing age are encouraged to take supplemental folate so that this early developmental process can proceed. By eight weeks, the embryo has a humanoid appearance and is about 3 centimeters long (slightly more than 1 inch). At nine weeks, the embryo is now called a fetus. The major organs are all now established and continue to mature. The fetal size is about one-half head at this point, reflecting the earlier and more rapid development of the brain versus the other organs. The next few months will see rapid growth of the body structures so that by the fifth month the head is only one-third of the fetus and finally one-fourth at full term. This growth is all sustained and fed by the placenta. While the fetus has been developing, the placenta has been growing as well to provide support and protection. Support derives from nutrition and oxygen pulled from the maternal circulation. The placenta is very efficient in extracting needed nutrients, but it is still vitally important that the mother maintain an appropriate diet during her pregnancy. Oxygen transport is facilitated by special fetal red blood

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cells that have fetal hemoglobin, or hemoglobin F, that work better in the low-oxygen environment of the placenta. Protection is provided in multiple ways. The placenta provides a unique environment where the mother’s body does not recognize the fetus as a foreign body. The placenta protects the fetus from the mother’s immune system so that it does not try to reject or remove the fetus. Failure of this mechanism, not well understood, can be the cause of fetal demise. Moreover, the placenta does allow maternal antibodies to cross over to the fetus so that the baby will have some protection after birth from the organisms in his environment until the baby’s immune system is mature enough to manufacture his own. The amniotic sac provides a cushion in which the fetus can develop with dampening of the shakes and shocks of the mother’s daily activity. Even if the fetus has no problems, a poor placenta can severely compromise the pregnancy or even cause miscarriage. Because the placenta is made of cells with the same genetic contents as those of the fetus, it is possible to do genetic testing on that tissue for disorders such as Down syndrome or Neimann-Pick disease. Chorionic villus sampling (CVS) is the procedure for that testing. It can be done as early as week 10 when the placenta is large enough to sample. This is much earlier than amniocentesis, by which the same testing is done on cells in the amniotic fluid and which is usually done the earliest at week 15. The risks of CVS include spontaneous abortion and are higher than those for amniocentesis. Into the fourth month, a significant development is the formation of external genitals to the point where they can be identified by ultrasound so that the sex of the baby may be determined. Eyes can detect light, and ears can start to hear by this time. Bones, muscle, and nerves have developed enough so that the fetus is now moving a little, although not enough to be appreciated by the mother until the following month. The first sensation of fetal movement is called “quickening” and is described as flutters. By the fifth month, movements are more coordinated and the fetus can suck on a thumb. Fetal movements become more pronounced during the fifth and sixth months with definite kicks, punches, and rolls. The sixth month is a major milestone because the lungs are finally developed enough that they may be able to support existence outside the womb. Previously, the fetus was not viable because lung immaturity precluded any means of providing oxygen. Without any medical intervention, the lower limit of viability is about 33 weeks. Mechanical ventilation lowered the threshold to about 28 weeks, and the advent of surfactant in the mid-1980s lowered the threshold to the current 23 to 24 weeks. At that age, all organ systems are still very immature, and that degree of prematurity is associated with a significant chance for some type of damage, particularly neurological. However, newer methods of premature care have greatly improved outcomes for even

so-called micropreemies, those born around 500 grams (about 1 pound). The last trimester is for further development and refinement of the organ systems. The previous trimester saw significant growth in terms of length. The last trimester, particularly the last two months, is the time for weight gain. Much of the body stores of nutrition and antibody protection that will help the newborn survive are delivered near term. Fetal movement, which continued to increase through the seventh month, can lessen somewhat as the fetus approaches birth weight and size and starts to get restricted in space. Although the vigor of activity may decrease, the amount of movement does not, and any sense of significantly decreased movement should prompt a doctor’s visit. Finally, at about 36 weeks, the fetus is ready to transition to life outside the womb and breathe on his or her own. Full term is 38 to 42 weeks. It is still not clear exactly how the delivery process is initiated, but labor is a complicated series of events designed to expel the fetus from the uterus into the world. It is a process that is often taken for granted even though it was a major cause of death for women and infants throughout history and still is today in many developing areas of the world. It is worth taking a look at the later development of the major organ systems from the fourth month onward. The heart and lungs are critically important during development because they have such a profound effect on postnatal survival. Defects in other organ systems, while having major consequences, do not have as great an impact on the immediate period after birth. The heart forms early on as described previously. It starts as a hollow, straight tube that must sequentially fold to create some separation and laterality. Later, the tube must develop inner walls that will create the atria and ventricles, and the walls between the atria and ventricles must have valves to allow for passage of blood. The major blood vessels arise from a series of primitive vessels called the aortic arches and cardinal veins that undergo sequential merger or regression to form the mature circulatory system. Each step of folding, rotating, separating, merging, and regressing is a potential opportunity for an error to occur, causing congenital heart defects such as dextrocardia (where the heart is on the right side), endocardial cushion defects (where the walls or valves are abnormal), or vessel problems such as coarctation (narrowing) of the aorta. It is well known that certain drugs and infections, such as lithium and rubella, increase the risk for heart defects. Some genetic diseases have heart malformations as part of their description. The respiratory tract forms by merging the tube by which air is taken in (the trachea) with the lungs, which exchange oxygen for carbon dioxide, and then with the circulatory system so that oxygen can get to the rest of the body. Much like other organ systems, the lungs are far from fully developed at birth and will continue growing through the first decade of life. However, the

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lungs need to be functional at birth, meaning the connections must be intact and the lungs must be able to perform gas exchange. As described previously, a critical step is the production of surfactant, a substance that coats the lungs and enables the alveoli to remain open and perform gas exchange. Also, because the lungs are still developing at birth, damage to the lungs can cause lung disease that will last for years. This sometimes happen in the struggle to keep premature babies alive with mechanical ventilation, although recent advances in the care of the premature infant have greatly reduced this side effect of lifesaving measures. The digestive (GI) and urogential (GU) systems are similar to the circulatory system in that they involve a great deal of choreographed tube formation, rotation, separation, and regression. The GI system arises from the foregut, midgut, and hindgut. The foregut develops into the esophagus and stomach as well as the solid organs, the liver and pancreas. The midgut forms the small and large intestines. This process occurs partly outside the abdomen, starting week 6, and then must rotate and return to the abdomen at week 10. The hindgut develops into the large colon and the anus. Defects arise from stenotic (closed or narrowed) or duplicated areas of the GI tract. Malrotation of the intestines upon return to the abdomen creates a lifelong risk of twisting, called a volvulus, which can cause loss of bowel or even death. The GU system includes the kidneys and genitals. The kidneys must develop a connection to the circulatory system so that blood can be filtered and then a connection to the bladder and urethra so that urine can be stored and released. The genitals are affected by hormones to differentiate into male or female organs. Although genetically the sex of the embryo is determined at conception, all humans start out physically as female, explaining why men have nipples. Male organs are induced by the presence of testesdetermining factor, and female organs continue in its absence. Testosterone then promotes penis formation, while estrogens direct the female reproductive tract. Hormonal abnormalities can result in genetic males appearing as female and genetic females with male sexual characteristics. The senses are developed throughout fetal development. The inner ear is largely complete in the first trimester, but the middle and outer ear continue to develop through the third trimester. Hearing can begin at about the fourth month, but defects in the outer ear later on may cause deafness. Many genetic syndromes have ear anomalies as one of their characteristics. The eyes are also formed early on, with sensitivity to light possible in the fourth to fifth months. Similar to the ear, the outside portion of the system, in this case the eyelids, forms later. The eyelids are originally open but then fuse and remain so until about 23 to 24 weeks. Color recognition and visual acuity develop slowly and continue months to years after birth. The full-term newborn has 20/200 vision, good enough to recognize faces when being held. Smell depends on the olfactory nerve, cranial nerve I,

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reaching the face and formation of the nose, all of which occur in the first trimester. Tactile sensation is dependent on nerve formation and myelination. Nerves conduct the electrical impulses analogous to electrical wires. Also like wires, nerves need insulation, called myelin, to maintain signal strength. Nerves for pain and sensation develop early in the first trimester and continue during fetal growth. Myelination begins in the fourth month and continues after birth. It is clear that the fetus can experience some tactile sensations by the fourth to fifth month, as evidenced by thumb sucking. Pain, a more primitive sensation, is probably also appreciable at this time and certainly somewhat intact by 24 weeks, as evidenced by responses to painful stimuli by 24-week premature infants. The musculoskeletal system is the most obvious system that continues to grow long after birth. Height will double by 4 years of age and more than triple by adulthood. Muscle mass can be added at any age. Nevertheless, significant development occurs during the fetal period. The basic bone and muscle structure must be laid down. The skeleton is created early on, and all major bones are present by the third month of gestation. Skeletal defects are uncommon, partly because the bones develop rapidly in a narrow time frame, giving a shortened time frame for disruptions due to genetic infections, toxins, or other harmful factors. One of the most famous examples of a drug affecting development, however, is the drug thalidomide, which resulted in babies without arms and/or legs. Another rare but wellknown genetic condition is called osteogenesis imperfecta, or brittle bone disease, wherein the bones are abnormally fragile and prone to fracture during birth or with routine handling. This brief review is only an overview of the incredibly complex process of human development from a single-cell fertilized egg into a newborn infant. The genetic complement defined at conception and the short nine months of development in the womb will have profound influence over the life of that individual. Better understanding of the process of development, down to the molecular level, will enable better treatment of many congenital diseases and perhaps the prevention of others. Moreover, understanding how immature cells differentiate into mature tissue types may lead to breakthroughs in cancer treatment and acquired disease such as spinal cord injury and ischemic heart disease. This area of science and its application to clinical settings are likely to grow substantially in the future. Daniel A. Rauch see also: Genetics; Multiple Births; Pregnancy; Pregnancy and Childbirth, Legal Regulation of; Prematurity; Reproductive Technologies further reading: W. J. Larsen, L. S. Sherman, S. S. Potter, and W. J. Scott, Human Embryology, 3rd ed, 2001. • K. L. Moore and T. V. N. Persaud, The Developing Human, 7th ed, 2002. • T. W.

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Trial by Fire

imagining each other

Emotional S o c i alization among Canadi an I nuit

In the Canadian Inuit camps in which I lived for extended periods between 1963 and 1980—and I think generally in Arctic communities today, too—elders believe, as mainstream North American parents and teachers do, that children learn when their minds, their wills, and their feelings are stimulated and alert. Inuit further believe that children learn by engaging in relationships with other people and with the environment—by practicing living. However, they sometimes activate these principles in ways that shock people in my own world. Look at this interaction. Arnaqjuaq, a grandmother, came into the home of her daughter Liila to pay a visit. She was carrying the baby granddaughter she had adopted. Aita was cranky. Liila, the baby’s mother, tenderly held her on her lap and fed her bits of bread. Meanwhile, Liila’s 3-year-old daughter, Chubby Maata, sat beside her mother, playing with an empty cigarette package. Nobody else was present. Aita was crying, and Arnaqjuaq remarked that the “darling little one” was angry. Her voice was warm, sympathetic, and amused. Suddenly, Arnaqjuaq, without any reason that I could see, began chanting, over and over again, to Chubby Maata: “Your father is very baaad.” Her eyes were smiling, but her voice was vigorous and emphatic. Chubby Maata did not smile. I saw no expression in her face, and her body was perfectly still. She watched her grandmother. After a while, Arnaqjuaq expanded her chant, but her tone remained the same, and her eyes were still smiling: “Your fa-

Sadler, Langman’s Medical Embryology, 10th ed, 2006. • National Museum of Health and Medicine, http://www.nmhm.washingtondc .museum/ • University of Illinois at Chicago, Embryological Development of the Human, http://www.uic.edu/com/surgery/ embryo/links.htm

emotional development. Emotional development can be observed when a newborn’s uncontrollable crying is compared with a toddler’s efforts to manage her tears, a preschooler’s pride in his accomplishments, a grade-schooler’s sensitivity to the feelings of his friends, and an adolescent’s reflections on her unique emotional experiences. Emotions are arousal states that arise from changes in a person’s goals and their achievement, and they involve brain activation, facial and physiological changes, cognitive appraisals, subjective experience, action tendencies, and cultural prescriptions. Emotions are readily observed but developmentally complex, involving growth in the brain and nervous system, perceptual processes, emotion understanding, self-awareness, comprehension of cultural norms, selfregulatory processes, and close relationships. These developments are interwoven to create the remarkable changes

ther is very baaad. Your mother is very baaad. My dear little granddaughter is very baaad. Isn’t that so? You are bad, aren’t you? Your father is bad, isn’t that so? I’ve heard that my dear little granddaughter is bad, yes indeed! Your mother is very baaad.” And so on. The stream of words was unremitting and inexorable. Chubby Maata covered her face with her cigarette package. Arnaqjuaq said imperatively: “Look at me!” Chubby Maata didn’t move, but Liila removed the wrapper from her daughter’s face and began to watch her with an amused smile, while Arnaqjuaq continued to rain “baaads” on Chubby Maata. Chubby Maata sat motionless for a while; then, suddenly, she leaned over and kissed Aita. Arnaqjuaq said, in a cautionary tone: “Don’t bite her.” Then she commented to Liila: “She’s trying to bite. . . . She’s beginning to attack the baby.” Chubby Maata said to her grandmother: “My father cut his finger—isn’t that so?” Her mother ignored her, and Arnaqjuaq said, rejectingly, “Who cares!” She resumed her chant: “Your father is baaad.” The drama continued, elaborating, complicating, and enriching its messages. What lessons might Chubby Maata learn from this interaction? And why are they necessary? Like other much-loved Inuit children, Chubby Maata was the center of her world, and she knew it. Other interactions, repeated many times a day, told her explicitly that she was a jewel. But she was almost 3 years old and about to move into

in emotionality from infancy through adolescence that make emotional growth a uniquely integrative perspective to understanding development. Two approaches to emotional development have guided thinking about this multifaceted process. Structuralist theories portray emotional life as differentiated into specific basic emotional states (e.g., fear, anger, happiness, sadness), each with unique patterns of subjective feeling, cognitive appraisal, physiological arousal, and facial expression. Each of these basic emotions is biologically deeply rooted because of its relevance to human survival, and each develops early, with growth in children’s cognitive capacities and physiological maturation. More recently, however, awareness of cultural diversity in indigenous portrayals of “basic emotions” and the realization that typical emotional experience involves subtly nuanced blends of feelings have led to an alternative approach to emotional development. Functionalist theories portray emotions more broadly as changes in person-environment transactions that matter to the person, and neither define a range of emotion categories nor identify their essential characteristics. By describing emotions as closely tied to an individual’s goals,

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Trial by Fire (continued)

functionalist theories better accommodate the complexity and cultural elements of typical emotional experience but risk considerably greater ambiguity in how emotion differs from other motivational states. Both structuralist and functionalist approaches recognize that emotions have important adaptive purposes in human development. Emotions organize subjective experience, alerting the individual to changes in internal and external circumstances that affect well-being. As compelling social signals, emotions are essential to social competence, social relationships, and social communication. Emotions also mobilize individuals to action, usually in constructive ways but sometimes dysfunctionally. Because emotions are so basic to human motivation, emotional development provides a window into the psychological development of the child. This is also apparent in psychological dysfunction. The most daunting psychological problems that beset children and adolescents are affective in nature, including depression, anxiety disorders, and conduct disorders. These clinical problems originate in genetic risk, temperamental vulnerability, and troubled parent-child relationships in

nothing dreadful will happen; they must figure it out, little by little, and find their own solutions to the problems they see. Their motivation is strong, because the issues, if real, would have grave consequences for their own lives. Arnaqjuaq’s challenge, in conjunction with many others in Chubby Maata’s experience, will help make Chubby Maata aware that people she probably sees as perfectly good and invulnerable to criticism—her father, her mother, she herself— are, after all, not quite perfect. They are open to sanction; and that awareness may have several socially useful effects. A sense of danger, “out there” but unspecific—an awareness that people are powerful and not entirely trustworthy— will motivate Chubby Maata to watch for clues to what people are thinking, feeling, desiring, but not saying and will impel her to respond in ways that will keep her out of trouble. She will accommodate, be nurturant, unaggressive. The knowledge of her own imperfection will heighten her feeling of vulnerability. At the same time, she’ll know that she herself is responsible for the fate of her relationships. All of this knowledge will strengthen the mutually protective bond between herself and her parents, which Arnaqjuaq is trying to create. It is one of the highest Inuit values. “My father cut his finger.” This short account only scratches the surface of the lessons this drama, combined with others, potentially contains, if Chubby Maata has eyes to see. Jean L. Briggs

imagining each other

a wider world, which wouldn’t always protect and coddle her as her nearest and dearest did. It was time for her to learn how to interact with others—a difficult project. In Chubby Maata’s world, the social and moral plots of everyday life tend, like icebergs, to be 90% underwater. On the surface, everybody is good, everybody likes and helps everybody else, but the underside tells a different story. The problem is how to show small children that less-than-ideal feelings and behavior are real when they are not visible on the surface; how to make children fear the behavior that may result from antisocial feelings—their own and other people’s—when they are always treated with loving tenderness, regardless of how unruly they are. Inuit believe that it is counterproductive to scold, punish, seriously threaten, or demean children in order to teach them the dangers of being “bad.” Such strategies, they believe, lower the socializer to the emotional-social level of the child and alienate the child. Instead, Inuit elders demonstrate social dangers by tipping the iceberg over, so that children can experience, directly but safely, the power of the hidden, and learn to fear it and respond to it appropriately. They do that by plunging children—especially between the ages of 2 and 4—into emotionally disturbing, dramatic interactions that expose thoughts and feelings that people might secrete but wouldn’t express directly. In a safe, benignly controlled mode, both playful and serious, adults simultaneously and to varying degrees test, challenge, teach, and tease children; and often, in upside-down language, appearing to say the opposite, they celebrate children, too. But children don’t know at first that

further reading: Jean L. Briggs, Inuit Morality Play: The Emotional Education of a Three-Year-Old, 1998.

which difficulties in emotion self-regulation predominate. The problems experienced by affectively troubled children include their disturbed sensitivity to emotion elicitors, the dysfunctional effects of their emotional arousal, and the troubled connections between emotions and the self. The study of emotional development in typical children potentially also offers a window into the origins and treatment of affective psychopathology that can emerge early in life. What is emotional development the development of? Because emotional development incorporates changes in the brain and nervous system, temperament, perceptual processes, emotion understanding, self-awareness, selfregulation, and close relationships, emotional development must be understood in terms of each of these constituents. Emotion and Br ai n Dev elopmen t Emotions are biologically basic but neurobiologically complex, entailing activation of multiple brain regions and neurohormonal processes. Emotions are rooted in primitive brain regions associated with stress and coping that are functionally active, although immature, at birth. These include the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenocortical response

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system, as well as other areas of the limbic system, and parasympathetic regulatory processes that together govern the excitatory and inhibitory processes associated with organismic activity. Throughout the early years, the maturation of these neurobiological systems is revealed in the developmental transition from the unpredictable, erratic all-ornone arousal swings of the newborn to the more modulated, controllable emotions of the young child. In the years that follow, emotional arousal becomes more environmentally responsive, manageable, and strategic as these neurobiological systems further mature and become integrated with higher brain regions that enable greater control over primitive arousal systems. Many of these higher brain regions are in the prefrontal cortex, which is one of the evolutionarily newest brain regions and also the slowest to mature. The progressive maturation of the prefrontal cortex, which is also associated with working memory, planning, and strategic functioning, helps account for the growth of emotion and emotion regulation throughout childhood and adolescence. An apparently simple emotional reaction is thus a surprisingly complex neurobiological event, and emotional development is guided by the gradual maturation of different brain regions associated with emotional arousal and inhibition. Although the newborn is neurobiologically equipped to react with strong arousal to stress, developing capacities to cope, regulate, and enlist emotion into strategic functioning awaits the growth of brain regions that also permit the child greater self-control in other aspects of behavior. Newborns are also temperamentally distinct, and temperamental individuality colors emotional development. Temperament dimensions describe relatively enduring variations in the child’s reactivity and self-regulatory qualities and are based on response thresholds in multiple neurobiological systems. Most temperament dimensions are affective in quality. Consequently, emotional development unfolds somewhat differently for children who differ in their predominant mood, proneness to anger or fear, soothability, positive emotionality, and other temperamental qualities. However, because temperament is based on psychobiological systems that mature significantly in childhood and adolescence, temperamental qualities may also evolve over time and in response to social influences. Temperamental individuality is thus an early and stable but not necessarily fixed influence on emotional development. P erc ep t io n of Emot ion i n Ot h er s Because others’ feelings are important to their own wellbeing, it is not surprising that infants respond to others’ emotional expressions from a surprisingly early age. By 4 to 5 months, infants can distinguish facial expressions of positive and negative emotions and respond positively to the sound of “approval” vocalizations (with melodic contours)

but negatively to “prohibition” vocalizations (with sharp, staccato intonations), even when vocalizations are in an unfamiliar language. By the end of the first year, infants have learned about the referentiality of emotion: People express emotion about objects, people, or events in the environment, and thus people’s emotional responses provide valuable information about other things in the world. If a mother shows a positive facial and vocal emotional response to a novel object, a 1-year-old is more likely to approach the object than if the mother displays fear, in which case the infant is more likely to keep away. This phenomenon is called social referencing, and it reveals the infant’s enlistment of emotional cues into social understanding, which is a lifelong skill. In the years following, children become significantly more proficient at perceiving not only others’ feelings but also the causes of those feelings as emotion understanding develops. Perception of emotion in others can also contribute to empathy, which also matures with the growth of emotion understanding. Young infants respond resonantly to others’ distress and toddlers show concerned attention, but early indications of empathic emotional arousal are not often accompanied by prosocial initiatives until much later, when children better grasp the causes of another’s distress and the behaviors that might alleviate distress. Throughout childhood, empathy is motivationally complex, but whether or not it instigates helping behavior it reveals the child’s emotional as well as cognitive response to perceptions of another’s feelings. In some respects, the capacity to feel along with another’s distress is a basic human connection, established early in life, that promotes affiliative behavior and curbs aggressive conduct. Grow th of Emotion Under standi ng Developing emotion understanding is crucial to children’s capacities to comprehend emotion in others and the self. As social referencing shows, even infants have a rudimentary nonegocentric awareness that how another person feels about an object may differ from the baby’s own feelings. By age 2, toddlers comprehend how simple emotions are associated with the fulfillment or frustration of desires, and 4- to 5-year-olds have begun to appreciate how emotion is associated with (accurate or mistaken) thoughts or beliefs (e.g., surprise when the cookie jar is found empty). Fiveyear-olds also understand how emotions can be evoked by mental events like memories, such as when a child feels sad after encountering a kitten who reminds her of a pet who had died. Even though young children tend to talk about emotions in relation to external events, therefore, they also grasp the psychological determinants of feelings. Understanding the psychological bases of emotion deepens in middle childhood and adolescence, when children comprehend how emotions can be managed by cognitively reframing the situation, emotion-blunting thoughts, or by

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eliciting a competing emotional response. For this reason, older children also better understand the dynamics of emotion (such as how emotional intensity dissipates over time), multiple emotions experienced sequentially or simultaneously, and how personal background, experiences, and personality can yield unique emotional reactions. All of these achievements reflect greater psychological insight into emotional experience. Moreover, although 5-year-olds can mask their true feelings to conform to cultural display rules for emotion, it is not until middle childhood that children comprehend the meanings and purposes of these rules (e.g., to preserve another’s self-esteem). This reflects their growing appreciation of the difference between internal emotional experience and outward emotional display and contributes to their understanding of the privacy of emotional experience. In adolescence, understanding of ambivalent or confl icting emotions also emerges, along with complex emotional states (e.g., poignancy). Cultural values are crucial to developing emotion understanding. Cultural and subcultural values help define the emotions that are appropriate to experience and display, in social situations. For example, many middle-class American parents encourage even very young children to put their feelings into words. The Inuit of northern Canada regard the expression of anger as inappropriate at any age and destructive to the social fabric. By contrast, in some working-class communities in the United States, children are encouraged to act quickly and decisively to protect themselves and to speak up in anger, but only in situations of self-defense. Different languages also portray the range of human emotions in different ways. For example, the Chinese language has a large and complex vocabulary for shame and related notions. In many cultures, furthermore, the conventions and display rules for emotion differ for boys and girls, such as the greater acceptance of feelings of fear and sadness in girls, and anger in boys, in middle-class European American communities. How do these advances in emotion understanding develop? In addition to their remarkable capacities for careful observation from which they derive understanding of people’s feelings, and the influence of broadening social experience, children benefit from their conversations with peers and adults. In appropriate cultural contexts— whether overhearing adult references to emotion, discussing their feelings with another, receiving instruction about appropriate emotional displays, or merely in the structure of their native language—children learn about emotion as parents interpret, elaborate, teach, inquire, and otherwise clarify the child’s emotion understanding. In doing so, of course, parents socialize emotion knowledge according to cultural values, gender norms, and subcultural expectations for emotionality. Conversations with peers and siblings also contribute to emotion understanding in young children, and studies, based largely on middle-

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class European American samples, show that children who have more frequent and deeper conversations with parents and peers about emotions are more advanced in emotion understanding than children who have fewer such conversations. E motio n an d D e v elo pi ng S el f-Awar en e s s Young children become more psychologically self-aware late in the second year of life, describing their characteristics, asserting their preferences, and talking about their feelings and thoughts. Combined with their sensitivity to social evaluations of their behavior, they also begin to show emerging reactions of pride, guilt, shame, embarrassment, and other self-conscious emotions. Whereas a 1-yearold shows joy in accomplishing goals, a 2- or 3-year-old smiles, looks to an adult, and proudly calls attention to the achievement and in other circumstances exhibits guilt after misbehavior. The emergence of self-conscious emotions is a major advance in the range of emotional responses beyond basic emotions like happiness, sadness, anger, fear, surprise, and disgust. Self-conscious emotions develop at the same time that toddlers become more self-aware and are beginning to spontaneously apply evaluative standards to their own behavior. Thus the social circumstances associated with early experiences of pride, shame, and guilt, and the adults’ communicated evaluative standards when they applaud or criticize the child’s conduct, contribute significantly to developing self-concept and the internal standards by which young children are beginning to independently evaluate themselves. Emotions and Emotion R egul ation Emotions motivate competent functioning but, as any parent knows, can also be disorganizing and maladaptive. This is especially true of young children who have limited skills in managing their emotions. Consequently, emotion regulation is viewed as an important mediator between emotion and its adaptive or maladaptive consequences. Children who have greater difficulty managing their emotions are more confl ictual in interactions with peers, less cooperative with caregivers, and at greater risk for psychological problems such as conduct disorders. Infants depend on others to regulate their arousal, so the earliest forms of emotion regulation consist of caregivers’ interventions to soothe distress, offer reassurance in fearful circumstances (via social referencing), and convey enthusiastic delight to enhance the child’s pleasure. Parents also strive to manage the emotional demands of everyday events on young children and, at later ages, coach children on expectations and strategies for emotion management. Their sympathetic, critical, dismissive, or punitive responses to the child’s emotional expressions also influence children’s emotion management through their evaluations of the

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appropriateness of the child’s feelings. In these and other ways, emotions are managed by others in childhood and, indeed, throughout life. Beginning late in infancy, however, emotions also become internally managed in increasingly sophisticated ways. Whereas the newborn may cry uncontrollably, the toddler seeks assistance from others, the preschooler talks about what causes her feelings, the school-age child reconsiders goals or uses other cognitive strategies, and the adolescent enlists meaningful music or close relationships to manage feelings. The growth of these intrinsic capacities for emotion regulation builds on advances in emotion understanding, self-awareness, and social relationships that enable children to better comprehend the personal causes and consequences of emotional arousal and the most effective strategies for managing it. With increasing age, therefore, emotion regulatory strategies become increasingly sophisticated, flexible, and contextually appropriate, with children substituting effective for ineffective strategies in order to enlist emotions into their personal and social goals. Emotions and C lo se R el ationsh i ps Emotional development is shaped by social experiences from birth, as parental responsiveness guides a baby’s emotional experience and elicits developing trust in the adults’ support. As discussed, parent-child relationships influence a child’s emotional perceptions through social referencing, emotion understanding through conversation, the growth of self-conscious emotions through their applause or criticism, and emotion regulation through parental comforting, coaching, and modeling affective self-control. In these and other relational contexts, moreover, caregivers socialize emotional development according to cultural portrayals of emotion categories and concepts, display rules for emotional expressions, and provide expectations for emotion management that also vary according to gender and socioeconomic status. Relationships with siblings and peers are also important to emotional development as children acquire age-graded emotional concepts and expectations for emotional displays from other children and experience the support (or lack of support) of their peers in efforts to cope with difficult challenges. Beyond these specific influences, the broader emotional climate of the family is also important to emotional growth. Children growing up in homes characterized by family confl ict experience greater stress than do those in well-functioning homes, and family members are also models of affective functioning that influence children’s developing concepts of emotionality in the world at large (e.g., are emotions threatening? empowering? irrational? uncontrollable?). At the center of the emotional climate of the family is the security children derive from their attachments to their parents. Beginning in infancy, children in secure relationships experience more sensitive parental

responsiveness to their emotional signals and are likely to experience greater confidence in the adults’ support and in sharing their feelings—especially disturbing or confusing feelings—with their parents. By contrast, children in insecure parent-child relationships are likely to perceive less support from their caregivers and are more prone to dysregulated emotion, especially under stress. Consistent with this view, research has shown that securely attached children are more advanced in emotion understanding and exhibit greater capacities for emotion regulation than do insecure children. The importance of the quality of close relationships to emotional development is also apparent when parent-child relationships are troubled. Children from homes characterized by marital confl ict exhibit heightened sensitivity to adult distress and anger and diminished emotion management when adults argue between themselves. Young offspring of parents with affective disorders like depression are at heightened risk of emotional psychopathology, in part because of the caregiver’s limited accessibility as a source of emotional support and parenting practices that enhance the child’s feelings of responsibility and helplessness. These circumstances underscore the deep connection between emotional development and children’s experiences in close relationships and the vulnerability of children to emotional difficulties in troubled families. C o nc lu s io n Contemporary understanding of emotional development contrasts with traditional views by emphasizing that from early in life, emotions are constructive (as well as occasionally disruptive) influences on competent functioning, are important (rather than peripheral) features of organized behavior, integrate multiple facets of psychological growth, and are deeply associated with individual goals and their achievement. Current thinking also underscores the importance of understanding typical emotional development for its insights into the origins of emotional psychopathology and its treatment in children. By contrast with earlier views, developmental scholars today have a strong appreciation for the depth and richness of the emotional experience of young children, their vulnerability to emotional problems from a surprisingly early age, and the close association between emotional well-being or dysfunction and the quality of children’s social experiences, particularly in close relationships. These insights promise to find continuing applications to the design of practices, programs, and therapies intended to enhance the emotional well-being of children and adolescents. Ross A. Thompson see also: Attachment, Infant; Development, Theories of; Emotional Disorders, Education of Children with; Empathy; Fears, Phobias, and Anxiety Disorders; Independence, Dependence, and Interdependence; Personality; Self Development; Shame and Guilt; Social Development; Stages of Childhood; Temperament

e mo t io n a l d is o r d e r s , e d u c a t io n o f c h il d r e n w it h further reading: John Gottman, Lynn Katz, and Carole Hooven, Meta-Emotion: How Families Communicate Emotionally, 1997. • Susanne Denham, Emotional Development in Young Children, 1998. • Carolyn Saarni, The Development of Emotional Competence, 1999. • Ross A. Thompson, M. Ann Easterbrooks, and Laura M. Padilla-Walker, “Social and Emotional Development in Infancy,” in Irving Weiner, ed., Handbook of Psychology, vol. 6, 2003, pp. 91–112. • Carolyn Saarni, Joseph J. Campos, Linda Camras, and David Witherington, “Emotional Development: Action, Communication, and Understanding,” in William Damon and Richard M. Lerner, eds., Handbook of Child Psychology, 6th ed., vol. 3, 2006, pp. 226–99.

emotional disorders, education of children with. Children with emotional disorders remain an underidentified and underserved population. Under the criteria established in the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA, the 1975 law mandating equal educational opportunity for children with disabilities), only about 1% of public school children in the United States qualify as “emotionally disturbed.” However, estimates place the real number closer to 10%. One reason for underidentification may be that no definition of emotional disorder is universally accepted. Beyond the presence of behaviors that are discordant with individual socialinterpersonal environments, emotional disorders are difficult to define because of differences in theoretical models and the different needs of social agencies. Problems associated with normal variability of behavior and measuring social-interpersonal behavior mean that no definition can be completely objective. To foster improved outcomes for children with emotional disorders, the following recommendations have been offered: expand positive learning opportunities, strengthen school and community capacity, value diversity, collaborate with families, promote ongoing skill development, and create comprehensive and cooperative delivery systems. A recent trend has been movement away from solely school-based interventions to increased collaboration with outside agencies (e.g., mental health, social services, health care, substance abuse, vocational) to create an interdisciplinary and interagency system of care. This approach has been termed wraparound planning and holds the advantage of meeting student needs during and beyond the school day. Recognition of the need for coordinated services has led to increased involvement of a child’s key social agents: the family. School personnel can contribute by fostering positive attitudes about school and enhancing support for the child. To promote behavior change beyond the classroom, a collaborative home-school intervention plan can be developed to foster generalized and meaningful behavior changes. To provide direct assistance, school personnel can form parent support groups that help parents in more effec-

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tively interacting with their children as well as providing a forum for discussing school and community services. Almost all children with emotional disorders also have academic difficulties, and more than 50% would also meet eligibility criteria for the specific learning disability category defined in the IDEA. Children with emotional disorders often experience significant school failure; two-thirds fail the competency exam for their grade level, while only one-third complete school. Failure in later life is most often associated with academic difficulties, not emotional disorders. Consequently, the individualized education plan (IEP) required by the IDEA legislation should provide an equal emphasis on instructional goals. Too often the focus on the behavior of children with emotional disorders obscures the fact that issues related to the type and quality of instruction have significant impact on learning and behavior. To support instructional goals, the behavioral goals in the IEP should emphasize increased motivation to learn so the child with emotional disorders can become actively and productively involved in her learning. Behavioral goals should not simply focus on controlling the child’s behavior but instead should emphasize positive change and improved mental health. The IEP should include a behavior intervention plan that proactively addresses behavior that interferes with the child’s learning or the learning of others. The foundation of a behavioral intervention plan is a functional behavioral assessment in which the specific purposes or goals of the child’s behavior are determined. A functional behavioral assessment assumes that behavior is purposeful, learned, predictable, and interactive and seeks information about the antecedents and consequences of the behavior, anything that reinforces the behavior, and the function the behavior serves for the child with emotional disorders. The behavioral assessment information is then used to develop a behavioral intervention plan, in which the following questions are addressed: Is it possible to modify the environment to prevent behavior that results in negative outcomes? Is the new behavior age appropriate? Does the new desired behavior satisfy the same function as the old behavior? Is it more reinforcing for the child to engage in the new desired behavior than the old behavior? What is the likelihood that the new desired behavior will be elicited and reinforced in the school setting? The goal of a behavioral intervention plan is to introduce environmental modifications that increase the likelihood of a child acting in a more appropriate manner. Once environmental modifications are decided, specific methods for developing desired skills are selected. For example, children who are socially withdrawn manifest behaviors that result in their avoidance of social contact and thus require techniques for increasing their social responsiveness. The interventions may include peer-assisted activities (e.g., peer imitation training, peer prompting and reinforcement) or

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child-managed procedures (e.g., self-monitoring). Most often, interventions are teacher directed and may include teacher prompting and reinforcement and social learning (e.g., modeling, coaching). Increasingly popular are commercially available social-skills curricula like Procedures for Establishing Relationship Skills and the Social Competence Intervention Package for Preschool Youngsters. Kenneth A. Kavale see also: Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder; Autism Spectrum Disorders, Education of Children with; Emotional Development; Special Education further reading: V. Jones, E. Dohrn, and C. Dunn, Creating Effective Programs for Students with Emotional and Behavior Disorders, 2004. • R. B. Rutherford, M. M. Quinn, and S. R. Mathur, Handbook of Research in Emotional and Behavioral Disorders, 2004. • L. K. Elksnin, and N. Elksnin, Teaching Social-Emotional Skills at School and Home, 2006.

empathy. Empathy has been defined in a variety of ways in the psychological literature. Some define it as the cognitive ability to understand others’ internal states, including their emotions. However, many psychologists now use the term to refer to an affective response that stems from the apprehension of another’s emotional state. This feeling is identical to or very similar to what the other person is feeling or would be expected to feel. Thus, if a child feels sadness due to observing another child who is sad, she is empathizing. In real-life situations, it is likely that empathy often turns into sympathy, personal distress, or both. Sympathy is a feeling of sorrow or concern for another person. For example, a child’s empathic response (sadness) to a sad child may change to sympathy (concern for the child). Sympathy frequently arises from empathy but can derive directly from the cognitive process of perspective taking. Personal distress may also stem from exposure to another’s state. However, unlike sympathy, personal distress is a self-focused, aversive emotional reaction to the vicarious experiencing of negative emotion. A child who feels anxious in response to another child’s sadness is experiencing personal distress. Sympathy is considered a more advanced moral response than empathy or personal distress because it is prosocial—that is, involves the intention to voluntarily benefit another. The precursors of empathy may be evident in the first few days of life: Young infants cry more in response to the cries of other infants than to a tape recording of their own cries. However, at 6 to 12 months of age, infants often ignore or simply observe others’ emotional reactions, or they may seem distressed or angry. At 12 to 24 months of age, children sometimes begin to show signs of true empathy. They may be disturbed by another’s distress, try to figure out why a person is distressed, and even try to help by sharing a toy or touching the other person. Over the first two

years of life, children seem to respond in increasingly appropriate ways, indicating that they realize that another person’s distress is different from their own. It is generally believed that young children’s empathy and their reactions to experiencing empathy become less self-focused with age and more likely to reflect sympathy. As children develop a deeper understanding of others’ emotions and thoughts, they are better able to differentiate another’s hurt or upset from their own and are more likely to try to alleviate it in appropriate ways. In fact, children’s helping appears to increase in the first three years of life, probably in part because of their emerging capacity for sympathy. Sympathy increases during childhood and likely stabilizes sometime in adolescence. In 1998, C. Daniel Batson published a chapter, “Altruism and Prosocial Behavior,” in the Handbook of Social Psychology in which he argued that people who experience sympathy for others are motivated to help, whereas those who experience personal distress are motivated to make themselves, rather than the other person, feel better. Preschool children who are prone to experience sympathy are relatively likely to try to help or share with others, whereas those who experience personal distress tend not to help when they can easily escape contact with the distressed person. Children who are oriented to others’ needs are more likely to assist another spontaneously and appear to be socially competent. In contrast, those prone to personal distress seem to help primarily when peers request help. Children who experience very low levels of empathy for others are more likely to engage in externalizing problems such as aggression and may be at risk for conduct disorder. Early sympathetic tendencies predict subsequent sympathy and prosocial behavior. Preschool children who share objects without being asked are more likely to refer to others’ needs when resolving hypothetical moral dilemmas. They also are higher in sympathy in late childhood, adolescence, and early adulthood and more likely to assist other people. Thus, individual differences in sympathy and empathy are somewhat stable across childhood. Both heredity and socialization affect individual differences in children’s empathy and sympathy. Identical (monozygotic) twins are more similar to each other in empathy and sympathy than are fraternal (dizygotic) twins. It is likely that genetic differences in children’s emotional responsiveness and in their ability to modulate and regulate their emotions affect children’s capacities for these feelings. Children who are better able to regulate their emotions when exposed to others’ negative emotions tend to be more sympathetic than their peers. They may be less likely to become overwhelmed by empathy and, thus, less likely to experience personal distress. Children prone to intense negative emotions, especially anger and frustration, are unlikely to experience sympathy. A variety of parental practices are thought to promote

empathy

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Both of my parents were teachers who had a strong sense of mission to contribute to the education and development of a modern secular society struggling out of the ashes of an old one that was based on tradition and religion. During my parents’ era, the so-called republican secularist reforms were in full swing. They had been started by Kemal Atatürk and the founders of the Turkish Republic after the war for Turkey’s independence in the early 1920s, following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire after World War I. The ties with six centuries of Ottoman rule were severed, and by the 1940s the reforms were consolidated. This process has been labeled the Turkish Enlightenment. My mother, in particular, represented what is now called the “second generation of republican teachers,” who carried the torch of educating the young toward an enlightened future and felt considerable responsibility and idealism for building a modern nation. She was especially conscious to carry out this educational mission using Socratic methods that appealed to a child’s respect for reason rather than to a child’s sense of fear of physical punishment or punitive discipline. Although neither of my parents had training in psychology or child development, they started their own private school, first as a kindergarten with only a handful of children. My mother wrote her memoirs in the last years of her life. In them she narrates an episode with Emrah, her grandson (my son), that to her represented the contrast between the premodern past and the enlightened future. I believe it also illustrates the parenting style of the secular and educated middle class, which was focused on promoting optimal child development. The two of them were alone at home. Emrah, who was about 4 years old, was watching my mother while she was changing her clothes. He said disapprovingly, “Grandma, you are so dark.” She said, “Yes, Emrah.” He continued, “Grandma, you are so fat.” She gulped and said, “Yes, grand-

the development of empathy and sympathy. Sympathetic parents who are warm and supportive and whose children are securely attached to them tend to have relatively empathic and sympathetic children. Moreover, children are more sympathetic if their parents use inductive discipline, reasoning with the child and explaining the effects of the misdeed on other people. In contrast, punitive discipline is associated with low levels of children’s sympathy and helping behavior. Parents who express moderate levels of emotion in the family and who allow children to express their emotions and help their children cope constructively with emotions are more likely to rear prosocial children. The foregoing description is based primarily on studies of middle-class children of European descent growing up in the United States, a culture that puts a premium on individualism. Within this group, empathy and sympathy

son.” And then Emrah concluded, “Grandma, you are so ugly; that’s why I don’t love you.” By this time she had had it—she didn’t know quite what to say and was ready to retort, “See if I care. . . . I don’t love you, either.” But she didn’t; she controlled herself, because in her own words, that would not have been “pedagogical.” The child was frank and telling the truth. So she pulled herself together, and this conversation then took place between them: “Emrah, you love your father, don’t you?” “Yes.” “Your father is handsome, isn’t he?” “Yes.” “If your father had a scar on his face and if that scar got infected and your father’s face looked terrible [said in a dramatic tone], would you not love your father because he became ugly?” “I would love him.” “Your mother is lovely and not fat at all, right?” “Yes.” “What if your mother got sick, God forbid, and had injections and therefore got fat, very fat—would you not love your loving mother?” “I would love her.” “My dear Emrah, people love their mothers, fathers, grandmothers, grandfathers, brothers, and sisters even if they are not good-looking.” She then got up, turned the TV on and started watching it as if nothing had happened. Emrah was quiet and was obviously reflecting on what had happened. He then slowly came up to her and put his little hand on her knee. This was it; she said, “My dear Emrah, are you sad because you made me sad?” He started crying and said, “Grandma, I told a lie; I love you very much.” The ice had melted. Cigdem Kagitcibasi

imagining each other

imagining each other

The Parenting Style of a Turkish Reformer

further reading: C. Kagitcibasi, Family, Self and Human Development across Cultures: Theory and Applications, 2007.

vary across the sexes. For example, girls report higher empathy and sympathy and engage in more helping behavior in some situations. However, they are not higher in physiological or some facial measures of these qualities, suggesting that girls may be more empathic and sympathetic in part due to others’ or their own gender-typed expectations. There is some evidence that patterns in the development of empathy/sympathy reported for middle-class European American children apply to children from some other countries (e.g., Germany) and to children from lower socioeconomic backgrounds. Cross-cultural research also points to differences in the development and expression of empathy and sympathy. Cultural groups create and sustain different norms, values, and beliefs relating to social relationships and emotions, including how to care for and help other people. Parents,

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teachers, and community members directly or indirectly teach these norms to children. Some cultures, such as in China and Indonesia, emphasize concern for others’ feelings and caring for members of the group. For example, they encourage children to help others, give to those who are needy, and distribute resources equitably within the group. In addition, groups may differ in how they define the individual (“I”) and the collective (“we”) self. For example, traditional Mexican culture has been considered highly collectivistic; participants often define the self through social connections with others. In such a culture, empathy is likely to be emphasized. Furthermore, different environments provide different developmental niches, including learning environments or activity settings. For example, children raised in traditional rural and agricultural communities such as the Gikuyu or the Luo of Kenya, where children are expected to contribute to familial labor or chores, tend to be more responsible than youth from industrialized societies, who are without such expectations. Nonetheless, beyond group differences in sociocultural or contextual demands, it is important to consider differences in how individuals within particular groups differ in the degree to which they internalize group values and norms. Nancy Eisenberg and Jeff rey Liew see also: Attachment, Infant; Bullying; Emotional Development; Personality; Social Development further reading: N. Eisenberg, The Caring Child, 1992. • M. H. Davis, Empathy: A Social Psychological Approach, 1994. • N. Eisenberg and R. A. Fabes, “Prosocial Development,” in N. Eisenberg, ed., Handbook of Child Psychology: Social, Emotional, and Personality Development, vol. 3, 5th ed., 1998, pp. 701–78.

employment, child. see Work, Children’s Gainful endocrine disorders. The endocrine system consists of organs that influence many aspects of a child’s growth and health. The hypothalamus and the pituitary in the brain are the central endocrine organs. The thyroid, parathyroid, adrenal, ovary, testis, and pancreas constitute the peripheral endocrine glands. A central theme within this organ system is the communication between cells by means of substances called hormones, which act as chemical messengers. Hormones are released by the endocrine glands into the bloodstream and are then transported to their target cells. There, the hormones interact with proteins called receptors in a manner similar to a lock and key mechanism. The hormone-receptor interaction causes specific chemical changes within the cell, which then lead to structural and functional changes in the child. Th e C en t r al En d oc r i n e S ys t em The hypothalamus and pituitary gland regulate the peripheral endocrine organs by means of trophic (stimulating)

hormones. The hormonal products of the peripheral organs in turn signal back to the hypothalamus and pituitary by means of feedback systems. The dynamic interactions between the central and peripheral organs help maintain balance. The trophic hormones made by the pituitary regulate the functions of the thyroid (TSH), the outer portion of the adrenal (ACTH), and the ovaries and testes (FSH and LH). The pituitary also secretes prolactin, growth hormone (GH), oxytocin, and antidiuretic hormone, which act as independent hormones. Antidiuretic hormone regulates water balance in the body by stimulating the reabsorption of water in the kidney tubules. Growth hormone regulates growth, particularly height after early infancy. Prolactin and oxytocin are important to lactation but may also have other important roles. Hypopituitarism (pituitary hormone deficiencies) can evolve gradually over the course of childhood and adolescence. Causes may be congenital, due to genetic disorders of the pituitary, or can be acquired later, due to trauma, surgery, tumors, or radiation treatment to the brain. The symptoms and physical manifestations are variable, depending upon the specific hormones that are affected. Deficiencies of TSH and GH can adversely affect growth. Deficiencies of FSH and LH lead to a delay or absence of pubertal development. The lack of ACTH leads to adrenal insufficiency. The deficiency of antidiuretic hormone causes diabetes insipidus, with excessive urination due to the inability to reabsorb water from the kidney tubules. Treatment of hypopituitarism involves replacing the deficient hormones. Grow th Ho r mo n e D ef ic i enc y Growth after birth is dependent on various factors, including general well-being and adequate nutrition. Genetic factors play a strong role in determining physical growth in children, so that childhood growth patterns and resultant adult heights vary between geographic regions and ethnic groups. Growth is also regulated by hormonal factors, which include GH, thyroid hormone, and pubertal hormones. GH deficiency, previously called pituitary dwarfism (this term is no longer used), can occur in an isolated manner or can be part of generalized hypopituitarism. Causes of GH deficiency include genetic abnormalities, surgery or trauma of the pituitary gland, and treatment of brain tumors. Sometimes the cause remains unclear; this is termed idiopathic GH deficiency. If GH deficiency is present at birth, the affected child might have hypoglycemia (low blood glucose levels), which can result in seizures. Male newborns with GH deficiency may have a small penis. GH deficient children have a slow growth rate. In addition, the child usually has delayed skeletal maturation, which is tested by obtaining an X-ray of the hand and comparing to standards. The diagnosis is made based on reviewing the child’s growth chart, measuring blood levels of growth factors (proteins made in the liver in response to GH), and testing the child’s

e n d o c r in e d is o r d e r s

response in blood GH levels after stimulation by medications or other hormones. GH deficiency is treated with injections of GH. Prior to the 1980s, GH was obtained by harvesting pituitary glands from cadavers. However, due to case reports of a devastating neurological condition called Creutzfeldt-Jakob disease (CJD) associated with cadaveric GH, only synthetic GH is now available for treatment. GH is injected subcutaneously on a daily basis. Treatment is continued for several years and is effective as long the growing ends of bones are open. With a rise in the number of manufacturers, GH is now more widely available for treatment. However, GH therapy still costs $20,000 or more for every year of treatment. This cost is justifiable when treating a child who has metabolic and growth problems resulting from GH deficiency. In the United States, GH treatment has been approved for treatment of short children without GH deficiency (idiopathic short stature). In that setting, however, the costeffectiveness and justification of GH therapy remain controversial. T h y ro i d D i s o r d er s The thyroid gland is situated in the front of the neck. It secretes the hormone thyroxine (T4), and its activated form, triiodothyronine (T3), with iodine being an important component of both of these hormones. The main function of thyroxine is in regulating the rate of energy metabolism. Thyroxine has major effects on the maturation of the nervous system and physical growth during gestation, infancy, and early childhood. Hypothyroidism (underactive thyroid gland) can occur due to congenital or acquired causes. The worldwide frequency of congenital hypothyroidism is about 1 in every 3,000 to 4,000 newborns. While some of these cases are only transient and reversible, due to thyroid diseases and medications in the mother, the majority are permanent, caused by structural or functional defects of the thyroid gland. In the United States, congenital hypothyroidism occurs at higher rates among Hispanic and Asian populations compared to Caucasians, and the incidence in African Americans is lower. If the infant is left untreated, the result is cretinism, a condition characterized by slowing physical growth, delay in developmental milestones, and irreversible intellectual disability. Newborn screening programs that exist in North America and Western Europe are able to detect hypothyroidism in the first one or two weeks of life, enabling the institution of early treatment and prevention of cretinism. The diagnosis is made by blood tests, which demonstrate low levels of thyroxine and elevated TSH levels. The treatment involves tablets of thyroxine administered by mouth daily. Worldwide, dietary iodine deficiency is the most common cause of acquired hypothyroidism. This is rarely encountered in nations that have public health policies man-

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dating iodination of salt. In these countries, autoimmune inflammation (response of the immune system toward one’s own organ) of the thyroid gland is the most common cause. It mainly affects adolescent and young adult females and often runs in families. Other causes of acquired hypothyroidism include certain medications, neck surgery, and radiation treatment. Symptoms may include goiter (enlargement of the thyroid gland), fatigue, sleepiness, unexplained weight gain, decreasing mental function, dry skin, coarse hair texture, constipation, and menstrual irregularity. The definitive diagnosis requires blood tests (low T4 and high TSH levels). The most widely used form of treatment involves synthetic thyroxine tablets. Some individuals prefer natural thyroid hormone supplements (tablets of powdered animal thyroid glands), but this is controversial, since controlled trials have not proved they are superior to synthetic thyroxine. Hyperthyroidism (overactive thyroid gland) primarily affects female adolescents and young adults and is usually caused by another autoimmune condition called Graves disease. Excess secretion of T4 and T3 hormones causes the symptoms of palpitations, nervousness, shakiness, feeling hot, difficulty falling asleep, eye prominence, enlarged thyroid gland, unexplained weight loss, and menstrual irregularity. Laboratory testing will show elevated blood levels of T4 and T3, with very low TSH levels. Treatment options include medications that lower T4 and T3 levels, surgery to remove the thyroid gland, or treatment with radioactive iodine. The choice of a particular treatment is based on the patient’s age, careful weighing of benefits against potential adverse effects, and preference of the family. Disor der s of th e Adr enal Gl and The adrenals (or suprarenal glands) are situated just above the kidneys, in the lower back. They secrete three classes of hormones: cortisol, a glucocorticoid hormone that regulates glucose metabolism and blood pressure; aldosterone, a mineralocorticoid hormone involved in salt balance; and DHEA-sulfate, a weak adrenal androgen (male hormone) present in both sexes. Congenital adrenal hyperplasia (CAH) is a group of inherited disorders that results in dysregulation of enzymes in the adrenal gland, causing cortisol deficiency. Some forms of CAH cause oversecretion of male hormones from the adrenals, leading to abnormal sexual development during fetal life in affected females. The more severe forms, which occur at a frequency of about 1 in 14,000, cause symptoms in the first two to three weeks of life. Symptoms include vomiting, lethargy, weight loss, hypoglycemia, electrolyte (salt) imbalances, and shock. Diagnosis requires measurements of blood levels of hormones after stimulation with ACTH. Treatment involves replacing the deficiencies of cortisol and aldosterone by oral medications. The children need extra precaution in stressful situations such as infections, when their need for medication goes up.

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Addison’s disease (autoimmune adrenal insufficiency) primarily affects young adult women but can also be seen in adolescents and males. In adults, the incidence is 1 in 25,000. Symptoms include weakness, weight loss, abdominal pain, darkening of the skin, salt craving, and salt imbalance in the blood. Low blood cortisol and high ACTH levels on laboratory tests confirm the diagnosis. Treatment requires replacing the deficient hormones cortisol and aldosterone by oral medications. Cushing syndrome refers to a group of disorders with overactivity of the adrenal gland. This is caused either by adrenal tumors or from overstimulation of the adrenals by pituitary tumors that make too much ACTH. The most common symptoms in children are excessive weight gain with slowing of height gain. Other findings include fatigue, purplish stretch marks on the skin, easy bruising, high blood pressure, and excess body hair. The diagnosis requires specialized laboratory tests for finding excess cortisol in the blood and urine. Following that, imaging studies such as CT or MRI scans of the head or adrenals are necessary to determine the source of the problem, either in the pituitary or in the adrenal. Treatment generally requires surgery and may result in permanent hormone deficiencies. Symptoms of Cushing syndrome can be seen in children who need high levels of steroid treatment for other conditions, such as asthma or leukemia. P r ec o c ious Pubert y Pubertal changes are the result of the hormone estrogen produced in the ovaries of girls and testosterone in the testes of boys. The average age for beginning pubertal development in North American girls is about 10 1/2 years, and in boys about a year later. Puberty is considered precocious (early) if it occurs before age 8 in girls and before age 9 in boys. Precocious puberty may result from problems in the hypothalamus, pituitary, ovaries, testes, or adrenals, all requiring careful evaluation. The consequences of early pubertal development include loss of height potential and difficulty in psychological adjustment with peers. Treatment involves hormone injections. D i a b et e s M el l i t u s Glucose, a simple sugar derived from the digestion of sugars and starches people consume in their foods, is the major source of energy in the human body. The hormone insulin, which is secreted by specialized cells in the pancreas, an organ situated behind the stomach, regulates blood glucose levels and enables cells to use blood glucose. Deficiency of insulin causes high blood glucose levels; this is called diabetes mellitus. The most common form of diabetes seen in children and adolescents results from autoimmune destruction of the insulin-producing cells and is called type 1 diabetes. In genetically susceptible children, diabetes can be triggered by

various factors, including viral infections. The role of cow’s milk exposure in causing diabetes is controversial. There is large geographic variability in the frequency of type 1 diabetes: It is more common in the Scandinavian countries (about 35 per 100,000 population per year) than in China and some South American countries (1 per 100,000). Symptoms include excessive urination, increased thirst, weakness, weight loss, headaches, and blurry vision. Sometimes the disorder proceeds to a severe condition called diabetic ketoacidosis, which may be followed by unconsciousness or coma. Type 1 diabetes is treated with insulin, which cannot be given by mouth. Most individuals take many injections of insulin everyday, although increasing numbers of children and adolescents now use sophisticated pumps that deliver insulin continuously under the skin. Attention to diet and adequate physical activity are also very important. The ability to check blood glucose levels at home using small machines has been a major advancement, allowing patients to adjust their insulin doses continually. The goal in diabetes management is to keep blood glucose levels as close to normal as possible, and this helps in preventing long-term problems such as kidney failure, blood vessel problems, nerve damage, and blindness. Type 2 diabetes, the most frequent form of diabetes seen in adults, used to be quite rare in children and adolescents as recently as 10 to 15 years ago. However, with the increasing problem of obesity in children, there has been a significant rise in the disorder in children. Recent studies have shown that in developed countries, type 2 diabetes now accounts for between 20% and 45% of new cases of diabetes in the child and adolescent age group. Lifestyle modification with diet and exercise are very important in the treatment, but medications, either oral or injection, may also be necessary. All the endocrine disorders have seen advances in the diagnosis, treatment, and understanding of the underlying mechanisms of illness. Although genetic factors play important roles in some of these disorders, the precise genetic mechanisms are largely unknown. Naveen K. Uli see also: Obesity and Dieting; Physical Growth and Development further reading: American Diabetes Association, American Diabetes Association Complete Guide to Diabetes, 4th ed., 2005. • The Hormone Foundation, http://www.hormone.org/public/ children.cfm

enuresis. see Bedwetting erikson, erik h(omburger) (b. June 15, 1902; d. May 12, 1994), leading developmental theorist of the 20th century. Erik H. Erikson is best known for proposing eight stages of psychosocial development and for articulating the con-

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cept of ego identity, the idea that mental health and progressive psychological development are related to the answer each individual person gives to the question “Who am I?” His Protestant father abandoned the family before Erik was born, and his mother married a Jewish pediatrician, Theodor Homburger. Growing up with the feeling that his true identity was a mystery to him, Erik Homburger worked briefly as a teacher and an artist before he undertook training in psychoanalysis with Anna Freud. In 1939, he became a naturalized American citizen, and he changed his surname to Erikson to mark what he saw as the maturation of his own identity. Based largely on his detailed observations of children in psychoanalytic therapy (and a few informal investigations in cultural anthropology), Erikson wrote Childhood and Society, first published in 1950. In this highly influential book, Erikson expanded on Sigmund Freud’s theory of psychosexual stages in childhood to articulate a full life-span theory of human development. He divided the life span into eight stages, each defined by a psychosocial challenge to be confronted by the developing person and his or her social environment. For example, Erikson reconceptualized Freud’s oral period of infancy as the stage of trust versus mistrust. The developmental goal of the first year of life, Erikson argued, is the establishment of a trusting bond between caregiver and infant. What followed in Erikson’s scheme were the toddler stage of autonomy versus shame and doubt, the early-childhood stage of initiative versus guilt, the laterchildhood stage of industry versus inferiority, the crucial adolescent (and young-adult) stage of identity versus role confusion, the young-adult stage of intimacy versus isolation, the midlife stage of generativity versus stagnation, and the last stage of life, ego integrity versus despair. In his psychobiography of the Protestant reformer Martin Luther (Young Man Luther, 1958) and in subsequent books, Erikson focused a great deal of attention on the developmental issue of identity. For Erikson, the development of an effective identity in the adolescent and young-adult years should entail a long period of personal exploration and eventual commitments to ideological and occupational projects that define who a person is while situating him or her within a productive societal niche. In the 1960s and 1970s, the theory helped popularize the notion of identity crisis, and it served as an inspiration for young people’s questioning of the status quo. Some critics, however, argued that Erikson’s theory applied mainly to privileged white males in Western societies, while others suggested that the entire stage scheme, with its optimistic pronouncements about personal growth and development, assumed an overly beneficent relationship between self and society. In later works, especially Gandhi’s Truth (1969), Erikson expanded on his ideas about development in the middleand later-adult years, exploring the challenges of love, work,

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and caring for the next generation (generativity). His theoretical writings continue to have an important impact on research in developmental psychology in the 21st century, especially with respect to the study of infancy, adolescence, and midlife. Dan P. McAdams see also: Development, Theories of: Psychoanalytic Theories; Identity; Personality; Stages of Childhood further reading: Lawrence J. Friedman, Identity’s Architect: A Biography of Erik H. Erikson, 1999.

ethnic identity. Ethnic identity typically refers to an individual’s sense of belonging to an ethnic group, including the thoughts, feelings, and attitudes related to this aspect of personal identity. Historically, the term ethnic identity has had many definitions, from the simple indication of membership to an ethnic group to the more nuanced qualities of ethnic salience and pride that are used in research today. Though sometimes inconsistent, the diversity of definitions reflects the diversity of disciplines studying the phenomenon: Anthropologists, sociologists, and acculturation researchers as well as social, developmental, and crosscultural psychologists have all studied ethnic identity and its meaning to both individuals and societies. Regardless of the exact definition used, it is well understood that developing positive ethnic identities is of central psychological importance for ethnic and racial minority youth, including children and adolescents of color in the United States. Within the social and behavioral sciences, the term ethnic identity dates back to the early 1800s, when immigration changes in Europe brought about an interest in understanding psychological aspects of “national” identities. Attention to the psychology of ethnic identity reemerged later in the United States during the civil rights movement, when public discourse increased on the topics of race and ethnicity. In 1990, Jean Phinney published an influential article, “Ethnic Identity in Adolescents and Adults: A Review of Research,” in Psychological Bulletin. Describing the theoretical frameworks used for understanding ethnic identity (e.g., Erik H. Erickson’s theories of identity formation, Henri Tajfel and John Turner’s social identity theory from the mid-1980s, and acculturation theories by researchers such as J. W. Berry), this article drew attention to the importance of ethnic identity for psychological well-being and argued that more attention should be paid to the development of ethnic identity in adolescence. Subsequently, the field of developmental psychology has seen a great increase in the amount of research addressing ethnic identity, particularly in adolescence, and has expanded to include diverse samples of youth, including Asian, Hispanic, and numerous European ethnic immigrant and second-generation groups. Nevertheless, other ethnic groups, including Native American and Middle Eastern children, remain understudied.

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Reflecting prevailing research in the field today, this overview emphasizes the latest findings from developmental research of ethnic minority child and adolescent ethnic identity development, particularly in the context of the United States. Similar research has been conducted in Europe and Australia, where the underlying principles of ethnic identity in childhood are similar to those observed in the United States, but includes different minority and majority ethnic groups. C o nsequenc es of Et h n ic I d en t i t i e s Across many ethnic groups, research with adolescents has shown that the labels individuals select to describe themselves (such as “American,” “Asian,” or “Dominican American”) are important indicators of both acculturation and ethnic identity formation. For example, work by Ruben Rumbaut in the Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Study in Southern California and Florida showed very interesting patterns of ethnic label use depending on adolescents’ acculturation and attitudes about family. Children of various Latino and Asian ethnic backgrounds selected nationality labels most frequently if they were foreign born (compared to U.S. born). Speaking English very well, having parents who prefer “American ways,” and higher levels of parent education were all associated with greater use of the label “American” or “Hyphenated American” and less use of nationality labels. Adolescents who were embarrassed by parents also tended to select the “American” label more frequently than the nationality label, although adolescents who believed that living close to family is “very important” were most likely to use a nationality label to describe themselves. Although the use of ethnic and racial labels is clearly linked to acculturation and children’s family cultural socialization, labeling constitutes only a portion of ethnic identification. Other aspects of ethnic identity include salience (degree of importance of ethnic identity), centrality (the extent to which ethnicity plays a central role in one’s self-concept), satisfaction (positive or negative attitudes toward one’s own ethnic identity), and pride (the sense of social ethnic in-group belonging). Each of these plays an important, nuanced role in psychological functioning and well-being. Among adolescents, a strong, positive, and secure sense of ethnic identity has been linked to fewer mental health and behavioral difficulties, greater academic achievement, and the development of more positive peer relationships. In addition, having a strong, positive ethnic identity may protect against risky health behavior such as smoking and drug use. Particularly for adolescents living in ethnically or racially diverse neighborhoods, strong commitment to and positive feelings toward one’s ethnic group foster high self-esteem. In children, emerging ethnic identity and ethnic pride have been linked to more positive cop-

ing styles as well as more positive relationships with peers of like and unlike ethnic backgrounds. I nfluenc es on Eth nic I den tit y Although many similarities in ethnic identity development have been documented across ethnic groups, differences between ethnic groups and variability within ethnic groups also are common. This is especially so in research investigating the ways in which family and community contexts influence the development of ethnic identity. Among children of immigrant families, family cultural practices, language maintenance, and social and gender role expectations all influence a child’s developing ethnic identity. For example, according to research by Cynthia García Coll and Amy Marks, Dominican children of immigrant families experience their ethnic identities differently from Cambodian children living in the same urban community. Dominican children, whose families maintain cultural traditions alongside strong family ties in the Dominican Republic, report high levels of pride in being Dominican. In addition to pride, Dominican children also show strong preferences to play with children from their own ethnic, as well as other ethnic, backgrounds. However, later in adolescence these youth often struggle with maintaining their ethnic identities as they can be racially ascribed “black” and encounter negative racial stereotyping and discrimination. It is important to note here that racial and ethnic identities often are overlapping, intertwining processes that inform each other, depending on family and community ethnic and racial socialization. In contrast, although also reporting high ethnic pride, Cambodian children tended to not want to play with children from other ethnic backgrounds, a group-level trend that may be related to their families’ social isolation and lack of community resources as refugees. In addition to differences in ethnic identity between and within particular ethnic groups, the communities in which children live also shape the development of ethnic identities. Indeed, many scholars now make use of ecological frameworks that acknowledge the influence of multiple contexts, including family, school, community, and environment on the development of ethnic identity. These approaches are particularly important in understanding ethnic identity among children of immigrant families, whose acculturation to the United States may include developing, or redeveloping, their ethnic identities. For example, as children of immigrant families acculturate to the United States, children oftentimes integrate new cultural practices and ethnic or racial self-concepts with those practiced by their parents from the country of origin. These new practices and selfconcepts can be shaped by peers at schools, media on television, and qualities of interethnic group contact within their neighborhoods. For many immigrant youth, especially with children who may be categorized as racial minority mem-

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bers, families must teach children to maintain ethnic pride, positive feelings about their ethnic identities, and high selfesteem in the face of discrimination and prejudice. Such cultural socialization also helps maintain favorable social adjustment, high academic grades, and high academic aspirations among second-generation immigrant youth. Bicultur al Eth nic I den titi es Early research with immigrant adults documented the negative consequences for the individual having to forge multiple ethnic identities as they went through a process of acculturation coined as culture shock. Such “shock” has long been thought to create, among bicultural and biracial individuals, confl ict in identity accompanied with social problems and psychological distress. However, more recent research with children and adolescents has revealed that being bicultural (or multicultural) also has psychological benefits, allowing children to draw upon multiple frames of reference in developing social skills. Some recent studies now suggest that bicultural individuals tend to be more successful in academic endeavors than their monocultural peers. Currently, there is a growing appreciation for the interpersonal and cognitive skills (e.g., “frame switching”) used by bicultural individuals to support these bicultural adaptations (e.g., identity development as well as appropriate social responses depending on the cultural context). Frame switching is a process in which an individual moves between two distinct (but often overlapping) sets of cultural interpretive frames (e.g., language, categorical classifications of information, social customs and values) in response to cues in the social environment. Recent research using experimental methods has demonstrated that individuals can be primed to think in a particular cultural frame and that there is variability between individuals regarding the ease with which a person moves back and forth between multiple frames to make appropriate social decisions and responses. Future research making use of increasingly sophisticated social-cognitive methods of capturing frame switching (such as computer-based response time tasks, and brain imaging methods) will undoubtedly yield new perspectives for understanding how children and adolescents form multiple ethnic identities, how different aspects of those identities may be activated, and how the activation of such identities influences social decision making. D i s c r i m i nat io n a n d M argi na l i z at io n Numerous studies have captured both the resiliency and susceptibility of social identities under the pressures of marginalization, stigmatization, discrimination, and ethnic stereotyping. For children, the influences of marginalization and discrimination come from many sources, such as media images and reports, teachers, and peers. Discrimination may be overt (e.g., physical threats, name-calling,

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or social exclusion based on racial stereotyping) or subtle (e.g., not being called on in class as often as other students). In an important book, Shades of Black: Diversity in AfricanAmerican Identity (1991), William Cross discussed numerous ways in which racism triggers individuals to confront their ethnic and racial identities (e.g., by creating an “oppositional” identity). According to John Ogbu, a proponent of oppositional identity theories, such identities are brought about through a process in which symbols (e.g., dress, language, or behaviors) are associated with the dominant culture and seen as inappropriate for the minority culture. This process leads to forming a different set of values within the subordinate population that is in opposition to the majority culture. Individuals within the minority culture, then, form oppositional identities, taking on personal behaviors and self-concepts that are in opposition to majority norms. For example, some researchers have reported on the phenomenon of “acting white,” in which minority individuals are confl icted between hiding their behaviors that may be considered as “acting white” (e.g., succeeding in school) and being open with such actions. Nevertheless, although some youth may exhibit behaviors consistent with an oppositional identity, many youth do not. In fact, research has shown that many youth respond to discrimination by exploring their racial and ethnic identities in positive ways, ultimately achieving greater self-acceptance and psychological well-being. Though it is often difficult to document links between specific instances of discrimination and specific consequences to identity, children’s general perceptions and experiences of discrimination, as well as their ability to understand ethnic or racial prejudice, are clearly related to the development of ethnic identity. Experiences of racial discrimination at school by teachers and peers can lead to declines in grades, academic self-confidence, and academic values, as well as increased behavioral problems. However, having a strong ethnic identity may reduce the negative impact on students’ academic success and self-concept of daily experiences and perceptions of racial discrimination at school. It is also important to note that numerous studies have demonstrated that children and adolescents living in poverty, and those who are doubly marginalized in terms of gender (i.e., female), sexuality (i.e., homosexual), or race (i.e., black), in addition to facing economic marginalization, are at highest risk for negative long-term developmental problems. These cumulative effects of long-term disadvantage place children at highest risk for mental health problems, including depression, anxiety, conduct disorder, and suicide. Lo ngitudi nal Studi es Some of the most powerful recent advances in ethnic identity research have emerged from longitudinal studies docu-

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menting the changing role of ethnic identity in children’s psychological development. For example, one study found an increase in exploration of ethnic identity and group esteem across the early and middle adolescent years. During this developmental period, adolescents reshape their personal identities in a variety of contexts and begin to define themselves through a complex process in which ethnic identity is formed. Other research has demonstrated that as children’s cognitive abilities develop, children are more accurate at selecting a variety of ethnic and racial labels to describe themselves. Although some of the earliest ethnicityrelated identity studies focused on young children, a strikingly small proportion of recent research has focused on children prior to adolescence. From such research, researchers have concluded that ethnic identity develops gradually during childhood into adolescence. However, most research has focused on ethnic identity in adolescence, when youth are most capable of introspection and abstract thought about what it means to have an ethnic identity and be part of an ethnic group. During adolescence, when youth increasingly wonder who they are and whom they would like to be, ethnic minority youth may begin to actively navigate between the values and beliefs of their parents’ and families’ cultures as well as that of the majority population. As one youth said when asked to describe her ethnicity, “I don’t know. I would say . . . usually I don’t really know what to say for that, I am pretty confused when it comes to that because I am not just one thing.” Despite new advances in ethnic identity research, future studies are needed to chart the development of ethnic identities more comprehensively across the entire child-adolescent developmental span. Amy Kerivan Marks, Kelly Kristin Powell, and Cynthia García Coll see also: Affirmative Action, Children and; African American Children; Asian American Children; Identity; Latino Children in the United States; Multicultural Education; Native American Children; Prejudice and Stereotyping; Race and Children’s Development; Self Development; Socialization of the Child further reading: A. Portes and D. MacLeod, “Educational Progress of Children of Immigrants: The Roles of Class, Ethnicity and School Context,” Sociology of Education 69, no. 4 (1996), pp. 255–75. • J. S. Phinney, G. Horenczyk, K. Liebkind, and P. Vedder, “Ethnic Identity, Immigration, and Well-Being: An Interactional Perspective,” Journal of Social Issues 57, no. 3 (2001), pp. 493–510. • D. N. Ruble, J. Alvarez, M. Bachman, J. Cameron, A. J. Fuligni, C. García Coll, and E. Rhee, “The Development of a Sense of ‘We’: The Emergence and Implications of Children’s Collective Identity,” in M. Bennet and F. Sani, eds., The Development of the Social Self, 2004. • C. R. Cooper, C. García Coll, B. Thorne, and M. F. Orellana. “Beyond Demographic Categories: How Immigration, Ethnicity and ‘Race’ Matter for Children’s Identities and Pathways through School,” in C. R. Cooper, C. García Coll, W. T. Bartko, H. Davis, and C. Chatman, eds., Developmental Pathways through Middle Childhood: Rethinking Contexts and Diversity as Resources, 2005.

european history, childhood and adolescence in. In Europe in the Middle Ages, ideas about childhood came from two sources: classical antiquity and Christianity. From classical antiquity came a repertory of stories about how childhood should be spent, a language for describing children, and assumptions in law about relationships within the family. When John of Wales, an eminent Franciscan of the 13th century, wrote a series of model sermons on childhood, he used a multiplicity of examples from the ancient world to drive home the need for children to respect their parents and for parents to discipline their children. He also borrowed from the ancient world the division of childhood into seven-year periods: infantia, the first 7 years, followed by pueritia, from 7 to 14, and adolescens, up to 21. In law, patria potestas, the overriding power of the father within the family, had a legacy in European history that had some residue until very recently. There was much in Christianity that was consonant with the thinking of classical antiquity on childhood, perhaps particularly an emphasis on the necessity of corporal punishment in rearing a child. “Spare the rod and spoil the child” (Proverbs 13:24) was a text endlessly repeated and its precept regularly put into practice in the Middle Ages and beyond. But in the New Testament, there were passages that suggested that a child was not some kind of lesser being, marked most of all by its deficiencies, but perhaps closer to God than most adults. Adults might have to retain some of the characteristics of childhood if they were to enter the kingdom of heaven. Moreover, a child at birth was a soul waiting to be saved. Christians were to differ substantially on how this might best be done, but, in the Middle Ages, following the teaching of St. Augustine (d. 430) that humans are born with original sin inherited from Adam, the emphasis was placed on infant baptism. An unbaptized child, it was said, would go to hell or, slightly more humanely from the end of the 12th century, to limbo. But once a child was baptized, it was thought of as innocent. From the 12th century onward, there was an increasingly sentimental view of young children, articulated and reinforced through realistic paintings of the baby Jesus with the Madonna and by frequent depictions of the massacre of the innocents. Some historians, most notably Philippe Ariès, have asserted that in the Middle Ages and in the early modern period, up to the 18th century, a concept of childhood was not recognized and that children were looked on as “little adults.” There is now a weight of evidence that there was a clear recognition in the Middle Ages of childhood and of stages of development in it, together with a body of advice on child rearing that suggests children conceptualized not unlike the way contemporary people conceptualize theirs. Medical advice, mostly derived from the ancient world and reaching southern Europe through Arabic sources in the 11th century, recognized specific childhood ailments, more than 50 of them by the end of the 15th century.

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A doctor in Montpellier in the 14th century advised mothers who had a restless baby to offer the nipple, to rock the baby gently, to sing “sweet songs,” to carry the baby about, and to check whether its clothing was soiled or too tight or too loose. If children were hurt in accidents, parents, in desperation, sought the help of saints who might miraculously cure them—and, apparently, they often did. As they grew up, children helped in the home or on the land, but the pattern of accidents did not shift from play to work until they were about 8, and most children were with their parents, helping them, until they were 12 or older. There was a gradual initiation into the world of work, children learning what lay ahead of them by observation and by carrying out ancillary tasks. For some children, but not for the mass of the poor, adolescence might be associated with formal apprenticeship, which itself might last up to seven years. Full adulthood was achieved only on marriage, and for most of the population in central, western, and northern Europe and around the Mediterranean, it came late, in the mid- to late 20s. Only the aristocracy, with a need to provide male heirs, married in their early teens. In eastern and southeastern Europe, by contrast, where marriage could precede economic independence, it came much earlier. The late age of marriage in most of Europe meant that married women’s reproductive years were usually 15 years or less and produced five or six births. Taking account of high infant and child mortality, the number of children who would survive to adulthood would be two or three. These distinctive demographic features of Europe varied only at the margin until the late 19th century, when lower mortality and lower fertility became the norm. Because of the reduction in infant and child mortality, however, family size remained much the same. In the Middle Ages, school was for a minority only, its main purpose being to provide literate priests for the church. From the 15th century, researchers can trace the beginning of a move toward age grading and discipline in schools, so that school began to take on its modern association with childhood. But for most children, and especially for girls, education happened outside school, in the home and its surrounds. Parents, for the most part, cared for their children, but they did not think that how they reared their children would determine the child’s life. Childhood was a time in which a child’s innate character might begin to emerge, but it was itself of little importance in forming that character. The few people who wrote the stories of their own lives devoted hardly any space to their childhoods. The Protestant Reformation of the 16th century both divided Europe and, where it took root, placed a new emphasis on the importance of childhood. For Protestants, infant baptism could no longer save the child from sin. The child needed to be brought to a sense of its own sin and to the necessity of salvation. Children were no longer innocent but,

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as a German sermon put it, as much drawn to sin as a cat is to a mouse. Salvation was most likely to come through knowledge of the Bible, or the catechisms drawn from it, and a parent could not begin too early to teach a child. Coming as it did it soon after the invention of printing, the Protestant Reformation was able to imagine a world where all children would be taught to read the Bible, Germany perhaps coming closest to achieving this with numerous ordinances passed by state governments insisting on the necessity of establishing schools. The Catholic response to this Protestant onslaught had a remarkably similar outcome: Childhood became the battleground on which the future was staked out, and there was throughout Europe a huge increase in the amount of schooling available. Toward the end of the 17th century, as the fervor of the religious wars faded, the dominantly Christian approach to child rearing also began to fade. There had been in the late Middle Ages and in the humanism of the Renaissance a body of literature designed to teach better-off children how to behave, at mealtime or in the company of adults. John Locke’s Some Thoughts Concerning Education (1693) can be seen to belong to this tradition. His practical concern was how to bring up a child so that it would become a model English gentleman. How we turn out as adults, he claimed, depends almost entirely on our education, a sharp break from medieval teaching. If a child’s mind is, in a famous image, like wax, then the educator has a huge responsibility in molding it. And the way to do it was to instill good habits. Locke’s work appeared in a dozen English editions by the mid-18th century and in several in French, German, Italian, Dutch, and Swedish. Equally influential, but with a very different message, was Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s Emile (1763). Rousseau was the first in European history to place the emphasis on the child more than on the adult in the making. Children, he argued, had their own ways of doing, thinking, and seeing, and we should give these free play, preventing adults from imposing their own ideas. Many educated parents across Europe sought to bring up their children in the spirit of Rousseau’s principles. Some people, like the poet William Wordsworth (1770–1850), went even further than Rousseau and came to think of the child as a messenger sent from God to help redeem a corrupted adult world. From being the least of all human beings, children were becoming the most important. Some of these new ways of thinking associated with Locke and Rousseau began to work their way into the policies of governments and voluntary associations. Churches had long played a public role with respect to children. Pope Innocent III in the early 13th century is said to have been so distressed by the sight of dead abandoned babies in the Tiber in Rome that he moved to set up foundling hospitals to rescue these children. The hospitals spread across southern Europe over the next few centuries, although they often had death rates that were alarmingly high. In the difficult

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economic times of the 16th century, efforts were made in many quarters of Europe, most inspired by the work of the Spanish humanist Juan Luis Vives, to set up institutions to get children off the street and train them for a socially responsible adulthood. In Protestant England at the end of the 16th century, government was so concerned about the poverty of children and the disorder associated with it that it set up a poor law, funded by local taxes, to provide care, if ungently. In the 18th century, enlightened despots competed with one another in their legislation concerning children. Many of them wanted to introduce compulsory schooling, though it always proved difficult to put into practice. Enlightened despots viewed children as the manpower and womanpower of the future and tried to train them to this end. Foundling hospitals, for example, became prestigious institutions, nurseries for rearing children for the service of the state as sailors, soldiers, or factory workers. In Moscow, the foundling hospital rivaled the Kremlin for dominance of the skyline. New problems for governments emerged with the Industrial Revolution. Until then, many European youngsters had moved from childhood into work and adulthood by leaving home in their midteens to become apprentices or, more commonly, to become servants on farms or in households. In the 18th century, an increasing number stayed at home to work in domestic-based industries, primarily textiles. With mechanization, the work moved to mill and factory, and children became a key component of the workforce, cheaper and more docile than adults. Studies of family budgets right through the 19th and into the 20th century showed that children made a crucial contribution to the family economy. First in Britain and then elsewhere, however, opponents’ denunciations eventually prevailed: Children now seemed to be being sacrificed on the altar of commerce, and the natural order where adults provided for children overturned. Governments began to step in to control child work, with British initiatives rapidly followed by other industrializing countries. At the same time, there were further moves to give over at least some of the time of childhood to compulsory schooling, most European countries having legislated to this effect before the end of the 19th century. The influence of the ideas of Rousseau, Wordsworth, and other influential writers such as the Swiss Johann Heinrich Pestalozzi (1746–1827), the German Friedrich Froebel (1782–1852), or, later, the Italian Maria Montessori (1870–1952) began to alert philanthropists to the ways in which so many children in the growing cities of the 19th century were living in conditions that made it impossible for them to enjoy what was coming to be thought of as a proper childhood: protected, dependent on adults, ideally their parents, and happy. Innumerable schemes sought to provide poor children with a childhood and at the same time to remove from public gaze the children who all too

often seemed to be a danger and threat. Institutions of all kinds proliferated: orphanages, foundling hospitals, and farm colonies for children otherwise apparently entering on criminal careers. In the name of saving the child, individual children were shipped across the world, to Australia or Canada, given over to foster parents, or, all too often, locked up in institutions. Some thrived and welcomed the rescue, but all too many grew up without the individual affection that they needed. The move to “save the children” was powered in the early 19th century by Christian philanthropists. Toward the end of the century, as rival nationalisms sharpened, the state began to play an increasing role. Wars were always a catalyst for increased state activity directed toward children, and states were forced to recognize that their future in a competitive world lay with their children. Laws were passed in 1889 in both Britain and France giving the state the power to remove children from inadequate or cruel parental care. The “rights of the child” began to be invoked, their essence being a child’s right to a childhood as it had come to be defined. Across Europe, there was concern about the waste of child life through infant and child mortality, and strenuous efforts began to determine its causes and cures. Northern Europe led the way in reducing the death rates in the late 19th century, and they plummeted everywhere, though at different rates, through the 20th century. Poverty among children proved more difficult to reduce. It had been known for centuries that children formed a disproportionate number of those counted as poor. In the 20th century, the debate turned on how to alleviate this. Many states by the middle of the century had initiated some form of state or insurance support for families with children, but it was rarely enough to lift children out of poverty, and it coincided with a raising of the school leaving age, which prolonged the dependence of children upon their parents. Once compulsory schooling had been instituted, childhood and schooling became closely associated, and the raising of the school leaving age in effect prolonged childhood. In the early 21st century, there were no clear markers for when it would end, and the ages for such things as criminal responsibility, legal ability to drive a car or buy an alcoholic drink, and freedom of sexual behavior varied within and between countries. Adolescence in the 20th century began to rival childhood as a repository of hopes and fears—in adolescence’s case, mostly fears. Influenced by the work of American G. Stanley Hall, publicists began to depict adolescence as a dangerous journey through troubled waters. Without an anchorage in apprenticeship or work for the family, and with the beginnings of an income for themselves, young people seemed in their behavior, and in their susceptibility to the mass media, to be a danger to society. It was a concern that tracked its way through the century, with most commentators depicting a decline in morals and manners over time. To counteract it, much effort was put into giving

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adolescents a sense of belonging by encouraging them to join youth movements. These date back to the middle and late 19th century and were often organized by churches. In the early 20th century, they became more military in outlook and organization, sometimes with an explicit nationalist agenda in the years leading up to World War I. The importance ascribed to youth and adolescence reached its height in the 1920s and 1930s with fascist and communist states enrolling youths into their party structures: 98% of 10- to 18-year-olds in Germany were members of the Hitler Youth in 1939, and in the Soviet Union the Pioneers (for those aged 9 to 14) and the Young Communist League molded the next generation of leaders. In democracies, like Britain, the less obviously political Boy Scouts and Girl Guides and organizations like them enrolled high percentages of young people. Around the middle years of the 20th century, a profound change began to be noted: Whereas working-class children (the majority of all children) had until then, throughout European history, assumed that their first priority when they started working was their family rather than themselves, now their families allowed or encouraged them to keep their earnings for themselves. Increasing prosperity made this possible, but it also reflected a shift in the balance of power between generations. The flow of money now went from parents to children. In the late 20th and early 21st centuries, following the pattern initiated in the United States, children became themselves major players in the consumer market, badgering their parents to spend money on goods designed and marketed for children. From the late 18th century onward, Europeans had grown accustomed to thinking that their childhoods played a crucial role in the formation of their identities. Rousseau in his Confessions set the trend, being both astonishingly frank about his childhood and according to his childhood a significant weight in molding his own adult psyche. This emphasis on the importance of childhood, so different from the attitude in the Middle Ages, can be seen in the Netherlands and Germany in the late 18th and early 19th centuries and soon became commonplace. Sigmund Freud at the turn of the 19th century was in some ways simply confirming what many Europeans had already taken on board: that their adult selves were the product of their childhoods. This kind of thinking has contributed to the profound anxiety that affl icts individual parents and society at large about children and child rearing. Until the mid1970s, it was commonplace to see the history of childhood as one of progress, with more and more children being rescued from poverty or cruel treatment for the enjoyment of idealized and happy childhoods. The tone since then has been much less optimistic, with children being seen quite as much as problems—obese, ill disciplined, fixated on and corrupted by the media, endangered by their fellow children and by adults—than as a hope for the future. Eco-

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nomic difficulties probably initiated this shift in opinion, but it has taken on a life of its own, with parents increasingly trying to protect their children from what is seen as a hostile and dangerous world. Hugh Cunningham see also: Ancient Mediterranean World, Childhood and Adolescence in; Ariès, Philippe further reading: R. A. Houston, Literacy in Early Modern Europe: Culture and Education, 1500–1800, 1988. • Shulamith Shahar, Childhood in the Middle Ages, 1990. • Michael Mitterauer, A History of Youth, 1992. • Colin Heywood, A History of Childhood: Children and Childhood in the West from Medieval to Modern Times, 2001. • Hugh Cunningham, Children and Childhood in Western Society since 1500, 2nd ed., 2005.

evaluation, educational. see Testing and Evaluation, Educational

evolution of childhood, biological. People have four biologically defined stages of life history between birth and maturity. These are infancy (birth to, on average, age 2.9 years), childhood (2.9 to, on average, 6.9 years), juvenile (6.9 to 10 years for girls or 6.9 to 12 years for boys), and adolescence (10 to 18 to 19 years for girls or 12 to 20 to 22 years for boys). Life history theory is the study of the evolution and function of these life stages. The life history of a species may be defined as the evolutionary adaptations used to allocate limited resources and energy toward growth, maintenance, reproduction, raising offspring to independence, and avoiding death. Changes in the velocity (rate) of physical growth correspond with stages of human life history. Postnatal infant growth is rapid, as is its rate of deceleration. Infancies of humans and other mammalian species are comparable in many respects, such as feeding by maternal lactation and appearance of deciduous teeth. However, in most mammals, including other primates, infancy and lactation end with eruption of the first permanent molars. In humans, by contrast, there is an interval of about three years between weaning (cessation of nursing), which takes place at a median age of 30 to 36 months in preindustrial societies, and eruption of the first permanent molars at about 6 years of age. This interval is the stage of life described here as childhood. The biological constraints of childhood, which include an immature dentition, a small digestive system, and a calorie-demanding brain that is both relatively large and growing rapidly, necessitate care and feeding, which older individuals must provide. The rate of body growth during childhood proceeds at a steady 5 to 6 centimeters per year. These growth rates are typical for healthy, well-nourished children. Indeed, the pattern of velocity growth from birth to adulthood is highly similar in all human populations, but growth rates and the total amount of growth will vary in relation to health and nutritional status. Many children experience a transient

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and small spurt in growth rate as they transition into the juvenile period. Juvenile mammals are sexually immature but physically and mentally capable of providing for much of their own care. In many human societies, juveniles perform important work, including food production and the care of children (i.e., babysitting). Juvenile growth rate declines until puberty, which is a short-term event of the central nervous system that initiates sexual maturation and the adolescent life stage. The hormones responsible for sexual maturation also cause the adolescent growth spurt in stature and other skeletal dimensions. Growth of the skeleton ends at about 18 to 19 years for girls and 20 to 22 years for boys, and with this the adulthood, or reproductive stage of life history, begins. There are also significant changes in motor control, cognitive function, and emotions associated with infancy, childhood, juvenile, and adolescent development. The origins of human childhood have fascinated scholars from many disciplines. Some researchers argue that childhood is an invention of recent human societies. Philippe Ariès, in his book Centuries of Childhood, proposed that the concept of childhood came into existence in 16th-century Europe. Prior to that time, youngsters were considered to be “miniature adults” and were treated as such. The evolutionary evidence, however, favors the hypothesis that childhood evolved as a new stage in hominin life history (hominins are living humans and our bipedal ancestors), first appearing about 2 million years ago, during the time of Homo habilis. Darwinian evolution proceeds by adaptations that increase the fertility of adults and decrease the mortality of offspring prior to their own reproductive age. The evolutionary value of childhood is that it allows a woman to give birth to new offspring while allowing her existing dependent offspring to receive care and feeding from close kin and other members of the social group. Chimpanzees are the closest living relatives to humans, but chimpanzee and human mothers have very different reproductive patterns. Chimp mothers must feed and care for their infants for almost five years. No other chimpanzee helps, and the death of the mother usually results in the death of the infant. At age 5 years, the young chimpanzee becomes a juvenile and must forage for food on its own and protect itself from dangers. Chimpanzee females must space their births at five-year intervals, as they cannot care for two infants simultaneously. This places constraints on chimpanzee reproductive success. In the wild, chimpanzee females are just able to produce and raise two offspring to adulthood. As a consequence, chimpanzee populations are stable, with equal numbers of births and deaths. Human women in premodern and modern societies provide primary care to infants for three years or less. By age 3, the infants progress to the childhood stage, and a greater percentage of their care is provided by other family members, including fathers, older siblings, aunts, and grandmothers. Human women may reproduce every three

years without sacrificing the health or life of their previous offspring. This type of cooperative breeding is found in some species of birds and other mammals (e.g., wolves and hyenas), and it works to increase net reproductive output. In those species, and in many but not all human groups, the cooperative breeders are close genetic relatives of the mother. By assisting the mother to care for her offspring, the helpers increase their own inclusive fitness, meaning that they help ensure that their genetic kin survive to reproductive age. Biologists define “fitness” of a species by the number of offspring produced that reach their own reproductive maturity. In this sense, humans are more than twice as reproductively “fit” as our closest cousin the chimpanzee. Also, unlike the chimpanzee, human societies define kinship relations on the basis of genetic and social ties. Human cooperative breeding enhances the social, economic, and political “fitness” of the group as much or more than it contributes to genetic fitness. The result of the human type of reproduction, with childhood and biocultural cooperative breeding, means that a human woman can successfully produce two infants in the time it takes a chimpanzee to produce one. It also means that more than 60% to 97% of human infants survive to adulthood, even in traditional societies such as hunters and gatherers. Chimpanzees, in contrast, successfully raise only 36% of their offspring to adulthood. In Darwinian evolutionary terms, these are significant biological advantages and explain, in part, why chimpanzee populations number in the thousands while humans number more than 6 billion. Another explanation for childhood is called the embodied capital hypothesis by Hillard Kaplan, Kim Hill, Jane Lancaster, and A. Magdalena Hurtado in their 2000 article “A Theory of Human Life History Evolution: Diet, Intelligence, and Longevity,” published in Evolutionary Anthropology. By “capital” these authors mean the quality of the human physical body in terms of strength, skill, immune function, and coordination as well as the size and quality of the brain in terms of its capacity to support knowledge, social networks, strategies for resource acquisition, mating competition, parenting style, and social dominance. Observations of nonhuman primates, elephants, social carnivores, and other mammals show that all of the feeding, social, and reproductive behavior they need to learn and practice can be accomplished during their infant and juvenile stages of life. Human beings have more to learn, such as symbolic language, kinship systems, and the use of complex technology. The embodied capital hypothesis suggests that it may require 20 years or more to develop the brain and body needed to acquire it all. Human childhood may have coevolved with these behavioral complexes to provide the extra time needed. Several recent ethnographic studies in preindustrial communities in various parts of the world show that it does not

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take extra time to learn the intricacies of food production. Other research finds that mastery of language and social competition does require nearly 20 years. Perhaps it is best to state that the embodied capital hypothesis for prolonged human brain growth and complex learning cannot account for the initial selective impetus for the evolution of childhood. The problem is that the type of learning considered by the embodied capital hypothesis is only of use later in life. Some other factor, valuable at the time of childhood, must be the primary cause. The principal benefit seems to be the reproductive advantages to the mother and her close genetic and social kin. Greater embodied capital may be a secondary benefit of childhood. Understanding the nature of childhood helps explain why human beings have lengthy development and low fertility but greater reproductive success than any other species. Barry Bogin see also: Child: Physiological Perspectives; Darwin, Charles (Robert); Development, Concept of; Development, Theories of; Hall, G(ranville) Stanley; Stages of Childhood further reading: Barry Bogin, Patterns of Human Growth, 2nd ed., 1999. • Jennifer L. Thompson, Gail E. Krovitz, and Andrew J. Nelson, eds., Patterns of Growth and Development in the Genus Homo, 2003. • Barry Bogin, “Modern Human Life History: The Evolution of Human Childhood and Adult Fertility,” in Kristen Hawkes and Richard L. Paine, eds., The Evolution of Human Life History, 2006, pp. 197–230.

exercise and physical activity. Physical activity participation is generally thought to be related to the optimal development and functioning of many physical, physiological, educational, social, and psychological processes in children. It is also widely believed that regular participation in physical activity during childhood and adolescence may facilitate participation in physical activity in adulthood, and thus help reduce the risk of chronic diseases later in life. Although research evidence suggests that the impact of childhood exercise on adult health may be more indirect than is often supposed, there exists ample evidence of the positive short-term impacts of physical exercise on the health of children and adolescents. This data has led to a range of guidelines for physical activity in young people. In addition, much is known about patterns of physical activity in children worldwide, factors affecting physical activity, and effective programs to promote physical activity in children and adolescents. C h i ldhood Ph ys ical Activ it y and H e alth That physical activity in childhood promotes healthy children seems indisputable. Cross-sectional and longitudinal studies conducted since the 1970s collectively show that increases in physical activity are related to decreases in obesity, blood lipids, blood pressure, and cigarette smoking. These studies also demonstrate that increases in physical activity are related to increases in cardiorespiratory and

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musculoskeletal fitness, HDL (“good”) cholesterol, bone mineral density, academic performance, and several indicators of mental health. Although the short-term health benefits more than justify the existence of programs and policies to promote regular physical activity in children, the implications for health over the life span remain a focal point for many public health and educational authorities. While the idea that childhood physical activity contributes directly to adult health is both attractive and intuitively sensible, there is currently no evidence to support this view. Prospective epidemiological studies tracking individuals from adolescence into adulthood have consistently observed youth sports participation to be unrelated to morbidity and mortality from cardiovascular disease during adulthood. Therefore, it appears more plausible to hypothesize that childhood physical activity may influence adult health status indirectly through its favorable impact on short-term physiological and behavioral risk factors. Indeed, there is evidence to suggest that many risk factors for chronic disease exhibit moderate to strong tracking tendencies from childhood into adulthood and that physical activity habits early in life are predictive of physical activity levels during adulthood. However, this evidence should be interpreted with caution, given that studies vary considerably with respect to length of follow-up, age group studied, and statistical methodology used to evaluate tracking. Ph ysical Activ it y Gui deli nes for C h i l d r en Numerous scientific and professional organizations have issued guidelines for physical activity in children. The 1993 International Consensus Conference on Physical Activity Guidelines for Adolescents, based on an extensive review of the pertinent scientific literature, recommended that all adolescents should be physically active daily, or nearly every day, as part of play games, sports, work, transportation, recreation, physical education, or planned exercise, in the context of family, school, and community activities. Moreover, adolescents should engage in three or more sessions per week of moderate to vigorous activities that last 20 minutes or more at a time. In 1997, the Health Education Authority in the United Kingdom reviewed scientific evidence linking physical activity to health outcomes in young people and recommended that all young people should participate in physical activity of at least moderate intensity for one hour per day (young people who currently do little activity should participate in physical activity of at least moderate intensity for at least 30 minutes per day); at least twice a week, some of these activities should help enhance and maintain muscular strength and flexibility and bone health (e.g., resistance exercise). In 2005, the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention reviewed more than 850 peer-

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reviewed articles and recommended that school-age children participate daily in 60 minutes or more of moderate to vigorous physical activity. Patter ns of C h i ld Ph ysical Activ it y An important question, however, is to what extent guidelines for physical activity are actually followed. In 2003, fewer than two-thirds (62.6%) of U.S. students in grades 9 through 12 reported participation in vigorous physical activity for at least 20 minutes three or more times per week, and fewer than one-quarter reported five days’ activity per week, according to the Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance System. Males of all races and ethnicities reported considerably more physical activity (70.0%) than females (55.0%), and both male and female white students reported more such activity than African American or Hispanic students. Overall, 57.6% of students reported playing on at least one sports team in the preceding 12 months, again with males exceeding females and whites exceeding African Americans and Hispanics. Sports participation, however, declined with grade level. Among younger children, age 9 through 13, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention found in 2002 that 77.4% of children reported some participation in physical activity during free time in the prior week. However, fewer than 39% reported participation in organized physical activity with a coach, instructor, or leader. Physical activity participation did not vary significantly by sex or age; however, African American and Hispanic children were significantly less likely than white children to report participation in organized physical activity. Likewise, children with parents who had low income and education levels were also less likely to report participation in organized physical activity. A World Health Organization survey, conducted in 2001–2, found children from 34 nations in Europe and North America reporting 60 minutes of physical activity (increased heart rate and breathlessness) an average of 3.8 days out of the previous week. However, only one-third of the participants (34%) reported 60 minutes of physical activity on a daily basis. Across all nations and age groups, boys were more active than girls and significantly more likely to meet the daily 60-minute guideline. Canada, England, Ireland, Lithuania, and the United States were consistently in the highest one-third for physical activity participation, while Belgium, Estonia, France, Italy, Norway, and Portugal were consistently ranked in the lowest one-quarter. Since children’s self-report data may not be entirely accurate, an alternative approach is to measure physical activity with direct observation techniques or monitoring devices such as heart rate monitors and motion sensors. Although such studies involve relatively small, less representative samples of children, they provide a check on self-report data and valuable physical activity data in populations of

youth for whom self-report methods are not feasible (i.e., young children). A review of 10 objective monitoring studies found an average of only 40 minutes of daily participation in moderate to vigorous physical activity with a low of only 8 minutes and a high of 122 minutes. Moreover, these studies consistently reported that a relatively small percentage (less than 20%) of children engaged in sustained 20minute bouts of moderate to vigorous physical activity. I nfluenc es on C h i ldhood Ph ys ical Ac ti v i t y Patterns of physical activity in childhood are affected by demographic, physiological, psychosocial, or environmental influences. Among demographic influences, age and gender are the strongest and most consistent influences of physical activity among youth. Physical activity is lower in females than males, and that physical activity declines with age, the decline being more pronounced in females than males. Race/ethnicity is also associated with physical activity behavior, with African American and Hispanic youth being less active than white children. Physical fitness and adiposity are the most frequently studied physiological influences of physical activity in children. Numerous studies have reported physically active youth to be more physically fit than their less active counterparts. Excess adiposity or obesity has long been viewed as a negative influence on physical activity behavior, and numerous studies have found overweight children to exhibit lower participation in physical activity than their lean counterparts. However, among children and adolescents with normal body fat, the level of body fat is not related to physical activity. Among psychosocial influences, physical activity selfefficacy (i.e., one’s confidence in his or her ability to be physically active) has been shown to be a consistent mediator of physical activity behavior in children. Perceived physical competence and perceived behavioral control— constructs similar in concept to physical activity selfefficacy—also have been shown to be associated with physical activity in children. Positive expectations or beliefs about the outcomes of physical activity are also salient influences on youth activity participation. Of particular importance is the expectation that physical activity will be fun or enjoyable. Perceived barriers to physical activity, such as time constraints, poor weather conditions, homework obligations, and lack of interest or desire, as well as intentions to be active, attitude toward physical activity, and social influences are salient influences on children’s physical activity participation. The social and physical environments also influence physical activity. With respect to the social environment, parental physical activity and parental encouragement are strong influences on children’s physical activity. The physi-

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cal environment, including opportunities for physical activity, time spent outdoors, convenience of play spaces, and availability of equipment and facilities at home, is a key determinant. Although watching television and playing video games are frequently cited as negative environmental determinants of physical activity, the evidence is mixed. Several studies have found weak trends for television watching to reduce physical activity, but many have failed to observe any association. Progr ams to Promote Ph ysical Activ it y Intervention studies conducted in the home and school settings have demonstrated that physical activity can be increased in children. School-based interventions involving modifications to the physical education curriculum have been the most common and effective. While school-based interventions targeting overall physical activities are moderately effective, interventions directed specifically at physical education classes are the most effective. A 1998 review found that intervention studies targeting upper elementary schoolchildren were generally successful in increasing the amount of physical activity performed during physical education; however, very few studies reported positive changes in out-of-school physical activity. The majority of studies were successful in increasing knowledge and positive attitudes toward physical activity. In 2002, the U.S. Task Force on Community Preventive Services, in a systematic review of 14 published studies evaluating the effectiveness of increased class time engaged in moderate to vigorous activity, found improved physical fitness in all 14 cases. The task force issued a recommendation to implement programs that increase the length of, or activity levels in, school-based physical education classes. Schools are an efficient vehicle for providing physical activity instruction and programs because they reach most children and adolescents, have trained personnel with an interest in promoting health and well-being, have an organizational structure and facilities that can be used to promote physical activity, and have a capacity to articulate with existing community groups. However, notwithstanding these advantages, there is an urgent need for studies evaluating community-based physical activity intervention strategies for youth. Broader community-based programs may be valuable for several reasons. First, children and adolescents spend considerable amounts of time in community settings that are conducive to physical activity. Second, community-based programs have the capacity to involve parents and other adult role models from the community who can strongly influence physical activity behavior among children and adolescents. Third, community activities, in contrast with school programs, often involve children in informal activities that are not affected by the

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pressures of grades and competition. Finally, decisions to choose physical activity over sedentary pursuits are often affected by community characteristics such as physical activity facilities and availability and cost of sport and physical activity programs. Stewart G. Trost see also: Athletic Development; Obesity and Dieting; Physical Education; Sports further reading: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Physical Activity and Health: A Report of the Surgeon General, 1996. • U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Healthy People 2010: Understanding and Improving Health, 2nd ed., 2 vols., 2000. • Jeffrey P. Koplan, Catharyn T. Liverman, and Vivica I. Kraak, eds., Preventing Childhood Obesity: Health in the Balance, 2004. • W. B. Strong, R. M. Malina, C. J. Blimkie, S. R. Daniels, R. K. Dishman, B. Gutin, A. C. Hergenroeder, A. Must, P. A. Nixon, J. M. Pivarnik, T. Rowland, S. Trost, and F. Trudeau, “Evidence Based Physical Activity for School-Age Youth,” Journal of Pediatrics 146, no. 6 (2005), pp. 732–37.

expulsion. see Suspension and Expulsion extracurricular activities. Extracurricular activities are voluntary, structured, and challenging schoolbased and school-sponsored activities that are common in elementary and secondary schools across the United States. These activities include, but are not limited to, academic clubs, athletics, fine arts, musical activities, service clubs, and student government and generally take place outside the regular school day. The rising interest in extracurricular activities stems from a recognition of opportunities and risks inherent in the after-school hours, a strong body of research linking participation with positive developmental outcomes, and powerful social changes, including increased maternal employment in recent decades. Participation in extracurricular activities varies across cultures. Industrialization around the world has been linked to declines in the amount of time children spend on household and wage labor. American children, compared to East Asian and European children, are more likely to spend this free time in organized sports and less likely to spend it reading than are East Asian and European children. Part ic i pat ion i n E xtr ac ur r icul ar Ac ti v i ti e s Most youth participate in extracurricular activities, including clubs, athletic teams, and lessons. According to Census 2000, 59% of school-age children are involved in at least one extracurricular activity. Among 12- to 17-year-old youth, 57% participated on a sports team, 60% participated in clubs, and 29% participated in lessons. Such participation is a highly prevalent and normative developmental experience, which has led some to argue that “extracurricular” is actually a misnomer. Rather, they contend extracurricular

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activities are a standard and integral facet of the education of millions of youth. Characteristics of the child, including age, gender, socioeconomic status, and race, affect the likelihood of extracurricular participation. Younger children, ages 6 to 11 years, are less likely to participate in sports, but more likely to participate in lessons, than older children ages 12 to 17 years. Girls are more likely to be involved in clubs and lessons during their after-school hours, while boys are more likely to participate in sports. Children living in homes below the poverty level are only about half as likely to participate in extracurricular activities as are children living in homes at or above 200% of the poverty line. Youth from traditionally defined minority groups are less likely to participate than Caucasian children. To that end, Hispanic children reported the lowest participation in sports (22% of 6- to 11-year-olds and 28% of 12- to 17-year-olds), compared to white, non-Hispanic children (37% and 42%, respectively), black (21% and 31%, respectively), and Asian children (20% and 26%, respectively). Poor urban youth are less likely to participate in school-based extracurricular programs but more likely to participate in community-based youth organizations than are their peers. Clearly, access remains constrained for some youth by their family and community characteristics and for others by the unavailability of developmentally appropriate activities. For children from families characterized by low socioeconomic status, especially those from traditionally defined minority groups, a web of barriers are interwoven to constrain opportunities for participation, including program fees, cultural differences, language barriers, neighborhood safety, availability of transportation, and a child’s other responsibilities (i.e., sibling care, paid employment). From a developmental perspective, the failure of an extracurricular program to provide opportunities for developmentally appropriate challenges, leadership, and activities that sustain participation among youth as they mature into adolescence may constrain participation over time. As youth mature into adolescence, if program activities are not engaging, challenging, and meaningful, attendance wanes as youth appear to “vote with their feet.” This is an acute challenge for programs explicitly targeted at improving academic achievement. Dev elopmen tal and Academic I m p l icat io n s A Matter of Time by the Carnegie Corporation of New York (1992) highlighted the vast expanse of unstructured time youth experience outside the traditional school day and the potential for those hours to be used productively to foster positive development and academic achievement. This report captured the attention of the public, researchers, and private foundations. Since then, a wave of research

has demonstrated the capacity of extracurricular participation to confer beneficial consequences, including reduced risks and problematic behaviors associated with unsupervised and unstructured time; enhanced academic achievement, social competence, physical health, school and civic engagement, long-term educational attainment, and reduced dropout and delinquency; narrowed racial and socioeconomic disparities in school achievement and social adjustment; and preparation of young persons for transition into adulthood with skills necessary to be active participants in a democratic society and the competitive global marketplace. A strong body of research has linked participation in extracurricular activities to increased academic performance, increased postsecondary enrollment, reduced likelihood of school failure, and lower rates of school dropout. Although very high levels of sports participation are linked to increased contemporaneous alcohol consumption, this subsides over time, and for moderate levels of participation in sports there does not seem to be a relationship. As schoolbased activities, extracurricular programs are promising contexts for fostering school engagement and connectedness and cultivating relationships with peers and mentors that transcend the school and after-school hours. Likely explanations include increased school engagement, school attendance, social competence, motivation for learning, and future expectations. Most recently, however, the atmosphere of high-stakes testing and accountability in schools carries an increased risk that program funding agencies, practitioners, and evaluators will narrowly conceptualize the goals of extracurricular programs solely in terms of academic performance. In doing so, they will unwittingly neglect the other facets of development necessary to foster positive development, engagement, and long-term participation. Shortsighted policy considerations surrounding extracurricular programs can juxtapose goals of academic achievement against other, nonacademic goals. The increasing popularity of these programs and research findings showing the benefits of participation have given rise to the question of whether broader, more universal availability and participation should be afforded to all youth. Po l ic y I m p l icat io n s Despite the high prevalence of extracurricular participation, the U.S. Supreme Court has ruled twice that school districts may limit participation, and extracurricular activities are often near the top of the list when school districts make budgetary concessions. In 2002, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld drug testing of all students who engage in extracurricular activities as a way to deter drug use and promote safety. Likewise, any school district may require students to meet academic eligibility standards in order

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to participate in extracurricular programs. These policies, especially the Supreme Court rulings, have engendered significant controversy as many believe a “zero-tolerance” policy against drug use is counterproductive. After all, this excises the most “at-risk” youth from the very programs that may be able to help them get back on a positive trajectory and significantly weakens the Fourth Amendment rights of all students. Developmentally, this policy has serious long-term ramifications, as early developmental competencies are often prerequisites for later participation at higher levels. Given the research findings linking extracurricular participation and positive benefits for development, there have been increasing calls for expanding the availability and accessibility of these programs. Foundations, including C. S. Mott, Open Society Institute, Carnegie Corporation, Wallace-Reader’s Digest Funds, and others, are pushing private dollars into the extracurricular and other after-school activities for youth. Likewise, public monies from federal, state, and local sources are helping solidify an infrastructure to support the currently fragmented delivery system. Taxpayers support these initiatives: A recent poll found 94% of voters expressing the belief that all youth need some type

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of supervised, structured after-school activity. Legal scholars have been advocating for a definition of a child’s legal entitlement to education broad enough to protect students’ access to extracurricular activities. Heather M. Lord, Maria E. Parente, and Joseph L. Mahoney see also: Dance; Music; Organizations for Youth; Sports; Theater and Acting further reading: Reed W. Larson and Suman Verma, “How Children and Adolescents Spend Time across the World: Work, Play, and Developmental Opportunities,” Psychological Bulletin 124 (1999), pp. 701–36. • Jacquelynne S. Eccles and J. Templeton, “Extracurricular and Other After-School Activities for Youth,” Review of Research in Education 26 (2002), pp. 113–80. • Terry A. Lugaila, “A Child’s Day: 2000,” Selected Indicators of Child Well-Being, Current Population Reports (2003), pp. 74–80. • Joseph L Mahoney, Reed W. Larson, and Jacquelynne S. Eccles, eds., Organized Activities as Developmental Contexts for Children and Adolescents: Extracurricular Activities, After-School and Community Programs, 2005. • Nicholas A. Palumbo, “Protecting Access to Extracurricular Activities: The Need to Recognize a Fundamental Right to a Minimally Adequate Education,” B.Y.U. Education and Law Journal 2 (Summer 2005), pp. 393–420.

f fairy tales. see Folk and Fairy Tales family Historical and Cultural Perspectives Economic and Demographic Perspectives Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

historical and cultural perspectives. The family is, with religion, the oldest social institution. It is the most universal, but it has taken different forms in different parts of the world, differences that derive from far back in human history. In the past century, there have been dramatic changes of family behavior and family patterns all over the world. However, these changes have not made families the same around the world, perhaps not even generally more similar. Children of the world grow up not only under vastly different economic conditions but also in very different kinds of families.

H i s to r ica l Fa m i ly S ys t e m s Family patterns may be grasped in terms of systems of values and norms, with regard to rights and duties concerning descent, sexuality, marriage, parenthood, childhood, and kinship. Such systems have deep cultural roots, religious and civilizational. From a global overview, five major and two important hybrid or interstitial family systems may be identified. The former derive from a specific value system of religious/philosophical origin and are shaped by the history of the area. The latter have derived their character from historical encounters of different cultures and value systems. All the large family systems can be subdivided into variants. Christian European Family. The Christian European family is one such system, exported to European settlements overseas, such as the United States. Its distinctive features include bilateral descent (descent traced through both par-

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imagining each other

Memories of Childhood on an Israeli Kibbutz The Israeli kibbutz, Hebrew for “collective,” was created by my parents’ generation in the early 20th century according to a set of common principles and beliefs. Most significant to them were the values of equality, sharing, collective responsibility, and work. They also believed that children are best brought up as a group with other children in what was called the Children’s Society. To that end, we, the children, lived and slept together in the Children’s House, where most of our education and upbringing took place. The execution of the education was entrusted to the caretakers, themselves parents and members of the kibbutz. Children were also actively involved in their own education through participation in committees, group meetings, and, most important, by the conforming force of “society pressure,” which was exerted by the collective on deviating individuals. The following are a few anecdotes from my childhood as part of the first generation of children on the Israeli kibbutz. Once I was walking with a few of my 3-year-old friends in the early afternoon. As always, we were walking by ourselves to our parents’ homes for our daily visit with them. The kibbutz was tranquil and safe, with no strangers or cars. My parents were expecting me, and we spent a few hours playing, reading, and talking. Unlike most parents in different societies, mine were free of many daily obligations such as cooking, shopping, or writing bills, so during this time of day I had them all for myself. In the evening, however, my parents took me back to the Children’s House, where I had dinner and spent the rest of the night with my group. Our Children’s House quickly

ents’ families), no special moral obligation to ancestors, monogamy, the principle of free choice of marriage partners (including the legitimate option of not marrying), and a critical moral evaluation of sexuality. Christianity had a negative appreciation of sexuality generally, and its only permissible outlet was within marriage. With respect to children, a crucial distinction was made between children of marital legitimacy and illegitimate ones. However, its flexibility on marriage and nonmarriage did imply a certain accommodation of “illegitimate” children, particularly those of high-ranked fathers. The principle of counting kinship both on the mother’s and on the father’s side implied a certain gender balance and a potential of more child autonomy. Girls were not expected to “disappear” into another family upon marriage. But also in Europe, the historical family was patriarchal, and in Scandinavia well into the 19th century everybody had a patronymikon, a second name showing that he or she was the son or the daughter of the father. Icelanders and Russians still use that naming norm. Within Europe, there is a cultural east-west divide go-

became our children’s home. The time with my parents became a visit to their home. Another time, my preschool group took a walk with our caretaker to the children’s farm. When we arrived there, a donkey grabbed my snack, a delicious orange, and ate it. The caretaker immediately sprang into complicated mathematical calculations and instructed the other children how many sections of their oranges they needed to give me so that we all ended with exactly the same amount. I felt lucky and grateful to be part of a group that cared for one another, and I enjoyed my snack knowing that I would have done the same for them. The paramount values of the kibbutz—equality and sharing—were taught in every step of our lives, though not necessarily by our parents. My parents and I were going to the city one day after school. I don’t remember the occasion, but even in sixth grade it was still an exciting event. In the morning, as always, we took our mixed-sex coeducational showers. Looking at it from a distance after so many years, it seems to me a bit odd, but at the time it was totally innocent, natural, and asexual for most of us. That said, I do remember wondering why some girls insisted on showering privately. Later that day, I got to choose from the group’s “special occasion” clothes: colorful T-shirts and khaki shorts that we all—boys and girls—shared. It felt very special to dress up and spend a day with my parents, and my friends were jealous. As strong as we felt about being part of a group, we still yearned for intimate time with our parents.

ing back to the early Middle Ages, 1,000 years ago or more, along a fault line running from Trieste to St. Petersburg. It is traceable back to the frontiers of early medieval Germanic settlements. With some exceptions in Latin Europe, the line divided a western variant of a norm of neolocality, with a norm of a new household being established upon marriage, from an eastern one of patrilocality, where a new couple usually settled with the parents of the groom. Western European children then usually grew up in nuclear families. Inside Western Europe, there was an important southnorth divide, which ran through central France. North of that line, children and youth, inclusive of propertied farm families, left home early, by puberty or by end of school at least, working as servants in other households. South of it, youngsters tended to remain with their parents until marriage. The result was a clear difference in generational autonomy. The 19th century was a period of great disruption of European family life, due to rapid industrial growth and massive urbanization, with attendant creation of a large unpropertied working class. Between one-third and half of all

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Memories of Childhood on an Israeli Kibbutz (continued) One night during elementary school, I got sick. Since we, the children, slept away from our parents, one of my friends in my group, an 11-year-old girl, used the intercom system to call the night guard, who quickly came to comfort and take care of me. I wished it was my Mom but accepted the help provided and felt fortunate that my friend was there for me. Great expectations were placed on us to care and be responsible for one another as a natural part of the Children’s Society.

children born in sizable 19th-century cities on the European continent were born outside marriage. Tens of thousands of babies were left to foundling houses, where the rate of mortality usually far exceeded 50%. Successful industrialization gradually restabilized family patterns. From the late 19th century onward, there was also a growing public concern with neglected and abused children, and public authorities were given powers and duties to intervene to protect children in malfunctioning families. Islamic West Asian and North African Family. Islam, like Christianity, is a world religion spread across continents. But outside its historical homelands, the Islamic family institution has been importantly affected by other cultures and subjected to other regional processes of 20th-century change. While Islamic marriage is a contract, not a sacrament, all kinds of family matters and gender and sexual relations are extensively regulated by religious law derived from the Qu’ran. Islamic law not only expresses a general principle of male superiority—like traditional Christianity—but also

imagining each other

Everybody was getting excited about the upcoming meeting of the Young Body, the term given to the middle-school-age groups. The heated issue for debate was the right (or lack thereof) of individuals to express themselves in a personal matter. Specifically, a few teenage girls had expressed interest in wearing stockings. That seemed unbelievable. Not only was it against the rules of simplicity, but it also promoted a degree of feminine individualism that our society was not ready for. The heated debate dealt with issues such as individuals’ rights in our collective-based society, materialism versus idealism, and obedience. The greatest force controlling our lives as teenagers was social pressure, which was the collective pressure, applied on individuals. We feared it and learned to respect it from a very young age. It was similar to peer pressure but much stronger and was used to enforce the principles and values of our lives. At the end of the meeting, the teary girls reluctantly succumbed to that pressure and accepted the majority rule, not permitting them the desired expression. The parents had little or no say in this matter. They, too, naturally, accepted the rules of our society that they had helped design.

During my teenage years, two of my friends and I decided to satisfy our two loves—sweets and mischief—by breaking into the high school kitchen and “pulling” (a term we used for what we viewed as acceptable minor theft) ice cream or Popsicles from the ice box. Using tools made from clothing hangers and other sophisticated materials, we managed to achieve our goal. Proud with our success, we sat on the front steps enjoying the treats, when unexpectedly one of our teachers passed by, hid a smile, and informed us that he must report us. The next day, we received a message from one of our teachers, who happened to be my best friend’s mom, instructing us to present ourselves in her home on Saturday afternoon. I had visited there numerous times before and knew that this was the time for their large family to get together, eat, and have a good time. So when we arrived there, nobody paid attention to three more friends. After an hour or so, it was time to leave. Hesitantly, we made our way to the door, and at that last moment the teacher approached us and said: “So guys, you will never do that again, right?” Needless to say, we did not. With this kind of attitude, how could we? I still visit my kibbutz periodically. It still maintains the values and principles upon which it was founded. Now, however, children live with their parents, and the role of the Children’s Society has become minor. The kibbutz children themselves, as parents, made the changes. As parents, perhaps most now prefer the nuclear family as a home and center for their children. Amram Weiner

specifies it in a number of specific rules: of male guardianship, of delimited polygyny, of divorce by male repudiation, of the patrilineal appurtenance of children. However, it is also concerned with the protection of women as individuals, with daughters’ inheritance rights (one-half of sons’), and recognizing female property rights, including property rights and legal capacity of married women. Sexuality, as such, is not seen as morally reproachable indulgence, but it is taken as a serious threat to the social order and must be strictly regulated by a marital order for both men and women. Female premarital virginity is held to be part of family honor. Nonmarriage and extramarital children are stigmatized as not fitting to the way one should put one’s life together. Legitimate children grow up in large patriarchal households, which historically and in the countryside still today are part of larger kinship units of ancestry on the father’s side, clans, and tribes. Families are closely knit, with a high frequency of cousin marriages. Child marriages (without sexual consummation) are religiously sanctioned but have now become rare after a brief revival in the first years of

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the Iranian revolution. Polygyny was always confined to the rich and has also become rare and is now usually legally dependent upon explicit consent by the first wife. Divorce, previously quite frequent and easy for a husband, has decreased. Children of divorce stay under their father’s legal guardianship, while the care of small children, up to a certain age, can be given to the mother. South Asian Hindu Family. The Hindu family is in many ways also affecting non-Hindu families of the South Asian subcontinent, including Muslims. Marriage is a sacred obligation, which everybody has to fulfill. A truly proper marriage is the gift of a virgin by one patrilineal family to another, which historically has meant that girls were married off before puberty—around the year 1900, on the average at age 10 or 11. The marriage age edged upward in the 20th century, but in rural South Asia half of all girls marry before the age of 18. In northern India, marriage was and is out of the village, which created a terrible alienation for the young girl separated from her parents and from her peer friends. According to religious norms, which are still important, a Hindu widow cannot remarry, although secular law allows it. Marriage is in principle indissoluble and, certain Brahmin groups apart, is monogamous. Marriage arrangements should be inside one’s caste—one’s ancient, strictly hereditary class—but outside one’s kinship lineage. Caste molded social interaction, also among Muslims and Christians, and has remained of importance, if not all pervasively, in current times. The bride is expected to bring a dowry, the size and the actual implementation of which is a frequent bone of family contention. The historical family ideal, still in existence, is the joint patrilineal family and coresident household, including married sons, with property held in common. The ideal may not be a very frequent reality, but South Asian children tend to grow up in a large family world. Girls are often neglected, as they are destined soon to leave their family of origin and bound to cost a dowry. An important historical bond, on the other hand, has been that of mother and son. Confucian East Asian Family. The Confucian East Asian family covered the vast area historically marked by Chinese civilization—Japan, Korea, and Vietnam as well as China—and of course included regional and national variations. Classical Confucian patriarchy had been modified in Japan, softened in Vietnam, and was by 1900 most orthodoxly endorsed in Korea. The relation between father and son is the primary of the Five Relationships in human life, and filial piety—a son’s respect for his father—the cardinal virtue, to which all other family and social norms are subordinate. Marriage was a contract between families, dissoluble by mutual agreement

or by the husband. Bigamy was illegal, but concubines had a formal family status as second-rank wives, and their children were legitimate and might inherit from their father. The patrilineal joint family was the Chinese ideal, and the ditto stem family—in which married sons are expected to coreside at their paternal home—the main Japanese one. Parental respect and obedience are central norms of the Confucian family. The enormous political and economic changes of this region have challenged and altered, but not wholly done away with, Confucian generational relations. One-child families, powerfully pushed by government in China, have meant a great strengthening of the family position of the child. Sub-Saharan African Family. There is a discernible subSaharan African set of family systems, in spite of religious pluralism (including Christianity and Islam) and huge ethnic diversity. The basis for its commonality is probably an ancient, and still pertinent, land-labor system, with a relative abundance of land and a scarcity of labor and a hoe agriculture worked by women. Women in Africa mean labor force. On the basis of similar experiences and through migrations and interchanges, there also developed a civilization of interrelated cultures. Its family system is characterized by a distinctive marriage pattern, polygyny; a specific relationship of kinship and fertility; and a family devotion to ancestry. African marital alliances are formed by the groom’s family paying wealth or services to the bride’s family, and property is inherited from one generation to another as a rule only among members of the same sex. Having girls is a source of family wealth, in contrast to the South Asian rules of marriage. Polygyny as a mass practice is a unique feature of the African family. It derives from women’s key historical role as agricultural labor. The African family system further includes a great respect for age, elders, and ancestors and includes a great importance accorded to rites of passage into adulthood and age groups as bases of rights and solidarity. Fertility is valued as a key of human life, moving beyond the classical Confucian emphasis on not breaking the ancestral line. Although there are in Africa, like everywhere, norms of legitimate and illegitimate sexuality, a distinction between legitimate and illegitimate children has hardly even been important. The conjugal bond is usually relatively weak, and motherchildren relations are embedded in and somewhat blurred by larger kinship relations, with a widespread practice of foster parentage. African women now bear more children than most other women in the world, so African children usually grow up with several brothers and sisters. Southeast Asian Family. The religiously pluralistic Southeast Asian family pattern, stretching from Sri Lanka to the Phil-

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ippines, is the first of the two major hybrid systems. Buddhist family insouciance and flexible Malay customs here have come together in mellowing the normative rigidities of other Asian family norms, including bilateral kinship ties and a range of marital choice, whether in partner selection or, as among Muslim Malays, in divorce. Although Malay girls were historically under heavy pressure to marry young, by puberty, girls in Southeast Asia have a better deal than in the mainstream patriarchies of Asia. Creole Family. In the Americas—from the U.S. South, through the Caribbean and down to Rio de Janeiro in Brazil, and in the Spanish mining and hacienda areas from Mexico to Paraguay—there developed a bifurcated or dual family system, which may be called Creole. It came out of the American socioeconomic history of Christian European patriarchy running plantations, mines, and landed estates with African slave labor or Indian servile labor. Slaves were not allowed to marry but were encouraged to breed and were accessible to white male predation. The scarcity of Spanish women and the absence of a taboo against interethnic sexual relations created a substantial mestizo population in Latin America, uprooted from Indian communities and never fully accepted by the whites. The ensuing Creole duality included, on one hand, a strictly patriarchal, ruling white high culture and family pattern, often with female seclusion, and, on the other, an informal black, mulatto, mestizo, and (uprooted) Indian macho-cum-matrifocal family pattern with weak or absent fathers. In the Caribbean, particularly, informal sexual unions developed into a mainstream lifestyle. Jamaica has never had a majority of its babies born within marriage. Children tended to grow up in families of mothers and grandmothers. Historical Creole white patriarchy has tended to blend into mainstream white American culture, and postReconstruction and black migration to the industrial North of the United States tended to stabilize African American family patterns, which previously had been a product of poverty as well as of racist exploitation. But with the ghettoization and relative impoverishment of many African Americans in recent decades, the black Creole pattern of informal and unstable coupling and out-of-wedlock births is returning in North America. It has always persisted in the Caribbean and in Brazil. Indo-Creole or mestizo coupling informality has declined but is still a feature of IndoAmerica from Mexico to Paraguay. Con tempor ary Par en thood and C h i ldr en ’s Liv i ng Ar r angemen ts The historical family systems of the world are still visible today. They have tended to move in the same direction but at such different paces that it is arguable whether differences are larger or smaller than a century ago.

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Families all over the world—with a few, mainly African, exceptions of nonchange—have fewer children than they did around 1900. But the average number of children per woman differs among major nations, from 5.8 in West and Central Africa to 1.1 to 1.3 in Eastern and Southern Europe and in Northeast Asia. Most children in most societies historically have been born to formally married parents. That is still overwhelmingly the rule in Asia, from China and Japan to Turkey and the Arab world. The main historical exceptions were the African American, mestizo, and American Indian populations of the Creole family system. While they had a trend of rising rates of marriage in the second third of the 20th century, like Western Europe, the last third of the 20th century saw a new increase of nonmarried parenthood in both Europe and the Americas. By 2000, half of all African American children lived in mother-only families; only a minority, a good third, lived with married parents. In parts of Africa marked by urban crisis and in the war-ravaged countryside, traditional marriage patterns are breaking down. Street children on their own, previously mainly an Afro-Creole phenomenon, may now be found in the cities of Africa. Single parenthood is, to be sure, an old phenomenon. In 17th-century England, 22% of all households with children had a lone parent. In Great Britain in 1981, the percentage was exactly the same, but in between single parenthood had gone down to 14% to 15% for 1801–1961. In the United Kingdom of 2005, one household with children out of four had only one parent; among the 25 member states of the European Union, the average was one out of eight. In the past, single parenthood was mainly caused by death, whereas now it is by divorce and nonmarriage. Outside the most developed countries, parental death is still not quite an unexceptional childhood experience. In Africa, one child among eight is orphaned by the age of 18; in Asia and Latin America, 6% to 7% are orphaned. It is instructive to take a snapshot of the current living arrangements of children younger than 18 in rich countries, comparing the United States and its major subcultures with Sweden, representing the northwestern European family pattern. In spite of a majority of Swedish children now being born to nonmarried parents, more Swedish than American children are living with both their parents (73% and 62%, respectively) and fewer with a single parent (21% and 25%, respectively). Non-Hispanic whites in the United States are more similar to the Swedes but still exhibit a lower proportion of children with both parents (69%) and more with single parents (25%). African American children grow up in a very different ambience, only 39% with both parents and 51% with a single one. In many societies of contemporary Africa, children grow up without any parent present. Around 2000, between one in six (in South Africa one in eight) and one in three chil-

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dren aged 10 to 14 lived without either parent. In several countries—South Africa, Zimbabwe, Uganda, and Ghana, for example—only about 40% of children of the age group were living with both their parents. There is in many parts of Africa an old pattern of fosterage and of kin circulation of children, which accounts for part of these figures. Longdistance migration is responsible for some, though mainly for parental long-term separation. The havoc of AIDS is a third factor. C u r r en t Fam i ly Value s “Family” is a very important value in all contemporary cultures, but what it means differs. Adult respect for parents varies along historical lines. That parents must be respected regardless of their qualities and faults is an almost unanimous opinion in Asia, Africa, most of Latin America, and parts of the Balkans. In the Netherlands and in Sweden, it is a minority view; in Germany, it is a bare majority. The United States, France, Italy, and Japan are in the middle of this distribution, with 70% to 80% of respondents according unconditional respect to parents. On the question of whether parents should do the best for their children even at the expense of their own wellbeing, there is a quite different world distribution. Here the Japanese are the lowest scorers, followed by South Korea, Russia, and the Baltics. China and Scandinavia are also in the lower part of the range. The strongest norm of parental sacrifice is registered in Egypt and Pakistan. Most Africans score high, as do people from some Latin American countries (including Puerto Rico), the Philippines, and parts of the Balkans. Here Americans come up very high, on par with Nigerians. Teaching children obedience is perhaps increasingly held less valuable than inculcating independence. Most emphasis on independence over obedience is found in Japan, followed by Scandinavia, South Korea, China, and Germany. Americans have a considerably weaker preference for independence, only slightly more than Indonesians and Egyptians. Britain, India, and Russia are about evenly balanced between independence and obedience, while the French have a slight preference for obedience. Strongest demands for obedience can be found in sub-Saharan Africa (except South Africa), Latin America, Pakistan, and Algeria. A different perspective on family values and parental conceptions of children is gained from a gendered look at child mortality. On a world scale, there is a slight overmortality of boys younger than 5 compared to girls. Many of the old centers of East Asian and South Asian patriarchy stand out as neglecting girl children while preserving boys. Overmortality of girls occurs in China, India, Pakistan, Nepal, and Afghanistan as well as, to judge from gender-specific mortality rates, in South Korea and Bangladesh. Outside these regions, female overmortality happens only in Melanesia and in two small countries of West Africa (Guinea and

Niger). The phenomenon does not occur in Muslim West Asia and North Africa, not even in traditional Oman or Yemen. Tr an s i tio n s f rom C h i l d ho o d Family patterns differ widely, today as well as historically, with respect to their transition from childhood to adulthood and, if ever, to independence of parents. The systems offer several options, from childhood to youth with a household of one’s own (northwestern Europe and North America), childhood to youth dependent on parental household (southern and eastern Europe; Latin America; males in Africa and Asia; females in West Asia and North Africa, East and Southeast Asia, and urban Africa and South Asia), or from childhood to marriage. The marriage age has moved upward all over the world: in Asia continuously but slowly, in Europe and the Americas with a 20th-century U-curve. But there are still many girls in the world who go directly from childhood to marriage without having any youth, seen as a socially demarcated period. Half or more of girls in rural South Asia and sub-Saharan Africa are married before the age of 18 and one-fourth of urban girls. In Latin America, one-third of rural girls younger than 18 are in marriage or in some other recognized sexual union, and in rural East Asia (exclusive of China, which has an imposed late age of marriage) one-fourth. The boys and girls of the world enter many different childhoods and depart them through many different doors. Göran Therborn see also: Adoption; Child: Historical and Cultural Perspectives; Father-Child Relationship; Gay and Lesbian Parents; Kinship and Child Rearing; Marital and Nonmarital Unions; Mother-Child Relationship; Parenthood; Remarriage and the Blended Family; Separation and Divorce; Single Parents further reading: William J. Goode, World Revolution and Family Patterns, 1963. • Jacqueline Scott, Judith K. Treas, and Martin Richards, eds., The Blackwell Companion to the Sociology of Families, 2003. • Daniel P. Moynihan, Timothy M. Smeeding, and Lee Rainwater, eds., The Future of the Family, 2004. • Göran Therborn, Between Sex and Power: Family in the World, 1900–2000, 2004. • United Nations Children’s Fund, The State of the World’s Children 2006, 2005.

economic and demographic perspectives. This ar-

ticle discusses the demographic and economic aspects of the family, when possible from the perspective of the child. Reference must be made here to historical trends and comparisons. Much of the discussion will be devoted to recent conditions, however, and emphasis will be placed on the United States. The discussion of demographic aspects will precede that of economic aspects. Recent literature has proposed that there have been two demographic transitions. The first well-known transition

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began in the late 18th and 19th centuries and was characterized by a transition from high birth rates and high and fluctuating death rates to the modern regime of low and fairly stable birth and death rates. For example, in about 1800 the average white American woman had about seven live births, and expectation of life (for both sexes combined) was less than 40 years. Today, the average American woman has about two live births, and the expectation of life is about 78 years. Like trends have characterized all presently developed nations, and many developing nations are undergoing this transition. From the viewpoint of the child, this has meant fewer siblings, more potential resources per child but fewer possible child caretakers within the household, and a greater likelihood of not losing one or both parents to mortality before the child reaches adulthood. This transition was also accompanied by increasing rewards for achieved education, especially in the 20th century, along with a rise in participation, first in secondary education and, largely since World War II, in higher education: bachelors, graduate, and professional training. This represented greater investment in children’s “human capital” or child quality, as did improved health care and longevity. In 1850 in the United States, a child would be, at best, likely to finish six years of primary school. By 1960, median years of schooling completed among persons aged 25 and older was 10.5 years, and almost half of all persons had completed at least four years of high school. By 2000, 84% of the population had completed at least four years of high school, and a quarter had completed at least four years of college. For longevity, the probability that a child would survive to age 20 rose from about 63% in 1850 to almost 99% in 2000 in the United States. The result was clearly fewer children of “higher quality.” American children in about 1850 were more likely to live in a more complex household than did those 100 years later. That is, they would have experienced more multigenerational households and households with more servants, boarders and lodgers, and other relatives. Children growing up around 1950 would have more likely been in a nuclear family with both parents present, attending school, and in relatively good health. All these trends, although not moving in lockstep, characterize virtually all economically advanced nations. The second demographic transition is one characterized by delays and actual reductions in fertility and marriage; increases in cohabitation, divorce, and nonmarital childbearing; and significant increases in maternal employment outside the home. The median age at first marriage for women in the United States had declined slowly from 22 years in 1900 to a low of 20.3 years in 1950 and 1960, when it began to rise. In 2005, it reached 25.5 years. Marriage age for men followed a similar path, declining from 26 in 1900 to a low of 23 in 1950 and 1960. It is now about 27 years. In 2005, only 8.5% of males and 6.7% of females age 45 and older were never married, but this was 13% for males

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and 9.7% for females aged 45 to 54. In 1990 (the last census for which children ever born was recorded), the percentage of childless was 30% for women aged 25 to 29 (up from 13% for that age group in 1960). But the rate of childlessness had changed very little for older women over the 20th century. In the United States, the median age of mothers younger than age 50 with children younger than 6 has risen from about 25 years in 1960 (at the peak of the baby boom) to about 28 years in 2000 and much higher (up to 32 years) among women with high levels of education. The increase in the average age at which women in the United States bear children is matched by women in other affluent countries. In 2000, women in France, Germany, Sweden, and the United Kingdom bore their children, on average, between the ages of 28 and 30. Similarly, median age at first marriage in the United States rose from about 21 years in 1850 to about 25 years in 2000. In many countries of Europe today, the average age at first marriage is even higher. In France, Germany, Sweden, and the United Kingdom, for example, the average age at first marriage is between 27.5 and 30.2 years. Young children today are more likely to live with mothers who are in their late 20s and 30s than did children a generation ago, whose mothers were more often in their 20s. Divorce, on the rise since the mid-1950s, ended marriages at an increasingly rapid rate until 1980, when the divorce rate began to level off. The proportion of women 15 years and older who were divorced increased more than four times, rising from about 2.5% in the 1950s to slightly more than 10% in 2000. At the same time, the proportion of never-married women increased, from about 20% to 25% of the female population 15 years and older. The percentage of divorced and unmarried men in the U.S. population 15 years and older likewise increased. Although the total fertility rate in the United States has risen back up to about 2.0 children per woman since its low of about 1.7 in 1980, changes in childbearing nevertheless have an impact on child well-being. For example, nonmarital childbearing has increased rapidly since 1980. Statistics on nonmarital childbearing were not generally reported historically in the United States and were unreliable in any event, but the levels of nonmarital childbearing were likely quite low for the better part of a century before the middle of the 20th century. As recently as 1960, fewer than 10% of mothers were reported as nonmarried in the census. By 2000, this proportion had risen to more than 25%, and the proportion of all births to unmarried women was 33%. These proportions were higher for the African American population and women with lower education levels and much lower for women with a college education or more. Other industrialized countries also show high and increasing rates of nonmarital births. Half or more of the births in Norway and Sweden are nonmarital, compared to about one-third in the United States. Higher rates also exist in the United Kingdom, France, Denmark, and Finland.

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With high divorce rates and rising rates of nonmarital births, fewer and fewer children are living long with both parents. In terms of coresidence, the chance that a child would be living with both parents had risen from 82% in 1850 to 87% in 1950 but fell to 69% in 2000. Cohabitation and single-parent households have increased substantially since the middle of the 20th century. Cohabiting households, not as durable as marital unions, were up to about 5% of all household in 2003, while single-parent households rose from 12% of all households in 1960 to 27% in 2000. Historically, single-parent households were more likely the result of widowhood or mortality, while the contemporary pattern is much more due to the choice of one or both parents to divorce or to remain unmarried. The chance of a child living in such arrangements has also risen (from about 10% in 1960 to well over 25% by 2000). Both mothers and fathers play important roles in the development of children. Single-parent households have much lower income than households with both parents, but income differences account for only one-half of the negative effects of parental absence, in particular in the terms of the children’s health, educational attainments, behavioral difficulties, and emotional well-being. Children at risk of these negative outcomes increased dramatically as the proportion of children younger than age 18 living with two parents declined between 1970 and 1996 from 85% to 68%, stabilizing since then. In the same period, the percentage of children living in mother-only families increased from 11% to 24% in 2000 and has remained about the same since then. Children in father-only families increased from 1% in 1970 to 5% in 2006. The economics of the family and household has changed significantly over time. Unfortunately, a full picture of those changes is lacking, but, dramatically, labor force participation of married women rose greatly in the 20th century. Around 1900, very few married women worked outside the home (about 5%). Today, that proportion has risen to 62% and 71% for married women with any children present in the family. This represents one of the most important changes in the economics of the family in the past century. Historically, single women made up most of the female labor force. Today, married women constitute slightly more than half of all working women (52% in 2005). The participation in the labor force of mothers also has increased dramatically, especially for married women and for other marital statuses and for women with children younger than 6. Participation rates are also higher for women with children age 6 to 18 than for all women without children present in the household. Although the increased divorce rate both explains and is explained by the increase in women’s labor force participation, it is also related to the decline in the marriage rate and the increase in the percentage of the population never married. Median family income before taxes in the United States

has increased in constant 1950-value dollars from $3,319 in 1950 to $6,894 in 2003 in the United States. Notably, in 2003 the median income of a family headed by a female with no husband present was about half of the median for all families, while that of a husband-wife family with the wife in the paid labor force was 43% above the median for all families. There has been no increase in real income for those female-headed families. Similarly, the internal functions of the family economy have changed. One of the defining characteristics of modern economic growth is the increase in the proportion of the population living in urban areas where people earn a living from employment in manufacturing and the service sector, accompanied by a decline in the proportion of the population deriving its primary subsistence from agriculture. Indeed, many presently developed nations are now in a postindustrial stage in which the largest share of economic activity (80% or more) is in the service sector (e.g., financial, health care, educational, transportation, governmental, recreational services). In the predominantly agricultural world of the 19th century (and still in some developing nations today), women and children generally functioned as unpaid family workers. Unpaid family members also worked in household-based production of manufactured goods in both urban and rural areas. This also extended to workshops outside the home. In all these settings, division of labor was determined by gender and age. Besides their labor on the farm or in the shop, women still had charge of child rearing and many housekeeping tasks. Children, especially girls, assisted their mothers. Adult males were more likely to engage in market work outside agriculture, although younger single women often left home to work in other households as maids. Over time, they increasingly entered the paid labor force and often remained at home during the early stages of that work. As societies became more urban and industrial, division of labor between the home and the market became more pronounced, with women specializing in housekeeping and child rearing and men working for wages and salaries outside the home. At the same time, however, the lives of children were increasingly governed by compulsory schooling laws and laws regulating the ages, hours, and conditions of child labor. The decline in child labor and the increase in school attendance were especially marked in Europe and the United States in the late 19th and into the 20th century. In addition, children came to be valued less as “old age insurance” as government social security programs were put in place to assist in supporting the elderly. Fewer children worked and more attended school and were provided with better health care when societies became more developed and needed better educated and healthier workers. This occasioned a shift in the net flow of resources, which once flowed (on balance) from children to parents to a flow mainly from parents to children.

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Children, understood as an emotional asset, were no longer an economic asset but a cost to parents. The net cost of a child in developed nations has risen substantially. It is estimated that the cost of raising a child in the United States to age 17 would be, at current levels of expenditure, about $175,000. Add to that four years of college, at a modest estimate of $10,000 per year, and the cost would be approximately $215,000. Many other developed nations subsidize education, particularly higher education, more than in the United States. Nonetheless, raising a child in the developed world has become very costly, contributing to low birth rates. This pattern is much less pronounced in developing nations, where many children continue to leave school for work at quite early ages. The cost of meeting the expenses of raising children in postindustrial societies is difficult to accomplish in any case, but it is much more feasible for two parents working together than for single parents. Pooling resources for housing, cooperating in sharing child care and housework, providing emotional and psychological support in facing difficulties are additional advantages that two-parent households have over single-parent households. Children who grow up in households with two adults have better futures than children raised in one-parent households, and the children who grow up in a household with two married biological parents fare better than children raised either by a parent with a cohabiting partner or by a parent and a stepparent. About two-thirds of the children in the United States today grow up in households with married biological parents who are well educated and have substantial earnings. But the other third are most likely to grow up in households headed by a single parent, usually their mothers. The mothers of these households more often have low educational attainment and low incomes, whether never married or cohabiting or divorced. Moreover, children in these single-parent households are much more likely to live through or to experience changes in the composition of the household with the arrival and exit of the parent’s girlfriends or boyfriends, a stepparent, and stepbrothers and stepsisters. Significant changes have taken place in the demographic composition and economic functions of the family over the past two centuries. Many of the contours of children’s lives have changed accordingly. Michael R. Haines and Anne C. Meyering see also: Child Support; Demography of Childhood; Fertility; Poverty, Children in; Work, Children’s Gainful further reading: Sara McClanahan, “Diverging Destinies: How Children Are Faring under the Second Demographic Transition,” Demography 41, no. 4 (December 2004), pp. 607–27. • Susan Carter, Scott S. Gartner, Michael R. Haines, Alan Olmstead, Richard Sutch, and Gavin Wright, Historical Statistics of the United States, 2006. • Shelly Lundberg and Robert A. Pollock, “The American Family and Family Economics,” The Journal of Economic Per-

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spectives 21, no. 2 (Spring 2007), pp. 3–26. • Betsy Stevenson and Justin Wolfers, “Marriage and Divorce: Changes and their Driving Forces,” The Journal of Economic Perspectives 21, no. 2 (Spring 2007), pp. 27–52.

legal and public-policy perspectives. Family is one of the most revered institutions in American law, although the best way to value family is often hotly contested. This makes family law and policy a controversial and significant arena. Disagreement in large part is linked to demographic trends that are read by some as simply the flowering of diverse, pluralistic family forms that nevertheless perform the core functions of family, versus those who see the movement away from certain structural norms as signs of disintegration and danger. The demographic trends are not unique to American families. In many countries, these trends include the high rate of divorce, increasing cohabitation, significant numbers of nonmarital children, the rise in single-parent (mostly single-mother) families, and the disconnection of many fathers from their children. In the United States, marriage is no longer a lifelong status for many; divorce is common, as is remarriage; premarital cohabitation and cohabitation in lieu of marriage have risen sharply; and nonmarital births now account for a third of all births. Single-parent families, blended families, and extended families coexist with traditional understandings of the nuclear family. Intertwined with these demographic changes are significant social and cultural changes since the 1950s. Nonmarital parenthood is no longer stigmatized, nor are nonmarital children, and cohabitation is socially acceptable. Sexual norms no longer condemn premarital sex, and women have control over reproduction. Women and men are no longer bound by a gender script (and, historically, legally enforced gender roles). Women have entered the workplace in significant numbers, and although women’s equality is far from complete, their movement into wage work has had significant implications for family. The accepted subordination of women in the form of domestic violence has shifted to a norm of nonviolence and condemnation of violence, although the reality of ongoing significant levels of domestic violence persists. Men’s shift in family roles has been slower, but the expectation that men will nurture as well as provide, and will be partners instead of patriarchs, is another hallmark of this change. Another area of significant social change that has deeply affected law and policy in the past several decades is the movement for gay and lesbian rights, including family rights of marriage and adoption as well as rights of custodial and noncustodial relationships with children. This remains one of the most controversial areas of family law, and resistance to same-sex marriage in some states reverberates in areas beyond marriage. Because of efforts to deny any form of marital rights to same-sex couples, for example, in some states the

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rights of cohabitants, whether same sex or opposite sex, are being affected as well. Any movement toward reconsidering the rights of cohabitants, then, may be affected by its impact on the status of same-sex relationships. The development of reproductive technologies is another significant change for families, generating the promise of creating a family for many along with difficult ethical, legal, and policy questions. The need to define who is a “parent” in this context has refocused attention on issues of legal parentage even when reproductive technologies are not involved. In an age when DNA identification of genetic parents for every child is possible, the law has had to reconsider what defines a “parent,” with implications in particular for those who are social parents without a biological link. Finally, there has been an ongoing public-policy debate about poor families that has generated efforts to increase resources to those families while grappling with what obligations can be attached to those resources. The resistance to universal family supports and the insistence on private responsibility have generated increasing efforts to collect child support amid the stubborn persistence of a high rate of child poverty. The disproportionate impact of poverty by race has meant this failure of family policy falls heavily on families of color. The combination of these social issues and demographic trends has meant that many issues of family law and policy, from divorce to welfare, are contentious and controversial. Moreover, family policy must confront the diversity of families—nuclear, extended, marital, nonmarital, blended, adopted, opposite sex, and same sex—along with the fluidity of those family forms over time. Law and public policy function through three key mechanisms: the principles established in constitutional norms; certain federal universal norms enforced particularly through the spending power; and the laws of the states, which is the heart of family law, since state statutes and courts most directly affect families. Constitutional norms accord high value to families, parents, and marriage. Families are protected from intrusion by the state because of their fundamental value to individuals and to society. Families are where differences in culture, religion, morality, and traditions are sustained and passed on. While there may be disagreement among the justices of the U.S. Supreme Court over whether the grounding of this fundamental protection for families lies solely in the liberty guarantee of the Fourteenth Amendment or in other provisions of the Bill of Rights, the family itself is an unquestioned constitutional value. The definition of family is key to the scope of this constitutional protection, and increasingly the Court has recognized the contemporary diversity of American families. Extended families with intergenerational ties of blood or marriage, foster families, and singleparent families have all been recognized and protected as constitutionally valued families. Interwoven with the high constitutional regard for

families is the related high regard for parents and parental rights. Parents’ right to raise their children free from state interference is valued for the benefit to children and for its role in preserving familial values and cultures. While parental rights are not absolute, and children’s wellbeing justifies state intervention to ensure proper education and health care or to prevent abuse or neglect, parental decision making is presumed to be in the best interests of the child unless it can be demonstrated otherwise. This respect for parents is without regard to family form: Single parents are accorded the same deference as married parents. Coupled with this high respect for parents is a principle of individual responsibility: Parents are responsible for the well-being of children. Children are by and large not viewed as a social responsibility, nor are children viewed as having significant rights of income, housing, or education to ensure their development and growth. Those are matters left to parents and families as largely a private individual responsibility. Marriage is also highly valued in the constitutional scheme as a fundamental right. Marriage is viewed as the highest form of intimate relationship, “older than the Constitution,” precious to the extent of being “sacred.” The marital family has consistently been recognized as the relationship and family that the law most strongly preserves. The hundreds of rights, federal and state, that attach to marriage are linked to its value, thus justifying its preferential status, particularly as a structure within which to raise children. The struggle over same-sex marriage raises the question of whether this constitutional right is a personal one that encompasses the choice of whom to marry or whether it is a right limited by its traditional association with heterosexual relationships. In the absence of a definitive constitutional answer, the battleground for same-sex marriage is in the states, both in the legislatures and in state court cases brought under state constitutions. While doctrine regarding families, parents, and marriage provide the core principles that affect family law and policy, two other areas of federal constitutional doctrine have had a significant impact on the scope of state legislation. First, the U.S. Supreme Court’s equality jurisprudence sets a demanding standard for gender equality that is reflected in the shift in state laws from gendered norms to genderneutral standards. Second, the Court’s decisions on reproductive freedom and rights to intimacy have fundamentally affected families not only through the controversial area of abortion but also by eliminating a host of laws regulating the intimate relationships of adults, including adults in same-sex relationships. Constitutional law provides only an overall framework for the recognition and support of families. Indeed, the Supreme Court generally avoids deciding issues of family law under principles of federalism, seeing domestic relations as fundamentally an area reserved to the states. Thus, most

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laws relating to families exist at the level of the states, albeit sometimes driven by federal mandates that result in fairly uniform state law. Federal mandates attached to the spending power have had a profound effect on the structure of state law with respect to child support and welfare. Federal child-support mandates have generated state laws that use guidelines instead of discretionary factors to impose uniformity on child-support standards. In addition, federal law has supported the establishment of child-support orders and their enforcement under a policy preferring private to public support of children. Federal mandates similarly have significantly shaped state welfare laws, requiring that recipients in most cases work in order to collect welfare and that welfare is a time-limited benefit and that recipients participate in establishing paternity and seeking child support. More recently, the federal government has been involved in marriage promotion and responsible fatherhood as policy initiatives to strengthen fragile families. Federal presence has also been significant in the area of domestic violence, funding programs aimed at providing resources to victims and training for police, judges, and other personnel dealing with this issue. Federal presence in these areas and others of family law has come when the need for uniformity is strong and to deal with issues of interstate enforcement. Although state law is variable and in some areas reflects the classic model of the laboratories of social change, in general state law reflects the same high regard for family, parents, and marriage as federal constitutional law and statutes. At the same time, to an even greater degree than federal or constitutional law, state laws recognize changing family forms, granting greater rights and imposing greater obligations on nontraditional families. The continuing high regard for marriage is reflected in the attachment of hundreds of rights to marital status. No-fault divorce makes the dissolution of marriage relatively easy, but the evolution of custody standards at least in theory means that the entire family continues as a postdivorce entity. Indeed, most recent family law reforms designed to encourage mediation, collaboration, and forward-looking parenting plans reflect a shift away from thinking of divorce as a “clean break” to thinking of divorce where minor children are involved as changing the form of family but not its existence. The modern law of custody seeks to preserve continuing contact with both parents through joint custody or frequent visitation and to discourage acrimonious, combative divorce. Consistent with that vision, fathers have exercised far greater rights to relationship not only with respect to their children consistent with norms of gender equality now explicit in many custody statutes but also linked to concerns over the consequences of the absence of fathers from the lives of their children. Fathers’ greater rights have not translated into equal family caregiving for most families, but the redefinition of fatherhood has meant a significant change in fathers’ care of children. Vision and reality often strongly

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confl ict in the area of postdivorce families, posing continuing challenges for states. Remarriage is common, and blended families raise questions of financial obligation as well as the rights of stepparents and the social realities for children and parents of this different family form. The goal of maintaining relationships and providing support to children also applies to never-married parents. Concerns over financial support have driven this development, pushing states to identify fathers through stronger efforts to establish paternity and impose responsibilities. But with responsibilities came rights, and slowly nonmarital fathers have sought to sustain their relationships with their children, whether they previously cohabited with them or not. This recognition of fathers, rather than stigmatizing them or marginalizing them from the lives of their children, also links to the states’ greater recognition of cohabitants, particularly of nonmarital couples with children. This shifts family law’s focus from marriage to parenthood as the critical link for children. That link, and the importance of parenthood, is increasingly the focus in other countries as well that recognize the declining role of marriage and the increasing pattern of cohabitation either prior to marriage or in lieu of it. Particularly with respect to the welfare of children, the concern is to ensure their financial support and, increasingly, their social relationships. To the extent the relationships are created with nonbiological, purely social parents, some states increasingly use various doctrines of de facto parenthood, psychological parenthood, or parenthood by estoppel to fully recognize the rights and obligations of social parents. This means that parenthood is defined more by intention or function than status. Same-sex marriage has challenged the states since the 1990s as no other family law issue has done since abortion. The successful constitutional challenge to state sodomy law energized the same-sex marriage movement. The historic Massachusetts decision soon after, holding samesex marriage to be a constitutional right under the state constitution, radically changed the landscape of state law. Massachusetts and a small number of other states currently authorize same-sex marriage, while civil union or domestic partnership equivalent at the state level to marriage is now a reality in other states. Elsewhere, however, amendments to state constitutions limit marriage to heterosexual unions, defense-of-marriage statutes refuse to recognize same-sex marriages or unions of other states, and state supreme courts have found no constitutional infirmities with the statutes of their states. The potential for a federal constitutional answer has generated a call for a federal constitutional amendment that so far has been stymied by adverse public opinion. If the experience of other countries is any measure, the United States is more likely to adopt a separate but equal status for same-sex couples, in the form of civil union or domestic partnership, but the strong equality jurisprudence in the United States suggests that is a consti-

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tutionally challengeable structure of basic family and human rights. An area of family law that has significantly changed without such controversy is adoption. Social and demographic factors have shifted this area of the law from the private model of traditional adoption, characterized by secrecy and closed records, to a more open atmosphere that allows for connection between adopted children and their birth families. The change in law has followed a change in the culture about adoption as well as a very different attitude toward unmarried mothers, which has dramatically changed the number of children available for adoption. The developments in adoption law suggest a model for the regulation of reproductive technologies and the identity rights of children created by those technologies, as well as egg donors, sperm donors, and surrogates. Two areas of state law that continue to address significant family issues, but only inadequately, are supports for work and family responsibilities and economic support for families whose resources put them below the poverty line. The lack of laws and public policies designed to help families balance the demands of work and home life creates confl ict for all families, but especially so for poor families. Structures of economic support for families remain minimal. Nearly 20%, or one in five, of American children live in poverty as defined by the federal poverty guideline figure. More than a third of those children live in extreme poverty, and that number is growing. Poverty correlates with a host of negative outcomes for children, including cognitive, behavioral, and health consequences. Private child support remains the key focus of family economic policy, despite data that demonstrate that even if fully paid, current childsupport guideline amounts would not have a significant impact on child poverty. For the poorest children and families, federal law now requires that welfare recipients enter the workforce with only minimal access to job training, education, transportation, or child care. For the working poor, estimated at 43 million low-income families with children in 2004, even the minimal support of the welfare system is unavailable. The disproportionate numbers of minority families affected by the inadequacy of family support reflect a racial disparity in the impact of family laws and policies. Among black children, 33% live in poverty; among Latino children, 28% live in poverty, compared to 10% of white children. The poverty rates of American children are as much as two or three times higher than other industrialized nations. Thus, there are contradictions within family law and policy as well as controversies. Most significantly, the commitment to valuing families and valuing children is challenged by the reality of child poverty. In addition, demographic and social changes may cause significant differences in articulating policy or in fully implementing policy. Finally, family law and policy are committed to equality, but the re-

alities of America’s children and families expose continuing inequalities along gender and race lines. Nancy E. Dowd see also: Abandonment and Infanticide; Abuse and Neglect; Adoption; Child: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives; Custody; Domestic Violence; Emancipation; Family Court; Foster and Kinship Care; Gay and Lesbian Parents; Guardianship; Marital and Nonmarital Unions; Parens Patriae; Privacy, Family; Rights, Children’s; Rights, Parental; Rights, Termination of Parental; Separation and Divorce; Visitation; Welfare further reading: June Carbone, From Partners to Parents: The Second Revolution in Family Law, 2000. • Nancy E. Dowd, Redefining Fatherhood, 2000. • Dorothy Roberts, Shattered Bonds: The Color of Child Welfare, 2002. • Martha Albertson Fineman, The Autonomy Myth: A Theory of Dependency, 2004.

family court. Family court was one of several great public institutions established by American social reformers around the turn of the 20th century to address the burgeoning complexity of societal issues in an increasingly urban environment. Families affected by problems of poverty, crime, immigration and migration, sweatshop labor, and scarce access to education and health care began to experience newly created public institutions designed to provide them with needed assistance, to assimilate them into the dominant culture, and, at times, to alter their perceived harmful conduct. These institutions included schools, hospitals, mental institutions, reformatories, settlement houses, libraries, and specialized courts. Family courts, still known variously as juvenile, dependency, domestic relations, or children’s courts, began as an alternative to adult criminal court for children in trouble with the law but quickly expanded to include multiple areas of jurisdiction, including delinquency, child welfare, child support and paternity, status offenses, family offenses, divorce, custody and visitation, guardianship, and adoption. Most states, as well as many other countries, have created some type of family court system as either a separate court or a division of a trial court. The jurisdictional authority granted to these courts over family law and juvenile criminal law continues to vary considerably, often requiring parties to appear in multiple forums to address overlapping issues such as custody and domestic violence. This has led to persistent calls for a unified family court system to integrate the judicial authority over all matters for which families find themselves in court. While many current reformers believe this integration will result in fewer jurisdictional and decisional confl icts, improve the training and expertise of court personnel and judges, and provide greater time and resource efficiencies, others worry that providing a single judge with such power over a family will undermine rights to privacy and due process and diminish the judge’s ability to remain open minded and impartial. While the legal issues that family courts have traditionally addressed have been state law questions, during the

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last quarter of the 20th century these issues assumed an increasingly national character. The reasons for this shift fall into two categories: first, a recognition that, in a mobile society, many issues, such as custody or child support, have ramifications beyond state boundaries and, second, that individual states, through their family court systems, cannot address the complex problems facing modern families without federal assistance. The creators of family courts had imagined a court where informality, specially trained public servants, such as probation officers and social workers, and a kindly judge would result in benign but effective assistance to children and families. By midcentury, however, a new generation of reformers was lamenting the family court’s failures: inappropriate state intervention into family decision making, inadequate services to support families, untrained and underresourced social service systems, children placed in dangerous and inappropriate institutions, and court proceedings that failed to provide even a semblance of due process. Beginning in the 1960s and 1970s, advocates challenged the informality and lack of due process of some family court proceedings and the procedures utilized by the child welfare and juvenile justice systems as well as the conditions of care and treatment that children were receiving in foster care, detention centers, reform schools, mental health institutions, and hospitals. State and federal courts, including the U.S. Supreme Court, began to issue decisions more clearly defining the rights and roles of parents and children, addressing conditions of care, and establishing some basic procedural due process rights for litigants, including the right to counsel for children in juvenile delinquency proceedings (In re Gault, 1967) and stricter evidentiary standards in certain child welfare proceedings (Santosky v. Kramer, 1982). During this same period, the federal government began passing a series of laws to increase its oversight of child welfare and support, juvenile delinquency, foster care, and adoption. For example, the Adoption Assistance and Child Welfare Act of 1980 required states to improve the quality of their services to children and families in order to qualify for much-needed federal funds. Family courts, for example, were given significantly greater authority to determine whether state agencies were taking appropriate efforts to prevent the need for foster care, reunify families, or free children for adoption. Despite the institution of formal due process rights and the expansion of the courts’ authority to oversee agency decision making, litigants, advocates, judges, lawmakers, and concerned citizens have remained dissatisfied with the courts’ ability to make fair and reasoned decisions while improving the lives of the parties. Only some of this dissatisfaction fairly resides with the court system itself. Most of the parties in family court proceedings, particularly child welfare, delinquency, childsupport, and nonmarital custodial proceedings, are poor. Many of the litigants are members of racial minorities and

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immigrant populations, their numbers in family court far outstripping their percentage of the general population. The problems that bring them to family court—many of the same problems for which family court was originally created—cannot necessarily be resolved there. Poverty, homelessness, failing school and child welfare systems, inadequate health and mental health care, and crime contribute to the bases for cases of child maltreatment, truancy, delinquency, family dissolution, and child-support arrears. The court is not a social service agency, a public benefits office, an educational institution, or an employment bureau. Even when the law, as in New York’s Family Court Act §141, declares that “the court is given a wide range of powers for dealing with the complexities of family life so that its action may fit the particular needs of those before it,” the court’s powers are limited by these other factors. After a century of experience, the idea of a specialized court dedicated to addressing the needs of children and families has not yet been abandoned. The latest reforms draw on a wide array of sources. The U.S. Supreme Court reconfirmed “the fundamental right of parents to make decisions concerning the care, custody, and control of their children” in Troxel v. Granville (2000), reminding family court judges that decisions to intervene in family life must protect the health and safety of a child while also preserving family integrity and the child’s right to be raised by family and not the state. At the point of intervention itself, state processes have increasingly recognized the centrality of family participation in decisions being made about their lives. Alternative dispute resolution (ADR) methods, such as mediation, have proliferated, drawing on a range of cultural experiences, such as family case conferencing based on Maori traditions in New Zealand that brings all interested members of the family together with professionals to create a family-based solution to challenges facing the family. At the same time that ADR mechanisms are being developed, lawmakers and reformers remain concerned that formal court proceedings satisfy basic due process requirements and improve outcomes for families. The federal government has funded model court projects throughout the United States to encourage innovation, while many states are reforming their family courts following studies recommending improvements. National organizations, such as the National Council of Juvenile and Family Court Judges and the American Bar Association’s Center on Children and the Law, have promulgated standards of practice and ethics for lawyers, judges, and social service providers appearing in family court proceedings. These standards are intended to ensure that children and parents are represented effectively by counsel; that proceedings are fair, timely, and open to public scrutiny; and that families receive crucial assistance. Family court remains an ideal whose future realization requires accepting its limitations while still working to fulfill its promise. Jane M. Spinak

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see also: Custody; Family: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives; Juvenile Court; Rights, Termination of Parental; Status Offenses; Visitation further reading: National Council of Juvenile and Family Court Judges, http://www.ncjfcj.org/

family systems theories. Family systems theories of development accentuate the importance of the social system in which the individual lives in shaping behavior. Systemic theory builds on concepts from general systems theory and cybernetics developed in the context of the physical and biological sciences. In the purest (and earliest) form of family systems theory, human behavior was viewed as fully determined by the properties of the system of which the individual is a part, much like the behavior of inanimate objects responding to physical forces such as entropy. Systems theory builds on a number of simple principles. Each system comprises a number of subsystems, which affect one another. The principle of equifinality suggests that the particular route to a state does not matter; all roads to the same state are seen as equivalent, and, thus, history is regarded as unimportant. The principle of wholeness posits that the whole is more than the sum of its parts, indicating that there is little point in considering one part of a system without regard to the rest of the system. The principle of homeostasis suggests that systems tend to naturally return to earlier states and move to diminish change; the implication being that attempts to change human systems must engage with powerful conservative forces. Feedback, the information about the outcomes of behavior that regulates systems, is seen as playing a key role in this homeostatic process. Causality is viewed as circular rather than linear, one person’s behavior being seen as affecting and being affected by the others in an infinite loop. Family systems theories also emphasize the impact of context. In the earliest incarnations of this viewpoint, all behavior, even the most dysfunctional, was viewed as understandable if viewed in the proper context. These early family systems theories viewed humans as “black boxes” whose behaviors were seen as almost exclusively determined by their social context. Indeed, from this viewpoint, there was no such thing as “individual” development; instead, these early theories accentuated the impact of forces working in systems to enable continuity. Building on these core systemic principles, the first generation of family system therapists explicated a variety of specific theories seeking to identify the central factors affecting family life and, thus, child development. Most influential (both then and now) was the theory of structural family therapy developed by Salvador Minuchin, which posited that development and behavior are shaped by three crucial aspects of systemic organization: boundaries, alliances, and power. Boundaries describe who participates with whom in what operations. Pathology is viewed as the

product of boundaries that are too permeable (enmeshment) or too rigid (disengagement), whereas healthy development is viewed as the product of flexible, clear boundaries. Alliances describe who sides with whom about what. Here, pathology is viewed as stemming from either rigid or primarily cross-generational alliances, whereas healthy development is seen as based in flexible alliances that primarily remain within generations. Power describes the relative authority of each family member. Pathological development here is seen as stemming from either autocratic power or a lack of executive functioning and healthy development by the presence of executive(s) in charge with everyone retaining some power and control. In the same era, Gregory Bateson and colleagues focused on context and communication, stating the double-bind hypothesis (“damned if you do; damned if you don’t”) that viewed schizophrenia as the product of the individual being placed in a web of pathological communication; for example, where a mother reprimands a child for not being intimate yet responds “coldly” or abruptly when the child behaves in intimate or affectionate ways. Murray Bowen emphasized a multigenerational causal process through which pathological family processes were passed down over multiple generations. Such systemic theories attained a considerable following and powerfully influenced the development of family therapy, each specific theory becoming the basis for a school of approach. However, there were limitations in these theories that became the subject of significant challenges by the family therapists who followed. One set of criticisms focused on the evidence base for some of these theories accentuating the presence of many untested assumptions. Aspects such as the presence of a double bind could not be reliably identified, let alone validated. Another set of critiques pointed to the gender- and culture-laden assumptions made about families in these theories. Others questioned the assumption that human systems were homeostatic, accentuating more hopeful visions of the family as an agent of resilience and positive change. The synthesis of these early ideas and criticisms led to a still-evolving set of family systems theories that integrate a systemic viewpoint and other views of personality and development. Cognitive-behavioral family theories draw from behavioral principles of conditioning and reinforcement. Psychodynamic family theories juxtapose the importance of the social system with psychodynamic theory, most especially object relations theory and attachment theory. Multigenerational theories emphasize the impact of pathways that are transmitted across generations on individual development. Narrative theories accentuate a postmodern view of development, driven by narratives to which the child is exposed and the stories the child develops about the world and self. Recent variations of systems theories are less dogmatic

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about notions of “right” and “wrong” ways of system organization than were the earlier variants, accentuating the viability of a multitude of diverse family forms. Furthermore, although the family is regarded as the most important input in the lives of children, it is no longer seen as the only such input within a family system perspective; peer, school, and cultural systems, as well as processes within the individual, are also viewed as crucial. Nonetheless, family system theory remains anchored in a view of the powerful mutual influence family members have on one another. There also remains an emphasis on the family providing “good-enough” manifestations of such characteristics as organization, contingencies, and attachment for children to thrive. Too much confl ict or the triangulation of children into parental conflict is seen as especially deleterious. In an example frequently encountered in families with oppositional children, a deficit in authoritative parenting coevolves with the problematic behavior of the child, and the more parents and child engage in dysfunctional behavior the more the other does as well. The current evaluation of the evidence for family systems theories of development is mixed. Few findings exist in social science as well demonstrated as the ongoing mutual influence of family and its individuals on one another. The circular impact of family dysfunction and child psychopathology is well established. The evidence also indicates that being raised in a family in which attachments of children to parents are strong and parents are authoritative in their parenting clearly makes for healthier development, whereas families dominated by high conflict, chaos, or psychopathology are far more likely to have children with difficulties. However, early notions of simple etiologic pathways highlighting the influence of the family system have given way to far more complex theories grounded in the interaction between biology, early experience, systemic factors, and luck in the development of health and pathology. While the structure and climate of the family clearly affects children, those effects have been demonstrated to even vary from child to child in the same family, impacted by an array of individual and system factors. Today’s family therapies have been demonstrated to impact on a wide range of child and adolescent disorders in a clinically significant way. The overall effectiveness of family systems therapies approximates those of individual therapies, and these therapies have been shown to impact particularly well on certain problems (such as adolescent substance abuse) and cultures (such as those with a strong family emphasis). The trend in therapies for children and adolescents is clearly moving toward treatments that incorporate a family systems perspective, the impact of other systems, and aspects of individual understandings of children and adolescents. Jay Lebow see also: Development, Theories of; Family; Social Work

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further reading: S. Minuchin, Families and Family Therapy, 1974. • T. L. Sexton, G. R. Weeks, and M. S. Robbins, eds., Handbook of Family Therapy: The Science and Practice of Working with Families and Couples, 2003. • J. L. Lebow, Handbook of Clinical Family Therapy, 2005. • J. L. Lebow, “Couple and Family Therapy,” in J. L. Lebow, ed., Twentieth Century Psychotherapies, 2008.

father-child relationship. Fatherhood changes over time and varies somewhat from one society to the next. It is, in other words, a historical topic, though one that has not been studied as extensively as is desirable. Nor has the evaluation of fathers’ interactions with children over time been studied. Many historical studies, while not focused on fatherhood in detail, have suggested that fathers were usually remote from their children in agricultural civilizations. From classical China onward, for example, emphasis in child rearing bore heavily on mothers or domestic servants. This followed, of course, from common divisions of labor, in which men were more extensively engaged in agricultural work outside the home or, in the upper classes, in public functions. Fathers appeared as distant and rather forbidding figures, often known particularly for their insistence on discipline. Many analysts have argued further, in the Chinese case, that mothers, precisely because of their inferiority in the general social system and because of competition in upper-class households from mothers-in-law and concubines, developed deliberately intense relationships with their children, particularly their sons. This provided satisfaction in the short term and protection for later age, when adult sons could and did defer to their mothers despite their official dominance. Similar patterns seem to have arisen in classical India and in ancient Greece and Rome (though in the latter instance, the depth of attachment to mothers may have been less). At the same time, of course, paternal power affected children deeply. It was fathers who took the lead, in China and the Mediterranean, in deciding whether a newborn child should be allowed to live, because infanticide, commonly of girls, was widely used for population control. All the classical cultures, as well as the major religions, urged obedience to parents and particularly to fathers, and training in discipline and manners drove this point home. Fathers led religious or family rituals on the birth of a new child. And fathers took over the training of sons, either directly or through the employment of teachers, after early childhood. Indeed, the clash between paternal direction aimed toward boys’ worldly achievement and earlier maternal indulgence helps explain why fathers were so rarely warmly remembered in later commentary, even by their sons who repeated the paternal roles. Obviously, variants on this rather forbidding pattern occurred, depending in part on personality. In imperial Rome and Han China, at the height of stability and prosperity,

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some accounts (sometimes critical) suggested that fathers were taking a more elaborate interest even in young children, even attending their wives’ bedsides at births. Nevertheless, in most nonagricultural societies, standard law codes emphasized paternal responsibilities that incorporated control over children, including virtually unlimited rights of punishment, and provision of economic support and training or experience for boys in whatever work was appropriate to the family’s station. In any rift between father and mother, fathers gained control over children. The advent and spread of major religions like Christianity and Islam did not substantially alter the standard definition of fatherhood, though all sorts of personal variants continued. Christianity’s image of God the Father could be seen as the disciplinary paternal role writ large, as opposed to the more merciful intermediary provided by the Son. The major religions (like Judaism earlier) did attack infanticide, reducing this component in paternal decision making. Responsibility for some religious training, often particularly for boys, added to the duty list for good fathers. While some Muslim writers worried about the effects of undue physical discipline, fathers in many societies continued to assume that this approach was essential to the creation of good character in boys. A French king in the 17th century, though delighting in playing with his infant son and mocking his tiny genitals while showing him off at parties, offered very clear instructions to the boy’s tutor: Regular physical discipline must be employed as part of classroom instruction, or the boy would grow up unregulated. More general tensions between fathers and sons, along with economic factors, often prompted sons to leave home in favor of migration to cities or signing up for military service. The emergence of what is called the European-style family, from the 15th century onward, added a more unusual element to the father-son relationship. In order to protect families from having too many children, members of the lower classes in western Europe began to marry later than in most agricultural societies, at an average age of 26 or 27. The basic notion was that a boy should not marry until he had access to property; community controls worked to limit sexual activity until just before marriage. This new system was different, and it often heightened tensions between fathers and older sons, whose full access to adulthood had to wait their fathers’ death or retirement. The advent of Protestantism in Western Europe, reducing the role of priests in instilling religion, provided new emphasis on the role of fathers in providing moral guidance and religious instruction. With growing access to literacy and to the Bible, many fathers spent time reading Bible passages to the family. While this moral responsibility could add to fathers’ disciplinary roles, the same responsibility could encourage new contacts and attachments. A number of fathers in colonial America wrote movingly of their grief when one of their children sickened or died—not neces-

sarily new sentiments, but ones that were becoming more widely visible. In families of European origin, fathers in colonial America were most commonly described through the Protestant emphasis on moral responsibility, which did involve considerable contact with children beyond sheer discipline and preparation for work. Abundance of land in America and lack of available labor also prompted many fathers to modify the European-style pattern by letting sons marry somewhat earlier (at around age 23) and giving them a partial inheritance in advance of the father’s retirement or death. This undoubtedly reduced tensions in some instances, but there are also vivid records of bitter disputes over property control between American fathers and their eager sons. The Industrial Revolution of the 19th century changed relations between fathers and children dramatically, in part because of the increasing spatial separation of home and work but also because of new restrictions on child labor and the introduction of compulsory school attendance. For men of the urban middle class and working class, direct contact with their children dropped precipitously. Working-class fathers often could gather no inheritance to reinforce paternal authority or to encourage fathers’ own beliefs that they were providing for their progeny. Correspondingly, in Western Europe and the United States alike, emphasis on motherhood began to intensify. Mothers were seen as having the unique qualities necessary for raising good children. Child-rearing manuals often implied that men lacked these qualities. The revolutionary idea that women were naturally more moral, as well as more loving, than men left some fathers quite uncertain about their roles with children. Certainly the emphasis on fathers as active moral guides declined, and, on a humbler note, it was mothers, more often than fathers, who were now likely to read to their children. Growing beliefs in maternal superiority began to lead, by the late 19th and 20th centuries, to legal preference for mothers in custody disputes—a literal reversal of standard practice that had always favored fathers’ rights to dominance and ownership. By the 20th century, popular movies and, later, television shows often pictured fathers as bumbling incompetents compared to their more experienced and capable wives. Industrial and urban conditions and the reduced cultural support for fatherhood engendered the emergence of bad fathers. Now facing urban temptations and inequities, men fathered children, often out of wedlock, and left town. Even when married, some abandoned their families in the fluid atmosphere of modern cities or drank away their earnings. Physical abuse of children may also have increased, as anonymous cities replaced more active community supervision. Widespread military service by the later 19th and 20th centuries, compounded by massive death rates in the world wars, further removed fathers from children at key points.

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To be sure, many fathers still worked close to home, even in towns. Their engagement with children remained considerable. Letters from Civil War soldiers suggest how many young men looked to their fathers for affection and advice, even amid the growing emphasis on maternalism. Fathers also retained a disciplinary role. “Wait till your father gets home” was a common threat, recognizing that men were not around the house as much as in the past but nevertheless retained some ultimate authority. By the 20th century, many men strove to rebuild connections with families and therefore to renew a more active paternal role. Some historians have identified a new-style suburban father as early as the 1880s in the United States bent on spending leisure time with the kids. By the 1920s, organizations like YMCAs began to encourage new ways for fathers to relate to their children, forming groups like Indian Princesses where fathers could join their daughters in group activities. Nevertheless, men were still away from home for long parts of the day, and children, after infancy, were increasingly relating to teachers and peers at school. Assumptions of special maternal competence remained active as well. Child-rearing manuals, though sometimes mentioning functions for fathers by the 1920s (like taking care of a sibling when a new baby arrived), continued to view fathers as peripheral, save in their role as providers. In this context, and encouraged by some of the new organizations, many fathers tried to relate to their children particularly as “pals.” The idea was to leave basic care and, increasingly, even primary disciplinary responsibility to mothers and to join children in fun. The result could add important dimensions to the lives of fathers and children alike, and it certainly allowed fathers to train children in leisure skills. And while this might privilege boys—sports provided the obvious father-son connection—the rapid decline of the birth rate meant that men sought new kinds of contacts with daughters as well. Children themselves were reporting by the 1950s that while their mothers were far and away their more important parent, fathers were more entertaining. The father as pal was an important new relationship, developed far more extensively in the United States than in Europe, and represented a substantial change compared to traditional and industrial patterns. It made some people, observers and participants, a bit uneasy and did not extend easily into adolescence, when children turned to peers as companions. New efforts by fathers and increasing valuation of daughters had particularly interesting implications. Studies of women leaders in the 20th-century United States often noted (among other factors) the impact of close contacts between the women as girls and their fathers and paternal encouragement to achievement. On the more general pattern of paternal reengagement and its limits, divorced fathers, a growing breed particularly in the United States, often displayed extremes of the

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father-as-pal approach, showering children with gifts and entertainment on the days when they had visitation rights. But rising divorce rates among couples with children also revealed the extent to which many fathers and mothers were downgrading the importance of children in their evaluations of marriage. At the same time, of course, divorce also confirmed the bad-father minority: Many divorced men lost interest in their children (sometimes discouraged by their inability to gain equitable custody rights in a legal climate that continued to favor mothers), and a large number sought to avoid child-support payments. Households headed by single women, divorced or never married, provided the context for growing child poverty. The rise of feminism and other cultural changes in the 1960s and 1970s brought even further emphasis of the importance of active fathering as part of responsible manhood. (Efforts to enforce child-support payments by law increased as well.) With mothers increasingly joining the labor force outside the home and with new emphasis on improving men’s emotional lives as part of a better balance in manhood, many observers hailed a new-style father, bent on far more engagement with children than their fathers had manifested. Symbolically, the inclusion by the 1970s of fathers in hospital delivery rooms suggested significant social change. Many men did take on new child care roles, although mothers typically retained primary parental responsibility and were far more likely than fathers to interrupt work to take care of a sick child, for example. Nevertheless, many men did continue an effort to reengage with children, and the early 21st century was best seen as a continuation and intensification of efforts to modify the impact of industrial society on fatherhood that had begun some decades before. Peter N. Stearns see also: Authority and Obedience; Family; Gay and Lesbian Parents; Mother-Child Relationship; Parenthood; Rights, Parental; Single Parents further reading: Robert L. Griswold, Fatherhood in America: A History, 1993. • Stephen M. Frank, Life with Father: Parenthood and Masculinity in the Nineteenth-Century American North, 1998. • Peter N. Stearns, Childhood in World History, 2005.

fears, phobias, and anxiety disorders. Historically, childhood fears were considered part of normal development, and thus little attention was directed toward understanding their nature or providing treatment. Since the early 1980s, however, psychologists have come to distinguish between ordinary fears, which tend to dissipate as children mature, and more severe fears or anxiety. Much research now demonstrates the detrimental nature of severe fears and anxiety. When fears are so persistent and severe as to interfere with daily social, emotional, and academic functioning, they are called anxiety disorders. Worldwide, prevalence rates of childhood anxiety dis-

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orders increase with age, ranging between 6.7% and 17.7% of the population, depending on the particular disorder and age range. Childhood anxiety disorders are among the most common disorders worldwide. Moreover, children with anxiety disorders often meet diagnostic criteria for more than one disorder, a condition known as comorbidity. Although comorbidity rates vary, about half of children with an anxiety disorder suffer from a second anxiety disorder as well. This article discusses the most common childhood anxiety disorders, following the guidelines provided in the fourth edition of the American Psychiatric Association’s Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-IV, 1994). Although these diagnostic categories were initially developed in the United States, the same constellation of symptoms has been documented worldwide. T y p e s o f D i s o r d er s Generalized anxiety disorder is diagnosed when children experience excessive worry and anxiety that is difficult to control and is accompanied by somatic (physical) complaints that interfere with the child’s ability to achieve academically or interact socially. Common worries include health, school, disasters, personal harm, and future events. Common somatic complaints include restlessness, irritability, inability to concentrate, sleep disturbance, fatigue, headache, and stomachache. Although the average age of onset is between 10 and 13 years, the incidence and number of symptoms increases with age. Moreover, while boys and girls between the ages of 9 and 13 are equally likely to receive this diagnosis, the ratio of females to males tends to increase during adolescence. Children with separation anxiety disorder become extremely distressed upon separation from a parent or other caregiver, fearing that their parents will be injured or killed or that they themselves will be injured, killed, or kidnapped. They are reluctant to be alone at home, report nightmares about separation, and have physical complaints such as headaches, stomachaches, nausea, or vomiting when separated from, or anticipating separation from, a major attachment figure. Because reaching the mandatory age for school attendance coincides with their first extended separation from their primary caretaker, many children with separation anxiety disorder refuse to go to school. This disorder occurs in 3% to 5% of the population. It is most common between the ages of 5 and 7, although it can occur at any time during childhood or adolescence. Possibly because it typically presents at such a young age, those with separation anxiety disorder have a very positive prognosis. However, when this disorder results in school refusal, it can be a particularly intractable disorder. Social phobia is characterized by a marked and persistent fear of embarrassment and/or ridicule in social or performance situations. Often, children are not able to explain the basis of their fear; rather, they just express anxiety

when in the presence of others. Children with social phobia have a desire as well as a capacity for social interaction, thereby differentiating them from children with autism spectrum disorders. Typical situations that create distress for children with social phobia include asking or answering questions; talking to teachers and other adults; talking on the phone; reading, writing, or eating in the presence of others; using public restrooms; and attending social gatherings. These fears result in social and academic dysfunction and, in some cases, school refusal. Social phobia affects approximately 3% of the population. The average age of onset is midadolescence; however, children as young as age 8 have been diagnosed with the disorder. Preadolescent boys and girls are equally likely to have this disorder; however, in adolescence the ratio of girls to boys increases. Although not officially considered to be an anxiety disorder, selective mutism is a related condition. Children with selective mutism refuse to talk in certain environments and/or with certain individuals, even though they talk freely with family members. It is common for children with selective mutism to talk to peers but not teachers or other adults in school, although some children also refuse to talk to classmates. Additionally, while these children talk freely with caregivers in private, the majority of them do not talk to them in the presence of others. Virtually all children with selective mutism also meet diagnostic criteria for social phobia, thus leading many to the conclusion that selective mutism represents a severe and pervasive form of that disorder. Selective mutism occurs in less than 1% of the population with an early age of onset, typically between the ages of 3 and 5. It is more common in girls than boys. Children with panic disorder experience recurrent, unexpected panic attacks that seem to “come out of the blue,” with no specific cue or anticipation of a specific object or event. Panic attacks are acute anxiety episodes consisting of both cognitive and somatic features. Somatic symptoms include, but are not limited to, heart palpitations, trembling, dizziness, nausea, and shortness of breath. Cognitive symptoms include fear of dying, losing control, or “going crazy.” Panic disorder is rarely diagnosed in preadolescent children, occurring mostly in adolescents. Among youth, the prevalence rate in the United States is between 0.6% and 5.3%, depending upon the age of the sample, although there is considerable variation in rates reported in other countries, such as Germany. Overall, the prevalence rate increases as children become adolescents. Specific phobia is a marked and persistent fear, lasting at least six months, in the presence or anticipation of some object, situation, or event that is unrelated to fears of separation, panic attacks, or social situations. Specific phobias fall into five subcategories: animal (e.g., dogs, spiders, bees), natural environment (e.g., the dark, thunderstorms), blood-injection-injury (e.g., injections or other medical procedures), situational (e.g., driving, flying), and other

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(e.g., choking, vomiting, or contracting an illness). Specific phobia affects between 2.6% and 4.5% of the general population. It is more common in girls than in boys and in children age 13 and younger, and reports of specific fears are consistent worldwide. Obsessive-compulsive disorder has two components. Obsessions are repeated, intrusive, irrational thoughts that the individual perceives to be out of his or her control, creating intense anxiety and distress. Compulsions are ritualistic or repetitive behaviors often performed in an effort to eliminate the thoughts and decrease subjective distress. Although many children with this disorder report both obsessions and compulsions, younger children often cannot report specific intrusive thoughts. Rather, they describe a subjective feeling of being compelled to perform a ritual until it “feels right.” Common obsessions include thoughts of contamination, harming self or others, need for symmetry/ sameness, and hoarding or saving. Common compulsive behaviors include washing, checking, touching, repeating, arranging, counting, and hoarding. Prevalence rates range between 1.9% and 4% of the population, although some children are so successful at hiding the disorder from their parents that these rates may be an underestimate. The average age of onset for obsessive-compulsive disorder is 9 to 10 years, although it can occur at any time between ages 5 and 18 years. The ratio of boys to girls is 3:2. Posttraumatic stress disorder begins with exposure to a traumatic event such as an actual or perceived threat of death or serious harm, and the child responds with intense fear, helplessness, or horror. A child with this disorder has recurrent and intrusive thoughts of the event and attempts to avoid any cues or environmental stimuli that might trigger its recollection. These thoughts are accompanied by hyperarousal and hypervigilance. Children with posttraumatic stress disorder may reexperience the trauma through frequent nightmares and repetitive play rituals (e.g., crashing toy cars over and over if the child was involved in a serious traffic accident). The lifetime prevalence rate of this disorder ranges between 1% and 14% of the population; there are no epidemiological data regarding specific rates of the disorder in children and adolescents. When a traumatic event occurs, those who are closest to the event in terms of physical proximity are the ones most likely to develop posttraumatic stress disorder. Thereafter, children who live in dangerous societal conditions, such as high crime areas or war zones, are at increased risk of the disorder. D e v elo pm en ta l C o n s i d er at io n s There are many developmental differences in the way adults and children express anxiety disorders. For instance, young children often lack the cognitive maturity to reliably describe their physiological and cognitive symptoms. Adolescents, while more likely to possess the cognitive maturity to be reliable reporters, are often more adept at hiding

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overt behavioral symptoms from adults. Both groups often manifest fewer symptoms than their adult counterparts, are much more likely to lack insight into the nature of their distress, and are more likely to exhibit more secondary (comorbid) conditions. With the exception of social phobia and obsessive-compulsive disorder, anxiety disorders occur more commonly among females. Gender differences are more common among adolescents than children and exist worldwide, including in Europe, Asia, and Africa. T r e atm en t Anxiety disorders appear to run in families, although it is not clear if the origins are genetic, biological, or environmental. Parental modeling of anxious behaviors may play an important role as well. If children observe their parents behaving fearfully or avoiding situations due to their fear, they may acquire these fears as well. Anxiety disorders can negatively impact children’s academic, emotional, and social development. Therefore, timely intervention is imperative. Successful interventions include behavior therapy, cognitive-behavior therapy, and pharmacological medications. The behavioral model of therapy is based on basic learning principles: All behavior, including maladaptive behavior, is learned and thus can be “unlearned” in the same fashion. With anxiety disorders, the most common intervention is graduated exposure, a procedure based on the scientific literature establishing the processes known as habituation or extinction. In this intervention, the child confronts, in a graduated, systematic fashion, the feared object or situation across a series of trials until the object or situation no longer elicits distress (i.e., extinction of the fear response occurs). Throughout the procedure, children are encouraged to continue to confront the object or situation, while distraction and avoidance behaviors are disallowed. Many decades of research have determined that graduated exposure is particularly effective for the treatment of anxiety disorders. Cognitive-behavior therapy uses many of the components of behavioral therapy but targets the cognitions (thoughts, perceptions, self-statements) that are the foundation of the maladaptive behavioral responses to the feared object or situation. Thus, a therapist may ask a child to approach a feared situation and report any maladaptive cognitions that occur during this exposure. Cognitivebehavior therapists believe that once the maladaptive cognitions are brought to the attention of the child and replaced with more adaptive beliefs, anxiety disorders will remit. It is clear that cognitive-behavior therapy is more effective than doing nothing, as established by studies in which children who received the treatment were compared with a control group of children who were on the waiting list for therapy. However, direct comparisons between behavior therapy and cognitive-behavior therapy have yet to

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be conducted for the treatment of childhood anxiety disorders. Medications, often those prescribed for depression, are often used to counter anxiety disorders. Patricia A. Rao and Deborah C. Beidel see also: Attachment, Infant; Emotional Development; Mental Illness; Posttrauatic Stress Disorder further reading: Wendy K. Silverman and W. M. Kurines, Anxiety and Phobic Disorders: A Pragmatic Approach, 1996. • T. L. Morris and J. S. March, eds., Anxiety Disorders in Children and Adolescents, 2004. • Deborah C. Beidel and Samuel M. Turner, Childhood Anxiety Disorders: A Guide to Research and Treatment, 2005.

federalism and families. The Tenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution provides that “[t]he powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.” Implementing this constitutional mandate, the term federalism refers to the allocation of regulatory authority between the federal government and the states. In shaping federalism principles, the Supreme Court repeatedly has affirmed the view that “the whole subject of the domestic relations of husband and wife, parent and child, belongs to the laws of the states and not to the laws of the United States.” In the 1992 case Ankenbrandt v. Richards, the Supreme Court noted that while there are no constitutional or statutory bars expressly prohibiting federal judicial review of family law matters, as a matter of tradition and statutory construction, federal courts may not hear cases “involving the issuance of a divorce, alimony, or child custody decree.” By recognizing this “domestic relations exception” to federal diversity jurisdiction, Ankenbrandt makes clear that family law is understood as the province of the states, not the federal government. Indeed, the bulk of laws regulating and structuring the family are enacted and enforced by the states individually. The states create their own licensing requirements for entering into marriage and structure the terms of divorce. The states maintain their own agencies to promote and ensure the welfare of children residing within their borders. And perhaps most notably, the states have their own individual policies concerning the family rights of gays and lesbians. For example, in 2003, Massachusetts famously expanded the category of civil marriage to include same-sex couples. By contrast, neighboring states Vermont and Connecticut agreed that the benefits of marriage should be extended to same-sex couples but initially balked at expanding the institution of marriage further. Instead, their state legislatures created an entirely new status—the civil union—that conferred the benefits, though not the label, of marriage to gays and lesbians. The fact that each state is free to enact its own laws and policies regulating the family results in a body of family law that is consistent in basic principles but that varies across jurisdictions in its specific content.

While the states are primarily responsible for laws and policies that implicate the family, they are by no means alone in this endeavor. Despite the Supreme Court’s statements in Ankenbrandt and the robust tradition of state regulation of family life, the federal government also is—and has been—actively involved in regulating families. Prior to the Civil War, slavery was understood as a “domestic relation,” linking master and slave together in a status relationship similar to that between parent and child. Abolitionists opposed slavery in part because it impeded the creation and promotion of family relationships among slaves. They also supported antipolygamy measures in the Utah Territory on the ground that the practice was akin to slavery and compromised the family’s role as a site for the inculcation of morals and civic virtue. After the Civil War, Reconstructionists selectively intervened in family matters to further the broader goals of Reconstruction, permitting former slaves to enter civil marriages and enacting legislation like the Freedmen’s Bureau Bill to protect, among other things, the family rights of freedmen. Federal regulation of the family is not confined to these historical contexts. Concerns about changes in modern family life have led Congress to pass legislation directed to supporting the institution of marriage. In 1996, Congress enacted the Defense of Marriage Act, which affirms state sovereignty to regulate marriage by providing that states need not recognize as valid same-sex marriages from other jurisdictions and defines marriage as a “legal union between one man and one woman” for purposes of federal law. Proposals for a federal constitutional amendment restricting marriage to heterosexual couples have also been introduced in Congress. Millions of dollars have been allocated by the federal government to promoting so-called healthy marriages among the poor and single mothers. Marriage is not the only family law terrain into which the federal government has ventured. The federal tax and bankruptcy codes regulate families both by providing tax credits for family caregiving, child care, and other family expenses and by prioritizing family support obligations in the discharge of debts during bankruptcy. In the same vein, immigration law considers family status and relationships in determining entry to the United States and naturalization and regulates directly marriages between citizens and foreigners. As part of its general welfare and spending powers, Congress has enacted a range of programs that purport to advance the financial stability of families and, derivatively, the welfare of children. Since 1935, the federal government, in cooperation with the states, has provided income support to qualifying families with children. In the area of child support, Congress passed the Family Support Act of 1988 (FSA), which requires states receiving federal welfare funds to establish and enforce child-support obligations. Federal statutes make willful failure to pay certain child-

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support obligations involving interstate commerce a federal crime. In the area of child custody, the federal Parental Kidnapping Prevention Act of 1980 mandates that state authorities give full faith and credit to other states’ custody determinations, reinforcing state sovereignty over child custody orders but also signaling a broader federal interest in minimizing interstate custody disputes. The Indian Child Welfare Act of 1978 represents another federal intervention in the arena of child custody and welfare. Enacted “to protect the best interests of Indian children and to promote the stability and security of Indian tribes and families,” the act grants exclusive tribal jurisdiction in proceedings involving an Indian child domiciled on the reservation and introduces protections for Indian children and parents in child custody, foster care, and adoption proceedings. Similarly, federal law explicitly regulates in the area of child welfare, prescribing guidelines for state procedures for the termination of parental rights. The federal government’s interest in the family is not limited to child welfare and the financial health of families. Other examples of federal intervention into the family and family law include the Family and Medical Leave Act of 1993. The act attempts to help parents balance family caregiving and workplace obligations by requiring covered employers to provide employees with 12 weeks of unpaid leave in the event of a family medical emergency or the birth or adoption of a child. In addition to Congress, the federal executive has also ventured into the area of family law. Under the treaty power granted in the U.S. Constitution, the president has signed a number of treaties pertaining to family issues, including conventions dealing with minimum age restrictions for marriage, the political status of women, and intercountry adoptions. The fact that the United States is a signatory to these conventions underscores an expressive commitment to improving the rights of women and children globally; however, because the conventions have not been ratified, their terms are not binding law in the United States. The Supreme Court has also been actively involved in shaping the regulation of the family at both the state and federal levels. Although the Court has, in recent years, restricted the involvement of federal courts in family law matters, it requires states to comport with the requirements of the federal Constitution. Accordingly, in Griswold v. Connecticut (1965), the Supreme Court recognized a constitutional right of privacy that prohibits states from regulating within “the sanctity of the marital bedroom.” This interest in family privacy has been extended to prevent states from promulgating laws that impede the rights of couples to engage in private, consensual intimacy. In 1967, the Court invalidated a Virginia statute prohibiting interracial marriages because it violated the equal protection clause. More recently, the Court has reiterated that parents have a fundamental right to rear their children without interference

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from the state, reversing a Washington state court decision granting grandparental visitation rights over a parent’s objections. Thus, while the Supreme Court’s recent federalism jurisprudence has emphasized a stark division between the state and federal governments in the area of family law, in truth, the federal government has played—and continues to play—an important role in articulating and shaping family law and policy at the state and federal levels. Congress has enacted federal laws that implicate and regulate the family. The executive branch is actively involved in shaping customary international law that reflects global commitments to fostering families. And, perhaps paradoxically, the Supreme Court itself has shaped the regulation of families in tangible ways. Even as it enforces the view that family law is not the purview of federal courts, through its decisional law, the Court has enunciated federal constitutional standards with which state family laws must comport. And in so doing, the Court has profoundly shaped the development of laws regulating the family. In this way, the bifurcation between state and federal in the area of the family may be best understood as a legal fiction. Melissa Murray see also: Family; Marital and Nonmarital Unions further reading: Anne C. Dailey, “Federalism and Families,” University of Pennsylvania Law Review 143, no. 6 (1995), p. 1787. • Jill Elaine Hasday, “Federalism and the Family Reconstructed,” UCLA Law Review 45, no. 5 (1998), p. 1297.

feeding, infant. Infants receive all of their nutrition from breast milk or artificial formula. Although breastfeeding is the preferred method, infant formula is used when a mother does not nurse her own infant. Most infant formulas are derived from processed cow’s milk. This milk has been treated to be safe for the infant younger than 1 year of age. Regular cow’s milk is not safe until after the infant’s first birthday. Soy-based formulas are also common; they are supplemented with extra amino acids to constitute the nutritional equivalent of cow’s milk protein. Infant formula is designed to emulate breast milk. The U.S. Infant Formula Act of 1980 attempts to assure that all marketed formulas meet the known standards. Since substandard formulas are excluded from the market place in the United States, virtually all other distinctions in formulas are in marketing, not content. Though marketed under a wide range of brands and names, infant formulas are produced by only a handful of manufacturers. They are sold as powders, ready-to-feed liquids, and liquid concentrates. The ready-to-feed version is the most expensive; powders and concentrates are cheaper but must be mixed with water. If mixed properly, the various forms all provide caloric density equal to breast milk (20 kilocalories per ounce). For babies with certain

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medical issues (prematurity, milk or soy protein allergy, rare metabolic diseases), special formulas exist. These special infant formulas should only be used under medical supervision. Whether breast- or bottle-fed, normal infants lose weight initially after birth and generally regain their birth weight by 2 weeks of age. Healthy infants are expected to double their birth weight by 5 months. By 1 year, they triple their birth weight and increase their length by approximately 50%. These changes occur more rapidly than at any other time of life and require proportionately more nutrition than at any other time of life. The recommended average daily intake of nutrients for infants 0 to 6 months of age is an estimate of the average intake of a healthy breastfed infant. The estimate is based on observed intake and the average concentration of nutrients in human milk produced during the second through sixth month of lactation. Infants have nutrient requirements that may require supplementation. All newborns in the United States receive vitamin K in the delivery room. Vitamin K is necessary to assure adequate blood clotting. Reports of breastfed infants developing vitamin D–deficient rickets have led some experts to recommend that all breastfed infants be supplemented with 200 international units of vitamin D beginning in the first 2 months of life. There is consensus that the addition of foods containing iron and zinc at age 4 to 6 months (or a supplement) is advisable, but, apart from iron, there are little scientific data on the micronutrient requirements of the infant during year 1. The zinc content of human milk declines significantly after four to six months; concerns regarding zinc deficiency with resulting growth retardation, although unproved, seem justified. The introduction of solid foods at this age is meant to address this need. Iron, zinc, and vitamin D are generally adequate in ironfortified formula. Fluoride supplements are recommended at 6 months if the infant drinks nonfluoridated water. Infants require adequate nutrition to assure optimal growth and development. Physicians have always equated rapid weight gain with “good health.” However, there is some evidence that excessive weight gain, or rapid rate of weight gain, increases the likelihood of developing obesity, heart disease, and diabetes later in life. Since formula-fed infants gain more weight more quickly than breastfed infants, it is likely that formula-feeding practices will become an increasingly important focus of public health concern and controversy. The U.S. National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS) publishes growth charts, occasionally revised, that are commonly used by health care providers in the United States. These charts are derived from American infants, both breast- and formula-fed, and should only be used to compare one infant with his or her age-related peers. The

World Health Organization (WHO) has also published growth charts. These charts are based on healthy breastfed infants from six cities around the world. The curves illustrate that breastfed infants are leaner and slightly longer than their formula-fed counterparts. Unlike the NCHS charts, the WHO charts are intended to represent a standard to which all infants should be compared. There is controversy over the optimal duration of exclusive breast- or formula feeding. Infants who are exclusively breastfed up to 6 months of age grow normally. If an infant is developmentally ready, there is no deleterious effect of introducing foods after 4 months of age; however, not all normal infants are ready for food at this age. Parents living in developing countries must contend with the “weanling’s dilemma.” Foods that are improperly stored or prepared carry the risk of contamination and infant illness. However, continuing to use breast milk as the principal nutrition for a growing child with increasing nutritional requirements may prove inadequate to support optimal growth. Food added to an infant’s diet will displace formula (or breast milk) and is referred to as complementary food. Weaning involves the gradual replacement of milk with complementary foods. In the United States, about 30% of breastfed infants and more than 50% of formula-fed infants have been fed infant cereal by 3 months of age. By 6 months of age, these numbers are 50% for breastfed and 70% for formula-fed infants. If the baby is younger than 12 months, infant formula is used to wean the baby from the breast. There is no need for the so-called follow-up formulas that are marketed for use after breast- or formula feeding ends. In the developing world, most infants continue to nurse into the third year in agricultural communities. This period may be longer in pastoralist or hunter-gatherer populations. Although infant formulas are generally considered safe, there have been a few notable manufacturing accidents. For the infant receiving infant formula, the addition of other foods may provide an increased margin of safety. Additionally, in many places in the world, clean water and the cost of formula may mean inadequate calories, disease transmission, or both. The addition of solid foods should be done gradually, one food at a time. Regimens differ. A common first food is 3 to 5 tablespoons of soft cereal, usually rice cereal in the United States, mixed with a little breast milk, formula, or tap water, given in one and then two daily feedings. Additives such as sugar, honey, butter, salt, or anything other than milk or water are not needed and can be dangerous. For example, infant botulism can be transmitted by spores in the honey used to sweeten formula. Once the baby has demonstrated tolerance to cereal, pureed or strained fruits or vegetables can be introduced. Fruit juice is the equivalent of sugar water and should be avoided. The goal is usually establishment of a three-meal-a-day

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pattern in most cultures, although nutritious snacks are generally advised. Supplemental breast milk or formula (2 to 4 ounces) can be offered after meals or more often. Each culture has a specific pattern of decreasing nursing and then stopping. Abrupt weaning is part of some cultures. By 6 to 10 months of age, a baby’s swallowing is more controlled. Although commercial baby foods can be convenient, by this age most babies can eat mashed, soft homeprepared foods and modified foods from the common family diet. Whole cow’s milk can be substituted for infant formula or breast milk at 1 year. No infant or child younger than 5 years should be allowed access to small, rounded foods such as nuts or raisins or foods that require significant chewing, such as frankfurters or grapes. The risks of such foods being inhaled into the respiratory tract rather than swallowed into the stomach are very real. Neal S. LeLeiko and Sarah L. Cutrona see also: Breastfeeding; Eating and Nutrition; Food Aversions and Preferences; Malnutrition and Undernutrition further reading: N. S. LeLeiko and M. Horowitz, “Formulas and Nutritional Supplements” and “Nutritional Requirements,” in A. M. Rudolph, ed., Rudolph’s Pediatrics, 21st ed., 2003, pp. 1313– 34. • Robert Kleinman, ed., Pediatric Nutrition Handbook, 5th ed., 2004. • United States Department of Agriculture, National Agricultural Library, http://www.nal.usda.gov/ • World Health Organization, Child Growth Standards, http://www.who.int/childgrowth

fertility. Fertility refers to childbearing. Fertility outcomes and processes are measured and studied for populations, couples, and individuals. Three dimensions of childbearing behavior especially affect population growth: the number of births, timing of births, and spacing of births. No less, they affect the family environments in which children live. C om mo n M e as u r e s o f F ert i l i t y The two most common measures of fertility are the crude birth rate (CBR) and the total fertility rate (TFR). The CBR is the number of live births per 1,000 people in the population. In 2005, the CBR in the United States was 14. By way of comparison, the CBR was 9 in Italy, where fertility is low, and 50 in Mali, where fertility is high. The TFR is defined as the number of live births an individual woman would be expected to have during her life assuming current agespecific fertility rates prevail and that she survives throughout the reproductive years. The TFR differs from the CBR in that it takes into account childbearing patterns by age. TFR is calculated, however, as an average number of births for a hypothetical cohort of 1,000 women. The TFR in the United States in 2005 was 2.05. Globally, TFR in 2005 ranged from 1.2 in about 10 countries, including Belarus, the Czech Republic, and South Korea, to 8.0 in Niger. The replacement of population by new births requires a TFR of

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about 2.1. Replacement calculations take into account sex ratios at birth (slightly more boys than girls are born) and the need for girls to survive to reproductive age to be able to contribute to the replacement of a population. The distinction between cohort and period is important to measures of fertility. Cohort fertility refers to the fertility of an actual cohort of women followed over time (e.g., a cohort of women born in 1965 or a cohort of women married in 1985). Period fertility refers to observed fertility at a specific point in time (e.g., fertility calculations based on the on the reports of women age 15 to 44 in 2004). The TFR is a period measure. Historically, although variation existed by place and over time, fertility rates were higher in the past than they are today. Fertility has declined from a TFR of more than 5.0 to less than 2.0 in many countries of the world. Although declines in some countries started more than a century ago, in recent decades fertility declines of this magnitude have become widespread. According to the United Nations, the TFR worldwide was 4.49 in the period between 1970 and 1975, compared to 2.65 in the more recent period from 2000 to 2005. This recent TFR of 2.65 masks considerable variation across regions and countries. Average TFR was highest in Africa, at 4.97, and lowest in Europe, at 1.40. Significantly, about 65 countries in 2000–5 had TFR less than the replacement level of 2.1 children per woman. In the sections that follow, U.S. patterns of fertility are summarized. The summary is based on vital statistics and survey data. Levels and trends are described using data and reports from the National Center for Health Statistics, the U.S. Census Bureau (Current Population Survey), and the Guttmacher Institute. F ert i l i t y a n d Fa m i ly The connection between fertility and family is implicit in demographic approaches to fertility. Fertility (emphasizing giving birth) is sometimes referred to as family formation behavior (emphasizing having children). Children’s lives are affected by fertility behavior at all levels. Aggregate fertility can affect population size and growth, which in turn can affect the environments in which children grow. In the United States, the most familiar example is the baby boom. Higher aggregate fertility led to school crowding, for example. More generally, fertility over time affects the age structure of a population, or the relative numbers of a population at different ages. This age structure, in turn, can have economic, social, and political implications for families and children. At the family level, the number of births a woman has can affect the number of siblings a child has; the spacing of births can affect how close in age these siblings are; the timing of births can affect the age of mothers and other potential caregivers at the time of birth. All of these factors

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have implications for the health and well-being of mothers and children. Fertility is not a discrete event but a process. As such, fertility behavior can be affected by experiences with children. A parent’s experience caring for closely spaced siblings can affect the desire for more children and the timing of any additional births, for example. Similarly, child characteristics, such as a child’s sex, health, and disposition, can affect future fertility. In addition, societal factors, including the availability of child care, parental leave policies, and child tax credits, can shape the fertility process. Their effects on the number, timing, and spacing of births have implications for children’s lives. Ferti lit y Patter ns i n th e United States Fertility in the United States in 2004 was estimated to be very near replacement with a TFR of 2.05. In the 1950s, at the peak of the baby boom, it was closer to 3.5 births per woman. After this peak, fertility fell so that by the 1970s it hovered near 1.8. Fertility increased again in the late 1990s, exceeding replacement for the first time in more than 30 years in 2000 and remaining near replacement since. Most women in the United States give birth to at least one child. In 2002, roughly 84% of women age 40 to 44 years had at least one live birth. While it is still the case that most women have children, the percentage of U.S. women who have never given birth is growing. In 2002, among women age 40 to 44 in the United States, about 16% had not had a birth; this figure increased from approximately 9% in 1975. M ar r i age , Cohabitat io n, and C h i ldbear i ng Marriage is a social and legal institution with implications for children’s lives. As its legal protections are offered to a wider array of couples, and its relevance is debated, the link between marriage and childbearing continues to weaken in the United States. In 2005, 37% of all births were to women who were not married at the time of the birth. This percentage has more than tripled since 1970, when it was 11%. By 1985, 22% of all births were nonmarital, and by 1995 the figure increased to 32%. Since 1995, nonmarital births have remained roughly one-third of all births, until their increase in 2005 to 37%. Data from the early 2000s indicates that nonmarital births were most common among younger women, nonHispanic black women, and women with less education. In 2004, nearly 90% of births to 15- to 19-year-olds were nonmarital, more than 60% of live births to black women were nonmarital, and more than half of births to those without a high school degree were nonmarital. Many nonmarital births occur within a union, however. Approximately half of nonmarital births in 2001 were to cohabiting couples. Nonteen mothers were more likely

than teen mothers to have their nonmarital births in a cohabiting union. R ac e , Eth nic it y, and C h i ldbear i ng Fertility differs by race and ethnicity in the United States. Although the overall TFR in 2005 was 2.05, fertility among women (of any race) who identified as of Hispanic origin was 2.88. Disaggregating the category “Hispanic or Latino” into native and foreign born reveals substantial variation across groups. In 2004, foreign-born Hispanic women had a birth rate of 94 per 1,000, while native-born Hispanic women had a birth rate of 78. Birth rates were lower for Asian (76) and black (59) women. The birth rate was lowest for white women who did not identify as Hispanic or Latino, at 54 per 1,000 women. Age and Ferti lit y Women in the United States are more likely to have births at later ages than in recent decades. In particular, birth rates for women age 30 to 34 increased substantially between 1980 and 2004 (from 62 per 1,000 women to 96 per 1,000 women). Over this same period, birth rates to women age 20 to 24 declined (from 115 per 1,000 women to 102 per 1,000 women). Women age 25 to 29 years have the highest birth rates in the United States (116 per 1,000 in 2004). As might be expected, median age of first becoming a mother has risen as well, from 22 in 1970 to older than 24 by 2000. The youngest women are also less likely to be mothers than in the past. Births to teens age 15 to 19 have declined substantially over the past half century, from 82 per 1,000 women in 1960 to an estimated 41 per 1,000 women in 2004. This pattern of decline is pervasive, with some decline experienced by teens of all ages and of different racialethnic backgrounds. At the same time, variation persists. Older teens (18–19) are more than three times more likely than younger teens (15–17) to have a birth. Teen births are also most likely among Hispanic or Latino teens, nonHispanic black teens, and teens who identified as Native Americans. Con tr ac eption and Ab ortion With the increased availability of modern contraceptives in the 1960s, individuals’ abilities to plan births grew dramatically. The ability to plan presented new opportunity, especially for women, to delay births while gaining higher education or more advanced work experience. It also created the potential for a decrease in unplanned pregnancies, a factor relevant to the study of children’s lives, as existing scholarship suggests a possible negative association between unplanned births and child outcomes. In the United States, contraceptive use is high. Some 89% of women who are sexually active, fertile, and do not want to become pregnant used contraception in 2002. Of those

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using contraception, the most popular methods were the pill (31%), tubal sterilization (27%), condom (18%), and vasectomy (9%). About 15% of contraceptive users used more than one method, often a condom with another method. The pill was the most used method by women younger than 30. Among women age 40 to 44 practicing contraception, about 50% had been sterilized and 18% had a partner with a vasectomy. In addition to sexual activity and contraceptive use, women control childbearing through abortion. According to the Guttmacher Institute, the number of abortions per 1,000 women age 14 to 44 in the United States in 2002 was approximately 20, reflecting a steady decline since 1980, when it was close to 30 per 1,000 women. In the United States in 2002, there were an estimated 25 abortions for every 100 live births. More than half of all women obtaining abortions in 2002 were younger than 25 years. Nearly 80% of the reported abortions occurred at gestation of 10 weeks or less. More than half of abortions were to women who had never had an abortion before. Black or African American women obtained abortions at higher rates than other women. In 2002, black or African American women had 49 abortions for every 100 live births. I nfert i lit y Infertility is defined as the lack of a pregnancy after one year of regular intercourse without contraception. In recent decades, scientific advances in the treatment of infertility, including in vitro fertilization, provide expanded opportunities for family building. Assisted reproductive technology can help women in giving birth at later ages or giving birth to children without a male sexual partner. These technologies facilitate greater mother-child age differences and greater variety in family forms. They also offer the promise of future biological children to women who may have medical conditions that could otherwise limit childbearing. The increase in availability of fertility technologies, and anticipated new advances in this area, suggests not only greater opportunity to give birth but also greater ability to select the characteristics of children who will be born. These technologies provide options for those with concerns about genetic inheritance of serious adverse conditions. At the same time, these technologies have led some scholars to ask whether resource-rich parents of the future will be able to create “designer” children by selecting the genetic makeup of their offspring. Susan E. Short see also: Abortion; Birth Order; Contraception; Demography of Childhood; Embryology and Fetal Development; Pregnancy; Reproductive Technologies further reading: Population Division of the Department of Economic and Social Affairs of the United Nations Secretariat, World Fertility Report 2003, 2004. • Jane Lawler Dye, “Fertility of American Women: June 2004,” Current Population Reports, 2005, pp. 20–555. • Guttmacher Institute, Contraceptive Use, 2005.

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fetal alcohol spectrum disorders. Fetal alcohol spectrum disorders (FASD) is an umbrella term that includes the large range of physical, mental, and behavioral effects known to be produced by prenatal alcohol in experimental studies of laboratory animals and from developmental studies of children and adolescents. Adverse effects of gestational alcohol exposure were known in ancient times, but there were no known prohibitions about alcohol use during pregnancy in the 20th century until after fetal alcohol syndrome had been identified in the 1970s. In 1981, the U.S. surgeon general issued an official warning against alcohol use during or when planning a pregnancy; in 1989, a law requiring bottle labeling of alcoholic beverages was passed. France became the first European nation to issue a health warning against alcohol during pregnancy and in 2006 mandated a bottle labeling requirement. Fetal alcohol syndrome (FAS), a specific pattern of birth defects caused by prenatal alcohol exposure, was described by independent studies in France in 1968 and in Seattle, Washington, in 1973. It represents the severe end of the FASD continuum. Three characteristics that define FAS are a specific cluster of facial abnormalities, prenatal growth deficiency for height and/or weight, and some indication of central nervous system damage or dysfunction. The facial features include short palpebral fissures (width of the eye slit), smooth or long philtrum (the two vertical ridges between the nose and the lips), thin upper lip, and a flat midface. The manifestations of central nervous system dysfunction include a small head circumference, abnormal brain structure on imaging studies, eye-hand coordination or motor problems, intellectual disability, attention deficits, and learning or language disabilities. The physical characteristics are most pronounced in the young child as the facial features are less obvious after puberty and the growth deficiency can give way to obesity in adolescence and adulthood. Patients without the full component of features have been identified as having fetal alcohol effects (FAE), or those with central nervous system dysfunction as having alcoholrelated neurodevelopmental disabilities (ARND). A behavioral phenotype of FASD is emerging that is observable into adulthood, including attention and memory problems, difficulty with problem solving or “executive functions,” arithmetic disabilities, impulsiveness, and unpredictability. A large study of adolescents and adults with FASD revealed considerably disrupted school experiences, trouble with the law, inappropriate sexual behaviors, and alcohol and drug problems. An early diagnosis and living in a stable and nurturing home were primary protective factors, although significant disabilities may persist. The incidence of the full FAS has been reported at between 1 and 3 per 1,000 births; the prevalence of FAE or ARND is at least double this frequency. In a study of Seattle women, all in prenatal care by midpregnancy and delivering in 1974–75, the rate of FAS and ARND together was

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9.1 per 1,000. The highest rates, 46 per 1,000, have been reported among “colored” women in a wine-producing area of South Africa, where there is a legacy of the “dop” system, in which generations of vineyard workers received alcohol daily as part of their wages. FASD has been reported in all races and among all socioeconomic levels, but it is reported more frequently among lower social classes. The rate of FASD in any population depends on the alcohol use habits of women. Not all exposed offspring are visibly affected. Twin studies of children born to alcoholic mothers show that offspring can vary in their vulnerability to prenatal alcohol damage: Identical twins are quite similarly affected by a mother’s alcohol use, while fraternal twins can be quite differentially affected due to their different genetic backgrounds. Mothers also vary in the production of affected offspring; at least one factor may be the rate at which different women metabolize alcohol. Rodent studies show that strains that metabolize alcohol slowly have more affected offspring than fast metabolizers. Animal studies reveal that it is alcohol, not poor nutrition, that produces FASD, but poor maternal nutrition can exacerbate the effects of alcohol. The pattern and timing of alcohol use by mothers is also important: The face is formed during the first trimester, so alcohol use then may alter facial features, but the brain develops throughout gestation and can be affected by alcohol at any time. The critical exposure history for neurobehavioral effects of alcohol is the number of drinks per drinking occasion. For example, five drinks on Saturday night are worse than one drink a night on five different nights of the week. Four or five drinks or more per drinking occasion, even if drinking is only infrequent, is associated with increased risk of offspring neurobehavioral effects in children, adolescents, and adults and of psychiatric disorders and traits in adults. Alcohol use prior to the recognition of pregnancy also can have adverse consequences. The strongest predictor of neurobehavioral effects is what women report they were drinking before they knew they were pregnant. Although women who are frankly alcoholic are more likely to have children who have the full FAS, neurobehavioral effects are not dependent on women’s reported severity of alcohol abuse. No alcohol use during pregnancy or when planning a pregnancy is the official U.S. recommendation. The most susceptible organ in the body to prenatal alcohol effects is the brain, which can be affected even in the absence of specific facial features or growth deficiency. Alcohol effects in the newborn infant include poor habituation (difficulty tuning out redundant stimuli and thought to be an early central nervous system precursor of attention deficits), weak or overactive reflexes, a longer latency to start suckling a nipple, and weak sucking pressure. Few infants are diagnosed with FASD prior to age 2 years. A new method of early detection through transfontanelle intracranial ultrasound imaging of the brain in the

first three months of life is promising as a means of earliest detection. Anomalies of the midbrain structures allow detection in individual babies. Hopefully, this procedure will prove useful in overcoming the long delay in obtaining individual diagnoses that is presently the norm. Early diagnosis is the key to early intervention for the baby and alcohol treatment for the mother. Only about 20% of children in the United States with full FAS are raised by their biological mothers. Not only do these mothers have early mortality, but they also lose their children to social services because of parenting problems compounded by alcohol and drug abuse and few resources. Failure to intervene with such mothers can lead to continued alcohol abuse and the birth of more alcoholaffected babies, with more severe pathology evident in each subsequent birth. Models are now available for brief interventions for mothers as well as for community-based longterm treatment programs focusing on the special needs of mothers with alcohol and drug problems and their infants. Alcohol-related birth defects are fully preventable. Ann P. Streissguth see also: Congenital Anomalies and Deformations; Embryology and Fetal Development; Juvenile Delinquency; Substance Abuse, Parental further reading: Institute of Medicine, Division of Biobehavioral Sciences and Mental Disorders, Committee to Study Fetal Alcohol Syndrome, K. Stratton, C. Howe, and F. Battaglia, eds., Fetal Alcohol Syndrome: Diagnosis, Epidemiology, Prevention, and Treatment, 1996. • A. P. Streissguth, Fetal Alcohol Syndrome: A Guide for Families and Communities, 1997.

fetal development. see Embryology and Fetal Development

fetus, legal status of the. Although Roe v. Wade (1973) held that a woman’s constitutional right to privacy included her decision whether to have an abortion, the U.S. Supreme Court also for the first time in that case ruled that the fetus may have independent legal rights. Prior to Roe, fetal status before the law was governed by the common law “born alive” rule, which held that the human organism had no legal status prior to birth. Although some states had criminal laws that included sanctions for harming fetal life, the fetus was not considered to be the aggrieved party. Common law accorded inheritance rights to fetuses conceived before the death of the testator (usually the father) but did so to protect the legal interests of the deceased party. By asserting that states may have a “compelling interest” in potential human life, the Supreme Court in Roe broke new legal ground and provided an opportunity for abortion opponents to argue that the woman’s rights must be balanced against those of the fetus. Right-to-life legal groups have followed a two-pronged strategy: crafting model fetal

f e t u s , l e ga l s t a t u s o f t h e

rights laws and arguing that existing statutes should be reinterpreted in ways that extend personhood status to embryos and fetuses. Due to their efforts, there have been enormous changes in both criminal and civil laws dealing with the legal status of fetuses in the United States. The federal Partial Birth Abortion Ban (2003), which criminalizes late-term dilation and extraction abortions, had been a top legislative priority of the National Right to Life Committee since 1993. In Gonzales v. Carhart (2007), the U.S. Supreme Court upheld the ban even though the law does not provide an exception for the health of the mother. At the state level, hundreds of bills designed to limit access to abortion have been passed. Some of the most popular measures are restrictions on a minor’s access to reproductive health services; requirements that a woman receive pro-life materials about fetal life and counseling before undergoing abortions; mandatory waiting periods; conscience-based exemptions that allow medical practitioners, hospitals, and pharmacists to refuse family planning services to women; and extremely stringent regulations of abortion clinics and providers. If Roe is overturned, abortion would be governed primarily by state laws. In the short term, abortion still would be legal in most states. However, as of 2005 more than onethird of the states have unenforceable abortion bans that would become enforceable again. Several other states have passed legislation stating that abortion bans would be triggered immediately if Roe is overturned. Given that some of these states actually do not have abortion bans in place, the exact meaning of the statutes is unclear. Still other states have passed bills indicating that it is state policy to protect fetal life. Although probably not enforceable, these laws are indicative of state sentiment in favor of enhanced protections for fetal life. Aside from abortion, “fetal abuse” has generated the most attention. Although there are many preventable social and environmental threats to fetal health, the term fetal abuse has been applied only to fetal harms caused by prenatal drug exposure. Since 1985, women have been prosecuted in at least 35 states from fetal abuse, a crime that does not exist in any statutes. Prosecutors have used a wide range of existing criminal statutes (child abuse, child neglect, contributing to the delinquency of a minor, delivering drugs to a minor, assault with a deadly weapon, manslaughter, and homicide) to prosecute pregnant addicts. For charges to stick, the fetus must legally be defined as a person. A positive drug screen shortly after birth is usually submitted as evidence of the crime. Although the higher courts in most states have reversed the convictions of women who appeal, in Whitner v. State (1996) the South Carolina Supreme Court ruled that such convictions are constitutional and that viable fetuses are legally persons for purposes of fetal abuse prosecutions. Fetal rights proponents also support the use of civil com-

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mitment statutes to prevent fetal harms caused by prenatal drug and alcohol exposure. In one state, a pregnant woman who uses illegal drugs can be civilly committed for the duration of the pregnancy. The laws in two other states are much harsher, allowing the involuntary commitment of pregnant women who use illegal drugs or alcohol. Most states, however, do not use civil commitment statutes to protect fetal health. Until recently, third-party acts of violence that resulted in fetal death or injury were treated very leniently by the courts. Although a handful of states had feticide statutes, most states followed the common law “born alive” rule that precluded prosecutions in the absence of a live birth. Since the 1990s, there has been a tremendous increase in the number of states passing laws criminalizing fetal killing/battering. As of 2005, only eight states do not have criminal statutes dealing with fetal killing. The laws in 10 states treat assaults on pregnant women more harshly than similar acts against nonpregnant persons but do not include language indicating fetuses are the legal equivalent of born persons. In seven states, fetal killing is included within the manslaughter statutes. A handful of states define fetal killing as feticide. The remaining states treat fetal killing as murder or its functional equivalent, although some require that the fetus reach a specific gestational age. In 2004, the U.S. Congress passed the Unborn Victims of Violence Act, which makes it a federal offense to kill a “member of the species homo sapiens, at any stage of development, who is carried in the womb” on federal lands or during the commission of a federal offense. The legal status of the fetus within civil law has changed dramatically since Roe, with right-to-life groups supporting fetal personhood claims in wrongful death cases while opposing tort recovery actions in wrongful life and wrongful birth cases. As its name implies, wrongful death cases seek damages for the death of a fetus. Most wrongful death claims are filed by parents seeking damages for the death of a fetus caused by the negligence of a third party, such as a doctor. For the tort action to succeed, the fetus must be defined as a legal person, a major legal goal of the right-tolife movement. Since 1980, courts have awarded damages in wrongful death cases in 40 states and rejected such claims in 7 states. In wrongful life cases, a child or a person acting on his behalf files a tort action against a physician claiming negligence because the physician did not inform the parents that the child would be born with severe disabilities. The claim rests on the argument that nonexistence is preferable to life with disabilities. Wrongful birth tort claims are similar, but the purported harm is to the parents rather than to the child. In these cases, the parents’ denial of choice about whether to continue the pregnancy is the harm. Disability rights proponents strongly oppose both wrongful life and wrongful birth actions, arguing they denigrate the value of

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the lives of disabled children. Legislatures in 10 states have passed laws banning wrongful life or wrongful birth claims or both. No states have statutes explicitly allowing these claims. Courts have been more receptive to wrongful birth actions than wrongful life claims, probably because the latter does not require weighing life with disabilities versus nonexistence. The legal status of the fetus in the United States has changed dramatically since Roe v. Wade was decided in 1973. Ironically, a Supreme Court ruling overturning abortion bans provided the legal rationale for according more legal status to fetal life. An expanding body of statutory and case law in many different domains accords personhood status to the fetus and constitutes precedents that increasingly are cited as reasons to overturn Roe. Jean Reith Schroedel and Scott Waller see also: Abortion; Child: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives; Embryology and Fetal Development; Pregnancy and Childbirth, Legal Regulation of further reading: Jeffrey A. Parness, “Crimes against the Unborn: Protecting and Respecting the Potentiality of Life,” Harvard Journal on Legislation 22 (1986), pp. 97–172. • Jean Reith Schroedel, Is the Fetus a Person? A Comparison of Policies across the Fifty States, 2000. • Center for Reproductive Rights, What if Roe Fell? The Stateby-State Consequences of Overturning Roe v. Wade, 2004. • Wendy F. Hensel, “The Disabling Impact of Wrongful Birth and Wrongful Life Actions,” Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review 40, no. 1 (Winter 2005), pp. 142–95.

films. Children view films in social settings: home, cinema, or school. Films depict worlds of virtual others who engage the viewer in “parasocial interaction.” Watching films depends upon socially acquired capacities to adopt the appropriate attitude, follow the narrative, and respond emotionally. These capacities include the active mental operations of focusing, sorting, remembering, building expectations, and inferring. By contrast, folk psychology portrays children as solitary and passive receptors, giving rise during the 20th century to anxiety about potential negative impacts on children’s moral values and violent behavior with resultant public-policy decisions and legislation around the world. Yet social scientific research has consistently refuted the folk psychology model and undermined the rationale for moral panic. Fi r st Encoun ter s Preschoolers are usually introduced to films by parents or caregivers, in home video format, one item in a media diet dominated by television shows designed for children. Of particular salience are animated stories (e.g., Disney). Exposure to films in cinemas (theaters) depends upon income and longer attention span. Home video viewing conforms to the patterns of media use that dominate the home, in-

cluding the room and its lighting, the presence of others, and the conventions around interruption. Cinemas, by contrast, impose their own conventions of occasion: fixed show length, exact starting time, and expectations of restrained behavior. The two settings permit overlapping uses. Films in the home setting can be watched under conditions over which the child has some control. This includes the options of repeating the film or parts of it (and skipping others). Hence, the child can modulate the intensity of her or his imaginative engagement with stories, characters, and situations. By contrast, the cinema is uniformly intense and demanding. The darkness, raked seating, size of the image, and volume of sound impose themselves. Children will sometimes use restlessness, refreshments, the bathroom visit, or even exiting as means to reassert control, to regain their comfort level. Caregivers, in exposing children to films crafted for preschoolers, make judgments about what will engage the particular child. Discounting individual taste, children at the same stage of development show different capacities for assimilating stories, characters, motivation, and settings. Girls and boys show different preferences: for example, the former for princess stories, the latter for action. These differences have been noted by researchers since the first quarter of the 20th century. They are connected to and reinforce the differential socialization afforded to the two sexes. All children use films as inputs to the socialization process, for they depict a much larger range of social situations than the child encounters in his or her own environment, and they also depict responses to familiar and unfamiliar situations that the child does not expect. Whether it is Donald Duck’s encounters with his unruly nephews or a pony girl struggling to achieve some goal, films offer material for vicarious learning. Children also engage in discount, or selfcorrection, ceasing quite early to look behind the TV screen for the little characters, questioning closely the reality and plausibility of what is depicted, and exchanging opinions with other children. In theaters, they pay close attention to the behavior and reactions of other children in the audience, not just immediate peers but also those slightly older and more composed. Much speculation has centered around the uses of the film in the psychological development of the child, with little or no concrete result. What children learn psychologically from a story film is to deploy memory to follow who is who and what is what, to pay selective attention to what is relevant, to engage in character assessment, to notice causal as opposed to merely sequential arrangement, to form expectations as to what comes next, and to accept closure as the narrative arc is completed. They also learn to enjoy theatrical emotions; that is, those simulations of emotions on which all art trades but are part of the enjoyment of the

f il m s

whole, even when, in life itself, the emotions would be shattering (especially loss, fear, and pain). Nonfiction films deserve separate mention. Many museums now show films (e.g., IMAX, multimedia). Sometimes these are straight factual documentaries, about undersea volcanoes or digging for dinosaur bones; sometimes they use computer-generated graphics to re-create hypothetical scenarios, such as the extinction of the dinosaurs. The older child will be exposed to more material of this kind in school, and there is a great deal of it on television. Its overt use is to instruct. Research shows that children absorb some of it without difficulty, especially facts. When the film confl icts with expectations—say those learned at home, school, or from peers—the use depends on whether the child faces the confl icts and sorts them out or lives with the confusion. Early research proceeded on the assumption that seeing is believing and that film would trump all else. This was refuted when it was found that children relied on context of presentation, reactions of peers, and, in due course, their knowledge of how films were made and, hence, of what was or was not “fake”—that is, to be believed. Child actors, for example, would appear in one film after another but obviously could not have had all those lives. The knowledge that films could be integrated smoothly into the processes of development, socialization, education, and the psychic economy emerged from empirical refutation of the claims that created moral panic. Consider the matter from three angles: the cinema, the content, and the effects. Cinemas were once impugned as fire hazards, health hazards, and moral hazards. All that remains of these concerns today are strict public policies, mostly in local building codes, regarding fire safety of cinemas. It is no longer thought that the eyes, brain, lungs, or body in general are more endangered in cinemas than in any other public place. During severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) outbreaks, for example, cinemas have not been closed. Moral hazards remain a concern to many, however. In most countries, the state takes some role in deciding which films are permitted to be shown and to whom. Such measures are justified as protecting the public in general, not just children in particular. The United States has had city and state governments involved in such controls but never the federal government. To preempt such initiatives, the organized U.S. film industry introduced in 1933 voluntary ratings that pay close attention to sexual situations and language, concerns matched in, say, Saudi Arabia and India. In Scandinavia, by contrast, control systems are triggered by the depiction of violence and crime. Despite almost a century of research, films have not been isolated as a cause of specific moral and social ills. All film communication, it has been shown, is mediated through primary and other groups to which the child belongs. Pa-

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thologies develop from multiple causal strands within those groups and the larger social context embracing them. Gr a d e S c ho o l By grade school, most children are comfortable with films in both fictional and nonfictional modes. During children’s school years, films will be used in the classroom, children will become old enough to venture to the cinema without adults, and children will widen their interest in what is available on video. The era of cable television and the DVD offers an unprecedented range of older movies. These are years when initial hurdles like reading, writing, and arithmetic are surmounted. The uses of moviegoing are expanded and built upon but not otherwise changed. The major use of film is for entertainment, the exercise of the imagination. The schoolchild interacts with more children of similar age and, most important, older. Films are part of their socialized learning. Films are discussed, recommended, quoted, acted out, and rated. They are part of the discourse within groups of children, along with toys, books, music, television, and other commercial entertainments. Children request films on the basis of television commercials, recommendations from group members, TV and theatrical trailers, and browsing video shelves in stores and libraries. It is also in grade school that film viewing as a group activity becomes fully developed. It is rare to see a schoolchild at the show alone. Common patterns are a birthday party at a theater followed by the movie show; a parent taking a group of children to see the film; and, when age appropriate, several children going to the show without accompanying adults. A standard item in a sleepover is the viewing of a favorite (or new) film. H igh Sc hool and th e Teenage Y e ar s Unlike the first two periods of childhood, adolescence is the beginning of the period of maximum moviegoing (which lasts until people are in their 20s). It is a large and lucrative market. As the teenage years begin, children are children; during the teenage years, they complete puberty and pass the age of consent; and by the end of the teenage years, it is incongruous to refer to them as children. Teens are still developing, being socialized, defining the self, facing the crises of identity and integrity, and trying out adult roles. Films feed them material for all these exercises, whether viewed in groups or alone: They inform (and misinform), they enrich social life and networking, and they reinforce the sense of different generations as well as the solidarity of teens and of groups of teens. In this period of transition from childhood to adulthood, there are uses to which film is put by the child that are continuous with what went before and other uses that begin to approach those of adults. One striking new use for films in the teenage years is selftesting. Horror films, quite commonly ones in which teens

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are the victims and the heroes, are tests of nerve, of course, but they are also emotional tests. The fright and horror are theatrical emotions, sometimes broken by shouts and quips from the audience, that are viscerally enjoyed and revisited in the next horror show. Quite a lot of horror movies are watched again and again. The emotions are now frankly theatrical and experimental: Will I jump this time as I did last time? The all-night horror show is usually one of old favorites, savoring of known pleasures. Such ritual uses of film continue until well into the college years. Some of the self-testing is more subtle. Movies about the nature of love, sacrifice, and responsibility find an audience. Also, teen musical idols made their first ventures into films that catered to these audiences. Movies for teens are an even bigger industry category than movies for children but less well defined. During the turmoil of adolescence, there are marked differences in movie taste, not only between girls and boys but also within each sex. Teenage subcultures are not ubiquitous but are present in all modern industrial societies: the whole of the Western Hemisphere, Europe, Australasia, and parts of Asia (Japan and China). Wherever such subcultures exist, films exist to reflect, exaggerate, mock, distort, and valorize them. Teenagers consume and use those films in a period of life generally thought full of acute confusions. Unlike rebellious behavior, film consumption is well tolerated by the society. The “Americanness” of American films has long been viewed as a problem of social control. Since the first quarter of the 20th century, the export of large numbers of American films has been seen as an export of cultural norms undesirably at variance with those of the importing culture. Children might imitate American mores. Cultural homogenization would result. Reciprocally, American films were often accused of distorting other cultures. American films were a double threat. Public policies were put in place as a form of cultural defense against possible imitation. The concern derives from a naive imitation model of how children and adolescents use films that minimizes the cushioning and filtering of the primary group, formal education, and other socialization mechanisms. Ian Jarvie see also: Media, Children and the; Violence, Children and further reading: Elihu Katz and Paul F. Lazarsfeld, Personal Influence: The Part Played by People in the Flow of Mass Communications, 1955. • UNESCO, The Influence of the Cinema on Children and Adolescents: An Annotated Bibliography, 1961. • Garth Jowett, Film: The Democratic Art, 1976. • Garth Jowett, Ian Jarvie, and Kathryn H. Fuller, Children and the Movies, 1995.

firearms. Children come into contact with firearms in a number of ways: as victims of firearm violence, as perpetrators of gun crimes, and as suicide and accident victims. With the exception of child gun safety training and super-

vised sport activities, the combination of children and guns is rarely a positive phenomenon. The issue of children and firearms attracted national attention in the late 20th century in the United States as a result of what many perceived to be a juvenile gun-carrying epidemic. State and federal authorities responded with a number of legal reforms and policy initiatives that significantly reshaped the juvenile justice system. In order to understand the issue of children and firearms in the United States, it is important to take a step back and appreciate the extent of firearm possession in the larger society and among adults. The total number of privately owned firearms in the United States stands at roughly 200 to 250 million, with about 65 million, or one-third, handguns. A very large number of new firearms, approximately 4.5 to 5 million, are purchased every year. The percentage of households that have at least one firearm is estimated to range between 35% and 50%, and the personal gun ownership rate is around 25%. It should come as little surprise, then, that children have significant contact with guns, far more than in other industrialized nations. You t h Gun Car ry i ng The issue of youth gun carrying became especially salient in the late 1980s and early 1990s in the United States as a result of a sharp increase in gun crimes committed by youths. During the period from 1985 to 1991, the overall growth in national homicides was attributable to a doubling of juvenile homicides. The leading explanation for this trend in youth gun violence was increased gun availability among youths associated with the crack cocaine epidemic, what is referred to as the drug market–firearm diffusion hypothesis. Criminologist Alfred Blumstein traced the diffusion of guns to the recruitment of youths into illicit drug markets. The diffusion fueled increased homicides because ordinary youth disputes escalated into gunfights. Youth firearm violence, including gun homicides, decreased significantly during the mid- to late 1990s; despite the downward decline, however, youth gun homicides remain relatively high, proportional to earlier periods. As a result of the overall increase in youth gun violence, juveniles represent a growing proportion of arrests for weapon offenses; whereas youths accounted for 16% of such arrests in 1974, they represented 23% of arrests for weapons offenses in 1993. One of the more troubling facts is that gun possession among adjudicated male youths is extremely high. Criminologists Joseph Sheley and James Wright conducted a study in 1991 of 835 confined juvenile inmates in six correctional facilities in four states and found that 86% of the inmates had owned at least one firearm at some time in their lives. Seventy-three percent had owned three or more types of guns. Another study, involving 63 interviews of incarcerated juvenile offenders at five detention facilities in metro-

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politan Atlanta in 1995 found that 53 (approximately 84%) of the youths had owned handguns. Eighty-four percent of these 53 youths who had carried guns had done so before they were 15 years old. A RAND study conducted in 1998, involving interviews of 34 youthful offenders aged 16 and 17 years old detained in Los Angeles Juvenile Hall, revealed that 75% had been threatened with a gun at least once, and 66% had been shot at at least once. Among regular high school populations, the rate of gun carrying is lower, though still high. For school-age male youths in the United States, rates of gun carrying range from about 5% to 35%, depending on the study, geography, and survey instrument. The high end comes from the 1991 study by Sheley and Wright, which surveyed 758 male students in 10 inner-city high schools. As with gun carrying, firearm accidents and suicide attempts are far higher in the United States than in similarly industrialized nations. According to the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2,514 children (aged 0 to 14) were nonfatally injured by firearms during 1997. That same year, 30,225 young adolescents between age 15 and 24 suffered nonfatal firearm injuries, including suicide attempts and intentional and accidental shootings. You t h Gun Po l ic y I n t erv en t io n s In response to the perceived epidemic of youth gun violence at the close of the 1980s and in the early 1990s, politicians, policy makers, and law enforcement administrators made monumental changes to the juvenile justice system in the United States. Many states enacted laws requiring the automatic transfer of juveniles to adult court for serious gun offenses. Other states lowered the age for discretionary judicial transfer, and still others increased the prosecutor’s power and discretion to file juvenile gun cases directly in the adult system. Some states created blended juvenileadult sentences for youthful gun offenders, and others increased the penalties for youthful offenses committed with a firearm. Other jurisdictions turned to federal prosecutions of young gun offenders on the model of Project Exile in Richmond, Virginia, in order to take advantage of stiffer federal sentencing schemes, pretrial detention, and the exile to distant federal penitentiaries. Major metropolitan police departments, like the New York Police Department, began implementing gun-oriented policing strategies that targeted youths for aggressive stop-and-frisks. Other cities implemented strategies, such as Operation Ceasefire in Boston, that communicated directly with youth gang members and increased supervision of youths on probation. The federal Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms (ATF) started a Youth Crime Gun Interdiction Initiative to trace the chain of ownership of guns confiscated from youths. A number of jurisdictions passed safe storage laws, and others enacted negligent storage laws, firearm safety training,

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boot camps, educational programs, and mentor programs for at-risk youth. Another policy initiative involves youth gun courts, which are specialized courts for first-time juvenile gun offenders. The first youth gun court was launched in January 1995 in Birmingham, Alabama, based on an earlier gun court experiment in Providence, Rhode Island. The youth gun court was premised on the idea that there should be swift and sure punishment for youth gun offenses. The court has strict rules, which include a mandatory hold for youths arrested on gun offenses and a prohibition on diversion to other programs. Trials take place within 10 days of the preliminary detention hearing, and the consequences are certain: All adjudicated youths are placed in a boot camp or committed to the department of youth service. All youths are to suffer some type of incarceration. Preliminary studies, conducted after 18 months of operation, revealed that 88% of adjudicated youths in fact received some form of incarceration. Another policy initiative is the Firearm Suppression Program implemented by the St. Louis, Missouri, police department. That program seeks to reduce the number of guns in the hands of juveniles by means of a voluntary search. When the police have reason to believe that a juvenile possesses a firearm, they go to the juvenile’s home and request voluntary consent to search for and seize any guns in the juvenile’s possession, in exchange for a promise not to prosecute the parents or the child. According to early reports, in 1994 the program resulted in the confiscation of 402 firearms, which represented half of all the firearms seized by the police from juveniles. Police officers had a 90% compliance with their requests, and half of those searches netted firearms. Overall, the United States witnessed a fundamental transformation of its juvenile justice system as a result of juvenile firearm possession. The different measures that have been enacted to address children and firearms have had wide-ranging repercussions, resulting in the virtual dismantling of juvenile courts in many jurisdictions and a general reconceptualization of how to treat young offenders. Bernard E. Harcourt see also: Accidents and Injuries; Crime, Juvenile; Gangs; Suicide further reading: Jeffrey Fagan and Deanna Wilkinson, “Guns, Youth Violence, and Social Identity in Inner Cities,” in Michael Tonry et al., eds., Crime and Justice: A Review of Research, no. 24 (1998), pp. 105–88. • Philip J. Cook and Jens Ludwig, Gun Violence: The Real Costs, 2000. • Franklin E. Zimring, American Youth Violence, 2000. • Bernard E. Harcourt, Language of the Gun: Youth, Crime, and Public Policy, 2005.

folk and fairy tales. Because all folk tell tales, folktales of one kind or another are universal. In his book Naftali the Storyteller and His Horse, Sus, Isaac Bashevis Singer has a wise rabbi say this: “Today we live, but by tomorrow

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A Far-Flung Fairy Tale

imagining each other

B e aut y an d t h e B eas t

For centuries, Beauty and the Beast have been transforming each other and their multicultured audiences. The tale itself has been transformed, appearing as the Greek myth “Cupid and Psyche,” the Scandinavian folktale “East of the Sun and West of the Moon,” the Appalachian story “Whitebear Whittington,” and myriad other guises in Europe, Asia, Africa, and the Americas. The Beast has been a snake, a bear, a lion, a lizard, a sea serpent, a bull, a bird, a pig, a monster, a supernatural being. The story’s tellers have bridged oral, print, and electronic traditions, from Irish seanachis to French salon writers to Hollywood film producers. A child who hears the story told by a librarian, read by a parent, or shown as a video joins legions of other children in constructing untold private interpretations. Scholars who consider a Freudian, Marxist, feminist, structuralist, deconstructionist, or culturally contextualized analysis also bring personal experiences that reconfigure their kaleidoscopic understanding of the story. Rendered to its bare bones, “Beauty and the Beast” is a journey quest with a female hero. Beauty’s merchant father moves with his three motherless girls to the country after losing his wealth but then returns to the city in hopes of recovering the profit from a lost ship. Two of the girls ask for rich gifts, but Beauty requests only a rose. Lost on the way home from his fruitless journey, her father shelters in a magic castle, picks a rose from the garden, and is confronted by a fearsome Beast who threatens his life. Beauty’s father begs to see his daughters again, whereupon the Beast suggests that he send one of them in his stead. Beauty volunteers, journeys to the castle,

today will be a story. The whole world, all human life, is one long story.” Folk and fairy tales have long saturated children’s culture, from fireside and bedtime stories to popular products such as superhero comic books, television or movie cartoons, and electronic video games. As a genre consumed by children, folk and fairy tales have variously attracted parents’ and educators’ praise, disapproval, acceptance, and opposition, with such exchanges of opinion often marked by intense controversy. Yet storytelling holds undeniable power over children from birth through adolescence, and folk and fairy tales, whether they are considered moral, immoral, or amoral, are fundamental to storytelling, conveying patterns of narrative essential to both reading and acculturation. Attitudes toward the use of fairy and folktales with children have been cyclical, especially in England and the United States. For instance, a 19th-century concern that they would encourage imaginative play over piety gave way to 20thcentury enthusiasm for their encouraging imaginative play and even insistence on their benefit for psychological health. Similarly, the belief in their capacity to inculcate strong morals gave way to concern about their perpetuating politically oppressive impressions of passive women and violent

and faces the Beast, who begs her to marry him. She refuses but tames him with her presence and gains permission to return home for a visit with her sick father. There, her jealous sisters scheme to prevent her from rejoining the Beast until nearly too late; she finds him dying and expresses her love only to find him transformed into a handsome human prince. The triangle of young person, family, and future mate is consistent in all variants of the story, even those that reverse genders with a male Beauty and female Beast, as in “Sir Gawain and the Loathly Lady” (English), “Kemp Owyne” (Scottish), “Pinto Smalto” (Italian), and “The Dough Prince” (Appalachian). In older folkloric variants, the young person must undergo tests of courage and endurance; in more recent versions, the test is one of patience and perception. The many physical journeys—between city and country, cottage and magic castle—reflect the journey of maturation on the young person’s part and the journey into old age on the father’s part. Youth must separate from aging parent and make a new family, but here the message is often mixed in folklore: Eschew incest but beware of strangers. To choose unwisely outside of the clan may lead to a Bluebeard rather than a Prince. What accounts for the story’s constant regeneration? The details of each version mean different things to different cultures and individuals, but surely there are commonalities of appeal. A young audience responds to the suspense of separation and danger; an adolescent, to the precarious promise of courtship and marriage; an elder, to a life pattern fundamental among humans. None of these stages and viewpoints

men. Some of the most complex discussions center around race, with some African Americans, for instance, objecting to the slave mentality reflected in the narrator of the Uncle Remus tales and others appreciatively adapting the stories and comparing them to African variants. Native Americans who want to see their stories honored in mainstream children’s books nevertheless have problems with the way white illustrators have appropriated and profited from tribal lore. The question of who owns stories becomes central when oppressed ethnic groups are involved, on the one hand, and impressionable young readers or listeners, on the other. Throughout myriad cycles of attitude toward folk and fairy tales, children have responded to them, when they had the chance, with emotional intensity, whether of absorption or antipathy. Young listeners delight in simple cumulative tales such as “The Old Woman and Her Pig,” while older children can consider the metaphoric nuance of pourquoi (“why”) tales like “Why the Burro Lives with the Man” (Mexican) or simply laugh at “Why Mosquitoes Buzz in Peoples’ Ears” (West African). Magnifying the impact of folktales is the fact that they often stimulate writers to create similarly structured original stories: witness Rudyard Kipling’s pourquoi tale “The Elephant’s Child.”

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A Far-Flung Fairy Tale (continued)

The humor, suspense, patterned repetition, rhythmic and even rhyming language, fast-paced plots like the journey quest, and archetypal characters of hero, villain, helper, fool, trickster, and so forth provide a spare yet spacious narrative format into which children can project themselves, from which they can distance themselves, or with which they can identify in some range between these extremes. Also engaging are the quick and clear progress of beginning-middle-end and the unequivocal notions of good and evil, cause and effect. The benefits of telling folktales to children are many, include bonding with literature long before literacy, expansion of vocabulary, increase in concentration span, awareness of language and narrative patterns, and multicultural understanding that each social group is the same in some ways and different in others. Folk lo r ic Bac kground Because folk and fairy tales are a human expression, they resist categorization despite constant attempts to classify them for purposes of identification and interpretation. The broad genre of folktales includes fairy tales, which, paradoxically, have very few fairies; legends, which can be rural or urban but tend to be rooted in a specific place and

What does such revision mean to the story’s survival? My own scholarly journey of 30 years with “Beauty and the Beast” suggests that each new version is a resurrection, an aesthetic and cultural transformation that reflects the re-creator’s values, whether those be in tandem with or in opposition to those of the social mainstream. Current alternatives to Disney’s version live on in many forms: as picture books illustrated, for instance, by artists Mercer Mayer (1978), Warwick Hutton (1985), Hilary Knight (1990), and Barry Moser (1992); as young-adult novels like Robin McKinley’s fictional elaborations in Beauty (1978) and Rose Daughter (1997) or Donna Jo Napoli’s Beast (2000); as adult short stories such as Angela Carter’s “The Courtship of Mr. Lyon” in The Bloody Chamber (1979) and Tanith Lee’s futuristic “Beauty” in Red as Blood, or Tales from the Sisters Grimmer (1983); and as poetry, such as Gwen Strauss’s “Beast” in Trail of Stones (1990) and Helen Chasin’s “Beauty (and the Beast)” from “Mythics” in I Hear My Sisters Saying (1976). What makes a story canonical? The answer is both culturally specific and universally mysterious, less in the tale itself than in the human capacity for imaginative adaptation of narrative. The question is not about “Beauty and the Beast’s” survival but about the nature of its revival. Betsy Hearne

imagining each other

are disconnected, however, but are overlapping and interwoven in various designs of response. Writers, artists, composers, and choreographers have appropriated the story’s manyleveled aspects of appeal to generate novels, picture books, operas, ballets, and films. In contemporary U.S. culture, Disney dominates. Drawn from Madame Le Prince de Beaumont’s 1756 version, which is the most common source in the European and American print tradition, the Disney film plays the tale for humor and melodrama. As in Jean Cocteau’s 1946 film, Disney’s Beast has a double in Beauty’s “real” life, a human suitor (Gaston) who is unacceptably macho. There the resemblance ends, however, as in Disney’s version the traditional triangle of father, daughter, and suitor becomes a triangle between two guys fighting over a girl. This diminishes Beauty’s role as hero despite her surface appearance of book-loving independence, since her rescue of the Beast takes second place to the Beast’s defeating Gaston. In terms of action, Disney’s Belle does not even trigger the quest by requesting a rose. The multiplication of villains (Gaston, his sidekick, a pack of wolves, an insane asylum director, and his sidekick) and heroes (the Beast and all his servants, which include a song-and-dance array of dishes, cutlery, and household furnishings) dissipates the focus on the relationship between Beauty (Belle) and the Beast. The journey quest often disintegrates into a sequence of frenetic chase scenes, but the United States is, after all, a society where cops and robbers occupy hours of television time pursuing one another.

further reading: Betsy Hearne, Beauty and the Beast: Visions and Revisions of an Old Tale, 1989. • Betsy Hearne, ed., Beauties and Beasts: Oryx Multicultural Folktale Series, 1993. • Jerry Griswold, The Meanings of Beauty and the Beast: A Handbook, 2004.

time; epics, which feature national heroes often based on folktales; and myths, which involve gods and supernatural beings as well as heroes. Such stories appear to varying degrees in every language. Less commonly considered but perhaps even more important in children’s lives are family stories that are told repeatedly to express important values and relationships. In many cases, these types borrow from one another for themes, characters, and plots. Since the 19th-century foundation of folklore studies in Germany and Scandinavia, folklorists have generated their own cycles of scholarship, from the structuralists who created indexes of numbered motifs and tale types that emphasized crosscultural similarities to the contextualists who maintained that the details unique to each performance embedded a folktale in cultural meaning that is lost by a study limited to basic elements. Thus, while one folklorist may spend years studying a tale in its specific setting, other folklorists have created indexes to Japanese and Chinese folktales as well as Irish, Spanish, West Indian, and many other cultural groups’ lore. Certainly there is no denying that tales such as “Cinderella” have existed across a broad spectrum of time periods and cultural groups in Europe, the Middle and Far East,

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Africa, Australia, and the Americas. Whether the tale’s ubiquitous presence in the oral tradition was due to geographic distribution or spontaneous generation has been an ongoing debate. Interestingly, its presence in the print tradition—despite the “freezing” implied by the printing process—has reflected to some extent the kind of dynamic typical of the oral tradition: a consistent basic pattern with variant details of text and illustration. Because both folklore and childhood have occupied relatively low rungs of prestige in the academic world, the study of folk and fairy tales in relation to children did not flourish until the late 20th century, when the fields of psychology, history, folklore, education, and literature began to host relevant scholarship. Iona and Peter Opie stand out as independent scholars who focused not only on The Classic Fairy Tales (1974) but also on the folklore children passed on to one another (The Lore and Language of Schoolchildren, 1959). In the professional world, U.S. public libraries carried the torch of storytelling to children from 1900 onward, with the goal of outreach to, and acculturation of, immigrant children. This activity involved oral programs of folk and fairy tales as well as selecting, buying, recommending, and awarding the best folk and fairy tale editions for children. Innovative teachers have also found room in their crowded curricula for folk and fairy tales, both as aesthetic experience and as accessible examples of ethnic and national cultures. From 1900 onward, both librarianship and publishing for children were dominated by professional networks of women who championed folk and fairy tales. These women told stories themselves and supported storytellers such as Marie Shedlock, who wrote the influential Art of the StoryTeller (1915), and Ruth Sawyer, who authored the classic Way of the Storyteller (1942), collected Irish and Spanish folktales, told them in libraries and reform schools, and wove them into her own award-winning novels and picture books. H isto r y Although folk and fairy tales were not always intended for young listeners, the genre became associated with children in the transition of oral to print traditions, especially in countries that host a strong publishing industry. From crudely illustrated 18th-century British chapbooks for the “general audience,” through late 19th-century European collections marketed to a newly identified child audience, to 20th-century picture books and fantasy novels for young adults, folk and fairy tales have pulsed at the very heart of children’s literature. Indeed, one of William Caxton’s first printed books in the 15th century was Aesop’s Fables (1484), eagerly adopted by children from then till now. Early canonical works are still widely circulated in the form of illustrated collections and picture book selections from works such as the French Contes de ma Mére L’Oye

(1697) or The Tales of Mother Goose (translated 1729) by Charles Perrault; the English Mother Goose’s Melody by John Newbery (ca. 1765) and later Isaiah Thomas (American, 1785); Kinder- und Hausmärchen (1812) or German Popular Stories (translated 1823) by Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm; Norske huldreeventyr og folkesagn (1845) or Norwegian Fairy Tales and Folk Legends (translated 1859) by Peter Christen Asbjørnsen and Jørgen Moe; Hans Christian Andersen’s original stories in Eventyr. Fortalte for Børn (1835) or Fairy Tales (translated 1846); and English Fairy Tales (1890) by Joseph Jacobs. Countless editions of “Cinderella,” “Hansel and Gretel,” “Three Billy Goats Gruff,” “The Ugly Duckling,” and “Jack and the Beanstalk” come from these collections (respectively). Equally important but less familiar collections include Narodnye russkie skazki (1855– 63) or Russian Fairy Tales by Aleksandr Afanasyev, who still populates current children’s literature with folk fi gures such as the witch Baba Yaga. During the late 19th century, folklorist-editors like Andrew Lang began packaging folk and fairy tales from many different cultures and formatting them for children in series such as The Blue Fairy Book (1889), The Red Fairy Book (1890), and so on through 12 colors total. Four periods in American publishing have seen especially strong revivals of folk and fairy tales. The first period was post–World War I, when children’s trade imprints were first being established (1919) during an influx of European refugee artists whose cultural heritage of folktales translated well across national borders. The second was post–World War II, when paper rationing was over and new possibilities of color reproduction and global copublishing arose. The third was during the 1980s, when institutional children’s book markets suffered a budgetary decline and publishers turned to trade-store sales where familiar lavishly illustrated folk and fairy tales sold well. And the fourth was during the 1990s and beyond, when the folk and fairy tale surfeit led to a backlash of “fractured fairy tales,” which twisted the traditional stories in terms of tone or point of view (e.g., Shirley Hughes’s 2004 picture book Ella’s Big Chance: A Jazz-Age Cinderella and Donna Jo Napoli’s 1992 novel The Prince on the Pond and her 1993 The Magic Circle for older readers). Throughout these periods, folk and fairy tales served to satisfy the various demands of “multicultural literature” as well, especially during the 1960s and 1970s, when pressure for ethnic representation in children’s literature began to intensify. Folktale figures as diverse as Momotaro from Japan, Anansi from West Africa or the Caribbean, and the Hodja from Turkey cross national borders with increasing ease. I l lu s t r at io n an d El ec t ro n ic M ed i a Today, many children experience folk and fairy tales not from an illiterate granny beside the fireplace but through a parent or educator’s reading aloud from elaborately

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illustrated books while the young listener absorbs an artist’s graphic interpretation or, even more commonly, from cartoon, film, or television versions. The quality of these versions varies as much as it did in the oral tradition, and so do the attitudes toward changing formats. Like “old wives’ tales” and chapbooks, mass-media versions of folk and fairy tales were considered low-class entertainment before they became legitimized as a focus of academic study. The blurring of boundaries between folklore and popular culture has characterized industrial societies worldwide, and with that blurring has come the commodification of narrative into a marketing franchise mode. Yet adults constantly rediscover the power of tailoring a story to a particular child or group of children—to remember what they heard in their own childhoods, to lengthen, cut, speed up, slow down, relate more or less dramatically elaborate explanations in response to puzzled expressions—in other words, to change and adapt a narrative to suit a particular audience. Thus the oral, print, and electronic traditions exist side by side, influencing but not eradicating one another. Inasmuch as the illustration of children’s books has become a fine art, young viewers are exposed to “visual variants” that offer sharp contrast, as do, for instance, Nancy Ekholm Burkert’s elegant, distant, archetypal paintings for Randall Jarrell’s translation of Snow-White and the Seven Dwarfs (1972) and Trina Schart Hyman’s dramatically immediate, psychologically complex paintings for Paul Heins’s translation of the same story (1974). Both visually and textually, Walt Disney’s first full-length film of Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs (1938) could not differ more radically from Shelley Duvall’s hip Faerie Tale Theater Production (1983) of the same story with Elizabeth McGovern, Vanessa Redgrave, Rex Smith, and Vincent Price! A child will experience a range of tonal differences between James Marshall’s clever, lighthearted cartoons for The Three Little Pigs (1989); Lane Smith’s darkly humorous, sophisticated pictures for Jon Scieszka’s The True Story of the Three Little Pigs by A. Wolf (1989); Helen Oxenbury’s comical illustrations for Eugene Trivizas’s The Three Little Wolves and the Big Bad Pig (1994); David Wiesner’s hypertextual Caldecott Medal book The Three Pigs (2001); and Walt Disney’s jolly animation (1933, 1991). Images from all of these versions have become iconic in either professional or popular culture, and certainly a major award or motion picture affects sales and consumer spin-off products. As a consumer market, children now absorb folk and fairy tale motifs in myriad ways, recycling them in the mall and on the playground as well as replaying them in their dreams. Googling their favorite tale may bring up hundreds, thousands, or even (as with “The Three Little Pigs”) millions of hits, including multicultural text sources, images, music, games, lesson plans, research commentary, and advertising spoofs. From references in classical literature

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to the latest electronic product themes, children need to know folk and fairy tales in order to read their world. Betsy Hearne see also: Folklore, Children’s; Literacy; Literature; Myths, Childhood; Narrative; Opie, Peter (Mason) further reading: Jane Yolen, Favorite Folktales from Around the World, 1986. • Marina Warner, From the Beast to the Blonde: On Fairy Tales and Their Tellers, 1994. • Maria Tatar, The Classic Fairy Tales: Text, Criticism, 1998. • Jack Zipes, The Great Fairy Tale Tradition: From Straparola and Basile to the Brothers Grimm, 2000.

folklore, children’s. Folklore is the everyday, expressive, sometimes artful communication between the members of a group of two or more people who have something in common. If children or adolescents in a group have enough common experiences over time, a group folk culture can emerge. The communication in folk groups is highly contextual, often understood only by the members of the group. The group establishes folk traditions, sometimes learned elsewhere, sometimes passed on across generations of group members, and sometimes “invented” by the group. Folklore may be oral, material, or customary. Oral or spoken folklore genres performed in a children’s folk group, for example, might include nicknames, secret languages, taunts, jump-rope rhymes, jokes, and riddles. Adolescents tend to have their own genres of oral folklore as the jokes get more complex and the personal-experience stories get more elaborate. The contemporary urban legend is an oral genre especially common in adolescent folk groups. Material folklore, which consists of the objects children and adolescents use to communicate in their folk groups, might include handmade toys, play houses, and sand castles, but manufactured material objects (clothing, toys, sports equipment) also can be used by children and adolescents as important props in their folk communication. A child’s or teenager’s room, even if shared with siblings, provides a material world for the performance of individual and group identity, depending on the social class of the family. The child’s or teenager’s own body is another site for the performance of identity, through clothing, piercing, tattooing, and other traditional body ornamentation. Customary folklore depends on the child’s or adolescent’s performance of a traditional custom. Traditional gestures, including obscene gestures, are the most rudimentary form of this folklore, but physical games (like hide-and-seek, kick-the-can, Marco Polo, stickball, jumping rope, clapping hands, and capture-the-flag) can be part of the traditional repertoire of children and youth. Any given performance of a folk tradition by a child or adolescent might include all three of these elements. A “cootie-catcher,” for example—a hand-folded paper device meant to tell fortunes and provide advice—is a folk mate-

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rial object. When actually used, however, it is accompanied by oral questions and answers and amounts to a custom by which children address uncertainty in their lives— uncertainty about futures, romance, friendships, athletic contests, and the like. Children are a relatively powerless group in society, so they perform a great deal of their folklore with the intention of acquiring power or of resisting others’ power. Within the folk group, children and youth can use folklore to help establish hierarchy and signal relationships. For example, boys generally are permitted and expected to use their folklore directly in the pursuit of power, part of which is learning how to use stylized male aggression in the friendship group. Girls generally learn more indirect ways to exercise power in their friendship groups, though girls are becoming more like boys in their folklore, play, and games. Ethnicity and social class also make for differences in the folk cultures of children and youth, as there may be very specific traditions through which members exercise and resist power. Children from marginalized groups often learn how to take power indirectly through wordplay and highly coded folklore. Still, folklore particular to one group often shows up in other groups’ traditions, as happened when a particular African American adolescent tradition of “the dozens” (ritualized, stylized, playful male insult contests) spread to the youth cultures of other ethnic groups. For example, the folk formulaic insult “Your mama is so ugly that . . .” has been picked up by male adolescents in other ethnic groups, including white teens. In fact, for more than 100 years, white, middle-class youth have been appropriating the folk cultures—speech, gesture, music, dance, clothing, body ornamentation, and so forth—of poorer African American and Latino youth for their own performances of resistant adolescent culture. Even the folklore of young children resists attempts by adults to socialize youngsters. Children may take a text important to adults, like the Pledge of Allegiance, and create parody versions. In the face of adult desire for order and cleanliness, children’s folklore might favor disorderly play, with food, for example; obscene play; and forbidden play. Like adults, children and youth use folklore to manage their psychological and social anxieties. Folklore is a tool for living, and part of the value of folklore lies in its impersonality, including its collective and anonymous origins. All folklore—but especially children’s folklore—combines traditional form with the appropriation of new materials. The combination of conservatism and dynamism means that rather rigid folk genres, such as riddles and jokes, can respond to new situations with new meanings. The “dead baby joke” cycle, for example, might have been children’s response to heightened adult talk about abortion in the 1970s, but that joke cycle ended by the early 1980s once it had performed its psychological work of expressing children’s anxieties.

In order to understand the meanings and functions of a given folklore performance, the observer must ask: Who performed what traditional item of folklore, when and where, for what audience, how, and with what probable motives? What was the outcome? A child angry about a loss in a game might scream, “Cheaters never prosper,” a proverb, at the opponents, strategically using the folklore both as a taunt and as an appeal to supernatural forces trusted to ensure justice in the long run. Experienced campers might test a new camper with a series of pranks. The folklore often achieves its intended results, but sometimes the performances fail, as when a joke meant to lighten a tense situation fails and makes things worse. Psychological anxieties—such as fear of the loss of a parent or fear of supernatural powers—can be mitigated by charms, as when a child avoids cracks in the sidewalk (“Step on a crack, break your mother’s back/Step on a line, break your mother’s spine”). Folklore also provides resources for managing social strains in the child’s friendship group, as when children control others through a traditional game, like four-square, or when boys in a friendship group use the stylized aggression of verbal duels in the place of real violence. Children also use their folklore to help manage their anxieties about larger social situations beyond their control. Children in Northern Ireland, for example, live in a world of strife caused by the adults, but they manage to create a very different culture on the playground; their folklore becomes a coping mechanism and a way to communicate across religious and social-class boundaries. Parents, teachers, and other adults often worry that mass-mediated, commodified culture threatens the vitality and creativity of children’s and youths’ folklore. Adults target television, recorded music, and video games as the main threats to children’s imaginary play. The folk cultures of children and adolescents, however, are quite resilient; close examination of their folk groups in natural settings shows that children appropriate mass-mediated commodity culture and incorporate those popular culture products into their folk cultures for their own uses. Children create parody versions of commercial jingles, for example, and summer campers often draw upon popular culture for camp skits. The movement of people spreads folklore from one locale to another, and children carry their familiar folklore into new places. The Internet is likely to increase the diffusion of children’s folk cultures around the world. Jay Mechling see also: Folk and Fairy Tales; Media, Children and the; Myths, Childhood; Narrative; Peers and Peer Culture further reading: Jay Mechling, “Children’s Folklore,” in Elliott Oring, ed., Folk Groups and Folklore Genres, 1986, pp. 91–120. • Simon J. Bronner, ed., American Children’s Folklore, 1988. • Brian

f o o d a v e r s io n s a n d p r e f e r e n c e s Sutton-Smith, Jay Mechling, Thomas W. Johnson, and Felicia R. McMahon, eds., Children’s Folklore: A Sourcebook, 1999. • Donna M. Lanclos, At Play in Belfast: Children’s Folklore and Identity in Northern Ireland, 2003.

food aversions and preferences. The first food of the human omnivore, as a mammal, is a steady diet of blood delivered by the placenta. At the first great life transition, birth, the diet switches abruptly to a steady diet of milk. This second single diet leads to the consumption of a very large variety of foods in a second major life transition, weaning. During and after weaning, the foods and food traditions of the culture become established in the child. The challenge of weaning is great: It is both the introduction of new foods and, in most traditional cultures and in human prehistory, the abandonment of milk as a food. Before the institution of dairying, humans, like all other mammals, had no access to milk or milk products after weaning. A strong attachment to milk, as a complete food, accompanied by the powerful bonds produced by nursing, can be problematic. There is a wide variety of practices used across cultures to accomplish weaning. One general feature of mammals helps; since the great majority of humans cannot digest milk sugar (lactose) after the nursing period (lactose intolerance), the consumption of milk after weaning can actually cause unpleasant symptoms. Gradually, in the period from weaning to adulthood, and especially in the first 10 or so years of life, the adult feeding system takes hold. There are three important aspects: the regulation of food intake (when to eat and when to stop), the learning of food-related cultural rules and traditions (e.g., table manners, what foods are combined with which others, when one eats, and linkages between particular times, such as breakfast or feasts, and particular foods), and the learning of what to eat and what not to eat, or food preferences and aversions. It is the latter that is the focus of this article. One of the biggest problems for any omnivorous (or generalist) animal is to distinguish between the edible and the inedible. This is often very difficult, because sensory properties alone will not provide sufficient information. A nutritive food containing harmful microorganisms or toxins should be rejected, as should a nonnutritive food, whatever its sensory properties. How generalist animals learn this vital distinction is unknown; for human beings, much of the required information is culturally transmitted and so does not depend on the direct experience of food by the child. For adults, at the end point of development, all potential edibles, which means practically everything that can fit in the mouth, are divided into those that are accepted (preferences) and those that are avoided (aversions). Within each category, four subcategories can be distinguished. Certain foods are accepted or rejected on the basis of their sensory properties. These include distastes such as beer, chili pep-

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per, or spinach for some individuals and good tastes such as many sweet and fat foods. Other foods are accepted because of the positive consequences of ingesting them (beneficials, “good for you,” like vegetables and whole wheat bread, for some Americans) or rejected because of the negative consequences (dangers, like mercury-tainted food, or meat, for some Americans). Then there are many potential foods that are rejected because the culture in question characterizes them as not food, such as grass or sand. It is neither their sensory properties nor the consequences of eating them that determines rejection; they are just inappropriate. Finally, there are potential foods that are rejected because they are offensive (disgusts), having to do with their nature or origin. Almost all disgusts, cross-culturally, are of animal origin. A much smaller category of transvalued foods is accepted and enhanced in value because of the foods’ nature or origin, such as the wafer in the Catholic Mass or food shared with the Gods (prasad) in Hindu India. It is unknown, in detail, how children master this taxonomy. Much of it is transmitted culturally, and, at the outset, it is sensory properties that determine choice. Sweet and fatty textures seem to be innately positive, and bitter and irritant properties and other strong tastes, innately negative. If one gets sick to the stomach after eating a food, it tends to become a distaste (i.e., it comes to taste bad), whereas if negative consequences do not involve the gastrointestinal system, it becomes a danger. For example, if one eats a new dish and gets sick to one’s stomach within a few hours, one tends to now find that food distasteful. But if the consequences of eating the same food are skin rashes, shortness of breath, headaches, or visceral pain, the liking for the food tends not to be affected, but it becomes rejected as a dangerous food. A critical distinction that arises in considering these categories is that some potential foods are accepted or rejected because people like or dislike them (e.g., good tastes and distastes and disgusts), and others are accepted or rejected because of their known effects, what might be called instrumental reasons (like dangers and beneficials). It is easy to understand why people do not eat wild mushrooms, having heard that many are toxic. But it is not fully clear how foods come to be liked or disliked. Infants will put anything into the mouth that can fit. If the sensory properties are appealing, ingestion occurs, and if not, there is rejection. Infants are protected from eating harmful things because of close monitoring by parents. For infants and young children, sensory factors dominate. Furthermore, culinary rules are not yet present. If a child likes X (say, milk) and Y (say, string beans), the child will like X + Y. At least in the United States and Canada, the source of the data, it is very common for young children, in the 2to 5-year age range, to reject almost all foods and develop a very narrow range of edible foods, a phenomenon referred to as food neophobia. It is not known if this neophobic

even used to facilitate weaning in some cultures by spreading it on the mother’s breast. While virtually all Mexicans older than 6 years of age like chili pepper, we have been unable to find Mexican animals that like it, even though dogs and pigs consume it often as discarded food. Any account of acquisition must take this major species difference into account. Two of the known mechanisms for acquired likes for food— induction by mere exposure and some type of pairing of the taste with positive postingestive effects—may be operative, but they would hold for animals as well as humans. A third mechanism for acquired likes—social influence—may be a factor. The child’s experience with older siblings, parents, and admired others who eat and obviously enjoy the burn may somehow induce a liking. It may be that the food-sharing and social-meal context characteristic of humans is sufficiently different from that of other animals that the social factor can explain the unique preference in humans. Two other possible mechanisms for the acquired liking of the burn depend on its being initially negative. We know that the brain endorphin system is activated by the experience of pain and serves to modulate the experience of pain. Normally, when we experience pain, we avoid the cause. But for chili pepper, children are continually exposed to it because it is such an integral part of the cuisine. In Mexico, small children avoid it when possible until they are 4 to 6 years old. There is evidence from animals and humans that repeated experiences with something negative promote the brain endorphin response, which becomes stronger and longer with experience. At some point, the endorphin response may overshoot, producing a net pleasant effect. But then, animals should show chili liking as well. A fourth mechanism, which we call benign masochism, has the virtue of explaining the unique human aspect of chili preference. Humans are the only species, so far as we know, that enjoy initially negative sensations under certain “safe” conditions. Humans like to be frightened (as on roller coasters), to be made sad or angry (as in movies), and to eat foods that are innately negative in sensory properties. In all such cases, negative body reactions are elicited, but we are not really in danger. It is a form of enjoying mind over body; the body produces negativity, but we know that we are not really threatened. Young children don’t like this type of experience, nor do animals. Evidence that this benign masochism may play a role in the liking for chili pepper is that the preferred level of burn for most chili likers is just below the level of unbearable pain (just like the preferred roller coaster is the scariest that can be tolerated). Liking the burn of chili pepper is an example of the widespread acquisition of liking for innately negative states by human beings; this is something that we are just beginning to understand. Paul Rozin further reading: P. Rozin, “Getting to Like the Burn of Chili Pepper: Biological, Psychological, and Cultural Perspectives,” in B. G. Green, J. R. Mason, and M. R. Kare, eds., Chemical Senses, Volume 2: Irritation, 1990, pp. 231–69. • A. Naj, Peppers: A Story of Hot Pursuits, 1992.

imagining each other

imagining each other

Learning to Like Chili Peppers Chili pepper is probably the most widely used spice in the world, if we exclude garlic from this category. More than 1 billion human beings consume it every day. This is a remarkable state of affairs because the oral irritation produced by chili pepper is innately aversive, and it is rare that someone likes it the first time it is tried. The chili peppers (genus Capsicum) all originate in the Western Hemisphere. First contacts with chili pepper for the Eastern Hemisphere followed on Christopher Columbus, Hernán Cortés, and Francisco Pizarro. The widespread integration of chili pepper into the cuisines of Africa, Asia, and the Mediterranean is thus astonishing, given the initially negative taste. Why is anything that makes such a negative initial impression such a common and liked flavoring, and how is this liking acquired? The innately aversive burn produced by chili peppers results from a family of chemicals, called capsaicins, that are contained in the peppers. They probably serve to deter consumption of the peppers by mammals. It is the same innately aversive burn that appeals to chili lovers. It is not that they become insensitive to the burn, but rather that a sensation that is initially negative becomes positive. The same holds true for negative properties of many other popular human foods, including the bitterness of tobacco and coffee and the burns of black pepper and ginger. Capsaicin produces a local burning sensation and an increased blood supply in the mouth, nasal membranes, the linings of the gastrointestinal system, and on the skin. It is not harmful at modest levels. Chili peppers were widely used in Mexico and other parts of Central and South America in pre-Columbian times, principally as a component of the flavoring placed on virtually all savory foods. Chili peppers along with corn, tomatoes, potatoes, squash, vanilla, chocolate, and peanuts constitute the principal foods involved in what Alfred W. Crosby calls the Columbian Exchange. All of these foods were introduced into the Eastern Hemisphere in the 16th century. Although they originally arrived in Europe, chili peppers did not find a principal home there. Rather, they became integrated, as a fundamental flavoring element, in the cuisines of much of the tropical and subtropical world of Africa and Asia. We can only speculate about what promoted the adoption of chili peppers. Many of the cultures that adopted chili pepper were already using black pepper as a flavoring element. These botanically unrelated items share an irritating property; chili pepper may be less expensive to produce and may have replaced black pepper to some extent. The culinary tastes of these cultures may have already favored irritating properties. Other possible reasons are that peppers have a pleasant appearance and aroma; have some antimicrobial properties; are excellent sources of vitamins A and C; cause sweating, which in some climates may have a cooling effect; stimulate digestive activity, which may be important for high-starch diets; and add flavor and mouth stimulation to very bland diets. But most Mexicans, when asked why they like chili peppers, do not refer to these reasons but say they like the flavor and the burn. Infants and young children find chili pepper aversive. It is

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phase is a normal part of development or just appears in certain Western cultures. Given that the human, as a mammal, consumes milk as an exclusive food for the first months or more after birth and that milk was unavailable after weaning for almost all of human history, it would be maladaptive to have strong lifelong attachments (imprinting) develop to early foods. There is no evidence in favor of the popular view that the foods of the first three or even six years of life have an especially important role in shaping adult preferences. The second six years of life (where, in many cultures, there is much more interaction with peers) may be just as important. It is not known in any detail how preferences and aversions are acquired. The most important process seems to be mere exposure. Exposure to a food (or anything else), within limits, tends to increase liking. There are also conditioning processes, called evaluative conditioning, such that pairing of a new food with other positive events (e.g., already-liked tastes, admired persons, feeling good or bad) can affect liking. However, such contingencies only work under conditions that cannot yet be described. Finally, social influence effects are powerful. Coming to recognize that a food is liked or disliked by peers or admired others can appropriately affect the acceptability of a food. There is a special category of likes in humans for innately unpalatable foods, like chili pepper or coffee or other bitter and irritant foods. There may be some special mechanisms of acquisition for these foods. Another approach to understanding individual differences in preference is to attribute them to general innate biases or genetically based individual differences rather than early experience in the context of the family or later experience and influences such as peers and media. Parent-child resemblance in food choice could result from either genetic factors and/or the effects of early experience, which are dominated by the parents. It is sobering that results from a number of studies indicate that, within culture, children’s preferences (whether young or adult) are not very similar to those of their parents. Parent-child correlations average in the 0.15 to 0.20 range. This suggests that influences after early childhood, as in school and in peer interactions, may be the major source of variation in food preferences and aversions, but all of this data comes from a few Westerndeveloped cultures. Family meal interactions have been the focus of some research. This research has been directed at understanding both the development of individually unique preferences as well as those that are culturewide. A particular focus has been parenting styles. As already indicated, because of low parent-child food preference correlations, family effects cannot be the principal determinants of food preferences. However, they have some effect and are the best-studied aspects of preference acquisition. In the development of food preferences, par-

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ents and siblings serve as role models for the sampling of novel foods. Parents’ liking of specific foods increases their child’s liking of that food. Exposure to novel foods and mere observation of a family member eating an unknown food decrease neophobia and enhance liking of these foods in children. Parents who involve their child in the preparation of meals and expose them to a wide variety of flavors enhance the willingness of the child to sample new foods. Children eat more in emotionally positive atmospheres. Forcing a child to eat a disliked food, on the other hand, further decreases liking for that food. Many parenting styles involve the use of rewards and punishments for eating. Rewarding the consumption of a disliked food with a liked food seems only to increase liking for the reward and not the disliked food. Restriction of access to foods may increase the child’s preference for those foods. More generally, an authoritative parenting style, which uses supportive rather than punitive disciplinary methods, has been found to be associated with increased parental responsiveness to the child’s eating cues and behaviors as well as a higher intake of vegetables and dairy in children. Authoritarian parents who are characterized as directive and demanding, but not responsive, are known to be less likely to make fruits and vegetables available in their home. As a result, children raised in an authoritarian environment are less likely to consume these foods. Authoritarian parents are more likely to raise overweight and obese children than authoritative parents. The influence of parenting styles on children’s food preferences has only been studied in Western cultures. Little is know about how far one can generalize these findings to other cultures. Even among Western cultures, important differences have emerged in the parenting styles employed to socialize children to food. For example, parents in the United States tend to introduce their children to foods through the use of negotiation, rewards, and punishments and to emphasize nutritional properties of foods. Italian children, on the other hand, are taught to pay attention to the sensory and pleasurable properties of food and are encouraged to develop their individual tastes. Food is basic for survival and one of the major sources of pleasure for humans. In the modern Western world, the ancestral food environment has been essentially reversed: Calorie-dense and very tasty foods are plentiful and available with little expenditure of effort. Innate taste biases to prefer calorie-dense foods (e.g., the sweet and fat preference) and child-rearing practices have been shaped in a food-scarce environment, in which there were also acute dangers of eating toxic foods. There is now a mismatch between both humans’ biological biases and cultural practices and the environment that has been created in the modern Western world. Meat, a highly favored food in most traditional cultures, is now viewed by many with ambivalent feelings, and there seems to be a rise in vegetarianism in the

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Western world. Widespread dieting, concerns about eating, obesity, and eating disorders are on the rise. Paul Rozin and Julia M. Hormes see also: Eating and Nutrition; Eating Disorders; Feeding, Infant; Malnutrition and Undernutrition; Obesity and Dieting; Taste and Smell, Development of further reading: P. Rozin, “Development in the Food Domain,” Developmental Psychology 26 (1990), pp. 555–62. • E. Ochs, C. Pontecorvo, and A. Fasulo, “Socializing Taste,” Ethnos Journal of Anthropology 61 (1996), pp. 7–46. • L. L. Birch, “Development of Food Preferences,” Annual Review of Nutrition 19 (1999), pp. 41–62 • D. Benton, “Role of Parents in the Determination of the Food Preferences of Children and the Development of Obesity,” International Journal of Obesity 28 (2004), pp. 858–69.

foreign language education. The acquisition of more than one language provides the opportunity to access alternative information and connect with individuals from diverse backgrounds and, consequently, is an act of cross-cultural solidarity and a way to recognize people’s humanity. Researchers also have discovered that the acquisition and maintenance of additional languages can further cognitive and emotional development, creativity, and more diverse thinking. National tests in the United States also suggest that foreign language learners excel in oral and written linguistic and mathematical skills. Practical, educational, and cognitive advantages and military or economic motives and the possibility of increasing mutual human understanding and respect are motivations for foreign language education. Given the benefits, what opportunities exist for foreign language education in the United States as compared to other countries? Foreign language education is a priority in many parts of the world, such as the European Union, Canada, Japan, Morocco, Kazakhstan, Thailand, Cuba, and India, where it is compulsory and an integral part of public school curricula. These countries require at least one, and often two or three, foreign languages beginning in elementary school. Furthermore, they have made it a national policy to foster immersion and other communicative methods, maintain nonofficial languages, and support innovative teacher-training programs. Most public schools in the United States, on the other hand, consider foreign language education peripheral to math, language arts, social studies, and science and offer no foreign language courses until the eighth grade. Although increasing in secondary schools in the 1990s, foreign language education has declined as a result of the No Child Left Behind Act, signed into law in January 2002, especially in high-minority schools. And only 16% of four-year institutions of higher education require foreign language study. In the United States, socioeconomically advantaged individuals are the most inclined and able to access foreign language education opportunities in academies and private

or elite elementary and secondary schools that include “two-way” bilingual and immersion programs like those found in other countries. These more affluent individuals attain bilingual opportunities, recognizing the cognitive, academic, and other practical benefits of speaking more than one language and foreseeing its application in governmental and commercial management. Another case in point is reflected in the fact that the U.S. Department of Education has established goals for international education “to meet the national security and economic needs through the development and maintenance of national capacity in foreign languages.” These needs are met partially by providing Title VI grants and Fulbright-Hays programs for college student and faculty foreign language education. Access to these and other meaningful foreign language programs is reserved primarily for the financially advantaged portion of the U.S. population. Families that speak other first languages in the multiethnic U.S. society historically have felt pressure at home, in school, and in society at large to acculturate to monolingual norms and have acquired English but have lost fluency in their ethnic language. For example, there are more Hispanics in the United States than the entire population of Canada. According to one study from the RAND Corporation, however, while more than 95% of firstgeneration Mexican Americans speak English, more than 50% of second-generation Mexican Americans do not speak Spanish. Opposition to bilingualism for working-class people is also manifested in the “official English” or “English only” movement and in state legislative opposition to bilingual education. These policies are similar to those in pre–World War II Germany and in Spain during the Franco era, two countries that temporarily discouraged multilingualism, and are in contrast with policies in contemporary Europe and the other nations mentioned. In addition to the contradiction between benefits and policy in the United States, the contrast between language acquisition research and foreign language education suggests another. Research indicates that in order to acquire a second language, learners must apply strategies like those used in acquiring a first language. This finding applies to classroom foreign language education as well. One group of researchers, for example, found that students who had experienced learning academic subjects in English as a foreign language became steadily more proficient in English, while those who studied it only in a formal language classroom situation did not improve as steadily. Similar studies of child second-language acquisition and college students’ success in upper-division foreign language classes corroborate this finding. Promoting the use of foreign languages in schools in ways similar to first-language use is challenging. The method must help students focus on the topics of discussion or writing instead of on the language itself. Individuals

f o s t e r a n d k in s h ip c a r e

will acquire the foreign language incidentally in this context by focusing on understanding and expressing themselves regarding these topics, which will vary according to age, background, and interest. Teachers have the opportunity to research students’ interests and backgrounds in order to find themes that are stirring and generative of transformative human growth. Children around 8 years of age or older can benefit from studying academic subjects in a foreign language. Such findings are incorporated into the foreign language programs in many nations. Children can rapidly come to understand the language in oral and written form, while speaking it is gradual and depends on continued experience and interest. Younger children benefit from secondlanguage immersion outside the classroom or enrollment in two-way bilingual programs, where students of two distinct linguistic groups study academic subjects together in both languages. The focus of foreign language education in the United States is on study about the language rather than its acquisition. Prior to World War II, the emphasis was on reading and writing languages through translation and grammar exercises. Immediately after World War II, educators taught students to produce a sort of parrotlike version of spoken language and adopted the audio-lingual method, based on structural linguistics and behaviorist psychology. Most U.S. students today experience oral and written drills in textbooks, grammar exercises, vocabulary lists, roleplaying, and other simulated communicative activities and discreet-point tests. This practice still amounts to study about language and is incongruent with current research findings in theoretical linguistics, second-language acquisition, and cognitive science. These findings indicate that human beings are predisposed to acquire languages by constructing a new lexicon and cognitive grammar and suggest the need for a communicative approach to foreign language education. In Europe and the other countries mentioned, unlike the United States, these principles are applied consistently to foreign language education. Many of the countries that prioritize second-language learning use more holistic, content-based means of teaching and assessing foreign language proficiency. Also in contrast to these countries, U.S. high school foreign language learners normally acquire only minimal levels of proficiency in oral and written communication after two to four years of study. The lack of proficiency of many U.S. foreign language teachers also reflects the same sort of study. Providing appropriate foreign language education at all levels of public schools is feasible and crucial. The many bilingual individuals in the United States could provide proficient foreign language teachers, and fluency is attainable for students, especially in immersion, two-way bilingual programs, or classroom contexts where they take academic subjects in the foreign language or simply use the foreign

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language in ways similar to first-language use. For the acquisition of a second language to occur, however, schools and good methods are not enough: The society as a whole must encourage and nourish it. Moreover, acquiring a foreign language through its use implies that students must learn to rely on their experience to grow linguistically and cognitively through that experience. Thus, foreign language education is also a critical goal in itself as a means for students to learn to think for themselves. Tomas Graman see also: Bilingualism; Language; Testing and Evaluation, Educational

foster and kinship care Historical and Cultural Perspectives Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

historical and cultural perspectives. Foster and kin-

ship care refer most broadly to caring for a child who was born to someone else. In this expansive formulation, foster and kinship care can be found throughout history, across cultures, and among nonhuman species. Foster care in the contemporary United States is a particular, more narrowly defined instance of this broader pattern. One notable feature of the U.S. system is that it implies governmental involvement. Foster care in this setting typically refers to a government-run program organizing and supervising in-home, family-based care for children who are not being cared for by a natal parent. Like adoption, foster care is thus a government’s method of placing into an approved family setting children whose current circumstances are deemed unacceptable. In the United States, the overt purpose of foster care is to save and protect children, and the system is—unlike that in many other parts of the world—intimately linked to concerns about child abuse and child welfare. In the context of social work in the United States, kinship care is a specific form of foster care in which other family members legally assume the care of related children. It is based on the notion that a connection with birth family is often in the best interests of the child, because it may presume from the start an emotional tie, shored up by a persisting if often unstated belief that children are better off among members of their own ethnic group, social class, or community. By treating formal kinship care as a noteworthy subset of foster care, there is also the implication that foster care is, unless otherwise stated, provided to a child by an unrelated stranger. Children who enter formal foster care are first determined to be “abandoned”: Their natal parents are prohibited from, unable to, or unwilling to provide care. This may happen for many reasons. Violence, neglect, or a parent’s substance abuse often justify a child’s removal from his or her home, but adults in unpalatable sociopolitical or per-

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sonal circumstances such as poverty, single parenthood, or a minority ethnicity are distressingly more likely to be deemed neglectful parents. Correspondingly, the providers of foster care also are inspected and judged by state agents, who confirm that their homes and parenting skills meet particular culturally appropriate standards. These vetted and licensed providers are usually given subsidies for their service to the state. In the United States, foster care is usually viewed as temporary and thus inferior to the permanence of adoption or, indeed, the permanence idealistically ascribed to the birth family and, to some extent, to kin. However, it is viewed as suitable for children who either have the potential of reuniting with their natal families or are deemed “hard to place,” meaning unlikely to be adopted (due, for example, to being older or having a disability), and it is also generally preferred to the institutional care setting. Formal kinship care is a relatively recent entry into the sphere of foster care (except among some lower-income and minority populations), and is increasing in importance. States regulate foster care, so laws and practices vary; kinship care is more common in the South and among African American families, for example. While adults who were in foster care as children are more likely than the general population to be poor, unemployed, uneducated, arrested, or mentally ill, this cannot be viewed as a result of foster care as much as it is related to the circumstances under which children are placed in foster care in the first place. Thus, criticisms of the foster care system can be misplaced; youth raised in foster care who fail to succeed by traditional measures are often doing so because of the trauma of a life lived in poverty, rather than because of a fault in the foster care system itself. In this vein, it also should be noted that ethnic minorities and the poor are sharply overrepresented in the foster care system at large. Poverty also tends to characterize formal kinship care arrangements; kinship caregivers are often poorer, older, and less educated than unrelated foster parents (in part because they are most commonly the child’s grandparents). Statesponsored foster care and state-sponsored kinship care appear to have roughly comparable outcomes. In either case, children who make fewer moves between homes tend to be better off, according to social workers’ measures. H istor ical Per spectiv e The word foster comes from Old English, and its original referents were food, nourishment, and nursing. While the parental tasks constituting foster care in North America today are many, it is useful to remember that the origin of the term involved feeding a child to whom one had not given birth. Thus, early forms of fostering included practices that would not be considered in the same field today, such as wet nursing. The remunerated fostering that gave rise to the contem-

porary foster care system first began in the United States in the late 19th century. Prior to this, poor or abandoned children were placed in poorhouses, tended by the philanthropic, and often ended up in servitude or apprenticeship. But as institutions came to be seen as nodes of disease, children were placed instead with individual families, often far from their birthplaces. Charles Loring Brace is credited with promoting the privatization and individualization of foster care over institutional care, although the system he spearheaded was criticized both at the time and in retrospect for the potential exploitation to which its ostensible beneficiaries were sometimes exposed. Both these early institutionalizations of children and the nascent individualized foster care system were colored with ethnic, racial, and religious dynamics; it was typically poor, European immigrant, Catholic children who were placed in care. (African American families were not “discovered” by the system until the mid-20th century.) Foster care as a regulated and state-sponsored system developed during a time when attitudes toward children were shifting, however, and this was expressed in gendered and age-related preferences. In the mid-19th century, children were viewed as economically useful, particularly in rural areas, and boys were thought to be more useful than girls (as seen in L. M. Montgomery’s Anne of Green Gables). With increasing urbanization and attendant social transformations, within the first decades of the 20th century children were rendered less useful economically and were accordingly sentimentalized. Younger children and girls came to be preferred as docile, obedient, and malleable. These processes occurred in tandem with the development of social work as a profession, and the transfer of “neglected” children’s care from philanthropic institutions to professional social workers was sealed. The origins of the North American system of foster care have thus had a significant impact on its current shape. Early 20th-century ideas about the state’s responsibility in caring for children, about the proper ways to protect children, about the creation and solidification of a profession that would be devoted to protecting children, and about class and ethnic ideals of “proper” child care can all be seen in the state of the system today. C ro ss- Cult ur al Per spectiv e The U.S. system of foster care presumes that “proper” family life itself can be transformative for children in neglect or abusive situations; foster care is intended to provide the closest possible approximation to a suitable family life. This is a culturally constructed notion held by the middle classes in Europe and North America, but it is one that is not persuasive cross-culturally or across social classes. For instance, African American families have a much higher rate of kinship fostering, both formal and informal, than is found among the general U.S. population. They also tend to

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maintain a more expansive definition of family and a strong sense of responsibility to kin. These characteristics are highly adaptive and efficacious, in a context where poverty and oppression, high rates of male incarceration, and differential access to social services all combine to preclude the adoption of white, middle-class kinship practices among many African American families. Yet ironically, African American family arrangements—as well as the extended families observable in other minority groups such as Native American communities—then tend to confirm dominant perceptions by not conforming to official state expectations that are based on the culture-bound concept of the nuclear family. A look at the cross-cultural data on fostering will give some context for the claim that the ideals of kinship contained in official policies and proclamations are shaped by culture and class, rather than being universally applicable. Kinship fostering is an exceedingly common phenomenon cross-culturally; extended families and kinship networks are most commonly mobilized to take in children. In many cultures, rituals such as blood brotherhood or godparenting work to extend the kinship network beyond the ties made by birth or marriage and, accordingly, to amplify the number of potential adults who can receive a child to foster. Anthropologists have documented numerous instances of fostering, or “child circulation,” around the world. The ubiquity of these fluid and flexible movements of children from one home to another and the cross-cultural data on process and outcomes drawn from Oceania and elsewhere clearly show that fostering is not necessarily harmful for children. It would be incorrect to infer that government-run systems are the only “formal” foster care in existence; in the numerous instances worldwide where the state is not involved, key metaphors and practices formalize the fostering relationship. Fostering’s original meaning of “feeding” is again significant here, as sharing food is an important way that fostering relationships come to be perceived and experienced as permanent. For instance, in some parts of Malaysia, individuals are understood to feel kinship with those with whom they have shared breast milk (as infants both nursing from the same woman) as well as with those with whom they have shared rice (as children eating from the same hearth). The cross-cultural literature also shows that in many other parts of the world, a child has a great deal of influence over where he or she resides. Among the Kanuri of West Africa, young boys who want to learn a craft that their fathers do not know will themselves seek out an apprenticeship. In highland Peru, young women who want to receive a superior education than the one available in their rural hometowns will insinuate themselves into the homes of better-off urban relatives and help with the household chores. Although both these examples are framed in terms

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of labor, the relocation of a child for whatever reason is in many societies the initial trigger for the production and fortification of kinship. I n ter sections and Tr ansfor m ations When traditional practices of kin fostering come into contact with the state’s channeling of middle-class notions of proper family life, tragic consequences can result. For example, Native American and First Nations children were removed from their homes in the mid-20th century in what was perceived to be those children’s best interests, applying the usual criterion but with a distressful blindness to distinctive Native American understandings of proper socialization. As North America becomes more culturally diverse, the profession of social work and the state regulation of foster care must for this reason continue to amplify their cross-cultural understanding and work to carry out their legal mandates without at the same time enforcing a culturally specific notion of kinship. Traditional fostering practices also can be challenged and even overwhelmed by devastating natural disasters, epidemics, and wars. For example, international adoptions often flow from countries torn by violence, as in Peru in the 1980s. There, kin fostering was a long-standing practice, particularly in rural areas of the Andean highlands, but the confl ict between the Shining Path and the Peruvian military counterinsurgency forces killed so many that existing fostering infrastructures could no longer cope with the huge numbers of orphans. A similar dialectic—related to the violence of epidemics and poverty—is now unfolding in many parts of Africa, where HIV and AIDS are orphaning countless children who are often taken in and raised by their grandparents. Further transformations of globalization and migration also have affected the way foster care is practiced the world over. For instance, in the Philippines with its strikingly high rates of out-migration, traditional practices of fostering are being used to facilitate parental migration. Parents engage in culturally appropriate behavior when they place their children with relatives, but the new ingredient is that they are doing so in order to migrate and seek employment elsewhere in Asia. The juxtaposition of migration and fostering also leads to emotional clashes, because while fostering owes its existence to a large, extended family, migration is often understood as a project specifically aimed at improving the nuclear family’s situation alone. Thus, migration relies on extended family members’ goodwill while ultimately excluding them from many of the benefits of migration. Furthermore, family members who migrate may also discover that elsewhere in the world children are understood to have more individual rights, and to require more formal protections, than local tradition entailed, which are shifts in perception that may ultimately make fostering a less desirable option. Jessaca B. Leinaweaver

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see also: Abandonment and Infanticide; Adoption; Brace, Charles Loring; Grandparents; Kinship and Child Rearing; Parenthood further reading: Nina Bernstein, The Lost Children of Wilder: The Epic Struggle to Change Foster Care, 2001. • Dorothy Roberts, Shattered Bonds: The Color of Child Welfare, 2002. • Jessaca Leinaweaver, The Circulation of Children: Kinship, Mobility, and Morality in Highland Peru, 2008.

legal and public-policy perspectives. Foster care involves a family other than the family of origin caring for a child in the family’s home without making the child a legal member of the family. State-sponsored foster care is the primary means through which modern Western societies provide for children whose parents are temporarily unable to care for them, whether because of poverty or temporary crisis or because a public agency and court conclude that the child is unsafe at home due to abuse or neglect. As of 2007, the foster care system in the United States serves about 800,000 children a year. Because children enter and exit the system during the year, the foster care system serves approximately 514,000 youngsters on a given day. Children enter foster care through two streams: placements labeled “voluntary” and court-ordered placements. Both, however, most commonly have their genesis in reports to child protective services. The roots of foster care in the United States are traceable to the Elizabethan Poor Law of 1601, which allowed localities to provide for indigent children in almshouses or through indenture. Indenture seemed an obvious solution to child dependency and was widely adopted in the American colonies when families were too poor to provide for their children or who failed to educate their offspring. The 19th century witnessed the rise of large orphan asylums that cared for needy children in institutions. Reformers critical of institutional care promoted a return to indenture for children whose parents could not afford to support them or for children whose parents were deemed unsuitable. Public and private agencies placed the children in the families of strangers, usually in faraway states. The nature of the 19th-century family placement often lacked legal clarity, resulting in a wide range of treatment from that normally accorded to family members to that of an adult hired hand. The 19th-century antecedents of the modern foster care system were largely in the hands of private agencies such as the Children’s Aid Society, many of which were associated with religious denominations. The collaboration between public and private agencies in placing children and providing services continues today in states and localities where public agencies subcontract aspects of the foster care system to private agencies. Since the early 1900s, foster children have been regarded as temporary members of a substitute family in which they will live only until they can safely return to their

natural parents or are placed permanently in a new family, classically through adoption. While a child is in foster care, the parents ordinarily lose legal custody of their children to the state, although they may retain certain decision-making powers (e.g., the right to consent to surgery or marriage). The notion that stays in foster care would be temporary, however, has not always meshed with reality. In the mid-1990s, national data indicated that growing numbers of children were staying in foster care for more than three years, that many children experienced multiple placements in different foster families and institutions, and that about one-third of children in foster care never returned to their parents’ home. Following federal reforms designed to address the phenomenon known as “foster care drift,” the most recent figures indicate that the mean stay in foster care is 28.6 months. More than one-third of the children in foster care remain in care for more than 18 months, with 14% remaining in foster care for more than five years. As of 2003, the average child in foster care experienced three different foster care placements. Foster care in the United States is governed by several federal statutes and regulations and administered locally by the states and the District of Columbia, each of which may have its own interpretations and policies. The Social Security Act of 1935 marked the federal government’s first involvement in foster care and, as amended in 1961, remains the source of roughly half of the public funds that subsidize foster placements. In 1980, Congress passed the first substantive child welfare statute, the Adoption Assistance and Child Welfare Act (AACWA), which had two primary goals: to preserve families and, when necessary, to secure permanent placements for children who could not safely remain with or return to their natural families. The 1980 child welfare law introduced the “reasonable efforts” requirement under which the state must attempt to preserve families before removing children and provide services after children have been in foster care “to make it possible for a child to safely return to the child’s home.” The Adoption and Safe Families Act of 1997 (ASFA) was passed in response to the perception that more children were entering foster care and lingering in care longer, in part because the AACWA was widely understood to place too much emphasis on family preservation. The ASFA is the first federal law to state expressly that the child’s safety is the paramount purpose of the child welfare system and that ensuring the child stability within a short period of time through permanency “in a safe and stable home, whether it be returning home, adoption, legal guardianship, or another permanent placement,” is the goal for all children in foster care. The ASFA introduced several key reforms. Its keystone provision is the requirement that states move to terminate parental rights in order to secure another per-

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manent legal relationship in two categories of cases: where it is apparent from the outset that the child cannot return home safely because of “aggravating circumstances” such as a felony assault on the child or the death of a sibling at the hands of the parent, in which case the state does not need to engage in reasonable efforts to preserve the family, and all cases involving children who “have been in foster care under the responsibility of the State for 15 of the most recent 22 months” (the 15/22 months rule). The ASFA provides three exceptions to the requirement that the state initiate termination proceedings after a child has been in foster care for 15 months: when the child is placed with a relative (kinship care, discussed later in this article), when the state demonstrates to the court a “compelling reason” why termination would not serve the child’s best interests, and when the state has failed to provide the services identified by its case plan that would make the child’s safe return home possible. These substantive provisions are accompanied by procedural reforms designed to promote close judicial scrutiny on a strict schedule as well as provisions for “concurrent planning” for permanency, under which the state agency must have an alternate plan in place for each child it expects to return home so that permanency may be achieved quickly in the event the child is unable to return safely to the parental home. The children in foster care do not mirror the society at large. Foster children are disproportionately children of color. Although children of color make up only 33% of the U.S. child population, they make up between 55% and 60% of the foster care population, which is 32% black, 18% Hispanic, and 41% white/non-Hispanic. Children enter foster care at all ages—from birth through the teenage years—but the longer children remain in foster care, the less likely it becomes that they will find a permanent placement. Children older than the age of 11 make up 48% of the foster care population. Poverty and the difficult circumstances associated with poverty are highly correlated with entry into foster care. Poverty is, in turn, highly correlated with race; children of color have a higher risk of living below the poverty line and doing so for a longer period than white children, increasing the risks that a child of color will enter foster care. Although precise figures are not available, parental substance abuse and poverty are the leading reasons that children enter foster care, with physical abuse a distant third. Foster parents are licensed by the states in which they live and must meet certain criteria. They receive training, supervision, and support services as well as financial compensation. Some foster parents receive intensive training and qualify to care for children with special needs, who are likely to remain in care for longer than the average time. Despite the definition of foster care as family care, nearly 20% of the young people in foster care live in group homes

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or institutional settings. Some of these presumably are in the juvenile justice system. In 1977, the U.S. Supreme Court held that foster parents whose children had resided with them for more than one year had a “liberty interest” under the Fourteenth Amendment entitling them to procedural protections before the child was removed from their care unless the child was returning to his or her natural parents. The Court paid particular attention to the “emotional attachments that develop over time between a child and the adults who care for him,” which may develop more or less quickly, “depending on the age and previous attachments of the child” (Smith v. Organization of Foster Families for Equality and Reform, 1977, p. 855). For many years, foster parents were not eligible to adopt the children for whom they cared; today, however, 4% of foster homes are expressly regarded as “preadoptive foster homes,” receiving priority if the child becomes available for adoption. Even when homes are not categorized as preadoptive, the majority of children who are adopted out of foster care today are adopted by their foster parents. Similarly, although child welfare agencies were historically reluctant to place children in the homes of their relatives (known as kinship care), at present roughly onequarter of the children in foster care are living with kin. Even though the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in 1979 that relatives caring for children eligible for support under the Social Security Act were entitled to the same level of foster care maintenance payments as nonkin foster caregivers, it was not until the late 1980s, following a series of lower court decisions and a developing shortage of nonkin foster homes, that agencies began to turn increasingly to the use of kinship foster homes. This trend expanded notably in the 1990s and is reflected in the ASFA’s special provisions regarding kinship foster care placements. Public kinship foster care (children placed by the state, which makes maintenance payments to the kin caregivers) should be distinguished from informal arrangements under which relatives or family friends agree to raise children without state involvement or compensation. Reunification with parents is the stated goal for more than half of the children in foster care, and indeed more than half of the children who exited foster care in 2005 returned to their primary caretaker’s home. One recent longitudinal study reported, however, that nearly 30% of children who were reunified with their parents reentered foster care within 10 years. Another 11% of children who exited foster care that year were living with relatives, who often receive permanent legal guardianship. Kin caregivers frequently are reluctant to adopt because they believe that doing so would create family tensions. Eighteen percent of children leaving foster care were adopted, and most of those received federal adoption subsidies; 60% of the adoptive parents had been the child’s foster parent. Age appears to

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be significantly related to a child’s chances of adoption out of the child welfare system: the younger the child, the better the chances of adoption. Although federal law bars consideration of race when placing children in adoptive families, many commentators believe that race continues to have a significant impact on a child’s prospects for adoption. Because teenagers are statistically less likely to be adopted out of the child welfare system and are legally entitled to decline adoption when offered, the problem of teenagers who simply “age out” of the system when they achieve legal majority has received considerable attention in the last few years. A number of federal programs aim to ease the transition and support teenagers, including extended eligibility for assistance to age 21 and financial support for states that choose to offer programs such as housing, counseling, education, and Medicaid support to youth transitioning out of foster care. States vary considerably in the extent to which they have elected to use these funds and in the quality of the programs they have developed. Although exact comparisons are not possible, the United States appears to have a higher rate of foster care placement than comparable countries, in large part because of the lack of preventive services that could keep children in their homes. Historically, prevention services in the United States have received much less funding than is provided to pay for foster care. Other Western, industrialized countries offer more comprehensive social supports, including housing, medical care, and children’s allowances, that may mitigate conditions that in the United States could be labeled child neglect and result in a child being placed in foster care. England, for example, enacted legislation in 1989 requiring local authorities to provide a range of services that will prevent “unwarranted intervention” in family life as well as services that will protect children from harm at the hands of their families. Collaboration between agencies and parents was one of the notable reforms that followed. Collaborative models build on the model of family group conferences developed in New Zealand in the late 1980s. Such conferences include parents in decision making and bring all of the members of the family’s support system to the table to develop plans for protecting an endangered child. Some localities in the United States and Canada are experimenting with similar approaches. Much remains to be done, however, before the vision of foster care as a temporary stop on the way to safety and permanency is fully realized. Catherine J. Ross see also: Adoption; Best Interests of the Child; Grandparents; Kinship and Child Rearing; Parenthood; Rights, Parental; Rights, Termination of Parental further reading: C. J. Ross, “Families without Paradigms: Child Poverty and Out-of-Home Placement in Historical Perspective,” Ohio State Law Journal 60 (1999), p. 1249. • S. Bass, M. K. Shields, and R. E. Behrman, eds., Children, Families and Foster Care: The Future of Children, 2004. • AFCARS, U.S. Department of Health

and Human Services, “Trends in Foster Care and Adoption—FY 2000–FY2005.”

freedom of speech. Legal and political analysis of freedom of speech and children is dominated by shielding issues and access issues. Shielding issues concern the degree to which the state, schools, and parents should insulate children from speech or expressive materials that are violent, sexually explicit, manipulative, offensive, or morally controversial. The enormous growth of electronic media has greatly increased the amount and kinds of expressive materials to which children are routinely exposed. Not only do children consume vast quantities of popular culture and advertising through mass media, but they also can readily view pornography, play violent games, and explore material from eccentric and extremist groups via the Internet. These developments, along with social scientific research into the effects of media exposure on children, have provided the impetus for diverse measures aimed at insulating children from various kinds of speech. For example, in the United States, lobby groups have persuaded companies to place parental advisory labels on material with explicit or mature content, governments have pressured manufacturers of tobacco and alcohol to adopt restrictions on advertising, and they have tried to mandate the use of Internet filters in public libraries. The wisdom of such measures has been strongly contested by civil libertarian groups who argue that they are unnecessary and largely ineffective and pose serious threats to free-speech rights. Access issues focus on the rights of adolescents to express themselves freely and to have unmonitored access to information and expressive materials of interest to them. Freedom of speech traditionally plays an important role in facilitating exploration of important and sometimes controversial religious, moral, political, and personal values. As children start to develop the emotional, cognitive, and moral capacities for independent thought and deliberation, they have increasingly weighty interests in accessing expressive materials and communicating their views to others. These interests give rise to free-speech rights of adolescents that are parallel but not as strong or extensive as the rights of adults. Older children have rights to access a wide range of information and to express their views without the approval or permission of adults. The main access controversies concern efforts by parents, schools, and state authorities either to deny teenagers information about sexual matters (especially material relating to sexual orientation, abortion, and contraception) or to forbid political protest in high schools. Debate about shielding and access issues is strongly influenced by the special value of free speech in contemporary democracies. Although some content-neutral “time, manner, and place” regulations of speech are compatible with legal guarantees of free speech such as the First

freedom of speech

Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, free-speech advocates strongly oppose content-based restrictions on speech as well as regulations that have a chilling effect on free expression. Four factors establish the special presumptive value of free speech. First, the open exchange of ideas facilitated by free speech is conducive to the discovery of knowledge. Second, freedom of speech contributes to democratic values by facilitating political deliberation and participation. Third, freedom of speech contributes to self development by allowing people to learn about and explore different religious, moral, and aesthetic ideals. Fourth, skepticism about the capacity of the state to distinguish between valuable and harmful expressive materials along with concerns about the abuse of power provide reasons to severely limit the authority of the state over speech. In general, citizens are better judges of the value of expressive materials than government officials. Debate must also be informed by appreciation of the distinctive interests and claims of children. The first consideration is protection of the basic physical and psychological welfare of children. Children can be harmed, either directly or indirectly, by exposure to forms of speech that are violent, sexually explicit, politically controversial, or contrary to the religious or moral values of parents. A key worry is that exposure to such material encourages children to engage in inappropriate and dangerous sexual activity or to adopt unhealthy habits (e.g., consumption of tobacco and junk food). A second related but distinct factor concerns the significance of facilitating children’s moral development. Children need to develop capacities for autonomy and need to be able to recognize and respond appropriately to the moral claims of others. Exposure to diverse expressive materials can play a role in facilitating suitable moral development. But development can be adversely affected by certain types of speech. In particular, exposure to graphic violence can adversely affect children’s appreciation of the moral significance of violence, and exposure to sexually explicit materials can foster misogyny and other inappropriate attitudes to sexual conduct. The third consideration focuses not on the long-term welfare and developmental interests of children but on how free speech affects the quality of childhood itself. On the one hand, children’s lives can be enriched by ensuring they have access to stimulating and entertaining expressive materials. On the other hand, consumption of some kinds of adult-themed materials, even if they do not impede welfare or moral development, can be unsettling (e.g., frightening, confusing, or embarrassing). Shielding children from such materials can be legitimate even if doing so is irrelevant to protecting children’s welfare or moral development. The fourth factor emphasizes the interests parents and guardians have in shaping the ethical and cultural environment in which children are raised. Although parents may not indoctrinate children, they have a legitimate (but limited) claim to shield children under their

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care from material that is inconsistent with the conception of value they seek to share and extend to their children. Political positions on shielding and access issues are influenced by the way these factors are interpreted and weighed in relation to core free-speech values. Conservatives emphasize the special vulnerability of children, claim that parents have strong rights to mould their children, and discount the interest older children may have in independent exercise of free speech. Civil libertarians emphasize the benefits that can accrue to children via free speech, discount the potential harm of speech, and fear that measures aimed at protecting children encumber the rights of both adults and adolescents. Two crucial empirical matters also lead to disagreement about the proper response to shielding and access issues. First, there is the question of the degree to which exposure to various kinds of speech, ranging from advertising to graphic violence and pornography, actually threatens welfare or moral development. Although there is broad consensus among many researchers that exposure to violent materials can encourage aggressive attitudes and behavior in some children, there is disagreement about whether such exposure is a significant causal factor in actual youth violence or antisocial behavior. The effects of exposing children to sexually explicit material are even less clear. Second, there are disputes about the efficacy of different strategies for shielding children from objectionable materials. Critics allege that technological responses (e.g., Internet filters) and efforts to restrict access to materials via traditional classification schemes do not reliably distinguish between objectionable and valuable material. Consequently, they do not serve children’s interests effectively, and they threaten the free-speech rights of adults. There is a good deal of variation both between and within countries as to how cases involving the free-speech claims of children have been resolved. American jurisprudence has been significantly shaped by the 1969 case Tinker v. Des Moines Independent Community School District and the 1982 case Board of Education v. Pico. The former established the right of children to engage in political protest at public schools, subject to the limitation that expressive activities not disrupt legitimate school activities. The latter established that respect for the free-speech rights of students limited the authority of school boards to remove controversial books from school libraries. But neither decision extended the full range of free-speech rights of adults to children, and both have been qualified in various ways by subsequent decisions. The 1989 Supreme Court of Canada decision Irwin Toy Ltd. v. Quebec (Attorney General) that upheld the constitutionality of laws prohibiting advertising directed at children younger than 13 reflects the court’s concern to shield children from manipulative and potentially harmful speech. The 2002 Supreme Court of Canada case Chamberlain v. Surrey District School Board No. 36 reflects a concern with ensuring that children have adequate ac-

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cess to expressive materials. In that case, the court held that school boards could not prevent primary school children from having exposure to children’s books depicting samesex couples in a favorable light. In Europe, controversies have arisen about the right of children to express their religious or cultural commitments in public schools. In 2004, France enacted a law prohibiting students in public schools from wearing “conspicuous” religious symbols. Although it was justified by appeal to the ideal of maintaining a secular school system, the law was widely seen as aimed at preventing Muslim girls from wearing head scarves, thus severely limiting their rights of free expression. By contrast, Canadian courts have upheld the right of students to wear religious symbols, including ceremonial daggers. The specific cases mentioned here provide only a small sample of free-speech controversies and problems involving children. But they are all indicative of the special challenges of determining when and how access or exposure to speech can be valuable for children and when speech poses genuine risks to them and how the relevant interests of children are balanced against those of parents, communities, and the state. Colin M. Macleod see also: Civic Education; Education: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives; Religious Rights, Children’s; Rights, Children’s further reading: Dorothy G. Singer and Jerome L. Singer, eds., Handbook of Children and the Media, 2000. • Marjorie Heins, Not in Front of the Children: “Indecency,” Censorship, and the Innocence of Youth, 2001. • Amitai Etzioni, ed., “Symposium: Do Children Have the Same First Amendment Rights as Adults?” Chicago-Kent Law Review 79, no. 1 (2004).

freire, paulo (reglus neves) (b. September 19, 1921; d. May 2, 1997), Brazilian educator and critical theorist engaged in literacy campaigns and school reform in Latin America and Africa. Paulo Freire was born in northeastern Brazil, where at an early age he knew hunger and the limits poverty places on learning. Freire taught Portuguese in secondary schools and acted as director of literacy and then as school superintendent in Pernambuco until 1957. João Goulart, president of Brazil in 1961, publicly recognized the democratic and empowering effects of Freire’s rural literacy program. Freire was then named director of the Commission of Popular Culture by Goulart, who was later deposed in a military coup d’état in 1964. Freire was accused of being a subversive, imprisoned for 70 days, and then exiled to Bolivia and left soon after for Chile. In Santiago, Chile, Freire published his seminal piece, Pedagogy of the Oppressed. From 1970 to 1980, Freire worked with the World Council of Churches and collaborated with the newly liberated African countries of Guinea-Bissau, São Tomé and Príncipe, and Cabo Verde. Freire returned to Brazil in 1980, taught at two universities, and helped found the social-democratic Workers Party. As the secretary of education for São Paulo from 1989 to 1991,

Freire directly applied the pedagogy that had given impetus to the popular education of his adult literacy programs to the formal schooling of millions of children. Freire is the champion of critical pedagogy, and his theories and practices influence philosophers, educators, and politicians alike. He is one of the most prominent educational theorists of the 21st century because of his understanding of the oppressive mechanisms of capitalist education and his vision of literacy as a cultural and political tool in the struggle against such oppression. Freire’s primary approach to literacy education was to pose problems having to do with his students’ political and economic situation and to teach literacy as a tool for analyzing and understanding the nature of their oppression. This problem-posing education provides a sharp contrast to the top-down state and nationally mandated curriculum and the one-size-fits-all view of learning that Freire labeled “banking education” because it treats students like passive repositories of information. Freire’s pedagogical-political practice engages students in the three-part process he called conscientização—critical consciousness raising—in which students “name” their world (i.e., they determine for themselves the categories with which to analyze the nature of the socioeconomic system), identify their position in the world, and become agents of change. Freirian constructivism guides students to “read the world in the word,” or to use literacy to understand and challenge the status quo rather than passively accepting it. It also leads teachers to carefully examine the limiting situations that constrain oppressed children’s lives. Although Marxist critics have sometimes pointed to Freire’s Christian convictions in questioning the revolutionary nature of his thinking, the thrust of Freire’s work is undeniably Marxist. Other critics have complained of inaccessible language and a simplistic political analysis, while some have questioned the originality and practicality of his approach. Despite such criticisms, however, Freire remains a critical visionary who has provided a method and hope to lovingly transform the world into a more humane and just society. Jenifer Crawford and Peter L. McLaren see also: Education, Informal further reading: Blanca Facundo, Freire Inspired Programs in the United States and Puerto Rico: A Critical Evaluation, 1984. • Paulo Freire, “Reading the World and Reading the Word: An Interview with Paulo Freire,” Language Arts 62 (1985). • Paulo Freire, Pedagogy of the City, 1993. • P. Taylor, The Texts of Paulo Freire, 1993. • M. Gadotti, Reading Paulo Freire: His Life and Work, 1994. • P. McLaren and P. Leonard, eds., Paulo Freire: A Critical Encounter, 1994. • Paulo Freire, Letters to Christina: Reflections on My Life and Work, trans. Donaldo Macedo, 1995. • Paulo Freire, Teachers as Cultural Workers: Letters to Those Who Dare Teach, 2005.

freud, anna (b. December 3, 1895; d. October 9, 1982), pioneering child psychoanalyst and developmental psychologist.

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Anna Freud, the youngest of Sigmund and Martha Freud’s six children, was born in Vienna, Austria. She prepared to be an elementary school teacher, but she also got a psychoanalytic education as an associate of her father’s Vienna circle and as her father’s analysand (one who is undergoing psychoanalysis). During the 1920s, Anna Freud became involved in every facet of the growing psychoanalytic movement while she acted as her father’s helpmeet during his illnesses. She established friendships with Freud’s colleagues and with all of the second-generation trainees who would eventually carry on the psychoanalytic movement in every part of the world. In the late 1930s, Anna Freud and her American friend Dorothy Tiffany Burlingham established the Jackson Nursery in Vienna and began to add child observation to the established clinical research methods. After they immigrated to England in 1938, she and Burlingham organized residential care for children whose parents were involved in war work. From the wartime nurseries, the Hampstead Clinic emerged, with units for therapeutic work, observation, pediatrics, and analytic training. During the decades when child analysis as a subspecialty of psychoanalysis was becoming more and more important, Anna Freud made many contributions to the exploration of what her father had called lines of development. She stressed in her work the complexity of the process by which children develop psychological defenses against overpowering feelings. There are defenses against the id or instincts, against the punishing superego, and against threats from the outside world; more generally, there are defenses against strong affects. Some defenses are typical of early childhood, some of the Oedipal period, and others (which Anna Freud was the first to emphasize) of adolescence. Eventually, Anna Freud made detailed developmental maps for the defenses, for the sexual instinct (or libido), for relationships with other persons (or object relations), for ego growth, for narcissism, and for superego maturation. Looking to physical development and its mental and emotional correlates, she tracked a line of development for body control and management, for play and work, and for movement from passivity to activity and athleticism. These developmental lines were then explored in their relations to cognitive development, speech development, intellectual specialization, and other domains studied by Jean Piaget. Throughout Anna Freud’s career, there were disputes within psychoanalysis with Melanie Klein and her followers over how to understand pre-Oedipal development and how much attention to give to a child’s environment as opposed to its intrapsychic life, which Klein emphasized almost to the exclusion of environment. In addition to the work she did with her clinic associates on defenses, on developmental lines, on diagnosis, and on techniques for developmental disorders, Anna Freud wrote many papers about psychoanalytic training and institutions

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(from nursery schools to psychoanalytic societies), several classic overviews of whole areas (“Notes on Aggression” in 1949; “On Adolescence” in 1958; “Obsessional Neurosis” in 1965), and a number of studies of her father’s work. In her later life, she applied psychoanalytic insights to pediatrics, including care of children in hospitals, and to legal matters. With Albert J. Solnit and Joseph Goldstein at the Yale Child Study Center, she coauthored three important volumes that showed how psychoanalysis could inform legal decisions on the custody of children. Until her death in 1982, Anna Freud directed the Hampstead Clinic and organized there the most famous psychoanalytic center in the world, a mecca for child analysts and a meeting place for all analysts who wished to visit her father’s last home and Anna Freud’s living legacy. Elisabeth Young-Bruehl see also: Best Interests of the Child; Development, Theories of: Psychoanalytic Theories; Goldstein, Joseph; Solnit, Albert J(ay) further reading: Anna Freud, The Writings of Anna Freud, 8 vols., 1966–80. • Joseph Goldstein, Anna Freud, and Albert J. Solnit, Beyond the Best Interests of the Child, 1973. • Elisabeth YoungBruehl, Anna Freud: A Biography, 1988.

freud, sigmund (b. May 6, 1856; d. September 23, 1939), Austrian physician who spent his professional life in Vienna, conceptualized the theory of psychoanalysis, investigated the cause of mental suffering by studying the unconscious mind, and created a new method of treatment to access unconscious thinking. Sigmund Freud’s discoveries of unconscious thinking, the significance of infantile sexuality and infantile sexual fantasies, the meaning and structure of dreams, and the meanings of gender continue to stimulate research across multiple disciplines. Th e Th eory of I nfan ti le Se xualit y Freud’s most notable contribution to the understanding of children and the influence of childhood on adult experience lies in his theory of infantile sexuality. According to this theory, sexuality does not begin at puberty with the maturation of the sexual glands but in earliest childhood, and it is organized around zones of normal physiological activity and interaction with the environment. Freud proposed that a child passes through four phases of infantile sexuality—which he termed oral, anal, phallic, and Oedipal—by age 5 or 6, followed by a long latency period in which infantile sexuality is relatively quiescent until pubertal changes begin. Freud considered these stages to be sexual because the normal activities of living in each of them are characterized by tension buildup followed by pleasurable gratification and tension decrease. In the oral phase, a child discovers his or her own body as a source of satisfaction through pleasurable sucking. The anal phase is characterized by defecating rhythms of holding on and letting go, which introduce fan-

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tasies of control over parental demands. In boys, the phallic phase is characterized by genital masturbation and exhibitionistic displays. Girls in this phase, according to Freud, feel deprived and envious of boys because they do not have a penis. In addition, in the terms of the theory, each phase is accompanied by an anxiety that represents the potential for environmental frustration or punishment for the gratifications associated with that phase. In the oral phase, the child fears separation from caregiving parents. In the anal phase, the child fears loss of love for not complying with parental demands. In the phallic phase, boys fear the loss of their phallic organ (castration anxiety) once they recognize the significance of difference between the sexes. Girls, in protest of what they experience as castration, blame their mothers for not making them boys and symbolically woo their fathers to acquire a phallic organ. According to Freud’s theory, in the most complex libidinal phase, the Oedipus confl ict, the child imagines having sexual contact with the parent of the opposite sex. Parents frustrate the child’s demands by imposing an “incest taboo” respecting kinship and generational difference, communicating to their children that, for example, fathers and daughters cannot marry. Children also fantasize about parents’ intimate relations with each other in “primal scene fantasies.” Boys eventually relinquish their Oedipal wishes out of castration anxiety and identify with their fathers, thus acquiring a moral superego that regulates the child’s instinctual life. Girls, who believe they are already castrated, renounce their Oedipal demands out of fear of loss of love. They generally identify with their mothers, and thereby acquire a moral superego, but sometimes (in protest) identify with their fathers to deny the reality of anatomical differences between boys and girls. The repressed organization of fantasies associated with the Oedipal phase remains in the unconscious and forms what Freud called “the nucleus of neurosis”: the potential for triggers in later life to reawaken these infantile frustrations and form a neurosis, a deviation from normal rational responses to one’s environment that may assume various forms (e.g., phobias, obsessivecompulsive disorders). The Oedipus stage is followed by a latency stage of quiescence of infantile drives, leaving the child free to focus on new learning in school. The sexual drive resurges in adolescence under the influence of hormonal changes, resulting in physiological and psychological changes. During this period, infantile sexual thoughts and desires are only partially superseded by maturational gains in thinking and development, and they remain available as sources of regressive thoughts and feeling in later life. Ot h er C o n t r i b u t io n s Freud’s contributions to the understanding of children extend beyond his theory of infantile sexuality.

Freud differentiated, for example, between children’s ideas and thoughts that are rationally organized, called secondary process thinking, and those that are more closely related to needs, fantasies, and wishes, called primary process thinking. This division begins in childhood and is continued into adulthood. Freud also claimed that many of the “memories” children reported as actual events turned out to be unconscious fantasies that could play a determinative role in producing adult neuroses. Freud theorized that failures of the environment to satisfy a child’s needs could result in the child becoming overstimulated, producing a traumatic state, while neglect could cause a child to become understimulated, leading to depression and apathy. Finally, Freud proposed measures that he believed would prevent the development of neuroses in children. He asserted the necessity of telling children the truth about sexual matters in response to questions about sex. He advised against the use of threats or severe punishment to curb habits such as masturbation. He encouraged parents to allow their children to expand their fantasies in play, daydreaming, and creative activities. He developed tools for understanding dreams as keys to understanding the influence of the childhood past on the present. He believed that the more mature person could reflect on the inadequate resolutions of childhood confl icts and thereby change and be relieved of suffering. In recent decades, Freud’s picture of development has been criticized from various perspectives—for example, by sociobiologists who argue that family members who live together lose sexual interest in one another as a result of a process called “propinquity” and by feminists who believe that Freud was wrong to discount or treat as fantasies reports of childhood sexual abuse and that he was a patriarch who held a somewhat disparaging view of the female body. Nevertheless, more than any other theorist of childhood, he succeeded in directing attention to questions about “infantile sexuality” and the role of childhood pleasurable excitation of parts of the body as a source of adult personality. Susan M. Fisher and Barbara S. Rocah see also: Development, Theories of: Psychoanalytic Theories; Oedipus Conflict; Personality: Psychoanalytic Perspectives; Stages of Childhood further reading: Ernst Jones, The Life and Work of Sigmund Freud, vols. 1–3, 1953–57. • Peter Gay, Freud: A Life for Our Time, 1988.

friendship. Friendship is an important topic in developmental psychology and in the sociology of children and youth. Development psychologists often take an outcome approach in which they chart the development of friendship concepts and skills over time and investigate how friendship contributes to social, emotional, and moral development. Sociologists often take a process approach and

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focus on the social construction of friendship in the everyday lives of children and youth and how these friendship processes are situated in time and across social and cultural groups. There is general agreement that friendship involves mutual affection between two people. Friendship relations are typified by sharing, companionship, and intimacy. While loyalty and commitment are seen as aspects of friendship among older children and adolescents, even preschool children demonstrate support and concern for friends. Fr i end sh i p P roc es s es a mong C h i ld r en In North America and Europe, children as young as 2 years old develop close relationships in child care centers. These early friendships revolve around routines that consist of orchestrated bodily movements, laughter, and verbalizations that mark sharing and emotional satisfaction. Further, the routines often challenge adults in that the children use school materials in ways not intended by the teachers (e.g., lining up small chairs to walk on as a bridge from one side of the room to the other, banging plastic cups on bathroom benches, and so on). The routines are embellished over time by friends who play together on a regular basis, which increases their solidarity. When children are a bit older (3 and 4 years old), they not only engage in shared routines but also begin to talk about friendship. Shared play is verbally marked with the oft-heard phrase, “We’re friends, right?” This reference to affiliation means that we are playing together, and we are doing it all on our own without the help or interference of adults or other kids. References to friendship are also used to resist others’ entry into play (e.g., “You’re not our friend”) in fear that the play may be disrupted. Finally, children often try to control the nature of a play routine via threats to friendship: “If you don’t let me use that Lego piece, then I won’t be your friend.” Through such talk, early friendships are linked to shared action. Friends are kids you play and share with, and confl ict over how to share can be strongly emotionally laden. Still, confl ict in these situations is seldom enduring, and an enemy one day can be a friend tomorrow. In fact, preschool children normally play regularly (and sometimes fight) with a range of five to eight children who they consider friends. However, the ecological and organizational features of preschools are important in early friendships. In settings where children spend long periods of time together, children as young as 4 or 5 years old develop sophisticated conceptions of friends. Again, shared engagement in established play routines, especially various types of pretend or fantasy play, is important. Certain types of pretend play, like sociodramatic roleplay, may be universal among young children, as it has been documented in many parts of the world and over time as far back as at least medieval times. Preschool children are

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also especially adept at creating highly innovative and improvised fantasy play that is not based specifically on roles or scripts from the adult world. This play is often produced “in frame” in an emergent fashion without the children’s reliance on references to shared scripts. In such play, children collectively explore things that amuse, excite, fascinate, and frighten them. These features are seen in underlying themes that have been documented in much of children’s fantasy play: danger-rescue, lostfound, and death-rebirth. Thus, children share the risks of certain dangers (e.g., fires, storms, floods), cope with anxiety of being lost, and address fears and uncertainty about death. Children with shared histories build friendships that are closely connected to their collective participation in such fantasy play. The developing intimacy created in improvised fantasy play is also related to children’s acquisition of cognitive, language, and social skills. Near the end of preschool and in early elementary school, children’s play activities become more varied, and they begin to reflect more on the nature of their friendship relations. Friendships now become more differentiated by gender and status. In school playground settings, gender segregation emerges around age 5 and is nearly complete by age 7 through 10. On average, boys prefer more aggressive and competitive play, often in large groups, while girls prefer more intimate play and talk in smaller groups. However, there can still be quite a bit of variation within the play of separate boy and girl groups. Friendship cliques also develop in boys’ and girls’ play groups. Both boys and girls sometimes invent clubs in which they invite certain children to enter and exclude others. Friendships in such clubs often involve various types of physical play and games (e.g., soccer, tag) for boys and sometimes also for girls (e.g., jump rope, hopscotch). However, girls normally spend more time in intimate talk about their likes and dislikes, including the evaluation of other children. For this reason, girls’ cliques often are smaller and more exclusive than those of boys. Although usually separate on the playground, boys and girls do interact, but often in oppositional ways that protect the borders of their gendered groupings. They participate in run-and-chase games that can involve threats of kissing of the boys by girls, such as the classic game of “cooties,” and boys sometimes evade and disrupt girls’ play at jump rope or hopscotch. These activities have a mixed meaning in that they bring boys and girls together, but they both reinforce and challenge group boundaries. Friendship differentiation by gender is far from complete. Children are more likely to form cross-gender friendships in mixed-gender play away from the school in neighborhoods. In these settings, groups also vary more by age and children have less fear of being teased for playing with and having friends of the opposite sex. Finally, while more is known about the friendship patterns of white, middle-class children in the United States, the pattern of more mixed age

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and gender play and friendships has been found among African American, Swedish, Italian, Polynesian, and African children in a range of play settings. These differences by cultural group are related to a range of cultural (collectivist versus individualist), organizational (the way schools and play groups are structured), and social psychological (variations in communicative and interactive styles) factors. Fr i end sh i p P roc es s es a mong Pr eadolesc en ts and Adolesc en ts Developmental psychologists note that friendships in later childhood and adolescence serve to validate interests and ambitions; increase self-confidence; offer opportunities of shared intimacy; contribute to interpersonal sensitivity; and provide experiences that serve as precursors for adult romantic, marital, and parental roles. On the other hand, establishing and cultivating friendships during this period are emotionally challenging as peer relations are often highly stratified, competitive, and manipulative. While preadolescents may have a number of casual friends, it is in this period that close or best friendships become more frequent and important. Best friends share intimate thoughts and secrets, support and comfort one another, and evaluate the behavior of other children. Best friends can have frequent confl icts that sometimes terminate, but more often strengthen, the best-friend bond. Best friends are usually part of a larger circle of friends who explore concerns about appearance, self-presentation, and cross-sex relations within play routines and games. The pretend frame of games provides security for addressing sensitive concerns, desires, and ambiguities. Preadolescents also create artifacts like “love lists” and “fortune-tellers,” which they use and discuss with selected friends. These activities allow youth to explore their feelings and desires indirectly and often become the topic of discussions, teasing, and disputes. In preadolescence and early adolescence, many youth develop romantic interest in the opposite sex. They often establish relationships by relying on same-sex friends as intermediaries to inquire about the possibility of mutual attraction and to initiate “going with” relationships. These relationships can become serious and romantic but are often short lived, sometimes with the couple having little if any actual interaction. Clique structure in preadolescence and early adolescence is often based on popularity. In schools in the United States, popularity is normally gender based, with boys’ popularity tied to athletic ability, toughness, interpersonal skills or being cool, and success in relations with girls. Girls’ popularity is often centered around family background, physical appearance, social skills, and doing well academically. Those children who lack some of these characteristics often try to be friends with those in the popular group, but because one can have only so many friends there is often an

echelon of youth who rank below the popular group (often labeled as “wannabes”). Other youth reject the whole notion of popularity and see themselves as belonging to a middle or normal group where they develop close circles of friends. The popular group is often divided up in ranks of leaders and followers, and leaders tend to be manipulative. Thus, friendships in the popular group often can be fragile and unsatisfying. Many youth find the transition from middle school to high school as liberating because there are more varied groups and popularity is less important. Although some youth may still have trouble fitting in, the wide range of extracurricular activities and subcultural groups makes it easier for teens to find their niche. Here, best friendships based on shared interests and activities take on great importance for youth, and they are less age segregated than in middle and elementary school. Same-sex, cross-sex, and romantic friendships develop in which youth engage in everyday talk about their interests and lives. This everyday supportive talk often leads to high levels of intimacy in which youth mutually establish strong and confident identities. These friendships are also important for dealing with problems with peers as well as with parents or teachers, and they can have long-term positive consequences on the emotional health of youth as they make the transition to adulthood. Although more is known about such close friendships among adolescents in the United States, research on youth in many countries in Europe, in Bangladesh, in South Africa, and in Brazil has also documented the importance of intimate supportive friendships. Finally, in adolescence parental interest and concern about their children’s friends reach a crucial point. Parents have more control over the friendships of younger children, but they often worry about peer pressure and the growing independence of their adolescent daughters and sons. Communicative breakdowns between teens and parents are common, and many teens rebel or at least challenge the control of their parents. For this reason, parents often want to know more about their children’s friends and encourage what they see as supportive relationships and discourage friendships they see as having a negative influence on their children. Conversely, it is especially in adolescence that friends can help one another deal with family problems related to poverty, divorce, substance abuse, and even death. Overall, from the early years through adolescence, friendships are central to children’s everyday lives and contribute to their social, emotional, and moral development. The anxiety of dealing with the fact that one may be without friends is captured in the following scenario. A 5-year-old boy who was frustrated because his playmates did not want to engage in a routine of his choosing threatened that they would no longer be his friends. When his peers ignored the threat, the boy seemed taken aback and went off to a corner of the room and began to cry. Several of the children he had

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been unhappy with came over, and one asked what the matter was. The boy said, “Now I don’t have any friends.” The other children put their arms around the boy and reassured him they were still his friends, but they just did not want to join his play theme. Happy to have his friends back, the boy readily joined them in their play. The moral of this real-life occurrence is that friendship is precious, and no one wants to live without friends. William A. Corsaro see also: Emotional Development; Peers and Peer Culture; Play, Pretend; Social Development; Subcultures, Youth further reading: William M. Bukowski, Andrew F. Newcomb, and William W. Hartup, eds., The Company They Keep: Friendship in Childhood and Adolescence, 1996. • Patricia A. Adler and Peter Adler, Peer Power: Preadolescent Culture and Identity, 1998. • William A. Corsaro, “We’re Friends, Right?”: Inside Kids’ Culture, 2003. • Judy Dunn, Children’s Friendships: The Beginnings of Intimacy, 2004.

froebel, friedrich (wilhelm august) (b. April 21, 1782; d. June 21, 1852), German educator. At a time when schooling consisted largely of rote learning, with obedience enforced by punishment, Friedrich Froebel campaigned for a holistic and developmental view of the educational process, based on careful observation of young children and recognition of the centrality of play in human development. His focus was on the preschool years, and he was the inventor of the word and concept kindergarten. Froebel was born near Weimar in central Germany, the sixth child of a strict Lutheran pastor, and his mother died in his first year. Influenced by idealist philosophers of the time, such as Johann Fichte and Friedrich von Schelling, Froebel saw the importance of universal education as a modernizing and culturally unifying influence. Unity or wholeness—of the individual, society, and nature itself—is a central concept in his thought and teaching. Froebel took his first teaching post in Frankfurt in June 1805 in a progressive school based on the principles of Johann Pestalozzi, essentially learning by observation and practice. After visiting Pestalozzi’s school in Yverdon, Switzerland, Froebel came to appreciate the importance of a holistic concern for the physical, mental, moral, and spiritual development of the whole child in the education process. Froebel spent five years (1806–11) as a private in the army before starting and running his own school at Keilhau, near his birthplace. He published his educational ideas in a weekly journal called The Educating Families (Die Erziehende Familien) and eventually published in his first ma-

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jor book, The Education of Man (Die Menchenerziehung), in 1826. The book promoted three key principles: wholeness, or the unity of the individual society and nature; innate human goodness; and the educational importance of activity, or thinking and doing. During the 1830s, Froebel was director of an orphanage, where he became convinced of the supreme importance of preschool education, of the educational value of play, and of the need for capable women teachers. In 1839, he established an institution for early childhood education that, in the following year, he called Kindergarten, which was both a garden of children (where they could, like plants, grow and develop free from arbitrary imperatives) and provided a garden for children (in which they could cultivate plants and thereby learn about nature). He worked tirelessly until his death in promoting and establishing kindergartens throughout the German states as well as six-month training courses for kindergarten teachers. In 1844, he published his most influential book, Mother-, Play- and Nursery Songs (Mutter, Spiel und Koselieder), and in the following year his developed theory of toys, which he called “gifts” (Spielgaben). The toys were mostly wooden building blocks of various shapes, which allowed the child, through representation, to express his or her creativity and thus give the result back to the adult, which is quite different from the merely amusing toys of today. The kindergarten system was tripartite: toys for sedentary creative play, which Froebel called “gifts” and “occupations”; games and dances for healthy activity; and observing and tending plants in a garden, for stimulating awareness of the natural world. In subsequent decades, there have been arguments over whether the philosophy supporting the gifts is vague and outdated, whether the occupations (paper folding, plaiting, etc.) are truly creative, and whether scientific justification can be found to support Froebel’s intuitions. However, his emphasis on supporting and developing the integrity and creative potential of each individual child is his enduring legacy. Peter Weston see also: Montessori, Maria; Play: Historical and Cultural Perspectives; Preschool and Kindergarten further reading: Joachim Liebschner, A Child’s Work: Freedom and Guidance in Froebel’s Educational Theory and Practice, 1992. • Norman Brosterman, Inventing Kindergarten, 1997. • Peter Weston, Friedrich Froebel: His Life, Times, and Significance, 2000. • Kevin Brehony, ed., The Origins of Nursery Education, 2001.

g gallaudet, edward miner (b. February 2, 1837; d. September 26, 1917), American educator. Edward Miner Gallaudet was a visionary who radically altered educational opportunities for deaf people. The son of Thomas Hopkins Gallaudet, cofounder with Laurent Clerc of the American School for the Deaf, and Sophia Fowler Gallaudet, a deaf woman, he grew up among deaf people and understood the frustrations society placed on them. He became superintendent of a small school for deaf children in Washington, DC, in 1857 with the intention of creating there the world’s first college for deaf students, an idea first circulated by deaf artist John Carlin, eager to see deaf children aspire to professional occupations. In 1864, President Abraham Lincoln signed legislation enabling the Columbia Institution for the Deaf, later renamed Gallaudet College and then Gallaudet University, to grant college degrees. Gallaudet would remain its president until 1910. Gallaudet’s challenges were formidable. Clerc and others had demonstrated that deaf people were educable, but skeptics doubted their ability to profit from higher education; congressional critics repeatedly tried to reduce federal appropriations for operations and building construction; deaf women demanded admittance; and Alexander Graham Bell led eugenicists, nativists, and opponents of sign language to challenge the college’s teaching methods, which they believed encouraged deaf intermarriage, social separatism, and the use of a non-English language. Gallaudet engineered the institution’s survival by astute fund-raising, by showcasing the achievements of deaf college students, and by maintaining flexibility in the midst of controversy. He and Amos Kendall, a former postmaster general, convinced Congress that federal funding of a deaf college was necessary, since the incidence of deafness was too low to warrant separate state colleges. Gallaudet cultivated friendships with politicians and well-connected Washingtonians, hosting social events on the college campus that allowed deaf students to demonstrate their erudition. He opened the college’s doors to female deaf students in 1886, despite being staunchly opposed to coeducation. In 1868, Gallaudet, whose mother tongue was American Sign Language, nevertheless proposed that American schools adopt a flexible “combined method,” using sign language for most instruction but also offering classes in speech and speech reading to counter growing support for oral edu-

cation of deaf children and opposition to the dominance of sign language in American schools. The college itself, however, remained committed to the employment of deaf teachers and the use of American Sign Language throughout the long period of oralist dominance of American deaf education from the 1890s to the 1980s. Gallaudet’s legacy is readily apparent. By 1900, a small, educated deaf elite had entered the middle class. One hundred years later, college attendance and the professional employment of deaf people in the United States had become unremarkable. Since the college’s founding, nearly all leaders of American deaf-community organizations, such as the National Association of the Deaf, have been alumni, as have a significant number of deaf leaders from other countries. Research at the college established that signed languages are true languages, different from but equivalent to spoken languages in their ability to convey knowledge. John Vickrey Van Cleve see also: Clerc, (Louis) Laurent (Marie); Hearing Impairments, Education of Children with; Sign Language; Special Education: Historical and Philosophical Perspectives further reading: Richard Winefield, Never the Twain Shall Meet: Bell, Gallaudet, and the Communications Debate, 1987.

galton, francis (b. February 16, 1822; d. January 17, 1911), British independent scholar. Francis Galton made significant contributions to the study of statistics, psychology, geography, and numerous other fields. It is for his work in genetics that Galton has had the greatest impact on contemporary debates concerning the roles of nature and nurture in child development and intelligence. Galton was born into a distinguished family. His grandfather was the eminent physician and thinker Erasmus Darwin, who, in the 1790s, developed a rudimentary theory of evolution. His cousin was Charles Darwin, who originated the notion of natural selection; his book On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection (1859) was to have a profound impact on Galton’s ideas concerning heredity and mental ability. Galton attended medical school and studied mathematics. He did not complete his medical studies. In October 1844, his father passed away, leaving him independently wealthy. Galton decided to end his medical studies

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to satisfy his love of travel and to engage in his many other scientific interests. Inspired by the work of Charles Darwin on natural selection and Adolphe Quetelet’s application of the normal distribution to physical characteristics, Galton explored individual differences in mental abilities. Galton believed that mental ability developed through natural selection and was inherited like physical characteristics. He was especially interested in genius, reasoning that if genius is inherited, those individuals closely related to gifted individuals would themselves be more likely to be gifted. Before the development of the intelligence test, Galton used the scores of those who had taken the mathematics honors examination at Cambridge and the scores of those who had completed a civil service exam to demonstrate that these scores were normally distributed, much like physical characteristics. Galton concluded that the mental abilities underlying the scores were inherited, similar to biological characteristics, with little or no influence from the environment. An individual could do little to change what intellectual abilities she or he was born with. If mental abilities were inherited like physical characteristics and were amenable to artificial selection, perhaps the human race could be “improved” by selective breeding. It was in this context that Galton coined the term eugenics to describe efforts to increase the number of individuals with superior genetic makeup by way of selective parenting. Eugenics was generally accepted in England in Galton’s time, and its popularity spread throughout Europe and the United States. Although developed with benign intentions by Galton, eugenics was taken to its grimmest extremes in Nazi Germany. The roles played by nature and nurture have been significant in the understanding of mental ability. While debates continue today between those who believe that intelligence is determined by nature, like Galton, and those who believe that it is determined by nurture, many recognize the role played by both. Humans likely do inherit characteristics that have an impact on intelligence, but nurturing factors such as nutrition and home environment play significant roles as well. Robert B. Faux see also: Genetics: Behavioral Genetics; Intelligence; Intelligence Testing further reading: Francis Galton, Inquiries into Human Faculty and Its Development, 1951. • Francis Galton, Hereditary Genius: An Inquiry into Its Laws and Consequences, 2006.

games. see Computers: Computer Games; Toys and Games gangs. Gangs have been a part of American society since the early 1800s, but they are not a uniquely American phenomenon. Gangs have existed in a number of societies throughout the world, and that would include developing countries in Asia such as Vietnam and China, in Africa such

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as South Africa and Nigeria, and in Latin America such as El Salvador and Brazil. They have also existed in industrialized societies like Canada, Great Britain, Russia, France, Germany, and Norway. Further, one can find gangs in rural areas, but it is the urban world where they have been most prevalent. Yet despite the historical prevalence of gangs throughout the world, the term has been used in such a cavalier way that it has led to prejudice toward those who have been associated with them and a good deal of inaccurate analyses of their behavior and social impact. Gangs are different from other forms of collective behavior such as bands or crowds where there is little or no formal leadership and the principal activity is mostly spontaneous, reactive, and oriented toward specific goals. Gangs, on the other hand, are organizations that are somewhat private and secretive with authorized leadership, have a defined set of roles for both the leadership and the rank and file, have a mechanism for electing and removing leaders, try to provide social and economic services for their members, pursue their objectives regardless of whether the action taken is legal, and do this without an administrative bureaucracy with a hierarchically defined authority structure associated with established departments that are permanently staffed, such as government agencies and business corporations. Although gangs are often involved in illegal behavior, they are different from other illegal organizations like syndicates whose main purpose is to pursue illegal economic activity. Gangs exist because they are both social and economic organizations, providing social and economic support to their members and to at least some nongang segments of the community in which they physically exist. It is the willingness to provide some aid to the communities in which they exist that sets them apart from many other organizations involved in illegal business activity. Gangs are a form of collective behavior found primarily among the lower classes. This has been the case in the United States since their inception in the early 1800s. At present, it is quite possible for gangs to have members in their 20s, 30s, and occasionally their 40s, but the bulk of gang membership consists of youth age 9 through 19. Young people in this age group are most active in gangs because they are in adolescence, when peer groups are very important; their primary associations are from their immediate neighborhood; and they have limited opportunities to earn money in the main economy. Many times gangs will organize themselves by age groupings, with the youngest associates being labeled “midgets” or “peewees,” followed by the regulars, and then the veterans who are those who have retired from active gang membership but still have influence on the younger members. Even though there are periodic reports that females are participating in gangs, the gang remains an organizational type dominated by males. Both preteen (9- and 10-yearolds) and teen boys from poor neighborhoods where gangs

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have been present for a considerable number of years often will join a gang from their neighborhood. There are many reasons for joining a gang at this age in particular, and they essentially consist of an individual seeing an advantage to participation. Nearly all the reasons are directly associated with growing up in families and neighborhoods with limited resources. So some youth join because the gang can provide them with money and entertainment in the form of parties, drugs, girls, and alcohol. Others join because the gang can offer them protection from social predators operating in low-income neighborhoods, such as other gangs from different neighborhoods, drug addicts wanting to rob them, semiprofessional robbery groups called crews, those looking for sex from young boys or girls, or those trying to solicit them into the sex trade. Still others, especially the youngest among them, join because they believe gangs can provide a place to escape the difficulties associated with home life, they can develop further the image they have of themselves, and they can have what seems to them to be adult adventure. Of course, not every youth living in poor neighborhoods joins a gang. Many others become involved in competing establishments like the Boys and Girls Club, Boy Scouts or Girl Scouts, organized sports, and various social clubs associated with a church. What is important here is that within poverty environments, the gang is seen by both youth and most adult residents as a legitimate option for youth to participate in before, during, and after adolescence. It remains a legitimate participatory option for youth living in low-income environments to experience as they navigate the psychosocial developmental passage from youth and adolescence to young adulthood. There is nothing deviant about youth wanting to congregate with peers, establish friendships, develop gender and sexual identities, and feel like they have contributed to something. It should be remembered that during periods of youth and adolescence there is both a drive toward feeling empowered from a sense of powerlessness and a desire for a personal identity separate from family and adults that involves resisting societally held norms. Youth can experience all of these by participating in a gang, so the gang is strategically positioned to appeal to youth from lowincome neighborhoods, where youth have very little money for entertainment and joining a gang can provide money, entertainment, and connections to individuals active in the illicit economy, where drugs and other illegal products and services are sold. Indeed, the gang has few local competitors in its ability to do these things. To many people who do not live in these neighborhoods, the illicit economy seems both immoral and presents a high risk for being injured, killed, or incarcerated, with little chance of accruing significant income and wealth. There is no question that high risk accompanies participation in this economy, but participating youth from these areas consider it no more immoral than certain illegal behaviors of middle-class society, which the

government simply chooses not to prosecute. And successful participation may lead to a rewarding adult career in the illicit economy. One of the most misinterpreted aspects of gangs is that they are organizations that terrorize their communities. Gangs will often help residents of their communities by providing protection for small businesses, the elderly, and small children from various predators (e.g., robbers, muggers and pedophiles), helping with odd jobs associated with hauling groceries and other objects for residents who need such assistance, and providing financial loans to those in need. All of this, along with the fact that gang members are the sons and daughters, relatives, and neighbors of residents in low-income communities, allows gangs to be socially connected to those who live around them. Thus, the relationship between gangs and poor neighborhoods is symbiotic, whereas to the outside world it is perceived as naturally antagonistic. The parents of gang members, as well as the residents in the communities where gangs exist, would rather have those involved with gangs participating in some other organization where there is less risk. Gang involvement comes with a variety of risks. These risks include, though this list is not exhaustive, injury and death from violent confrontations, incarceration, and social stigmatization leading to more police surveillance as well as constricted employment opportunities. Many youth from these neighborhoods find such risks acceptable because they are naive about the actual risks to them personally; have been socialized to understand violence and other risks to be “normal” and/or a part of the life they inherited, which is nasty, brutish, and short; or regard such risks as part of participating in an underground economy that can provide them the opportunity to realize the American Dream of wealth and status. Although gangs are dominated by boys and men, young women do participate. Young women sometimes, but rarely, form separate gangs. This is because such a gang would have to compete with the male gang for territory and business in the illicit underground economy, which the majority of young women from these neighborhoods do not want to do. What the young women want is to meet socially and have fun with the men from their neighborhood, not compete and fight with them in parallel organizations. Therefore, participation for young women historically has been primarily in the formation of an auxiliary that cooperates and socializes with the male gang. Some women have been incorporated into the male gang and asked to do certain activities such as transportation or collection of drugs, but in such cases male gangs do not recruit many for these tasks. The same risks that male gang members confront exist for female members, with the additional risk of pregnancy. There are occasions when middle-class youth are identified as participating in a gang. However, this is rare because the risks associated with gangs are generally judged to be

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too high by youth from these socioeconomic families and communities. Generally, when youth from the middle class claim to be in a gang, they are trying to copy a fad they have found attractive in youth from the lower classes, but there is no long-term commitment to the gang experience as there is among lower-class youth. Historically, gangs have been a particular kind of organizational response to a particular socioeconomic situation and, as such, a sociological phenomenon associated with the lower class. Martín Sánchez-Jankowski see also: Crime, Juvenile; Juvenile Delinquency; Peers and Peer Culture further reading: Martín Sánchez-Jankowski, Islands in the Street: Gangs in American Urban Society, 1991. • Malcolm Klein, The American Street Gang, 1995. • George Knox, Introduction to Gangs, 2000. • C. Ronald Huff, ed., Gangs in America III, 2002.

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search for a possible agent is necessary before the diagnosis is confirmed. Treatment includes steroids for the more severe presentations or antimetabolic drugs also used for cancer treatment and other new approaches. In patients with unremitting symptoms, surgical removal of the involved bowel is curative. Ulcerative colitis is premalignant; colon cancer can evolve over time. Ulcerative colitis is more prevalent in the Western Hemisphere, where hygiene standards are high and intestinal infections less common, supporting the hypothesis of an immune dysregulation etiology. Reported rates of ulcerative colitis in the United States and Europe are about 2 per 100,000 children. Inflammatory bowel disease runs in families; 10% to 15% of children have a first-degree relative with inflammatory bowel disease. H i r s c h prung’ s D i s e ase Hirschprung’s disease is a form of intestinal obstruction

gastrointestinal disorders. The digestive tract resulting from the failure of nerve cells in the gut to popuplays a central role in pediatric health, and dysfunction of any of its many functions can have serious implications for a child. Understanding of the structure and function of the gastrointestinal (GI) tract has advanced in recent years, particularly in the area of the enteric nervous system. The role of the colonic flora is also increasingly appreciated, and use of pre- and probiotics might allow children to recover faster from acute episodes of infection, avoid food allergies, or experience less pain from irritable bowel syndrome. The burden of digestive disorders has increased as the incidence of chronic inflammatory conditions affecting the GI tract has increased. Inflammatory bowel disease (Crohn disease and ulcerative colitis) and celiac disease, for example, are caused by the confluence of environmental factors (including gluten) on an individual with genetic predispositions that determine the range of complications, response to medications, and, ultimately, the prognosis. Ulc er ativ e Colitis Ulcerative colitis is a chronic inflammation of the inner layer of the colon, and Crohn disease affects all layers of the bowel and can involve any portion of the intestinal tract. Both are systemic diseases that can involve many extraintestinal organs, including the liver, skin, eyes, and joints. The incidence of ulcerative colitis has remained fairly constant over the past several decades, and 40% of children present before the age of 10 years. As the cause of ulcerative colitis remains unknown, the role of host and environmental factors in determining the abnormal immune response is an area of intense investigation. Ulcerative colitis may present acutely with bloody diarrhea, crampy abdominal pain, fever, and urgency to defecate; in a more protracted way with intermittent symptoms; or even in one or more of the extraintestinal manifestations. Many of the symptoms are indistinguishable from infectious diarrhea, and a thorough

late the entirety of the intestinal tract. Hirschprung’s disease occurs in 20 per 100,000 live births and can be part of a more generalized genetic abnormality, including recognized chromosomal abnormalities, such as trisomy 21 (Down syndrome). In 80% of the patients, the faulty segment is the descending colon. In 5% of children, the whole colon is aganglionic, or without the ganglion nerve cells. Long-segment Hirschprung’s disease tends to be an inherited condition. This disorder usually is apparent in neonates, with bilious vomiting and abdominal distention. Failure to pass meconium in the first 48 hours of life is a common finding. Children who present later will have chronic constipation, feeding difficulties, failure to thrive, and anemia. A serious complication is inflammation, which can develop at any time and result in septicemia and shock and has a high mortality rate. A biopsy of the bowel is needed to show the absence of the nerve cells. Initial treatment often consists of diverting the fecal contents through a colostomy, an opening to the skin. Additional surgery brings the normal intestine to the anus. The prognosis is good, although many children will still suffer from stooling and toileting difficulties. Stricture at the anus will require dilatations. Perirectal rashes and excoriations are common in the first few years after surgery. Consti pation and Encopr esis Constipation is one of the most common digestive dysfunctions, representing 3% of all pediatric visits in the United States and nearly one-quarter of referrals to a GI specialist. The term refers to the infrequency of the movements (less than two movements per week for more than two weeks), the consistency (excessively large, dry, and pelletal), and the difficulties experienced in passing the stool. For some infants, the problem is one of dyscoordination at the time

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of expected relaxation of the pelvic floor when the abdomen and colonic muscles are contracting (dyschezia). When the stool is finally evacuated, it is typically soft. Medical and structural conditions responsible for constipation need to be considered and investigated appropriately, since hypothyroidism and other endocrine derangements, congenital anorectal malformations, or spinal cord defects (spina bifida, tethered cord) can also manifest with chronic constipation. The most common form of constipation is termed “functional”—that is, not secondary to an underlying medical or anatomical problem. It occurs in all ages and typically has its onset at the time of weaning and introduction of cow’s milk. It can also present during the toilet-training period, when fecal retention and painful defecation can lead to stool retention and further aversive conditioning. As the rectum becomes overstretched, the internal sphincter muscles thin out and are unable to maintain continence. As a result, constant or intermittent leakage of stool occurs, often confused by parents for diarrhea. This involuntary passage of stools in the underpants is termed encopresis and is an important manifestation of chronic constipation. Encopresis can also occur as part of a developmental or behavioral condition. Constipation can be a feature of irritable bowel syndrome. Diagnosis of constipation is based on a history and the observation of changes in the stooling pattern. The presence of fecal impaction or blockage is determined with a rectal examination. This also identifies abnormalities of the anus, rectum, or spinal cord. Management of constipation in children includes efforts at softening the stool consistency with fiber supplements, dietary changes, increased fluid consumption, and the use of laxatives in some cases. Management of encopresis is challenging and requires close communication with the parent and sensitivity to the developmental state of the child. Difficulties in toilet training can be exacerbated by coercive practices and inconsistent messages to the child who faces both physiological and psychological barriers to overcoming fecal retention and evacuation of painful stools. Styles of toilet training vary throughout the world, and various cultures have developed diverse strategies that can work well and often depend on different societal frameworks, family units, support systems, and expectations. Ulc er s Recognition that recurrent and chronic ulcers in humans were caused by an infectious bacteria revolutionized the theory that they were linked to bad diets, poorly managed psychological stress, exposure to alcohol and tobacco, and a familial propensity. They are often caused by the Heliobacter pylori bacterium. This bacterium is also a carcinogen, capable of tripling the risk of certain gastric and duodenal cancers, when coupled with bacterial and host factors. Although gastric and duodenal ulcers occur infrequently in

children, a Canadian study estimated that these conditions accounted for roughly 40 in 100,000 pediatric hospital admissions. Much remains unknown, but now understood are many of the epidemiological characteristics of ulcers, their worldwide distribution, familial clustering, and response to treatment. For example, approximately 30% of patients with dyspepsia (a type of functional abdominal pain) in North America have been infected with H. pylori, compared to a prevalence of 80% to 90% in the developing world. The annual incidence of new H. pylori infections in industrialized countries is approximately 0.5 per 100 persons of the susceptible population, compared with 3 or more per 100 persons in developing countries. Most ulcers, it has become clear, are infectious in origin. These are called “primary,” in contrast to “secondary” ulcers that are caused by other stressors or underlying diseases or medications. H. pylori is transmitted through the oral-oral and oralfecal routes, and humans are the only known reservoir. Clinically, patients complain of nausea, abdominal pain, and bloatedness. Ulceration results in bleeding, which can be acute and life threatening. Low-grade inflammation can result in iron-deficiency anemia, even in the absence of bleeding. Most treatment regimens include antibiotics plus a proton pump inhibitor acid suppressant drug. The cure rate for this type of treatment is about 80% to 90%. A vaccine may be available in the future. Ulcers can evolve into stomach cancer over time. Anti-inflammatory drugs such as aspirin or ibuprofen can play a significant role in ulcer formation. Infants in the neonatal intensive care unit can develop acute ulcers in the setting of prematurity coupled with shock, blood infections (sepsis), and low oxygenation caused by cardiac or pulmonary failure. Stress ulcers can also develop in hospitalized pediatric patients suffering from burns or those undergoing brain surgery. C h ro n ic Ab d om i nal Pai n When chronic pain occurs in the absence of an underlying inflammatory, structural, or infectious cause, it is defined as functional pain. The character of the pain, its preferential location, and the effect on the pattern of stooling (constipation vs. diarrhea) help classify the various functional pain syndromes and provide a framework for their recognition and effective management. The five recognized types of functional disorders in children include irritable bowel syndrome, functional dyspepsia, functional abdominal pain syndrome, abdominal migraine, and aerophagia. Approximately 15% of U.S. adolescents are referred to a specialist for functional pain, and it is the reason for 5% of routine visits to the pediatrician. The impact on quality of life can be significant, resulting in absence from school, strained social interaction with family and peers, negative selfimage, and other psychological overlays that complicate the medical management and impact on prognosis.

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Irritable bowel syndrome (IBS) is a chronic pain that is relieved by defecation and presents with changes in the frequency and form of the stool. The stools can be hard or loose, and patients suffer from the sense of not being relieved by going to the bathroom and can often strain, feel bloated, and have urgency to defecate. The examination is normal, and the symptoms do not impact normal growth and development. Dyspepsia refers to preferential symptoms in the upper abdomen, under the breastbone, with less focus on bowel movements. Patients describe heartburn or a sensation of fullness and feeling full after consuming small amounts. No underlying infection or acid ulcer disease is present, and symptoms do not respond to treatment aimed at acid control. With abdominal migraine, a rare condition that mostly affects children younger than the age of 10 years, the abdominal pain presents suddenly, lasts hours or even days, and is accompanied by one-sided headaches, photophobia (avoidance of light), and neurological symptoms such as tingling, blurred vision, or paralysis. Patients are perfectly well between attacks, and there is a strong correlation to a family history of migraines. Excessive air swallowing, aerophagia, results in distention and discomfort. This can present in teenagers who have unrecognized gulping of air and are constantly and loudly belching. Recognition of the pattern and differentiating it from acid reflux avoid unnecessary investigations and misdirected treatment. Functional abdominal pain syndrome (FAPS) is a common problem in school-age children and adolescents. The pain tends to be continuous and debilitating, particularly the nausea, bloatedness, and lower abdominal pressure. Headaches, too, are not uncommon. All diagnostic investigations are usually negative, yet patients can become socially incapacitated and often undergo a multitude of tests and are prescribed medication in an attempt to control the symptoms. Successful management of FAPS and the other functional GI disorders depends in great part on a more realistic perception of what the problem is, recognizing that even though nothing appears to be wrong with the patient (based on the normal test results), the pain is very real but secondary to atypical response to pain or to stress. Only with a broader biopsychosocial approach, focusing on getting the patient to feel better and regain function rather than curing a specific disease, will children be helped in returning to more normal function. Medications are used judiciously in conjunction with dietary changes but never as the only intervention. Diarrhea In practical terms, diarrhea is defined as an increase in the frequency and a change in consistency of bowel movements

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to more loose or watery. Acute diarrhea is most frequently due to intercurrent GI infections (viral, bacterial, parasitic) and still represents a major cause of infant mortality around the world. It is estimated that more than 2 million children die from diarrheal illnesses yearly; even in developed countries, infections are common in childhood, averaging five yearly episodes for children in child care centers. Morbidity is also significant, particularly affecting the vulnerable infant, who is more prone to suffer from dehydration and electrolyte imbalance. More than 200,000 hospitalizations are accounted for in the United States each year by diarrhea and its complications. In developing countries, recurrent infections are common, resulting in a vicious cycle of malnutrition and further vulnerability to infection. The most common viral agent responsible for diarrhea in 60% to 70% of cases is rotavirus, an RNA virus found worldwide. In the United States, infection is most common during the winter months, and transmission is from person to person. Infants are most vulnerable, thus illness tends to be more severe. This infection soon leads to rapid (and threatening) dehydration if lost fluid is not effectively replenished. Disease occurs after two to three days’ incubation and presents with vomiting and fever and often respiratory symptoms. Treatment is supportive, and recovery can be expected in five to seven days. Bacteria infecting the intestines are harmful either because they invade the lining and destroy the cells, produce toxins that increase water and salt secretion, or ulcerate the lining and result in diarrheal stools that contain blood, mucus, and pus. Some bacteria are capable of adhering to the intestine surface and damaging the fingerlike projections (villi), altering nutrient and fluid absorption. Salmonella is the most common bacterial infection in children in the United States, followed by Shigella, Camphylobacter, and Yersinia. The clinical manifestations are very similar, though some infections are more serious than others; if bacteria invade the bloodstream, they can settle in and damage other organs, including the bones, joints, brain, and gallbladder. The virulence of a specific bacteria and its ability to invade and multiply rapidly in the tissues are genetically transmitted from bacteria to bacteria. Widespread use of antibiotics has allowed the development of multiply resistant bacteria (superbugs). A carrier state is possible, in which the child (or adult) no longer has diarrhea but can continue to shed the bacteria, sometimes for months. Carriers of bacteria infect others, perpetuating epidemics of gastroenteritis. Cholera gastroenteritis, which causes more than 150,000 deaths each year, is an example of a serious form of diarrhea in certain parts of the world. The fluid losses, caused by a toxin produced by the bacteria, are massive (quarts per day). Successful management of cholera with oral rehydration solutions containing sugar and electrolytes revolutionized the treatment of all diarrheal illness and was a major

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public health breakthrough. Management of such bacterial infections is supportive, and antibiotics are reserved for the very young infant and for children with weakened immune systems. Use of antibiotics can increase the risk of becoming a carrier and fosters the development of resistant strains. It is estimated that one-fifth of the world population is infected with intestinal parasites, although the rate is only 2% to 5% in industrialized countries with higher standards of hygiene. Children are particularly vulnerable, as are those with immature immune systems (such as patients infected with the HIV virus). Transmission is through contaminated water and food. Giardia lamblia is the most common parasite worldwide, prevalent in developing countries and child care centers (and similar institutions). Cryptosporidium is commonly transmitted in contaminated water supplies and through contact with infected livestock or domestic cats and dogs. As with Giardia, the infection can be particularly serious in immunocompromised patients. Amebic dysentery is a serious parasitic infection in areas of poverty, overcrowding, and poor sanitation. It kills more than 100,000 people each year, many of them children. The parasite can penetrate the lining of the large intestine and settle in the liver or brain. Control of diarrheal disease is a major challenge facing large parts of the world, and it is an area of public health where much benefit can be derived from implementation of safe water, sewage processing, and attention to personal hygiene. Joseph Levy and Nomi C. Levy-Carrick see also: Parasitic Infections further reading: J. Levy, My Tummy Hurts: A Complete Guide to Understanding and Treating Your Child’s Stomachaches, 2004. • W. A. Walker, P. R. Durie, J. R. Hamilton, et al., Pediatric Gastrointestinal Disease, 4th ed., 2004. • R. Wyllie and J. S. Hyams, Pediatric Gastrointestinal Disease: Pathophysiology, Diagnosis, Management, 4th ed., 2005.

gay and lesbian parents. Does parental sexual orientation make a difference in the development of children, and if so, how? In the United States and abroad, this question is at the center of many contemporary debates about family law and policy. For instance, significant decisions about child custody, adoption, and foster care may be influenced by answers to this question. The question is also relevant to theoretical concerns about the importance of gender and sexual orientation in parenting. Moreover, these questions affect substantial numbers of people; data from the U.S. census suggest that 20% to 35% of same-sex couples have children younger than the age of 18 in their households. Thus, interest in the possible impact of lesbian and gay parenting on children arises from a number of different perspectives.

Some distinctive features of lesbian and gay parenting have been identified. For example, lesbian and gay couples are more likely than heterosexual couples to report that they participate equally in both paid employment and unpaid child care and household work. Due to lack of legal recognition for their family relationships in many jurisdictions, lesbian and gay parents are also likely to experience greater stress than other parents. The impact of these and other distinctive features of lesbian and gay parenting on children is not yet well understood. Despite recent changes, lesbian and gay identities are still stigmatized in most parts of the world, and concerns have been voiced about parenting abilities of sexual minority individuals. For this reason, research on parents who identify themselves as lesbian or gay has often sought to evaluate these negative expectations rather than explore lesbian and gay parenting more broadly. Three such concerns are the belief that lesbian women and gay men are mentally ill, that lesbian women are less maternal than heterosexual women, and that lesbian women and gay men do not have adequate skills for parenting. The mental health professions do not regard homosexual orientations as indicators of mental disorder. After decades of research, major professional organizations in the United States and abroad have removed the term homosexuality from the list of mental disorders. Conditions under which lesbian women and gay men live, such as exposure to widespread prejudice and discrimination, often cause distress. There is, however, no evidence to suggest that sexual orientation per se is associated with judgment, stability, reliability, or vocational capabilities. Beliefs that lesbian and gay adults are not fit parents have been found to have no empirical foundation. Lesbian and heterosexual women have not been found to differ markedly in their approaches to child rearing. In fact, lesbian mothers have demonstrated good parenting skills and have reported satisfaction in their relationships with partners and children. Research on gay fathers likewise suggests that they are effective parents and that they have constructive family relationships. Results of some studies suggest that lesbian mothers’ and gay fathers’ parenting skills may exceed those of matched groups of heterosexual couples in various ways, but additional research is need before these suggestions can be evaluated. What is clear, however, is that social science research has found no evidence to suggest that lesbian mothers or gay fathers might be unfit parents. On the contrary, results of research suggest that lesbian and gay parents are as likely as heterosexual parents to provide supportive home environments for children. In addition to concerns about lesbian and gay parents themselves, fears have been voiced about the influence on children of having lesbian and gay parents. Many of these

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notions are open to empirical test, and considerable research has been devoted to evaluating them. The first area involves concerns about gender and sexual development. There is no evidence that gender identity, which is the core sense of oneself as male or female, is affected in any way by parental gender or sexual orientation. Gender-role behavior, which is the tendency to behave in ways that conform to gendered norms, also appears to be unaffected by parental sexual orientation. For instance, children’s preferences for gendered toys, games, and activities are not strongly related to parental sexual orientation. A third component of sexual development is sexual orientation, which characterizes sexual attraction to partners of the same or of the other gender. No convincing evidence has been published to suggest that the offspring of lesbian or gay parents are more likely themselves to assume nonheterosexual identities. Thus, existing research suggests that, regardless of their gender, children of lesbian and gay parents show typical or expected patterns of gender and sexual development. Another area in which concerns have been expressed involves other aspects of personal development. A diverse group of developmental issues such as self-concept, intelligence, and overall adjustment have been considered under this rubric. Studies of these diverse aspects of personal development have revealed no major differences between children of lesbian or gay parents and children of heterosexual parents. Thus, the belief that children of lesbian and gay parents suffer deficits in personal development is without empirical foundation. Research on social relationships with adults and peers has likewise revealed few differences between the offspring of lesbian or gay parents and those of heterosexual parents. For instance, most school-age children, whatever the sexual orientation of their parents, report same-gender best friends and predominantly same-gender peer groups. The quality of children’s peer relationships has been described by children themselves, by lesbian mothers, and by children’s teachers as generally positive, and the offspring of lesbian mothers are no more likely than others to report being teased or victimized by peers at school. Relationships with parents and other adults have also been described in positive terms among children with lesbian mothers. Researchers have also reported that children of lesbian or gay parents are no more likely than other children to be abused or neglected. Overall, fears about children of lesbians and gay men experiencing unusual problems in social relationships with peers or with adults are without any foundation in empirical research. Although parental sexual orientation has not proved to be a powerful predictor of children’s development, other variables do predict development among children of lesbian and gay parents, and, in general, these are the same vari-

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ables as predict development among children of heterosexual parents. Measures of the quality of children’s relationships with lesbian mothers are good predictors of children’s adjustment and well-being, just as they are for the offspring of heterosexual parents. Regardless of parental sexual orientation, youngsters who enjoy warm and supportive relationships with their parents are more likely than others to flourish. Qualities of relationships with parents seem to be more important than parental sexual orientation as predictors of children’s development. Overall, results of research to date suggest that lesbian and gay parents and their children are much more similar to than different from other families. Although some distinctive features of lesbian- and gay-parent families have been described, lesbian and gay parents and their children typically have shown normal adjustment and engagement in supportive networks of social relationships. Research continues, but the evidence to date suggests that home environments provided by lesbian and gay parents are at least as likely as those provided by heterosexual parents to support and enable children’s psychosocial growth. Charlotte J. Patterson see also: Adoption; Custody; Family; Father-Child Relationship; Marital and Nonmarital Unions; Mother-Child Relationship; Parenthood; Rights, Parental further reading: Judith Stacey and Timothy J. Biblarz, “(How) Does Sexual Orientation of Parents Matter?” American Sociological Review 65, no. 2 (April 2001), pp. 159–83. • Ellen C. Perrin and the Committee on Psychosocial Aspects of Child and Family Health, “Technical Report: Coparent or Second-Parent Adoption by Same-Sex Parents,” Pediatrics 109, no. 2 (February 2002), pp. 341–44. • Jennifer L. Wainright, Stephen T. Russell, and Charlotte J. Patterson, “Psychosocial Adjustment and School Outcomes of Adolescents with Same-Sex Parents,” Child Development 75, no. 6 (November–December 2004), pp. 1886–98. • Charlotte J. Patterson, “Lesbian and Gay Parents and Their Children: Summary of Research Findings,” in American Psychological Association, the Committee on Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Concerns, the Committee on Children, Youth, and Families, and the Committee on Women in Psychology, Lesbian and Gay Parenting: A Resource for Psychologists, 2nd ed., 2005, http://www.apa.org/pi/parent.html

gay identity. see Homosexuality and Bisexuality gender Historical and Cultural Perspectives Gender Development Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

historical and cultural perspectives. Gender is one

of the first social categories that young children notice and one of the first self-identifications that they construct, yet it is still constructed within culture and through culture. In-

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deed, cultural and historical studies reveal an extraordinary range in the ways that societies treat persons of different biological sexes and socialize children to gender roles and identities. Var iat io n i n Gen d er I d en t i t i es and Roles Whereas sex refers to biological characteristics, gender refers to the culturally based system of values and behaviors that a particular cultural group attaches to each biological sex. As children move from infancy to adulthood, gender identity, the distinct awareness of oneself as male or female, may be the earliest and most fundamental form of social self-categorization. Onto the two categories of male and female, children later map what they come to learn and believe about gender roles and behaviors. Even though this normative picture of development often holds true, however, it is not the whole story. The ethnographic literature actually documents at least three other forms of gender variation. First, societies can construct two genders but allow people to cross into the other category, either temporarily or permanently. Second, they can categorize two genders, but in ways discrepant from the Western model. For instance, the practice of womanwoman marriage has been documented in more than 30 African populations and typically involves formal marriage rites and exchange of bride-price. The sociological “wife” is permitted to have sex with men and to bear children, who are recognized by the sociological “husband’s” clan for purposes of preserving the line. Third, societies can construct gender to contain wholly new categories (such as a third gender). The cultures of the North American Plains Indians from the 17th to 19th century provide examples of alternatives beyond the two-gender complex. In these groups, such as the Lakota, men who could not or did not want to fit into the male (warrior) role might self-identify through an adolescent vision quest or other spiritual visitation into a special third gender of “two-spirit people” who dressed as women and did women’s work and hence came close to becoming sociological women. They could not achieve true masculine glory in the way of ordinary men, but they had unique roles in some rituals, such as childbirth and child naming. It is interesting that the ethnographic literature contains more variations in male development and fewer examples of cultures where women could cross over and become sociological men. Beyond internalizing the basic categories of gender, children must learn what these categories mean in their community. They must learn all of the signifying elements (e.g., hair, body paint, clothing) and performance elements (e.g., posture, speech, attitudes, preferences) of their gender role. Some of this is explicit knowledge, meaning knowledge that the person is aware of possessing, but much is implicit, or below awareness.

This knowledge is complex and may contain confl icts or contradictions. Younger children, who when observing the world around them, fixate on the most overt and visible aspects, such as who is bigger, taller, or runs faster, and tend to espouse concrete beliefs about gender differences that do not allow for exceptions or nuance (e.g., “Dads are always bigger than Moms,” “Boys can’t do ballet”). As part of their concrete thinking, young children are also primitive “essentialists” in assuming that gender-stereotyped traits are something just there—facts of life that cannot be questioned or negotiated. Older children, in contrast, are able to think their way past the intuitions of early childhood and develop more nuanced, elaborated belief systems for understanding gender. In some societies, the essentialist beliefs of early childhood are transformed and elaborated into adult cultural belief systems wherein the orders of nature, society, and the sacred are construed as permanent and unchanging (e.g., “God created man to have legal rights different from women”). In other societies, essentialist early childhood beliefs tend to be rejected and replaced by philosophical concepts wherein the natural and sacred orders may be unchanging but the social order, subject to the forces of human history and convention, is not (e.g., “The roles we have are not what God intended”). Both philosophical positions are defensible intellectually and well represented in contemporary cultures and religious groupings, but they are not strictly neutral with respect to what types of political systems they tend to justify and rationalize. Th e Gender Cur r iculum The gender curriculum, then, is a cultural system provided each new generation. As children and adolescents develop gender awareness and construct their knowledge of gender roles and behavior, what information does culture provide? Identity markers come into play almost from the moment of birth. Cultures provide signaling elements that communicate the child’s identity as a girl or boy through clothes, ornaments, bedding, the tools or ornaments placed in the cradle, or the feast foods prepared. The signaling elements convey to the developing child that gender matters and they should attend to and remember all that it entails. Status markers highlight the cultural distribution of privileges, resources, and authority. Some status markers associated with gender are overt enough for even young children to notice and comprehend. For example, among the Maya Indians of Chiapas, Mexico, boys and men sit on chairs inside the family huts, while girls and women habitually sit (and work) on the floor. In parts of India, wives are deferential to husbands, giving them the best food and not partaking until the men and boys are finished. Yet, even in such contexts, young children have reason to believe their women are powerful, too; after all, mothers control the labor of children and are what Margaret Mead called “the keeper[s] of the warehouse,” while grandmothers may boss

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around almost everyone in the extended family compound. Because patterns of deference and privilege are implicit, or tacit, components of everyday routines, they have the force of unquestionable facts. Language, or everyday discourse, bathes children everywhere in gender information. Gendered language includes the whole linguistic system for encoding cultural knowledge, beliefs, and values about gender and thus for explicitly or implicitly communicating information concerning gender. The most obvious and basic part of gendered language is the system of names and nouns, kinship terms of address, pronouns, and (in some languages) adjectives. No one has ever been able to study how much young children would pay attention to gender in the absence of gendered language, because no such language exists. Different languages differ in the specific rules they apply, but the kind or degree of gendering in the language does not index the degree of sociocultural emphasis on gender. Another interesting fact is the seeming ease with which young children age 2 to 5 master the rules for using the syntax of gender correctly. They also master, though at a slower pace, the language pragmatics that express or reveal expectations about the speaker or the partner and/or their social or kinship relationship. For example, American girls and women often use language to establish and reestablish relations and establish a sense of closeness, while boys and men are more likely to use language to get and keep attention, hold center stage, and express social dominance. Men and women use different styles of intonation and inflection that are acquired unconsciously during childhood but can be explicitly taught in a speech or acting class. Finally, cultural rituals and ceremonies, from the infant naming ceremony to the funeral dignifying the end of life, contain gender messages that are understood by members of the group. One ceremony central to the gender curriculum is the adolescent rite of passage, which became an important feature of human culture when societies attained the middle level of socioeconomic complexity, characterized by food production through agriculture and animal husbandry. Though the great collective initiation rituals of Africa, Australia, and Melanesia are now becoming a thing of the past, in their heyday they were conspicuous and central dramas for the community as a whole as well as to individuals. Sometimes harsh and severe—calling for painful tests and ordeals and abrupt separations from family and childhood home—the ceremonies were also majestic and replete with evocative symbolism. They functioned to socialize young people into culturally appropriate styles of manhood/womanhood, with associated patterns of sexuality, dominance, and aggression, and served socialorganizational goals by creating affective and political ties that cut across family, lineage, and clan and enhanced malemale and female-female affiliations and networks. Elaborated, ritualized group ceremonies and rituals

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were more prevalent for boys than girls and were particularly characteristic of warrior societies (e.g., throughout sub-Saharan Africa and Highland New Guinea), characterized by gender segregation in work, socializing, eating, and/or sleeping arrangements. These were the same societies that tended to emphasize the solidarity of males in corporate units called fraternal interest groups, groups of men of a particular kin group who had the right to act together forcefully to defend their territory and property and resolve disputes. The collective rites recognized a transformation from childhood to adult status likened to a rebirth or realignment of the child, a rite of passage removing the opposite-sex or immature part of the child’s body and personality. Parallel rites for girls occurred in a subset of these societies, again celebrating the toughness of those passing the test and their physical acceptability as an adult sex partner. Puberty rites for girls, in contrast, are more common cross-culturally as individual and not collective affairs (e.g., among North American Plains and Southwest Pueblo Indians), taking place at menarche and symbolically announcing and celebrating a girl’s changing reproductive status and suitability as a partner in marriage. Soc ialization i n Natur al Setti ngs Social Companions. The gender curriculum is embodied not only in a culture’s symbol systems but also in its everyday patterns of interaction and activity. Children’s companions are those individuals whom they watch, imitate, and interact with in natural settings of home, school, neighborhood, and community. These companions influence children’s emerging gender expectations through face-to-face relationships. As they get older, children have more and more control over their own companions, activities, and settings, and they can place themselves into experiences that amplify and reinforce emerging competencies favored by their own particular temperament, interests, choices, and competencies. During infancy and early childhood, however, boys’ and girls’ companionship is typically more affected by their developmental age than their gender and not much by the child’s own choices and preferences. In many cultures (e.g., the Gikuyu tribe of Kenya in the precolonial period), husbands and wives ate, slept, and socialized separately, and fathers had little contact with infants and younger children. Thus, children prior to adolescent initiation spent much more time with adult females than males. During middle childhood, older children (especially boys) reduced their proximity and interaction with female family adults and increased their contact with fathers when available. Girls, in contrast, retained their orientation toward family females up until the age of adolescence, at which point they, too, like boys, distanced themselves (to a greater or lesser extent) from the domestic world of mothers. Even in Kenya

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today, where men no longer perform warrior roles, these patterns have endured. Home duties and child care are still defined as mainly women’s responsibilities, while men are busy working or socializing outside the home throughout the daylight hours. However, there are cultural variations in the general patterns. For example, fathers tend to be closer and more involved with young children in societies whose primary mode of subsistence is gathering, fishing, shifting agriculture, or horticulture (as opposed to hunting, herding, or advanced agriculture) and where polygyny, patrilocal residence, extended family organization, and other factors incompatible with husband-wife intimacy are absent. Among traditional !Kung (Bushmen) groups of the Kalahari Desert, when foraging was still the mode of subsistence, women took long hikes into the desert to gather much of the family’s food, and fathers were intimately involved in domestic life and in holding and playing with little children around camp. The rise of industrialization during the 18th and 19th centuries precipitated major shifts to family life that affected boys’ interaction with same-sex adults. The Western home lost much of its traditional function as the site of food production and processing, care of the sick and dying, academic schooling, and vocational training. Most fathers disappeared from the home during working hours, a trend particularly accentuated for disadvantaged subgroups, where high levels of poverty, unemployment, family breakdown, and community crime cause father absence to become commonplace. Father absence/presence has measurable effects on boys, cross-culturally and within culture. It is well established that boys from about age 3 to 6 and onward are sensitive about the gender of their companions and very motivated to watch, imitate, and interact with males in preference to females. Robert Munroe collected child observations and interviews in four societies (Logoli of Kenya, Newars of Nepal, Black Carib of Belize, and American Samoans) in the 1980s and showed that father-absent boys gazed at males (when they were present) to a significantly greater extent than did father-present boys (as if to make up for reduced opportunity). This finding supports other studies that indicate that father-absent boys tend to construct hypermasculine concepts of male behavior, overcompensate in their attempts to differentiate themselves from females, and show more verbal and physical hostility toward women. Middle childhood is a crucial period for peer relationships, and both girls and boys show a preference for samesex friendships and companionship. Many cross-cultural studies show children playing in single-sex groups when they are allowed choice of playmates and have sufficient numbers to form subgroups. Gendered peer interaction promotes the goals of self-socialization because children use peers as role models and for social comparison. Children try out their behaviors on friends, and if they are ap-

proved or rewarded they will continue; otherwise they will stop. Children’s play in same-sex peer groups (especially boys’ groups) has been found to involve high proportions of both egoistic confl ict (e.g., grabbing, criticizing, dominating) and sociability/play (e.g., companionable roughhousing, sharing, cooperating). Activities. Insofar as children have access to different activities, they experience different socialization pressures. Though almost all observational studies of parental behavior indicate that parents behave surprisingly similarly in their explicit treatment (e.g., discipline) of sons versus daughters, in another way they transmit their values about gender roles by assigning or steering their children into different kinds of activities. Perhaps it is the cumulative effect of large and small differences in task assignments, work, play, and extracurricular experiences that results in divergence of socialization experiences and outcomes for boys and girls. Children’s activities in rural, subsistence communities are often focused on responsible work (e.g., cleaning, gardening, herding, child care), and children seek to be competent in the way defined by their culture. In the iconic study “Social Structure and Sex-Role Choices among Children in Four Cultures” (Cross-Cultural Research, 2004), Munroe showed that beyond the age of 5, children expressed strong preference for gender-appropriate chores, such as octopus fishing and washing clothes (Samoan girls) versus planting taro and spearfishing (Samoan boys), or herding cows and caring for coffee trees (Logoli boys) versus caring for chickens and collecting firewood (Logoli girls). These preferences, as predicted, increased as children grew older from age 3 to 9 but, contrary to prediction, were much stronger in the less sex-differentiated societies (Black Caribs, Samoans) as opposed to the more sex-differentiated societies (Logoli and Newars). A simple social transmission theory of children’s gender preferences was not confirmed. Thus, gender preferences are not just a mirror reflection of the adult world and involve an imaginative operation on the world that is not yet fully understood. Children’s work is economically valuable. Where women take a leading role in subsistence work, children (especially girls) are recruited by their mothers to take on more responsible tasks at a young age, such as processing food and carrying wood and water. Where boys can easily be incorporated into the work of the adult men, and where that work is time consuming and labor intensive, boys are early incorporated into work roles, such as herding cattle, building fences, and clearing brush. Around the world, girls and boys engage in different proportions of work versus play, but in general girls work more and earlier, and these differences contribute to the gender pressure toward higher amounts of socially responsible behavior found in girls from preschool age onward.

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Children’s activities can also be classified as directed or undirected, depending on whether they are undertaken at the instigation and according to the requirements of a supervising authority figure. Both directed and undirected activities can be identified across cultural contexts, but girls generally spend more time in directed activities than do boys, such as when they are performing household work or child care under the eye of their mother, and this pattern results in closer monitoring of girls’ behavior and greater training in responsible and prosocial behavior. Types and opportunities for play also vary considerably by context and location. In an article on “Children’s Play in Cross-Cultural Perspective: A New Look at the Six Culture Study” (Cross Cultural Research, 2000), Carolyn P. Edwards showed that cultures higher in childhood work tended to have children who were lower in fantasy play. Instead of pretending to be a mommy, for instance, young children actually cared for baby siblings, tended the household fire, and handled sharp cooking tools. Furthermore, in communities where children had freedom to venture beyond the bounds of the immediate home and yard, they engaged in considerable amounts of creative-constructive play (e.g., building dams and forts, making toys out of natural and found materials, drawing and sculpting sand and clay). The most playful group of 3- to 10-year-olds was found in Taira, Okinawa, where both boys and girls had light workloads and considerable freedom to wander the village under the watchful collective eye of all the adults. In play with peers and siblings, girls and boys may be equally creative, but they express their creativity through preferred use of different toys and resources (e.g., boys’ greater use of blocks and toy weaponry versus girls’ greater interest in art and doll play). More research is needed on the cognitive consequences of children’s choices of play materials and themes. Settings. Girls and boys tend to occupy different locations in space once they reach the age of middle childhood. Boys seek active mobility in play and are more often found playing outdoors in relatively large groups. They integrate these same physical styles of play into their chores whenever possible, such as chasing one another or hunting rodents while tending animals in the fields. Girls are more likely to be found playing indoors or close to home with a smaller and more age-mixed group of playmates, also combining sociability and play with household chores or child care. They also tend to be the ones sent on the physically arduous tasks of getting and carrying water and fuel. In the spot observations described by Beatrice B. Whiting and Carolyn P. Edwards in Children of Different Worlds (1988), boys were observed overall at higher mean distances from home. Girls’ moments of greatest distance from home were observed when they were following a predictable path doing a directed chore, such as gathering water or wood, while boys’

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moments of greatest distance from home were associated with animal care or free play, suggesting that boys generally experience more autonomy to try out and experiment with behavior outside the controlling eye of adults. Cultural practices such as female seclusion or use of the veil restrict girls’ participation in the public spaces of their community in many parts of the Middle East and Indian subcontinent. In addition, residential and settlement patterns are two other cultural factors that may affect children’s autonomy in any community. For instance, in areas where children are restricted by danger or avoidance rules to the home environment, their primary companions are siblings and cousins. In contrast, where children have more autonomy to explore the neighborhood or more access to public spaces, they have more contact with nonrelatives. Most American children, for example, have more contact with nonkin than kin once they reach middle childhood. Neighborhood play settings are highly attractive to both boys and girls. Where there is a limited number of playmates, children play group games (such as tag or hide and seek) that are inclusive of all children around. Boy-with-girl play is more commonly found when children play in small groups with companions known for a long period of time. Such inclusive play tends to show a relatively lower amount of gender-stereotyped play with more nurturance and social responsibility. In contrast, large, single-sex groups elicit more competition, testing, teasing, and social comparison. School and extracurricular activity settings, finally, influence gender development. In school eating areas and playgrounds, where children can pick their social companions, boys and girls tend to take over separate spaces and engage in the kind of public behavior that is most gender stereotyped. Girls usually play around the periphery of the playground, while boys occupy a larger, more central space. Boy-girl interaction is highest during learning activities. When an adult is nearby, boys and girls can cooperate on tasks and overlook gender differences and roles. The adult’s presence attracts both girls and boys to circle around nearby and permits them to interact with one another and to tone down the extremes of gendered behavior. C o nc lu s io n Children’s socialization in natural settings provides ample opportunities for children to act out, practice, and negotiate gender roles and behaviors. The daily flow of work, play, and social interaction reinforces and enriches the knowledge, values, and beliefs that children infer from the gender curriculum deeply embedded in symbol systems (language, rituals, deference patterns and signifying elements like dress, hair, and body paint). Thus, complex layers of messages about gender—symbolic and nonsymbolic—generate the raw material that children use to construct their gender roles and behaviors. The outcomes of socialization are, in the main, predictable—children buy into the larger culture

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around them—but also allow wiggle room for each generation to renew and revise its normative patterns and expectations. Carolyn Pope Edwards and Cixin Wang see also: Child: Historical and Cultural Perspectives; Family: Historical and Cultural Perspectives; Homosexuality and Bisexuality; Sexual Development; Socialization of the Child further reading: Barry S. Hewlett, ed., Father-Child Relations: Cultural and Biosocial Contexts, 1992. • Eleanor E. Maccoby, The Two Sexes: Growing Up Apart, Coming Together, 1999. • Deborah Best, “Cross-Cultural Gender Roles,” in Judith Worell, ed., Encyclopedia of Women and Gender: Sex Similarities and Differences and the Impact of Society on Gender, vol. 1, 2001, pp. 279–80. • Edwin S. Segal, “Cultural Constructions of Gender,” in Carol R. Ember and Melvin Ember, eds., Encyclopedia of Sex and Gender: Men and Women in the World’s Cultures, vol. 1, 2004, pp. 3–10. • Xinyin Chen, Doran C. French, and Barry Schneider, eds., Peer Relationships in Cultural Context, 2006.

gender development. Across the world, newborns are immediately defined by their gender. Their assignment as female or male will shape many aspects of their lives. Dramatic historical changes in North America and other societies, however, have led to increased equality in women’s and men’s roles and status. Coinciding with these transformations has been a corresponding effort among scientists to investigate the relative contributions of social and biological influences on children’s gender development.

M e a n i ng s o f S e x an d Gen d er Some researchers use the terms sex and gender interchangeably to refer generally to the distinction between females and males. Other researchers use these two terms differently: Sex is applied more narrowly to refer to the biological distinction between females and males based on their chromosomes (XX for females, XY for males). In contrast, gender is used more broadly in reference to individuals’ social assignment classified as females or males (and does not imply either biological or social causes for differences). Although people’s gender usually corresponds to their genetic sex, there are exceptions. For example, they include certain intersex conditions that arise due to unusual genital differentiation. During prenatal development, exposure and absorption of androgens initiate the formation of male genitalia; otherwise, female genitalia develop in genetic females or males. With the androgen insensitivity syndrome, androgens are ineffective during prenatal sexual differentiation in genetic males and can lead to the development of ostensibly female (or partly feminized) genitalia. Conversely, with congenital adrenal hyperplasia, overproduction of androgens during sexual differentiation in genetic females can lead to the development of ostensibly male (or partly masculinized) genitalia. In each of these cases, the child’s assigned gender category at birth may differ from the genetic sex.

Gender Simi l ar iti es and Di ffer enc es Even when there is a statistically reliable difference on some attribute or behavior, much overlap between girls and boys as well as variability within each gender typically occur. Therefore, in addition to testing for statistical significance, researchers consider the size of any observed gender difference. More than 85% of overlap in scores between girls and boys reflects a negligible difference. In contrast, meaningful differences may be either small (67% to 85% overlap), moderate (53% to 66% overlap), or large (less than 53% overlap) in magnitude. Statistically significant gender differences in certain postpubertal physical attributes such as height, strength, and speed are large. In contrast, most average differences in cognitive abilities or social skills are in the negligible or small range. Furthermore, the magnitude of average gender difference for many behaviors has changed with societal changes and varies across different cultural contexts. Therefore, some patterns of gender difference based on studies of middle-class North American children may not generalize to other cultural communities. If a significant and meaningful gender difference is detected, the next step is to understand its causes. Because most behaviors are determined by multiple factors, a statistically reliable predictor may actually account for a very small percentage of the variation. Meaningful effects can be small, moderate, or large when they respectively account for at least 1%, 6%, or 14% of the variation. Thus, a variable considered to have a large effect may leave more than 85% of the variation explained by other factors. Gen d er D e v elo pm en t f rom B i rt h to Adolesc enc e Overall, girls and boys are highly similar during infancy. Between 1 and 2 years of age, a few average gender differences emerge. First, girls show some advantage relative to boys in language development. They tend to acquire language earlier and are more talkative during the toddler years. At the same age period, mothers tend to talk more to daughters than to sons. Average differences in overall verbal ability are not seen later in childhood. Also emerging during the toddler years are gender-stereotypical toy preferences (e.g., dolls among girls and construction toys among boys). Initially, gender-typed toy preferences are influenced by parental encouragement and possibly temperamental preferences; however, as children get older, play preferences are additionally affected by children’s desire to perform gender-relevant activities as well as by peer pressures. Once children attain a symbolic capacity during the course of their second year, they begin to form a gender concept. Even before this milestone, infants around 1 year of age can make perceptual distinctions between genderlinked physical attributes, such as faces and some gendertyped objects (e.g., dolls, trucks). Evidence for a conceptual

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understanding of gender is most readily observed around 2 years of age when children start labeling others in terms of their gender. This is followed around 2 1/2 years of age with the ability to identify one’s own gender (i.e., gender identity). Awareness of one’s gender group also becomes the basis of a social identity, and it is around 3 years of age that children begin to prefer same-gender peers. Researchers distinguish between gender-related cognitions about the self versus about others. During early childhood (3 to 5 years), children’s concepts of gender are unstable and based largely on physical features (e.g., hair length) and observable behaviors (e.g., playing with dolls). With more cognitive sophistication, children around 6 years of age additionally can stereotype more abstract qualities such as social roles. Also by this age, children understand that gender is a stable attribute that does not change in individuals despite changes in their appearance or actions (i.e., gender constancy). Developmental studies indicate a weak association between children’s and adolescents’ gendered self-concepts and attitudes. For example, some individuals endorse gender-egalitarian attitudes but hold gender-typed interests. Children’s gender-related beliefs are influenced by their families, the media, schools, and peers. Although parents can have an impact, the average correlation between parents’ and children’s gender-related beliefs is small. One reason is that parents’ attitudes are not always consistent with their actions. Also, research suggests that children may discount nontraditional parents as role models if they are viewed as unrepresentative of other adults. However, changes in adult gender roles in North America and many other societies since the 1950s have meant that nontraditional (now mainstream) role models are readily observable. This is especially true regarding women’s roles: Mothers typically pursue careers outside the home, but fathers do not usually share equally (or primarily) as caregivers. Paralleling this disparity, there have been greater increases among females than males across recent cohorts in the endorsement of gender-egalitarian attitudes. Television, books, magazines, music, the Internet, and other mass media are powerful conduits for transmitting cultural information about gender. Viewing stereotyped or counterstereotyped media portrayals can strengthen or weaken, respectively, children’s subsequent endorsement of gender stereotypes. Whereas a modest decrease in gender stereotyping in children’s media in North America has occurred over the decades, gender-typed images remain pervasive. First, children’s media implicitly perpetuate male dominance through its overrepresentation of male characters. Also, male and female characters usually have gender-stereotyped roles and attributes. Furthermore, the media bombard children with unhealthy standards of female beauty as well as male bravado and muscularity. The peer group may have the most influence on chil-

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dren’s development of gender-related beliefs and behaviors. This socialization primarily transpires within the context of same-gender peer groups. Gender segregation is the norm from early childhood into adolescence, although crossgender interactions happen under certain conditions (e.g., adult-structured activities, private settings). Whereas girls and boys often act in similar ways when alone, average differences in play activities and social norms typically occur in same-gender groups. In this regard, girls and boys have been described as developing in different “gender cultures.” Boys are more likely than girls to play in larger groups and to prefer rough play, construction activities, actionadventure or aggressive themes, and competitive games. During confl icts, physical and verbal forms of aggression are more likely between boys. Boys’ peer groups traditionally value self-reliance, emotional restraint, and dominance. Adherence to gender-typed norms is more strictly enforced among boys than girls. In contrast to boys, girls are more likely to prefer domestic themes, nurturance, and collaboration in their play. In response to confl ict, girls may be more likely than boys to use confl ict-mitigating strategies (e.g., compromise, changing topic) or to use indirect forms of aggression (e.g., negative gossip, exclusion). In their peer groups, girls are also more likely than boys to prize intimacy, physical appearance, and being nice. However, these trends vary between communities and across historical time. For example, many African American girls from working-class and low-income backgrounds enact cross-gender-typed social behaviors (e.g., directly confronting others during confl ict). Also, as societal gender roles in the West have changed over the years, girls have become more likely to engage in many of the activities and social behaviors previously gender typed for boys (e.g., athletics). (A reciprocal trend among boys has been much less common.) Girls and boys are generally very similar in their number of friends and the value that they place on qualities such as honesty and loyalty. As they approach adolescence, however, average gender differences tend to emerge in friendship intimacy. Generally, self-disclosure and emotional support are more likely between girls than boys. Gender-typed boys are especially reluctant to disclose vulnerable feelings to other boys. When boys avoid disclosing with one another, they avoid opportunities to refine the social skills associated with being a supportive listener. Thus, a difference in performance may develop into a difference in competence that later impedes satisfaction in close relationships. Adolescence can be an especially difficult period during gender development, given the dramatic physical, cognitive, and socioemotional changes at this time. Accordingly, some researchers refer to adolescence as a period of gender intensification for many youth. Although increases in gender typing may occur among both girls and boys, these pressures often involve a greater reduction in options for girls than boys (due to the relatively greater flexibility for

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girls during childhood). For example, playing sports and wearing comfortable clothes may be viewed as incompatible with femininity and heterosexual attractiveness by girls’ peers and parents. The most consequential physical changes at puberty include girls’ new reproductive capacity to bear children and boys’ increased size and strength. Puberty also brings sexual interest. Emerging concerns about sexual attractiveness heighten adolescents’ concerns about appearance, especially in girls. Whereas a heterosexual orientation characterizes most adolescents, homosexual or bisexual orientations emerge in a minority of youth. Current research indicates a strong biological basis for sexual orientation. Although tolerance for sexual minorities has increased over the years, these youth are stigmatized and highly subject to victimization in most communities. Because academic achievement strongly affects girls’ and boys’ opportunities and adult roles, it is an important aspect of gender development. Proportionally more boys than girls are represented at the extremes of cognitive ability. Otherwise, at all grade levels, girls generally do better than boys in overall academic achievement. When examining specific school subjects, there are small-to-moderate average differences favoring girls in reading and writing. In contrast, there is a small average difference favoring boys’ achievement in the physical sciences during high school, and the difference becomes large during college. Genderrelated variations in school success, academic achievement, and occupational choices are related to parents’ and teachers’ expectations and encouragement, peer pressures, and career opportunities. Also, there is inconclusive evidence that biological influences may account for a small amount of the gender variation in some cognitive abilities. Finally, when selecting occupations, girls and women are more likely than boys and men to consider issues related to workfamily balance. Finally, average gender differences are seen in certain adjustment problems during childhood and adolescence. There are moderate average gender differences, with males being higher in rates of physical aggression (e.g., pushing, hitting) and verbal aggression (e.g., insults) throughout childhood and adolescence. Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder is also more likely among boys than girls during childhood. Gender differences in other disorders are not apparent until adolescence or adulthood. These include moderate-to-large average differences in adolescents’ and adults’ incidences of major depression (females higher), anxiety disorders (females higher), eating disorders (females higher), substance abuse (males higher), and violence and antisocial disorders (males higher). There is a small average difference in self-esteem (males higher) during adolescence; however, the difference is negligible during childhood and adulthood, and no gender difference in self-esteem is apparent among African Americans at any

age. Gender differences in many adjustment difficulties are attributed partly due to gender-role strain, which refers to stress-related effects associated with strict adherence to traditional gender-role proscriptions. Also, there are sexrelated biological risk factors for some disorders. Th eor etical E xpl anations of Gender D e v elo pm en t All contemporary theories of gender acknowledge the combined influences of social, psychological, and biological factors. They differ, however, in how much they stress each of these processes. Some (but not all) of the most important theories guiding current research on gender development are highlighted in the following paragraphs. Social-structural theory (or ecological theory) focuses on how economic and cultural practices in a society contribute to women’s and men’s division of labor as well as to gender inequalities in status and power. Social-structural influences vary both within particular societies and between cultures. Socioeconomic status, ethnic traditions, religious beliefs, and family structure are some relevant factors related to variations within a society. Women’s opportunities for economic independence and their reproductive control are strong predictors of differences between cultures in gender roles and status. Also, there is a mutual relation between gender-typed child-rearing practices and adult gender roles. Socialization practices that foster nurturance and obedience in girls are more likely in societies where women are primary caregivers. Conversely, practices that encourage self-assertion in girls are more likely in egalitarian societies where women and men have relatively equal control over economic resources. Thus, gender-typed socialization patterns contribute to the perpetuation (or amelioration) of role differences and power imbalances between men and women. According to sociocultural theory (or ecocultural theory), everyday activities and interactions are important contexts for the transmission of cultural practices during children’s development. To the extent that girls and boys consistently participate in different activities, they are being prepared for different cultural roles. For example, when girls play with dolls, they are practicing relevant cultural roles for women as nurturing caregivers. Conversely, when boys play sports, they are practicing cultural scripts for men as competitive workers. Consistent with sociocultural theory, one of the most likely ways that parents treat daughters and sons differently is through encouragement of gendertyped play activities. Social cognitive theory emphasizes the reciprocal influences between environmental factors, cognitivemotivational factors, and behavior. Important characteristics of the environment include the opportunities to observe role models and to practice particular behaviors as well as the incentives (or disincentives) that follow for repeating

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those behaviors. These consequences affect the expectations and motivations children form regarding particular behaviors. For example, positive consequences may follow if a boy feels a sense of mastery and/or receives approval for playing a sport. When this occurs, the boy can develop selfefficacy that motivates him to repeat and become skilled in that sport. These social and cognitive processes lead girls and boys to seek out gender-typed environments that strengthen their gender-typed expectations and interests. In these ways, children’s behavior becomes self-regulated by personal standards. Two other cognitive theories point to the fundamental importance of children’s gender-related concepts. According to gender schema theory, children apply their mental representations of gender, known as gender schemas, to interpret the world around them. Children tend to see, remember, and interpret the world in ways that are compatible with their gender schemas (e.g., paying more attention to stereotypical than counterstereotypical role models). Selfcategorization theory (or social-identity theory) similarly addresses how forming an in-group identity affects one’s behavior relative to the other group. Establishing a gender identity leads to an in-group bias, whereby characteristics associated with one’s own gender are valued over those associated with the other gender. Because children prize their in-group membership, conformity to gender-typed norms typically occurs in same-gender peer groups. As stipulated in self-categorization theory, the relative status of different groups also matters. Cultural stereotypes exist to justify and maintain the status quo; accordingly, the characteristics associated with a high-status group are typically valued more than those of a low-status group. Also, members of high-status groups are more likely to endorse stereotypes and are more invested in maintaining group boundaries. With regard to gender, masculine-stereotyped attributes (e.g., independence, dominance) tend to be valued more than feminine-stereotyped attributes (e.g., nurturance, expressiveness) in male-dominated societies. In addition, boys and men are generally more likely than girls and women to support and enforce gender stereotypes in these societies. In contrast to the emphasis on social and psychological factors emphasized in the preceding theories, biologically oriented approaches point to distal or proximal biological influences. Distal influences refer to evolutionary pressures that may have led women and men to inherit different behavioral tendencies that facilitated the survival of their offspring. Examples include proposals that a stronger parental investment evolved in women and a greater propensity toward dominance and aggression evolved in men. Whereas almost all contemporary theories accept the influence of evolution on behavior, there is disagreement regarding the extent that evolution imposes biological constraints on women’s and men’s potential.

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Proximal biological influences refer to sex-related variations in physiological processes and physical development. Much attention has been given to the possible impact of sex-related hormones. There are two ways they can affect gender development. First, prenatal and pubertal hormones can influence brain organization during development. This is difficult to prove in humans. One approach has been to study girls with congenital adrenal hyperplasia (CAH). Girls with CAH are exposed to high androgen levels during prenatal development, and as children they tend to prefer certain masculine-stereotyped play activities. One possible inference is that prenatal androgens affected these girls’ brain development and related dispositions. Second, fluctuations in hormone levels may influence the activation of certain brain and behavioral responses at a given time. In this regard, there is a small average correlation between testosterone levels (generally higher among males) and aggressive behavior (also generally higher in males). Contrary to popular opinion, however, scientists have not clearly established causal relations between gender, testosterone, and aggression. Although hormonalrelated biological states can affect behavior, hormone levels and other biological processes also change in response to cognitive-motivational processes and situational demands. For instance, girls’ and boys’ testosterone levels go up in response to perceived threats. Another biological approach includes the study of temperament, which refers to biologically based emotional and behavioral dispositions. During childhood, average gender differences occur in some temperamental qualities. There are moderate differences favoring girls in self-control (attention and impulse regulation) as well as small-tomoderate differences favoring boys in activity level and high-intensity pleasure (seeking stimulation). Greater selfcontrol may be related to many girls’ preferences for lowintensity activities (e.g., playing house), higher rates of school adjustment, and greater socioemotional maturity. Conversely, greater impulsivity, higher activity, and more high-intensity pleasure among boys may be related to many boys’ preferences for rough play, physical activity, risk taking, and being in larger groups. Moreover, these temperamental dispositions are typically strengthened in girls’ and boys’ respective peer groups and can become normative expectations for all children within a particular gender group regardless of individuals’ own temperament. For example, the magnitude of gender difference in activity level increases with age, which may reflect the cumulative impact of social pressures. Although various biological factors may contribute to gender development, the scientific evidence underscores the human capacity for behavioral flexibility in relation to existing environmental opportunities or constraints. This idea is the basis for biosocial theory, which addresses the interrelation between biological and social-structural fac-

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tors during gender development. Women’s reproductive capacity and men’s greater strength, speed, and size are interpreted as the most important biologically based physical attributes that differentiate the sexes. Recent historical trends have made these physical differences less relevant to the division of roles in North America and similar societies. Women’s reproductive control and access to affordable child care have led to increases in their autonomy. At the same time, men’s greater strength and size are no longer important advantages for jobs with the highest pay and status. Thus, depending on the nature of the society, the impact of sex-related biological factors on gender development may vary. Campbell Leaper see also: Homosexuality and Bisexuality; Play and Gender; Sexual Development further reading: Eleanor E. Maccoby, The Two Sexes: Growing Up Apart, Coming Together, 1998. • Kay Bussey and Albert Bandura, “Social Cognitive Theory of Gender Development and Differentiation,” Psychological Review 106, no. 4 (October 1999), pp. 676–713. • John Archer and Barbara Lloyd, Sex and Gender, 2nd ed., 2002. • Wendy Wood and Alice H. Eagly, “A Cross-Cultural Analysis of the Behavior of Women and Men: Implications for the Origins of Sex Differences,” Psychological Bulletin 128, no. 5 (September 2002), pp. 699–727. • Melissa Hines, Brain Gender, 2004. • Diane N. Ruble, Carol L. Martin, and Sheri A. Berenbaum, “Gender Development,” in N. Eisenberg, ed., Handbook of Child Psychology, vol. 3, 6th ed., 2006, pp. 858–932. • Campbell Leaper and Carly Friedman, “The Socialization of Gender,” in Joan E. Grusec and Paul Hastings, eds., The Handbook of Socialization: Theory and Research, 2007, pp. 561–87.

legal and public-policy perspectives. Gender-role

development among children in the United States is largely left to private actors. Pursuant to both common law and constitutional notions of family privacy, parents have broad authority to raise their children free from state intervention. Therefore, family law theoretically permits parents to convey diverse conceptions of gender to their children, either within individual families or within organizations chosen by parents to assist in child-rearing activities. Despite this freedom accorded to parents, gender-role development is remarkably uniform in the United States. Some commentators argue that this uniformity reveals the power of biology in gender-role formation. Most commentators believe, however, that social forces also play an important role. Given the doctrine of family privacy, these social forces influencing gender-role formation are largely thought to be cultural, as opposed to legal. The law plays some regulatory role, however, particularly when parents or their children transgress what the state perceives to be acceptable gender roles. This regulation takes two general forms. First, states limit family privacy in the realm of education. States exercise authority over children by mandating

school attendance and regulating education curricula, even those of private and home schools. In public schools, some of this regulation explicitly concerns gender roles. Most important, federal law prohibits public schools from discriminating between male and female students. Therefore, public school officials cannot promote the view that students should take certain classes or prepare for certain careers based on their gender. Public schools must instead treat boys and girls equally in the classroom and in all schoolsponsored activities, including athletics. This antidiscrimination norm does not mean that schools must be gender blind, however. Rather, many states have continued to experiment with single-sex public schools or single-sex classrooms within mixed-sex public schools. This gender segregation is often justified as a means to help overcome the historic disadvantages girls experienced in the realm of education, particularly in subjects such as math and science from which girls were traditionally excluded. All-boy schools and classrooms are similarly often justified as a means to support boys of color, particularly African American boys, who historically have performed less well in the classroom than girls and white boys. Despite these laudatory goals, gender segregation can also signal the state’s support of distinct, and at times narrow, gender roles. Because students are divided by gender rather than other characteristics, gender is reinforced as a salient characteristic in children’s lives. Some people thereby view single-sex education as endorsing, rather than challenging, the many other ways in which childhood is segregated on the basis of gender, from names and clothing to playground activities and messages about future social roles. Public schools are also permitted to implement dresscode policies that both distinguish between boys and girls and limit the range of gender performances available to students, particularly male students. Five circuit courts, and many lower courts, have specifically held that public schools may require boys to wear their hair short and simply styled. Some courts have allowed boys to engage in a greater range of gender performances when they have received a specific diagnosis of gender identity disorder, but those exceptions merely reinforce the authority of the states to prescribe gender performances for most boys in public schools. Public schools have also implemented dress codes designed to combat the perceived sexualization of teenagers. The effects of these codes fall disproportionately on girls, given that the codes largely ban miniskirts, low-rise jeans, thongs, and shirts that expose the midriff. Dress codes of this nature could therefore be interpreted as mandating a demure, asexual gender performance from girls, thereby preparing them to embrace the traditional heterosexual female function of taming male sexual desire. Such messages are reinforced by abstinence-only sex education programs mandated by many states that similarly focus on ways that girls can convince boys to delay sexual activity.

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Public school sex education programs can also reinforce distinct gender roles by focusing solely on heterosexual reproduction. This focus, to the exclusion of homosexual identity and same-sex sexual activity, conveys the message that sexual difference should dictate both students’ choice of sexual partners and the path to parenthood. In doing so, public schools deny homosexual and bisexual existence and contribute to the construction of gender pursuant to heterosexual norms. For instance, girls are defined in large part by their assumed attraction to boys and vice versa. Public schools send similar messages when they prohibit students from bringing same-sex dates to proms and other social functions or when they ban or otherwise disfavor gay student groups, including straight-gay student alliances. Although federal law requires public schools to treat all groups meeting on school premises equally, some public schools have been so hostile to gay-straight alliances that they have banned all groups in lieu of allowing the alliances to meet on school grounds. In private and home schools, the state generally defers to the school’s or parents’ views of acceptable gender performances and gender-role development. Given cultural forces in favor of traditional gender roles, this lack of state intervention generally reinforces the state interests described previously. However, there is one exception. If private and home schools do not accept state or federal funds, they are not bound by laws prohibiting gender discrimination against students. Therefore, states permit private and home schools, if they so choose, to attempt to prepare boys and girls to occupy distinct roles within the family or in the public sphere. Second, states limit family privacy outside of school by intervening in families at times of perceived default, most obviously in cases of abuse and neglect but also when parents divorce or otherwise raise children out of wedlock. This intervention can hinge on concerns about the children’s gender-role development. Most commonly, courts consider gender-role development when making custody decisions, asking whether children need to live with role models of the same sex in order to internalize “proper” or “healthy” gender and sexual performances. Although courts often answer that question in the negative, the question itself betrays the state’s concern that parents socialize children so that they conform to existing gender norms. Moreover, if a parent strays from those norms, courts often award custody to the other parent. Similar concerns can be found in court decisions upholding bans on same-sex marriage. In those decisions, courts posit families with opposite-sex parents as the ideal and deny state recognition to families that depart from that ideal. In positing such an ideal, the state conveys its view that children should be exposed to distinct gender roles. Less commonly, states may intervene in situations where the state believes parents’ approaches to gender-role de-

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velopment constitute abuse or neglect. For instance, states have sought jurisdiction over children when parents have required their sons to wear dresses or otherwise mandated contragender behavior. When a state intervenes in such a situation, it attempts to substitute its views of proper gender-role development for the parents’ views. Whether children conform to the views of their parents or the state of course depends, at least in part, on children’s own wishes regarding their gender identity. If those wishes confl ict with parental decisions, children cannot appeal to the state for relief. For example, children enjoy no right to sex-reassignment surgery or other cosmetic surgery if their parents do not consent. Moreover, when children refuse to conform to parents’ views about gender performance, parents in some states may ask for help from the state in the form of status offense jurisdiction. This form of state involvement differs from abuse and neglect jurisdiction in that parents want the state to be involved in family matters, most often as an enforcer of parental rules, which frequently hinge on parents’ views of appropriate behavior for teenage girls. Status offense jurisdiction is like abuse and neglect jurisdiction, however, in that states will enforce parents’ rules only if the court finds them reasonable. Therefore, states further their own views of appropriate gender-role development in both types of cases. Outside of these two general areas of state intervention, the United States largely permits parents to convey their own views of gender to their children. Similar deference is extended to private organizations engaged in child rearing, such as the Boy Scouts and Girl Scouts and various other after-school and community organizations. Although such deference is not directly supported by notions of family privacy or parental rights, these organizations are generally permitted to operate outside the zone of state power so long as they conform to majority views of gender-role development. For example, the United States Supreme Court exempted the Boy Scouts from a state law prohibiting discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation on the ground that the Boy Scouts organization is entitled to teach boys by example that only heterosexuality is consistent with manhood. This deference to families and other private actors has a long history in the United States, but it is by no means the only way to respond to the issues surrounding genderrole development. Other countries have adopted more interventionist approaches, particularly after ratifying the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, which among other things mandates equal opportunity on the basis of gender. In these countries, gender discrimination and stereotyping is prohibited even in private schools. Moreover, courts in some countries that have ratified the convention have held that parents may not interfere with older children’s conceptions of their own gender identity, including in the context of sex-assignment surgery. The

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United States is largely alone in refusing to ratify the convention. Laura Ann Rosenbury see also: Education, Discrimination in: Gender Discrimination; Homosexuality and Bisexuality; Schools, Single-Sex further reading: Barrie Thorne, Gender Play: Girls and Boys in School, 1993. • Nancy Levit, “Separating Equals: Educational Research and the Long-Term Consequences of Single-Sex Education,” George Washington Law Review 67 (1999), pp. 455–520. • Laura A. Rosenbury, “Between Home and School,” Pennsylvania Law Review 155 (2007), pp. 833–98.

genetics Overview Genetic Testing Behavioral Genetics

overview. The inheritance of traits has fascinated people for centuries, perhaps from a sense that DNA may decree destiny. Yet, while DNA may shape destiny, the destiny it shapes is not an immutable one. Every thoroughbred racehorse in the world today is descended from one of only three horses listed in the first Stud Book in 1793. Though the bloodline of every racehorse is known—in most cases for more than 20 generations—breeding a faster racehorse remains somewhat a matter of chance. Genetics—the study of trait inheritance—has undergone explosive scientific growth since the mid-1980s. In calendar year 1986, only 444 articles were published in core scientific journals about human genetics. Ten years later, in calendar year 1996, the number of articles published about human genetics had increased almost sixfold, to 2,522. Many of these articles described insights into human disease that have already helped patients in the clinic. In 2006, there were 3,336 articles published about human genetics, almost eightfold more than in 1986. Knowledge of human genetic variation was even chosen as “Breakthrough of the Year” by the journal Science in 2007.

Genetics : Study of th e I nh er itanc e of Tr aits Few—perhaps no—human traits are as simple as those traits first studied by Gregor Mendel, a 19th-century Austrian monk recognized as the founder of genetics. Mendel, who worked with pea plants, noted that tall plants tend to have tall progeny, that short plants produce short seedlings, and that plants with wrinkled seeds make wrinkled seeds across the generations. Mendel learned that some pea plant traits are dominant and others are recessive. All traits are derived from parental plants, with each parent making a genetic contribution. A dominant trait is expressed in the offspring even if only one parental plant has that trait. A recessive trait can only be expressed in the offspring if both parental plants share that recessive trait; expression of a recessive trait is literally over-

whelmed by the expression of a dominant trait. In fact, recessive traits are typically expressed only if an offspring has two recessive genes—one gene from each parent—a condition known as homozygous recessive. If a dominant and a recessive trait are combined in an organism, the dominant trait may be shown, but the organism still has two differing genes, a condition known as heterozygous dominant. In contrast, if an organism has two identical dominant genes, this is known as homozygous dominant. Human traits can also be dominant or recessive, yet most heterozygous individuals tend to show a form intermediate between homozygous dominant and homozygous recessive. Human traits are controlled by genes, but the situation is far more complicated than in pea plants. Yet, even in pea plants, it is hard to fathom how a gene—which is simply and only the genetic information required to make a protein— can actually control a trait. This difficulty is compounded in humans, as virtually every human trait is controlled by several to many different genes. This means that many different proteins are required to produce a recognizable human trait, such as height or hair color or health. Many of the simple rules that Mendel worked out in pea plants do not apply in humans. Because human traits are virtually always multigenic—determined by the combined action of many genes—the inheritance of traits is far harder to understand in humans. The human genome—the totality of genes required to make a human being—is enormous, involving perhaps 30,000 genes, which is far larger than the number of genes that Mendel considered. Because the genome is so large, random changes known as gene mutations have accumulated in the human genome. Some of these changes are harmful, some are neutral or inconsequential, and some few may be beneficial, but individual variation is of tremendous importance. Because the complexity of the human genome is so great, there may be more opportunity for the environment to interact with the genome to produce meaningful variation. There can even be genetic effects in humans that probably do not occur in pea plants. For example, there can be rearrangement of the gene sequence in humans to generate diversity, as happens in the immune system. When immune genes rearrange, this makes it possible for humans to mount an effective immune response to a pathogen, even if that pathogen has never been encountered before in the history of the world. There can also be parent-of-origin effects; a trait may be more strongly expressed when inherited from the mother than from the father, or vice versa. Parent-oforigin effects are called imprinting, and genomic imprinting may be important in several human diseases (e.g., Prader-Willi syndrome and Angelman syndrome). Molecul ar Genetics Genetics is the study of DNA—deoxyribonucleic acid—a molecule that acts as a repository for all the information

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required to build an organism. DNA in humans forms enormous molecules that are apportioned into 46 chromosomes, half of which are inherited from each parent. Each cell is a melding of genetic information from both parents, and there is a maternal and a paternal copy of every gene; this state of having two copies of every gene is the diploid state, and this is what makes it possible to have dominant and recessive genes. Every chromosome consists of DNA in a double helix— or twisted ladder—configuration. The DNA double helix is surrounded, protected, and packaged by protein, so a chromosome is simply an extremely long strand of DNA wrapped in protein. Each chromosome is also a linear array of genes, and all of the information necessary to make a human being is encoded in the sequence of DNA within the 46 human chromosomes. Given that the human genome is composed of 30,000 genes and that each gene is itself quite complex, an enormous amount of information is stored within each and every cell in the human body. Each gene is composed of a particular sequence of DNA. There are only four basic building blocks of DNA (i.e., the bases known as adenine, guanine, thymine, or cytosine), so the sequence of these bases forms the genetic code. And “genetic code” is an apt description because the sequence of four bases in DNA determines the sequence of amino acids in a protein, even though there are 20 different amino acids commonly used to make protein. Thus, the sequence of bases in DNA specifies the sequence of amino acids in a protein much the way the sequence of dots and dashes in Morse code specifies the sequence of letters in a sentence. The DNA sequence therefore determines the type and order of amino acids in proteins and ultimately controls the composition and function of those proteins. Proteins are those molecules that do the work of a cell: They catalyze chemical reactions involved in obtaining energy, they synthesize complex molecules from simple building blocks so that the cell can grow, they enable the cell to move or respond to stimuli, and they generally allow the cell to do the business of life. Seemingly unimportant changes in DNA can therefore affect the structure of a protein and can potentially destroy the ability of a protein to function. If a cell is unable to make a particular protein because of DNA damage, that cell may die or be unable to function. This can ultimately affect the ability of the entire organism to function. It is crucial that, when a cell divides to form progeny in a process called mitosis, each daughter cell receive a full complement of the genes present in the mother cell. During mitosis, each chromosome replicates and condenses from a filamentous to a stubby structure, perhaps to facilitate equal apportionment of the chromosomes between diploid daughter cells. If a daughter cell fails to receive a copy of every chromosome, it cannot long survive. However, an alternative form of cell division called meiosis occurs during the formation of reproductive cells—called gametes—such as

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egg and sperm. Because gametes combine with each other to make a diploid fertilized egg, each gamete must carry half the normal parental complement of chromosomes; this state of having only one copy of each gene is the haploid state. When fertilization occurs, two haploid gametes combine to reconstitute the normal diploid state of chromosomes in a human cell. Very occasionally, there is an error in reconstituting the diploid number of chromosomes; for example, Down syndrome occurs if there are three copies of chromosome 21 in the fertilized egg. Conversely, deletion of a small part of chromosome 22 from even one parent is associated with velocardiofacial syndrome; deletion of both parental copies of chromosome 22 is fatal. Molecular genetics strives to elucidate how the chemistry of DNA influences the biology of the organism. A molecular understanding has now been attained of how the genetic information locked into DNA is first transcribed into molecules of RNA (ribonucleic acid). The RNA then acts as a messenger, carrying genetic information from the nucleus to the cytoplasm, where RNA directs the synthesis of protein in a process called translation. In essence, genetic information in humans flows from DNA to RNA to protein. Molecular biologists have come to an understanding of how this process happens in health and can be altered in certain disease states. Yet they are still a long way from understanding how the structure of a protein—which is all that a sequence of DNA can specify—determines the form and function of an organism. The most exciting development in molecular genetics— and arguably one of the most exciting developments in all of science—has been a molecular understanding of the human genome. The Human Genome Project began with an ambitious goal of sequencing the entire human genome, or unraveling the exact order of bases in human DNA. This goal was surpassed in striking fashion when the sequence of the 2.9 billion bases that make up human DNA was first published in 2001. Several new insights emerged from this effort. First, humans have about 30,000 genes, only somewhat more genes than are required to build a mustard plant, yet the average human gene makes more protein—and more complex protein—than the genes of simpler organisms. Second, the human genome is filled with stretches of highly repetitive DNA, which does not code for protein and is of unknown function. Third, human DNA shows tiny changes in sequence that may be mutations, but less than 1% of these changes, or single-nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs), cause any variation in protein. Fourth, the human genome has a remarkably high level of gene duplication, with long segments of DNA that are repeated in the genome; this may be important because it would permit rapid evolution of the duplicated genes. Finally, the sequence of DNA suggests that humans have a great deal of information that was inserted into the human genome by viruses;

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in fact, viruses may routinely move bits of DNA from one person to another. Humans all share a great many genetic similarities, which is overwhelming evidence of our common ancestry. In addition, many human genes are similar to the genes of simpler organisms, thus providing robust evidence of evolution. There is now evidence that some genes increase the risk of common illnesses, so that these genes should be selected against over time; this may counter the notion of “selfish DNA,” which claims that genes should—at least, in theory—always increase in abundance. Po pul at io n Gen et ics Population genetics is the study of the frequency of genes in a large sample of people (or other organisms) and of how gene frequencies change over time or impact the evolutionary success of the population. In more practical terms, population genetics is often the study of how certain genes can increase or decrease the risk of human disease. For example, a recent study examined the frequency of specific genes among 17,000 people to determine how these genes relate to the risk of seven common diseases. Rather than sequencing the DNA from each person, a novel experimental approach was used whereby “gene chips” were used to identify common SNPs or mutations in this cohort of people. Comparison of patients to healthy controls revealed one gene that increased the risk of bipolar disorder, one gene that increased the risk of coronary artery disease, three genes that increased the risk of rheumatoid arthritis, three genes that increased the risk of type 2 diabetes, seven genes that increased the risk of type 1 diabetes, and nine genes that increased the risk of Crohn disease. At least 58 additional genes were identified, each of which may increase the risk of other diseases, though the degree of statistical certainty was lower. A key insight from this effort is that genes do not necessarily cause disease, but they can increase the risk of disease. Another key insight is that, for any population-genetics study to be successful, a very large number of people must be studied. The small size of most sample populations in the past may explain why there have been so many false starts in linking specific genes to an increased risk of illness. There are clearly racial disparities in access to health care in the United States, but it is also possible that population genetics can explain some of the racial differences in disease prevalence. A clear example of such prevalence disparities can be seen in childhood asthma; asthma prevalence in the United States is currently about 13% for children of Puerto Rican descent, about 10% for Native American and African American children, about 7% for children of European descent, and about 4% for children of Mexican descent. Despite overall decreases in asthma morbidity and mortality since the 1990s, the rates of asthma hospitalization and asthma death are about three times higher among African

Americans than among European Americans. These disparities are probably multifactorial, but there is evidence that genes that differ in frequency between the races may be a determinant of the type and severity of asthma. There are also racial disparities in risk of diabetes, obesity, heart failure, atherosclerosis, hypertension, osteoporosis, Parkinson’s disease, amyotrophic lateral sclerosis, sickle-cell disease, lupus nephritis, prostate cancer, colorectal cancer, liver cancer, and breast cancer; such disparities probably have a genetic component. Clinicians are learning that certain common changes (SNPs) in the human genome can even impact response to treatment as well as vulnerability to disease. Per s onalized Genetics All human beings share more than 99% of their DNA, which makes a convincing argument for the fundamental concordance of all humanity. Yet medical interest in the human genome arises from those genes that differ between people. Medical science is in the midst of a revolution that seeks to determine how each individual genome can influence a person’s vulnerability to disease or response to disease treatment. The hope is that it will eventually become possible to tailor disease treatment to the individual patient; in other words, to personalize medicine. Recently, the entire diploid genetic sequence of one person was published, meaning that the separate genetic contributions from the mother and father could be examined. This is a remarkable achievement, because all that was available prior to this was a haploid genetic sequence from pooled DNA that, in a sense, represents the genome of an “average” person. The diploid sequence of a single individual stands in sharp contrast, because the information that makes that person unique is open to scrutiny. Yet because there is still a paucity of base-level knowledge about human DNA, this sequence is currently no more revealing than a detailed family history, though that situation is likely to change. Many surprises emerged from this effort to examine an individual genome: There were more than 4 million differences between the maternal and paternal DNA that made up the genome, at least 44% of all genes were heterozygous, and genetic variation from one person to another is about fivefold higher than anticipated. The importance of large-scale genetic changes (e.g., insertions or deletions, as opposed to SNPs) has been underestimated; insertions or deletions represent 22% of events that alter the genome, but they are responsible for 74% of the total alterations in the genome. Less than 2% of the genome actually codes for protein, and the function of the remaining 98% of DNA remains unknown. Recent studies that build upon this effort to sequence the individual genome have contributed additional surprises: Variation in gene transcription rate (from DNA to RNA) may be the primary difference between people, though there are many ways that individual

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genomes can differ. Large-scale structural variations are apparently common in the human genome, but 10% to 30% of any two people in a population are likely to share at least one extended region of genetic identity arising from recent common ancestry. Fresh data suggest that changes in the number and order of genes on a chromosome are far more common and probably far more important than anticipated. Imagine that the order of genes on a particular chromosome is normally AB-C-D, with each letter being a different gene. An inversion changes the order of genes along the chromosome, so that the gene sequence might now read A-C-B-D. An insertion adds a new gene within the established sequence, so that the gene sequence might now read A-B-C-X-D. A deletion drops a gene from the established sequence, so that the gene sequence might now read A-B-D. Finally, a copy-number variation duplicates one or a few genes along a chromosome without changing other genes, so that the gene sequence might now read A-B-C-C-C-C-D. A recent study identified 3,600 copy-number variants among just 95 people studied, which is astonishingly high. It has been calculated that in some human populations, 20% of the difference in gene activity may be a result of copy-number variants. For example, among people with a high-starch diet, there can be extra copies of a gene for a starch-digesting protein, compared to people in a hunter-gatherer society who have less starch in the diet. An example of how understanding human genetic variation could help clinicians tailor therapy for the individual patient comes from a study of how children respond to epilepsy medication. The antiepileptic drug topiramate can be effective in treating refractory epilepsy, yet clinicians are reluctant to use it because it causes cognitive side effects in a substantial proportion of people. As of yet, there is no way to predict who will have cognitive side effects, but it is a reasonable hypothesis that genetic differences between patients contribute to the heterogeneity in treatment response. Response to medication may be determined by genes that control drug absorption, drug metabolism, drug excretion, drug receptors, and drug detoxifying enzymes. Early data suggest that there are fast metabolizers and slow metabolizers of topiramate, and slow metabolizers may experience functionally higher drug doses, which could make them more vulnerable to side effects. If results are confirmed, it may become possible to predict who is more prone to side effects, so that the dose and type of medication can be tailored to the patient. Another example of variation in treatment effects is provided by warfarin— a drug used to prevent blood clotting—for which there is a 10-fold interpatient variability in the dose required for a therapeutic effect. While it is not yet possible to predict a therapeutic level for any individual patient, it seems likely that this will eventually become possible. For the foreseeable future, it will be more feasible to

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predict risk from single-gene disorders—such as Duchenne muscular dystrophy, cystic fibrosis, sickle-cell disease, Hurler syndrome, and familial amyotrophic lateral sclerosis—than to predict risk from multigenic disorders, such as hypertension and heart disease. Yet the door is open to a future in which medical care is personalized to the patient, thereby increasing therapeutic response and reducing the risk of medication side effects. It may also become possible to understand the complex interplay of heredity and environment to appreciate how DNA shapes destiny. R. Grant Steen see also: Congenital Anomalies and Deformations further reading: R. G. Steen, DNA and Destiny: Nature and Nurture in Human Behavior, 1996. • G. Subramanian, M. D. Adams, J. C. Venter, and S. Broder, “Implications of the Human Genome for Understanding Human Biology and Medicine,” Journal of the American Medical Association 286 (2001), pp. 2296–2307. • S. Levy, G. Sutton, P. C. Ng, et al., “The Diploid Genome Sequence of an Individual Human,” Public Library of Science Biology 5, no. 10 (2007), p. e254. • Wellcome Trust Case Control Consortium, “Genomewide Association Study of 14,000 Cases of Seven Common Diseases and 3,000 Shared Controls,” Nature 447 (2007), pp. 661–78.

genetic testing. Recent developments in genetics have

greatly increased the understanding of the genetic basis of human disease. The genetic basis for more than 2,000 single-gene disorders is now known, and clinical genetic tests are available for more than 1,300 disorders, enabling either prenatal or postnatal diagnosis. This field is changing rapidly and offers potential for great medical advances in diagnosis and treatment. Genetic tests are utilized to screen an entire population, to identify a predisposition to disease in an individual, or to confirm a diagnosis in a symptomatic person. Screening may begin before birth. Currently in the United States, all pregnant women are offered testing to determine if they are carriers for cystic fibrosis and to screen for Down syndrome, trisomy 21. Prenatal carrier screening tests are also targeted to certain ethnic groups with increased disease prevalence such as Tay-Sachs disease in Ashkenazi Jews. All newborns are screened for a panel of disorders to identify treatable disorders such as phenylketonuria, although this panel varies by state. In most cases, at least 29 disorders are currently screened in newborns, and the number is likely to increase. Genetic testing can be used either to confirm or to exclude a diagnosis in an ill child. Such information guides clinical management, provides prognostic information, and determines risk of recurrence for the family members. It also provides information to guide choices to avoid recurrence in another child. Predictive testing in an asymptomatic individual is used to refine risk estimates and reduce risk of disease or increase monitoring to diagnose the disease early when intervention is more effective. Predictive

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testing is available and applicable to children for such cancer predispositions such as retinoblastoma and familial adenomatous polyposis and for inherited cardiac arrhythmias such as long QT syndrome. Predictive testing in children should only be used for diseases with clinical management implications before the age of 18. Pharmacogenetics testing is increasingly used to identify individuals at risk for severe complications with specific medications and individuals who will not respond to specific medications, as well as to determine the correct dose of medication to prescribe. This kind of genetic determination will be increasingly helpful in tailoring treatments to the individual. Prenatal testing can be used to diagnose a fetus with a genetic condition such as Down syndrome or other chromosomal abnormalities and single-gene disorders for which the couple is at risk. Testing can be performed as early as 10 weeks of gestation via chorionic villus sampling (analysis of tissue from the placenta) or 15 weeks of gestation via amniocentesis (analysis of the amniotic fluid surrounding the fetus). The results of prenatal diagnosis can provide the couple with information they may use to manage the pregnancy, manage the baby after birth, or make decisions about termination of the pregnancy prior to 24 weeks of gestation. For couples at risk for having a child with a genetic condition, another reproductive option is preimplantation genetic diagnosis (PGD). PGD requires in vitro fertilization and can be expensive. The average “take-home baby rate” is 20% per cycle attempted. After the embryo reaches the eight-cell stage in the laboratory, a single cell is removed to make the genetic diagnosis, and only genetically unaffected embryos are transferred to the uterus to continue the pregnancy. The procedure is imperfect, and mistakes are made approximately 2% to 3% of the time. Therefore, results of PGD should always be confirmed with an amniocentesis or chorionic villus sample. It is possible to use PGD to select embryos for traits such as gender for purely social reasons; approximately 7% of all PGD is now performed for nonmedical reasons, raising ethical concerns about the utilization of this technology for modern eugenics. There is currently no mandated oversight for the use of PGD in the United States. Across Europe, some countries such as Italy have banned its use outright, other countries such as the United Kingdom have been more liberal in its use for medical indications, and some countries such as Germany continue to struggle with how this powerful technology should be used. Laboratories employ a variety of genetic testing methods. Biochemical genetic testing determines how well certain enzymes work either by directly quantifying enzymatic activity or by measuring accumulation of specific chemicals in bodily fluids. This testing often can be performed on blood, urine, or cerebrospinal fluid but occasionally requires a more invasive procedure such as a skin or liver biopsy.

Cytogenetic testing involves examination of chromosomes to detect abnormalities in chromosome number or structural anomalies such as deletions, duplications, translocations, or ring or marker chromosomes. The resolution of standard cytogenetic techniques is approximately 5 million bases; therefore, only relatively large aberrations are detectable by these techniques. Fluorescence in situ hybridization (FISH) can be used to provide higher resolution for specified, smaller chromosomal regions. Comparative genomic hybridization is a new molecular cytogenetic technique that can be used to test for either gains or losses of genetic information in the chromosome at higher resolution (100,000 base pairs). Molecular techniques allow for the detection of smaller changes in a gene, such as single base pair substitutions, deletions, or insertions, and are most commonly performed on a blood sample or cheek swab. Various techniques can be utilized to determine if a common mutation is present in an individual. Mutation-specific assays are generally less expensive and can be performed quickly (within two to three weeks). However, for many rare diseases, comprehensive gene analysis with medical sequencing is required to identify unique family-specific mutations. The cost of such testing is high and may be performed only in a single laboratory in the United States. Results often require six to eight weeks due to the complexity of the testing. However, once the mutation(s) has been identified within the family, targeted genetic testing can be used to assess other family members. The cost of molecular genetic testing is often increased by the cost of gene patents in the United States. Depending on how the patent holder licenses the ability to perform diagnostic testing, the cost of testing can be high, and a single laboratory may have a monopoly. This limits the quality of the testing, limits improvements in testing, and increases the price. One of the difficulties with all genetic testing is how to interpret the results. No genetic test is 100% accurate, and some genetic tests have sensitivity as low as 10%. Therefore, a negative test result may not completely eliminate the possibility that a child has a disease. It is always best to start by testing a symptomatic member of the family for the genetic condition first. If mutations are identified, then asymptomatic family members can be assessed for the family-specific mutation. If family members are not carriers for the specific familial mutation, their risk of disease or disease transmission is reduced to the general population risk. If an asymptomatic member of the family is tested without testing a symptomatic member of the family, a negative genetic test is uninformative since the specific familial mutation is unknown. In this case, risk is determined by family history. A positive test may not provide the answers to all the questions that parents may have regarding their child’s health. A positive genetic test may confirm a diagnosis but often will not provide specifics about severity of the con-

ge n e t ic s

dition or which manifestations of the disorder that a child will have or at what age. A single gene does not act in a vacuum but interacts with other genes and the environment, limiting the ability to accurately prognosticate based upon a single genetic test result. Genetic testing may identify genetic variants that are difficult to interpret, often called variants of unknown clinical significance. Little information may be known about the specific genetic alteration identified. This is especially true in the early phases of genetic characterization for a particular disorder. In addition, normal genetic variation within ethnic groups is not appreciated until sufficient numbers of individuals have been tested within that ethnic group. Therefore, disparities in the utility of genetic testing often arise when certain genes and mutations are better characterized in Caucasians but not minority populations. Testing additional symptomatic family members is often useful for interpretation of variants of unknown clinical significance to determine if the genetic variant tracks with disease in the family. Genetic consultation in pediatrics is most often performed by a physician, a medical geneticist. Genetic counselors play an integral role in helping the family understand and psychologically cope with genetic test results, transfer information within the family, and assist with reproductive options. Genetic specialists in the United States can be helpful in navigating insurance coverage and obtaining authorization for genetic testing. Genetic testing raises many legal issues and social issues. The United States enacted the Genetic Information Nondiscrimination Act (2008) protecting against discrimination for health insurance or employment based upon a preexisting genetic condition. However, such legislation does not extend to life insurance, disability insurance, or long-term-care insurance at this time. Other common ethical and legal issues that arise in genetics include the duty to warn other family members about the implications of a genetic test result, wrongful birth when a disabled child is born if there was a missed opportunity for prenatal diagnosis, and nonpaternity. In summary, genetic testing can offer valuable information for the diagnosis of genetic disease, disease prevention, and disease management in children. As genetic testing is increasingly utilized, the complex medical, economic, social, and financial issues are likely to become more prominent. Teresa M. Lee and Wendy K. Chung see also: Congenital Anomalies and Deformations; Embryology and Fetal Development; Pregnancy further reading: Committee on Genetics, “Molecular Genetic Testing in Pediatric Practice: A Subject Review,” Pediatrics 106 (December 2000), pp. 1494–97. • Alan E. Guttmacher and Francis Collins, “Genetic Testing,” New England Journal of Medicine 347, no. 23 (December 2002), pp. 1867–75. • GeneTests, http://www .genetests.org • U.S. Department of Health and Human Services,

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Understanding Gene Testing, http://www.accessexcellence.org/AE/ AEPC/NIH/index.html

behavioral genetics. Behavioral genetics is a collection of methods designed to investigate the nature and cause of individual differences in behavior. The key insight is that family members share different proportions of genes; quantifying the genetic distance between people turns the insight into a tool. The backbone of behavioral genetic research is the twin method. Comparisons between identical and fraternal twins allow researchers to divide the sources of influence on a trait into three components: genetic, the part of shared family environment that makes people similar to one another, and all nongenetic influences that are unique to each person. The shared family environment includes influences such as other siblings or the quality of the local water. The unique part of the environment includes influences such as a close friend or taking piano lessons. Studies that compare twins find that, for most behaviors, identical twins are more alike than are fraternal twins. One suggestion that might account for these results is that people who perceive identical twins to be very alike might treat them more similarly than they treat fraternal twins who look dissimilar. One test of this idea is to examine trait scores among twins whose identical or fraternal twin status has been misidentified by parents; some identical twins are raised as fraternal twins and vice versa. This small population provides one of several tests that shows that more similar treatment of identical twins does not explain the general findings from twin studies. Aside from twins, adoptees are a potent source of information on individual differences. Adoption studies also use the genetic distance principle. Researchers compare trait scores between adoptees, their adopting families’ trait scores, and the trait scores of their biological parents. Such studies generally find that adoptees’ scores are like those of their adopting families in early childhood (the shared family environment exerts a powerful influence on young children, making adopted siblings similar). These studies also find that the shared family influence of the adopting family is very small or zero by adolescence. At that time, the influences on children derive mostly from their own genes and their unique environmental exposures. The amount of genetic influence that contributes to differences between people on a particular characteristic within the population under study is called the heritability. There is a great deal of heritability data on a plethora of traits, including personality, intelligence, and psychopathology. The general finding is that all behaviors are moderately heritable and some (e.g., height and autism) are highly heritable. Genes are often thought of in a medical context, yet the influence of genes is even more striking on ordinary dimensions of personality and cognitive abilities than it is

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on common health disorders. Although around 600 singlegene health disorders have been identified, these constitute a minority of human traits. The large majority of behavioral traits are variable, and most are influenced by many genes. Heritability is estimated empirically; it is a quantity calculated for a particular time and a specific population. The heritability of the propensity to throw tantrums, using data collected from 2-year-olds in Detroit, Michigan, does not reveal much about the heritability of tantrums among 2-year-olds in Ghana, or 5-year-olds in Detroit. Currently, available data are unevenly spread; there is much less data on black and Hispanic Americans than on white Americans. Globally, data are scarce in developing nations and among the very poor or very rich in wealthy nations. With respect to age, genetically informative data have been collected across childhood and adolescence. Studies on children as young as 2 years old have contributed to a surprising revelation: In many traits, heritability rises with age. The heritability of general cognitive abilities is small in early childhood, rising to around 50% by adolescence (and around 80% among the oldest old). This is unexpected, since one might have predicted that as children mature and acquire independence, their individual experiences come to exert more compelling influences than their genetic inheritance. One possible explanation for this phenomenon is that as children mature and acquire more autonomy, they pick out environmental niches that fit with their genetic propensities. Perhaps this niche picking multiplies appetite by aptitude, resulting in increasing heritability. To illustrate: Identical twin children who like to draw and who take every opportunity to increase their skills might end up being more similar at age 17 than they were at age 4, compared with fraternal twins who each pursued different interests from ages 4 to 17. Rising heritability (from age 10 to young adulthood) has been recently reported for behaviors such as alcohol and nicotine use as well as for mental states such as anxiety, depression, and social attitudes. Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (around 60% heritable, where known) did not show agerelated changes in heritability. Aside from changes across the life span, behavioral genetic tools can also be used to examine sex differences. Model-fitting techniques for use with twin data can answer two kinds of questions about average sex differences. First, are the proportions of genetic and environmental influences on the trait the same for both sexes? Second, are the genes acting on the trait in boys the same genes that are acting on the trait in girls? Significant sex differences have been found in the rising heritability of conduct disorder, in which females show higher heritability. Very few mean sex differences have been found among cognitive abilities, including mathematics and science achievement in children. One of the new developments of behavioral genetic research is investigation into the environment: What aspects

of the world matter for particular traits? In a study involving identical twins who show differences from each other, measures of anxiety, unhappy school experiences, illness, accidents, and peer rejection emerged as candidates for activating anxiety. But the environment is not what it may appear; it has been found that genes exert influences on environments, too. Here is an example: Research shows that homes with more books are associated with children’s stronger reading ability. It is commonly inferred from those studies that the presence of books in the home influences reading ability positively. But it has been shown that having books in the home is a genetically influenced trait. Parents with genetically influenced aptitudes and appetites for reading have books in the home. They also pass on their own genetically influenced predilection for reading to their children. A recent meta-analysis of the genetic influence on the environment found, among 55 independent studies, that 35 measures of the environment showed heritability estimates ranging from 7% to 39%, with most falling between 15% and 35%. The discovery that so many aspects of children’s behavior are influenced genetically leads researchers inescapably to consider malleability and culpability. If intelligence is moderately to highly heritable, then how should society direct educational resources? If callous antisocial behavior is heritable, then how should the criminal justice system respond? Does widespread genetic influence on behavior mean that bullies should not be punished or are incorrigible? Genetic insights are not a cause for social alarm. The widespread assumption that “genetic equals inevitable” while the environment offers easy remediation needs reexamining. Environments have turned out to be much less tractable than imagined, and genetic findings are probabilistic—they offer propensities, not determinations. A child might have a propensity to irritability or generosity, but the manifestation of that leaning is shaped by experience, learned strategies, and other innate propensities. A young child may have lower than average intelligence but may benefit qualitatively and hugely from nurturing time spent with engaging storybooks. A child with a genetically high aptitude for learning who is utterly deprived of education will know almost nothing. Behavioral genetics has transformed the scientific understanding of individual differences in children’s behavior. While genes must interact within an environment, the aspect of the environment that is salient to development is picked out by the genes. At the species level, this is obvious: Geomagnetic fields are pervasive; human genes do not pick them out as salient, but bird genes do and use them for navigating. It is not nature or nurture. Nature determines what aspects of nurture matter. Rosalind Arden see also: Galton, Francis; Multiple Births; Personality; Research on Child Development; Temperament

ge s t u r e s further reading: Y. Kovas, C. M. A. Haworth, P. S. Dale, and R. Plomin, The Genetic and Environmental Origins of Learning Abilities and Disabilities in the Early School Years, Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 2007. • Daniel Nettle, Personality: What Makes You the Way You Are, 2007. • Robert Plomin, John C. DeFries, Gerald E. McClearn, and Peter McGuffin, Behavioral Genetics, 5th ed., 2008. • American Association for the Advancement of Science and the Hastings Center, Behavioral Genetics, http://www .aaas.org/spp/bgenes/publications.shtml

genius. see Giftedness geography. see Social Studies, History, and Geography gesell, arnold (lucius) (b. June 21, 1880; d. May 29, 1961), pioneer of the developmental-maturational approach, a biologically based theory of development that has influenced numerous other developmental authorities. Arnold Gesell was born in Wisconsin and graduated from the University of Wisconsin. He received his PhD in psychology in 1906 from Clark University in Worcester, Massachusetts. In 1911, he was appointed assistant professor of education at Yale University, where he founded the Yale Clinic of Child Development and served as its director from 1911 to 1948. He went on to receive his MD from Yale in 1915. Simultaneously, he was appointed professor of child hygiene at the Yale School of Medicine. When the Child Development Clinic was founded, Gesell’s chief interest was in the study of developmentally delayed and deviant children. He developed methods for the early diagnosis of defects in the mental growth of young children, including one of the first infant intelligence tests. By 1919, his attention shifted to the normal child’s development. He was an innovator in using cinematography as a research tool in charting the growth of and analyzing the characteristics of early behavior. Gesell was among the first to implement quantitative methodologies in his longitudinal studies of children. He systematically described thousands of young children. From his findings, he concluded that mental development and physical development are comparable and parallel orderly processes. He identified uniform sequences in patterns of behavior. He developed norms for the appearance of childhood developmental and behavioral milestones that are still used today. Gesell eventually became the nation’s foremost authority on development and child rearing, the “baby doctor” of the early 1940s. His ideas on raising children were widely sought and discussed. His classic texts include Infant and Child in the Culture of Today (1943), The First Five Years of Life (1940), and The Child from Five to Ten (1946). His legacy still exists today at Yale’s Gesell Institute of Human Development and the Gesell Institute at the University of Wisconsin at Stevens Point.

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Gesell’s developmental-maturational theory begins with the assumption that humans are, first and foremost, biological organisms, subject to intrinsic laws of development. Development and behavior are influenced by two major, interacting forces: genetic inheritance (nature) and environmental experiences (nurture). Development through the action of one’s genes is a process called maturation. Maturational development always unfolds in fixed sequences but varies individually in rate, determined by an inner timetable (genetic blueprint). Trying to teach activities ahead of that timetable will at best result in only minor, temporary growth. A favorable environment helps ensure the realization of a child’s potential. Therefore, the culture (i.e., parents, teachers, others) should try to adjust to each child’s unique individuality. “Socializing forces work best when they are in tune with inner maturational principles” is an appropriate summarization of the conceptualization of child development promulgated by Arnold Gesell, the founding father of contemporary developmental-behavioral pediatrics. Forrest C. Bennett see also: Physical Growth and Development

gestation. see Embryology and Fetal Development gestures. People move their hands as they talk; they gesture. Gesture is a widespread phenomenon, occurring across cultures, ages, and tasks. Even individuals who are blind from birth gesture as they speak, despite the fact that they have never seen gesture. Gesture is an integral part of the speaking process. Gesture and speech are tightly intertwined in time and meaning. For example, a speaker raises her hand as she says, “And he climbs up the pipe,” with the upward gesture overlapping in time with the phrase “up the pipe.” When produced within a single utterance, gesture and speech express the same general idea. However, the two modalities, manual and oral, often highlight different aspects of that idea. For example, a speaker says, “I climbed the stairs,” while spiraling his index finger upward. The speaker’s gestures provide the only clue that the staircase is a spiral. By looking at gesture and speech as a unit, listeners gain access to thoughts that speakers have but do not express in their speech. Gesture is very often a young child’s first way of communicating with others. At a time when children are limited in what they can say, gesture can extend the range of ideas they are able to express. The earliest gestures children use, typically beginning around 10 months, are deictic gestures whose referential meaning is given entirely by context, such as holding up an object to draw attention to that object or pointing at the object. Children also use iconic gestures. The form of an iconic gesture captures aspects of its intended referent; its meaning is thus less dependent on

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context (e.g., opening and closing the mouth to represent a fish). Iconic gestures are rare in some children, frequent in others. If parents encourage their children to use iconic gestures, these gestures become more frequent, which then facilitates, at least temporarily, the child’s production of words. The remaining types of gestures that adults produce—metaphorics (gestures whose pictorial content presents an abstract idea rather than a concrete object or event) and beats (small batonlike movements that move along with the rhythmical pulsation of speech)—are not produced routinely until relatively late in development. Combining gesture and speech within a single utterance can also increase a child’s communicative range. Most of the young child’s gesture-speech combinations contain gestures that convey information redundant with the information conveyed in speech (e.g., point at a cookie + “cookie”). However, young children also produce combinations in which gesture conveys information that is different from the information conveyed in speech (e.g., point at a cookie + “mine”). This second type of combination allows a child to express two elements of a sentence (one in gesture and one in speech) at a time when the child may not be able to express those elements within a single spoken utterance. Interestingly, the onset of this type of gesture-speech combination reliably predicts the onset of two-word speech; children who produce combinations such as point at cookie + “mine” early in development are the first to produce combinations such as “cookie mine.” Gesture continues to be produced along with talk, and to index changes in thinking, throughout the life span. Consider a child explaining her judgment that the amount of water in a tall, thin glass changed when it was poured into a short, wide dish. The child says, “They’re different because that one’s wider than that one,” while gesturing first the height of the dish and then the height of the glass. The child focused on the containers’ widths in speech but their heights in gesture. Children who produce many of these “mismatches” between gesture and speech on a particular problem are likely to benefit from instruction on that problem, more likely than children who produce few mismatches. Gesture considered in relation to speech thus reveals who is ready to learn. All children who are learning a spoken language use gesture. But some children—children with profound hearing losses, for example—are unable to learn the spoken language that surrounds them. If exposed to a sign language, these deaf children would acquire that language. But if not exposed to sign language, the children rely on gesture. However, their gestures do not resemble hearing speakers’ gestures (even those of their hearing parents). Rather, their gestures assume the properties of sign language and, in fact, are called “homesigns.” Gesture is thus an adaptable modality, able to assume the properties of a linguistic system

when used on its own or provide a window into speakers’ thoughts when used along with speech. Susan Goldin-Meadow see also: Communication, Development of; Sign Language further reading: David McNeill, Hand and Mind: What Gestures Reveal about Thought, 1992. • Susan Goldin-Meadow, Hearing Gesture: How Our Hands Help Us Think, 2003.

ghosts. Before the contemporary reliance on scientific narratives to explain the workings of the world, adults and children alike turned to the supernatural for answers. Now many adults associate supernatural and magical thinking with childhood, as exemplified by belief in the tooth fairy, Santa Claus, and the Easter bunny. Children’s belief in such otherworldly beings has positive functions. Through such beliefs, children explore faith and begin to develop the visionary powers that will allow them to seek meaning and sanctuary throughout life. Gallup polls show that otherworldly beliefs are also common among adults. Many dismiss stories of the supernatural as manifestations of a lack of critical thinking, which they are in some cases. However, research also indicates that people do experience events that are unusual or hard to categorize, and they describe them accurately and analytically. For example, incubus stories, which have been narrated throughout history and across cultures, arise out of sleep paralysis, a state wherein the brain is awakened from REM sleep, but the body remains temporarily unable to move. Although they vary significantly and often reflect cultural notions, narratives about supernatural beings are widespread among humans, whatever their cultural, ethnic, national, and class backgrounds. In Haunting Experiences: Ghosts in Contemporary Folklore (2007), Diane Goldstein, Sylvia Grider, and Jeannie Banks Thomas argue that ghost stories reflect such cultural issues as conceptions of the afterlife, concerns about morality, and even attitudes toward the natural world. For instance, an emphasis on family is evinced in the Latino Dia de los Muertos (Day of the Dead) altars and celebration that welcomes spirits of dead family back into the home, incorporating the dead into family life instead of excluding them from it. Children’s folklore, including ghost stories, frequently expresses the messages that children distill from adult culture. Children learn spooky stories from adults and adultcontrolled sources, such as the mass media. Adults employ stories about wraiths of all stripes—from the Latino weeping woman La Llorona to bogeymen—to control kids’ behavior by conveying cautionary messages such as “Don’t go out late at night.” Scary stories can generate terror for some children and cause nightmares, fear of the dark, and difficulty falling asleep. Horror movies, because of their capacity to intro-

g i ft e d a n d t a l e n t e d , e d u c a t io n o f c h il d r e n id e n t if ie d a s

duce frightening visual images, are particularly potent sources of fear. In response to such fears, some parents allow exposure only to age-appropriate scares, and they reassure their children about the safety of their environment. Some try to give their children a sense that they can control or mitigate fear by leaving a night-light on or using a squirt gun to quell any monsters that dwell under the bed. Children also learn ghost stories from one another, and their definition of ghost stories is expansive. It includes monsters, witches, Dracula—in short, any narrative that deals with the undead. Children’s ghost stories deal more with the imaginative rather than the horrible and unknowable. Frequently, the ghost stories are humorous and parodic; the humor and parody limit and vitiate the fear that the supernatural elicits. The stories also incorporate aspects of children’s lives, such as their concerns about their bodies. Witness the number of children’s oral narratives about haunted bathrooms, including the popular legends told at slumber parties about Bloody Mary, who haunts the bathroom mirror. In Japan, children fear Hanako, a ghost who emerges from toilets to attack children. The popular Harry Potter books and movies feature Moaning Myrtle, who haunts the girl’s bathroom at school. Throughout adolescence, supernatural narratives serve as a means to explore social and cultural issues. Teens enjoy telling local legends and journeying to the sites, such as local cemeteries, where supernatural events purportedly took place. These “legend trips,” as folklorists call them, are the modern-day descendants of earlier pilgrimages to visit holy wells and saints’ relics, which were common throughout the early centuries of European Christianity. Legend tripping continues to be a popular teenage activity because it has many functions, including the attainment of status for those who demonstrate their bravery at the site, the adrenaline rush provided by engaging the mysterious, and the pleasure of being at a site that is away from adult control, which can allow for activities such as necking, vandalism, or underage drinking. Of course, the legends and legend tripping also provide teens with “something to do on a Friday night.” That is, they have entertainment value. The capacity of supernatural stories to serve such a variety of cultural functions keeps ghosts alive for narrators of all ages. Jeannie Banks Thomas see also: Animism; Concepts, Children’s; Death, Children’s Experience of; Fears, Phobias, and Anxiety Disorders; Magical Thinking further reading: David Hufford, The Terror That Comes in the Night, 1982. • Cindy Dell Clark, Flights of Fancy, Leaps of Faith: Children’s Myths in Contemporary America, 1995.

gifted and talented, education of children identified as. Although, historically, giftedness had

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been thought of simply as innate genius or general intellectual ability, the advent of the testing movement in the early 20th century led to an understanding of giftedness as multifaceted and measurable. The two most current U.S. federal definitions reflect this expanded view: Adopted in 1988 by Congress as part of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, the Javits Gifted and Talented Students Education Act offers the following definition: “The term gifted and talented student means children and youths who give evidence of higher performance capability in such areas as intellectual, creative, artistic, or leadership capacity, or in specific academic fields, and who require services or activities not ordinarily provided by the schools in order to develop such capabilities fully.” The U.S. Office of Educational Research and Improvement (OERI) dropped the term gifted in its 1993 report “National Excellence and Developing Talent,” substituting the term outstanding talent: “Outstanding talents are present in children and youth from all cultural groups, across all economic strata, and in all areas of human endeavor.” The language reflects the impetus to disconnect gifted-child education from the nature versus nurture controversy, in particular to avoid privileging identifiable groups as more gifted, and to consider a broad array of culturally valued domains in which giftedness might be situated. Because education for gifted/talented youngsters is not federally mandated, states have the prerogative to craft their own definitions. Generally, state and local district definitions are comparable to the 1988 definition. The National Association for Gifted Children, the largest and oldest U.S. association for professionals, parents, and community members, estimates that about 3 million children and youth, or 6% of individuals enrolled in grades K–12, could be considered gifted/talented. The association makes the point that the number would vary depending on the categories of giftedness used to define this population. All 50 states have developed policies related to identifying and/or programming for gifted/talented students. Thirty-three states mandate services, fashioned along the lines of the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act. Of this group, 30 states offer full or partial funding as either additional dollars for per pupil expenditures or to underwrite a portion of gifted and talented teacher salaries. Of the 17 states whose policies are permissive (allowing for but not requiring services), 9 offer some form of state funding. Analyses of state policies have revealed that in states with permissive programming policies, one is much more likely to find programs in higher-income neighborhoods. Mandating services has been touted as alleviating this inequity, but this is not a panacea. About 25 states require gifted-education teachers to earn a graduate-level endorsement in order to work with identified students; however, requirements vary from the equivalent of a master’s degree to as few as 15 contact hours

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of professional development. The National Council for the Accreditation of Teacher Education (NCATE), the National Association for Gifted Children (NAGC), and the Association for the Gifted (TAG, a division of the Council for Exceptional Children) have collaborated on standards for gifted- and talented-teacher education, released in 2007. States whose teacher education programs are accredited by NCATE will be responsible for demonstrating that their gifted- and talented-teacher candidates have mastered these standards. The Javits Act includes a phrase relating to the education of gifted and talented students “who require services or activities not ordinarily provided by the schools in order to develop such capabilities fully.” This assertion continues to serve as the core of the rationale for supplementary programming for students identified as gifted and talented. The special education principle of education in the least restrictive environment has been reinterpreted in the context of educating these students: That the general education classroom might be the most restrictive environment for students whose depth of understanding and rate of acquiring concepts make their learning needs markedly different from their chronological peers. Cognitive development is a key programming emphasis; however, there is an increasing awareness of the importance of nonintellective qualities in the lives of high-potential individuals: emotional intelligence, learner engagement, and self-regulation as well as making a positive adjustment to exceptional ability. The most common service delivery model is the parttime resource room: Students work on authentic independent inquiries (modeled on the work of the adult inquirer), on expanding their breadth of knowledge and developing interests, and on learning creative and critical problemsolving skills. Acceleration, or learning basic concepts and skills at a faster rate, and differentiating instructional activities according to student interest, learning styles, or complexity of cognitive structures are frequently offered in general classrooms. Early entrance to school, including early entrance to college, grade skipping, or condensing standard content (compacting or telescoping), is sensitive to gifted and talented student needs for a faster rate of learning. Two national programs use off-level norms on college entrance examinations (e.g., Scholastic Aptitude Test) with fifth or seventh graders and then invite high-scoring students to take part in online, weekend, or summer programs at universities participating in their network. Identifiable subpopulations of gifted students continue to be underrepresented in gifted programs: low socioeconomic status, bilingual, ethnic or racial, and multiple exceptionality. Since its inception, the Javits Act has supported the development of innovative programs to identify and provide services tailored to the needs of these students. For example, it is widely accepted that students living in

poverty often display inconsistent achievement or skill gaps. Identifying students whose test scores are therefore depressed is a challenge for school professionals. Highpotential youngsters who experience problems with reading are likewise elusive to identify, as are the effects of conditions such as Asperger syndrome, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, or mood disorders. Students whose home language and culture are substantially different from school values also present challenges to ensure that programming is culturally sensitive. Effects of programming are often difficult to ascertain. Students whose entering test scores are already at a test’s measurement ceiling are not likely to demonstrate substantial gains. In addition, programming rarely emphasizes the type of convergent, minimum competency thinking present in many states’ achievement assessments. In states using some variant of individualized education programs (IEPs), there might not be a common measure on which to evaluate the success of programming. Some programming models have relied instead on collecting and evaluating student work using rubrics that assess the student’s mastery of an authentic inquiry process or explore the impact of student work in the world outside school. Reva C. Friedman-Nimz see also: Ability Grouping; Advanced Placement Program; Giftedness; Intelligence further reading: R. C. Friedman and K. B. Rogers, Talent in Context: Historical and Social Perspectives on Giftedness, 1998. • R. C. Friedman and B. M. Shore, Talents Unfolding: Cognition and Development, 2000. • J. A. Castellano, Special Populations in Gifted Education: Working with Diverse Gifted Learners, 2003. • A. Robinson, B. M. Shore, and D. L. Enersen, Best Practices in Gifted Education: An Evidence-Based Guide, 2007. • J. A. Plucker and C. M. Callahan, eds., Critical Issues and Practices in Gifted Education: What the Research Says, 2008. • J. VanTassel-Baska, ed., Alternative Assessments with Gifted and Talented Students, Critical Issues in Equity and Excellence Series, 2008.

giftedness. The community of researchers and practitioners devoted to the study of giftedness, gifted children, and gifted education define the term giftedness in two ways that are not always complementary. For purposes of explication, the two definitions are presented in their most extreme versions. One definition (the special education definition) views giftedness as an innate quality, expressed in the form of global academic and intellectual ability. Those who hold this perspective are concerned that without intervention, gifted children can become victims of social ostracism and academic boredom. Further, according to this view, without programs and support, giftedness will not wither but can become a burden to gifted children and, by way of the children, to those around them. The policy and educational implications of the special education framework are that, whether gifted children perform well in school or find academic or intellectual activities interesting, they need ad-

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vanced and broad curricular services and programs with similarly high-ability peers to keep them challenged. A contrasting definition (the talent-development definition), once again in the extreme, views giftedness as outstanding performance or eminence resulting from individual effort and a supportive family, teacher, or community. This perspective, increasingly influential in recent years, recognizes that, over time, giftedness is not expressed globally but rather in specific domains such as mathematics, dance, or politics. Those who hold this perspective are concerned with gifted children getting appropriate teachers, opportunities for performance and publication of ideas, and psychological strength training to deal with stress and competition. According to this view, without motivation and effort on the part of the individual, giftedness disappears. The policy and educational implications for the talentdevelopment definition of giftedness include developing domain-specific talents, when they appear, by way of special teachers and out-of-school programs, even to the point of sacrificing some degree of broad liberal arts education. Although these definitions seem contradictory—one is focused on innate general abilities and the other on specific and developed abilities—both sets of children need to be served, and experts in the field of giftedness are seeking a middle ground based on evidence and best practice. Most scholars concur that abilities associated with giftedness are derived from interaction between genetic and environmental contributions and that abilities are one of many components involved in fulfilling potential. Genetic variables affect performance domains most where physical aspects contribute to success, such as long legs in dance and track or long fingers in music performance. Less clear are genetic contributions to giftedness in teaching or other professions. What is often forgotten is that temperaments play a major role in fulfilling potential. For example, those with extroverted personalities are advantaged in domains that require a great deal of public interaction with others, such as politics, teaching, or the ministry. Although temperaments are considered innate by many psychologists, other important psychosocial variables associated with talent development, such as resilience and self-confidence, have been shown to be enhanced by interventions. P ro d igi e s The most important work on the topic of prodigies was conducted by David Henry Feldman and Lynn T. Goldsmith in the mid-1980s. They defined prodigious behavior as that conducted by a 10-year-old or younger performing at adult levels in specific domains. One of the most important concepts to emerge out of the work conducted by Feldman and Goldsmith is that different domains and subdomains have unique trajectories of initiation and fulfillment. Mathematics and music are two domains where prodigies are more likely to appear. Within domains, there are even

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subdomains that are especially inviting to prodigies. For example, in the domain of mathematics, number theory can be a welcome home for creativity by prodigies because it does not require mastery of calculus or other advanced topics to tackle exciting unsolved problems. Another example is reflected in the varying age of applicants to music conservatories based on their instruments. Serious string performance tends to start in early childhood. Thus, most applicants to conservatory programs in violin come with at least 10 years of experience. In contrast, applicants to vocal programs at conservatories tend to apply as adolescents when their “instrument” is more fully developed. According to Feldman and Goldsmith’s definition of prodigies, one can more easily be a prodigy in violin than in voice. Very few prodigies maintain their level of exceptionality into adulthood. This happens for several reasons. Jeanne Bamberger’s studies explored the self-consciousness that individuals who have been prodigies as children experience during adolescence. What seemed like effortless performance in childhood now requires harder work and new insights to make up for the loss of “cuteness” or uniqueness as a prodigy. Further, many prodigies are not willing to give up a “normal” adolescent life in the name of exceptionality, lose joy in performing, or lose confidence as they encounter other young people who are extremely gifted in their field who may or may not have been prodigies. Con tr i butions of Soc ial and Cultur al Con te xts When individuals’ environments are supportive, developing talent is daunting but less formidable than otherwise. For example, if a young person longs to play piano and his parents value this desire and can afford to purchase one for him and provide transportation to lessons, this potential talent can be developed. In contrast, children in neighborhoods of low socioeconomic status are likely to attend schools with few resources and inexperienced and undereducated teachers. They are also unlikely to have access to high-quality after-school programs. Consequently, they are handicapped when competing with graduates from more affluent schools and neighborhoods. Although it is more difficult to buck cultural, social, or economic challenges, it is not impossible. When adversity is high, more personal strength—manifested in resilience, persistence, and self-promotion—is required in order to get the teachers, resources, and time one needs to develop talents. Overcoming adversity has, in fact, served historically as an inspiration to escape difficult circumstances through excellence in scholarship or performance. Every society values different gifts and talents and rewards them with recognition and status. American society values athletic giftedness and highly articulate and persuasive professionals. South Korea is currently investing great resources in adolescent talent in science. Although

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the United States is concerned about competitiveness in science and technology, it has not yet devoted significant funding to the development of giftedness in the precollegiate years, leaving states responsible for such support. The result of federal inattention is inconsistent programming opportunities for talented students in science and mathematics across the country. During the heyday of the Soviet Union, boutique schools were established to train and develop outstanding dancers, mathematicians, circus artists, musicians, and scientists to serve the people. Many of these schools employed the top instructors, were highly selective in terms of students, and taught highly specialized curricula. Since the demise of the Soviet Union, many of these schools are in disarray or were disbanded. Concurrently, Western countries have become more inclusive in their efforts to prepare young people for university. In the process, programs with selective admission have diminished in public schools. A D e v elo pm en ta l P er s p ec t i v e From retrospective studies of high achievers in academic, artistic, and athletic fields, as well as from best practice in well-established and funded performance areas, it is clear that parents and teachers play important and varied roles at different points in the trajectory of giftedness development. The first stage involves transforming abilities into competencies as parents and teachers expose children to a wide array of interesting and exciting topics and experiences. Some of these activities will be easy and fun for children and they will seek out more challenges. Once they master available challenges, talented children will seek new skills and knowledge and will need support and encouragement as they struggle with occasional or even regular setbacks. A second developmental stage for the talented youngster involves transitioning from competency to expertise, which includes identifying themselves as young mathematicians, skaters, or painters and spending increasing amounts of time with special teachers who can help identify their strengths and weaknesses. The third stage takes gifted individuals beyond expertise into the realm where they might make a contribution to their field. This happens at different ages for different domains, but during this period of the talent-development trajectory, psychosocial skills play a greater role as gifted individuals attempt to persuade others to engage with their creative performances or new ideas. Rena F. Subotnik see also: Artistic Development; Creativity; Gifted and Talented, Education of Children Identified as; Intelligence; Musical Development further reading: Ellen Winner, Gifted Children: Myths and Realities, 1996. • Robert J. Sternberg and Janet Davidson, eds., Conceptions of Giftedness, 2nd ed., 2005. • Frances D. Horowitz, Rena F. Subotnik, and Dona J. Matthews, eds., The Development of Giftedness and Talent across the Lifespan, 2009.

global developmental delay. see Intellectual Disability

goldstein, joseph (b. May 7, 1923; d. March 12, 2000), leading legal scholar on child custody and psychoanalysis. A professor at Yale Law School from 1956 to 1993, Joseph Goldstein is best known for his seminal work as coauthor of a trilogy of books on child custody. Publication of the trilogy began in 1973 with Beyond the Best Interests of the Child, continued in 1979 with Before the Best Interests of the Child, and ended in 1986 with In the Best Interests of the Child. Seldom has an area of law been so transformed by a body of scholarly work. Many of the ideas set out in the books have become fundamental principles in the law of child custody: the need to consider and respect the child’s sense of time, the importance of a constant psychological attachment with a caregiver, and the knowledge that any attempt to solve family confl icts affecting children amount in reality to a choice of the “least detrimental alternative.” The trilogy’s momentous impact on child custody law is best illustrated by its wide international renown. Courts and legislators in the United States, Germany, the United Kingdom, and the Netherlands continue to be guided by its leading ideas. Goldstein worked with Anna Freud, director of the Hampstead Child-Therapy Clinic, and Albert J. Solnit, director of the Child Study Center at Yale University, in planning and writing the books. The series of books was, in Freud’s words, their “common child.” Sonja Goldstein, Joseph’s wife, coauthored the trilogy’s third volume and the compendium. But the acknowledged driving force throughout was Goldstein himself. He instigated the common effort and later defended and promoted both nationally and internationally the trilogy’s central ideas. Goldstein’s main interest, reflected in his psychoanalytic training, was in developing a genuine interdisciplinary approach to law. This goal already characterized his publications on criminal law, but it was family law that best exemplified the obstacles and merits of an interdisciplinary approach. In the first phase of this work, he began a long-lasting collaboration with the Yale psychiatrist and psychoanalyst Jay Katz, during which they explored the intersection of law and psychoanalysis. Together they published in 1965 a casebook, Family and the Law, and a year later Psychoanalysis, Psychiatry and Law, coauthored with Alan Dershowitz. The second phase began in 1969 when Goldstein, Freud, and Solnit came together at Yale Law School to develop common concepts and guidelines for legal decision making concerning children. The success of their first book intensified their work together. At the invitation of Goldstein, Freud had been a visiting professor at Yale Law School starting in the late 1960s. By 1977, Goldstein, Sonja Goldstein, and Solnit participated in weekly seminars with

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child psychiatrists, pediatricians, psychologists, and social workers in the Child Placement Conflicts Seminar at the Yale Child Study Center. Goldstein believed that interdisciplinary discourse presupposes a common competence flowing from a shared critical analysis of knowledge across different disciplines. For Goldstein, this discourse was not merely a passive exchange of information but a dynamic point of departure for developing a new interdisciplinary perspective. Spiros Simitis see also: Abuse and Neglect; Best Interests of the Child; Custody; Freud, Anna; Rights, Parental; Solnit, Albert J(ay)

goode, william j(osiah) (b. August 30, 1917; d. May 4, 2003), American sociologist. As a scholar with wide-ranging substantive interests, William J. Goode focused on basic issues in sociological theory in his writings, including the production and distribution of social prestige, social exchange, and social role strain; most relevant to this volume are his comparative analyses of parent-child and male-female relationships, courtship and marriage patterns, and both the social predictors and social consequences of divorce. Goode is most remembered for his groundbreaking studies of continuity and change in family arrangements, examined across continents and over time. In World Revolution and Family Patterns (1963), Goode analyzed worldwide changes in family arrangements between 1860 and 1960. In addition to documenting the enormous diversity of family practices, this work articulated several arguments. First, when economic changes provide new opportunities that are not directly under the control of elder family members, the authority of those elders over younger family members declines. Second, when individuals can support themselves through wages, they become less dependent on, and less enmeshed in a web of reciprocal rights and obligations with, kin. Finally, women’s access to paid employment similarly diminishes men’s control over women and changes power relationships within families. As industrialization continued, Goode predicted that relationships between husbands and wives would become more central and the power of the extended family would decline. Goode’s formulation did not fully anticipate the social turmoil of the 1960s or the steep increase in rates of divorce, the increasing diversity and fluidity of family households, and the increasing postponement of marriage and remarriage that characterized subsequent decades. Although some scholars view these changes as evidence against Goode’s prediction, others see in them signs of rising expectations regarding the emotional quality of marriages and the results of both partners making choices relatively unconstrained by either the preferences of their elders or the value accorded to maintaining children’s ties to both paternal and maternal lineages.

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Thirty years after World Revolution, Goode examined divorce patterns from 1950 to 1990 within and between nations. In World Changes in Divorce Patterns (1993), he concluded that most developed nations had moved to a pattern of high rates of marital disruption that was not likely to change, a pattern that contributed to significant downward economic mobility disproportionately affecting ex-wives and the children of disrupted unions. Goode argued that nations must institutionalize divorce by developing more consistent and predictable strategies for dividing spousal property, including the enhanced earning capacity of the primary wage earner within marriage, more equitably. In calling attention to the needs of children of divorce, Goode did not foresee the increasing proportions of children born outside of legal unions, whose claims on their parents, particularly when their informal unions end, are fragile and unevenly enforced. But his arguments for greater equity for ex-wives and the children of divorce readily extend to greater institutionalization of nonmarital disruptions as well. Goode’s major contributions to contemporary scholarly understanding of children and children’s lives lie in his analyses of the social conditions shaping the quality and stability of relations between their parents. Moving beyond analysis, Good also articulated the claims of children, especially when their parents are no longer partners. Elizabeth G. Menaghan see also: Family; Separation and Divorce further reading: Stephanie Coontz, Marriage, a History: From Obedience to Intimacy, or How Love Conquered Marriage, 2005. • Arland Thornton, Reading History Sideways: The Fallacy and the Enduring Impact of the Developmental Paradigm on Family Life, 2005.

grades and grading. Grading is the process of rating the quality of student performance. As such, it is one part of a tripartite assessment system that entails gathering information about student learning, interpreting such information, and reporting it to students, parents, and others. In the United States, the practice of grading goes back at least as far as the late 1800s. Whereas narrative reports were common early on, they soon gave way to the more time-efficient percentage grading approach, particularly beyond the elementary school level. Since the 1920s, the United States has seen many other practices, such as grading on the curve (grading students relative to one another to produce a bell curve distribution of grades), assigning a pass/fail or credit/no credit grade, and grading on the basis of a rubric (a qualitative scale, usually of three to seven steps, with the criteria for each step described). Grades can be norm referenced (students graded in relation to one another), criterion referenced (students graded vis-à-vis standards), or self-referenced (students graded relative to their own progress). The three principal purposes of grading are to provide feedback to students, parents, and communities

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about students’ academic achievement; to motivate students to do well academically; and to sort students for different educational paths and opportunities. Conc er ns ab ou t Gr adi ng Tensions and problems associated with serving the three principal purposes of grading abound and are not easily resolved. As feedback, a single symbol does not readily capture complex human development. By the early 1900s, research revealed that grades given to the same examination papers by different teachers could differ considerably. By 1930, rating scales with broader categories (such as A, B, C, D, F; Excellent, Average, Poor) were embraced as having greater potential for reliability than percentage grading. As motivation, grades work best for high-achieving students and less well for low-achieving students. Moreover, research suggests that they motivate a focus on performing and competing rather than on learning and cooperating. Some students remove themselves from the competition by self-handicapping or making excuses for failing to compete. Minority students often respond better to a focus on learning by cooperating and so may be more negatively affected by competitive grading. As a means of sorting, grades are not highly reliable for comparing students’ achievement. What may be deemed excellence in one classroom may be judged unacceptable in another. Fine distinctions in grade point averages (GPAs) may be meaningless yet have important consequences for students. High school grades are moderate predictors of college grades, but they are less predictive for minority students. In fact, high school GPA tends to predict better college performance than actually achieved by African American and Latino students whose preferred language is English, but GPA predicts worse than actual college performance of Latino students whose preferred language is Spanish. Teacher practices such as failing to account for variation in the difficulty of tests can also jeopardize the reliability of grades. On a more difficult test, students’ average score may be 71, a low C. On another, it may be 89, a high B; yet ideally, the distribution of scores on all tests should be equal. One way of dealing with this matter is to normalize scores, a simple statistical procedure any teacher can implement to make scores on one test comparable to scores on another test. Unlike grading on the curve, normalization of scores need not produce a so-called normal distribution (bell curve). It is used to compensate for variations in test difficulty, not rank students relative to one another. Most assessment experts agree that a grade should represent academic achievement. However, teachers frequently engage in “hodgepodge grading,” factoring in not only achievement data but also effort, attitude, progress, conduct, and the like. This practice reflects the dual role that teachers play as advocates for student success and as judges

of student performance. It simply does not seem fair to them to judge students strictly on academic achievement. However, since hodgepodge grading can dilute the meaning of grades, teachers may want to report separately ratings of effort and other nonacademic behaviors. Gr adi ng and Spec i al Po pul ations The grading of students learning in a language that is not their first presents a particular challenge because of the difficulty of assessing academic progress independent of language. Students may be graded down on the basis of their language when they actually have a good grasp of academic content. In such cases, language may be thought of as a source of measurement error. When teachers grade classroom participation, such learners may be penalized. In American classrooms, for instance, researchers have found nonnative English speakers can hesitate to participate in the same ways as their English-speaking classmates because of lack of comfort with English and cultural norms of modesty or deference. In grading special education students or those with specific learning disabilities, teachers are also faced with a dilemma: Should they hold these students to the same standards of performance as they do other students? Some experts recommend grading based on effort and progress, while others favor adhering to academic standards as the sole source of a grade. When a student has an individualized education program (IEP; a specially designed instructional program for children enrolled in U.S. federally supported special education programs), it can be used as a guide for expectations, and either assessments can be tailored to the student or grade ranges can be adjusted so that an A is 77 to 100, for example, for that student. In any case, a school should have a clear grading policy for all students, and specialists and general education teachers should collaborate to implement it for special education students. Gr ade I nfl at io n Grade inflation refers to an increase in the average grades awarded to students not as a result of their improved performance but as a result of the lowering of teachers’ standards. Grade inflation is a concern because it reduces the informational value of a grade. Concerns about grade inflation are largely focused on college and university practices of the past several decades. Some research has pointed to possible grade inflation in high school math and science and for high school students with GPAs higher than 3.5. However, a large study of possible changes in high school mathematics grades between 1982 and 1992 showed no grade inflation. If, indeed, teachers are giving more A’s and B’s than they used to, it could be because education has moved away from an emphasis on sorting to an emphasis on supporting all students to meet established subject matter standards. In

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other words, students are being compared to standards and not to one another, so that a normal curve distribution— with a few getting top marks, a few getting low marks, and the majority receiving middling marks—should not be expected. Educational psychologists such as Lauren Resnick assert that virtually all students can master a high-level curriculum given the right kind of instruction. Thus, one might well expect the average grade to be a B rather than a C. In fact, when teachers use clear grading criteria in combination with challenging assignments, students exhibit higher achievement. Elise Trumbull see also: Class Size; Homework; Intelligence Testing; School Achievement; School Reform; Testing and Evaluation, Educational further reading: Thomas R. Guskey, How’s My Kid Doing? A Parent’s Guide to Grades, Marks, and Report Cards, 2002. • Ken O’Connor, How to Grade for Learning, 2002. • Susan M. Brookhart, Grading, 2004. • Thomas R. Guskey and Jane M. Bailey, Developing Grading and Reporting Systems for Student Learning, 2004.

grandparents. Since the beginning of the 20th century, there has been a dramatic increase in the proportion of children who have living grandparents. According to U.S. data, in 1900, only about 6% of 10-year-olds had all four grandparents living. By the end of the 20th century, the figure was more than 40%. Recent studies suggest that by the late teens, 90% of young people in the United States still have at least one grandparent. Reduced adult mortality makes it necessary to view grandparenthood in the context of several interdependent generations. Many contributions from grandparents to young grandchildren are indirect, through the middle generation. Examples include financial support, practical help, and encouragement. Contrary to popular opinion, geographic mobility in the United States did not increase over the 20th century. Thus, there is no evidence that the average geographic distance between grandparents and grandchildren is greater today than in the past. Studies, however, continue to find that children tend to have greater contact and closer relationships with grandparents who live nearby. Images of contemporary American grandparents often seem contradictory. Some social scientists describe them as redundant in well-functioning families. Others agree with the cover story of a news magazine that called grandparents “the child savers.” Both accounts reflect realities of modern grandparenthood. In many segments of society, especially the white middle class, grandparents keep a low profile. When family life is on an even keel, it may be difficult for observers to describe what they actually do. This could be one reason why U.S. research and media have focused disproportionate attention on children who are raised by grandparents. The proportion of all children living in a grandparent’s house increased from 3.7% in 1980 to 4.9% in 1990 and reached 5.6% by 1998 as an increased proportion

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of children came to be born to unmarried mothers and as divorce increased; also, AIDS spread, more young parents abused drugs, and more mothers were imprisoned. In many parts of Africa, especially, grandmothers have indeed become child savers as they have assumed total responsibility for the many grandchildren orphaned by AIDS. There are several reasons why the significance of grandchildren living with grandparents should not be exaggerated. First, among children who are in a grandparent’s home, about two-thirds also have a parent in the house. Thus, less than 2% of all children are living in a skippedgeneration family (grandparent and grandchild but no parent). Second, the upward trend has not continued, and in 2006 fewer U.S. children were living in a grandparent’s home than in 1998. Compared to children in other family types, those who are living in a grandparent’s home are more often poor and without health insurance. However, figures on children living with grandparents also show significant racial differences that point beyond socioeconomic conditions. The 2003 census confirms that living in a grandparent’s house is much more common among black (9.2%) and Hispanic (6.1%) than among non-Hispanic white children (3.8%). There are strong indications that these contrasts reflect cultural differences. Extended family households are much more common among U.S. blacks than among whites. Andrew J. Cherlin reports that across income levels, blacks are twice as likely as whites to live with kin. Perceptions of grandparent roles also vary by cultural background. Research shows quite varied conceptions of what grandparents should do. Indeed, in some segments of the U.S. population, the clearest rule states what not to do: Grandparents should not interfere with how grandchildren are reared. However, this norm is less accepted by most large American minority groups than by the non-Hispanic white majority. Black grandparents more often assume a parentlike role, including disciplining grandchildren. Compared to whites, Asian American families are also more likely to reject the noninterference norm, and Mexican American grandparents tend to accept an active role in child rearing. Nevertheless, researchers have not found racial or ethnic differences in reported emotional closeness between children and their grandparents. Here, the clearest differences are related to gender. There is no conclusive evidence that granddaughters and grandsons have different ties to grandparents, but there is consensus, across studies in North America and Europe, that grandmothers are more involved than grandfathers and that in this set of cultures the maternal line has stronger ties than those found in the paternal line. Consequently, the grandparent who emerges as most involved and emotionally close to grandchildren is the maternal grandmother. A number of reasons have been given for this trend: the strength of the mother-daughter tie, the increase in single mothers due to nonmarital childbearing and divorce, and

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the fact that the maternal grandmother typically is the youngest grandparent. Research from both North America and Europe shows that grandmothers may be “mother savers.” Many working mothers rely on their own mothers for help with care for preschool children. Extensive and regular care by grandmothers is most often found in contexts where affordable and reliable child care is not accessible. In the United States, this means that such care is most common among young, low-income mothers. Mediterranean countries—for example, Spain—have limited formal child care. Here, grandmothers provide extensive care to support their daughters’ employment. However, also in Nordic countries, where public child care is widely available, grandparents are important supportive players in case of illness or irregular work hours. Across urbanized societies, this function may become increasingly important for parents working in what Harriet Presser has called “the 24/7 economy.” It is also worth noting that several studies have described how U.S. grandparents are more involved in help with homework when grandchildren are in academic trouble than when they are doing well. Overall, it appears that grandparents serve important backup functions, ready to mobilize when they are needed. Divorce shows how the middle generation mediates the relationship between grandparents and grandchildren. Since mothers typically have custody, paternal grandparents have trouble maintaining ties to grandchildren. Grandparental divorce seems to be even more disruptive than is the case for divorce in the middle generation. Again, paternal grandparents, especially grandfathers, become most distant. However, data from Norway do not show the clear disadvantage for the paternal line following divorce. This may be due to the fact that recent cohorts of Norwegian fathers have actively participated in daily parenting. These findings suggest that as more fathers become involved parents, paternal grandparents may become more central in the lives of children, before and even after divorce. In this article, as in most research on children and grandparents, the focus has been on what grandparents provide. Little research has asked what grandchildren give. Recent interviews with Norwegian 10- to 12-year-olds show that nearly all of them acknowledged learning from their grandparents: practical skills, knowledge of history. However, a majority of the children also said that the grandparents had learned from them. Most commonly mentioned was the use of the Internet and cell phones. Many spoke with great pride about instructing their grandparents and seemed to have learned through teaching. When their parents, members of the middle generation, were asked if the children had taught the grandparents anything, most said no. Half a century ago, the anthropologist Dorian Apple suggested that grandparents and grandchildren may more easily form alliances than is the case for parents and children. In a cur-

rent report on children in aging societies, two Italian researchers present a similar argument. Such claims require more systematic attention, but one thing is already clear: Discussing grandparents in intergenerational links requires awareness of whose perspective is being reported. Gunhild O. Hagestad and Peter R. Uhlenberg see also: Family; Foster and Kinship Care; Kinship and Child Rearing; Parenthood further reading: Andrew J. Cherlin and Frank F. Furstenberg, The New American Grandparent: A Place in the Family, a Life Apart, 1992. • Maximiliane E. Szinovacz, ed., Handbook on Grandparenthood, 1998. • Peter Uhlenberg, “Historical Forces Shaping Grandparent-Grandchild Relationships: Demography and Beyond,” in Merril Silverstein and K. Warner Schaie, eds., Annual Review of Gerontology and Geriatrics, 2005, pp. 77–97. • Gunhild O. Hagestad, “Transfers between Grandparents and Grandchildren: The Importance of Taking a Three-Generation Perspective,” Zeitschrift für Familienforschung 18, no.3 (2006), pp. 319–32.

graphic novels. see Comic Books grief. see Death, Children’s Experience of growth hormones. see Physical Growth and Development

guardianship. Under U.S. law, parents are the natural guardians of their minor children and are responsible for their care, custody, education, health, and support. When parents cannot fulfill this role, another adult can be appointed as a guardian. Usually a guardian is needed when parents are unavailable because of death, incapacity, prolonged absence, unfitness, or termination of parental rights. When parents are able, they are responsible for their children’s financial support and typically retain authority to consent to significant decisions, such as whether their children can be adopted. A guardian has a fiduciary relationship with the child (also called a ward) and has a variety of responsibilities. Generally a guardian of the person has a parent’s responsibilities for the child. Like a parent, the guardian is in charge of the child’s care, custody, education, and health. Unlike a parent, however, the guardian is not responsible for financial support of the child. The role of guardian of the person is distinct from the role of guardian of the estate. The guardian of the estate, now more often called a conservator, is to manage the child’s finances when the child has income or property. The same person may serve both roles. Because the reporting requirements for court-appointed or approved guardians of the estate can be burdensome, trusts and gifts under the Uniform Transfers to Minors Act are preferred for property management. Parental testamentary trusts, for example, can provide instructions more tailored to the children’s needs and the parents’ wishes.

gu a r d ia n s h ip

Capable parents generally may choose a guardian, although court approval of the guardian, using a best interests of the child standard, may be required. Parents may need a guardian for their child if they are unable to care for the child, perhaps because of military service abroad, incarceration, or other impediment to care. Parents also may make a testamentary appointment of a guardian. Generally upon the death of one parent, the other parent continues as the natural guardian with full parental rights and responsibilities, even if the deceased parent’s will specified another guardian. In the event of the death of both parents, however, the parents’ designation of a guardian typically would be followed by a court. Where guardianship is needed because of parental unfitness, the parent generally would not have authority to terminate the guardianship. The AIDS epidemic in the 1980s made clear the need for a new form of guardianship procedure. Standby guardianship statutes were enacted to assist seriously ill single parents who were likely to become incapacitated and die. The standby guardian procedures were designed to allow parents to designate a guardian but also to care for their children as long as possible. The guardian becomes active when the designated triggering event, typically severe disability or death, occurs. Prior to the triggering event, however, the parent retains full parental rights, including the authority to revoke the standby guardianship. Generally, although the guardianship becomes effective immediately upon the occurrence of the triggering event, court approval of the guardian is required within a relatively short time period. Another social issue that has resulted in a change in guardianship laws is foster care. A disproportionate number of minority children are in foster care, particularly Native American and African American children. This has resulted in proposals for subsidized guardianships. In part because the Indian Child Welfare Act provides special rules related to Native American children that are designed to keep children within their extended family and tribe, the subsidized guardianship proposals have emphasized the potential benefit to African American children. Because

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the use of extended family to care for children is prevalent in African American communities, these guardianships are seen as a means for keeping children with kin on a permanent basis. Although many African American children live in kinship care, foster care is usually a temporary solution, with adoption or return home as the preferred options. For children in kinship care, the foster parents may not want to adopt because they do not want to terminate the parental rights of the biological parent, their relative. A grandmother, for example, might be prepared to make a permanent commitment, but she would still want her role to be that of grandmother rather than mother. Subsidized guardianship can provide an appropriate legal structure to meet this need when children cannot return home. A subsidy is needed when the relative caretaker does not have the financial resources to provide for all the child’s needs. American guardianship law has its origins in English law, which in turn was heavily influenced by canon and Roman law. Protection of a minor’s property was the primary concern of early guardianship law. Roman guardianship law also was important in the development of guardianship structures in civil law countries. Roman law, for example, distinguished between tutela and cura. The tutor protected both the child’s person and property. The curator, however, who was appointed for older children, was concerned with the minor’s property and litigation. This distinction between management of the person and of property continues today. Under Louisiana law, which is based in civil rather than common law, a guardianship is called a tutorship. Sarah H. Ramsey see also: Custody; Foster and Kinship Care; Kinship and Child Rearing further reading: R. H. Helmholz, “The Roman Law of Guardianship in England, 1300–1600,” Tulane Law Review 52 (1978), pp. 223–57.

guilt. see Shame and Guilt guns. see Firearms

h hair. see Body Image and Modification hall, g(ranville) stanley (b. February 1, 1844; d. April 24, 1924), American psychologist and educator. Between 1891 and 1911, G. Stanley Hall led the American child study movement as professor and president of Clark University in Worchester, Massachusetts. Taking a national role, he secured his place as a progressive educator who changed the nature of modern schooling for children. His theory of natural education, articulated in 1904 in his thendefinitive two-volume Adolescence: Its Psychology and Its Relations to Physiology, Anthropology, Sociology, Sex, Crime, Religion, and Education, first identified adolescence as a developmental concept and argued that the individual child and his or her developmental needs should determine the content of classroom instruction. His studies on childhood complemented later ones on midlife, senescence (the aging process), and senectitude (the final stage of life), thus offering one of the first complete stage theories of human development. As an academic leader, Hall held major appointments, published approximately 400 books and articles, created leading research journals in psychology and education, and spoke extensively at national and local conferences. In these activities, he helped create the discipline of psychology and the field of education, particularly their degreerelated study as well as the related areas of educational psychology, genetic psychology, and intelligence testing. Hall was a 19th-century intellectual whose academic career spanned divinity, philosophy, psychology, and education. He taught at Amherst College, Harvard University, and Johns Hopkins University before becoming president and professor of psychology and education at Clark University (1888–1920). While at Hopkins, he created one of the first experimental psychological laboratories at a research university in the United States. Hall sought to understand children through detailed empirical observations of children’s behaviors. This scientific approach had its basis in his earlier studies at the University of Leipzig under Wilhelm Wundt. Adopting a method then used at the Berlin Pedagogical Verein (association), he asked Boston schoolteachers to complete questionnaires on children’s ideas, language, and behaviors. In 1883, his “The Content of Children’s Minds” and “The Study of Children” described children’s knowledge of the world and their igno-

rance about it. Hall assumed the leadership of the American child study movement in 1891 when he held an impromptu session on “The Study of Children” at the National Education Association at which 150 educators attended. Three years later, Hall was elected president of the NEA’s Child Study Department. His work to critically study the behaviors of children, especially in the classroom, began the first psychological studies of their learning activities. In that same year, he launched the first educational research journal, the Pedagogical Seminary: An International Record of Educational Literature, Institutions, and Progress, dedicated to psychological and empirical studies on children, setting the pattern for all others. He held the first and second child welfare conferences at Clark University in 1909 and 1910, which attempted to unite child study and welfare concerns. This pattern of research, publication, and advocacy through practitioner conferences revealed Hall’s genius for implementing modern progressive reform. Hall’s study of children and his understanding of their evolutionary psychology relied heavily on Darwinian and Spencerian theories of evolutionary biology as key concepts in understanding human development. He also adopted Ernst Haeckel’s recapitulation theory, according to which the human race’s inherited past stages are played out through the individual’s growth. These conceptualizations influenced his educational ideas related to furthering intelligence, differentiating high school education for boys versus girls, freeing the understanding of sexuality from Victorian conventionality, and uplift ing the religious vitality of adolescent development. Hall stressed the importance of hygiene, play, and physical education generally and in school for the healthy development of the child. In 1911, Hall’s massive two-volume Educational Problems secured his role as a progressive evolutionary educational reformer who advocated the “new education” in schools. By the second decade of the 20th century, his influence began to wane, as critics challenged the scientific basis of some of his claims. Nevertheless, Hall’s new “natural education” reshaped the nature of schooling and the graduate study of education by adopting psychology as a fundamental theory for education. His legacy includes the very creation of the multidisciplinary field of education. Lester F. Goodchild see also: Evolution of Childhood, Biological

h a r l o w , h a r r y f ( r e d e r ic k ) further reading: Dorothy Ross, G. Stanley Hall: The Psychologist as Prophet, 1972. • Ellen C. Lagermann, An Elusive Science: The Troubling History of Educational Research, 2000. • Herbert M. Kliebard, The Struggle for the American Curriculum, 1893–1958, 3rd ed., 2004.

handedness. The significance of handedness lies in its association with brain lateralization, the pattern of one-half of the brain as responsible for different functions from those of the other side. In particular, the left half of the brain, or left cerebral hemisphere, controls speech production in the majority of right-handed people. Among left-handers, this asymmetry is less marked; approximately two-thirds of lefthanders speak with left cerebral hemisphere dominance, while in the remaining 30% speech and language functions are undertaken either by the right hemisphere or by both hemispheres. Some studies have found a relationship between the relative propensity of young children to use one hand, in reaching for an object or shaking a rattle, for example, and certain aspects of language development, such as the onset of babbling or production of the first words. When both parents are right-handed, the proportion of their offspring who turn out left-handed is relatively small, less than 10%. Two left-handed parents produce a greater proportion of left-handed children than two right-handed parents, but this never rises above 50%. Together with other findings, these figures imply that, in some people, handedness develops from processes other than genetic ones. In the remainder of the population, some additional factor, almost certainly genetic, biases the overall distribution toward right-handedness. Twins are slightly more likely to be left-handed than singletons overall, but even identical twins may each show a preference for opposite hands. Some observers have postulated a relationship between the part of the baby’s head presenting at birth and later handedness, but the link is weak at best. Some aspects of handedness can be observed as already developed in neonates. Another suggestion is that fetal hormones (especially the male sex hormone testosterone) have some effect on cerebral lateralization and handedness. This would be consistent with the fact that males are slightly more often left-handed than females. In one well-known study using ultrasound, it was found that fetuses who sucked their right thumbs in the womb turned out to be right-handers, while of those who sucked their left thumbs most became lefthanders. This suggests a very early determination of this aspect of brain development. There is an increased incidence of left-handedness among premature babies of very low birth weight. During the first two years of life, children may reach for a toy with one or the other hand interchangeably and often show some inconsistency in hand usage for different tasks. However, even before 12 months of age, about one-third of children show a reliable tendency to use the right hand in reaching for and grasping toys. Whereas young children

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may use their hands interchangeably for a given task, as they grow older the tendency to use a given hand for a particular activity becomes more consistent. The number of tasks consistently performed by the right hand increases up to the age of about 3 to 5 years, but certain tasks continue to be performed by the opposite hand. Indeed, approximately one-third of adults are partially mixed-handed. Left- and mixed-handedness form part of a normal continuum of human hand preference. It has occasionally been implied that handedness is in some way related to vision, but blind children show the same proportion of right-hand preference as sighted children. However, deaf children as a group appear to show slightly reduced right-handedness. It may be that the same factor or factors that produce sensorineural deafness also influence the expression of handedness as another brain function. It used to be thought that forcing left-handed children to write with the right hand interfered with the establishment of a “dominant” cerebral hemisphere and thereby caused stuttering. This is not true. Similarly, it was at one time believed that crossed eye-hand laterality was especially frequent among dyslexic children. However, crossed laterality is common among the general population of children and is of no significance by itself. More children with learning disabilities are left-handed than would be expected by chance, yet the majority are right-handers, and the majority of lefthanders do not have learning disabilities. There is nothing sinister, per se, in a child being left- or mixed-handed, even though the relative frequency of non-right-handedness is slightly elevated in some populations with a variety of developmental conditions. There is some variation in extent of left- and righthandedness across the world. The frequency of lefthandedness is lower in India, Japan, and parts of Africa than in North America or Europe, but nowhere are there more left- than right-handers. Cultural beliefs are probably responsible for differences in relative frequency, although there may also be some variation in the genetic contribution. Alan A. Beaton see also: Motor Development; Neurological and Brain Development further reading: M. Annett, Handedness and Brain Asymmetry: The Right Shift Theory, 2002. • I. C. McManus, Right Hand, Left Hand: The Origins of Asymmetry in Brains, Bodies, Atoms and Cultures, 2002. • A. A. Beaton, “The Determinants of Handedness,” in K. Hugdahl and R. J. Davidson, eds., The Asymmetrical Brain, 2003, pp. 105–58.

harlow, harry f(rederick) (b. October 31, 1905; d. December 6, 1981), psychologist and scholar of nonhuman primates. Thumb through the pages of any introductory psychology textbook published since the mid–20th century, and

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you will likely find a photograph of a rhesus monkey infant clinging to a cloth-covered dummy adjacent to another dummy with a wire surface and a protruding milk-filled bottle. Along with the photo will be a description of Harry Harlow’s classic “surrogate mother” experiments in the late 1950s, in which he and his wife, developmental psychologist Margaret K. Harlow, dramatically demonstrated that “contact comfort” was more important than feeding in establishing a monkey infant’s bond to its mother. These findings directly challenged long-standing behavioral and psychoanalytic theories regarding infant socialization, and they paved the way for dramatic changes in how researchers, practitioners, and policy makers alike have viewed human parenting practices in the years since then. But Harlow’s contributions to and influences on both psychology and a wide range of other disciplines went far beyond his legacy as the “father of the surrogate mother.” Harry Harlow was born and raised in Fairfield, Iowa, and then went to Stanford University, earning his BA and PhD in psychology in 1927 and 1930, respectively. He then joined the faculty of the Department of Psychology at the University of Wisconsin in Madison, where he remained until his retirement in 1974. During this time, Harlow became one of the most influential psychologists of the 20th century. In addition to his pioneering studies of the development of the mother-infant attachment bond in monkeys, he made many other seminal research advances. In the late 1930s, he created the Wisconsin General Test Apparatus (WGTA), which provided a standardized procedure for testing the cognitive capabilities of nonhuman primates that continues to be used to this day. During the 1940s and 1950s, he developed lesioning techniques to map brain areas associated with specific cognitive functions. In 1949, he described the formation of “learning sets” in rhesus monkeys, the first clear-cut demonstration of the capacity for abstract learning in nonhuman primates, and he subsequently traced the development of these and other cognitive capabilities throughout ontogeny, or the course of development. In the 1960s and early 1970s, Harlow characterized the varied social relationships that monkey infants develop with mothers, peers, and others, and he dramatically demonstrated the long-term effects of different early social experiences, eventually developing procedures to reverse the profound social deficits associated with early isolation rearing. Harlow was a colorful character who enjoyed challenging existing theoretical dogma. He was a gifted public speaker who for years was one of the most sought-after scientific lecturers in the country. He was the recipient of many national and international awards and honors, most notably the National Medal of Science in 1967. Harlow’s numerous groundbreaking discoveries over a lifetime of research with monkeys not only have largely stood the test of time and scientific debate but also continue to influence contempo-

rary researchers, theorists, and clinicians working in fields ranging from anthropology to zoology. Stephen J. Suomi and Helen A. LeRoy see also: Attachment, Infant; Attachment Disturbances and Disorders

head start. Head Start is a comprehensive early intervention program for young children and their families who live in poverty. It is the largest and oldest federal program established specifically to enhance the school readiness of this population. Head Start’s size, longevity, and programmatic flexibility have made it a national laboratory for the design, study, and refinement of effective intervention methods. Head Start was conceived as part of President Lyndon Johnson’s War on Poverty, a major campaign to enable poor citizens to improve their economic and political wellbeing through self-help and educational opportunities. While most of the war efforts targeted poor adults, Head Start was envisioned as a program to help poor preschoolers begin school on an equal footing with children from wealthier homes. However, with the exception of a few experimental projects, there was little experience or research evidence to suggest how best to meet their needs. The head of the Office of Economic Opportunity, R. Sargent Shriver, convened a panel of experts in physical and mental health, education, social work, and developmental psychology to design the new program. The group’s professional diversity gave Head Start much more than a strictly educational focus. The committee’s recommendations were based on a “whole child” philosophy that embraced a variety of objectives related to school readiness. Children were to receive inoculations, physical and dental exams, and follow-up treatment if indicated. They would be served hot meals and nutritious snacks, and their parents would be taught to provide healthy diets at home. The preschool education component would be developmentally and culturally appropriate, focusing on language and other academic skills and activities to promote social and emotional development. Parents would have roles in the classrooms as well as in program administration. Family needs would be assessed and support services provided through the program and links to community agencies. Head Start would develop community partnerships to enhance the availability and delivery of human services. The need for this array of services was an educated guess at the time but has since been shown to be critical to the success of early intervention. Head Start opened in summer 1965 with an initial enrollment of more than one-half million children. Today the program is housed in the Office of Head Start in the Administration for Children and Families of the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. In fiscal year 2007, more than 908,000 children attended Head Start in

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some 49,000 classrooms throughout the United States and territories. Enrollment includes almost 59,000 children served in the American Indian–Alaskan Native and Migrant and Seasonal program branches. The majority of enrollees are 3- and 4-year-olds from families with incomes below the federal poverty line. About 12% are children with disabilities. The fiscal year 2007 budget was about $6.8 billion, which allowed the program to serve about 50% to 60% of eligible children (estimates vary). By law, grantees receive 80% of their funding directly from the federal government and the rest from other, usually community, sources. Since its inception, more than 25 million children have attended. Each Head Start center must focus on three major activities: child development services (physical and mental health, nutrition, preschool education), family and community partnerships (including parent involvement and social support services), and program design and management (to improve quality and accountability). Although these components must conform to the national Program Performance Standards that govern quality, centers are encouraged to adapt their services to local needs and resources. For example, some programs (typically in rural areas) offer home-based services, and an increasing number are extending hours or collaborating with local child care providers to accommodate children whose parents work. Thus, as with public schools, Head Start is not a standardized program delivered in an identical way to all participants. Head Start’s early administrators knew that a brief preschool experience would not erase the past and prevent the future effects of growing up in poverty or eliminate the achievement gap between children from low- and middleincome homes. They encouraged the development of dovetailed programs to serve younger as well as older children. One example was the Head Start/Public School Early Childhood Transition project, which continued parent involvement and comprehensive services to preschool graduates through the third grade. Studies of this and similar efforts have shown that extending services into elementary school benefits children’s achievement and adaptation. All Head Start programs are now mandated to undertake transition to school activities, including ways to help parents continue their involvement in the new school setting. Efforts to serve children before the preschool years also began early in Head Start’s history, in response to observations that the deleterious consequences of being raised in poverty were already in evidence in many of the young children entering the program. Since then, imaging studies of the developing brain have proved the importance of the first years of life to later growth and development, and prevention science has shown that preventive efforts are more effective than remedial ones. After several demonstration projects over the years, in 1994 Congress authorized Early Head Start for families and children from birth to 3 years.

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Services begin prenatally and include health care, nutrition, parenting education, and family support services. In fiscal year 2007, there were 650 such programs serving almost 62,000 infants and toddlers. Initial evaluations have shown many developmental benefits to this approach. Early evaluations of preschool Head Start focused almost entirely on improvements in children’s intelligence. This outcome was highlighted both because the project’s goals outlined in the planning document were not very specific and because psychologists in the 1960s were enthralled with the possibility that IQ scores could be raised substantially. The results of such research on Head Start and just about every other early intervention arrived at the same conclusion: IQ scores do increase during preschool (later found due to better motivation and familiarity with the testing situation), but these gains “fade out” after a few years in elementary school. When researchers looked at broader outcomes, they found more lasting benefits. Quality preschool programs raise school achievement, reduce grade repetition and special education placements, and appear to reduce later juvenile delinquency. Other research suggests that Head Start graduates are ready for kindergarten and better able to benefit from later schooling. During the George W. Bush administration, changes were introduced to focus the Head Start program more on cognitive skills and literacy. The training and technical assistance unit, traditionally charged with helping centers meet quality goals, was revamped to provide teacher training for reading and other academic skills. Biannual standardized testing, called the National Reporting System, was imposed on all 4-year-old participants. Researchers criticized this instrument’s validity, its narrow focus on cognition, and the wisdom of subjecting such young children to formal testing procedures. Congress suspended its use in 2007. Head Start, of course, must be accountable for the federal dollars it consumes, but further research is required to inform policy makers about appropriate accountability criteria. Early childhood professionals agree that socialemotional factors are just as important as cognition in achieving school readiness, and better measures of nonacademic outcomes need to be developed. Other pending empirical questions include the value of one versus two years of preschool for disadvantaged populations and the benefits or drawbacks of socioeconomically integrated classrooms. As more states move toward universal preschool, ways to disseminate Head Start’s effective model and the program’s future role in meeting the school readiness needs of underserved populations are issues that need to be addressed. Edward F. Zigler see also: Child Care; Froebel, Friedrich (Wilhelm August); Montessori, Maria; Poverty, Children in; Preschool and Kindergarten further reading: E. Zigler and S. J. Styfco, eds., Head Start and Beyond: A National Plan for Extended Childhood Intervention,

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1993. • E. Zigler and J. Valentine, Project Head Start: A Legacy of the War on Poverty, 2nd ed., 1997. • Office of Head Start, http://www .acf.hhs.gov/programs/ohs/ • National Head Start Association, http://www.nhsa.org

headaches. Headaches are among the most common physical complaints during childhood and adolescence, occurring in 40% of youth by 7 years of age and in 75% by 15 years of age. Before puberty, boys are affected more frequently than girls, with a reversal in that trend after puberty. The cause of a headache can usually be determined during a complete medical evaluation limited to a history and physical examination, including a neurological examination and a brief psychosocial interview. While parents are often concerned that headache represents a serious medical problem, most headaches in children are benign. The rare serious disease associated with headaches can usually be excluded with a comprehensive evaluation. The brain, the meninges (the thin membrane surrounding the outer layers of the brain), and the bony skull are not sensitive to pain. Pain referred to the head can arise from other structures when these are inflamed (e.g., infection) or from a pressure or traction effect (e.g., tumor) on the brain. Anatomical areas within or adjacent to the brain that can cause a headache in the presence of inflammation or pressure include blood vessels and muscles of the scalp and neck. Toxins (e.g., lead and carbon monoxide) and hypertension can also produce a headache. Diseases outside of the brain that frequently are associated with a headache include sinusitis, dental infection, and tonsillitis. C l assi fication of H e adac h e Migraine headaches are the most common cause of headache in children. They affect children of all ages, although they are difficult to diagnose before age 4. Most children with migraine will have a family history of migraine. These headaches tend to be throbbing in nature. Although a migraine headache is typically one sided, some are bilateral, usually over the forehead or at the sides of the skull. Nausea, vomiting, and fatigue frequently accompany this headache. A “classic migraine” has a visual aura (blurred vision, brightly colored lights or moving spots) that may precede the headache. Young children may experience recurrent vomiting or recurrent abdominal pain without headache as an early manifestation of migraine, progressing to the headache as they grow older. Episodes of migraine may be triggered by lack of sleep, stress, menstruation, and, in rare cases, certain foods. Triggers may be very specific to an individual child. Tension headaches are usually diffuse, symmetrically distributed, and are often described by children as occurring over the forehead or with a squeezing quality around the head or in the back of the head. Nausea and vomiting are typically absent, and the headache is generally constant,

not throbbing. Tension headache tends to be more common in older girls. Cluster headaches most commonly affect adolescent males. They are characterized by clusters of recurrent, extreme, nonthrobbing deep pain in and around one eye, further spreading onto the face of the affected side. There may be accompanying facial flushing, and the eye typically becomes swollen and watery. Diseases that occur in the brain may cause increased intracranial (i.e., inside the skull, usually inside the brain) pressure and may lead to pathological headache. A chronic, progressive pattern of increasing frequency and severity of the headache over time is usual. The headache is characteristically worse at night (awaking with a headache) or immediately after waking in the morning. It may also worsen when lying flat, bending over, or when coughing. A brain tumor, meningitis, brain abscess, and lead poisoning are examples of pathologic headaches. Chronic carbon monoxide exposure may be present. Other common causes of headache in children are streptococcal tonsillitis, sinusitis, dehydration, and visual difficulties. Hypertension, while not common in childhood, may be associated with a chronic headache. C l i n ical Evaluation All children with recurrent headache should have a complete history and physical and neurological examination, with exploration of possible psychological and environmental factors. When the history and/or physical examination suggest some pathological condition, an imaging study may be needed. However, most children with recurrent headaches do not have serious illness. In the absence of a worrisome history or abnormal neurological findings, further imaging or diagnostic tests are not usually necessary. Although most headaches can be treated with overthe-counter medications, migraine headaches may require prescription medication and regular clinical care. In many cultures, headaches are treated with oil massages, compresses, and some herbal remedies. Although trephining (making holes in the skull bones to release pressure or spirits or pain) has been employed in traditional cultures in Africa and Latin America, this procedure is typically not done on children. Lindia Willies-Jacobo and Martin T. Stein see also: Neurological Disorders further reading: Shirley Trickett, Coping with Headaches, 1999.

health, disparities in. Substantial disparities in children’s health owing to social class and race and ethnicity have been repeatedly documented over the course of more than a century. Systematic differences in children’s health or health care access are also described in relationship to factors such as geographic region, gender, language, immigration, and institutional status. Health differentials

h e a l t h , d is p a r it ie s in

tied to geographic region can occur at the local, state, and national levels. Soc i al C l ass and R ac e and Et h n ic it y The higher severity, incidence, and prevalence of poorer health among children from lower social-class families are the most widely cited health disparities from research in the United States and other nations. Social class is generally defined by parent education, parent occupation, household income, and poverty or some combination thereof. However defined, social class shows consistent associations with a range of physical health indicators from birth to adolescence, including but not limited to birth weight, infant mortality, injury, asthma, acute conditions, all-cause morbidity, oral health, and obesity. Social-class disparities in childhood health also extend to broader domains of health and well-being, including mental health, depression, behavior, language acquisition, stress reactivity, and cognitive ability. The relative magnitude of health differentials can range from small differences (e.g., 10% to 25%) in rates of childhood asthma to two- and threefold differences for low-income children versus others in rates of complications due to acute appendicitis or in birth weight. New studies suggest that risk for poorer health is not just confined to poor or low socioeconomic status children, but rather that the distribution of health and well-being in society follows a gradient pattern such that children at each successive rung down the socioeconomic scale have lower well-being than their more advantaged counterparts. Understanding and framing health disparities in childhood and throughout the life course in terms of broad social gradients rather than as differences between the rich and the poor have important consequences for how the nature of inequity is characterized and for the type of public-policy solutions that are considered. The U.S. research literature has placed a great deal of emphasis on the problem of child poverty with a related policy focus on providing meanstested poor relief. However, by evaluating health differences in relationship to broader social gradients, the somewhat arbitrary distinctions imposed by a specific income level become less salient, and policy considerations move from a focus on poverty to that of income inequality and the promotion of social inclusion through the provision of services to enhance developmental opportunities for all children. From this perspective, it is clear that most middle-class children fare worse than upper-class children and could benefit from protective investments and services on their behalf. A social-gradient perspective also has implications for the type of policy portfolio that is employed to address and ameliorate the impact of social class on health. Policy strategies might very well combine interventions targeting lower socioeconomic groups, along with more broad-based universal programs needed to optimize the health and developmental trajectories of all children.

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Social-class gradients in children’s health and development are virtually always found across different societies (e.g., high- and low-income nations) and historical time periods. But scholarly investigations suggest that the magnitude of these health disparities can and does vary across countries with differing child- and family-policy orientations and across time within a given society. A commonly cited example of societal variation in the magnitude of health disparities is the case of Sweden, where social gradients in health and well-being are known to be less steep than other countries with greater income inequality and less inclusive child and family policies such as the United States and Canada. Within the United States, there is some evidence to suggest that social-class disparities in child mortality rates have grown over the course of several decades since about 1970, despite a general decrease in child mortality rates overall during this time period. The general speculation is that rising health inequalities may be associated with rising levels of income inequality as evidenced by stagnant and declining inflation-adjusted wages for working families and concomitant federal and state cutbacks in social-policy supports for lower-income families and children. The child health disparities literature in the United States has placed a great deal of emphasis on the substantial differences in well-being connected to race and ethnicity. The population of the United States continues to grow increasingly diverse. In recent years, Hispanic and other minority racial and ethnic groups have grown in size at a considerably faster rate than the population as whole. Because of differential birth rates, much of this growth has occurred in pediatric populations. In states like California, Florida, and Texas, approximately 50% of births are to nonwhite minority ethnic and racial groups. Assuming that current trends continue, the U.S. Census Bureau estimates that the majority of the U.S. population will be represented by minority racial and ethnic groups by the year 2050, and even sooner for young children. Efforts to ameliorate health inequalities between different cultural groups will need to be addressed. Birth weight is a key indicator of the general health of infants at birth, a predictor of health problems in the postnatal period and beyond, and a measure of their mothers’ reproductive health. Data from a range of sources suggest that African American infants in the contemporary United States are approximately twice as likely as white infants to be born with low birth weight and about three times more likely to be born with very low birth weight. Deaths related to birth weight and prematurity are the largest contributors to the more than twofold infant mortality differential between blacks and whites, followed by differences in the incidence of sudden infant death syndrome. Low birth weight and infant mortality rates are also elevated for Native American and Puerto Rican babies.

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Through all of childhood and adolescence, children from certain disadvantaged ethnic and minority backgrounds remain at elevated risk for health problems. All-cause injury mortality rates are about two times higher for black and Native American children than for white children, and this figure is even greater for specific causes of death. Homicide rates among black adolescent males in recent years have been more than 10 times higher than rates for whites, a gap that has been widening over time. Hispanic and Native American adolescents have about a four times higher homicide rate. Mexican American boys and African American girls (ages 6 to 18) are among the most overweight of all U.S. children, placing them at high risk for developing type 2 diabetes. Childhood obesity rates are generally elevated for black, Hispanic, and Native American children. Asthma is more prevalent among African American children than Hispanic children overall, but rates for Puerto Rican children are higher than those of black children. In addition to higher prevalence rates, black and Hispanic children are more likely than white children to suffer from severe disabling asthma and to die prematurely from asthma-related complications. Prenatally acquired HIV/AIDS is most common among African Americans, along with adolescent contraction of this disease. Geo gr ap h ic R egion Child health differentials are also based on geographic region. Children living in rural regions and certain inner-city areas of the United States are known to lag behind others on a range of health and health care access measures, as are those living in the Deep South. There is some evidence to suggest that these regional disparities are probably not entirely explained by individual sociodemographic factors such as income and race and ethnicity. The health disadvantages of lower income, minority race and ethnicity, and geographic region may be compounded such that, for example, very considerable health differentials might be expected between low-income black children living in the rural South and high-income white children living in the suburban Northeast. Globally, there are striking disparities in maternal and child health. Recent estimates from UNICEF (State of the World’s Children, 2008) show wide global variability in the mortality rate among children younger than age 5, ranging from 160 deaths per 1,000 live births in sub-Saharan Africa to 83 in South Asia, 27 in Latin America and the Caribbean, and only 6 in industrialized societies. Generally, wealthier societies fare better than poor societies, although with notable exceptions. Some developing nations such as Sri Lanka, Costa Rica, and Cuba have achieved levels of child health that rank close to those of much wealthier industrialized countries like the United States. Among the industrialized societies, the United States consistently ranks lower than other less wealthy societies on diverse

measures of health (e.g., infant mortality, low birth weight, immunization rates, deaths from accidents and injury) and development. The suboptimal well-being of U.S. children is thought to relate at least in part to the relatively high tolerance of social and economic inequality in the United States. A fair amount of evidence shows that societies with greater income inequality and less public expenditures on children and families tend to perform less well than those with greater equality, leading many to conclude that the health of all children would be improved by attending to the needs of the more disadvantaged. Factor s Con tr i buti ng to C h i ld H e alth D i s par i ti e s An understanding of the factors that contribute to child health inequalities is necessary in order to effectively reduce or eliminate them. This topic has been the source of considerable debate among scholars. Much of the conversation has focused on the relative roles that factors such as health care, culture, behavior, discrimination, and environmental exposures may play in generating health disparities. Some scholars have suggested that differential medical care services may be the main contributor. Children from lowincome families, ethnic and minority families, and those living in certain isolated or disadvantaged regions of the United States have considerably reduced health care access, quality, and utilization. The lack of health insurance for children from poor or disadvantaged ethnic and minority families is perhaps the most basic health care disparity. Recent U.S. Census Bureau estimates suggest that 22% of Hispanic children and 14% of black children lack health insurance coverage compared with only 7% of white children. About 19% of children from poor families are uninsured and 66% rely on publicly financed insurance and coverage programs that may not guarantee access to comprehensive and high-quality health services. These coverage patterns may contribute to the two to three times higher rate of other basic access problems for children in poor and near-poor families, including no usual source of care, unmet medical needs, and delayed care due to costs. Consistent disparities are also observed across a broad range of quality indicators, including patient centeredness, wait times, satisfaction, preventive screening, timely immunization, and potentially avoidable pediatric hospitalizations. Hispanic and black children have a two to three times higher rate of hospital admissions for asthma, which may at least in part reflect poorer outpatient management of the disease. A number of factors, including health care coverage and quality, availability and accessibility of services, discriminatory health care practices, and cultural beliefs about the importance of medical services, might contribute separately to significant differences in health service utilization outcomes. Research that has attempted to determine the role of health care in explaining children’s health disparities gen-

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erally concludes that health differentials are in part, but not in whole, a consequence of access to differential health services. The fact that wide social disparities in health are found in nations like England and Canada with full universal health coverage seems to suggest that access to health services alone will not eliminate social differentials in children’s health. A multitude of additional factors outside of the health care system may contribute to children’s health disparities. To cite just a few examples, parents and children from lower-income and disadvantaged ethnic and minority families are more at risk for adopting certain health practices that may impair child health development, such as inadequate diet and nutrition, lowered physical activity, and smoking or alcohol and drug use. These same families are also more likely to encounter residential segregation and adverse environmental exposures, such as neighborhood violence, air pollution, mercury and lead exposure, ambient noise, and indoor allergens. A 2004 Institute of Medicine report offers a new theoretical framework for children’s health that emphasizes how multiple interacting risk, protective, and promoting factors contribute to children’s health. The mechanisms through which multiple factors exert their effect include time-specific influences during critical and sensitive periods of development; cumulative effects of multiple factors over time; and pathways of linked influences that are arrayed by metasocial, cultural, and economic influences. This model suggests that a range of cumulative health insults and protective factors experienced across time leads to disparities in children’s health and well-being. A couple of examples may provide some clarification. Disadvantaged African American or Hispanic children residing in poor inner-city neighborhoods are likely to encounter a range of asthma-related risk factors such as air pollution, traffic exhaust, indoor allergens (dust mite and cockroach), tobacco smoke, and chronic psychosocial stressors. These children are more likely to lack health insurance, which can delay diagnosis and treatment, and once asthma has been diagnosed, complications may persist and accelerate because they are less likely to receive or utilize medication and other effective treatment options. A multitude of factors may place lower-income children at risk for suboptimal cognitive performance, such as inadequate nutrition, mercury and lead exposure, psychosocial stress and strain, and limited contact with written and complex spoken language. The remarkable persistence of social disparities in children’s health and development across a broad range of outcomes may be explained by extensive variations in health-relevant risk and protective exposures. A Li fe- Cour se Per spectiv e There is evidence to suggest that health-status disparities from childhood carry forward into adulthood and may be compounded over time. Socially patterned exposures in

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childhood that are correlated with social class and race and ethnicity may program the development of latent health potential and trigger social, psychosocial, and biological chains of risk and protection that influence health development trajectories through the entire life course. Social disparities in the health status of young children may be considered as potential early warning signs for future inequalities. Life-course health development models posit three main mechanisms whereby the early social environment may influence long-term health outcomes. The biological programming mechanism posits the existence of critical or sensitive periods in development when environmental exposures can permanently alter the functioning of biological systems relevant to long-term disease risk. Low birth weight, for example, is associated with a range of negative health outcomes in later life, including coronary heart disease, diabetes, and respiratory disease. Part of this association is thought to arise from impaired biological programming of multiple organ systems in response to fetal undernutrition in the womb. Malnourishment during middle to late gestation, for example, can raise coronary heart disease risk by influencing blood pressure, cholesterol metabolism, blood coagulation, and hormonal settings. Cumulative mechanisms describe the role of multiple and varied exposures across multiple decades in pushing biological systems toward health or disease. Cardiovascular disease, for example, has a long incubation period and a cumulative and lifelong impact of socially patterned risk factors such as maternal health, development, and diet before and during pregnancy; poor growth in childhood; stress in childhood and onward; obesity; smoking; inactivity; and job insecurity and unemployment in adulthood. General risk accumulation models do not prioritize any particular life stage as most influential, but a special variant of this model posits chains of risk mechanisms whereby childhood factors directly cause future health shocks or protective exposures. For example, poverty in early childhood could trigger a biological chain of risk whereby elevated stress exposures program the hypothalamic-pituitaryadrenal (HPA) axis to have a greater cortisol response to stress, which contributes to overweight and in turn produces insulin resistance, along with a social chain of risk that directs children toward subsequent lower social-class exposures and the attendant risk of worse health behaviors throughout life. Pathway models are similar to chains of risk models with a greater emphasis on the role that childhood factors play in directing adult social attainment and behaviors that then influence health outcomes. These mechanisms are not mutually exclusive and probably act in concert in bringing about persistent and pervasive adult social disparities in health. The possibility that adult disparities in health and wellbeing may originate during childhood points toward an even greater need for research and policy attention directed

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at monitoring and addressing inequalities in the health status of children and better addressing even relatively minor differentials in health and well-being with large compounded impacts over time. Po lic y R e spon se National efforts to address health disparities in the United States have focused primarily on health-equity target setting. The U.S. Department of Health and Human Services Healthy People 2010 initiative set forth a series of national health objectives aimed at improving health and eliminating health disparities among different subgroups of the population. Many of these objectives target children and families, and the plan is comprehensive in addressing contributors to health disparities such as health services, health behaviors, and environmental hazards. Health-equity targets are intended to spur action across national, state, and local government agencies as well as among health care providers, school administrators, workforce employers, and the general public. Most state health departments have acted on the Healthy People initiative by setting up their own health prevention plans and programs. This initiative has been critical in bringing a focus on health disparities into national planning efforts, although it has been criticized for a lack of specific implementation plans for achieving health-equity targets. The United Kingdom has recently developed a comprehensive stand-alone national health disparities policy agenda that coordinates action across multiple policy sectors (e.g., health, education, welfare) to address the upstream (e.g., child poverty) and more proximal causes of children’s health disparities. A number of countries in areas such as Latin America and Southeast Asia that typically have had more targeted public health strategies to improve health conditions for disadvantaged populations are now working with the World Health Organization to scale up existing programs and coordinate action across policy sectors. Although the United States lacks a fully coordinated national implementation strategy for addressing child health disparities, a number of existing federal and state programs do target inequalities in child health and well-being. Title V of the Social Security Act (1935), Head Start (1965), and the Federal Medicaid (1965) and State Children’s Health Insurance Program (1998) are examples of programs designed to address adverse health and developmental outcomes for disadvantaged populations. A variety of other programs are offered by different state and county health agencies, such as nurse home visiting and prenatal care programs for low-income mothers. To date, a few states have enacted legislation to develop comprehensive, coordinated, community-based early-childhood service systems to provide services aimed at optimizing the health and development of all children.

Despite these efforts, child health and development gradients in the United States consistently rank among the highest of the industrialized nations. An understanding of the comparatively larger U.S. health inequalities and lower developmental health ratings requires an examination of the full social policy package for families in these countries. Many of the European industrialized societies and the Nordic countries in particular have implemented social policy schemes that collectively reduce developmental risk and enhance protection by providing adequate family income, adequate time for parenting, and generous supportive services. Several important income-transfer programs act to lower child poverty rates in these countries. These include child allowances for all families with children, guaranteed child support for single-parent families, generous unemployment benefits, and housing benefits for parents. Most of the European countries (and many developing countries) differ from the United States in offering guaranteed paid parental leaves for childbirth, support for breastfeeding, and leaves for illness and family care. The system of family services in Europe includes universal health insurance coverage, universal preschool, and broad-based parenting support programs (e.g., home health visiting for all new parents). Comparatively, U.S. childhood interventions remain limited and inconsistent, targeting narrowly defined high-risk groups and emphasizing curative services and “second-chance programs” over primary prevention. While social class and race and ethnicity have received the most research attention, other social risk factors such as single-parent family status, family conflict, and residence in an unsafe neighborhood also show systematic linkages to child health and well-being. Emerging studies also point toward the existence of striking health gradients in relation to the cumulative number of social risk factors, not just a single-risk circumstance. Certain vulnerable populations include children in foster care, those in group-home settings, those living in undocumented immigrant families, and those who experience turbulent or traumatic situations such as homelessness, parental substance abuse, or chronic abuse and neglect, all of whom suffer disparities that need further elucidation. New studies are needed to examine cumulative social risks. Life-course theoretical models predict that young children from disadvantaged families will begin life with lowered health and well-being and that these disparities will widen over time. Another focus of new research is on interactions between social vulnerability factors such that, for example, racial and ethnic disparities in health may be stronger for children in low-income families than for children in high-income families. Improved monitoring and tracking of trends in health disparities over time and across different regions are needed. There is an urgent need for careful scientific evaluation studies that assess specific in-

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terventions, programs, and policies that target disparities in health in childhood and through the life course. Kandyce Larson and Neal Halfon see also: Demography of Childhood; Health Care Systems for Children; Health Screening; Health Supervision; Malnutrition and Undernutrition; Morbidity; Mortality; Poverty, Children in further reading: Daniel P. Keating and Clyde Hertzman, eds., Developmental Health and the Wealth of Nations: Social, Biological, and Educational Dynamics, 1999. • Institute of Medicine, Children’s Health, the Nation’s Wealth: Assessing and Improving Child Health, 2004. • Larry Crum, Vijaya Hogan, Theresa Chapple, Dorothy Browne, and Jody Greene, “Disparities in Maternal and Child Health in the United States,” in Jonathan B. Kotch, ed., Maternal and Child Health: Programs, Problems, and Policy in Public Health, 2005, pp. 299–345. • Frances J. Dunston, “Health Disparities in Children,” in David Satcher and Rubens J. Pamies, eds., Multicultural Medicine and Health Disparities, 2006, pp. 127–38. • Jody Heymann, Clyde Hertzman, Morris L. Barer, and Robert G. Evans, eds., Healthier Societies: From Analysis to Action, 2006.

health and sex education. Educating the public on how to preserve and promote one’s health and to prevent injuries is a responsibility of public health agencies and health care professionals. For childhood populations, parents and schools share this task. Unhealthy lifestyles have origins in childhood. School-age children are at a developmental stage that is critical to developing healthy lifestyles. To be comprehensive, school-based health education must include the following topics: mental and emotional health, prevention of substance abuse, disease prevention, injury and violence prevention, human sexuality and family life, media literacy, nutrition, physical education, first aid, lifesaving skills, community health, and environmental health. Students must be offered information that is comprehensive and accurate on these topics. But this alone is inadequate to change health behaviors. For example, successfully improving students’ knowledge of nutrition is insufficient to improve their dietary intake. Similarly, knowing all the relevant facts related to human sexuality and disease communicability is insufficient to promote responsible sexual behavior. To succeed in changing current and future behaviors, students must learn a range of skills. School programs must teach students to analyze the influence of family, peers, culture, media, and technology on one’s health and risk taking; know how to find legitimate information, products, and services; use interpersonal communication and goal setting to enhance one’s health and avoid risks; and advocate for one’s own health as well as the health of one’s family and community. Although such skill building sounds like an unachievable task, many school health and sex education programs have proved to be successful at changing behaviors. These

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curricula and teaching methods provide students with opportunities to model and practice social skills that lead to healthy decisions. Programs with proved effectiveness involve family, promote peer interaction, and are planned and sequential (meaning that concepts and skills build upon lessons learned in previous classes and grades). Equally important to health education programs’ effectiveness is consideration for prevalent cultural and ethnic characteristics of students and their families. For example, case scenarios and role-playing should be consistent with students’ own experiences. Similarly, curricular content, goals, and teaching methods must be developmentally appropriate, modified appropriately for students in special education, and consistent with children’s emotional, sensory, and mental states. Effective teaching at the elementary level requires that classroom teachers have academic course work or inservice training that covers the content of each health topic and includes pedagogy that is specific to delivering health messages. At the secondary level, students require certified health education teachers, not regular classroom teachers, to teach topics in health and human sexuality. Use of videos and other educational aids can supplement discussion and interaction with a teacher who is comfortable teaching the subject, but they must not supplant this interaction. P r ac t ical C o n s i d er at io n s i n S c ho o lBased H e alth and Se x Education Too often, isolated lessons and programs are provided to students in school. While many lessons are entertaining, innovative, and well intentioned, and some even succeed to increase student knowledge, most fail to change long-term behaviors. Too frequently, those in positions to select curricula for schools and districts (school administrators, educators, and community representatives) do not know to select only researched curricula that result in behavior change (when they exist) or do not appreciate the importance of teaching successful programs as they were designed. Often, budgets cannot afford updated instructional aids, such as anatomical models, mannequins, curricular guides, or access to computer and audiovisual aids. Many school districts do not require teachers of health-related subjects to be qualified to teach their content area of health or do not have mechanisms to ensure that teaching staff remain current. These problems compromise the effectiveness of health education. Subjects such as health, family life, and safety, unlike English, mathematics, and science, are rarely considered part of schools’ core academic content. While societies typically value the preparation of future generations for the workplace, they often express less value for keeping that generation alive and healthy so that they use their literacy and mathematics skills for a larger number of years.

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The United States has the equivalent of 175 to 180 six-hour school days per year. In 38 other countries, the mean number is 194 days. Arguably, these extra hours, if allotted to heath education, could allow schools to allot adequate time for reaching health education goals. Con trov er si es i n H e alth and Hum an Se xualit y Educat io n Controversies in health education are often played out in boards of education meetings at both district and state levels. Occasionally, they reach legislatures and courtrooms. One frequent source of controversy occurs when schools have difficulty practicing what they preach. For example, students who learn about proper nutrition are sometimes exposed to high-fat snacks sold in school stores or to highsugar drinks given preferential placement in cafeterias and vending machines. These practices confl ict with classroom messages and dilute the effectiveness of health education programs. Sometimes these contradictions occur because schools need to finance other educational programs (e.g., food sales to support the music program) or because of other educational priorities (e.g., promote physical activity but cancel recess to increase instructional time). Controversies often arise when the content of the curriculum brushes against social standards, exposing confl icting roles and values between parents and schools. Human sexuality and family life education have the greatest potential to challenge parents’, students’, and school staff members’ religious and cultural beliefs. For example, funds designated for human sexuality and HIV prevention have been granted to schools by federal agencies on condition that abstinence is the only method taught for avoiding pregnancy and preventing sexually transmitted diseases. Many schools have had to decide between having no funds to teach sexuality or refraining from explaining the benefits of condoms as a form of protection, even for student populations where they feel this is an appropriate message. School controversies can be described using at least two underlying philosophies. One underlying philosophy is that each community should be free to choose what it teaches in its own schools. For example, community standards should dictate whether a school district permits advertising of relatively unhealthy products on its campuses. Similarly, community values dictate whether topics such as masturbation and homosexuality should be in the curriculum. Community standards are based on elected school administrators, school boards, advisory committees representing parents, and community agencies or a combination of these. An opposing philosophy is that some preventive practices are so compelling and universal in their principles or morals that they should apply to all students’ health and sexuality curricula, as long as the health risk exists among the student population. For example, obesity is prevalent across almost all communities, so many would argue that

no school should promote high-fat or high-sugar foods, regardless of local community tolerance to this practice. Another example, this one related to the problem of HIV transmission, is that all schools must educate high school students about the protective value of condoms, regardless of a community’s values. As cultural factors influence the ways in which school prevention programs are designed and implemented, any one curriculum may be unsuitable or require adaptations in another part of the world. For example, a successful substance abuse prevention program in United States differed significantly from those in Nordic nations. Investigated reasons were the considerable variations in cultural values of adults to the use and abuse of illicit substances by youth and in societal infrastructure that underlies the development of health educational programs. Similar differences exist, not surprisingly, for topics as contentious as sexuality education. They also exist for health topics as seemingly mundane as nutrition and personal hygiene. Nations with large immigrant or refugee populations have classrooms that are multicultural. In these circumstances, health educators require cultural competency skills and versatility to be effective. Howard Taras see also: Contraception; Masturbation; Sexual Development; Sexually Transmitted Diseases further reading: Sexuality Information and Education Council of the United States, Developing Guidelines for Comprehensive Sexuality Education, 1999. • H. Taras, P. Duncan, D. Luckenbill, J. Wheeler, and S. Wooley, eds., Health, Mental Health and Safety Guidelines for Schools, 2004. • American Cancer Society, National Health Education Standards, PreK–12, 2006.

health care funding. Health insurance is essential for accessing medical care in the United States. The uninsured, including children, are frequently without a primary physician and are served through emergency departments and free clinics. Availability of free clinics varies greatly by the size of the municipality and the availability of funds. Due to the high cost of health care, uninsured children may not receive vital preventive services and seek medical attention only when they are very sick. According to the 2004 U.S. Census Bureau report, there are 73.8 million children younger than 18 years of age. Of these children, 8.3 million (11.2%) do not have health insurance coverage. For those with coverage, the services covered as well as the out-ofpocket expenses vary widely by type of coverage. D e mo gr aph ic s According to 2004 U.S. Census Bureau data, the number of children without health insurance has been slowly declining. The overall percentage of children without health insurance is lower than the overall uninsured rate for all people. However, children living in poverty were more likely to be uninsured than children overall. Also, rates of insurance

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coverage varied by age, with those between the ages of 12 and 17 having a higher percentage of no health insurance (12.5%) than those younger than 12 (10.5%). Children of Hispanic origin had the highest rate of uninsured (21.1%), followed by African American children (13.0%), Asian children (9.4%), and non-Hispanic white children (7.6%). The majority of children, 48.5 million, are covered by some form of private insurance. Most are covered by employment-based insurance plans, with less than 10% covered by a direct-purchase plan. The remaining 21.9 million children covered by health insurance are covered under publicly run programs. The vast majority of these children are covered by Medicaid, with the remaining covered by Medicare or military health care. Public H e alth I nsur anc e Progr ams Medicaid is a federal insurance program administered at the state level designed to provide coverage to low-income children, low-income pregnant women, low-income elderly, and people with disabilities meeting the Social Security income definition of disability (some states require a more restrictive definition be met). The federal government provides guidelines that the states must follow in order to receive federal matching dollars. States have a great deal of latitude in creating both the eligibility and the scope of coverage as long as they meet the broad federal guidelines. State programs, therefore, vary both in eligibility and in scope of coverage. Some states provide for very broad eligibility, but with more restrictive service coverage, while others provide a more stringent eligibility guideline but cover a very broad range of services for those deemed eligible. In addition to the traditional Medicaid program, states can chose to participate in a medically needy program and/ or a Medicaid waiver program. States having a medically needy component allow those who make more than the allotted income but otherwise qualify for services under the categories to participate in the program after they incur a certain amount of medical expenses each month. Once they spend down their resources, their Medicaid coverage for the month begins. This coverage is helpful for children whose parents work but cannot afford health insurance. States can also choose to expand eligibility for Medicaid by developing a program and submitting it to the federal government for approval. If the plan is approved, it is called a waiver program. In 1997, the U.S. Congress authorized states to require that some enrollees participate in a managed care program. With the managed care program, each enrollee has a gatekeeper physician who must approve all referrals and medical care. The program has received mixed reviews, but there are plans currently in place that are expanding coverage to a larger portion of the Medicaid population, including those with disabilities. Given the network of specialists and possible supplies and equipment sometimes needed by chil-

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dren with disabilities, it remains to be seen how well the managed care model works for this group. The State Children’s Health Insurance Program (SCHIP) was created by the Balanced Budget Act of 1997 to expand the availability of health insurance to low-income children who could not otherwise qualify for health benefits. In general, SCHIP provides health insurance to children from families with incomes too high to qualify for Medicaid but with incomes too low to purchase private health insurance. This program is a federal matching program that gives states leeway in designing their programs as long as broad federal guidelines are met. The program requirements allow states to enroll children in the existing Medicaid program, state or federal employee insurance plans, the highest enrolling health maintenance organization in the state, or a newly designed program. The program has provided an avenue to enroll more children in health insurance programs. Medicare coverage for children is rare and limited to those diagnosed with end-stage renal disease and patients within three years of receiving a kidney transplant. According to U.S. Census Bureau data, only 500,000 children were covered by Medicare in 2004. Pr ivate H e alth I nsur anc e Private health insurance is insurance that is paid for with private funds, generally either out of the participant’s earnings or as part of a benefit package by the participant’s employer. Children are typically covered either under a parent’s employment-based health insurance or through insurance purchased directly from the insurance company by the parent. Employment-based health insurance is provided to employees by an employer with the majority of costs paid as part of a benefits package. The employee usually has to pay part of the insurance premiums as well as additional costs such as co-payments and/or deductibles. This type of insurance must comply with certain requirements set forth by the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act of 1996 (HIPAA). The requirements provide protections in the area of privacy and portability of insurance. Children with health care needs are particularly affected by the provision that a preexisting condition may not be excluded for more than 12 months after the person first begins continuous insurance coverage. In the past, if a child had a serious health issue and a parent wanted to change jobs, the parent may not have been able to receive health insurance coverage for the child’s health condition. With the HIPAA provision, the child would remain covered unless the child was uninsured for more than a short period of time between the two insurance policies. Smaller companies with 50 employees or fewer and those falling under other exemptions may not be covered under HIPAA. An individual can purchase health insurance directly from a health insurance company and is often forced to do

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so when employer-sponsored health coverage is unavailable. Generally, the direct purchase of insurance is more costly than insurance paid through employment-based plans because there is no subsidy through the employer. Many workers who do not qualify for coverage through their employer are lower-wage workers who cannot afford direct-purchase coverage. Often, they may make too much for Medicaid or SCHIP but cannot afford to pay for directpurchase insurance. Children of these workers are at particular risk for being uninsured. H igh-R isk Pool I nsur anc e Children with medical special needs and their families may be eligible for state high-risk pool (HRP) insurance. Many, but not all, states offer insurance for those who have been rejected by other forms of insurance or only can get insurance at extremely high rates. Some states offer this insurance only to those who can offer proof that an insurance company has rejected them and that they do not qualify for Medicaid or Medicare. Other states will allow those who have been quoted higher premiums than HRP rates to take advantage of the services. HRP insurance is more expensive than other types of insurance but is available to cover catastrophic health emergencies. This may be an option for families whose child would otherwise be without insurance. I nsur anc e Avai l abi lit y and Affor dabi lit y The health care policy arena confronts a confl ict between the high costs of insurance and the lack of health insurance for many. Employers are having increasing difficulty providing health insurance benefits at past levels due to increasing costs. Traditionally, employers have offered health insurance benefits for the employee and his or her spouse and children. While some companies have moved to provide coverage for domestic partners, either of the same or opposite sex, other companies have declined to permit this coverage, citing the expense and the perceived difficulty in proving the existence of such a relationship. In some states, there has been legislation introduced to prohibit coverage for domestic partners of state employees. Other health policy debate surrounds reproductive health and access for adolescents. Insurance policies vary in the degree to which they will cover contraception and abortion. Medicaid will ordinarily pay for abortion only in cases in which the life of mother is in jeopardy or in the case of rape or incest. Some states have chosen to make it available for other reasons. A 2001 study of the Guttmacher Institute reported that nearly all SCHIP programs provided coverage for a range of reproductive health services. SCHIP varies state to state regarding abortion coverage, but in states where SCHIP is provided through Medicaid, SCHIP programs used Medicaid guidelines. Generally, Medicaid will not provide coverage for abortion except in cases of incest

or rape or when the life of the mother is endangered. Private insurance policies also have wide variability in their coverage of both contraception and abortion. Regardless of the payment source, there is an issue regarding confidentiality for adolescents anytime an explanation of benefits is sent to the house of a minor where parents are likely to have access to the information. Mental health coverage also has been affected by public discourse. Previously, most forms of mental health services were not covered by insurance or were provided in very limited amounts. As knowledge about mental health has grown, more insurance policies cover a wider variety of mental health services, and some states now mandate coverage of both inpatient and outpatient mental health services. With the enactment of the Mental Health Parity Act (MHPA) in 1996, additional protections were provided. Not all insurance providers are covered by the MHPA. An affected insurer that offers mental health coverage may not place higher maximum coverage amounts (lifetime or annual) on those services than on the other health services they cover. The MHPA does not require that mental health coverage be provided, nor does the MHPA apply to coverage for drug and alcohol treatment programs. Additionally, the provider continues to control the type of services provided and can place limitations such as number of visits per year. States may enact more stringent mental health parity rules than the federal provision. Compar ativ e Per for m anc e i n Public H e alth I nsur anc e Cov er age The extent of public health funding in the United States compared to other industrialized countries is poor. According to the Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD), the United States along with Mexico and South Korea are the few OECD countries in which publicly sponsored coverage does not reach 50% of total coverage. Further, the United States does not compare well to other industrialized countries when it comes to per capita government expenditures on health care. According to World Bank indicators, the United States, with 44.9% of recurrent and capital spending for health care from government (central and local) budgets, external borrowings and grants (including donations from international agencies and nongovernmental organizations), and social (or compulsory) health insurance funds, is ranked the last in the group of most-industrialized states. Heather A. McCabe and Eleanor D. Kinney see also: Disabilities, Care of Children with; Health Care Systems for Children; Health Screening; Health Supervision; Hospitalization; Immunizations; Insurance, Children and; Medical Care and Procedures, Consent to; Mental Health Care further reading: Jacob S. Hacker, The Divided Welfare State: The Battle over Public and Private Social Benefits in the United States,

h e a l t h c a r e s y s t e m s f o r c h il d r e n 2002. • Eleanor D. Kinney, Protecting American Health Care Consumers, 2002. • Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, http://www.cms.gov • Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, http://www.oecd.org

health care systems for children United States International Perspectives

united states. Child health in the United States has undergone an incredible transformation over a very short period of time: Mortality rates have fallen dramatically for all children because of reductions in deaths caused by acute infectious diseases; at the same time, chronic illness has risen in importance as a main cause of childhood mortality, while injuries retain their status as one of the leading causes of death in children of all ages. This shift in child health has led to the current state of child health in the United States: The majority of children are generally “healthy” and relatively low health care consumers, while a small but rising and expensive segment of the child population is affected by serious and chronic illnesses and physical and mental conditions. This transformation of child health illustrates the broader societal phenomenon that has been taking place in industrialized nations since the mid-1800s, coined in the early 1970s by a prominent health services researcher as the “epidemiological transition.” In short, this phenomenon describes the changing nature of the lead causes of mortality and morbidity in the population, from acute, infectious diseases to noncommunicable, chronic diseases. This evolution is explained in part by advances in medical technology (e.g., the development of vaccines) and in greater part, some might argue, by multifaceted, public health interventions, such as proper housing, improved hygiene and sanitation, and vaccination campaigns. Because children, especially infants and toddlers, are one of the population subgroups most vulnerable to infectious disease, the transformation of population health has been particularly remarkable where child health is concerned. Despite vast improvements, the United States ranks poorly compared to other nations on key child health indicators. Racial, ethnic, and socioeconomic disparities in health care access and health outcome, as measured by both childhood mortality and morbidity, continue to exist, although the enactment of Medicaid and the creation of programs such as federally funded community health centers and publicly funded maternal and child health care services have led to important improvements in health and health care. At the same time, the health care system has yet to catch up with children’s changing health needs, particularly in the case of the approximately 9.5 million children with special health care needs (13% of all children). Furthermore, if anything, health care access may be on the decrease

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for low-income children, who face increasing risk of being without employer coverage as well as new barriers to public coverage. C h i ld H e alth Status : K ey I ndicator s and Tr end s National health statistics show that, overall, U.S. children are in very good to excellent health (82% of all children younger than age 18 in 2005), and a decreasing number of preschoolers, school-age children, and young adults are in fair or poor health. However, disparities by income and race and ethnicity exist and persist: A higher percentage of lowincome children than higher-income children report being in fair or poor health; similarly, a higher percentage of lowand higher-income black and Hispanic children than white children report being in fair or poor health. At the same time, data also show that a significant—and increasing—minority (13% to 15%, depending on the source of the data used) experience chronic conditions; one-third of these children experience moderate to severe long-term health problems. The prevalence of chronic conditions has been rising rapidly in U.S. children. The prevalence of asthma doubled from 1980 to 2003, from 3.6% to 7.9%. Likewise, the prevalence of overweight rose from 13.9% in 1999–2000 to 17.1% in 2003–4, while the prevalence of at risk for overweight rose from 28.2% to 33.6% in that same time period. The prevalence of these and other chronic conditions vary by age and cause disability among a significant number of children regardless of age. In addition, an increasing body of research is unveiling systematic differences in the prevalence of pediatric diseases by income and race and ethnicity regardless of age. For example, poor children are more likely to be overweight than low- and higher-income children. Similarly, Mexican American boys have higher rates of overweight than white boys, while black and Mexican American girls have higher rates of overweight than white girls. While all of the reasons for the increased prevalence of chronic conditions and disability have not yet been elucidated, one important set of factors is the decrease in infant mortality coupled with increases in premature and extremely premature births. Infant mortality steadily decreased from 10.9 infant deaths per 1,000 live births in 1983 to 6.8 infant deaths per 1,000 live births in 2003. Over the same time period, black infants have experienced roughly twice the risk of dying in the first year of life compared to white and Hispanic infants. In contrast to infant mortality, low-birth-weight births increased by 1.9% and very-lowbirth-weight births jumped by a dramatic 26.5% between 1970 and 2004. Again, racial and ethnic disparities persist for black babies when compared to other babies. Among surviving children, extreme prematurity has been found to be associated with longer-term consequences for their health, including higher levels of visual and hearing disabil-

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Treating Hmong Children in America

imagining each other

T wo Cas e Studi es

Hmong began coming to the United States as political refugees after the Indochinese wars of the 1960s and 1970s. While they inhabit highland areas throughout Southeast Asia and southwestern China, only Hmong from Laos came to the United States as refugees in large numbers. Their resettlement in comparatively urban settings in the United States led to many difficulties, including confrontations with the U.S. health care system. Traditional Hmong health beliefs include explanations of health problems that vary widely from those typically considered in Western biomedicine. Explanations can range from an imbalance of hot and cold within the body or the immediate environment (similar to the Chinese concepts of yin and yang), to disturbances in the relationship with ancestor spirits, to pure physiology. When it comes to the health care of children, discrepancies in health beliefs between Hmong immigrant parents and Western physicians have often led to confrontations and negative outcomes, but Hmong health beliefs also leave room for the convergence of traditional and Western medical practice. Kong, a young Hmong boy, was showing symptoms that led his mother, See, and father, Peng, to believe that he had a bodily illness that required medicine. Modern biomedicine is often perceived as a natural extension of traditional Hmong herbalism, and Hmong commonly ask doctors for the right medicine (tshuaj) for any given ailment—expecting simple prescriptions—but they tend to be wary of more invasive procedures. See and Peng took Kong to a local doctor in Fresno, California, who ran various tests and eventually operated multiple times to remove an infection related to his kidney. After the last operation, the doctor told See and Peng that their son’s kidney was failing and needed to be replaced.

ity, asthma, poor motor skills, poor adaptive skills, emotional disorders, and limitations of daily activities. Children’s access to care varies greatly by age, income, and race and ethnicity. Children in families who are poor and near poor and who are from minority racial and ethnic backgrounds have higher unmet needs. Racial and ethnic disparities in this area have also held over time. Poor and minority children are less likely to have a usual place of care and to use recommended or needed services. If they have a usual source of care, poor children are more likely to use clinics and emergency rooms than other clinical settings. If they see a health care provider, minority children are less likely to have a visit in the past year than white children. Pov ert y and Ac c ess to I nsur anc e C ov er age Children are disproportionately impacted by poverty compared to other groups in the United States. Children represent a quarter of the total U.S. population yet account for

Many Hmong perceive that, given their lower social status in U.S. society, they are more likely to be chosen by “bad doctors” as research subjects in experimental procedures or for mere “training” purposes. The doctor’s demeanor is key in deciding whether to trust him or her, and See was quite suspicious because of the way this doctor spoke to them. So they decided to get a second opinion. Another doctor in the Fresno area told them that Kong’s kidney was not failing and that the replacement surgery would not be necessary. They took this second opinion to the original doctor, who explained that the second doctor did not have the same information and medical history that he did and again insisted that a kidney replacement was necessary. They were forced to put Kong on dialysis treatment for a month, after which they decided to seek a third opinion. They took Kong to a doctor in San Diego, who said that the kidney was not failing but prescribed medication for the boy’s condition. Two days after returning to Fresno, however, See and Peng were arrested for noncompliance (the doctor had apparently obtained a court order when the dialysis treatment was mandated) and jailed for a week, and their children were placed in foster care. Kong received a kidney transplant while he was in foster care. After the replacement surgery, See and Peng found the medication regimen that was necessary to keep his new kidney functioning properly to be too complicated and taxing for them to administer. Minor variations in dose or timing made Kong quite ill. They could not afford in-home medical assistance for Kong’s medication regimen, and ultimately they decided to give him up to long-term foster care. See and Peng argued that the doctor was now responsible for their son’s condition, since he forced the operation upon them.

35% of individuals living in poverty, and they have worse health outcomes that persist into adulthood. The vast majority of poor children live in households with at least one working parent. Younger children are especially hard hit by poverty, as the poverty rate for households with related children younger than age 6 is 20% and jumps to 52.9% for related children younger than age 6 living in female-headed households with no husband present. Poverty also varies dramatically by race, with black and Hispanic children facing approximately three times the rate of poverty of white children. Although public insurance programs are designed to help poor and near-poor children, these children still have comparatively higher rates of uninsurance as compared to non-poor children. In 2005, 22% of poor children and 17% of near-poor children were uninsured, compared to 12% of all children, and a higher proportion of low-income Hispanic (28%) and Asian (24%) children were uninsured than white (15%) and black (16%) low-income children. The ma-

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Treating Hmong Children in America (continued)

The family still speculates that the doctor forced their son to undergo the procedure for experimentation or training purposes.

jority (61%) of poor children and 41% of near-poor children were covered by Medicaid or other public insurance, and the vast majority of low-income, uninsured children were eligible for Medicaid but not enrolled. K ey Sourc es of I nsur anc e Cov er age The United States has yet to provide universal access to health insurance, which, although not a direct determinant of health, consistently has been found in the literature to be indirectly related to improvements in health by enabling access to appropriate preventive and health care services. Thus, insurance coverage, while not the most important factor in determining child health outcomes, is nevertheless a crucial financial enabler, particularly for children from disadvantaged economic and social environments. There are several sources of health insurance for children in the United States as well as a number of welfare and public health programs aimed at improving children’s health. This section focuses on three key sources of health insur-

These two cases represent two divergent outcomes. In the first case, the wedge between Hmong traditionalism and Western medicine is seemingly driven deeper, while in the other, what is initially perceived as a spiritual problem is ultimately diagnosed as a purely physiological issue. The Hmong actors in these case studies are operating from perspectives that engulf multiple explanatory frameworks—animist and biomedical—and they are able to navigate both worlds in a coherent way. In a word, some problems arise from physiology, while others arise from one’s spiritual existence. The trick is to figure out which is at work and from that to derive an appropriate remedy. Complicating their lives and their medical decisions, however, is the precarious social and economic status of Hmong refugees within U.S. society. Jacob R. Hickman

imagining each other

To properly understand the health concerns of many Hmong families, one must know something about their perceptions of their family’s relationship with both ancestral and environmental spirits. Tong was a 50-year-old veteran of the U.S.’s “secret war” in Laos and a refugee to the United States when he had his second stroke, which left him mostly paralyzed and unable to communicate verbally. His family clearly understood his strokes to be an issue with Tong’s blood (nsthav). However, the fact that his wife, Bee, had had violent encounters with ancestral spirits in her dreams—after which she awoke having been nearly strangled to death in her nighttime visions—made them certain that there was a spiritual element to Tong’s condition. Further, their 12-year-old son, Vang, had been having recurring bloody noses for months. Recurring symptoms are particularly prone to interpretation in terms of spiritual causes, as their patterns seem to communicate something from the spiritual realm. The family hired a shaman to perform a ceremony in which she would wander through the spiritual realm to see if there were any issues with ancestor or local spirits that might be causing these problems for the family. At the end of a fourhour ceremony in which the 60-year-old female shaman trotted on a bench wearing a ceremonial head covering and chanting in a shamanic language, she concluded that one of the family’s deceased relatives from the war was likely causing these problems, and she had negotiated with him to restore the family’s balance and health. If Vang’s nosebleeds ceased and his father’s health was returned, then it was agreed that

they would have another ceremony to offer the necessary sacrifices to the ancestor spirit for resolving the problems. Vang’s nosebleeds seemed to continue in spite of the shaman’s spiritual diagnosis, and he and his mother decided that perhaps it was merely a physiological problem, so they set an appointment at a local clinic to get medical care for him. They continued to see doctors for Tong’s condition as well.

further reading: Kathleen A. Culhane-Pera, Dorothy E. Vawter, Phua Xiong, Barbara Babbit, and Mary M. Solberg, eds., Healing by Heart: Clinical and Ethical Case Studies of Hmong Families and Western Providers, 2003. • Jacob R. Hickman, “ ‘Is It the Spirit or the Body?’: Syncretism of Health Beliefs among Hmong Immigrants to Alaska,” National Association for the Practice of Anthropology Bulletin 27 (2007), pp. 176–95.

ance: private employer-sponsored coverage, Medicaid coverage, and coverage provided since 1997 under separately administered State Children’s Health Insurance Programs (SCHIP). Employer-sponsored insurance was largely implemented in the United States in response to price and wage freezes during World War II and was further encouraged by the enactment of amendments to the tax code in the early 1950s that provided preferential tax treatment to employers who offered health benefits to their employees. As a direct consequence, the majority of children today (61%) are covered under their parent’s employer-sponsored insurance. Medicaid and SCHIP covered 28 million and 6 million children in 2005, respectively, and are therefore the second largest source of health insurance for children in the United States, covering more than one in four children younger than age 18. Medicaid was implemented in 1965 to cover the poorest and medically neediest children. Medicaid is a state- and

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federally financed legal entitlement program, meaning that all eligible children are entitled to coverage. The vast majority of children on Medicaid are entitled to the Early and Periodic Screening, Diagnostic, and Treatment (EPSDT) services benefit, which ensures that children receive adequate preventive care and follow-up treatment for optimal childhood growth and development. SCHIP was implemented in 1997 to cover low-income children who are ineligible for Medicaid. SCHIP is financed primarily through federal block grants, and funds can be used by states to create a separate children’s health insurance program, expand on Medicaid, or both. Eligible children are not guaranteed coverage, as this is not a legal entitlement program; thus, enrollment can be capped. Medicaid expansion SCHIP enrollees are guaranteed Medicaid coverage, but separate SCHIP program enrollees can be offered coverage that is more like private insurance. Despite these two safety-net programs, more than 1 in 10 children younger than age 18 in the United States are uninsured, a rate that is even higher for adolescents and minority, particularly Hispanic, children. Uninsured children are disproportionately low income and minority. A small proportion of uninsured children are in fair or poor health, and of those a disproportionate number are of Hispanic origin. Recent years have seen a decrease in employer-sponsored insurance. Medicaid and SCHIP have served to fill gaps in coverage for many children, resulting in a slight decrease in uninsurance. However, for the first time since 1998, the year of SCHIP’s implementation, the number of uninsured children appeared to have increased again. These aggregated figures mask important differences by race and ethnicity. Although private insurance coverage has declined and public insurance coverage has increased for all children regardless of race and ethnicity between 1996 and 2005, private coverage declined much more drastically for Hispanic children than for other children (10% vs. 2.5% for white children and 1% for black children) and public coverage increased at a higher rate for Hispanic children than for other children (16% vs. 7% for white children and 8% for black children). Despite the dynamic relationship between private and public coverage, in which public coverage picks up some of the children dropped from private coverage, particularly Hispanic children, a higher proportion of Hispanic children remained uninsured in 2005 compared to white and black children (20% vs. 8% vs. 11%). Additionally, the proportion of uninsured black children increased slightly for two consecutive years since 2003, from 10% to 11% in 2005. I nsur anc e Cov er age and Ac c ess to Qualit y Car e Abundant health services research demonstrates the importance of health insurance for children’s health care access and ultimately children’s health. However, because no

mandate exists in the United States that all children must have health insurance, many children whose families cannot afford health insurance, who are ineligible for public insurance, or who are eligible but not enrolled in public insurance will have reduced access to health care and poorer health outcomes because of their uninsured status. Commonly accepted measures of access vary by insurance status and race and ethnicity but generally underscore the importance of public insurance as an equalizer since the rates of unmet need and lack of usual source of care are very similar to those of children with private insurance. Similarly, access varies by how stable coverage is during the year. As compared to full-year privately and publicly insured children, both part-year and full-year uninsured children had significantly greater difficulties accessing health care. The quality of health care also varies by insurance status and race and ethnicity, but again public insurance performs favorably compared to private insurance. Overall, less than half of all children receive the recommended well-child and dental visits, but uninsured children were much less likely to receive these visits. White children and younger children (younger than age 10) were less likely to receive the recommended well-child visits, while black children and children from low-income families were less likely to receive the recommended dental visits. In general, it appears that public insurance does much to mitigate the effects of poverty on children’s health. However, it does not completely ameliorate disparities attributable to poverty in children’s health status, access, and utilization. The economic downturn that began in 2007 and the widening income disparity spelled further difficulties for the nation’s poor families. Efforts to improve children’s health must address poverty, perhaps the most important determinant of poor health and development. Anne Rossier Markus, Jessica Sharac, and Sara Rosenbaum see also: Health, Disparities in; Health Care Funding; Health Screening; Health Supervision; Hospitalization; Immunizations; Insurance, Children and; Medical Care and Procedures, Consent to

international perspectives. The United States has a health and social care system for children that differs from many industrialized nations that offer universal health care coverage and more generous social-protection policies. This article compares the United States to two other high-income countries, France and the United Kingdom, and to one low-income country, Vietnam, which spend less on health care but perform better on a number of health indicators. The United States spends the greatest percentage (15.4%) of its gross domestic product on health care of all countries. This compares to 5.5%, 8.1%, and 10.5% in Vietnam, the United Kingdom, and France, respectively. This level of spending has afforded the United States its reputation as

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a world leader in medical research and technology yet has not assured health care coverage for all children—11.2% of children were uninsured in 2005—nor has it reduced the relatively higher rates of infant and under-age-5 mortality (6/1,000 and 7/1,000 in 2005, respectively) compared to the United Kingdom (5/1,000 and 6/1,000, respectively) and France (4/1,000 and 5/1,000, respectively). Vietnam’s per capita income is approximately 1.4% ($620) of that of the United States, yet its infant and under-age-5 mortality rates are relatively low (16/1,000 and 19/1,000, respectively), especially when compared to similarly situated lowincome countries (e.g., Yemen’s per capita income is $600, with rates of infant and under-age-5 mortality of 76/1,000 and 102/1,000, respectively). H e alth Car e Fi nanc i ng and Deliv er y Health care systems vary by financing and provision of services. The United States has a fragmented health care system in which pediatric care is provided through a piecemeal system composed of private and public provision of services. The United Kingdom has a national health system, the National Health Service (NHS), financed through taxation, in which the national government both provides and pays for services for its citizens, although funds are geographically distributed to Primary Care Trusts. All children are automatically enrolled into the NHS at birth, and most children’s services are provided through the NHS. Despite universal coverage for children, the NHS has been faulted for its lack of specialists, for rationing care through waiting lists, and for its so-called postcode lottery in which some receive better care based upon where they live. In contrast, the French system, which was ranked the number one health care system in the world by the World Health Organization (WHO), consists of sickness funds primarily (80%) financed by the government and of privately furnished, but strictly regulated, services. French residents compulsorily enroll on the basis of their occupational status and receive comprehensive services, combined, in the case of children, with a strong maternal and child health public health program. The French health care system has been criticized on the grounds that it creates an expensive burden for taxpayers and that health care resources are not equally distributed throughout the country. In Vietnam, the health care system has shifted from full government financing and universal free health care to the privatization of health care. The public health care system, which provides services through public hospitals and commune health centers, is largely financed by taxes and to a lesser by extent compulsory health insurance, user fees, and donor aid. Vietnam also has a social health insurance program that is voluntary for citizens (and is primarily geared toward schoolchildren) and mandatory for state employees and some privately employed workers. Vietnam’s 2001–2 National Health Survey reported that only 17.4% of the

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country was covered through this system and only 26% of schoolchildren. The high cost of user and/or informal fees to public providers or of fee-for-service fees to private providers forces many Vietnamese to self-treat or to seek services from private drug vendors when they fall ill. I nc om e S u ppo rt Countries with greater income inequality between the richest and the poorest generally have poorer child health indicators and poorer self-reported adolescent health status. Income inequality is measured by the Gini index, with higher scores corresponding to greater income inequality. According to World Bank figures, the United States has a Gini index of 40.8, compared to 32.7 in France, 36 in the United Kingdom, and 37 in Vietnam. Additionally, poor children are more likely to bear the burden of mortality, mental health problems, lower birth weight, and acute and chronic illnesses. An estimated 25%, 19%, and 7% of children in the United States, the United Kingdom, and France, respectively, and 24% of the general population in Vietnam live in poverty. In the United States, in addition to public health insurance for low-income children, several income-support programs exist to alleviate child poverty: the federal Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC), which is a tax refund for lowincome families; the child allowance tax credit per child; food stamps, which are vouchers for groceries; public or subsidized housing for poor families; and Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), which provides welfare cash payments. Compared to the United States, which more strongly values personal responsibility, individualism, and limited government interference, France and the United Kingdom have stronger welfare states that redistribute wealth across income levels. In both countries, all families (starting with the first child in the United Kingdom and the second in France) receive a basic family allowance regardless of income, with many other allowances given to low-income working or unemployed families and children as income support. In Vietnam, poverty often leads to prostitution and trafficking of girls and to child labor, which reduces educational opportunities and can be detrimental to one’s health (e.g., child labor has been linked to increases in adolescent mortality). In 1996, the Vietnamese government announced the national Hunger Elimination and Poverty Reduction program. In addition, the National Development Funds allow family exemptions for school and health fees. Pr enatal Car e and Par en tal Leav e In the United States, prenatal care is generally provided through private insurance, and low-income (up to 133% of poverty and in many states up to higher income levels) pregnant women receive it through Medicaid, although

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26% of poor and 19% of near-poor pregnant women remained uninsured. In the United Kingdom and France, prenatal care is free, accessible, and comprehensive. Both countries have highrisk pregnancy outreach programs in which services are provided by home-visit or community nurses. The proportion of Vietnamese women receiving prenatal care varies from a low of 29% with four or more visits to a high of 70% with at least one. The United States has a federal family-leave policy—the Family and Medical Leave Act—but it is unpaid and relatively short (12 weeks), exempts workplaces with fewer than 50 employees, and covers only about half of the workforce. The French maternity-leave policy grants 6 weeks before birth and 10 weeks after birth, which are paid at 100% of earnings, with longer periods allowed for additional children or pregnancy complications. The United Kingdom maternity-leave policy allows up to 26 weeks of paid leave: 6 weeks at 90% of earnings, then 20 weeks at a flat rate of £100 per week. Vietnamese women in the paid labor force are allowed 100% paid maternity leave for 120 days, with more time allocated for multiple births and additional children; it is compulsory for women employed by the government and private employers with more than 10 workers. Ear ly C h i ldhood H e alth and D e v elo pm en ta l S erv ic e s In the United States, there is no universal periodic preventive screening program, with the exception of the Medicaid Early and Periodic Screening, Diagnosis, and Treatment (EPSDT) program for poor and low-income children. Early well-child care is generally provided by pediatricians or family doctors in an office setting, but its receipt is dependent on the willingness or ability of parents. Cost sharing is prohibited or strictly limited for services provided to publicly insured children and varies highly by insurance plan for privately insured children. France has a strong maternal and child health system (Protection Maternelle et Infantile, PMI), which provides universal, free preventive, educational, social, and financial services to children. Most parents seek well-child care for their children from private practitioners, with full reimbursement by the government. Cost sharing can be implemented for some acute and chronic primary care services, depending on the child’s insurance. At the time of birth, parents receive a health guidebook (carnet de santé), which informs them of the recommended times of vaccinations and health exams and how to promote their child’s health. Doctors forward children’s health certificates at 8 days, 9 months, and 24 months to the local PMI agency, which compiles the results of developmental screens, medical histories, and immunizations and the notices of any medical or social risks to identify and target services to at-risk children. France also has a national home-visiting program.

The United Kingdom has a system of well-child care, with free services provided through general practitioner (GP) practices, which serve as the gatekeeper for all referred and specialty services, coupled with home visits provided by public health nurses who are affiliated with GP offices and target high-risk children or children with difficulties accessing physician care. Home visits incorporate health education of parents (e.g., counseling on breastfeeding) and screening of children for health problems, and they span from before birth (one prenatal visit) to age 5 (five visits). At the first contact, nurses perform developmental screens and targeted risk assessments and coordinate the information with the child’s GP. There is no cost sharing for primary care services. C h i l d Car e The United States lacks a national system of early childhood care, although it has made efforts toward providing child care to some families. Tax credits are available to families to offset some of the costs of child care (up to 30% can be refunded), although overall about 75% of child care costs are covered by parents. The federal government also subsidizes low-income families for early child care through TANF, Head Start, and Early Head Start. In France, 100% of French 3- to 6-year-olds are in publicly supported care, compared to 54% in the United States and 60% in the United Kingdom. Starting from age 2 until age 6, children can attend fully publicly funded and free preschools (écoles maternelles). Other child care options include subsidized nanny care and crèches, which charge income-based fees (but overall, half and all of the fees in the case of low-income families are financed by the government). In the United Kingdom, early childhood care programs are integrated into the educational system but remain fragmented, as more middle-income children attend preschool while low-income children attend child care programs such as Sure Start, a program targeted to preschool and disadvantaged children to improve social and emotional development, health, and ability to learn. In Vietnam, both public and private organizations offer child care, and about 76% of 5-year-olds are enrolled in preprimary schools. Child care programs and the Ministry of Health coordinate the provision of health services (e.g., immunizations) to children. Vietnam’s government is making efforts to expand early child care to at-risk children, but coverage is inadequate for poor and rural children. In many families, children are still cared for by the extended family. Sc hool H e alth and H e alth Educat io n In the United States, all states require immunizations prior to school entry, although specific requirements vary by state. School health services requirements are generally deter-

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mined at the school district level and are not uniform across the nation. Most school districts perform hearing (88%), vision (90%), and scoliosis (69%) screenings. The majority of school districts (80% to 90%) require health education be taught on such subjects as HIV/AIDS, sexually transmitted disease, and pregnancy prevention; alcohol, tobacco, and drug use prevention; and nutrition and fitness. In Europe, school systems are closely linked with health care programs. In France, preschool children are eligible for a school health program that takes over the role of PMI and assesses children’s psychomotor and language skills and screens for physical, vision, and hearing problems, which are generally performed at age 6, 10, and 14. Sex education is mandatory in both public and private French schools, and nurses are able to dispense emergency contraception to students. Nurses are also responsible for screening adolescents for health risks, counseling students, and teaching them about contraception and prevention of sexually transmitted diseases. In the United Kingdom, most health services are provided through the NHS rather than through schools, although the Personal, Social, and Health Education program teaches students sexual and relationship education, as well as tobacco, alcohol, and drug use prevention education. In Vietnam, health services are often provided in cooperation with schools. Children who stop attending school (only 72% of girls and 75% of boys attend secondary school) also stop benefiting from this coordination. Tr ansition to Adulthood In both the United Kingdom and France, the universality of health insurance ensures a transition from childhood to adulthood without any loss of benefits. The United States and Vietnam do not provide such health insurance protections. In the United States, young adults age 19 to 29 are one of the fastest-growing and largest groups of uninsured, mostly because they are not offered insurance through their jobs, cannot afford it, or are dropped from public insurance or their parents’ policy at age 19 or, if in school, at age 23 or graduation. However, as of early 2009, it appeared that U.S. health care reform was on the horizon as the administration of Barack Obama considered health care reform proposals to expand coverage and some states proposed or implemented universal health care programs. In Vietnam, the voluntary social health insurance program is geared toward school children, who are likely to lose coverage when they finish school unless they start working for an employer who requires enrollment in the compulsory social insurance program. If not, they join the majority of Vietnamese who receive health care from the mixed publicprivate system if they can afford it or who self-treat or selfmedicate if they cannot. Anne Rossier Markus and Jessica Sharac

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see also: Health, Disparities in; Health Care Funding; Health Screening; Health Supervision; Hospitalization; Immunizations

health screening. Screening in medical practice refers to testing for disease in a person without symptoms of that disease. It is an essential component of the routine care of children and adolescents. The goal of screening is to detect disease early and to provide treatment to prevent adverse consequences. Given limited time and resources, a screening program is appropriate only when the condition is an important health concern that affects a significant portion of the population and, usually, there are effective treatment or supportive care options. The disease must be detectable prior to the onset of symptoms by an available, low-cost, and easily performed test. It must be reliable, with few false-negative or false-positive results. Specific conditions that are screened for in children in the United States include metabolic diseases, vision impairment, hearing impairment, lead poisoning, iron-deficiency anemia, tuberculosis, and hypertension. The decision to screen for a particular health condition involves balancing the interests of the individual child and those of the population. The benefits, risks, and cost to each must be evaluated. Parents’ right to make health care decisions on their child’s behalf must be respected while privacy and confidentiality must be ensured. Potential risks to the individual child may include psychological harm (e.g., anxiety), stigmatization, and discrimination (e.g., from insurers or employers). Screening for conditions for which there is no treatment or useful intervention must be evaluated particularly carefully, from both the societal and individual level. Meanwhile, society has an obligation to promote the health of its children and provide for the well-being of its population. The health benefits to the child and society must clearly outweigh the risks for screening to be justified. Health professionals and the community should partner in defining goals and values to guide the development of health-screening policies, regulations, and laws. Informed consent and counseling for voluntary screening or allowance of explicit parental refusal of mandatory screening may be involved in order to respect the rights and earn the trust of parents and the child. Equality of access to screening, treatment, and its benefits is an essential consideration. National standards and regulations ensure that the benefits and responsibilities of health screening are distributed fairly. The government has determined that health screening is essential; it is therefore covered under the Medicaid program Early and Periodic Screening, Diagnosis, and Treatment (EPSDT). M etab o l ic D i s e as e Newborns in the United States are screened for metabolic conditions through a sample of the infant’s blood obtained prior to hospital discharge. While all states test for

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phenylketonuria (PKU), congenital hypothyroidism, and galactosemia, a lack of federal guidelines has resulted in variable screening for additional disorders (e.g., cystic fibrosis, congenital adrenal hyperplasia, sickle-cell disease). Early identification and treatment of PKU and congenital hypothyroidism have been successful in reducing adverse neurological conditions, including intellectual disability. The racial and ethnic makeup of the population may determine the likelihood for the testing of specific conditions. For example, sickle-cell disease affects approximately 1 out of every 400 African Americans in the United States; cystic fibrosis is more common in children of European ancestry. In some cases, targeted screening may be recommended, but as ethnic diversity increases, such distinctions become less desirable. V i s io n I m pai r m en t Approximately 5% to 10% of preschool children have undetected vision problems such as amblyopia (also known as lazy eye, or loss of vision due to disuse from such conditions such as strabismus and cataracts). Early detection and treatment is essential to prevent permanent vision loss. Objective testing for visual impairment begins at 3 years of age with testing of monocular distance acuity (e.g., Snellen letters, tumbling E, picture tests). H e ar i ng Im pai r m en t Significant hearing loss is present in 0.1% to 0.3% of well newborn infants and in 2% to 4% of newborn infants needing neonatal intensive care. Universal newborn hearing screening programs have been implemented by more than 30 states as earlier detection of hearing loss with appropriate treatment can result in improved language, social, and cognitive development. Screening in infants is accomplished by otoacoustic emissions (OAE) and/or auditory brain-stem responses (ABR, also known as brain stem auditory evoked responses or BAER). Office screening by puretone audiometry is also done. L e a d Po i s o n i ng Lead poisoning can result in serious consequences, including anemia, learning disabilities, and behavioral changes. Minority, urban, and low-income children are at increased risk for lead poisoning. Recommendations for lead screening are based on the prevalence of lead poisoning in specific communities. For high-risk communities, universal screening at 9 to 12 months of age and at 24 months is performed through measurement of the blood lead level. A lead level at or above 10 micrograms per deciliter is the current level of concern for behavioral and cognitive effects. Targeted screening is recommended for all other children based on risk assessment. Early detection of elevated lead levels can

result in treatment, removal of lead sources, and nutritional management to prevent morbidity. I ron-Defic i enc y Anemia Although the prevalence of iron deficiency has decreased due to iron-fortified formula and cereal, it still affects 3% of children age 12 to 36 months in the United States and has been associated with developmental delay and behavioral changes. Infants who were preterm or of low birth weight and infants not fed iron-fortified formula are at increased risk, as are children living in poverty, immigrants, African Americans, Native Americans, Mexican Americans, and those with special health care needs. Adolescent girls, especially those with heavy menstruation and poor diets, as well as adolescent athletes are also at risk for developing irondeficiency anemia. Screening is recommended for high-risk children beginning at age 9 to 12 months. Screening is accomplished by obtaining blood for measurement of hemoglobin concentration or hematocrit. Tuberculo sis Tuberculosis (TB) is a disease caused by the bacillus Mycobacterium tuberculosis and is one of the leading causes of death from infection worldwide. Although 90% of cases occur in the developing world, about 4% to 6% of the U.S. population is infected. Targeted screening for children and adolescents at increased risk of acquiring TB is recommended. These include children born in or who frequently travel to regions of the world where TB is endemic (e.g., Asia, the Middle East, Africa, Latin America); those with close contact with a person infected with TB; those with close contact with high-risk adults (immigrants from or frequent travelers to countries where TB is endemic, the homeless, drug users, incarcerated persons, nursing home residents, those with low socioeconomic status, health care workers, those infected with HIV); and children who live in high-prevalence areas. The goals of TB screening are to identify and treat active disease, prevent development of active disease, and decrease transmission of TB. Tuberculin skin testing is the standard method of screening. H y perten s io n Hypertension in children is an average blood pressure equal to or greater than the 95th percentile for age and sex measured on at least three separate occasions. Approximately 1% of children have hypertension. Blood pressure standards vary by age, gender, and height. Although hypertension initially presents without symptoms, significant health consequences such as coronary heart disease, congestive heart failure, and stroke may result. Early detection of elevated blood pressure decreases mortality as most children younger than 10 years of age have hypertension due to a definable

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and treatable cause, such as kidney and heart disease. Beginning at 3 years of age, children should have regular checks of blood pressure. Yi Hui Liu and Martin T. Stein see also: Genetics: Genetic Testing; Health, Disparities in; Health Care Funding; Health Care Systems for Children; Health Supervision; Hearing; Insurance, Children and; Lead Poisoning; Medical Care and Procedures, Consent to; Metabolic Disorders; Vision further reading: American Academy of Pediatrics Committee on Practice and Ambulatory Medicine, “Recommendations for Preventive Periodic Health Care,” Pediatrics 105 (2000), pp. 645–46. • J. F. Hagan, J. S. Shaw, and P. M. Duncan, eds., Bright Futures: Guidelines for Health Supervision for Infants, Children, and Adolescents, 3rd ed., 2008.

health supervision. Health supervision is the major prevention component of pediatric care in the developed world. It refers to the implementation of standards of care provided by child health clinicians who guide parents (and other caretakers) in the promotion of optimal physical and psychological health. Primary areas of focus include nutrition, growth, safety, development, and behavior. Health supervision anticipates the changing needs of children and adolescents at each developmental stage. Anticipatory guidance describes the major mode of delivery of health supervision. Knowledge and skills are taught to parents, children, and youth that anticipate the next stage of development. For example, a discussion about understanding and managing temper tantrums occurs when a child is 1 year old in order to anticipate the toddler’s emerging independence and confl icts associated with oppositional behaviors. Another example of anticipatory guidance is when a child’s clinician discusses puberty, smoking, and drugs at a 10-year-old’s office visit. Health supervision is provided during well-child visits (about 30% of office visits in primary care pediatrics in the United States). Well-child care (WCC) emerged at the beginning of the 20th century as a public health component of the Progressive Era. Milk stations (also known as infant welfare clinics) in urban communities were organized to weigh babies (to screen for malnutrition) and provide information about optimal nutrition to prevent infant diarrhea, a major source of mortality at that time. Low-cost, sterilized milk was made available to working-class and immigrant families, among whom the death rate from infectious diarrhea was the highest. During the second decade of the 20th century, the milk stations shifted the focus from dispensing milk to instructing mothers on infant feeding and hygiene. Gradually, these well-child visits were broadened through the direction of local public health departments and federal child welfare agencies to provide information on child development, early stimulation and learning, and safety. The U.S. Children’s Bureau was created in 1912 to support the

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activities of local welfare societies and their health station programs; within a decade, the bureau was promoting the education of parents about behavioral and developmental norms and disseminating child-rearing techniques. The expanded agenda of the infant welfare clinic evolved into the well-baby concept, a formulation that shapes routine care in the United States today. By 1930, pediatricians incorporated the public health model into office practice. The specialty of pediatrics grew significantly from 1900 to 1930. Physicians who limited their practice to pediatrics increased from 138 in 1914 to 1,333 in 1929. During this time period, pediatricians who worked with nurses in the urban milk stations learned about the value of preventive medicine through periodic planned visits as complementary to the acute illness focus of their office practice. This public health experience, coupled with recommendations by Arnold Gesell, who emphasized standards of mental health as legitimate and feasible as standards of physical health, set the stage for modern pediatric practices. Contemporary WCC is provided both by public health and community clinics and community-based private clinicians. The American Academy of Pediatrics, beginning in 1967, set the standards for the timing and content of health supervision visits, currently set at 18 visits from birth through adolescence. This schedule was based upon consensus and contemporary practice, largely around the immunization schedule. Bright Futures (third edition), published by the American Academy of Pediatrics, sets the standards for the content of each well-child visit. In the 21st century, there is active consideration of the goals and format of the visits. Studies of outcome measures for the components of WCC visits are challenging. For immunizations, the outcome is clear: high rates of immunizations and low prevalence of diseases prevented by immunization. The immunization schedule for the United States in the 21st century protects children against 12 communicable diseases. They include polio, diphtheria, pertussis (whooping cough), tetanus, measles, mumps, rubella, Haemophilus influenza B, pneumococcus, hepatitis B, hepatitis A, and meningococcus. It has been more challenging to measure outcomes of anticipatory guidance in areas of health promotion (e.g., nutrition, behavior problems, etc.). Although controlled trials have demonstrated effectiveness of counseling for sleep problems, bicycle helmets, car restraints, and promoting breastfeeding, results are less certain in the areas of counseling and prevention. In the United States, providers for preventive care and illness-related care are typically the same individual. This model is in contrast to most other developed countries, where health promotion and health supervision are separated from acute care. In most Western European countries, WCC is provided by maternal and child health nurses. Pe-

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diatricians, in a consulting role, provide assessments for children identified by nurses. The patterns of health supervision care are not universal and vary from country to country. In most developing countries with limited resources, health supervision, if present at all, is restricted to monitoring growth, nutrition and health-promoting counseling, and immunizations. In all settings, the content of health supervision should reflect an understanding of health beliefs and values of individuals and their cultural heritage. To enhance the content and effectiveness of health promotion and health supervision in both the developed and developing world, several alternative models have been proposed. First is group WCC, in which a clinician meets with a group of about five parent-infant pairs at each well-child visit in the first two years of life. An initial group discussion is facilitated by the clinician. Parents are encouraged to share their concerns and experiences with the group about all WCC topics, from nutrition and sleep to fussy behaviors and tantrums. Then each child is weighed, examined, and immunized either in the group setting or individually. Group WCC has the advantage of providing a forum for parents who are experiencing a similar stage of child rearing to share their ideas, concerns, and experiences with one another. In a second model, parent or adolescent groups, groups of parents or youth are invited to attend discussions focused on a specific topic about a stage in development or a condition. For example, parent groups on infancy, toddlers, and preschool children attract parents of children of a particular age. Anticipatory guidance topics can be discussed in these groups, leaving time for parent concerns during the well-child visits. The group is lead by a professional in early child development. A third model uses a child health specialist. A nurse or other person trained in child development and behavior has responsibility for periodic screening with standardized tests, communication with office clinicians, and referrals when appropriate for assessment or therapy. This individual, working closely with pediatricians, coordinates developmental and behavioral screening, anticipatory guidance, and counseling as part of an integrated program with other clinicians. To promote literacy during well-child visits, the Reach Out and Read program, beginning at the 6-week WCC visit until 5 years of age, provides a book to each family and encourages reading to young children at home. Reach Out and Read has been shown to increase home reading, increase preschool vocabulary, enhance parental interest in reading to their young children, and increase the number of books in the home. To improve efficiency and accuracy of screening for a variety of problems, computerized questionnaires for par-

ents and adolescent patients are utilized. These incorporate a comprehensive list of questions for parents about developmental achievement and behavioral problems. A list of diagnostic possibilities for clinician review is generated. Similar computer tools for adolescent patients about sexual knowledge and practices and substance abuse may be more accurate than a traditional interview. Chronic depression in a caretaker has significant effects on the psychological and physical health of children. Several screening procedures have been proposed to identify this parental concern in WCC. Health supervision is a cornerstone of preventive child health care and is currently evolving to better address the issues for children and families in the 21st century. Martin T. Stein see also: Health, Disparities in; Health Care Funding; Health Care Systems for Children; Health Screening; Immunizations; Insurance, Children and; Morbidity; Mortality; Pediatrics further reading: S. A. Halpern, American Pediatrics: The Social Dynamics of Professionalism, 1880–1980, 3rd ed., 1988. • M. Regalado and N. Halfon, Primary Care Services: Promoting Optimal Child Development from Birth to Three Years, 2002. • S. D. Dixon and M. T. Stein, Encounters with Children: Pediatric Behavior and Development, 4th ed., 2006. • J. F. Hagan, J. S. Shaw, and P. M. Duncan, eds., Bright Futures: Guidelines for Health Supervision for Infants, Children, and Adolescents, 3rd ed., 2008.

hearing Development of Hearing Hearing Abnormalities

development of hearing. Hearing is important to the

acquisition of speech and language, and substantial changes in hearing occur over the course of childhood. Hearing is generally described as the ability to represent a sound’s spectrum, or its intensity at each frequency; its periodicity, or its temporal regularity; and changes in the sound over time. This information is essential to all auditory perception. The development of these abilities depends on maturation of the ear, of the primary auditory nervous system, and of higher-level brain processes. Fundamen tal C har acter istics of H e ar i ng The cochlea, or inner ear, begins to respond to sound around 22 to 24 weeks gestational age. Motor and heart rate responses to sound are regularly observed in fetuses by 28 weeks; evoked neural potentials can be first recorded from premature infants at that age. Fetuses are exposed to sound produced by the mother and remember something about prenatal sounds, but little is known about the precise characteristics of fetal hearing. A distorted representation of sound is probably sent to the fetal brain because sound is lost as it is conducted through maternal and fetal tissue

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and because the fetal cochlea (inner ear) remains immature until near term. The cochlea is mature at term birth. Newborns respond behaviorally to moderately intense tones and to large changes in the frequency of a sound. Newborns respond to changes in speech sounds, suggesting that they hear at least some of the details in sound. Auditory brain stem potentials indicate that newborns require higher intensities to respond to sounds higher than 2,000 Hz than to lowerfrequency sounds. Sensitivity to high frequencies improves between birth and 6 months of age; in infants older than 6 months, sensitivity to high-frequency sounds is actually better than that to low-frequency sounds. Smaller improvements in hearing sensitivity across frequency continue into the school years. Sensitivity improves during infancy and childhood because the external and middle ear conduct more sound into the cochlea and because the brain is better able to transmit information about sound. Before 6 months of age, infants are less accurate in representing the frequency of sounds, particularly highfrequency sounds, as a result of primary neural immaturity. By 6 months of age, infants’ representation of the sound spectrum is like that of adults. Infants are also able to follow even rapid changes in a sound’s intensity over time. The ability to use periodicity to distinguish sounds of different frequencies, however, continues to develop into the school years. Infants and preschoolers also have difficulty detecting small changes in a sound’s intensity or duration. While children are able to perceive speech quite well under most circumstances, these perceptual limitations may force them to use the more salient acoustic characteristics of speech sounds to identify them. The ability to localize sound sources in space undergoes substantial development between birth and middle childhood. A sound source must move quite a distance before newborns detect a change in location. The required sound separation to detect a location change progressively decreases during infancy and early childhood, although older children may still have difficulty localizing a sound under complex listening conditions. Sound localization depends on differences in the sound arriving at the two ears as well as spectral differences. Growth of the head and pinna (external ear) gives children more information to work with. The ability of the brain to calculate the differences between the ears and the mapping between acoustic information and specific spatial locations become more precise between infancy and about 5 years of age. Neonatal H e ar i ng Sc r eeni ng Congenital hearing loss occurs in about 3 infants in 1,000. The prevalence of congenital hearing loss depends on race, gender, birth weight, and other risk factors. In the United States and Western Europe, more than 90% of newborns are screened for hearing loss; newborn hearing screening

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is becoming more common in Japan and in other countries. Almost all types of congenital hearing loss result from defects in the cochlea. Because the cochlea is mature at term birth, absence of response from the cochlea, in the absence of middle ear fluid, indicates hearing loss in a newborn. Two types of tests are generally employed in screening. One measures otoacoustic emissions, inaudible sounds produced in the cochlea in response to sounds. The other is the auditory brain stem response, a measure of the brain’s response to sound. Both are considered accurate screening tests. Early identification of hearing loss is considered critical, because with early intervention, language function at school age may be within the normal range. Children who begin intervention later frequently exhibit persistent language problems. Selectiv e Perc eptual Proc esses Despite a mature representation of the sound spectrum, infants and preschoolers require a higher sound intensity than adults to detect one sound against competing background sounds. Separating a target sound from others requires that the listener identify the spectral components from each sound source and group together those components from each source. This process is known as sound source segregation. Infants are capable of sound source segregation but require larger differences between target and background sounds to do so. However, providing infants with visual information from the sound source allows them to hear the target sound at lower signal-to-noise ratios. Immature selective auditory attention also limits children’s ability to detect a sound in a noisy background. Unlike adults, infants detecting a sound at one frequency do not detect that frequency to the exclusion of others. Consequently, infants’ and children’s perception of target sounds is degraded by competing sounds that have no effect on adults’ perception. Selective auditory attention is an important characteristic of mature complex sound perception that presumes some knowledge of the frequencies likely to carry important distinctions between sounds. Because the important frequencies are different in different languages and because infants have limited knowledge of which frequencies are important, it is adaptive for them to listen to sounds unselectively. The disadvantage of unselective listening, however, is poorer target sound perception when competing sounds are present. School-age children separate one sound from another like adults. Children’s ability to process sounds in complex listening situations continues to mature into adolescence. At issue here appears to be the ability to use different acoustic information when competing sounds or other factors make a usually informative cue hard to hear. The ability to listen flexibly requires considerable experience with speech and other sounds under many listening conditions. Lynne A. Werner

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see also: Neurological and Brain Development; Perception; Vision: Development of Vision further reading: L. A. Werner and L. Gray, “Behavioral Studies of Hearing Development,” in E. W. Rubel, R. R. Fay, and A. N. Popper, eds., Development of the Auditory System, 1998. • A. Fernald, “Hearing, Listening, and Understanding: Auditory Development in Infancy,” in G. Bremner and A. Fogel, eds., Blackwell Handbook of Infant Development, 2001. • J. Saffran, J. Werker, and L. A. Werner, “The Infant’s Auditory World: Hearing, Speech, and the Beginnings of Language,” in W. Damon, R. M. Lerner, D. Kuhn, and R. S. Siegler, eds., Handbook of Child Psychology, vol. 2, Cognition, Perception, and Language, 6th ed., 2006.

hearing abnormalities. Hearing loss is a global problem with serious consequences. Untreated, it can lead to social withdrawal and lost economic productivity. The estimated prevalence of moderate to severe hearing loss in children is 1 to 2 per 1,000 live births. The recently appreciated understanding that early identification and treatment of hearing loss can have significant developmental and economic advantages ultimately led to the consensus view by the U.S. Joint Committee on Infant Hearing in 2000 that newborn hearing screening prior to hospital discharge should be the standard of care. The result has been earlier identification of hearing loss and earlier intervention through hearing aids and cochlear implantation in the United States. In 1995, the World Health Organization (WHO) passed a resolution acknowledging the importance of early detection and prevention of hearing loss. While newborn hearing screening is now the standard in many developed countries, this public health issue remains relatively unaddressed in most developing countries. Risk factors for hearing loss in infants include a stay in the neonatal intensive care unit, prolonged mechanical ventilation, jaundice, low birth weight (less than 1,500 grams), family history of hearing loss, maternal/perinatal infections (classically, toxoplasmosis, rubella, cytomegalovirus, and herpes), abnormalities in the structure of the head or face, and meningitis. Generally speaking, in infants with confirmed hearing loss, 50% have genetic causes, 25% have nongenetic causes (e.g., meningitis, trauma, drug toxicity, other), and 25% are unknown. Technology has improved the ability to understand the cause of a child’s hearing loss. Fine-cut computerized tomography (CT scans) of the ear and brain in combination with a variety of genetic tests are estimated to successfully identify the cause of hearing loss in approximately 40% of patients. Genetic tests are often best used when guided by clinical assessments. Types of hearing loss can be categorized according to location. Starting at the external ear, or auricle, malformations of the external ear can lead to hearing loss, primarily by narrowing or obliterating the external ear canal through which sound waves must travel to reach the middle and inner ear. Often, there are associated abnormalities in the middle

ear, such as abnormally formed or absent middle ear bones that are critical for the conduction of sound to the inner ear. This condition, known as aural atresia, can be managed surgically through the creation of a new ear canal and ear drum or nonsurgically using a variety of bone-conduction hearing aids that stimulate the inner ear through bone vibration, thus bypassing the external and middle ear. In children, the vast majority of hearing loss is secondary to middle ear disease, namely middle ear fluid. Longstanding middle ear fluid may affect the development of speech, although this is controversial. This condition is both common and usually temporary. The passage of time is well proved to clear chronic middle ear fluid; surgically placed ear tubes (PE tubes) are reserved for fluid that fails to resolve. Other sources of hearing loss in the middle ear include inherited abnormalities of the bones that transmit sound as well as the development of masses called cholesteatomas, which can erode the hearing bones. The inner ear is the site of many causes of hearing loss, likely because of the complexity of the primary organ of hearing, the organ of Corti. A complex system has a greater capacity for failure at a number of levels. The proper workings of the inner ear are dependent on the transformation of mechanical energy from vibration of the middle ear ossicles (small bones) to a fluid wave that stimulates hair cells within the organ of Corti and subsequently stimulates the auditory nerve going to the brain. The organ of Corti is housed within the bony snail-shaped cochlea and is adjacent to five vestibular (balance) organs. As one would expect with such a complex system, the number of diseases associated with abnormal cochlear function is enormous, and generally it is assumed that most uncharacterized sources of hearing loss originate here. Several types of malformations of the cochlear and vestibular structures have been described. These are generally identified by CT scans and have few therapeutic options. Other genetic conditions that have been associated with hearing loss include Waardenburg’s syndrome, characterized by sensorineural hearing loss with facial abnormalities, white forelock of the hair, and heterochromia iridis (different-colored eyes). Waardenburg’s syndrome is an autosomal dominant disorder, so there is typically a strong family history. One gene, PAX3, has been associated with type 1 and type 3 Waardenburg’s syndrome. Alport’s syndrome includes hearing loss associated with progressive kidney disease and is typically inherited with an X chromosome-linked inheritance pattern. Branchio-oto-renal (BOR) syndrome is also associated with kidney anomalies as well as abnormalities around the ears and neck, branchial sinuses, malformed external ears, and hearing loss. BOR syndrome is inherited in an autosomal dominant pattern and has been associated with mutations in the EYA1 and SIX1 genes. Hearing loss can be associated with blindness. Usher’s syndrome includes hearing loss associated

he a r in g im p a ir m e n t s , e d u c a t io n o f c h il d r e n w it h

with retinitis pigmentosa, or atypical retinal formation, and is the most common cause of combined hearing loss and blindness. Typically, retinitis pigmentosa develops before puberty (although there are other subtypes) and leads to progressive loss of vision. Multiple genes have been associated with Usher’s syndrome, most notably mutations in the myosin 7A gene, which is found in 60% of patients with type 1 Usher’s syndrome. Jervell and Lange-Nielsen (JLN) syndrome is characterized by hearing loss associated with fainting, sudden death, and occasionally seizures. It is typically identified by family history and the electrocardiogram abnormality of cardiac rhythm. Two genes have been identified that are associated with JLN syndrome. Pendred’s syndrome consists of hearing loss accompanied by the development of a thyroid goiter. These patients often have the finding on CT scan of enlarged vestibular aqueducts, channels connecting the inner ear to the intracranial space. Thyroid abnormalities are managed medically. There are anecdotal reports of progressive hearing loss after head injuries in patients with enlarged vestibular aqueducts, and thus avoidance of contact sports is often advised. Mutation of the SLC26A4 gene is likely associated with a spectrum of disease, ranging from isolated hearing loss to full Pendred’s syndrome. The vast majority of hearing loss is classified as nonsyndromic hearing loss, which is hearing loss not associated with other physical findings or associated conditions. The discovery that mutations in the connexin 26 gene (GJB2) account for a large percentage of nonsyndromic hearing loss has brought genetic testing for hearing loss to the forefront and has led to genetic testing in many children with congenital hearing loss. Molecular advances in hearing research have provided hope for the future. Unfortunately, research has not yet reached a level where improved diagnosis has led to improved treatment. Genetic tests do provide comfort to families seeking to understand the cause of the hearing loss and the risk of transmission to the next generation. While there is promising research utilizing the delivery of reparative genes or protective compounds to the inner ear, in most cases treatment of hearing loss revolves around using hearing aids when they are effective and considering cochlear implantation when they are not. Cochlear implantation is one of the great examples of translational research, in which basic benchtop research has been transformed into a clinical application. An understanding of the physiology of hearing has led to a device that allows direct electrical stimulation of the auditory nerve, restoring some hearing when hearing aids are ineffective. Implantation and postoperative care typically cost approximately $100,000. However, economic analysis has demonstrated that the economic impact of restoring hearing and allowing a child to return to mainstream education

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and the workforce outweighs this initial cost. Nevertheless, it is perhaps not surprising that cochlear implantation is typically more common in higher socioeconomic classes. One study demonstrated that in 1997 almost 50% of children receiving cochlear implants resided in ZIP codes with higher median incomes. Ultimately, treatment of hearing loss, whether by hearing aids, cochlear implantation, or new genetic therapies, is a multidisciplinary process with many professionals involved. The goal is to optimize hearing while addressing the educational, social, familial, and other medical conditions of the child and family. Henry C. Ou see also: Deafness; Ear Infections; Hearing Impairments, Education of Children with further reading: Joint Committee on Infant Hearing Position Statement, “Principles and Guidelines for Early Hearing Detection and Intervention Programs,” 2000. • Derek D. Mafong, Edward J. Shin, and Anil K. Lalwani, “Use of Laboratory Evaluation and Radiologic Imaging in the Diagnostic Evaluation of Children with Sensorineural Hearing Loss,” The Laryngoscope 112 (January 2002), pp. 1–7. • Ryan E. Stern, Bevan Yueh, Charlotte Lewis, Susan Norton, and Kathleen C. Sie, “Recent Epidemiology of Pediatric Cochlear Implantation in the United States: Disparity among Children of Different Ethnicity and Socioeconomic Status,” The Laryngoscope 115 (January 2005), pp. 125–31.

hearing impairments, education of children with. The U.S. Department of Education’s statistics indicate that about 0.13% of the public school population is identified as deaf or hard of hearing. There are many definitions and classification systems of hearing impairment. Although professionals define the two categories differently, the most common division is between deaf and hard of hearing. Classification is usually based on the degree that a person without a hearing aid can successfully process linguistic information. Educators are concerned with how much the hearing impairment may affect the child’s ability to speak and develop language. The age of onset is a particular concern because of the close relationship between hearing impairment and language delay. Because early childhood is such an important time for language development, education for infants and preschoolers with hearing impairments is critical. Most children who are deaf have severe deficits in academic achievement. Reading ability is the most affected because of its heavy reliance on language skills. For example, the average high school student who is hearing impaired has about a fourth-grade reading-comprehension level. Even in math, their best academic subject, students with hearing impairments trail their hearing peers by substantial margins. Nevertheless, a supportive home environment is associated with higher achievement in students who are deaf. Students who are deaf or hard of hearing are taught in settings ranging from general education classrooms to

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residential institutions. Starting in the mid-1970s, more of these students have been attending their local schools. According to figures kept by the U.S. Department of Education, about 85% of students who are deaf are educated in their neighborhood school in self-contained classes, resource rooms, or regular classes. Many within the Deaf community, however, have been critical of the degree of mainstreaming or inclusion that is occurring. They argue that residential schools (and, to a lesser extent, day schools) have been a major influence in fostering the concept of a Deaf culture and the use of American Sign Language (ASL). Inclusion, they believe, forces students who are deaf to lose their Deaf identity and places them in a hearing and speaking environment in which it is almost impossible to succeed. Whatever the case, social and academic outcomes vary depending on the individual. Because language development is such an important issue for children who are hearing impaired, it is not surprising that many of the most controversial issues surrounding early intervention in the area of deafness focus on language. As evidenced in the debate between oralism and manualism, some people maintain that, in Englishspeaking countries, the English language should be the focus of intervention efforts (oralism), and others hold that ASL (manualism) should be used starting in infancy. Most educational programs use a total communication approach, a blend of oral and manual techniques, the latter being a type of English signing system in which the English word order is preserved. Some, however, advocate for a bicultural-bilingual approach, which consists of three features: ASL is considered the primary language, students who are deaf are involved in the development of the program and curriculum, and the curriculum involves instruction in Deaf culture. Contrary to popular opinion, there is no universal sign language. In other words, ASL is only one of several hundred different sign languages worldwide. And even some other English-speaking countries, such as Australia and England, have their own sign languages, which differ from ASL. Similar to spoken languages, sign languages evolve regionally wherever there is a critical mass of people who are deaf. Because the vast majority of children who are deaf are born to hearing parents, educators have established preschool intervention projects in order to teach the basics of sign language to parents and siblings as well as to the children who are deaf. Once the child is ready to progress beyond one- and two-word signed utterances, it is important that native signers be available as models. Authorities recommend a practice that is popular in Sweden: that adults who are deaf be part of early intervention efforts because they can serve as sign language models and can help hearing parents form positive expectations about their children’s potential.

Aiding students who are deaf or hard of hearing can be challenging for educators and school systems. A teacher may need to have help from a sign language interpreter to teach these students. There are, however, a number of technological advances that have made it easier for persons with hearing impairments to communicate with and/or have access to information from the hearing world. This technological explosion has primarily involved five areas: hearing aids, captioning, telephones, computerassisted instruction, and the Internet. In addition, cochlear implants, which involve surgically inserting a device on the cochlea of the inner ear, have helped some individuals hear better. Although great strides have been made in the prevention, diagnosis, and treatment of hearing impairment in the United States and many other countries, this is not the case in developing countries. The World Health Organization estimates that 80% of the world’s deaf population lives in low- and middle-income countries. Interestingly, in keeping with the strong commitment that many who are deaf have to a Deaf culture, some have argued that there might be some hidden “advantages” for the preservation of a Deaf culture in underdeveloped and developing countries. They hypothesize that, in wealthy countries, advanced technologies may ultimately reduce the critical mass of the Deaf population using a particular sign language to the point where the transmission of their Deaf culture will be adversely affected. They suggest that Deaf culture may have a better chance of surviving in impoverished countries where these technologies will be much slower to be implemented. Such arguments have created considerable controversy among researchers, practitioners, and ethicists. Daniel P. Hallahan and E. Stephen Byrd see also: Clerc, (Louis) Laurent (Marie); Deafness; Gallaudet, Edward Miner; Hearing; Sign Language; Special Education further reading: Harlan Lane, Robert Hoffmeister, and Ben Bahan, A Journey into the Deaf-World, 1996. • Trevor Johnston, “W(h)ither the Deaf Community? Population, Genetics, and the Future of Australian Sign Language,” American Annals of the Deaf 148 (2004), pp. 358–75. • Daniel P. Hallahan and James M. Kauffman, Exceptional Learners: Introduction to Special Education, 11th ed., 2009.

heart disorders and diseases. Childhood heart disease falls within two major subcategories: cardiac birth defects (congenital heart disease) and acquired cardiac disorders. Beginning in the late 20th century, the understanding of pediatric cardiac disease has progressed greatly. Technological breakthroughs have transformed a multitude of fatal conditions into survivable conditions with which the child can flourish. The “blue baby” who previously succumbed in the first weeks or months of life can now enjoy a full life thanks to the ability to rapidly diagnose and treat complex cardiac lesions. The future includes application of

h e a r t d is o r d e r s a n d d is e a s e s

the knowledge of the genetic basis of cardiac development to patient therapy. Congenital H e art Diseas e Basic understanding of the circulatory system can be traced back to the ancient Egyptians. However, it was not until the 1700s that autopsy specimens from children with specific cardiac defects allowed physicians to correlate symptoms with the actual structural abnormalities. For the next 200 years, only small progress was made. As late as the early 20th century, there remained no effective treatment for these cardiac lesions. Pharmacological therapies were first instituted with the use of digitalis from the foxglove plant; this therapy continues today as digoxin. Now there is a broad armamentarium of medicines to choose among, many of which can completely eliminate cardiac symptoms. Congenital cardiac defects fall within two groups: those resulting in inadequate circulation to the lungs with resultant cyanosis, or blue discolorations due to blood with low oxygen levels, and those that cause excessive pulmonary blood flow with associated failure of the heart to work effectively (congestive heart failure). One example of each will be briefly mentioned. A ventricular septal defect typically constitutes an isolated communication or hole between the left and right ventricles. Blood will preferentially take the path of least resistance to the right ventricle, traveling to the lungs in such excessive volumes that pulmonary congestion will result. Another lesion, called tetralogy of Fallot (once described as blue baby syndrome), is a constellation of defects that can best be described as a ventricular septal defect in conjunction with maldevelopment of the pulmonary vessels. The child’s symptoms and degree of cyanosis in this condition will be the direct result of the severity of obstruction to pulmonary blood flow. Ac qui r ed H e art Diseas e Cardiac conditions that are acquired include such conditions as rheumatic heart disease, in which an inflammatory process associated with a prior occurrence of a streptococcal infection (e.g., strep throat) can result in damage to the heart. Many of these children will develop chronic dysfunction of the heart valves, requiring cardiac surgical repair or replacement. In addition, these individuals receive monthly penicillin injections to avoid recurrence of the infectious process. Apart from small pockets of the population, the prevalence of rheumatic heart disease in developed countries has dropped dramatically. However, there are regions of the world (e.g., Egypt, India, and South America) where rheumatic fever remains the most common form of heart disease in children. The explanation for the diminishing frequency remains unclear but may be due to a combination of the use of antibiotics for streptococcal infections and improved housing and social conditions, as well as a change in the organism itself.

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Other inflammatory conditions can also affect the heart. Kawasaki disease is a generalized inflammatory condition of unclear etiology. The most typical age range for occurrence is 2 to 8 years. These children develop swelling of the mucous membranes and skin, rashes, eye inflammation, and cardiac problems typically involving dilation of the coronary arteries. An effective anti-inflammatory treatment regimen has been devised using aspirin and immunoglobulin, or blood proteins. The child may be left with long-term coronary artery disease. He or she may be subject to poor heart muscle circulation of an acute nature (i.e., myocardial infarction or heart attack) or chronic heart muscle weakness (i.e., a cardiomyopathy). There are many other causes for the development of a cardiomyopathy. The most common is a viral illness that destroys heart muscle cells (cardiomyocytes). In that these cells do not regenerate, some of these children will develop irreversible and chronic heart muscle disease, requiring medication and, occasionally, heart transplantation. Epi d e m iolo g y Cardiac anomalies represent the most common organ system birth defect, with a prevalence of approximately 8 per 1,000 live births. These defects range from very minor abnormalities that resolve on their own over the first months of life to severe life-threatening cardiac anomalies requiring urgent interventions. While there is much variability in recurrence risk, it is commonly accepted that the risk of a cardiac defect in a child increases three- to fivefold when a parent or sibling has a congenital cardiac defect. While the etiology for the vast majority of cardiac abnormalities is indeterminate, there are a number of known risk factors. These include chromosomal abnormalities and syndromes that predispose to cardiac defects as well as a number of environmental factors. Exposure to a variety of teratogens during heart formation has been implicated as a cause of cardiac birth defects; examples include maternal exposure to such agents as thalidomide, retinoic acid derivatives, and organic solvents. The most frequent association is found in the case of insulin-dependent diabetes mellitus during pregnancy, where there is not only an increased incidence of congenital heart disease but also a markedly increased risk of hypertrophic cardiomyopathy (abnormally thickened ventricular muscle). Studies have failed to demonstrate a clear relationship between race and congenital cardiac defects in general. The Baltimore-Washington Infant Study (BWIS), which focused on family history, medications taken during pregnancy, and work exposures as risk factors for cardiac defects, found no racial differences in the likelihood of congenital heart disease generally. However, higher risk of certain cardiac anomalies has been seen in some populations. In the BWIS, proportionally more live-born white infants than black infants had aortic stenosis (narrowing of the aortic valve),

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tricuspid valve abnormalities (i.e., Ebstein’s anomaly), and abnormal structure of the aorta. The risk of pulmonary valve narrowing was less frequent in white infants. When the statistical analyses also included socioeconomic status, only aortic valve stenosis was found to be at higher incidence in the population of white infants. These as well as data from other epidemiological studies suggest that race is a risk factor for the development of certain forms of congenital heart disease, although the origins of these differences are unclear. Genetic Basis of Car diac Disease Beginning at the end of the 20th century, the interest in and understanding of the genetic basis of congenital heart disease exploded. Initial investigations were designed to develop a genetic map of cardiac defects, determining which genes control which aspects of cardiac formation. Three syndromes that manifest a spectrum of forms of cardiac lesions well illustrate some of the genetic issues in understanding cardiac development: Down syndrome, Marfan syndrome, and long QT syndrome. Cardiac defects are found in association with approximately 50% of those with Down syndrome (trisomy 21), usually identified in the first days of life. The majority of these defects include some form of communication between the atria, or upper chambers (atrial septal defect); ventricles, or lower chambers (ventricular septal defect); or, in approximately 50% of those affected, a more complex defect involving all four chambers (atrioventricular canal defect). In general, these represent repairable defects, typically requiring cardiac surgery during the first year. Marfan syndrome is a well-described heritable disorder of connective tissue throughout the body. The majority of mutations have been identified on chromosome 5, resulting in abnormal production of the protein fibrillin within the connective tissues of the body. Rapid progress is occurring in the understanding of the genetics of this disorder such that new forms of this disease are coming to light. Abnormalities of the heart and aorta, the eye, and the skeletal system are the major systems involved. Cardiovascular manifestations include dilatation of the aorta, a predisposition for the aorta’s layers to separate (aortic dissection), and mitral valve malfunction. Marfan syndrome is inherited in an autosomal dominant manner, meaning that anyone carrying one abnormal gene will have the disorder. However, about 25% of cases have no affected relatives. There are two forms of the long QT syndrome (LQTS), one with hearing loss as well as abnormalities of cardiac rhythm. The clinical cardiac implication of both forms of LQTS is the development of dangerous rhythm disturbances that can lead to sudden death. LQTS mutations have been identified in six genes. Careful reading of an electrocardiogram (ECG) establishes the diagnosis. Nevertheless, the disease is still commonly diagnosed only after repeated

deaths in a family. Concern has been raised as to the possible role of LQTS genes as a contributor to sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS), although this relationship remains controversial. M et ho d s o f D i agno s i s a n d T r e atm en t The stethoscope was created by René Laennec in Paris in 1816. This allowed for the pathological sound of a cardiac defect to be heard for the first time. Subsequently, the electrocardiogram was devised, which allowed for another relatively crude method of explaining cardiac symptoms. Not until the 1940s, with the performance of the first cardiac catheterization, was there a tool that allowed for the clear diagnosis of cardiac defects. In this procedure, X-rays were used to visualize the heart after infusion of dye. In 1944, the work of many individuals at Johns Hopkins University allowed for the performance of the first “blue baby” operation. A bypass pathway between blood vessels outside the heart was created to augment blood flow to the lungs, thereby immediately and dramatically improving the health and life span of infants with tetralogy of Fallot. Now, complex operations are available to neonates suffering from a variety of cardiac lesions. In fact, in the current era there is virtually no irreparable congenital cardiac defect, although a full correction is not always possible. Today, the diagnosis of the vast majority of cardiac lesions is via the performance of cardiac ultrasound (echocardiogram), whereby sophisticated sound waves are utilized to create two-dimensional images of the heart. This technique allows for the additional capability to understand blood flow across heart valves, between heart chambers, and through abnormal pathways. This technology has been applied to fetal diagnosis, such that the range of cardiac defects can now be determined prenatally as early as the beginning of the second trimester. Cardiac catheterization has evolved into an interventional field, oftentimes supplanting the need for cardiac surgery. This procedure is used to correct cardiac abnormalities, not just identify them. Numerous procedures that previously required open-heart surgery can now be dealt with by interventional catheterization procedures. An example includes balloon valvuloplasty, in which a narrowed or stenotic valve is dilated by a balloon on the catheter to relieve back pressure. Device closure of septal defects (a communication or hole between two heart chambers) is also possible. Some cardiac defects are irreparable. Cardiac transplantation is occasionally offered in these situations. While controversial, transplantation of the human heart has in fact become the option of first choice at some institutions. The family of the neonate with certain conditions is often faced with an array of choices. Even in the best of circumstances, the surgical risk is high and the long-term outcome is uncer-

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tain. Alternatively, the infant can be maintained on medications for days to weeks until a suitable organ becomes available for transplantation. The public health, social, medical, and financial implications of cardiac transplantation are the source of vigorous debate. Nevertheless, the field of transplantation has evolved dramatically and will continue to do so, such that this may be the preferred option for a growing number of complex cardiac defects. Fu tu r e D i r ect ion s The field of pediatric cardiology and congenital cardiac surgery has changed dramatically over the past few decades. The next generation is likely to see rapid advances in the understanding of the mechanisms of congenital cardiac disease. In addition, new diagnostic and therapeutic strategies will allow for improved outcomes. Finally, the day may not be too distant when specialists have the ability to modify these conditions at the molecular and embryonic level, such that some forms of childhood cardiac disease can be eliminated entirely. Mark Lewin see also: Congenital Anomalies and Deformations further reading: A. Garson, J. T. Bricker, and D. G. McNamara, eds., The Science and Practice of Pediatric Cardiology, 2nd ed., 1997. • C. A. Neill, E. B. Clark, and C. Clark, eds., The Heart of a Child, 2001. • M. K. Park, ed., Pediatric Cardiology for Practitioners, 4th ed., 2002. • The Children’s Heart Foundation, It’s My Heart, 2004.

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In Michigan, he continued his efforts to study child abuse prevention. He founded the Children’s Trust Fund, a child abuse prevention organization now found in every state. Helfer became an expert on educating medical students and residents, becoming the university’s associate dean for Pre-Clinical Curriculum and Student Programs in 1983. Helfer consulted with many medical education associations, including the National Board of Medical Examiners, the American Board of Pediatrics, and the American Board of Internal Medicine. His work in advocating for child abuse recognition and prevention resulted in receipt of awards from many organizations, including the American Medical Association, the Kempe Center, the International Society for the Prevention of Child Abuse and Neglect, and the state of Michigan. Helfer’s legacy lives on as his contributions have been honored through the naming of awards and societies in his honor. The Helfer Society is an honorary society for pediatric experts in child abuse. The American Academy of Pediatrics presents the Helfer Award annually to a pediatrician who has made significant contributions to the prevention of child abuse. The Ambulatory Pediatric Association bestows the Ray E. Helfer Award to the most important scholarly work in medical education submitted to its annual meeting. Helfer helped make child abuse detection a regular part of health care education and substantially raised the public awareness of this vital issue. Scott D. Krugman see also: Abuse and Neglect; Kempe, C(harles) Henry

helfer, ray(mond) e(ugene) (b. October 19, 1929; d. January 27, 1992), American pediatrician. Ray E. Helfer dedicated his life to medical education, child abuse prevention, and general pediatrics. After completing college at Oberlin College and medical school at the State University of New York in Syracuse, Helfer did his pediatric training at Temple University’s St. Christopher’s Children’s Hospital. Soon after his training, he became the director of the Pediatric Outpatient Department at the University of Colorado School of Medicine under his mentor, C. Henry Kempe. Arriving there soon after the publication of Kempe’s seminal article, “The Battered Child Syndrome,” in the Journal of the American Medical Association, Helfer helped investigate the antecedents of child abuse, first describing the cycle of child abuse from generation to generation. In 1968, he coauthored The Battered Child and became an active voice speaking on behalf of children. He advocated for better child abuse detection by professionals as well as increased awareness by everyone, appearing on television, consulting for government agencies, and writing many journal articles. After a brief tenure as chairman of pediatrics at Catholic Medical Center of Brooklyn and Queens, Helfer moved to Michigan State University, where he spent the rest of his career as a professor of pediatrics and human development.

Many sources—textual, literary, and ethnographic—articulate and describe the Hindu ideas about childhood and Hindu attitudes to the child. Thus, the dharmasastras (ancient law books) weigh in on the position and treatment of children in early Hindu law, and Ayurvedic texts (Ayurveda is traditional Hindu medicine) ponder child development, both physical and psychological. In literature, devotional poetry of the medieval period provides highly evocative descriptions of childhood and children. These sources both reveal and have shaped Hindu ideas about childhood and the nature of children. Not surprisingly, many of these cultural meanings find expression in contemporary child-rearing practices as well as in the life-cycle rituals (samskaras) that most children undergo during childhood. Most of the literary and textual sources just cited speak predominantly about the upper-caste male child; girls and lower-caste children tend to be excluded. However, this imbalance is redressed when one turns to ethnographic descriptions of child-rearing practices among different Hindu communities where the focus tends to be more evenly divided. Although Hindu society is characterized by a great diversity of beliefs and practices, it is possible to make cautious generalizations about Hindu thinking on children

hinduism.

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and childhood, irrespective of caste, class, regional, and linguistic differences. Perhaps the most significant of these generalizations has to do with the enormous cultural value attached to motherhood and to children in Hindu India. An attitude that might be called “pronatalism” is pervasive in Hindu communities. Through bearing children, in-marrying women gain status, laying claim to power within their conjugal families. For parents, children—and in contemporary India, it is immaterial whether they are sons or daughters—are thought to be the best guarantee of security in old age. In addition, sons have the sacred duty of performing their parents’ funeral rites, thus ensuring their postmortem well-being. Finally, most Hindus, whether traditional or modern, believe that the primary task of any community is to reproduce itself. Thus, generally speaking, the birth of children (though even today, sons more than daughters) is keenly sought and, when it happens, is welcomed with great joy. In this context, the devotional poetry of the 15th and 16th centuries is relevant because of its enormous and continuing popularity, and it is remarkable because it portrays the divine as a child and childhood as the most perfect phase of human life. The Hindu poet-saints Surdas and Tulsidas represent the relationship between devotee and God as a maternal one, with the devotee being the mother and God her child. They transfigure the playfulness, mischief, and even the sulkiness of children into attributes of the divine. They suggest that children can spontaneously savor ananda (divine bliss). Their ideas have so seeped into folk consciousness that most Hindus idealize young children as being close to divinity and therefore deserving of every indulgence. They also remember their own childhoods as an idyllic period of complete indulgence. This cultural predilection for indulging young children can be traced to the dharmasastras. Thus, the Laws of Manu (Manavadharmasastra) state that no one is supposed to speak harshly to children. They are always to be fed first, taking precedence over guests, a group that Hindu traditions usually require be treated with the deference reserved for the gods. When children commit even flagrant breaches of social norms such as soiling the king’s highway, they are to be reprimanded and made to clean up after themselves, never chastised. This idealization of children and childhood goes toward explaining, at least partially, the overindulgence that observers have noted in Hindu child-rearing practices, irrespective of region, caste, or class. Thus, infants are picked up the minute they cry; they are fed on demand; and until about 2, they are always carried when awake. They invariably cosleep with their mothers, and if a younger sibling usurps their place they move into the grandmother’s bed or that of an older sibling. And more often than not, children set their own timetables for weaning and toilet training. Even when older, children are allowed to develop at their

own pace: There is little social or parental pressure to conform to an externally derived model or standards. Hindus clearly do not view infant nature either as universal or infinitely malleable. This tolerance for individual variability is very likely because of the widespread Hindu belief that many aspects of a child’s personality are shaped before birth. These aspects are thought to be partly the legacy of previous lives and partly the result of fetal experiences. Ayurveda postulates that life begins at conception when the “subtle body” (sukshma sarira), consisting of the mana (heart/mind) and the tendencies and unsatisfied desires of previous lives, enters the fertilized egg. Between the third and fourth month, the quiescent heart/mind of the fetus awakens and consciousness emerges. In Ayurveda, this period is the most critical in a child’s psychological development. From then on till birth, the mother and fetus function as a “two-hearted” (dauhrdaya) entity, each influencing the other. The mother’s emotional and psychological state affects her child’s physical and psychological development. To ensure that the fetus flourishes, Ayurveda recommends that a mother’s every craving, however bizarre, be satisfied. Ayurveda also claims that these cravings can be interpreted to predict the child’s predispositions and character traits. Despite this belief that children are born with their personalities basically in place, Hindus view children as incomplete social beings. Again, this idea can be traced back to Manu, who placed children at the bottom of the social hierarchy, together with the old, the infirm, the mad, and the outcastes, all marginal categories enjoying few of the privileges of full personhood. But within this heterogeneous group, children are the best off because they can become fully social beings through undergoing the required and transformative life-cycle rites (samskaras). The more common childhood samskaras are Namakarana (name giving, performed at 1 month), Annaprasanar (first feeding of solid food, performed between 6 and 9 months), Karnavedha (ear piercing, performed around 1 year), Chudakarana (hair shaving, performed at 3 years), Vidyarambha (the formal initiation of learning, at 4 years), and Upanayana (initiation into Vedic knowledge, between 8 and 12 years). Of these, name giving and first feeding are done for all children, irrespective of caste or gender. All children are tonsured or have their hair shaved off, except upper-caste girls. Ear piercing and the beginning of learning occur for both upper-caste boys and girls. However, only upper-caste boys are initiated, becoming thus “twice-born,” and thought to be capable of discrimination and moral judgment. The samskaras mark the gradual dissolution of the intimacy between mother and child and the simultaneous building of relationships with members of the family and, later, of the community. Samskaras place the child at the center of ritual activity and require the entire family to participate, thereby heightening the child’s sense of belonging

h o m e s c h o o l in g

to a group while also experiencing his or her uniqueness. They thus work to give the child a well-defined sense of self and identity. But the primary purpose of childhood samskaras is to remake and transform the child into a fully social being. Hindus idealize and desire children. Yet the cultural meanings attached to this category are ambiguous: Children are close to divinity and yet at the bottom of the social hierarchy, and they are born psychologically mature yet incomplete social beings. As for childhood, most Hindus remember it as an idyllic period, the catch being that one only knows that when it is over. Usha Menon see also: Child: Religious and Philosophical Perspectives; Religious Instruction further reading: L. Minturn and John T. Hitchcock, The Rajputs of Khalapur, India, 1966. • S. Seymour, “Child Rearing in India: A Case Study in Change and Modernization,” in T. R. Williams, ed., Socialization and Communication in Primary Groups, 1975, pp. 1–58. • C. Aphale, Growing Up in an Urban Complex: A Study of Upbringing of Children in Maharashtrian Hindu Families in Poona, 1976. • S. Kakar, Indian Childhood: Cultural Ideals and Social Reality, 1979.

hispanic children in the united states. see Latino Children in the United States

history. see Social Studies, History, and Geography hiv. see Human Immunodeficiency Viral Syndrome home schooling. Home schooling, the practice of educating one’s own children, has small but robust followings in the United States and throughout the industrialized world. Home schooling is best understood as a social movement, a product of the cultural and political ferment of the 1960s, when the authority of centralized governments received vocal critique from intellectuals on both left and right. While small populations of home-school families developed in the 1960s and 1970s in Australia, Canada, France, Japan, and elsewhere, the movement developed its earliest and most formidable momentum in the United States. Approximately 1.2 million American children were home schooled in 2003, a fourfold growth in the space of 20 years. While fewer than 3% of U.S. children are home schooled, their steadily rising number suggests that home education is here to stay. In the United States, home schooling rode the simultaneous waves of the mid-20th-century liberal free school and separatist Protestant Christian day school movements. The free school cause was educators’ contribution to the antiestablishment mood of the 1960s. Reformers such as James Herndon, John Holt, Ivan Illich, Jonathan Kozol, and others advocated radically democratic pedagogies that flattened hierarchies between teachers and students. They en-

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couraged child-centered and learner-directed educational approaches that gave children more discretion over the terms of their educations. While most of the experimental alternative schools organized as part of this movement have disappeared, core ideas of this cause endure as conventional wisdom. For example, most educators and parents now presume that schools should give children some volition over their own learning and that the best teachers customize lessons to suit individual students. Also during the 1960s and 1970s, conservative Protestants developed their own universe of alternatives to conventional public schools. A religious day school movement flourished during these decades as many religious parents sought to protect children from what they saw as encroaching secularism in public school curricula and a dangerous hedonism in American youth culture. It was from these historically simultaneous causes that home education grew. The practice found its earliest and most vocal advocates in John Holt, the liberal school reformer, and from Raymond and Dorothy Moore, educational researchers and devout Seventh-Day Adventists. Holt viewed home education as a final step in children’s liberation from the bureaucratic forms of schooling he believed to be fundamentally oppressive. The Moores advocated home schooling less for children’s freedom than for their protection; the Moores had little problem with the notion of educational authority, but they believed that this authority rested with parents, not with schools. By the early 1980s, these early advocates had planted hardy seeds for a national movement. Based in Boston, Holt courted his first followers among the clients of free schools; headquartered in the Pacific Northwest, the Moores spread their educational gospel through the vast organizational universe of conservative Protestant America. While both versions of home schooling flourished, the cause found its greatest numbers of early followers among religious conservatives. Home education advocates took advantage of the peculiar legal and cultural context of education in the United States, in which much jurisdiction over education is relegated to state and local governments and in which parents are presumed to have legitimate discretion over where and how their children will be educated. Home schoolers’ remarkably sophisticated grassroots organization and activism were rewarded by the fairly rapid legalization of home education nationwide. By the early 1990s, the practice was officially acceptable in every state, though state regulations still vary in the extent to which home schoolers are obliged to register or report their activities to educational authorities. Additionally, home educators have been articulate in explaining their cause to the general public. By the year 2000, home schooling was a widely accepted educational choice, if still a minority one. Home schooling pedagogy and curricula are highly diverse. Some home schoolers tend toward a “school at home”

This Monday morning, 9-year-old Alicia wishes the holidays were not already over. She does not feel like doing schoolwork. After breakfast, she putters aimlessly around the house then teases the neighbor’s dog, which barks loudly whenever she growls at it through the fence. Finally, her mother peeks out to call her back in. It’s time to start home school. Fortunately, her mother has prepared relaxed learning activities for the first home-school day of the New Year. Alicia revises division problems in a workbook with funny stickers and then practices calligraphy. Both of these activities are easy for her since she is generally two years ahead of the official school curriculum. Like her younger brother, she has always learned very quickly. No school in her area can offer her a program that can accommodate both her emotional age and her intellectual precociousness, so she never entered school. The fun activities prepared by her mom clear away Alicia’s disappointment about the holidays being over, and soon she is working happily at her desk. Meanwhile, her 4year-old brother, Adam, practices some reading on Mom’s lap. When Alicia hears him hesitate on a word, she smiles to herself and then pauses to reflect on the progress she has made in five years of home schooling. Now she can teach Adam how to write, and he likes learning from his big sister. After a break and a snack in the kitchen, more serious work is on the table. The family wants to do a little bit of research on the Internet about the positions of the planets so they can prepare for a home-schooling support group activity next Friday afternoon. A physics teacher will visit the group, and they will build a scale model of the solar system together. Alicia and Adam are excited by this project and anxious to meet with their friends. At the Cornejos’s house just across town, Monday morning looks quite a bit like Sunday morning or Wednesday morning or even Christmas morning. There are no “school” and “no-school” days, indeed only “unschooling” days for the five kids of this family that has chosen to forgo the formal school-based curriculum in favor of an approach that follows the children’s own interests. Ana and Lucas play in the living room with their Christmas gift: a microscope and slides. Maria is sorting through her stamp collection while Luis and Pablo are helping Mom and Dad with the cows in the barn. The early morning is very dynamic, though not stressful. It is nothing like the rhythm that they used to have when the older kids had to rush every morning in order to catch the bus for the hour-long ride to the public school. Later, they will all go to town so the parents can sign a purchase contract for the new family car. The kids like these formal moments when they feel important things are happening. They will be inspired to play buyer and seller for many days after this visit, and without a doubt the kitchen table will be flooded with homemade purchase agreements for any number of useful things, such as

dessert or the privilege of dish washing. They will be excited to show off their new car at the home-schooling support group activity next Friday. In another home-school household, Kevin is calm and ready for his back-to-school Monday. His day is planned according to the program that his mom prepared in collaboration with the neuropsychologist they consult twice a year. Kevin has learning difficulties and has always been behind his age group in school. Worried about the public system’s lack of resources and especially lack of attention to help her son and convinced that one-on-one teaching was his best chance, Kevin’s mom gradually turned herself into a “Kevin’s learning styles specialist.” She is not formally trained but was able to get information and support through numerous readings, conferences, and discussions on the Internet forum of her association of home-schooling parents. Sometimes, a tutor comes to work with Kevin, so his mom can keep her part-time job. The education Kevin gets at home is comparable to what the public system envisions providing for students with his needs but often cannot because resources are not available. At home, his mom knows that he will get individual attention, love, and encouragement and that he will miss out on a considerable share of mockery. After three years of home schooling, he has not caught up with his peers, but his selfesteem has improved, and the behavioral problems identified by schoolteachers have disappeared. He has developed enough self-confidence to join the church choir, the local baseball team, and the 4-H club. He also enjoys his homeschooling support group activities, where the multiage structure makes him feel at ease. When Friday has come, these three families and two other families who regularly participate in the local homeschooling support group’s activities meet at the Cornejos’s home for the activity since there is enough space inside for everybody and enough space outside to build the scale model solar system. Ana, Lucas, Maria, Luis, Pablo, and their parents are the hosts. Alicia and Adam came with their mom, and Kevin is there with his tutor today. The children are excited to see one another. The babies stay with the parents, who chat about their home-school week, while the kids run outside to play in and around the Cornejos’s new truck. The arrival of the guest physicist is a celebration. The kids are ready to explore, discuss the information they have collected at home on the subject, and ask questions. The parents also participate and offer support. They, too, have a lot of questions to ask! There is plenty of time for discussion with such a small group, and everyone has a chance to learn at different levels and get hands-on experience with this project. When the activity is over, brains are hot and stomachs are growling. Everyone pulls out lunches for a picnic, which is followed by a well-deserved free-time Friday afternoon. Christine Brabant

imagining each other

imagining each other

Educated at Home in the United States

h o m e s c h o o l in g

instructional model, in which parents emulate the character of conventional classroom life with designated school hours, formal instruction, and conventional texts and workbooks. Others opt for an “unschooling” approach. Most famously articulated by John Holt, unschooling presumes that formal instruction of any kind is detrimental to children’s instinctive, intuitive, and ultimately individual learning capacities. Unschooling pedagogy encourages parents to minimally structure children’s learning, replacing formal curriculum with consistent encouragement of children’s own nascent interests and proclivities. Regardless of parents’ preferred approach, there is no shortage of curricular resources available to assist them. Since the movement’s earliest days, home-school parents have been entrepreneurial in generating educational materials for their own growing market. In addition, parents who so wish may also choose to enroll their children in correspondence programs that provide instructional support, testing, grading, and transcript services and even issue high school diplomas. Despite the range of philosophies and practices in the home-school world, all home schoolers tend to share a deep conviction about the importance of attending to children’s individual developmental needs. Even the most ardent followers of school-at-home approaches tend to favor home schooling in part because it enables them to tailor education to particular children. In this, home educators are not unlike the proponents of other currently fashionable pedagogies, such as the Montessori, Reggio Emilia, and Waldorf methods, which all place high priority on the specification of instruction to individual developmental timetables. Home schooling thus is part of a larger phenomenon in U.S. schooling that has been termed “pedagogical individualism,” the increasingly taken for granted notion that customized instruction is always better than standardized learning. Other incentives to home education include the increasing competitiveness of academic life in many industrialized societies and, perhaps ironically, the domestic consequences of women’s full-scale entry into the labor force. On the first point, it is telling that home education enjoys adherents in countries as different as the United States and Japan. In both nations, competition for seats at the most prestigious universities has had far-reaching effects on the organization of middle-class childhood, as parents push their children ever harder to earn high marks on the standardized measures of accomplishment used by admissions personnel to sort applicants. For at least some parents, home education is a means of resisting the rising standards and hard rules of their societies’ elite higher education systems. On the second point, the harried and fractured character of daily life in dual-earner households is hardly ideal for many fathers and mothers. For some—particularly those who espouse traditionalist gender roles—home education is an

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active critique of the fast pace and spatial segmentation of modern middle-class life. What is perhaps most noteworthy about the home education movement is that it has grown in the face of continued skepticism from education professionals. Home schooling poses a fundamental challenge to professional educators’ authority and expertise. It is that much harder to defend the importance of elaborate teacher training and certification programs—the bread and butter of education schools—when parents believe they can do the same work without formal credentials themselves. Professional educators’ long-standing suspicion of home education and their tardy, often grudging acquiescence to the movement’s growth go far in explaining the relatively little solid academic research on home schooling even today. The preponderance of what research evidence is available suggests that, in the aggregate, home-schooled children perform at least as well as their conventionally educated peers on standardized measures of academic achievement. There also is considerable anecdotal evidence that children with extraordinary academic talents and difficulties can be especially well served by the flexibility inherent in home education. Freed from the timetables and curricular requirements of conventional schools, home-schooled young people are able to devote more attention to the development of particular capacities. Yet even while the academic record on home education is positive, there is much concern among educational authorities about the socialization of home-schooled children. Scholarly research on this issue is thin, but, again, the preponderance of evidence is encouraging. As a group, home schoolers evidently do not suffer developmental deficits, and as individuals they often are exceptionally adept at maintaining interage friendships and interacting with adults. While critics have feared that home-schooled young people are denied sufficient opportunities for peer socialization, home educators themselves point out the negative socialization aspects of conventional schools: rigid age segregation, poor discipline, and the often cutthroat competitiveness of children’s peer cultures. While definitive data on home-schooled children’s academic and developmental outcomes is scarce, researchers can now speak with some certainty about the demographic character of the U.S. home-school population. Federal government surveys failed to distinguish home schooling as an educational option on survey instruments until 1999, when the authors of the National Household Education Survey (NHES) program added a home-school questionnaire for the first time. A comparable questionnaire was used on a second nationally representative NHES survey in 2003. These data confirm long-standing conjecture that, while some members of all racial groups home school, the phenomenon is predominantly a white, middle-class one. Compared with the general population, home-school fami-

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lies are more likely to be large (with three or more children) and to be headed by married couples. Home-school households are disproportionately likely to receive their incomes from sole male breadwinners, while women assume primary responsibility for home instruction. Home-school parents also are somewhat more likely to have college educations themselves. Perhaps more surprising is that the age distribution of home-schooled young people is about the same as that of the general population, contrary to earlier scholarly predictions that home education is more appealing to parents with younger children and declines in desirability as children near high school. This fact may be another sign of the movement’s maturity. With college admissions offices and employers increasingly accepting of home-school graduates, the perceived cost of forgoing a conventional high school diploma has diminished. A key index of any social movement’s success is its longevity. With home education now enjoying its second generation of adherents and still growing, the cause may prove to outlast the free school and religious day school movements that spawned it. For an educational innovation as radical as home education, this is no little accomplishment. Undoubtedly, some of the explanation for home schooling’s success lies in how well the practice meshes with the logic of school choice. In light of a global trend toward a neoliberal conception of governments as providers of services and of citizens as consumers, the notion that parents should be able to opt out of government-sponsored schooling is becoming an ever more acceptable idea. Whether this larger trend bodes well or ill for children’s development and for the cohesiveness of increasingly diverse modern societies is an open question. Mitchell L. Stevens see also: Schools further reading: Mitchell L. Stevens, Kingdom of Children: Culture and Controversy in the Homeschooling Movement, 2001. • Paula Rothermel, ed., “Home Education Special Issue,” Evaluation and Research in Education 17, nos. 2 and 3 (2003). • Milton Gaither, Homeschool: An American History, 2008.

homelessness. It is estimated that up to 100 million people are homeless worldwide. The reasons are as unique as the countries themselves. In developed countries around the world, including the United States, homelessness has become a growing phenomenon. In transition countries such as Russia and China, where cities are trying to attract foreign investors, rapid change has left people unable to cope with dislocation without resettlement and rehabilitation policies. The extremely rapid urbanization that periodically affects the economically least developed societies often leads to urban populations, large proportions of which lack the capital to afford any kind of regular shelter. Homeless children are both visible and invisible. Brazil

has numerous street children in the cities, living without their parents, being forced to work because of extreme economic and family crises. In Cuba, rather than living on the streets, homeless children are cared for by its elaborate social welfare system that provides a safety net during economic crisis. In the United States, the stereotypical image of a homeless person is the deranged bum begging for money on a street corner. But the reality is that many homeless people go to work every day earning wages that do not afford them a living. Despite its affluence, the United States seemingly continues to struggle with abject poverty and homelessness in both urban and rural areas. The United States government, through the McKinneyVento Act, defines homeless people as individuals who lack a fixed, regular, and adequate nighttime residence other than a public or private place not designated for or ordinarily used as a regular accommodation. By that definition, it is estimated that 444,000 to 842,000 people per month or more than 3.3 million people per year experience homelessness. Of that number, 41% are people with families. In one survey of homelessness in 27 cities, it was found that children younger than the age of 18 accounted for 25.3% of the urban homeless population and that the fastest growing segment of the homeless population is single mothers with children. However, it should be noted that it is impossible to attain a precise statistic, as the homeless population is notoriously hard to count because of their transient nature as well as the difficult task of categorizing the homeless. A recent study showed that 59% of the homeless population consists of minorities. The homeless population is increasingly composed of minorities because of the recent immigration explosion from Mexico and Central and South America. African Americans are disproportionately represented in the homeless population because of a history of unequal resources and discrimination. Cau s e s o f Hom el e s s n e s s The causes of homelessness are complex and multidimensional. However, the identifiable factors most closely related to homelessness include housing, economic, personal, and family problems. At the most basic level, people become homeless because they do not have a physical home. From the perspective of the low-income housing ratio, when the number of poor households exceeds the number of low-income housing units available, people either pay more, sometimes sacrificing food and medicine to pay for housing, or become homeless. Between 1973 and 1993, 2.2 million low-rent units disappeared from the market because of abandonment, conversion to condominiums or expensive apartments, or becoming unaffordable due to rent increases. This urban renewal led to the affordable housing gap, growing from a nonexistent gap to a shortage of 4.4 million affordable housing

homelessness

units, the largest shortfall on record. This trend was also exacerbated by the devastation of homes by hurricanes. An estimated 302,000 housing units were lost in 2005 to Hurricane Katrina alone, 71% of which were affordable to lowincome families. Federal housing policy has not responded to the needs of those people at risk of becoming homeless. Only about onethird of poor renter households receive a housing subsidy from the federal, state, or local government. Poor families and individuals are placed on long waiting lists where families often wait more than two years for assistance. Excessive waiting lists mean that people must remain in shelters or on the streets for extended periods of time. The average stay in a shelter is nearly a year. Two factors account for the increasing level of poverty: eroding employment opportunities and wage declines for large segments of the workforce and the declining value and availability of public assistance. Factors contributing to poverty include the multiple processes and effects of globalization, such as erosion in the value of the minimum wage, a decline in manufacturing jobs, the expansion of lower-paying service-sector jobs, and increased numbers of temporary and part-time employment patterns. The declining value and availability of public assistance exacerbates the conditions of poverty and homelessness. The Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) program was repealed in 1996 and replaced with the Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF) program. The median TANF benefit for a family of three is approximately one-third of the poverty level. Results show that more people are receiving fewer benefits, and although they are moving from welfare to work, many of them are faring poorly because of low wages and inadequate work supports. As a result of loss of benefits, low wages, and unstable employment, many families leaving welfare struggle to get medical care, food, health insurance, and housing. Many cannot afford the transportation to get to work. There are additional factors that may push people into homelessness. For families and individuals struggling to pay rent, a serious illness or disability can start a downward spiral into homelessness, beginning with a lost job, a depletion of savings, and eventual eviction. Mental illness and addiction disorders are other factors the consequences of which may be homelessness. The lack of health insurance, long waiting lists for support, and ineffective treatment methods are major factors in increasing the number of homeless people. Domestic violence, often as a result of alcohol or drug abuse, also contributes to homelessness among families. In a study of 777 homeless parents in 10 U.S. cities, 22% said they left their last place of residence because of an abusive relationship. In addition, 56% of cities surveyed by the U.S. Conference of Mayors (2003) identified domestic violence as a primary cause of homelessness. When a woman with

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few resources leaves an abusive relationship, she often has nowhere to go but to a friend or family member, batteredwomen’s shelter, the streets, or a homeless shelter. C o n s equenc e s o f Hom el e s s n e s s Homelessness is a devastating experience for both individuals and families, impacting the health and well-being of all. It disrupts every aspect of life, damaging the physical and emotional health of all those involved, interfering with children’s education and development, and frequently separating family members. Parents suffer the ill effects from homelessness. One study of homeless and low-income housed families found that both groups experienced higher rates of depressive disorders than the overall female population and that onethird of the mothers and one-fourth of the poor-housed mothers made at least one suicide attempt. Depression may be exacerbated because families are usually separated as a result of shelter policies that deny access to adolescent boys and fathers or by placement of children in foster care or with family members. Homelessness is especially harmful during the earliest years of childhood. Even before birth, the fetus faces developmental impairment due to maternal malnourishment and infections. Babies born to homeless mothers are much more likely to have low birth weight, which can result in intellectual disability, hearing impairment, visual impairment, and cognitive issues. Homeless toddlers and children are also subject to negative parenting practices, including physical punishment and power assertion, which result in behavior disorders. Homeless families also tend to experience elevated incidence of child abuse and child neglect. Communal living, inadequate shelters, constant moving, poor nutrition, and unstable sleep patterns innately affect the health of homeless children. They suffer more than other children from nutritional problems, gastrointestinal disorders, asthma, contagious diseases, lack of health care, exposure to adverse elements, and lack of financial resources to purchase medication. Poor hygiene habits, overcrowding, shared food preparation, and other communal conditions of shelter life increase the risk of disease and infection among homeless children. While young children are particularly at risk for illness, school-age children additionally must endure the shame, embarrassment, and often the abuse of others as they try to negotiate the difficulties they encounter there. Homeless children also face higher rates of mental illness and behavior disorders. A study by the National Mental Health Alliance (2006) revealed that nearly half of the homeless children had depression, anxiety, attention deficiencies, aggressive behaviors, delinquent manners, and/or withdrawal due to the instability and insecurity in every part of their lives. Besides the lack of food and a place to

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sleep, the parents are often drug or alcohol addicted, are victims of spouse abuse, lack parenting skills or supervision of their children, or are often young and not emotionally mature enough to carry the huge burdens placed on them. All too often, mental health problems go unidentified or ignored because of a shortage of finances and adequate health care. Without proper medical care, small health issues that plague homeless children often spiral into dangerous illnesses that continue into adolescence and adulthood, often creating a lifetime pattern of poverty and homelessness. The most serious effects impact those children who face long-term homelessness or multiple cycles of homelessness, but even short-term spells of homelessness have been shown to have adverse physical and mental health impacts on children. In addition to the numerous mental and physical health problems, homeless children are frequently forced to deal with traumatic circumstances. Some children live in abandoned buildings, in tents, or in cars. Homeless children, including those living in regulated shelters, are subject to witness high amounts of violence and victimization, including rape, robbery and assault, and tantrums thrown by individuals who suffer from drug addictions or mental illness. It is not surprising that homeless children have multiple risk factors for school failure. The majority of homeless children perform below grade level in reading and math, have a much higher rate of year-end retention in their grade level, and are overrepresented in special education programs. Studies provide information from parents and students themselves that school performance has declined since becoming homeless. These trends are validated by educators in programs for homeless students, shelter directors, and state coordinators of educational programs for homeless students. I n terv en t ion t h rough Educat ion For many homeless children, school is a place of safety and stability in their otherwise hectic lives. But homeless children move 16 times more often than the average American family. Children who transfer schools during an academic year are 35% more likely to repeat a grade. Those who miss school frequently fall behind quickly. Guardianship requirements, delays in transfer of academic and personal records between school, lack of a permanent address and/or immunization records, and lack of proper clothing and school supplies often prevent children from enrolling in school. Often, even if they are able to enroll in school, they cannot attend because of lack of transportation. Furthermore, it is well documented that without a high school diploma, people are much less likely to acquire the skills they need to escape poverty as adults, resulting in the perpetual cycle of poverty and, perhaps, homelessness. Until the recent past, many homeless students did not attend school because of the many barriers present in enroll-

ing in schools and attending regularly. The U.S. Congress passed the Stewart B. McKinney Homeless Assistance Act in 1987 in response to the discovery that more than 50% of homeless children were not attending school regularly. With its amendments in 1988, 1990, 1992, and 1994, the program has provided grants to state educational agencies to ensure that all homeless children and youth have equal access to the same free and appropriate education, including preschool, provided to other children and youth. The law has required states to review their school residency laws and revise statutes that prevented homeless students from receiving an appropriate education with minimum disruption. School officials are obligated to facilitate student enrollment and placement, expedite records, and make transportation arrangements. The No Child Left Behind Act reauthorized the McKinney-Vento Homeless Assistance Act’s Education for Homeless Children Program (2002), expanding the definition of homelessness and superseding state and local educational law and policy in all 50 states. The focus is on ensuring academic success by increasing school stability, school access, and school support. Obtaining an education alone cannot solve homelessness for individuals or for a society when powerful forces are against solving the problem. The recent increase in homeless children worldwide is a consequence of a number of forces, including domestic and international economic restructuring, the polarization of income and wealth, and the disappearance of safety nets associated with neoliberal policies. The first step in solving the problem is for nations to recognize that the growth and scope of homelessness proposes a moral imperative. Maria Yon and Rajni Shankar-Brown see also: Abuse and Neglect; Poverty, Children in; Refugee Children; Street and Runaway Children; Welfare further reading: Sharon Quint, Schooling Homeless Children: A Working Model for Public Schools, 1999. • Roslyn Mickelson, ed., Children on the Streets of the Americas: Globalization, Homelessness and Education in the United States, Brazil, and Cuba, 2000. • Heidi Sommer, Homelessness in Urban America: A Review of the Literature, 2001.

homework. Homework can be defined as tasks assigned by schoolteachers intended for students to carry out during nonschool hours. This definition explicitly excludes inschool guided study; home-study courses delivered through the mail, television, on audio- or videocassette, or over the Internet; and extracurricular activities such as sports teams and clubs. The phrase intended for students to carry out during nonschool hours is used because students may complete homework assignments during study hall, library time, or even during subsequent classes. Throughout the 20th century and continuing into the 21st century, homework has been controversial, with outcries for more or less homework occurring cyclically, about

homework

15 years apart. When the 20th century began, the mind was viewed as a muscle that could be strengthened through mental exercise. Since exercise could be done at home, homework was viewed favorably. During the 1940s, the emphasis in education shifted from drill to problem solving, and homework fell out of favor. The launch of the satellite Sputnik by the Russians in the mid-1950s reversed this thinking. The American public worried that children were unprepared for complex technologies. Homework, it was believed, could accelerate knowledge acquisition. The late 1960s witnessed yet another reversal, with homework viewed as a symptom of needless pressure on students. In the 1980s, homework again came back into favor. A primary stimulus behind its reemergence was the report A Nation at Risk (issued in 1983 by the National Commission on Excellence in Education) that cited homework as a defense against the rising tide of mediocrity in American education. The concern also was fueled by international economic competition and crosscultural studies that revealed students in East Asian countries spent considerably more time on academics, including more time on homework, than did American students. The push for more homework continued into the 1990s, fueled by educators who used it to meet increasingly rigorous state and national academic standards. As the 21st century began, another backlash set in, led by parents concerned about too much stress on their children. However, this most recent outcry resulted not from widely held distress but rather from a vocal minority. A national survey released in October 2000 conducted by the polling organization Public Agenda revealed that 64% of parents felt their child was getting about the right amount of homework, 25% felt their child was getting too little homework, and only 10% felt too much homework was being assigned. The cycles of popularity have generated many positive and negative claims about homework. Positive claims can be grouped into four categories: immediate academic improvement, long-term academic improvement, nonacademic effects, and effects of parental involvement. Proponents of homework argue that it increases the time students spend on academic tasks. The long-term academic effects of homework involve the establishment of general practices that facilitate learning. Homework is expected to encourage students to learn during their leisure time, improve students’ attitudes toward school, and improve students’ study habits and skills. Homework is also offered as a means for developing personal attributes in children that extend beyond academic pursuits. Because homework generally requires students to complete tasks with less supervision than is the case in school, home study is said to promote greater self-discipline and self-direction, better time organization, more inquisitiveness, and more independent problem solving. These skills and attributes apply to the nonacademic spheres of life as well as the academic.

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Finally, homework may have positive effects for the parents of schoolchildren. Teachers can use homework to increase parents’ appreciation of and involvement in schooling. Parental involvement may have positive effects on children as well. Students become aware of the connection between home and school. Parents can demonstrate an interest in the academic progress of their children. Some negative effects attributed to homework contradict the suggested positive ones. For instance, opponents of homework have argued that it can have a negative influence on attitudes toward school. They claim any activity remains rewarding for only so long, and children may become overexposed to academic tasks. Related to this argument are the notions that homework leads to general physical and emotional fatigue and denies access to leisure time and community activities. Proponents of leisure activities point out that many leisure activities teach important academic and life skills. Involving parents can have negative consequences. Parents may unduly pressure students and create confusion if they are unfamiliar with the material or instructional approach. Parental involvement in homework can sometimes go beyond simple tutoring or assistance. This raises the possibility that homework might promote cheating or an overreliance on others for help with assignments. Finally, opponents of homework have argued that home study increases differences between high- and lowachieving students, especially when the achievement difference is associated with economic differences. They suggest that high achievers from well-to-do homes will have greater parental support for home study, including more appropriate parental assistance. Also, these students more likely will have quiet, well-lit places in which to do assignments and better resources to help them complete assignments successfully. Most of these claims about homework have never been the focus of research. However, a synthesis of homework research conducted in 2005 found generally consistent evidence for a positive influence of homework on achievement. These studies showed that, across grade levels, the average student doing homework performed better than about 73% of students doing no homework. However, because all of these studies used unit tests as the measure of achievement, this result may be restricted to situations with a high degree of alignment between the homework assignment content and the tested material. Most studies using various kinds of correlation-based statistics also showed a significant positive relationship between homework and various achievement measures and that the strength of the relationships was similar across subject areas. Finally, studies that reported simple correlations between time on homework and either class grades or achievement tests found associations with both achievement measures and little difference between the two sets of results.

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A similar result was found whether time on homework was related to either reading or math. However, there was evidence that a stronger link existed in grades 7 to 12 than in kindergarten to 6. In fact, there was scant evidence that homework related to class grades or standardized achievement test scores of elementary school students. Another important question concerns optimum amounts of homework. In a guide for parents titled “Helping Your Child Get the Most Out of Homework,” the National Parent Teacher Association and the National Education Association suggest that homework is most effective for children in kindergarten to second grade when it does not exceed 10 to 20 minutes each day, that children in third to sixth grades can handle 30 to 60 minutes each day, and that adolescents can benefit from more homework than this, with varying amounts each night. This recommendation is consistent with the conclusions reached by research that correlate time on homework with achievement within age groups. In sum, then, there is good evidence of positive effects of homework on unit tests for all students and on grades and standardized tests for older students. However, it seems reasonable to suggest that under varying circumstances and for various children both the positive and the negative consequences of homework can occur. For instance, homework can improve study habits at the same time that it denies access to other leisure-time activities. Some types of assignments can produce positive effects, whereas other assignments produce negative ones. In fact, in light of the host of ways homework assignments can be construed and carried out, complex patterns of effects ought to be expected. Harris M. Cooper see also: Class Size; Grades and Grading further reading: A. J. Fuligni and H. W. Stevenson, “Time Use and Mathematics Achievement among American, Chinese, and Japanese High School Students,” Child Development 66 (1995), pp. 830–42. • Brian Gill and Steven Schlossman, “A Sin against Childhood: Progressive Education and the Crusade to Abolish Homework, 1897–1941,” American Journal of Education 105 (1996), pp. 27–66. • Harris Cooper, The Battle over Homework: Common Ground for Administrators, Teachers, and Parents, 2001. • Harris Cooper, Jorgianne C. Robinson, and Erika A. Patall, “Does Homework Improve Academic Achievement?: A Synthesis of Research, 1987–2003,” Review of Educational Research 76 (2006), pp. 1–62.

homosexuality and bisexuality Historical and Cultural Perspectives Physiological and Psychological Perspectives Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

historical and cultural perspectives. Although categories for describing and labeling same-sex sexual acts have likely existed in most, if not all, cultural traditions, such categories do not always have specific implications for social roles, identities, or life course pathways. For example,

the expression of same-sex erotic desires does not always preclude the successful accomplishment of traditional heterosexual roles associated with marriage and procreation, though social acceptance of homoerotic behavior may be limited to certain contexts or periods of the life course. The traditional stance of tolerance in Latin American cultures toward men who assume a “top” or activo role in transient homosexual relationships and the tacit acceptance of female “bisexuality” among Creole women in South America and, increasingly, among young American women provide examples of “bisexuality” that do not necessarily interfere with the accomplishment of a heterosexual life course. Cross-cultural and historical scholarship has identified several other general patterns for same-gender erotic relationships and identities. Those categories with far-reaching developmental consequences can be classified as sexual lifeways, or the behaviors, roles, relationships, identities, and trajectories that shape individual sexual development, during specific periods or across the life course, in a given cultural tradition. In some cases, the developmental implications of a given sexual lifeway have been well documented; in other cases, extrapolation is required, given difficulties associated with studying the sexual development of children and adolescents. As in other areas, the cultural and historical record is more complete for boys and men than for girls and women, which is a function of both the androcentrism of extant research and the greater restrictions that have been placed on the expression of female sexuality in most cultural settings and historical periods. The first two sexual lifeways that incorporate samegender sexual intimacies are developmentally specific homosexuality and intergenerational same-gender relations. These two forms of same-gender sexual expression may overlap in a given cultural community, and age differences between partners may be common even when such relationships are restricted to youth. In the case of developmentally specific homosexuality, the expression of same-sex desire is culturally supported, tolerated, or even required for a specific period or periods in the life course, typically not extending beyond early adulthood. Examples of this type of homosexuality include ritualized “boy-insemination” among the Sambia of Papua New Guinea, “mummy-baby” relationships between adolescent females in Lesotho, southern Africa, and same-sex “marriages” among 17th-century Maya male youths and Azande warriors in East Africa, observed in the 1930s and 1940s. The developmental function of the latter three examples was to prepare boys for future roles as warriors, (heterosexual) husbands, and fathers and, in the Maya and Azande cases, to prevent premature pregnancy. Developmentally specific homosexuality frequently entails a discontinuous course of development for the individual, who, as described by the anthropologist Gilbert Herdt, is allowed or even expected to engage in same-sex relations

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for a period of time and then to transition into heterosexual roles and relationships. Under such a developmental regime, a youth with strong same-gender desires may not easily transition to heterosexual roles and relationships later on, depending on the relative strength of his cross-gender attractions. For example, Herdt and Robert Stoller documented a Sambian man’s difficult transition from sexual interest in boys to heterosexual marriage and his subsequent social ostracism. Nevertheless, when same-sex relations are obligatory or culturally normative, when the transition is ritualized or otherwise culturally facilitated, and/or when general developmental discontinuity is expected, the transition is typically smooth. More generally, the social and psychological consequences of developmental continuity versus discontinuity are culturally contingent and cannot be assumed in advance. Similarly, terms like sexual liberation, repression, compartmentalization, and so forth cannot be applied universally. To privilege contemporary Western ideas about sexual liberation would be to ignore the power of culture to shape desire in all its multiplicity or even to equate human agency with the rejection of cultural tradition. The desire to marry and raise a family, honor one’s family and ancestors, and/or carry on cultural traditions may be more powerful and more central than sexual and romantic desire to one’s sense of self in a given cultural setting. The (alleged) compartmentalization or suppression of same-sex desire must be understood within the context of such culturally specific ways of configuring the self and the relationship between self and society. Developmentally specific homosexuality may or may not also involve intergenerational same-gender relations. Examples include the cases addressed previously (depending on how “generation” is defined) as well as other documented cases in ancient China and Korea, feudal Japan, Java and Indonesia, pre- and postcolonial Africa, and, of course, ancient Greece. Scholars have also uncovered a few examples of intergenerational same-gender relations that were not developmentally specific but rather followed a life-course model. W. L. Williams documented the same-sex relationships of Mamluks, government administrators in Egypt during the medieval period, who were forbidden from marrying or fathering children for fear that they would threaten the lineage of the sultans they served. They were instead encouraged to take a pubescent boy as a spouse. Above and beyond long-term companionship, this intergenerational pairing provided mentoring for the youth, a source of care and support for the Mamluk in his later years, and a means of institutional succession; the boy-spouse often became Mamluk himself following the death of his beloved and repeated the cycle. The important developmental function of this and other examples of intergenerational mentorship has largely been obscured by the lens of pathological pedo-

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philia that has long dominated Euro-American interpretations of these practices. The Mamluks provide a striking example of premodern homosexual life course. Given that this is also an instance of same-gender relations confined to a specific institutional role or setting, this lifeway was of little relevance to most youth in that time and place. The same holds true for most other examples of role-specialized homosexuality, with the notable exception of institutionalized male prostitution, common in sexual tourism destinations and documented from Latin America and the Caribbean, to North Africa, to South Asia and the Pacific Islands. The final three categories addressed here also provide the possibility of a life course organized around same-gender erotic relationships and/or identities. The first of these includes third sex/gender categories and has alternately been labeled cross-gender, gender-reversed, or gendertransformed homosexuality. This type of homosexuality is among the most ubiquitous in the historical and crosscultural record. The Native American berdaches (now more commonly referred to as two-spirit persons) provide the most recognizable example, with an equivalent category in 168 Native American languages. They are respected members of their community who are thought to be neither male nor female. Though biological males have been overrepresented among two-spirit persons, female berdaches have also been reported, including among the Kaska Indians of western Canada, who could reassign the gender of their most masculine daughter in the event of no male offspring. In many instances, gender-transformed homosexuality involves a pseudoheterosexual life course: A genderatypical child or adolescent is reassigned to a second or third gender category; adopts roles, behaviors, and persona in keeping with the new gender; and eventually engages in same-sex relationships, sometimes including marriage, with more conventionally gendered persons. In other cultural traditions, special abilities or talents are attributed to third-gender persons, who may be honored or assigned to specific social roles or occupations. Whether mid20th-century “butch/femme” lesbian couples and the contemporary, increasingly global category of transgender identity are more appropriately classified alongside these third-gender traditions or with “gay” identities and lifeways remains a matter of debate. The final two sexual lifeways are historically intertwined, at least in their most visible and well-documented manifestations. Stigmatized homosexual and bisexual identities and modern lesbian, gay, and bisexual lifeways are primarily grounded in the history and cultural traditions of Europe, North America, and Australia. As early as the 18th century in Europe and then picking up steam in 19th-century Europe and the United States, sexual discourses shifted from a focus on sexual acts to a focus on sexual persons. The creation and policing of a strict binary opposition of hetero-

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sexual/homosexual and the construction of the “sodomite” and the “sexual invert” in religious, medical, and legal discourses unintentionally laid the groundwork for the emergence of homo- and bisexual identities and communities. These processes were facilitated by industrialization, which brought large numbers of unsupervised young people to urban centers, and the growth of individualism, without which modern identity politics would not have been possible. Despite increasing visibility throughout the 20th century, these communities remained marginalized and stigmatized, and homosexual or bisexual life typically entailed secrecy, compartmentalization, and/or estrangement from family and the broader society. The rapid expansion of these urban enclaves following World War II, the declining importance of marriage and parenthood in Western constructions of adulthood, and the growth of sociopolitical movements for individual rights and freedoms led to dramatic transformations in relationships between desire, identity, and the life course. Early homophile organizations set the stage for the emergence of the gay rights movement in the late 1960s. Since then, it has became possible and even desirable to lead an open and integrated life as a gay man or lesbian, which has increasingly involved the organization of social and family life around long-term, egalitarian partnerships (typically intragenerational). More recently, a diversity of sexual lifeways has proliferated in North America, Europe, Australia, South Africa, and elsewhere, and the links between gender and sexuality have become looser, as evidenced by the emergence of separate lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender (LGBT), and other identities. Indeed, the acknowledgment of same-sex desires, which now occurs in adolescence and even preadolescence, is not necessarily incompatible with cross-gender sexual relationships, nor does it necessarily have implications for one’s gender role. On the other hand, the increasing visibility of transgender identities and communities, in conjunction with lingering folk beliefs about the necessarily close link between gender and sexual identity, may be leading many young men and women who might have identified as gay or lesbian in a previous generation to instead label themselves as transgender (which, in the case of elective hormonal therapies and sex-reassignment surgery, can have significant ramifications for future development). Contemporary lesbian and gay lifeways provide the most prominent example of the integration of same-gender intimacies into a life-course framework and across the spheres of work and family, public and private. However, Williams’s description of egalitarian same-sex relationships in the context of the extended family during the Zhou and Wing dynasties in China and other historical accounts of consecrated same-sex marriages illustrate the need for further investigation of historical continuities and discontinuities in the social organization of homosexuality.

Recently, LGBT lifeways have become more visible throughout the world, if only through television, movies, and/or the World Wide Web. The New York–based International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission (IGLHRC) has a presence on all six major continents. Whether these identities and lifeways take root or influence established sexual constructions depends on several important dimensions of cultural difference. Harry Triandis identified three dimensions of cultural difference that seem particularly relevant: individualism/collectivism; degree of social, political, and economic complexity; and the rigidity of cultural norms and the level of consistency and severity with which they are enforced. Although these three dimensions do not always go together, cultural communities characterized by individualism, highly developed, global economies, and ideological heterogeneity tend to be the most conducive to the emergence of LGBT lifeways. In a cultural community that is in transition or is actively resisting the forces of Westernization, a child or adolescent with same-sex desires is in a particularly precarious developmental position. Societies that have gone to the greatest length to restrict access to outside information and influences, such as China, North Korea, and several Middle Eastern nations, tend to have the harshest proscriptions against the expression of homosexual behavior and identity, proscriptions that have been more strictly enforced, sometimes replacing earlier tolerance, as the perceived threat of Western “perversions” has grown. Whether the labels of gay, lesbian, and so forth are used in these and similar cultural communities, the resultant identity constructions are more likely to resemble the stigmatized homosexual identities described previously. In a place like Iran, which has publicly executed several young men for homosexual acts, the developmental implications of being gay are abundantly clear and dire. In cultural communities less resistant to global influences, gay and lesbian identities may be locally inflected, intermingling with more traditional constructions of sexuality. Williams described the reticence among contemporary Lakota youth with same-sex attractions to identify as gay, which lacks the spiritual meaning and cultural respect accorded to the now-vanishing third-gender category, winkte. Alternately, homosexual and bisexual youth in sexually transitional cultures, who may know that support and community exist “out there somewhere,” may experience especially intense feelings of difference and alienation in the absence of face-to-face opportunities to realize that social support (though many take refuge in global cybercommunities). The difficulty of these transitional periods is illustrated by gay and bisexual American men who came of age during and after World War II, who tend to recount more difficult childhood experiences than either the generation immediately preceding or following. Of course, every sociohistorically specific construction

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of sexuality, or of any other facet of human experience and development, could be described as transitional. Some queer-theory and postgay theorists have forecast, or at least expressed hope for, the end of sexual identity as a central dimension of selfhood, which would render the study of the sexual minority youth obsolete. Whether this transpires obviously remains to be seen, though it is hard to imagine that sexuality will ever become a socially and morally unproblematic dimension of human development, akin to handedness. Regardless, the meaning-centered nature of sexual development would seem to ensure a continuing place for the cultural and historical study of sexuality. Andrew J. Hostetler see also: Gender; Sexual Development further reading: J. Weeks, Sexuality and Its Discontents: Meanings, Myths, and Modern Sexualities, 1985. • D. L. Davis and R. G. Whitten, “The Cross-Cultural Study of Human Sexuality,” Annual Review of Anthropology 16 (1987), pp. 69–98. • G. Herdt, Same Sex, Different Cultures: Exploring Gay and Lesbian Lives, 1997. • W. L. Williams, “Social Acceptance of Same-Sex Relationships in Families: Models from Other Cultures,” in C. J. Patterson and A. R. D’Augelli, eds., Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Identities in Families: Psychological Perspectives, 1998. • E. Blackwood and S. E. Wieringa, eds., Female Desires: Same-Sex Relations and Transgender Practices across Cultures, 1999. • B. Dykes, “Problems in Defining Cross-Cultural ‘Kinds of Homosexuality’—and a Solution,” Journal of Homosexuality 38 (2000), pp. 1–18. • R. C. Savin-Williams, The New Gay Teenager, 2005.

physiological and psychological perspectives. Ho-

mosexuality is an individual’s life pattern of enduring emotional, romantic, affectional, and sexual attractions to other persons of the same biological sex or social gender. For bisexuals, that relational pattern is directed toward persons of both biological sexes and social genders. Sexual orientation is one component of human sexuality, distinct from, and most often interacting with, other components, including biological sex, gender identity (an internal self-awareness of being male or female), social gender roles (adherence to cultural norms for feminine and masculine behavior), and sexual behavior. Homosexuality and bisexuality have existed in human experience for as long as recorded descriptions of sexual beliefs and practices have been kept. More recently, researchers have begun to identify various gradations in sexual orientation identity, examining potential subtypes of same-sex sexuality. This is represented by such categories as mostly lesbian and mostly heterosexual, particularly among females. Sexual minority youth, while coming out at earlier ages, appear increasingly more likely to identify as bisexual or to refuse a social category rather than claim lesbian or gay identities. This both describes their attractions and serves to illustrate an overarching philosophy embracing noncategorical, non-gender-based models of sexuality.

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Heated debate continues to surround the etiology of sexual orientation, with increasing evidence indicating that a sexual orientation—(hetero/homo/bi)sexuality or others—is the product of the complex interaction of biological, psychological, familial, social, and cultural factors. Most of the research relating to these issues has been done in Europe and the United States. Ph ys io lo gical Per s pec ti v e s In examining the physiological roots of homosexuality, there have been two predominant biological branches: genetic and neurohormonal. The genetic branch grew out of human behavioral genetics (e.g., twin and adoption studies) to examine the degree to which genes, operating in various environments, influence sexual orientation. In 1993, Dean Hamer and his colleagues published an article in Science in which they reported a link between DNA markers on the X chromosome and male homosexuality. This finding engendered a fiery debate about the existence of a “gay gene.” More recent research revealed an extreme skewing of X chromosome inactivation in mothers of gay sons. For females, there remains little evidence from replicated genetic linkage studies. Given the fact that sexual orientation is such a complex trait, with myriad social and psychological influences, there will never be any one gene that determines someone’s sexuality. It may be that there is a combination of various genes acting together and interacting with environmental influences. The neurohormonal branch is rooted in the theory that sexual orientation is a result of the early sexual differentiation of hypothalamic brain structures. The theory suggests that gay men’s and lesbians’ neural sexual orientation centers are similar to each other’s and distinctly different from those of heterosexuals due to prenatal androgen action. Research conducted since the 1980s has found notable differences between the physiology of homosexuals and heterosexuals. These findings include differences in brain structure (size of the third interstitial nucleus of the anterior hypothalamus, suprachiasmatic nucleus, and anterior commissure and activity differences in the medial prefrontal cortex, left hippocampus, and right amygdala), in responses to fluoxetine (a selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor), and in the startle response, to cite a few. Neither genetics nor neurohormonal theories, however, address bisexuality. Distinct from homosexuality and heterosexuality, bisexuality is a legitimate sexual orientation, if one that seems to defy definition. The predominant conceptualization of bisexuality has undergone a number of theoretical shifts in the past several decades, moving from the dismissal of bisexuality as a transitional period; to a temporary stage of denial, transition, or experimentation before settling into a heterosexual or homosexual identity with stable sexual attractions and behaviors; to the recognition of bisexuality as a “third” sexual identity, characterized

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by fixed patterns of romantic and sexual attraction to both sexes. The most recent formulation theorizes bisexuality as a strong form of all individuals’ capacity for sexual fluidity. P s yc ho lo gical P er s p ect i v es The negotiation of sexual and gender identity formation can be more difficult for children because they must first challenge the overwhelming “presumption of heterosexuality” that pervades all of the social institutions in their lives, most especially in schools. Children are invested with the social meanings of “boy” and “girl” and the presumption of “heterosexual” from an early age. In order to develop a personal sense of self, they must contradict the authority of family, peers, and institutions and the staggering plethora of images that reinforce heterosexuality as normal and desirable. Lesbian, gay, and bisexual youth, or those whose emerging sexual attractions or behavior are directed toward samesex partners, negotiate the same developmental tasks as do heterosexual youth, such as establishing a positive body image, achieving emotional independence from parents and other adults, and developing close and healthy relationships with peers. They must also integrate these tasks with the unique developmental tasks of the coming-out processes (to oneself and to others). These processes, identified by many theorists, typically involve transforming a societally stigmatized identity into a positive identity. This transformation includes a vague but pervasive sense of being different in childhood that may or may not be associated with sexual issues; engaging in gender-atypical behavior or ideation, appearance, or interests (e.g., tomboy); fascination with or sexual attraction to the same sex accompanied by a lack of interest in the other sex; gradual realization of romantic, sexual, and affectional predisposition toward the same sex; and conscious questioning of one’s sexual identity. These are followed, generally, with further exploration and socialization in lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) communities; disclosure to others; managing one’s identity in heterosexist environments; and building families and communities for support. It is important to note that there are multiple developmental pathways. While some individuals will progress through all of these processes, there exists wide variability in the occurrence and sequence of specific milestone events. Although there are common developmental tasks associated with the coming-out processes, the experiences vary considerably depending upon individual characteristics such as biological sex. For example, neither feelings of differentness nor childhood gender atypicality correlate as strongly with lesbians as among gay males. Although the small number of studies on gender-atypical girls parallels the findings on boys, the effect is of smaller magnitude. There are also differences based on social class and religiosity, acceptance of family members and social milieu,

and the concurrent developmental tasks of adulthood and ethnic- and gender-identity development. Those individuals who occupy racially, ethnically, and sexually discriminated against “social categories” and ecologies, for example, may face heightened levels of discrimination than those who do not experience multiple oppressions. These “categories” are never experienced singly but as experientially interconnected with gender, class, age, physical ability, and others. All intersecting oppressions exist within economic and historical contexts that bestow benefits to some and stigma to others based on their location within this matrix of identities and behaviors. In her 1984 book Sister Outsider, Audre Lorde described a fundamental dilemma with which many racial and ethnic and lesbian and gay adolescents must struggle: the confl ict between the fear of stigmatization as lesbian, gay, or bisexual in their ethnic or racial community versus the loss of support for their identity as a person of color in mainstream lesbian, gay, and bisexual communities. The majority of research on sexual identity development in racial and ethnic minorities has delineated how many lesbian and gay people of color often establish a “dual identity.” The ability to straddle multiple worlds wherein they are, at times, the minority, the majority, and both constitutes another type of biculturalism that these adolescents, in spite of external threats, most often negotiate successfully. While the majority of individuals negotiate the developmental tasks of establishing a gender role and sexual identity, as parts of a larger sense of self, in adolescence, research suggests that bisexual development follows a unique developmental trajectory. While exclusive homosexuality tends to emerge from a deep-seated predisposition, bisexual orientations are much less strongly tied to preadult sexual feelings and more strongly influenced by social and sexual learning. This is supported by research that found that bisexuals recalled their first same-sex attractions at later ages than gay men and lesbians. Laura A. Szalacha see also: Gender; Sexual Development further reading: A. D’Augelli and C. Patterson, eds., Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Identities over the Lifespan, 1995. • R. C. SavinWilliams, The New Gay Teenager, 2005. • A. M. Omoto and H. S. Kurtzman, eds., Sexual Orientation and Mental Health: Examining Identity and Development in Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual People, 2006.

legal and public-policy perspectives. In recent years, lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) youth in the United States have come out of the closet in rapidly growing numbers and have demanded, with increasing success, that schools, legislatures, and courts protect their civil rights. Though the pace of progress has varied widely from state to state, there is an increasing recognition throughout the country that schools and other government entities may not permit harassment and discrimination against LGBT

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youth or censor young people’s LGBT-supportive speech. This progress parallels developments in several other Western countries, including Canada and England, where lawmakers and courts have similarly taken action to safeguard LGBT youth. At the other end of the spectrum lie repressive regimes such as Iran, where LGBT people, including teenagers, have recently faced public lashings and execution. H a r as s m en t i n Pub l ic S c ho o l s There is overwhelming evidence that LGBT youth are particularly vulnerable to harassment at school and that the abuse they experience exacts a serious toll on their education and health. In 1993, Massachusetts took the lead in addressing this problem by enacting the nation’s first state law to expressly prohibit discrimination and harassment based on sexual orientation in public schools. Connecticut, New York, Vermont, Washington, Wisconsin, California, Iowa, Illinois, Maine, Minnesota, New Jersey, and the District of Columbia have since enacted similar laws; the last six of these states and the District of Columbia prohibit harassment and/or discrimination in schools based on gender identity as well. Though these laws take a variety of forms, the recent trend has been to require local school districts to adopt antiharassment policies meeting state-defined minimum standards. In California, Iowa, and New Jersey, for example, state law requires school districts to adopt an antiharassment policy that includes sexual orientation and gender identity, that establishes procedures for reporting harassment and disciplining students who violate the policy, and that protects those who report harassment from retaliation. In states without LGBT-inclusive antidiscrimination laws, policies to address anti-LGBT discrimination and bullying are often enacted by state, county, and local boards of education. Efforts to combat harassment by eliminating instructional materials with anti-LGBT content or by requiring classroom discussion of LGBT issues have generally faced much more political resistance. Some progress has been made on the local level, however, with a growing number of school districts successfully incorporating lessons promoting tolerance into public school curricula. Though state legislatures have generally evaded the issue, California broke new ground by barring school instruction that “promotes a discriminatory bias” based on, among other characteristics, sexual orientation and gender identity. In some states, the law effectively encourages anti-LGBT harassment by promoting anti-LGBT attitudes or by prohibiting teachers from discussing homosexuality in a positive light. The laws of Arizona and Utah, for example, bar positive portrayals or “advocacy” of homosexuality in school. Alabama and Texas go further by requiring health education programs to teach children that homosexuality is not “acceptable.” Many more states—with the support of the federal government—contribute to the isolation of

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LGBT youth by adopting “abstinence only” sex education programs that condemn all sexual activity outside of heterosexual marriage. Federal law does not explicitly prohibit anti-LGBT discrimination or harassment in schools, but courts and administrative agencies have interpreted various statutory and constitutional provisions to provide some legal protection to LGBT students. In a landmark 1996 case, Nabozny v. Podlesny, a federal appeals court held that school officials could be held liable for violating the Constitution’s equal protection clause if they deliberately ignore antigay harassment. Courts have also held that Title IX, a federal sexdiscrimination statute, allows lawsuits against federally funded schools that deliberately ignore severe and pervasive sexual harassment of LGBT students. F r ee E x p r e s s io n i n Pub l ic S c ho o l s Under the federal Equal Access Act, federally funded public secondary schools that allow extracurricular student clubs to meet on campus may not discriminate against any particular club on the basis of the club’s ideas or messages. Courts around the country have ruled that the act protects the students’ right to form “gay-straight alliances” or other extracurricular organizations at school that promote respect for LGBT people. The Constitution’s free speech clause protects students’ rights to discuss their sexual orientation and gender identity as well as their right to express support for LGBT rights while at school. Students have also successfully invoked principles of free expression to assert their right to bring a same-sex date to the prom. The free speech clause has been something of a double-edged sword, however. While it protects LGBT-supportive speech, it may also protect speech that LGBT youth find upsetting. For example, the clause may limit a public school’s authority to prohibit peaceful expression of opposition to homosexuality. Drawing the line between offensive but constitutionally protected speech and unprotected verbal harassment is no easy task; courts have not settled on a single approach to the issue. P r i vat e S c ho o l s The law’s treatment of private schools varies widely depending on a particular school’s financing, location, and religious affiliation (or lack thereof ). It is well established, however, that federal constitutional guarantees do not apply to private institutions. Thus, private schools cannot be held liable for violating the equal protection clause or free speech clause, no matter the severity of the discrimination or censorship their students allege. State and federal statutes, in contrast, may extend protection to private school students. Title IX’s sexdiscrimination provisions, for example, apply to any school, public or private, that accepts federal financial assistance. Only a small minority of states, however, extend antidis-

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crimination and antiharassment protection to LGBT students at private schools. In Iowa, the District of Columbia, Maine, Minnesota, and New York, antidiscrimination statutes apply to private schools but contain exemptions for religious institutions. In California, the school antidiscrimination statute applies to any nonreligious private school benefiting from state financial assistance. Ou t s i d e o f S c hoo l In comparison to the growing number of laws addressing LGBT issues in schools, there is little law that specifically addresses the needs of LGBT youth in other contexts. Traditionally, the law has intruded relatively little into family relationships, absent exceptional circumstances such as child abuse. Thus, children generally do not have any legal recourse against parents who mistreat them based on their sexual orientation or gender identity. The Constitution, moreover, has been interpreted to limit the government’s ability to address discrimination in certain private organizations to which youth may belong. A sharply divided U.S. Supreme Court held in the 2000 case Boy Scouts of America v. Dale that the freedom of “expressive association” implicit in the Constitution’s free speech clause protects the right of the Boy Scouts to exclude openly gay people from leadership positions. Courts and policy makers have in recent years paid increased attention to issues faced by LGBT youth in state custody, including the need for access to appropriate medical care and protection from harassment. LGBT youth are disproportionately represented among youth in state care, because of the rejection and harassment they so often face at home and in school. California is the only state, however, to enact express, comprehensive protections against antiLGBT discrimination and harassment in foster care and in the juvenile justice system. Even where there is no law specifically addressing the needs of LGBT youth in state care, these youth have in some cases successfully asserted their civil rights by relying on general antidiscrimination laws and constitutional protections. In 2006, for instance, a federal court in Hawaii found that a state juvenile correction facility violated the Constitution’s due process clause by acting with deliberate indifference toward discriminatory harassment suffered by the facility’s LGBT youth at the hands of their peers and supervisors. With respect to private sexual conduct, the law governing LGBT youth does not, in theory, differ from the law governing sex between minors of a different gender. State laws may vary in setting an age of consent, but the Constitution forbids states from punishing sexual activity involving minors more harshly merely because it involves persons of the same sex. Michael Kavey see also: Gender; Sexual Development

further reading: Courtney Weiner, “Sex Education: Recognizing Anti-gay Harassment as Sex Discrimination under Title VII and Title IX,” Columbia Human Rights Law Review 37 (2005), pp. 189–234. • Rudy Estrada and Jody Marksamer, “The Legal Rights of LGBT Youth in State Custody: What Child Welfare and Juvenile Justice Professionals Need to Know,” Child Welfare: Journal of Policy, Practice, and Program 85, no. 2 (March/April 2006), pp. 171–94. • Gay Lesbian and Straight Education Network, The 2005 National School Climate Survey, 2006.

hospitalization. Before the 19th century, sick children in the United States and Europe were treated at home. Abandoned children, orphans, or those with an incurable disease were admitted to foundling homes or institutions for the poor and destitute. Indeed, hospitals generally were developed to care for the destitute of all ages, following the spread of Christianity with its mandate to serve the poor and convert, particularly, the dying. Institutional mortality of children was high, often higher than 70%. Because of the appalling nature of these conditions, hospitals dedicated exclusively to the care of children were founded in the 19th and 20th centuries. The first hospital especially established for the treatment of sick children was founded in Paris in 1807, the Hôpital des Enfants-Malades. From 1800 to 1850, nearly 20 major cities throughout Europe and Russia established children’s hospitals. The first children’s hospital in England, Great Ormond Street, was founded in London in 1853. In the United States, the first children’s hospital was founded in Philadelphia in 1855. Then over the next 60 years, nearly every major city in the United States established an independent children’s hospital. These hospitals, devoted to provide care for children with curable conditions, were heavily dependent on charity. Their mission was to care for children regardless of cultural and socioeconomic status. As the specialty of pediatrics developed in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, medical schools and children’s hospitals began to create affiliated relationships. Children’s hospitals added research and teaching to their mission. Medical schools without a children’s hospital created their own pediatric teaching service. At the same time, many community hospitals established smaller, distinct children’s services. C hangi ng Patter ns of Ho spitalizations The decrease in mortality and morbidity of children has been a major advance of the 20th century. In the United States, children’s mortality generally has decreased by more than 90%. This is attributed to improved sanitation, the prevention of diseases by vaccination, the discoveries of antibiotics, the understanding of fluid and electrolyte disorders, and advanced technologies. The kinds of conditions requiring hospitalizations in children have changed over that time, with an increase in chronic conditions and

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a decrease in acute illnesses. Most of the chronic conditions, such as birth disorders, cerebral palsy, malignancies, sickle-cell disease, degenerative diseases, and immunological deficiencies, occur infrequently, and their care has been concentrated at children’s hospitals or hospitals with large children’s services. These hospitals have attracted appropriately trained and certified pediatric specialists, surgeons, nurses, and many associated disciplines. Children with more common conditions, such as asthma, acute respiratory infections, urinary tract infections, and gastrointestinal conditions or admitted for surgical treatments of chronic ear infections or appendectomy have been hospitalized everywhere, including small pediatric services or community hospitals, and are increasingly treated in outpatient centers. The kinds of admissions to children’s hospitals are distinctly different from those to community hospitals with small pediatric services: A high percentage of children requiring specialty and complex services are admitted to children’s hospitals and hospitals with large pediatric services; a high percentage of children with common conditions are hospitalized at community hospitals. Prior to 1960, children were admitted to hospitals for long periods of time, and routine family visitations were discouraged, especially at children’s hospitals. In most hospitals, family visits were limited to weekends and evening hours and not during the work hours, thus excluding family members from daily medical decisions. Recreational activities were provided by nonprofessional volunteers. From 1960 onward, a period of marked technological and social advancement, families have become much more integrated into the child’s hospital experience and with the diagnostic and treatment routine. Family visitation is now encouraged at all times and is included in the medical decisionmaking process, especially where family-centered care is practiced. Master’s-degree-level professionals, child life therapists, now are a major part of most large pediatric service and are integrated into the child’s hospital and treatment experience. The outcome is that children heal better and more quickly and family satisfaction is markedly advanced. There have been negligible negative side effects of enhanced family involvement. Advances in medical care, training, specialization, and technology have led to great improvements in childhood survival. These trends have been enhanced by the development of specialized units dedicated to children and staffed by appropriately trained and certified professionals. The three major units are newborn (neonatal) intensive care units, pediatric intensive care units (children beyond the newborn period), and pediatric emergency departments. Neonatal units are the areas that care for children born prematurely, those with acute illnesses or birth defects, or those having problems related to complicated deliveries. The emerging technology, imaging techniques, specialized procedures, and infant respirators have led to regionaliza-

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tion of such care for newborns and the creation of three levels of neonatal care. The level of the nursery is determined in part by the following factors: the number of deliveries, the availability of comprehensive perinatal services, and the availability of interdisciplinary support and technology. Level I units care for minor problems of term and nearterm infants, and level II units provide supportive care for children with complications of prematurity or illness but not extended respiratory support. Level III units provide a wide range of multidisciplinary specialty diagnostic, nursing, surgical, and medical services, including mechanical respiratory support. These units are few in number and generally associated with a perinatal center or a children’s hospital. Pediatric intensive care units exist mostly in children’s hospitals or general hospitals with large comprehensive pediatric services. They have been developed for the medical and surgical care of critically ill children beyond the neonatal period. Some of these units are affiliated with regional burn or trauma centers. These units have the most updated technology, interdisciplinary services, and pediatric specialists and have led to great improvements in the outcomes of many devastating conditions such as encephalitis, severe infections, complex injuries, large burns, near drowning, complex neurological conditions, severe respiratory compromise, and many rare and complex conditions. Pediatric emergency departments exist in almost every children’s hospital and a few general hospitals with very large pediatric services. The personnel in these hospitals are trained specifically to care for urgent pediatric medical and surgical conditions in an age-appropriate fashion and provide for the support of families in crisis. Pain management for children of all developmental stages is a critical component of this care as well as in the intensive care units. El ectiv e Proc edur es and Surger y Many admissions to children’s hospitals are now for elective procedures. These events can be stressful for the child and family. Preparation of the child prior to the procedure is essential to decrease emotional impact. Children’s hospitals usually have extensive preadmission material for the family and the child to ease the stress of the hospitalization, the procedure, and the recovery process. Families are encouraged to be a part of the entire process. Oth er S erv ic e s There are many unique age-appropriate child services available in children’s hospitals. These include rehabilitation, occupational therapy, physical therapy, nutritional support, comprehensive specialty outpatient services, child life programs, chaplain services to meet the unique spiritual needs of families, and social services to support families in stress and in crisis.

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Fa m i ly- C en t er ed Car e Children’s hospitals and the American Academy of Pediatrics have embraced the concept of family-centered care. This concept stresses the idea that families are partners in all aspects of the care. They should be informed and empowered. Day-and-night family presence is encouraged. Interpreter services should be readily available at all times. Soc ial and Cultur al Conc er ns Children’s hospitals in the United States strive to take care of all children regardless of socioeconomic, ethnic, or cultural background. The financial profile of children that children’s hospitals serve varies considerably, depending on the location of the hospital. Children’s hospitals serve, in addition to a high percentage of children with private coverage, many children who have low or inadequate insurance coverage. Disease incidence and severity in childhood is skewed to children of low socioeconomic status and those with inadequate insurance. Consequently children’s hospitals continue to be heavily dependant upon contributions and volunteers to fulfill their mission. On a worldwide basis, as so many children are torn by war, disasters, and poverty, the availability of children’s hospitals and their specialty services may be restricted only to those countries and populations that are able to afford them and where technology, emergency transportation, and specialized professional services are available to provide care. When such hospital services are limited, practitioners provide care for children as resources allow. The World Health Organization has published guidelines on how to provide hospital care for common illnesses with limited resources. The experience of care for children in specialized children’s hospitals informs these guidelines. The aspirations of all countries are to provide standardized quality hospital care for all children regardless of their socioeconomic status. Only to the degree that it is possible to establish economic and social stability and equity can these goals be attained. John M. Neff see also: Health, Disparities in; Health Care Funding; Health Care Systems for Children; Illness and Injury, Children’s Experience of; Insurance, Children and; Medical Care and Procedures, Consent to; Pediatrics further reading: American Academy of Pediatrics Committee on Fetus and Newborn Policy Statement, “Levels of Neonatal Care,” Pediatrics 114 (2004), pp. 1341–47. • World Health Organization, Pocket Book of Hospital Care for Children: Guidelines for the Management of Common Illnesses with Limited Resources, 2005. • American Academy of Pediatrics Committee on Hospital Care Reports and Policy Statements, http://www.aap.org/visit/cmte19.htm • Institute for Family Centered Care, http://www.familycenteredcare.org/index .html • National Association of Children’s Hospitals and Related Institutions Connections, http://www.childrenshospitals.net/

human genome project. see Genetics

human immunodeficiency viral syndrome U.S. Medical Perspectives International Medical Perspectives Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

u.s. medical perspectives. Since the first description of HIV-infected children in the late 20th century, the epidemiology of pediatric HIV infection in the United States has changed significantly. Dramatic declines in the number of children infected with HIV at birth (perinatally) have been seen because of prompt implementation of strategies to prevent mother-to-child transmission of this infection. Further, availability of highly active antiretroviral therapy (HAART) has led to improved survival of HIVinfected children into adolescence and adulthood, changing most HIV infections into a chronic rather than a fatal disease. An HIV-infected child or adolescent is diagnosed with acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS) when his or her immune system is seriously compromised and manifestations of HIV infection are severe, such as Pneumocystis carinii pneumonia. Epi d e m iolo g y Since the beginning of the epidemic in the 1980s, 9,441 cases of AIDS in children younger than 13 years of age have been reported in the United States. Perinatal transmission is the most common source of pediatric HIV infection, accounting for 91% of cases, whereas 4% acquired infection through receipt of blood products, and another 2% acquired HIV from transfusions given to treat hemophilia before the recognition of this problem. Approximately 2% of cases have no identifiable source. The number of infants born with HIV has dropped from a high of 2,000 per year in the early 1990s to fewer than 150. At the same time, new pediatric AIDS cases and AIDS deaths also have dramatically declined, primarily due to availability of HAART. In 2005, a total of 93 AIDS cases were reported in children younger than 13 years of age, compared to 122 cases in 2004. The racial, ethnic, and geographic distribution of AIDS cases in children parallels that of women with AIDS. New York and Florida reported the highest number of cases. Adolescents now represent a growing population of HIV infection, with at least 5,000 young people 13 to 19 years of age living with HIV. Blacks and Hispanics are disproportionately affected, accounting for 66% and 21%, respectively, of the reported AIDS cases in 2004. A significant number of HIV-infected adolescents acquired their infection perinatally. Ti m i ng , R ate s , a n d R i s k Fac to r s Mother-to-child transmission of HIV (MTCT) can take place in utero, during labor and delivery, or postnatally via breastfeeding. In the nonbreastfed infant, about one-third of transmissions occur during gestation and the remain-

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ing two-thirds during delivery. In the breastfed infant, as many as one-third to one-half of transmissions may occur after delivery during lactation. Prior to availability of HAART, transmission rates of MTCT varied from 15% to 30% among nonbreastfeeding HIV-infected women in the United States and Europe to 25% to 45% among breastfeeding populations in Africa. However, in those countries where mortality due to nonbreastfeeding is very high, the trade-off has raised serious public health dilemmas. Maternal plasma viral load is a critical determinant of MTCT. Other factors known to increase the risk of MTCT include advanced maternal disease, specific low white blood cell counts, prolonged rupture of membranes, vaginal delivery, invasive obstetrical procedures such as forceps and vacuum extractors, and prematurity. Ear ly Diagno sis Routine HIV antibody testing cannot be used for the diagnosis of infant HIV infection because of passively transferred maternal HIV antibodies, which may be present in children up to 18 months of age. Specific HIV blood tests represent the gold standard for early diagnosis of HIV infection in children younger than 18 months. Two separate such positive tests are needed for diagnosis of HIV infection in young children. Many physicians confirm the absence of HIV infection by documenting a negative HIV antibody test at 12 to 18 months of age; a positive test in a child older than 18 months indicates infection. C li nical M ani festations The clinical manifestations of HIV infection in infants are highly variable and often nonspecific. Infants with perinatally acquired HIV infection are often without clear signs. Growth delay can be an early sign of untreated perinatal HIV infection. Other features of infection in early infancy could include enlarged lymph glands often associated with enlarged liver and spleen. Also commonly encountered signs are oral yeast infection, developmental delay, and skin rashes. Neurological disease in children with rapid progression of HIV infection has been commonly recognized as HIV encephalopathy, which can affect 8% to 20% of HIV-infected children. In the current era of HAART, the incidence of overt and rapidly progressive HIV encephalopathy seems to have decreased but may be associated with more subtle and insidious central nervous system manifestations. E a r ly T r e atm en t HAART is the standard of care for pediatric HIV infection in the United States. HAART has evolved from simple regimens of the 1980s and early 1990s to current complex regimens using a combination of medicines that act in different manners. The best time to start HAART in HIV-infected children remains controversial. Very early HAART might be prudent in infants with intrauterine infection, who may

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be more vulnerable to rapid disease progression than infants infected during birth. In some infants, early HAART can result in long-term viral suppression and eliminate incidence of disease. However, these benefits must be balanced against potential risks of too-early therapy, including safety, tolerability, adherence issues, and development of drug resistance. In adolescents, the efficacy of HAART has been disappointing because of poor adherence resulting from a variety of developmental and social issues. Several promising new classes of HAART are under development. Many children and adolescents with HIV are adversely affected by familial-social factors such as poverty, stigma, parent history of drug use and mental disorders, loss of a parent or sibling, and lack of social support. Further, the transition of HIV from a lethal into a chronic disease has tremendous implications for the neurocognitive and psychosocial development of children and families. A familycentered approach involving a multidisciplinary team to integrate medical, social, and psychosocial support is critical to treatment success. Pro gno s i s Infants with perinatally acquired HIV infection have widely variable clinical courses and durations of survival. Natural history studies in the United States and Europe reported a bimodal disease expression, with 20% to 25% of untreated HIV-infected infants rapidly progressing to AIDS or death within the first year of life, while others have had a better prognosis, some now surviving into young adulthood. The presence of high viral load; development of AIDSdefining conditions such as a specific, parasitic pneumonia, HIV encephalopathy, or brain disease; and severe wasting are associated with a poor prognosis. Slow loss of specific white blood cell type counts, the CD4, lymphocyte count, late onset of clinical symptoms, and occurrence of another type of pneumonitis are associated with improved survival. Since the introduction of HAART, prognosis and survival of perinatally HIV-infected children have improved significantly in the United States. Further, HAART has resulted in a dramatic decline in the incidence of secondary infections in HIV-infected children. Pr e v en tio n Preventing MTCT became a reality in 1994 when the U.S. Pediatric AIDS Clinical Trials Group treatment protocol showed that a long course of drug treatment given to an HIV-infected mother beginning at 14 weeks of gestation and in labor and then to her newborn infant reduced MTCT by nearly 70% in a nonbreastfeeding population. Since then, MTCT rates in the United States have decreased to less than 2% because of widespread routine antenatal HIV testing, use of maternal antiretroviral prophylaxis and HAART, elective Cesarean delivery, and avoidance of breastfeeding.

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Use of HAART among pregnant women is an integral component of these preventative strategies. HAART is recommended for all significantly HIV-infected pregnant women, along with consideration of elective Cesarean delivery. When the woman has not received any therapy during pregnancy, several efficacious intrapartum and postpartum regimens are available, including treatment of the infant for six weeks after birth. C h allenges Despite significant advances in diagnosis and treatment, around 150 HIV-infected babies are born annually in the United States, primarily due to missed prevention opportunities, including inadequate prenatal care or lack of antenatal HIV testing. Knowledge of a women’s HIV status during labor is crucial for providing prophylaxis for those who test positive and their babies to prevent infant acquisition of the virus. Recently, the Mother-Infant Rapid Intervention at Delivery study demonstrated the feasibility of rapid HIV testing of women with unknown HIV status during labor. Finally, efforts to develop a safe and effective HIV vaccine are ongoing. Avinash K. Shetty see also: Blood Disorders; Immune Disorders; Infectious Diseases; Sexually Transmitted Diseases further reading: P. A. Pizzo and Wilfert Catherine, The Challenge of HIV Infection in Infants, Children and Adolescents, 3rd ed., 1998. • A. Prendergast, G. Tudor-Williams, P. Jeena, S. Burchett, and P. Goulder, “International Perspectives, Progress, and Future Challenges of Paediatric HIV Infection,” Lancet 370, no. 9581 (July 2007), pp. 68–80. • Robert Screen and Dorian Lee-Wilkerson, HIV, Substance Abuse and Communication in Children, 2007. • James Riddel, “Children with HIV Becoming Adolescents: Caring for LongTerm Survivors,” Pediatric Nursing 22, no. 3 (April 2008), p. 220.

international medical perspectives. An estimated 2.3 million children are infected with human immunodeficiency viral syndrome (HIV) worldwide, most of whom, 1.9 million, or 83%, are in sub-Saharan Africa. In South and Southeast Asia, approximately 180,000 children are believed to be HIV positive, in East Asia approximately 7,200 children are infected, and in Eastern Europe and Central Asia it is estimated that 10,000 children are living with HIV. In Latin America, the figure is estimated to be 33,000. And this state of affairs is becoming worse: There are about 1,800 new pediatric infections every day throughout the world, and more than 570,000 children die of AIDS each year. The majority of pediatric HIV infections occur as a result of mother-to-child transmission, either in the womb (5% to 10% risk of transmission), at birth (10% to 20%), or through breastfeeding (25% to 45%, depending on the duration of breastfeeding). In 2004, between 570,000 and 750,000 children became newly infected with HIV. The price of antiretroviral (ARV) drugs offered to all sub-Saharan African countries has been greatly reduced in

recent years (reductions of more than 90% in some cases), and costs have fallen from about $10,000 per year to as low as $300. Despite this, the World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that as of June 2006, of the 6.5 million people in low- and middle-income countries in need of ARVs, only 1.65 million people had access to them. And children’s access to ARVs lags behind that for adults. It is estimated that only 10,000 of the 2 million-odd HIV-positive children in sub-Saharan Africa have access to treatment. The effects of the ever-increasing number of pediatric infections are myriad. Apart from the social, economic, and psychological impacts the epidemic has on individuals, communities, and indeed upon society as a whole, the disease affects children differently at the immunological level as well. There are significant differences that influence children’s progression to disease and their prognosis. Children’s bodies also process drugs differently than those of adults, which can affect the efficacy of antiretroviral drugs in children. Mitigating these challenges encompasses three interrelated and equally important arms: prevention, treatment, and care. All must be addressed to improve outcomes. Despite the efforts of international organizations, access to prevention and treatment programs remains unacceptably low, especially in developing countries. The WHO reports that, between 2003 and 2005, less than 10% of HIV-positive pregnant women received appropriate drug treatment before or during childbirth, which in turn would have dramatically reduced transmission to their children. Pr e v en tio n In the absence of prevention measures, approximately 35% of infants born to HIV-positive mothers will contract the virus. Prevention of maternal infection or facilitating termination of unwanted pregnancies of HIV-positive women can avert most pediatric infections. A recent study undertaken in eight African countries showed that reducing the HIV prevalence of women by as little as 1.5% or decreasing the number of unwanted pregnancies in HIV-positive women by only 16% yielded a reduction in HIV transmission to infants equivalent to that achieved using drug administration to the mother during labor and to the infant directly after birth. The administration of drug combinations to both breastfed and formula-fed infants would greatly decrease the risk of HIV infection in the infant; the WHO recommends this combination. Trials of combinations of drugs in Africa and Thailand using cheaper drugs and combinations appropriate for developing regions found that in nonbreastfeeding women, this course reduces transmission by between 50% and 70%, while in women who breastfeed, this reduction varies between 63% at 6 weeks and 23% at 24 months. Even when the mother is not able to get to a clinic to give birth and receive the appropriate treatment, postpartum drug administration to the infant can reduce infection significantly.

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Total avoidance of breastfeeding by an HIV-positive mother is very effective in preventing transmission of the virus through this route to the child. However, this option is not feasible for the majority of women in developing regions, as the dangers of formula feeding often outweigh the risks of HIV transmission. This is mainly because of difficulties in hygienic preparation of artificial milks, lack of refrigeration and electricity, unsafe or erratic water and formula supplies, and formula expense. Children starve or die of diarrheal disease. In developing countries, exclusive breastfeeding (where the infant is fed breast milk only, with no other foods or liquids, and which is the optimal type of breastfeeding for all children) for the first six months is recommended, as this may lead to lower HIV transmission than mixed feeding with breast milk and other foods or liquids. Tr e atm en t Children are often excluded in treatment programs, and although there is a dearth of data to help estimate present or future needs for pediatric treatment, the available information is not very encouraging. The WHO reports that, of 12,000 patients who had accessed treatment programs, only 700 (6%) were children, and in 2005, 660,000 children needed but did not receive appropriate drugs. SubSaharan Africa is home to about 90% of these children. It is thought that infants and children should make up at least 10% to 15% of all patients accessing drug treatment, based upon population estimates of disease prevalence. While there are indications that current global efforts to scale up access to treatment place great emphasis on the inclusion of access for children and infants, few drugs currently recommended for children by the WHO are available in formulations suitable for pediatric use. Only 11 out of the 18 drugs used to treat adult HIV infection are indicated for pediatric use, provide clear dosage instructions, or include package inserts for application with children. In addition, the costs of pediatric formulations tend to be higher than the now-reduced prices of adult drugs. Logistical problems relating to procurement, storage, and distribution of pediatric medicines also impact on the availability of drugs for children and infants in developing countries. Car e Children infected with HIV manifest many opportunistic infections with which their immature and impaired immune systems are unable to cope, resulting in a high mortality rate in infected infants. Pediatric HIV is, in fact, reversing gains made in developing countries in child health over the past several decades through vaccines and clean food and clean water initiatives. Apart from providing care to children with HIV-related illnesses, caring for the children who have been orphaned because of AIDS presents a great challenge in resource-

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poor communities. UNICEF estimates that there are about 11 million orphans in sub-Saharan Africa who have lost either one or both parents to AIDS. In many cases, extended family, including older siblings, takes on the responsibility for caring for orphans, which places a burden on this already stretched support system. Orphanages are springing up everywhere to cope with increasing numbers of homeless children. However, HIV has an impact on children long before they are orphaned. Illness in the family negatively affects family productivity and income, while expenditure escalates as health care and funeral costs increase. Studies have shown that, in a household affected by AIDS, household income falls by up to 60%, while spending on health care increases fourfold. The responsibility of domestic chores, caregiving, and often income generation in the household falls to children. Apart from disrupting school attendance, child labor can be deleterious to children’s physical and mental well-being, as children are vulnerable to workplace exploitation and abuse. In developing countries, HIVaffected households often have to cope with very difficult environments, with a greater incidence of crime, food insecurity, violence, and single-parent families than developed nations. Providing adequate care and protection to children affected by HIV is a great challenge in such circumstances. C o nc lu s io n Perinatal transmission of HIV can be successfully prevented, but access to such programs remains seriously limited in poor countries. The key problems causing this are related to a lack of resources: material, human, and financial. HIV transmission rates from mother to child are higher, untreated disease is much more severe, and death rates are greater in Africa and other developing areas than in industrialized countries. Programs for drug treatment of HIV-infected children and care of orphans and families affected by HIV are less frequent and less secure than in the United States. Jacqui Hadingham and Hoosen Coovadia see also: Blood Disorders; Breastfeeding; Immune Disorders; Infectious Diseases; Sexually Transmitted Diseases further reading: K. M. De Cock, M. G. Fowler, E. Mercier, et al., “Prevention of Mother-to-Child HIV Transmission in ResourcePoor Countries: Translating Research into Policy and Practice,” Journal of the American Medical Association 283 (2000), pp. 1175–82. • UNICEF, Africa’s Orphaned Generations, 2003. • World Health Organization, Paediatric HIV and Treatment of Children Living with HIV, 2006.

legal and public-policy perspectives. Like other

populations with HIV, children and parents have faced a landscape characterized by discrimination that has lessened over time. As the public better understands how HIV is transmitted and as prescription drugs have changed HIV infection from a quickly fatal illness to a chronic disease,

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people have become more accepting of HIV-infected individuals. For the discrimination that persists, legal protections are strong on paper but not always followed or effectively enforced. Prevention of infection has been an important priority, but some public polices have been counterproductive. While much has been done to reduce the likelihood of infection of children, policies designed to prevent infection are sometimes compromised by ideological considerations. Thus, for example, schools often withhold important education about safe sex practices out of unsubstantiated concerns that the education will promote teenage sex. H I V I n f ec t io n a n d S c ho o l s In the 1980s, when HIV first spread in the United States, children with HIV were subject to ostracism and exclusion by their classmates and schools. By invoking Section 504 of the federal Rehabilitation Act of 1973 (and later the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990), children were able to vindicate their right to remain in school. The two acts prohibit discrimination against persons who are disabled unless the disability affects the person in a way that justifies the discrimination, such as denying employment as a bus driver to someone who is legally blind. Courts have recognized that an HIV infection does not disqualify a child from attending school. Children do not spread HIV to their classmates, and they can live a normal life for many years after becoming infected. Winning in court does not ensure that the child will have normal relationships with other children. The law cannot guarantee appropriate public behavior, and some HIVinfected children will lose playmates as parents of the healthy children cut off the relationships. Still, HIVinfected children generally have benefited from a more sympathetic public response than that given to persons who became infected through gay sex or injection drug use, and public attitudes about HIV infection have improved greatly as treatments have changed HIV infection to a chronic disease that can be borne for many years, even decades. In some countries, where public attitudes reflect misunderstandings about HIV transmission and medical treatment is less available, HIV-infected children have faced higher levels of discrimination in their schools. In a 2004 study of HIV in India, for example, researchers found that misconceptions about HIV transmission led schools to deny access both to children with HIV infection and to noninfected children who had an infected parent. In a number of African countries, blocked access to schooling also has been a more persistent problem for children with HIV infection or with an HIV-infected parent. Social disadvantage has exacerbated the overt discrimination in these countries. When HIV infection hits parents, leaving them unable to work, they often withdraw their children from school either to save the cost of school expenses (even

when tuition is not charged) or to employ their children for household or other labor. H IV I nfection and Par en tal R ights Many HIV-infected adults have children or foster children, and court cases have arisen in which the adults’ custody or visitation rights are challenged. Judges have consistently held that being infected with HIV does not automatically affect a parent’s rights and that a parent’s HIV status is relevant only to the extent that it affects the child’s interests. If an HIV infection has seriously debilitated a parent, for example, the child might benefit from parenting by another adult who is better able to meet the demands of child rearing. Alternatively, a court might conclude that the child would benefit from continuing to be raised by a parent with whom the child has lived for many years, even when the parent becomes disabled by illness. Appellate courts have generally issued decisions protective of relationships between HIV-infected adults and their offspring or foster children, especially as HIV infection has become more of a chronic illness. However, as in other areas of the law, family court judges do not always observe the guidelines established by appellate courts, and social biases can influence a family court’s decision about custody or visitation. This appears to be a particular problem for parents who are gay, drug users, black, or poor. Geographic variations are important here. In communities more tolerant of homosexuality, for example, it is less likely that courts would disfavor the rights of gay parents. In less-developed countries, children often suffer especially when their father dies from HIV infection. The family’s resources diminish not only because women lack good wage-earning opportunities but also because the husband’s relations may take the family’s property, leaving the mother and children without means of support. H I V T e s t i ng o f P r egnan t Wom en A major success story in the prevention of HIV infection has resulted from interventions to prevent the transmission of HIV from a mother to her fetus or child during gestation, labor, delivery, or breastfeeding. At one time, some 25% of HIV-infected women infected their babies during pregnancy or delivery, and more than 10% infected their children during breastfeeding. With medical and other intervention, it is possible to reduce the rate of infection below 2%. With the effectiveness of preventive care, major medical organizations have endorsed the inclusion of HIV testing in the battery of routine blood tests that are run on pregnant women. Universal testing would help maximize the identification of HIV-infected pregnant women and, therefore, the opportunity to prevent HIV infection of newborns. While universal testing is generally supported, experts have disagreed about the role of informed consent by the preg-

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nant woman. Many scholars have advocated fully voluntary testing to protect the woman’s autonomy, to ensure her cooperation with the physician’s treatment plan, and to allow her to avoid the discrimination that might be triggered by a positive HIV test. Other experts support a more aggressive approach, believing that pregnant women have a duty to minimize the chances that their children will be infected with HIV. Two key approaches to informed consent have evolved: an opt-in approach in which the woman is informed about testing and asked for her consent (as with other diagnostic tests) and an opt-out approach in which the woman is informed about testing and told that it will be included in the standard battery of blood tests that she will undergo during her pregnancy unless she objects. Studies indicate that an opt-out approach results in significantly more testing than an opt-in approach. With substantial benefits from testing in terms of preventing HIV transmission and a diminution in discrimination against HIV-positive individuals, professional support for the opt-out approach has grown considerably. Although pregnant women with HIV infection face higher levels of discrimination in less-developed countries, programs using routine, opt-out testing of pregnant women have shown success in Botswana and other African countries. S e x Educat io n i n t h e S c ho o l s Because transmission during sexual relations is a key cause of HIV infection, medical experts and policy makers generally agree that adolescents should receive sex education designed to reduce the risk of HIV transmission. But people disagree on the best way to do so. In particular, disagreement exists on the question whether to promote only abstinence from sex or whether to discuss not only the value of abstinence but also the use of contraceptives to protect against HIV infection (and against unintended pregnancy). Medical experts generally support educational programs that encourage abstinence but also teach about contraceptive use. Studies of these programs have found that discussing contraception does not increase sexual activity, but it does increase the use of condoms and other contraceptive devices. On the other hand, while there is evidence to suggest that certain programs may be effective in decreasing adolescent sexual activity, research has not demonstrated that either abstinence-only or abstinence-plus-contraception

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education has a lasting effect on the likelihood of adolescent sexual activity. In short, studies have not found an advantage for abstinence-only education in terms of reducing sexual activity, but there appears to be a disadvantage in terms of reducing the risk of infection with sexually transmitted diseases. Despite these findings, religious beliefs and other ideological considerations have resulted in abstinence-only education in many parts of the United States, leading many experts to connect this reality to the fact that teenage pregnancy rates are much higher than in European countries where contraceptive education and services are widely available. C o nc lu s io n As the public better understands the nature of HIV transmission and as medical advances have made HIV infection more treatable, social policy toward children has made great strides. Unjustified discrimination has diminished, and preventive measures have been implemented. Nevertheless, persistent biases still cause problems in the way society deals with HIV infection in families and the prevention of HIV infection in children. David Orentlicher see also: Health and Sex Education further reading: Lauren Shapiro, “An HIV Advocate’s View of Family Court: Lessons from a Broken System,” Duke Journal of Gender Law and Policy 5, no. 1 (1998), pp. 133–65. • Human Rights Watch, Future Forsaken: Abuses against Children Affected by HIV/ AIDS in India, 2004. • Leslie E. Wolf, Bernard Lo, and Lawrence O. Gostin, “Legal Barriers to Implementing Recommendations for Universal, Routine Prenatal HIV Testing,” Journal of Law, Medicine and Ethics 32, no. 1 (2004), pp. 137–47. • Sylvana E. Bennett and Nassim P. Assefi, “School-Based Teenage Pregnancy Prevention Programs: A Systematic Review of Randomized Controlled Trials,” Journal of Adolescent Health 36, no. 1 (2005), pp. 72–81. • Human Rights Watch, Letting Them Fail: Government Neglect and the Right to Education for Children Affected by AIDS, 2005. • Jonathan D. Klein and the American Academy of Pediatrics Committee on Adolescence, “Adolescent Pregnancy: Current Trends and Issues,” Pediatrics 116, no. 1 (2005), pp. 281–86. • Tracy L. Creek et al., “Successful Introduction of Routine Opt-Out HIV Testing in Antenatal Care in Botswana,” Journal of Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome 45, no. 1 (2007), pp. 102–7.

hyperactivity. see Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder

i identity. Identity development can be heard in our answers to lifelong questions such as: Who am I? What do I want to make of myself in the future? How can I attain my dreams despite the obstacles I am facing? To what groups and communities do I belong? Researchers across the social sciences have mapped how our identities can reach across family generations, social networks, institutional settings, national borders, and cultural communities. Recent studies have shown that identities emerge in childhood and are linked to areas of competence, such as career aspirations, self-worth, and intergroup cooperation, as well as to vulnerabilities, such as alienation, prejudice, and intergroup confl ict. More broadly, global demographic and social changes are raising interest in identity for a wide range of audiences, while progress in defining identity and mapping its development is sparking productive debate and advancing both understanding and applications. M e a n i ng s o f I d en t i t y Two contrasting approaches to understanding identity have proved especially useful. One defines identity in terms of evolving pathways or strands of meaning that reach across generations and historical time. From this viewpoint, we construct a sense of identity from the ongoing interplay among our experiences as individuals, in our social relationships, and within broader institutional opportunities and constraints, such as in education and work. Cultural similarities in identity pathways through the life span can be seen in common rites of passage, such as ceremonies marking infants’ naming and adolescents’ coming of age, whether an Apache corn maiden ceremony, an Australian Aborigine walkabout, a Jewish bar or bat mitzvah, or a Mexicandescent girl’s quinceañera on her 15th birthday. Other identity milestones include school graduations, weddings, blessing the dying, and honoring ancestors. Variations can be seen when times of prosperity or war may boost, slow, or halt children’s progress along their identity pathways. The second approach to understanding identity focuses on the social categories that mark divisions between social groups. From this viewpoint, our identities are defined by relatively stable and mutually exclusive sets of social categories, such as those used in census counts, which mark boundaries between social groups. For example, in ancient China, Persia, Greece, and Egypt, census officials counted

free men and slaves to plan for who could serve in the military and pay taxes, while often excluding women, children, and the elderly. It is now common among modern census systems to seek to count all men, women, and children, using demographic categories to define identities in terms of age, gender, and social class (based on education and income). Variations in the use of these social categories among nations can be seen as some also count and categorize residents by their national origin, home languages, and ethnic heritage. In parallel with these two approaches to defining identity are two contrasting yet complementary scientific theories about the nature of our identities and the key forces that shape them. An example of the identity pathway approach is the ego identity theory of Erik H. Erikson, who saw identity development as a life span intergenerational project that reaches across histories of individuals, families, cultural communities, and societies. An example of the social-category approach can be seen in social-identity theory, first proposed by Henri Tajfel and John Turner, which defines personal and social identities in terms of group and intergroup affiliations and confl icts that shape each person’s sense of self-esteem. The next sections consider how each of these theories has stimulated important progress on five issues: mapping core dimensions of identity, how identities emerge in childhood and adolescence, what other dimensions are closely related to identity development, how both resources and barriers shape identities, and what factors account for individual variations in identity development. I d en tit y as a Li fe-Span and I n tergen er atio nal Pro j ec t Erikson wrote about identity development as the lifelong interplay of confl ict and connection across individuals, relationships, and communities. He saw identity development as one’s growing sense of both personal and historical continuity over the life span. Erikson mapped identity development as reaching across eight stages of the life span. For example, he proposed that identity first emerges as infants experience themselves as distinctive persons, when they begin to recognize and trust their caregivers. Identity continues to develop as young children form a dual sense of both autonomy and connection with their caregivers, and then as school-age children learn to evaluate their growing

id e n t it y

skills and achievements through the eyes of their families and cultural communities. Adolescents’ cognitive growth allows them to look ahead to consider their future careers and relationships, and middle adulthood is marked by the capacity to give back to youth of the next generation. Mature identity is attained when adults can see their lives with a sense of personal and cultural coherence. These examples of Erikson’s eight stages show the interweaving of cognitive, emotional, family, and cultural processes. This interweaving involves periodic reevaluation and reorganization of skills and identifications into new frameworks that provide continuity from the past to the present and to anticipated futures. In linking the past to future identity development, Erikson was especially interested in constraints stemming from poverty, race, and political and economic forces. In Identity: Youth and Crisis (1968), Erikson traced the central role of confl ict in forging a positive identity, whether among privileged youth participating in the civil rights movement of the 1960s, Native American youth from the Dakota Sioux community on their vision quests, or African American youth confronting racism. As a clinical psychologist, Erikson drew evidence for this theory from his clinical interviews and case studies and from his collaborations with developmental psychologists based on standardized measures and large-scale longitudinal studies. Erikson also traced how adolescents who have difficulties integrating their past, present, and future are vulnerable to depression and other mental health issues. Erikson was a pioneer in seeing the central role of culture in shaping the dual significance of work and family life for identity development. For Erikson and the many researchers who have built on his work, identity development during adolescence and early adulthood reflects exploration and commitment among life choices within the range and across domains valued in one’s cultural community, such as schooling and careers as well as relationships with families and peers. Studies of identity development in many cultural settings have shown that career identity is particularly important for young people and appears to be a key predictor of overall identity development. It also appears to emerge early compared to other domains, and fostering it may facilitate development in other domains. Recent longitudinal research shows that youth may not go through a single process of exploration and then commitment to their life pathways. Instead, individuals may move through cycles of exploration and commitment that may be repeated over time. Among dimensions related to identity development, research consistently points to the enduring importance of family communication. Rather than identity exploration being driven only by adolescents’ desire for autonomy or independence from their parents, studies of conversations between youth and their families reveal the importance of

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both individuality, seen in expressing one’s own point of view, and connectedness, seen in expressing openness and respect for others’ viewpoints. This link has been found among European American and Haitian immigrant youth in the United States, among Belgian youth, and among Tunisian immigrant adolescents in Italy. Both cultural parallels and differences have been found in adolescents’ communication with their families and friends about identity-related topics like education, careers, dating, sexuality, and marriage. When college students from Vietnam, the Philippines, Mexico, and China were compared with European American students, students in all cultural groups expressed more individuality—such as personal opinions or disagreements—with their mothers, siblings, and peers than with their fathers. Still, for youth whose cultural traditions consider open disagreement with their fathers as disrespectful, communicating can take more indirect forms, such as asking their mother or sister to convey sensitive messages to their fathers. Researchers know less about these issues among youth who do not attend college from these cultural communities. Both challenges and resources shape how youth develop their identity pathways. Economic challenges can constrain identity exploration and commitment. Interviews with youth from lower-income families in New Zealand, Canada, and the United States have revealed that during economic downturns, compared to better economic times, fewer youth actively explore or choose their educational or career pathways. In immigrant families, cultural traditions may create both challenges and resources. For example, parents who have immigrated to the United States may expect to continue their tradition of choosing mates for their children, and confl icts may arise when daughters compare their parents’ expectations for them with what their American peers are doing. Scholars have described how Vietnamese and Hmong parents emphasize the importance of their children successfully attaining career and educational goals for the benefit of the family. In contrast, Khmer (Cambodian) American parents may hold traditional beliefs in the power of their children’s individual destinies for their educational success and see them as individuals with distinctive capacities and goals, so parents’ roles are to discover these dispositions as they guide their children. These findings show important variations in the interplay of individuality and connectedness across Southeast Asian communities, which are often viewed as similar in their endorsing collectivist values. Beyond group patterns in how experiences shape identity pathways, researchers have also looked at individual variations within cultural groups. Scholars have been particularly interested in mapping under what conditions lowincome, immigrant, and ethnic-minority youth can build upwardly mobile identity pathways. It is well known that youth whose parents have gone to college are more likely to

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develop college-based career identities, compared to youth whose parents have not attended college. Still, under some conditions, the challenges of immigration, poverty, racism, or other obstacles can motivate youth to work to succeed on behalf of their families and give back to their communities. For example, in college preparatory programs for students from low-income and immigrant families, most parents have not had a college education, and they dream their children will have a better life and become doctors, teachers, and lawyers. Studies of upwardly mobile students most often name their parents as their most important resource in helping them stay on track to college, not in spite of their modest educations but because of them. These findings provide further evidence of the interplay of challenges and connections in identity pathways. Per s onal and Soc ial I den titi es ov er Time and Pl ac e Just as Erikson’s writings have led to new discoveries of how identity pathways link individuals, social relations, institutions, and cultural communities over time, social scientists have also made surprising discoveries about how youth develop their personal and social identities. Scholars using social-identity theory agree that children and adults use social categorizing and recategorizing of their social identities as one way to maintain their self-esteem. These patterns of thinking can shape intergroup prejudice and confl ict as well as cooperation. Our motivation to claim and express social identities depends on our needs for both uniqueness and inclusion. Our personal identities include features that mark us as different from others, like family roles or personality traits, while our social or collective identities mark our membership and sense of belonging in social groups. Among the core dimensions of a personal or social identity is its salience, which can be seen in how readily we use that particular social category, among other identities, in perceiving and thinking about our selves and our experiences. In contrast, the centrality of a social identity measures its personal importance for our self-definition compared to other social categories. Salience and centrality of our identities may shift over time and across settings, but we also learn to see ourselves in stable and consistent terms and even create situations that support our views of ourselves. Likewise, children’s many social identities become more or less salient to them in different settings. For example, in a classroom with many boys, a girl’s gender identity may be particularly salient to her, but in a high-priced store, her family’s income or social class may become more salient to her. Early studies of social identity by Tajfel and Turner involved observing artificial groups of college students and adults in brief laboratory situations, but more recent studies have involved children and adolescents and used interviews, surveys, and observations of everyday settings.

Interviews and observations have been particularly useful in understanding children’s early awareness of their social identities and their spontaneous labeling and conversations about social categories with their families and peers. Compared to Erikson’s age-related account of identity development, social-identity researchers have not found a single timetable for when personal and social identities emerge. Still, evidence indicates that preschool children’s early categorizing and social comparisons, seen in their concepts of gender and race (both marked by socially recognized features), appear to form the foundation of lateremerging social identities regarding their social class, religion, immigrant status, and ethnicity. By middle childhood, the salience of identities can be measured by asking children to choose labels of their identities, rank their salience, and explain their meanings. Children most often choose identity labels for their gender, ethnic heritage, and family roles. Older children choose more labels than younger ones, indicating growing differentiation of social and personal identities. Continuities in the salience of social identities and their links to well-being over time have been found in long-term studies. For example, students who began college with highly salient ethnic identities, as shown in their speaking Spanish, being more recent immigrants, and maintaining stronger ties to families and ethnic peers in their home communities, reported that they more often joined ethnic student organizations on their college campus, experienced more positive esteem, and saw their campus as less threatening during their first year at college compared to students whose ethnic identities were less salient to them. Changes in social identities over time have also been found. For example, many immigrant adolescents in the United States shift from using national labels to describe themselves, such as Vietnamese or Mexican, to using more general or panethnic labels, such as Asian or Latino. Important related dimensions include the status of the social group in the wider community. Researchers have shown how children and adolescents develop and navigate potentially stigmatized social identities, such as being from a low-income family, having physical disabilities, being a sexual minority, being an undocumented immigrant, or being an adopted child. Children’s developing awareness includes learning what settings are safe or risky for revealing these identities and how to conceal stigmatized identities. As children’s social identities become overlaid with their growing political awareness of being part of high- or lowstatus groups, they learn to mark or mask outward signs of their identities across their social worlds. Resources and challenges associated with social identities can be seen in children’s feelings of belonging to social groups or feelings of alienation from them. More hopeful views of the future appear to predict how strongly youth identify with school-oriented groups, as opposed to hold-

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ing more marginal or oppositional identities. Studies in the United States and other nations indicate that low-income, immigrant, and ethnic-minority families and their children, particularly boys, may initially hold high hopes for school success and upward job mobility. However, experiences of discrimination and exclusion can lead youth to hold bleak views of their future and form oppositional identities that affirm their feelings of solidarity with alienated peers while defending against failure in school and work. Some government policies are designed to enhance or impede the formation of children’s social identities. For example, recent studies in the United States and Canada have shown how heritage-language instruction can enhance the personal and collective esteem of indigenous, majority, and mixed-heritage children. However, now-discredited policies in these same countries imposed identification with the majority culture upon indigenous and immigrant children by sending them involuntarily away from their families to boarding schools that allowed only English to be spoken; similar programs forbid linguistic-minority children from speaking their home languages at school. Thus, schools and programs can highlight or obscure the salience of social identities for children and promote or devalue the social groups to which they belong. Studying individual variations—including unusual cases—can reveal important influences on identity development. One study followed an unusual group of European American and Mexican American high school girls, all from low-income families, as they forged high-achieving academic identities and college pathways despite the many hardships that they and their families faced. Compared to their working-class peers who did not plan to attend college, these exceptional girls were more active in extracurricular programs and organized sports. These girls were aware of how they differed from their wealthier peers and understood how failing in school would limit their future opportunities. They had learned from mistakes of their siblings and drawn support from middle-class peers and older siblings and parents, who encouraged them to work hard at school. New D i r ec t ion s In sum, social scientists, policy makers, and the public have come to define identities both as interwoven personal, social, and cultural pathways and as social categories. New work from the perspective of both theories looks at the changing constellations of multiple identities across multiple settings. And rather than only tracing these developing identities as separate elements that mark education and career goals, ethnicity, race, gender, and social class, scholars are now mapping how these identities intersect along children’s pathways. The impact of these advances on social policy can be seen in changing school and national census questions, where students and families who were once

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asked to “check one box” are now asked to “check all that apply.” Finally, new research increasingly reaches across national, cultural, and disciplinary lines. It engages children and youth as research partners in understanding identity development and fostering the impact of this understanding toward the well-being of children and youth in multicultural societies. Catherine R. Cooper, Rachael Behrens, and Nancy M. Trinh see also: Adolescence; Development, Theories of; Erikson, Erik H(omburger); Ethnic Identity; Personal Boundaries; Self Development; Self-Esteem; Stages of Childhood further reading: Erik H. Erikson, Identity: Youth and Crisis, 1968. • Harold D. Grotevant and Catherine R. Cooper, “Individuality and Connectedness in Adolescent Development: Review and Prospects for Research on Identity, Relationships, and Context,” in Eva E. A. Skoe and Anne L. von der Lippe, eds., Personality and Development in Adolescence: A Cross National and Life Span Perspective, 1998, pp. 3–37. • Julie Bettie, “Exceptions to the Rule: Upwardly Mobile White and Mexican American High School Girls,” Gender and Society 16, no. 3 (2002), pp. 403–22. • Diane N. Ruble, Jeannette Alvarez, Meredith Bachman, Jessica Cameron, Andrew Fuligni, Cynthia García Coll, and Eun Rhee, “The Development of a Sense of ‘We’: The Emergence and Implications of Children’s Collective Identity,” in Mark Bennett and Fabio Sani, eds., The Development of the Social Self, 2004, pp. 29–74. • Catherine R. Cooper, Cynthia García Coll, Barrie Thorne, and Marjorie F. Orellana, “Beyond Demographic Categories: How Immigration, Ethnicity, and ‘Race’ Matter for Children’s Emerging Identities at School,” in Catherine R. Cooper, Cynthia García Coll, W. Todd Bartko, Helen M. Davis, and Celina M. Chatman, eds., Developmental Pathways through Middle Childhood: Rethinking Contexts and Diversity as Resources, 2005, pp. 235–61. • Jane Kroger, Identity Development: Adolescence through Adulthood, 2nd ed., 2007.

illness. see Morbidity illness and injury, children’s experience of. Notions of illness and injury, like notions of childhood, are neither timeless nor universal. Forms of care and ways of thinking about illness vary, such that children’s discernments of illness are culturally situated. The risks to health faced by children also diverge from one society to another. In nonindustrialized societies, perils such as drowning and indoor air pollution (i.e., home stoves that burn coal, wood, dung, or crop residues) are significant problems. Taken in total, the rate of death due to child injuries is higher in nonindustrialized societies than in industrialized nations. In contrast to nonindustrialized settings, in the United States the leading cause of lethal injury to children is automotive accidents, resulting in 1 million physical injuries to children annually, many times accompanied by psychological symptoms of posttraumatic stress. Intriguingly, Americans often overlook the degree of mortality and suffering caused to children by car crashes, perhaps because the automobile is so taken for granted by their society.

Summer Camp for Diabetic Children ing, jokes, pranks, and other expressive communication build solidarity and support among campers. This sort of peer exchange conveys knowledge that persists, Bluebond-Langner’s study shows, tracing to campers’ mutual interaction. Diabetes camp did create a stigma-free context for peer exchange about diabetes. Routines such as testing blood sugar or giving insulin injections became mutual signs of belonging. Diabetic children compared test readings, scrutinized one another’s medical identification bracelets, and kept a watch over one another’s symptoms. Dietary plans, rather than being exceptionalizing, were defining of social norms. At day camp, siblings who were not diabetic became upset when they did not receive a card showing the food groups permitted for their snack, even worrying that they would be left out (i.e., marginalized) at snack time without such a card! Campers who had diabetes in common developed a shared lore and used folklore genres (from rituals to songs to jokes) to creatively appropriate and improvise shared meanings. At overnight diabetes camp, campers adopted nicknames that made fun of dietary routines, such as calling one girl “Leprechaun” because she had the smallest amount of calories in her diet of anyone in the cabin. Songs sung as part of camp lore poked fun at symptoms of hypoglycemia (“What a reaction! What a reaction! Doodle-de-do. . . . Some folks shake and some get clammy, some folks’ eyes do the double whammy!”). Syringes, ordinarily used to inject insulin, were remembered weeks after day camp because they were put to a more playful use: making visual art with paint squirted from the syringe. Insulin was a subject for rollicking laughter when, at a camp ritual, a male counselor (wearing lipstick) kissed a live pig, in recognition that swine are used to make insulin. In instances like these, peers participated in the mockery of what had more sober meanings to adult health professionals, a pattern consistent with how peer groups are generally known to subvert adult meanings through play. In diabetes camp, children recalibrated the burdens of illness in a more lighthearted way, likely distancing and making more tolerable the onerous dimensions of illness. Camp recreation was literally re-creating with regard to the associations and significance applied to diabetes. Biomedical education took place at camp, but concurrently the diabetic gathering provided other important opportunities: to banish stigma and to welcome playful ways to recast the meaning of diabetes’ burdens. Recreation, even if irreverent and not strictly didactic, edifies. Camp’s unplanned, expressive learning made illness seem a more manageable proposition. Campers’ informal playfulness has consequences to be seriously weighed. Cindy Dell Clark further reading: Cindy Dell Clark, In Sickness and in Play: Children Coping with Chronic Illness, 2003.

imagining each other

imagining each other

A S tigm a-F r ee Zo n e

Although health professionals often regard camp programs as promoting health through biomedical education of campers, kids have a more social focus. In a letter about diabetes camp sent to the Juvenile Diabetes Research Foundation, a typical camper wrote, “I’ve gone to a diabetes camp in South Dakota. I had the best time ever. It was fun being around other kids with diabetes and being able to do the same things other kids did without having to be treated differently. I can’t wait ‘til I go back.” Each year, 10,000 children with diabetes participate in camping programs sponsored by the American Diabetes Association, while their parents get a break from at-home care. Diabetes camp has a goal of enhancing children’s well-being while facilitating life with diabetes. Some children first learn to self-inject insulin at diabetes camp. Other education focuses on diet, exercise, and glycemic monitoring. My associates and I studied diabetes camps in two midwestern locations through participant observation in summer 1995. In one camp near a large city, the participant-observer served as a lay volunteer who was a counselor to 6- and 7year-olds in the day camp program. In the other, more rural camp, the participant-observer worked as counselor at an overnight camp for children age 8 to 12 and also took on medical duties as a physician. (A third researcher also studied an overnight camp for asthmatic children the same summer, yielding conclusions consistent with the following findings from diabetes camp.) At both diabetes camps, learning about diabetes from a biomedical viewpoint was a planned part of children’s activities. The training manual for the day camp staff, prepared under the auspices of the American Diabetes Association, emphasized the goals of imparting biomedical understanding to campers about nutrition, hyperglycemia and hypoglycemia, insulin, and exercise. Likewise, the written orientation materials for counselors at the overnight camp placed emphasis on biomedical instruction efforts, describing activities that teach about diabetes through “scrambled-word” and “findthe-word” puzzles, a food bingo game, and an interactive video game about diabetes management. Every opportunity for edifying children was taken, it seemed. At the overnight camp, each food served at meals was categorized aloud by the camp director, a lesson in dietary principles even during meal breaks. An earlier study led by Myra Bluebond-Langner indicates that, overall, illness camp’s lasting positive impact may, in fact, be dispensed not primarily through didactic teaching but through shared social experiences with others having a common illness. Camp provides a time when a particular health condition becomes the norm, not the exception. Thereby, stigma is dismissed as an issue, defusing social anxiety. A lively informal exchange between campers serves to convey relevant information through unplanned sociality. Story shar-

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Cultural systems of meaning extend to particular modes of conceptualizing, organizing, and acting toward illness—paradigms in which children partake. Regrettably, there has been too little investigation into children’s own construals of illness or injury across diverse societies. Assorted descriptions are available of how children are treated under traditional explanatory models of illness and how this clashes or intermingles with Western allopathic medicine. But documenting children’s own notions of illness in diverse settings is hindered by a scarcity of child-centered inquiry. Nevertheless, in order to accentuate the cultural relativity of illness and injury in children, a sampling of evidence in which adults have reported on illness in children is worth highlighting. For example, among Hmong immigrants to the United States, Western biomedicine has not been uncritically accepted as appropriate, including for children. In The Spirit Catches You and You Fall Down (1997), Anne Fadiman has described the case of the Lees. The Lees cared for their epileptic daughter, Lia, using traditional Hmong approaches as well as Western medicine, including arranging animal sacrifices for her and making remedies from traditional herbs. When Lia’s condition worsened, mutual distrust heated up between her Western-style physicians and the Lees, with stubborn adherence on both sides that their traditions should be thoroughly followed. The clash of worldviews was unfortunate, leading to a lack of mutual cooperation and a poor outcome for Lia. For Malay children, a child’s illness is likely to be associated with a precipitating event by the parent, such as somehow disrupting the animal, symbolic, or social world, and placing the child out of harmony with the world outside. Native healers are used, who aim to restore balance by drawing out a bad spirit, by tying an amulet around the child’s neck, or by having the child symbolically adopted by another family. Allopathic medicine is used, but often its prescribed regimens are not followed. A third example comes from Zimbabwe, where the Zezuru have well-developed local traditions using folk healers, as reported by Pamela Reynolds in Traditional Healers and Childhood in Zimbabwe (1996). In fact, children can become involved from a young age in the practices of folk healing as acolytes or assistants to the healers. As acolytes, children partake in the practices and knowledge of traditional healers, known as n’anga, who use herbal medicines, charms, and divination. Children who fall ill also receive the services and assessment of a n’anga. A 10-year-old was treated for dizziness and stomach pains and listened wide eyed as the n’anga pronounced that he was under the influence of witchcraft , motivated by jealousy. Reynolds states that Zezuru children are well aware of how jealousy or evil can cause sickness. As one child described, “The spirit of a person who died with a grudge . . . comes back to seek revenge.”

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These examples are reminders that biomedical healing, the dominant form of health care in North America and Europe, is not the only healing activity on the planet. Allopathic medicine, like other forms of healing, is culturally shaped and, in turn, culturally shapes children’s experiences of illness and injury. In industrialized countries, only highly trained adults typically practice biomedical healing. There has been some debate among scholars as to how well children understand, or are capable of understanding, their culture’s biomedical notions of illness, such as biological agents and physiological contagion. Research into this issue has been evolving. Foundational investigation of children’s conceptions treated children’s understandings in terms of Piagetian stages. Preoperational children younger than 7, it was thought, inaccurately understood illness as being an act of justice; many overextended the contagion idea to apply to toothaches or accidents. After age 11, at Piaget’s stage of formal operational thought, children were said to gain a more accurate view of illness. An overall diminishing emphasis on Piagetian stage theory has shifted the research direction on children’s illness understandings, following criticism that the Piagetian stage approach underestimates children’s reasoning abilities. Investigators working in a non-Piagetian paradigm have found that preschoolers have greater capacity to understand biological processes of illness than previously thought. Concurrently, L. S. Vygotsky’s notion of the “zone of proximal development” has been drafted into service by scholars, specifically the implication that information about illness should be given to children in a manner appropriate for their age and experience. (Prior inquiry showed that professionals had not effectively tailored their communication to children’s levels.) A lack of good communication about illness and treatment hinders the participation of young patients in decisions pertinent to their care and adds to their stress. Fundamental misunderstandings of children by medical professionals have also taken place, like the once accepted but now disproved idea that babies and young children feel no pain or less pain than adults. Fortunately, today children who are old enough are directly asked about their own pain for treatment purposes, facilitated by “happy-sad” face scales and other child-relevant techniques. Nuances can be important for fully understanding children’s constructs. As part of an ethnographic study that tapped children’s understandings of asthma and diabetes, Cindy Dell Clark found that children age 5 to 8 experienced the treatment events for these chronic illnesses as an inherent part of the illness. Inhalers used for asthma or injections for diabetes were not independent of the disorder in children’s thinking; rather, treatment was regarded as an inherent part of illness as experienced by children. Children are deeply influenced by serious illness and

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injury. For example, hospitalized children face well-documented emotional difficulty in the course of encountering parental separation, lost control over one’s body, worries, and hurtful experiences. All the same, in the efficient and bureaucratic setting of a hospital, children strive to hold on to dignity and personhood. Child life programs, staffed by child life specialists who seek to maximize a child’s well-being and minimize the adverse effects of a hospital stay, have become an expected feature of large pediatric hospitals. Child life specialists focus on supporting family participation, providing developmentally appropriate information about events and procedures, and providing play and other therapeutic experiences for children. Some child life specialists work in hospitals, and others work in outpatient clinics, emergency departments, presurgical waiting areas, and other medical settings. In contemplating illness and injury as construed by and affecting children, two considerations are essential: to consider a child’s cultural milieu and its notions of healing as applied to children and to seek out children’s own viewpoints and understandings in research so as to achieve effective communication and assistance. Cindy Dell Clark see also: Concepts, Children’s; Death, Children’s Experience of; Development, Theories of: Cognitive Theories; Hospitalization further reading: Helen Rushforth, “Practitioner Review: Communicating with Hospitalised Children: Review and Application of Research Pertaining to Children’s Illness and Health,” Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry 40, no. 5 (1999), pp. 683–91. • Evelyn Oremland, Protecting the Emotional Development of the Ill Child: The Essence of the Child Life Profession, 2000. • Cindy Dell Clark, In Sickness and in Play: Children Coping with Chronic Illness, 2003.

imaginary companions. see Play, Pretend imagination. see Creativity imitation. In all cultures, children duplicate the behaviors of people around them; American toddlers bang on keyboards as their parents type, while Maya children handle threads as their mothers weave at looms. Imitation is a fundamental human ability that allows children to acquire the hard-won skills of their elders without the time commitment or risks inherent in rediscovery or trial-and-error learning. Imitation is critical to an individual’s development, but it has also been implicated in how humans have evolved. The information needed to build a fire or use tools is passed from one generation to the next not through DNA but through imitative learning. Cultural traditions, rituals, and norms are often learned through observing the behavior of others. Imitation is thus a foundation for culture. Increasingly, researchers from across disciplines (including psychology, neuroscience, education, and robotics) are using investigations of imitation to promote understanding of human learning and social development.

In the 1970s, Andrew N. Meltzoff and M. Keith Moore published the surprising finding that newborn infants are able to imitate facial and manual acts. Infants who were only days or weeks old responded to an adult’s tongue protrusion by sticking out their own tongues and opening their own lips in response to an adult’s mouth opening. Since then, a number of independent labs have replicated these intriguing results using a variety of movements and gestures. These neonates could not have been trained to duplicate the model’s actions; there simply was not time for them to learn through molding or conditioning. Humans are born with the ability and motivation to imitate the adults in their culture. To imitate a body movement, neonates must solve the binding problem. Infants must match others’ acts (which are perceived through vision) with their own acts (which are perceived kinesthetically). The finding that neonates can imitate mouth and tongue acts is particularly striking, because the infants had no experience with mirrors in the womb and had never seen their own faces. One of the most active areas of research in imitation concerns the mechanisms by which humans match actions they see with actions they themselves perform. Recently, cognitive neuroscientists have discovered a candidate brain mechanism—called mirror neurons or shared representations—that may underlie at least some forms of basic imitation. Mirror neurons are a special class of brain cells that are activated both when an action is performed by oneself and when it is observed being performed by another. It is currently a matter of debate whether mirror neurons account for all, or only some, of the human imitative capacity. As children develop, the scope of their imitation expands. Throughout their second year of life, toddlers learn to produce physical outcomes on objects, such as using a tool to solve a problem. They also imitate the exact manner another person uses to achieve an end. Consider a study that showed children the unusual act of bending forward from the waist to touch a panel and cause it to illuminate. In baseline measures, none of the children produced this act. However, when they saw an adult demonstrate the act, fully two-thirds of them replicated the behavior when presented with the panel a week later. This ability to imitate the exact acts used on objects ensures that infants can benefit from efficient strategies they observe, such as the specialized movements involved in using the tools or instruments of the culture. They can pick up quite precise and valuable cultural know-how from watching others. Young children also go beyond imitating observable outcomes and instrumental techniques; strikingly, they also abstract the adult’s goals. Children will skip over a poorly performed accidental act and instead imitate acts that appear purposeful. If an adult is unsuccessful in an attempt to complete a task, toddlers will copy the intended goal instead of the observed outcome. For example, after seeing

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an adult repeatedly struggle at pulling the ends of a barbellshaped object, young children firmly pulled the object apart when given a chance to handle it. Even though they did not see the adult successfully complete the separation, the children abstracted and duplicated what they inferred to be the adult’s goal. They did what the adult meant to do, not what was actually done, which is an extremely adaptive form of imitation because adults do not always act flawlessly in front of a child. The child can read through an adult’s slips and mistakes to what the adult’s goals were and learn despite the mistakes. An important characteristic of human imitation is that it can be deferred; a child may watch his father behave in a certain way and store it in memory. This stored representation then is tapped at a later time when the child finds himself in a similar situation and is uncertain how to behave (i.e., he can do what the father had done). Even infants and young children can delay duplicating another’s behavior and imitate from memory. Deferred imitation experiments have shown that infants have impressive memory spans, with evidence of 1-year-olds remembering specific behaviors for more than a month. The fact that children can imitate over such lengthy delays suggests that imitation is a powerful learning mechanism before other processes, such as direct instruction through language, are possible. Human children may have an impressive ability to imitate, but what is the functional significance of imitation; how is it used, and why is it adaptive? First, imitation is a means for communicating and engaging others socially. An infant’s imitation of a facial gesture is a way to capture an adult’s attention, opening opportunities for turn taking and communicative exchanges. There is a kind of gestural dance or communing through reciprocal bodily movements before higher-order linguistic communication is possible. As children grow older, they can use this sensitive matching mechanism to learn the conventions that are appropriate for their culture and distinguish them from outside groups. Second, imitation of others’ behavior plays a significant role in the acquisition and spread of instrumental behaviors that help humans survive and succeed in their environments. The ability to copy both what an adult does as well as the exact behaviors used for doing it allows innovations to spread quickly throughout a group. In this way, members of a group can employ and build upon useful innovations, which allow ever more complex systems of knowledge to be stored within the society. Third, the mechanisms involved in imitation may also play a role in coming to understand that other people have minds “like me.” Children directly experience their own mental states and the associated behaviors (e.g., experiencing smiling when feeling happy). Imitative mechanisms provide opportunities for children to compare their own and others’ actions. This can lead them to recognize that

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others act very much like they do and, therefore, may feel as they do, too. Individuals with autism may provide critical insights for understanding the relation between imitation and social understanding. Autism is marked by profound difficulties with communication and social understanding, including interpreting others’ thoughts, feelings, and acts. Children with this disorder also show a deficit in their behavioral imitative abilities as compared to typically developing children and mental-age match controls. One promising therapy for children with autism involves teaching them to imitate. This may help them gain a better understanding of other people. By learning to imitate, children with autism may come to the insight that others are not mere objects but are social agents who act and feel like themselves, with cascading consequences for their future interactions and social understanding. Andrew N. Meltzoff and Rebecca A. Williamson see also: Cognitive Development; Learning; Socialization of the Child further reading: A. N. Meltzoff and W. Prinz, eds., The Imitative Mind: Development, Evolution and Brain Bases, 2002. • S. Hurley and N. Chater, eds., Perspectives on Imitation: From Neuroscience to Social Science, vols. 1 and 2, 2005. • S. J. Rogers and J. H. G. Williams, Imitation and the Social Mind: Autism and Typical Development, 2006. • A. N. Meltzoff, “ ‘Like Me’: A Foundation for Social Cognition,” Developmental Science 10 (2007), pp. 126–34.

immigration, children and Historical and Cultural Perspectives Effects on the Child Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

historical and cultural perspectives. Children have

played a central role in migration flows of the past and the present. Usually parents engage in the costly project of migration because they want to give their children a better life in the country of origin or advantages and chances for advancement in the country of reception. In any case, children and their futures often stand at the center of the parents’ motivations for migration. And throughout the migration process—from the very initial stages all the way to life in the new country—the children’s lives are deeply affected by migration. An important distinction in the link between children and immigration is that children either can accompany the parents in the migration and become immigrants themselves or can stay behind (usually in the care of relatives) while the parent or parents migrate. These two scenarios pose different challenges and opportunities for the children and their immigrant families. The lives of the children who stay behind are affected by the conditions in the origin countries as well as by the situations their parents encounter in the countries of reception; the children who are im-

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migrants themselves confront a whole range of situations in their new home. All along, children help constitute and reconfigure immigrant family dynamics, and in turn the migration experiences (of the parents and/or children) shape the children’s lives and childhoods. In general, in receiving countries immigrants and their children can fall into different categories, such as immigrants (mostly in Europe) from former colonies, labor migrants (in the major immigrant-receiving countries in the world), and refugees and asylum seekers (mostly in neighboring developing countries, with some in wealthier immigrant-receiving countries). The way in which immigration policies in the receiving countries categorize immigrants upon arrival channels immigrant children and children of immigrants into different paths. Thus, some immigrant children are extended opportunities for education at all levels, are given access to housing subsidies, and are provided with a range of social services, while others have only minimal access to any of these goods and benefits. This differential reception is based on which groups the receiving country considers deserving (usually based on historical ties or political considerations) and is critical for the lives of the immigrants. H istor ical Tr end s Family separation as a result of migration has a long and varied history. In the United States, at the height of migration in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, it was not uncommon for an immigrant father from Italy, Poland, or Ireland to have left his spouse and children back home and eventually send for them to come live with him. Among the Irish, however, parents would send daughters to live and work in the homes of middle-class and affluent employers in the United States. The money these girls earned through domestic employment would finance the migration of the rest of the family. During the early 20th century, the migration of Filipinos and Mexicans to work in agriculture in the western United States gave rise to yet another migration pattern: that of fathers leaving their spouses and children behind and returning home for annual visits (this pattern is still around, particularly in the agricultural sectors of the United States, Italy, and Spain, among other countries). An important aspect of these earlier flows that has a bearing on children was that although family separations occurred frequently, they were generally not as unpredictable as they often are nowadays, and fathers could go back to visit their families. As well, immigration laws were more relaxed and allowed for faster family reunification, particularly among the Europeans. The focus then was on ensuring that immigrants were going to be able to be productive members of society, and as long as this requirement was met (assessed with literacy tests and medical examinations), immigrants were admitted and faced few, if any, legal obstacles on their path to citizenship. Today, immigration law is significantly

different; its focus is far more on restricting entry, through a complex and often convoluted system of laws, than on facilitating avenues for eventual citizenship. Therefore, family reunification today takes much longer, is more costly, and is more uncertain and indeterminate. As European countries lost colonial territories, new migration patterns from the former colonies to the former colonial powers emerged. These migrations were characterized by families migrating together, sometimes engaging in migration in stages, as was the case of Indians migrating first to Kenya and then to England. In these cases, with each move, children would have to go through multiple experiences of adaptation and readaptation. The increased migration of women since the mid-20th century has meant that more children are either migrating (sometimes with their mothers but also taking the initiative to migrate on their own) or are being left in the care of other relatives, a situation that creates new family dynamics among immigrants in different major receiving countries. C o n t e m po r ar y T r en d s Immigrant children’s lives are usually gauged through the lens of integration (in Europe) or assimilation (in the United States). But the process of integration or assimilation depends not only on individual characteristics of the immigrant children; it also depends on the history of the group in question, with children who have lived in politically confl ictive areas where they have witnessed violence struggling more to adapt to their new home. Sometimes the experiences of violence surface as trauma in their lives in the new countries, in school performance, or in friendship patterns, among other spheres of life. State-sponsored violence experienced in the country of origin has been found to be strongly associated with family confl icts among different immigrant groups, particularly Southeast Asians and Central Americans in the United States. Many of these children have been found to experience greater stress in their resettlement process than do the children who come from nonpolitically confl ictive regions. In an era of stiffer immigration laws, many of these children also have arrived to join the ranks of undocumented immigrants (or immigrants who find themselves in uncertain legal statuses) and to live in marginality and poverty. The effects of immigration policies in the major receiving countries on the immigrants’ children and the immigrant children are not unambiguous or easy to categorize. However, at the dawn of the new millennium there is a convergence toward more restrictive immigration laws in the major receiving countries, with complex effects on immigrant children as well as on those who are left in the origin countries. In the case of the latter, under these new immigration regimes, the parents find it increasingly difficult to send money to them regularly or to arrange for family reunification. In general, immigrant children go through major

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changes, including the inversion of generational roles, when they arrive in the major receiving countries. Many children become burdened with adult duties that can interfere with their schooling and emotional development as they start to work full time at an early age to help their parents, as in the case of poor Central American immigrants in the United States, or to help their families’ business, as in the case of Asians in the United States and in England. Immigrant children from different social-class backgrounds help out in their families because often the immigrant parents instill in the children a strong work ethic and a commitment to fulfilling their immigration dreams. In addition to earning incomes or helping their families from an early age, oftentimes immigrant children act as “cultural brokers” since they tend to learn the language of the receiving country sooner than the adults in their families and become more adept at interpreting the new culture through their skills and contact with others in their schools, sometimes posing challenges to parental authority. Some research in the United States has found that participating in religious activities and being involved in religious communities can buffer the negative effects of peer groups and the challenges of integration that immigrant children face. With more restrictive immigration laws in the receiving countries, particularly in the United States (and increasingly Canada), it is not uncommon for immigrant parents and their children to live in precarious legal situations. Sometimes they are undocumented, but often they can have temporary permits or are engaged in lengthy processes to regularize their statuses. Sometimes, they live in “mixed legal status families.” Thus, in the same families, there are children who have the privilege of citizenship—and thus access to goods and benefits—those in the process of regularizing their status, and undocumented ones who lack even the most basic rights, such as access to education and health care. Membership in such mixed families can have unforeseen consequences for the children, such as disturbing the basis of conventional solidarities. Children’s relations with other institutions in society will be equally dissimilar, as parents who are not fully documented (or find themselves in a temporary legal situation) tend to avoid contact with a variety of social service providers—including the health care system and police authorities—or school officials, even when the services involve citizen children. Research has found, for instance, that parents in these situations avoid providing their financial information that would allow their children to apply for financial aid, which affects the children’s chances of going to college. The migration of parents has enormous effects on the children who are back in the origin countries as well. Sometimes the parent or parents migrate on their own because they know they will dedicate themselves to working several jobs and will not have the necessary time to care for and supervise their children. Other parents send children back to

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be cared for by (usually female) relatives in the home country. But whether parents leave the children back home or send them back, the result is often a lengthy and often painful separation. The children grow up without their parents, and the parental bond is put through much strain. In cases of separation, remittances (the money sent home) represent tangible forms of care for the children back home. Research has found that when the parents and children remain separated, parents are more likely to remit and, when they do, to send more than if their children are with them. Parents and children develop novel arrangements to remain connected in spite of distance. Thus, the regular contacts most immigrant parents maintain with their children invigorate ties across borders. Back home, children rely on remittances for their daily survival during long-term absences from parents and often come to associate remittances with love. The often significant material improvement in the lives of the children may come at a cost, as the children often reproach the parents for having “abandoned” them, even though the parents regularly send them money and gifts. Thus, the efforts parents and children make to remain connected do not fully attenuate the toll these separations take on childparent relations. Gender plays a significant role here, as children interpret the migration of mothers and fathers differently. For instance, in research conducted among Central Americans, children left in the origin countries tended to reproach the mothers more than the fathers and felt more “abandoned” when it was the mother who had migrated. And in the Philippines, it was found that when the mothers were absent (as migrants to Hong Kong, Taiwan, and the Middle East) and the children stayed with the fathers, there were other female relatives who took over child care responsibilities; when the fathers migrated, however (and the mothers stayed), the mothers would perform double duty as mothers and fathers to the children left behind. If the parents successfully send for the children, family reunifications are often difficult when children arrive to live with families they hardly know. Under these circumstances, it is not surprising to see children taking the initiative on their own to migrate to be reunited with the parent or parents, particularly with their mothers. The arrival of unaccompanied children, though relatively unusual, is not without precedence, as evidenced by the “Peter Pan” Cuban children who arrived in the 1960s when their parents could not leave Cuba or the South Korean children (“parachute kids”) who take the lead in migration to arrive in suburban Los Angeles. But the arrival of unaccompanied minors as asylum seekers in Europe or through crossing the border into the United States is now commonplace. In these cases, they are often detained (in contravention of international law) and deported. Various facets of the parental relationship are affected by parental separations and eventual reunification. Cecilia Menjívar

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see also: Addams, Jane; Asian American Children; Lathrop, Julia Clifford; Latino Children in the United States; Refugee Children further reading: Marjorie Faulstich Orellana, Barrie Thorne, Anna Chee, and Wan Shun Eva Lam, “Transnational Childhoods: The Participation of Children in Processes of Family Migration,” Social Problems 48, no. 4 (2000), pp. 572–91. • Ruben G. Rumbaut and Alejandro Portes, eds., Ethnicities: Children of Immigrants in America, 2001. • D. Bryceson and U. Vuorela, The Transnational Family: New European Frontiers and Global Networks, 2002. • Rhacel Salazar Parreñas, Children of Global Migration: Transnational Families and Gendered Woes, 2005. • Cecilia Menjívar, “Family Reorganization in a Context of Legal Uncertainty: Guatemalan and Salvadoran Immigrants in the United States,” International Journal of Sociology of the Family 32, no. 2 (2006), pp. 223–45. • National Council of La Raza and the Urban Institute, Paying the Price: The Impact of Immigration Raids on America’s Children, 2007. • Nancy Foner, ed., Family Ties: Intergenerational Dynamics in Immigrant Families, 2009.

effects on the child. Today, there are between 185 million and 200 million transnational immigrants worldwide. Immigrant youth add new threads of cultural, linguistic, and racial diversity to the tapestry of diversity. Arriving from hundreds of countries, some are the children of highly educated professional parents, while others have parents who are illiterate, low skilled, and struggling in the lowestpaid sectors of the service economy. Some have received schooling in exemplary educational systems, while others arrive from educational systems that are in shambles. Some families are escaping political, religious, or ethnic persecution; others are motivated by the promise of better jobs and the hope for better educational opportunities. Some are documented migrants, while others are in a documentation limbo. Some arrive in well-established immigrantreceiving communities with dense supporting networks that ease entry, while others move from one migrant setting to another. Their experiences and adaptations thus vary substantially.

T h e S t r e s s e s o f M igr at io n For many families, immigration results in growth, opportunity, and the dawning of new horizons. But there are costs involved in all immigrant journeys. Immigration is a transformative process with profound implications for the family. Immigrant youth undergo a constellation of changes that have a lasting impact on their development. Transitions can trigger a variety of reactions, including excitement, anticipation, and hope as well as anxiety, anger, depression, somatic complaints, and illness. By any measure, immigration is one of the most stressful events a family can undergo, removing family members from many of their relationships and predictable contexts: community ties, jobs, customs, and (often) language. Immigrants are stripped of many of their significant relationships: extended family members, best friends, and neighbors. These changes in re-

lationships, contexts, and roles are highly disorienting and nearly inevitably lead to a keen sense of loss. Many refugees and asylum seekers experience harrowing situations in their native lands before migrating. Undocumented immigrants encounter a variety of dangers at the border, including the threat of heat exhaustion, drowning, rape, and other forms of violence. These experiences can lead to transient and sometimes permanent posttraumatic symptoms. For many immigrants, the cumulative losses of loved ones and familiar contexts will lead to feelings that range from mild sadness to depression to “perpetual mourning.” As a result, some immigrant parents are relatively unavailable psychologically to their children. Immigrant children, too, may display symptoms with clinical acuity, while others feel only transient discomfort and adapt to their circumstances with relative ease. Many immigrant children manifest symptoms of sadness, anxiety, anger, and somatic complaints in the initial period after migration. Boys exhibit greater levels of anger and depression, but over time these symptoms tend to decline. Girls, while doing better academically than boys, report more psychosomatic complaints the longer they are in their new homeland. Ot h er C h allenges For many new arrivals, the principal motivation for migration is to be reunited with family members who emigrated earlier. For most immigrant children, a period of separation from one or both parents is normative. If the youth was left with a loving caretaker for an extended period of time, he will become attached to that caretaker. When the child is called on to join the parents, although she will be happy about the prospect of “regaining” them, she will also “lose” sustaining contact with the caretakers to whom she has become attached. Immigration always involves gains and losses. After reunification in the new country, mutual calibrations are required. If the separation was for a long period of time, reunited children must first get reacquainted with the family. Further, they often find themselves entering new family configurations that may include stepparents, stepsiblings, and siblings they have never met. Youth respond in a variety of ways to these family separations. For some, it is a painful process, leading to high reports of depressive symptoms. If children and youth are well prepared for the separation and if the separation is framed as temporary and necessary and undertaken for the good of the family, the separation will be more manageable than if they feel abandoned. If parents and caretakers manage the separation cooperatively, the youth, though changed, will not necessarily be damaged by the experience. Immigrant children also face the challenge of learning a new culture. Cultural practices are first learned in childhood as part of socially shared repertoires that make the flow of

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life predictable. This social flow changes dramatically following migration; without a sense of cultural competence, control, and belonging, immigrants often feel disoriented. Immigrant children typically come into contact with new culture more intimately and intensely than their parents do. Schools are sites of cultural change for immigrant youth. In schools, they meet teachers—often members of the dominant culture—as well as children from other backgrounds. Their parents, however, are often removed from the host culture, particularly if they work in immigrant jobs with other coethnics. The relative speed of the child’s absorption into the new culture will create not only opportunities but also predicaments and tensions. Immigrant adolescents may feel vague to intense embarrassment about their parents’ cultural practices. Immigrant parents often attempt to slow down acculturation by warning children not to act like their native-born peers. As a result of their greater exposure to the new culture— not only in schools but also in the media and, for some, the streets—youth frequently learn the new language more quickly than their parents. Though youth may continue to speak the home language, the level of fluency is likely to atrophy over time. Without a concerted effort, the vocabulary and literacy level in the language of origin will begin to lag behind that of the new language. Often, the opposite is true with the parents. Hence, in complicated communication sequences, one of the parties in the conversation is likely to be at a disadvantage; miscommunication is a frequent outcome. Gener ational Disti nctions It is important to distinguish generational status in the study of immigration. Outcomes vary significantly according to length of residence, generation, country of origin, and country of destination. Newcomers—often referred to as the first generation—are born abroad and spend their childhoods and receive the foundations of their education abroad. The first-and-a-half generation are born abroad but arrived in their new homeland prior to age 12, exposing them to the destination schools and culture during their formative years. The second generation is born in the new country to foreign-born parents. In general, the first generation has the advantage of immigrant optimism and the ability to take a dual frame of reference in comparing their current circumstances to those in their homeland. The second generation and beyond have the advantage of full citizenship and more consistent exposure to English, facilitating both a foreign-accent-free speech as well as curricular access. A number of recent studies suggest that while many immigrant-origin youth are successfully navigating the U.S. educational system, large numbers struggle academically, leaving schools without acquiring the tools to enable them to function in the highly competitive, knowledge-

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intensive economy. In addition to this pattern of variability, a counterintuitive trend has emerged. While newly arrived students from a variety of sending origins often display optimism and adaptive behaviors, health and psychological well-being tend to decline across generations. Newcomer immigrants are inclined to demonstrate high levels of academic engagement and positive attitudes toward school. Many are disadvantaged, however, by the protracted time it takes to acquire high levels of academic language in a new tongue. Data suggest that the first-and-ahalf and second generations are best able to take full advantage of schooling in the new country. Across generations, this advantage declines, with each successive generation doing more poorly academically over time. Thus, the losses and stresses of migration along with chronic exposure to poverty, toxic schools, segregated neighborhoods, discrimination, and being cast into low-status jobs are negatively associated with academic, physical, and psychological wellbeing of immigrant-origin youth. I n equal i ti e s Although some immigrant youth come from privileged backgrounds, a large number face the challenges associated with poverty. Immigrant children are more than four times as likely as native-born children to live in crowded housing conditions and three times as likely to have no health insurance. Poverty limits opportunities and frequently coexists with a variety of other factors that augment risks, such as single parenthood and residence in violent neighborhoods saturated with gang activity and drug trade, as well as schools that are segregated, overcrowded, and understaffed. Children raised in poverty are more vulnerable to an array of psychological distresses, including difficulties concentrating and sleeping, anxiety, and depression as well as heightened exposure to delinquency and violence. Where immigrant families settle will strongly shape the immigrant journey and the experiences and adaptations of children. Immigrant families who settle in segregated and impoverished urban settings have few opportunities in the formal economy and virtually no systematic contact with the middle class, which in turn affects a host of experiences, including cultural and linguistic isolation from the mainstream. Segregated and poor neighborhoods are more likely to have dysfunctional schools characterized by ever-present fear of violence, distrust, low expectation, and institutional anomie. Such settings undermine well-being and students’ ability to sustain academic engagement. Undocumented students are particularly at risk following family separations and traumatic border crossings. Once settled, they may continue to experience fear and anxiety about being apprehended, being again separated from their parents, and being deported. Such psychological duress can take its toll on the academic experiences of undocumented youth. Undocumented students with dreams

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of graduating from high school and going on to college will find that their legal status stands in the way of their access to postsecondary education. The social disparagement frequently encountered by immigrant youth adversely affects their academic engagement. In cases where racial and ethnic inequalities are highly structured, such as for Algerians and Moroccans in France, Koreans in Japan, or Mexicans in California, social disparagement often permeates the experience of minority youth. Members of these groups not only are effectively locked out of the opportunity structure (through segregated and inferior schools and work opportunities in the least desirable sectors of the economy) but also commonly become the objects of stereotypes of inferiority, sloth, and proneness to violence. Facing such charged attitudes, socially disparaged youth may come to experience the institutions of the dominant society as alien terrain reproducing an order of inequality. While nearly all immigrant and racialminority groups face structural obstacles, not all groups elicit and experience the same attitudes of social disparagement across generations. Furthermore, some immigrant groups elicit more negative attitudes than others do. In the United States, for example, Asians are seen more favorably than Afro-Caribbeans or Latinos. Net wo r k s of R el at ion s In the face of inequalities, social relationships are especially important. Companionship, a basic human need, serves to maintain and enhance self-esteem and provides acceptance, approval, and a sense of belonging. Instrumental social supports provide individuals and their families with tangible aid (such as babysitting or making a loan) as well as guidance and advice (including information and job and housing leads). These instrumental supports are particularly critical for disoriented immigrant newcomers. For many immigrants, social relations play a critical role in initiating and sustaining motivations. For example, in the United States, for mainstream white students, achievement is frequently motivated by an attempt to gain independence from the family, whereas immigrant students are typically motivated to achieve for their families. Further, many immigrant students perceive that receiving the help of others is critical to their success. Family cohesion and the maintenance of a well-functioning system of care, supervision, authority, and mutuality are perhaps the most powerful factors in shaping the wellbeing and future outcomes of all children. For immigrant families, extended family members are critical sources of tangible instrumental and emotional support. Family functioning is enhanced when it is imbedded in a cohesive community serving to “immunize” immigrant youth from the more toxic elements of their new settings. Children who live in cohesive communities where adults can monitor their activities are less likely to be involved with gangs and

delinquency and are more focused on their academic pursuits. Youth-serving organizations, much like ethnic-owned businesses and family networks, can enrich immigrant communities and foster healthy development among youth through the support they provide to parents and families. Such urban sanctuaries, often affiliated with neighborhood churches or boys’ and girls’ clubs, provide youth with supervised out-of-school safe havens. Staff can serve as “culture brokers” for youth, bridging the disparate norms in place in children’s homes and schools. Taken together, these networks of relationships can make a significant difference in adaptation and educational outcomes. They can serve to help immigrant youth develop healthy identities, engender motivation, and provide specific information about how to successfully navigate their new homeland. In most postindustrial nations, immigrant-origin youth are a growing, visible, and underserved population. Currently, in the United States, one in five children is of immigrant origin, and the number is projected to grow to one in three by 2040. The preponderance of evidence suggests that these youth arrive sharing an optimism and hope for the future that should be cultivated. Over time, however, many face negative odds and uncertain prospects. The future of host countries will, in no small measure, be tied to the constructive harnessing of the energies of immigrantorigin children and youth. Carola Suárez-Orozco and Marcelo M. Suárez-Orozco see also: Bilingualism; Ethnic Identity; Poverty, Children in; Refugee Children further reading: Grace Kao and Marta Tienda, “Optimism and Achievement: The Educational Performance of Immigrant Youth,” Social Science Quarterly 76, no. 1 (1995), pp. 1–19. • Cynthia GarcíaColl and Katherine Magnuson, “The Psychological Experience of Immigration: A Developmental Perspective,” in A. Booth, A. C. Crouter, and Nancy Landale, eds., Immigration and the Family, 1997, pp. 91–132. • Laurie Olsen, Made in America: Immigrant Students in Our Public Schools, 1997. • Donald Hernández and Evan Charney, eds., From Generation to Generation: The Health and Well-Being of Children of Immigrant Families, 1998. • Carola Suárez-Orozco and Marcelo Suárez-Orozco, Children of Immigration, 2001. • Carola Suárez-Orozco, Irina Todorova, and Josephine Louie, “Making Up for Lost Time: The Experience of Separation and Reunification among Immigrant Families,” Family Process 41, no. 4 (2001), pp. 625–43. • Celia Jaes Falicov, “The Family Migration Experience: Loss and Resilience,” in Marcelo Suárez-Orozco and Mariela Paez, eds., Latinos: Remaking America, 2002.

legal and public-policy perspectives. A fundamental requirement of international law is that every child, regardless of country of origin, has the right to a nationality. This crucial right is outlined in numerous international agreements, including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Un-

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like many other developed states with sizable immigration, the United States grants citizenship and nationality to every child born in the country, regardless of the immigration status of the child’s parents. U.S. law also grants citizenship to a child who is born abroad to parents who are U.S. citizens. If only one of the parents is a citizen, then that parent must have lived in the United States for one continuous year before the child’s birth. An immigrant child cannot be naturalized as a United States citizen until he or she is 18, though the child can gain U.S. citizenship derivatively through a parent who has naturalized. By contrast, children born in the United Kingdom after 1983 are entitled to British citizenship only if one parent is a British citizen or is settled in the United Kingdom at the time of the child’s birth. A child who is not a British citizen but is adopted by British citizens becomes entitled to citizenship from the time of the adoption order. Access to welfare programs in developed states has generally expanded from citizens to legal immigrants and permanent residents. Thus, citizenship is no longer a necessary condition of eligibility for many state benefits. In the United States, the federal government in 1996 essentially eliminated access to public services for illegal or undocumented immigrants—children or adults—and put additional restrictions on access to programs for legal immigrants. To be eligible for welfare programs, an immigrant must have been lawfully admitted for permanent residency under the Immigration and Nationality Act, have been granted asylum, have been granted refugee status, have been paroled into the United States for at least one year, have had deportation withheld because their life or freedom would be threatened by deportation, have had conditional entry in effect prior to 1980, be someone who meets the narrow definitions of a battered spouse or child, or be a victim of trafficking. Those who fall within one of these categories are considered “qualified aliens” for the purposes of welfare eligibility. Those who do not fall within these categories are excluded from access. In general, qualified aliens are eligible for certain federal programs that are run through the states, including Temporary Assistance for Needy Families, Medicaid, and programs offered through social service block grants, especially those programs that help people become more economically self-sufficient, programs that help families stay together, and programs that aid with abuse counseling. Nonetheless, qualified aliens are not eligible for certain federal programs such as Supplemental Security Insurance or food stamps. Exemptions to these and the states’ ability to limit access to programs with state public funds include refugees or persons with asylum status, certain disabled aliens, and children younger than the age of 18. Aliens who do not fit the eligibility criteria or fall within one of the cited exemptions are for the most part wholly ineligible for federal public benefits.

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Though many irregular child immigrants enter the United States accompanied by family or parents, many do not. Some of these children, now referred to as “separated children,” are not technically unaccompanied because, though separated from parents or guardians, they are in the company of a trafficker, a smuggler, a sibling, or a family acquaintance. Others are literally unaccompanied and travel alone across borders in search of protection or family reunification. For many of these children, asylum should be granted, since they have fled political brutality, gang violence, child abuse, or other forms of persecution that bring them within the scope of the refugee definition as set out in the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees. However, decision makers and advocates have been slow to acknowledge the legitimacy of asylum claims advanced by unaccompanied or separated children, assuming them to be safe from political violence or otherwise ineligible for protection. Several other measures within U.S. immigration law offer protection for unaccompanied and separated children. Among these are the special juvenile immigrant status, a special permanent status that has been created to answer the needs of unaccompanied and separated children who have been abused, abandoned, or neglected; the provisions under the Violence against Women Act, an important immigration protection for certain children living in a domesticviolence situation; T visas, available for child victims of trafficking; and U visas, which provide immigration status to child victims of certain crimes committed in the United States. As described, most nonwelfare benefits are unavailable to immigrant children who fall outside the stringent definition of “qualified alien.” Mere presence in the United States and need are clearly insufficient criteria. However, in certain extreme situations, undocumented immigrant children may be eligible for state support. U.S. law specifies that unqualified aliens—children and adults alike—are eligible for certain types of emergency welfare assistance, including short-term, noncash, in-kind emergency disaster relief and soup kitchens, short-term shelters, and in-kind services at the community level, which are necessary for the protection of life or safety. Unqualified alien children are eligible for additional types of welfare assistance in the form of access to public educational facilities, nutrition assistance through the Women, Infants, and Children program, and eligibility for school lunches and/or school breakfast programs, regardless of immigration status. These measures, a compromise between universal provision and discrimination based on immigration status, provide a minimal safety net for children risking destitution, but they are a far cry from a comprehensive “best interest” approach to vulnerable children. As regards health care, unqualified aliens—children and adults alike—are eligible for certain types of emergency health care assistance, including assistance with immu-

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nizations important for public health, the Child Health Insurance program entitled Insure Kids Now, as well as treatment for certain severe medical conditions. Pregnant unqualified aliens are no longer eligible for prenatal care under Medicaid. With respect to education, there does not appear to be one overarching policy that clearly states alien children have the right to basic public education, regardless of immigrant status. Rather, several policies have developed over time. Since the early 1980s, U.S. policy has been governed by the landmark ruling in Plyler v. Doe (1982), a Supreme Court case that declared unconstitutional a Texas law prohibiting illegal immigrant children from attending Texas public schools. This inclusive approach differs from the situation in several European states, where undocumented children have no right to public education. U.S. educational policy toward certain types of immigrant children is also covered by the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001. This act endorses the basic public education of “migratory children,” meaning children of temporary agricultural or fishing workers and children with “limited English proficiency” (LEPs). The act aims “to help migrant children overcome educational disruption, cultural and language barriers, social isolation, various health-related problems, and other factors that inhibit their ability to do well in school, and to prepare them to make a successful transition to postsecondary education or employment” and to close the gap between children with limited English proficiency and those who are fluent in English. A 1974 class-action lawsuit brought on behalf of non-English-speaking Chinese students in the San Francisco school system helped make bilingual education a priority in classrooms across the United States. In the Improving America’s Schools Act of 1994, Congress stated that its policy was “to ensure equal educational opportunity for all children and youth and to promote educational excellence, to assist State and local educational agencies, institutions of higher education and community-based organizations to build their capacity to establish, implement, and sustain programs of instruction for children and youth of limited English proficiency.” The national debate on bilingual education has been strongly influenced by debates at the state level. California is a good example of a state that developed public policies opposing bilingual education, as exemplified by California’s passing of Proposition 227 in 1998, endorsing English-only language instruction in public school classrooms. Jacqueline Bhabha see also: Poverty, Children in further reading: M. Kritz and D. Gurak, Immigration and a Changing America, 2004. • Jacqueline Bhabha and Susan Schmidt, Seeking Asylum Alone, 2006.

immune disorders. Immune disorders typically manifest themselves as unusual susceptibility to infection and

are roughly divided into primary and secondary disorders. Primary immune deficiencies are those that are inherited genetic traits, while secondary immune deficiencies are those that are acquired later in life as a result of some environmental or infectious exposure. The most common immune deficiencies are secondary and include severe malnutrition, HIV infection, and those conditions associated with cancer treatment. Many secondary immune deficiencies are curable or treatable if correctly diagnosed and the environmental influence is removed, such as by refeeding the starving child, limiting therapy with immunosuppressive drugs, or treating HIV infection. Secondary immune deficiency is associated with cancer therapy. This results from the effect that chemotherapies have on the bone marrow. Chemotherapeutic agents exert their antitumor effects because they kill rapidly dividing cells. However, the bone marrow is extremely active in producing new blood cells, including immune system cells. Because they are rapidly dividing, these blood and immune system cells are also killed, resulting in immune suppression. Once chemotherapy is stopped, however, the immune system will return to its normal function. Children who have undergone organ transplantation also have secondary immune deficiency. In this circumstance, the immune deficiency is deliberately induced using specific medications to try to prevent the rejection of the transplanted organ. Infections that cause immune deficiency include HIV and HTLV (human T-cell lymphotropic virus), which attack and destroy immune system cells. Many infectious agents have ways of evading the immune system but do not cause generalized immune suppression. Autoimmune disorders differ from immune deficiencies in that autoimmunity results when components of the immune system attack the body’s own tissues, causing inflammation in those tissues that is inappropriate and not useful in repelling infection. Examples of such disorders include lupus, in which multiple different tissues are inflamed; juvenile rheumatoid arthritis, in which the lining of the joints and certain portions of the eye are inflamed; autoimmune thyroid disease, where the inflammation interferes with the ability of the thyroid to produce its hormone; and autoimmune hemolytic anemia, in which red blood cells are destroyed. There are many other examples of autoimmune disorders, and these disorders are usually treated by trying to suppress the immune response. This has the side effect of making children under treatment more susceptible to infection, in effect inducing a secondary immune deficiency as a result of treatment. In contrast to secondary immune disorders, primary immune disorders result from mutations in genes critical to the function of the immune system. There are more than 100 described primary immune deficiencies, and more likely exist. These have historically been divided into disorders that primarily affect antibody production (humoral

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immune deficiencies) and those that affect the function of immune system cells as well (cellular or combined immune deficiencies). Primary immune deficiencies were initially discovered with the advent of antibiotic therapy. Prior to that, deaths from infection were too frequent and severe to identify those who had unusual susceptibility to infection. Once antibiotic therapy was introduced, patients with primary immune deficiencies were noticed when they did not respond well to treatment with antibiotics or had very unusual infections. The first primary immune deficiency described was agammaglobulinemia, a humoral deficiency described by U.S. Army Col. Ogden C. Bruton in 1952 in an 8-year-old boy who had recurrent episodes of pneumococcal sepsis (a bloodstream infection with Streptococcus pneumoniae). Agammaglobulinemia is caused by a lack of B cells, antibody-producing cells in the bone marrow and spleen that fail to develop due to a mutation in a gene that regulates the Bruton’s tyrosine kinase essential for their production. The serum proteins known as immunoglobulins are missing. Agammaglobulinemia occurs in 1 in 100,000 children. Agammaglobulinemia was the first primary immune disorder discovered, but the most common immune deficiency is another humoral disorder called common variable immune deficiency (CVID). The incidence of CVID is 1 in 50,000, but unlike agammaglobulinemia, the disease affects mostly adults and is less common in children. Approximately 20% of cases occur in children. As in agammaglobulinemia, patients with CVID tend to have frequent and severe respiratory infections. This disorder is believed to have a genetic cause, as it often runs in families, but the inheritance and genes involved have only been identified in a few families. There are probably many genes that cause CVID. Severe combined immunodeficiency (SCID) is an example of a combined immune deficiency. Children with SCID develop infections within the first few months of life and die within a year or two unless treated. The incidence of the disorder is unknown but is believed to be between 1 in 50,000 and 1 in 100,000 births. The disease is inherited as either an autosomal recessive or a sex-linked trait. When autosomal recessive, parents will have a 1 in 4 chance of having another affected child. If sex linked, the disease is carried on a gene on the X chromosome and will occur in 50% of the boys in an affected family. A number of different genes can cause SCID, which accounts for the different inheritance mechanisms at work. The most common form is X-linked SCID, due to a deficiency of the common gamma chain receptor, a necessary protein for lymphocyte development. Patients with SCID tend to develop infections with unusual organisms or organisms that are normally not very infectious. The identification of one of these organisms in an infant is what frequently suggests the diagnosis. SCID was brought to the public’s attention by well-publicized cases of

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boys (the disorder affects more boys than girls) kept within germ-free environments to try to prevent infections: the “bubble boys.” This well-intentioned but onerous therapy was ultimately of limited usefulness and has been completely supplanted by bone marrow transplantation, which effectively cures the disease in up to 95% of patients by providing the patient with immune-competent cells. The adaptive nature of the immune system is one of its salient features; it responds more quickly to organisms that it has encountered before. Each person develops a library of personalized protective factors based on the agents he encounters in the environment. Equally important, though, are the responses that are innate, as these enable immune response that can occur instantly in response to previously unknown infections. A variety of primary immune deficiencies has been described that are due to disorders of the innate immune system. The best described of these is chronic granulomatous disease (CGD). CGD develops when patients are lacking a gene that allows them to kill bacteria that white blood cells have engulfed. Because this system is used to kill specific types of bacteria, these patients tend to have infections with these specific bacteria, suggesting the diagnosis. Patients often develop deep tissue infections and abscesses, which can be in internal organs as well as on the skin. Infections are managed with antibiotics taken preventatively and with synthetic interferon gamma, a hormone that the immune system uses to coordinate the different components involved in immune responses. Large doses of interferon gamma boost the function of white blood cells sufficiently that many infections are prevented in this disorder. Initially, most primary immune deficiencies were serious or fatal disorders; however, many, though not all, now have effective therapies. These include intravenous immune globulin (specific immune proteins from donor blood) that replaces the antibody missing in patients with immune deficiencies. Bone marrow or umbilical cord blood transplantation has also been used for many immune deficiencies, greatly extending and improving the lives of many patients. In particular, therapies for SCID have advanced, and stem cell transplantation is successful in the majority of SCID cases. In 2000, SCID became the first disease successfully treated with gene therapy, in which a damaged gene is replaced in the affected individual with a healthy copy. While some of these treatments were successful, some patients developed a leukemia-like syndrome due to integration of the replacement gene in a problematic location in the genome in a specific gene location. It is anticipated that this problem will be resolved, making gene therapy a possibility for at least some primary immune deficiencies in the future. Gene therapy remains controversial though, because of ethical concerns about directly altering the genetic material in humans.

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The success in treating primary immune deficiency has led to calls for these disorders to be included in newborn screening panels. Because children with immune deficiency frequently do not have any distinguishing physical features other than susceptibility to infection, they are often misdiagnosed for extended periods of time, delaying therapy. Outcomes are generally better with early identification. These proposals are also controversial, though, because adequate screening tests have yet to be developed and the disorders are relatively rare. Primary immune deficiencies, in general, occur probably in about 1 in 10,000 individuals. Some populations have a higher incidence of specific immune deficiencies. For example, Athabascan Native Americans (Navajo and Apache) have a high incidence of a particular form of SCID, Artemis deficiency or SCID-A, which is due to a genetic deficiency of a protein that repairs DNA. The increased incidence of this genetic disease may be partly explained by the internment of the Navajo by the U.S. cavalry in 1863. The large death toll from this internment led to a population bottleneck that increased the incidence of a few particular genetic diseases, including SCID. When only a few individuals in a population remain after such a catastrophic event, the effects of a few deleterious genes can be magnified in the surviving population. Another immune deficiency, an antibody deficiency known as IgA deficiency, is more common among people of European ancestry. For the most part, though, different ethnic populations have similar incidences of primary immune deficiency. The study of primary immune deficiencies has helped researchers understand how the immune system functions and has provided many of the therapeutic advances. Secondary immune deficiencies, though, including HIV, remain the most common immune disorders in humans and affect many more people. Treatment and prevention of these disorders are most successful when the underlying disorder or exposure can be rectified, but this frequently requires social, behavioral, or cultural changes that are difficult to achieve. For example, ensuring adequate access to food can treat the immune deficiency associated with malnutrition, but this requires primarily public-policy solutions and cannot be addressed medically. The study of immune deficiencies has provided much information about the nature and function of the immune system, and the therapies available to patients have advanced tremendously and will likely continue to do so. With these advances, though, comes the need for equivalent advances in public health so that the rare primary deficiencies can be found and treated and the common secondary deficiencies can be prevented. Sean A. McGhee and Talal A. Chatila see also: Health Screening; Human Immunodeficiency Viral Syndrome; Infectious Diseases

further reading: James F. Jones, Cheryl K. Ritenbaugh, M. Anne Spence, and Anthony Hayward, “Severe Combined Immunodeficiency among the Navajo. I. Characterization of Phenotypes, Epidemiology, and Population Genetics,” Human Biology 65, no. 5 (October 1991), pp. 669–82. • Rebecca H. Buckley, “Molecular Defects in Human Severe Combined Immunodeficiency and Approaches to Immune Reconstitution,” Annual Reviews in Immunology 22, no. 1 (April 2004), pp. 625–55. • E. Richard Stiehm, Hans D. Ochs, and Jerry A. Winkelstein, eds., Immunologic Disorders in Infants and Children, 5th ed., 2004. • Hans D. Ochs, C. I. Edward Smith, and Jennifer M. Puck, eds., Primary Immunodeficiency Diseases: A Molecular and Cellular Approach, 2nd ed., 2005.

immunizations. The history of modern immunization began in 18th-century Europe, where it had long been recognized that milkmaids who previously had cowpox lesions on their hands did not develop smallpox. In 1796, Edward Jenner demonstrated that the immunity induced by cowpox virus protected against smallpox when he inoculated an 8-year-old boy with cowpox virus and then exposed him to smallpox. Microbiologists such as Louis Pasteur continued to pursue the development of vaccines for immunization over the next 100 years, and by the early part of the 20th century the administration of vaccines became routine. Active immunization requires administration of an antigen, a substance the body recognizes as foreign, to stimulate the recipient’s immune system to make protective antibodies or serum components. Passive immunization requires direct administration of preformed protective antibodies. Passive immunity is transient, lasting weeks, whereas active immunity is intended to protect for a lifetime. Sometimes a booster dose is required to prompt a renewed protective development of specific antibodies to that agent. Most routine vaccines induce active immunity and are of two basic types: live attenuated, consisting of a weakened virus or bacteria, and inactivated, consisting of nonviable components of the virus or bacteria. Combination vaccines allow for several vaccines to be administered in one injection. Recommendations at the beginning of the 21st century include the routine immunization of all children in the first five years of life to protect against 15 different diseases and two immunizations in adolescence along with a booster of diphtheria (severe throat infection), tetanus (lockjaw), and pertussis (whooping cough) vaccines. The timing of immunization is designed to correspond to times of heightened vulnerability and to when the vaccine is most effective. Infants receive hepatitis B vaccine at birth to protect against infection from mothers who may unknowingly carry the virus, with two additional doses to ensure lifelong protection. Immunizations against diphtheria, pertussis, tetanus, polio, rotavirus (infant diarrhea), pneumococcal, and Haemophilus influenza type B (Hib) infections are first given at 2 months of age when antibodies the infant received from his mother are waning. Booster doses of these vac-

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cines are given at 4 and 6 months of age, then again at 12 to 15 months of age (with the exception of the rotavirus vaccine) to achieve progressively higher antibody levels. Measles (red measles, hard measles), mumps, rubella (German measles), and chicken pox vaccines are given at, or shortly after, the first birthday, a time when there is no longer interference from low levels of circulating maternal antibodies in the child that would block the vaccine’s effectiveness. Hepatitis A vaccine may be given after the first birthday with a second dose 6 to 18 months later. Influenza vaccine is recommended for all infants and children between 6 months and 18 years of age during the flu season, with priority given to children at high risk (i.e., children with asthma, congenital heart disease, chronic lung disease, and other chronic illness) as well as their caregivers. Children 9 years of age or younger receiving their first dose of influenza vaccine should receive a second booster dose one month after the first dose of vaccine. Prior to kindergarten entry, age 4 or 5, children receive booster doses of diphtheria, tetanus, pertussis, measles, mumps, rubella, chicken pox, and polio vaccines. Adolescents, beginning at 11 or 12 years of age, should receive meningococcal vaccine and a specially formulated diphtheria, pertussis, and tetanus booster. Human papillomavirus vaccine (HPV) given in a series of three injections over six months is recommended for adolescent girls sometime at or after 11 years of age. Most vaccines are given to prevent the devastating effects of the disease in the recipient and to improve the overall health of a population in general. As more people become immune, there is less disease circulating and, thus, fewer cases by virtue of the phenomenon called “herd immunity.” Immunizations to prevent rubella, hepatitis B, and human papillomavirus, however, are targeted to prevent the secondary effects of these diseases. A pregnant woman who contracts rubella may transmit it to her unborn child, causing devastating birth defects. Since introduction of rubella vaccine in 1969, the incidence of these birth defects in the United States has gone from 823 cases to fewer than 25 cases annually. Up to 90% of infants born to mothers with hepatitis B virus (HBV) infection become chronically infected and are at great risk of developing hepatic failure, cancer, or cirrhosis as adults. Universal immunization of all infants should greatly reduce the incidence of these devastating conditions. Already acute HBV infection has decreased by 89% in children and adolescents in the United States since the introduction of universal HBV vaccination in 1991. It is estimated that human papillomavirus vaccine, by preventing genital warts in women, will reduce the annual incidence of cervical cancer by 75%. Passive immunization is used to prevent infection in high-risk situations, to treat active disease, and to replace antibody deficiency. Injections of preformed antibody against respiratory syncytial virus (RSV), a common cause of pneumonia and wheezing in infancy, are given every

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30 days during the winter season to infants with chronic lung disease of prematurity and to those with congenital heart disease. Hepatitis B specific immune globulin (HBIG) is given at birth to infants whose mothers carry active hepatitis B infection. Immune globulin, a serum containing specific or nonspecific antibodies, may be administered in certain instances to susceptible individuals to prevent hepatitis A, measles, or rubella or in the treatment of diphtheria, tetanus, and botulism. This may also be given to individuals who cannot make protective antibodies, such as those with an immune deficiency. When traveling abroad, protection from other diseases such as typhoid fever, yellow fever, cholera, rabies, or Japanese encephalitis may be needed or required by law. Vaccines are available in the United States but may require visits to specialized clinics. Adverse events after vaccine administration may be bona fide reactions or coincidental events. Sorting out real reactions can be a challenging and an emotionally charged process, as in the case of measles vaccine and autism. Symptoms of autism usually appear soon after the first birthday, a time when children receive their first measles, mumps, and rubella (MMR) vaccine. Several studies, many professional panels, and even congressional hearings in the United States and Europe have definitively ruled out any causal association between the two. Thus, the occurrence of autism was considered coincidental to receiving the MMR vaccine. Thimerosal, a vaccine preservative containing mercury, has been a source of concern and controversy even though there are no studies linking thimerosal in vaccines with disease. Manufacturers have reformulated most vaccines into preservative-free, single-dose vials or with only trace amounts of thimerosal. Rash and low-grade fever occur in about 10% of recipients of MMR and chicken pox vaccines. These reactions occur about one week after administration of the MMR vaccine and from one to four weeks after administration of the chicken pox vaccine. In the United States, only the inactivated polio vaccine (IPV) is used because of the small risk, 1 in 750,000 doses, of vaccine-associated paralytic polio following the administration of the live oral poliovirus (OPV). OPV is still the vaccine of choice for eradication of the disease on a global scale because it produces better immunity in the gastrointestinal tract and is less costly to administer. Most adverse reactions to vaccines are minor, including pain and swelling at the injection site, low-grade fever, and headache. More severe reactions such as high fever, anaphylactic allergic reactions, and seizures are rare. In recent years, as the incidence of vaccine-preventable diseases declined, there has been an upsurge in vaccine refusal and heightened fear of vaccines. Parents are not familiar with the diseases and their complications. Ready access to information without scientific basis, especially on the Internet, has fueled the controversy. When large groups of

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people do not receive their immunizations, epidemics can and do occur. For example, in Nigeria in 2003, there was an outbreak of polio after authorities stopped immunizing children because of fear of the vaccine; within months, polio cases surged and spread to neighboring countries. Recommendations for childhood immunization are continually changing because of the research and development of new vaccines. In addition, existing vaccines may be reformulated and indications for administration of a vaccine expanded. At the beginning of the 21st century, a meningococcal vaccine for infants and young children was in clinical trials. New vaccines are in various stages of development for emerging infectious agents such as SARS, HIV, hepatitis C, West Nile virus, and established infections such as tuberculosis and malaria. It should be noted that Bacillus Calmette-Guerin (BCG) vaccine is not given to children in the United States to prevent tuberculosis since it is a poor vaccine that provides little protection against disease. Immunization has been a remarkable success story with the eradication of smallpox from the globe in 1979 and dramatic reductions in devastating childhood diseases such as diphtheria, tetanus, and polio. Meningitis (infection of the covering over the brain), bone, joint, and blood infections common in hospitals at the end of the 20th century are now rare since the introduction of Hib and pneumococcal vaccines. Not only have numerous lives, especially those of children, been saved, but also many children have lived healthier lives because of vaccines. Universal childhood immunization programs are considered by leaders in the global health community and philanthropists to be a key piece in the advancement of developing nations. Eyla G. Boies see also: Health Care Funding; Health Care Systems for Children; Infectious Diseases; Medical Care and Procedures, Consent to; Medicines and Children; Morbidity; Mortality further reading: “Vaccines: An Issue of Trust,” Consumer Reports, August 2001, pp. 17–30. • L. K. Pickering, C. J. Baker, S. S. Long, and J. A. McMillan, eds., Red Book: 2006 Report of the Committee on Infectious Diseases, 27th ed., 2006, pp.1–103. • Centers for Disease Control and Prevention Travelers’ Health, http://www .cdc.gov/travel/contentVaccinations.aspx • Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia Vaccine Education Center, http://www.chop.edu/ consumer/jsp/microsite/microsite.jsp?id=75918

incest. Incest is violation of a rule (customary or legal) prohibiting sex between certain classes of kin. The kin covered by the rule varies from society to society, but almost always includes parents, siblings, and one’s own children. In the past, a few societies (ancient Hawaii, for example) allowed brother-sister marriage in royal lines, but only the Greeks in Roman Egypt allowed commoners to marry a sibling or half sibling. Incest and inbreeding are commonly confused. The difference is that whereas incest is a legal concept—sex with prohibited kin—inbreeding is a biological concept—sex

with any close kin. Inbreeding may be incest but is not necessarily such. It depends on the rules of the society. In many societies, paternal cousins are strictly prohibited as sexual partners, while maternal cousins are preferred marriage partners. In this case, sex with a maternal cousin is inbreeding but not incest. Incest without inbreeding is also found in some societies. In those with corporate kinship groups (lineages and clans), the incest prohibition is commonly extended to include very distant relatives. It may be applied to all persons with the same surname or to in-laws with whom there is no biological relationship. Sex with such relatives may be punishable as incest but cannot be considered inbreeding. It is now well established that inbreeding has deleterious consequences for the children of the union. The offspring of brother-sister unions suffer an excess mortality rate of 16% to 20% and an excess morbidity rate of 6% to 16%. A study of the genetic effects of the Hiroshima bombing found that the Japanese penchant for cousin marriages was responsible for more birth defects than atomic radiation. Where cousin marriages are common (as they are South India, Pakistan, and Egypt), they are a source of medical problems that become ever more common as other causes of death are controlled. Thus, depending on the relationship between the persons involved, incest may or may not have health consequences for the progeny. It does when they are related as siblings, parent and child, or first cousins but not when they are distant cousins, clan mates, or in-laws. Studies suggesting that as many as 20% of all North American women have been involved in an incestuous relationship are misleading. They do not say that 20% of the adult women in this part of the world have had sexual intercourse with a male relative. One reason is that incest is often taken to include kissing, petting, fondling, salacious remarks, and even suggestive jokes. Another important reason is that the great majority of the women involved were children at the time, many only 5 or 6 years old. Incest is typically a form of child abuse by a father, a stepfather, or an older brother. Women initiated to incest as children almost always terminate the relationship as adolescents. Thus, incest rarely runs the risks of inbreeding because the female partner is seldom an adult. The primary danger of incest is not to the progeny of incestuous unions. It is to the children enticed or forced into an incestuous relationship. There is now extensive evidence that they suffer from myriad psychological problems as adults. The great majority of the men seen at incest clinics were sent by court order. The great majority of the women came seeking psychiatric help. Their problems include chronic depression, alcohol and drug dependence, self-mutilation, suicide attempts, borderline personality disorder, anxiety disorder, somatoform disorder, bulimia nervosa, and dissociation. Incest is a crime with a very special emotional quality.

in d e p e n d e n c e , d e p e n d e n c e , a n d in t e r d e p e n d e n c e

It is widely regarded as an unnatural act, a crime against nature. The Tswana tribes of South Africa say that incest is like a hen crowing like a cock, a cow drinking its own urine, or a mole appearing in broad daylight. All such acts are abnormal and predict evil. In West Africa and early modern Europe, incest and witchcraft were seen as going hand in hand. The Nso in what is now western Cameroon referred to incest as “witchcraft of the sun” and thought it was subject to mystical sanctions. The Trobriand Islanders believed that the skin of a person who committed incest would soon be covered with painful sores. It has been argued that incest is subject to an emotionally laden prohibition—an incest taboo—because people recognize the dangers of inbreeding. The problem with this explanation is that it is by no means certain that early humans recognized the dangers of inbreeding and that they would have been capable of implementing a prohibition if they had. People took a long time to recognize the dangers of tobacco, alcohol, and other drugs and are still not capable of implementing prohibitions. The same may now be true of the danger of global warming. The fact that all primates and most mammals avoid sex with their closest relatives argues that what is called the incest taboo is a human version of an old avoidance. It says that the dangers of inbreeding are such that natural selection has provided people with something like a natural aversion to sex with their relatives. It could have selected for an aversion to people who look or smell like they do, but what it appears to have selected for is an aversion to people with whom they have been reared. This is an involuntary response to early childhood association that can be overcome but only at considerable emotional cost. The evidence for this solution to the incest problem comes from two sources. One is the Israeli kibbutzim, where unrelated children were reared together in communal nurseries. The other is Taiwan (and South China generally), where women commonly adopted and raised their sons’ wives. In the first case, the children were encouraged to marry but never did if they were brought together at birth. In the second case, they were forced to marry but resisted consummating their union and commonly sought sexual satisfaction outside of marriage. The result in most communities was abnormally low fertility and an abnormally high divorce rate. The childhood association hypothesis explains two salient facts about the incestuous abuse of the children. It explains why stepfathers are far more likely to abuse their stepdaughters than biological fathers their daughters and why it is that fathers who help care for their infant daughters are less likely to abuse them than are fathers who do not. It may also explain why incest abuse is so often a cause of adult psychoses. Often, the aversion aroused by early association can only be overcome by force and is therefore a traumatic experience.

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The hypothesis also has implications for one of the most puzzling aspects of children’s behavior: the fact that beginning at about age 3, boys and girls spontaneously avoid one another and remain apart until they are drawn together again by sexual interest. Child psychologist Eleanor Maccoby suggests that this may be an evolutionary adaptation to the sexually inhibiting effects of early association, serving to keep nonkin within the pool of potential mates. Thus, it could be that the sexual segregation that encourages the development of gender differences is an unexpected consequence of the dangers of inbreeding. Arthur P. Wolf see also: Abuse and Neglect; Family; Rape; Sexual Abuse further reading: Judith Lewis Herman, Father-Daughter Incest, 1981. • Diana E. H. Russell, The Secret Trauma: Incest in the Lives of Girls and Women, 1986. • Arthur P. Wolf, Sexual Attraction and Childhood Association: A Chinese Brief for Edward Westermarck, 1995. • Arthur P. Wolf and William H. Durham, eds., Inbreeding, Incest, and the Incest Taboo: The State of Knowledge at the Turn of the Century, 2005.

independence, dependence, and interdependence. “Wow, I didn’t know he was even dating her. Sometimes I feel like I’ve lost touch with him!” It is not uncommon to hear such comments from parents of teenagers who are growing up in the majority-culture worlds of North America. Although relationships between teenagers of the opposite sex are much more tightly regulated or even forbidden in some cultural, ethnic, and religious groups, adolescents’ growing independence is widely viewed as an important developmental milestone. In places where families depend on children’s labor—taking care of younger children or working in fields alongside adults—children may learn to perform domestic and agricultural tasks with little or no supervision, even before adolescence. This form of independence is quite different from the independence of middle-class youth, for whom the markers of autonomy include the tendency to develop their own private worlds, independently cope with daily hassles, and spend more time with friends. Although such independence and “distancing” from caregivers may be somewhat distressing to adults, consider the other extreme. Depressed adolescents are overly dependent, lack self-confidence, and have great difficulty regulating negative emotions. How does healthy adolescent independence develop? One answer to this question focuses on the formation and evolution of social relationships and requires a backward glance at an early stage of dependence. Ro ots of H e alth y Au to nomy : D epen d enc y dur i ng I n fanc y Adolescents’ intense autonomy efforts make it hard to imagine a time when they were quite dependent on adult support. Yet a period of early dependency has important implications for the development of healthy adolescent au-

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tonomy. In his classic work Attachment, John Bowlby theorized that infants’ reliance on support and comfort from caregivers has deep evolutionary roots. Using an ethological perspective, Bowlby theorized that infants are predisposed to stay near caregivers, and caregivers to nurture infants, in order to ensure two vital functions for survival and development: protection from danger and support for exploring and mastering the environment. Although all infants become attached to their primary caregivers, the way caregivers respond to the emotional and dependency needs of their offspring has a bearing on the quality of attachment formation. Mary D. Salter Ainsworth designed an observational procedure to assess attachment quality in which 1- to 2-year-olds are briefly separated and reunited with their caregivers with the occasional presence of a stranger in a laboratory playroom. Secure infants independently explore their environments when relatively unstressed, readily seek comfort when upset, and quickly calm down after being reunited with the caregiver. In contrast, insecure infants may avoid the caregiver when distressed (perhaps viewing her as an unreliable source of support) or may exhibit clingy, demanding behavior without being calmed and comforted by her return. Dozens of studies indicate that caregiver sensitivity— responding promptly, consistently, and appropriately and holding the baby tenderly and carefully—predicts infant attachment security. Infants with sensitive caregivers receive the message that they are valued and gradually gain confidence in exploring their social world. Secure infants, as they mature into young children, are still dependent; however, more distress is typically needed to trigger their proximity and comfort seeking. Insecure infants and young children, by contrast, receive the message that they are unworthy as attachment figures, which undermines their confidence and exploratory abilities. They may be overly dependent or, alternatively, suppress feelings of emotional neglect by developing maladaptive coping methods such as avoiding social contact, stifl ing negative emotions, and rarely seeking others’ support. Behaviors that mark attachment security and insecurity have been identified in infants and children across cultures, and most parents and professionals worldwide view behaviors associated with attachment security (e.g., seeking comfort when distressed) as a sign of the “ideal infant.” However, caregiver sensitivity, a repeated predictor of attachment security, differs widely in form across societies. For instance, in some cultures, caregivers express strong affection; in other cultures, much less intimate contact suffices. Further, in some cultures, including African American, Asian, Latino, and other U.S. ethnic minorities, frequent parent-infant physical proximity is encouraged; infants are held close most of the day and may sleep with their parents. Such practices are responsive to cultural valuing of interdependence, the belief that building a close

parent-child bond is vital for instilling strong, lifelong feelings of family loyalty and commitment. Advanc i ng Au tonomy i n Ear ly and M i d d l e C h i ld ho o d During the preschool and school years, children with a history of secure attachment to parents are more likely to continue to experience parental sensitivity. This continuity of sensitive caregiving predicts favorable adjustment: higher self-esteem, greater academic persistence, and more mature social skills and positive peer relations. Sensitivity, however, is but one ingredient of parenting that promotes children’s autonomy. Effective parenting— summed up by the authoritative child-rearing style— combines three features: high acceptance and involvement (warmth and sensitivity); reasonable demands for maturity; and gradual, appropriate autonomy granting in which parents encourage children to express thoughts, feelings, and desires and permit them to make decisions in accord with their developmental readiness. Throughout childhood and adolescence, authoritative parenting predicts cognitive, emotional, and social maturity, including high self-confidence and self-reliance. In contrast, authoritarian parenting (a cold, rejecting, coercively demanding style in which parents make decisions for the child) and permissive parenting (a warm but overindulgent, undemanding style) are linked to dependent, nonachieving, and (especially among boys) rebellious behavior. In the development of healthy autonomy, children of varying temperaments profit from different doses of authoritative ingredients. Extra warmth and firm control are required to modify the poorly self-regulated behavior of fearless, impulsive children and emotionally negative, reactive children. In the case of fearful, inhibited children, parents must suppress their tendency to overprotect and solve the child’s social problems, practices that heighten dependency. Instead, shy children benefit from extra encouragement to be assertive, to approach new people and situations, and to express their autonomy. Although authoritative parenting is broadly advantageous, ethnic-minority parents often have distinct childrearing beliefs and practices that respond to cultural values and family context. For example, compared with Western parents, Chinese parents describe their parenting as more controlling, a trend linked to Confucian valuing of strict discipline, respect for elders, and meeting family and social obligations. Chinese parents are more likely to shame misbehaving children in an effort to guide them toward socially responsible behavior. Furthermore, whereas American parents often view favorable self-esteem as crucial for healthy development and directly promote it, Chinese parents generally regard high self-esteem as unimportant or even negative, as fostering unhealthy individuality and impeding the development of interdependent obligations to others.

in d e p e n d e n c e , d e p e n d e n c e , a n d in t e r d e p e n d e n c e

Nevertheless, when parental acceptance declines and control becomes excessive, resulting in an authoritarian style high in coercive control, European American and ethnic-minority children display similar negative outcomes. These include anxiety, excessive dependency, and aggressive, acting-out behavior. Au to nom y D e v elo pm en t i n A d o l e s c enc e During early adolescence, youth gradually become more autonomous, shifting away from the emotional dependency normally associated with childhood. Caregivers do not always warmly embrace the typical symptoms of autonomy that are witnessed in adolescents. In early adolescence, young people often develop a more private self and become more resistant to sharing daily experiences with caregivers. Although adolescents vary in how much distance they put between themselves and their caregivers, it is heartening that most adolescents still love and respect their parents during this phase. In addition, adolescents become better at regulating emotions, spend more time with friends, and view adults as a less viable source of social support for routine stressors. These findings may explain the moodiness and modest self-esteem difficulties routinely observed in younger adolescents. During the transition to middle school, they find it especially challenging to cope with an onslaught of “grown-up” stressors (e.g., puberty, more advanced school curricula, early dating pressures), yet they resist talking to caregivers about these issues. However, adolescents in most cultures do continue to talk with caregivers about major concerns. How does autonomy develop? Adolescents may begin to view adults as a less likely means of social support because of corresponding changes in mental development. As adolescents think more abstractly and systematically, they gradually solve daily problems and make decisions more effectively. Further, their improved ability to reason about social relationships leads them to deidealize their caregivers, viewing them as “just people.” Consequently, they no longer bend as easily to parental authority as they did at earlier ages. Thus, when negotiating hairstyles, clothing choices, and potential dating partners, the average adolescent may feel more confident about independently solving these dilemmas. The attachment relationship between caregiver and adolescent also plays a role in the development of independence. Warm, secure ties are associated with healthier autonomy development across all cultures. Adolescents with responsive, authoritative caregivers are better able to negotiate negative emotions than their counterparts with neglectful, rejecting, or control-oriented caregivers. As mentioned earlier, a secure attachment relationship promotes the expectancy that good outcomes will follow personal distress. That is, these adolescents are “used to good things

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happening when things go wrong” and, hence, attempt to cope with daily stressors on their own. Further, they have a backup plan. If they cannot cope with a stressor, they can count on caregivers to assist. Active encouragement of adolescent independence varies within and across families. Especially in families that endorse traditional gender roles, caregivers often support the autonomy efforts of boys more than girls. Further, firstborn children are typically granted more independence than their latter-born counterparts. Across ethnic and cultural groups, autonomy development is generally quicker in African American adolescents than in European American youth, who exceed Asian and Latino adolescents. However, even in cultures that expect continued parental obedience and deference, certain elements of independence and individuation are recognized as the adolescent matures into an adult. Although adolescent autonomy—even in more independent cultures—is consistently associated with close, harmonious family relationships, adolescents in some cultures may have to work harder to achieve autonomy while also maintaining these ties than do youth reared in cultures that value and promote early adolescent independence. For example, autonomous youth in European American families may find it easier to preserve secure relationships with parents because their independent self-assertions are part of the cultural ideal and embraced by their caregivers. However, in more interdependent cultures, autonomous adolescents who have harmonious relationships with caregivers are not as direct in their strivings for independence. These adolescents, in making an independent decision or justifying their choice of friends, may take more time to explain their actions to parents and be more willing to negotiate and compromise with them. In this way, the adolescent adheres to the interdependent philosophy of the family and culture yet preserves his or her growing autonomy. In particular, adolescents who are recent immigrants to the United States are often under pressure to finesse a balance between independence and preserving family harmony because they assimilate more quickly than their parents to U.S. cultural stances regarding independence. In sum, early dependency in infancy has implications for independence and interdependence in childhood and adolescence. Secure attachment relationships between infants and caregivers provide children a good start. However, a stable, sensitive caregiving environment with appropriate expectations for and encouragement of maturity throughout childhood is necessary for the growth of healthy independence. Studies repeatedly demonstrate that supportive, authoritative parenting is associated with healthy autonomy development during adolescence, as the role of the effective caregiver changes from “police officer” to “volunteer firefighter.” Indeed, although striving for independence is a major developmental task of adolescence throughout the

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world, most adolescents continue to rely on their parents to cope with their major stressors. Finally, although virtually all cultures permit at least some adolescent independence, how intensely and rapidly youth negotiate this milestone varies within and across families. Gary Creasey and Laura E. Berk see also: Attachment, Infant; Emotional Development; Personality; Sleep: Sleeping Arrangements; Social Development; Temperament; Work, Children’s Gainful further reading: Joseph P. Allen and Deborah Land, “Attachment in Adolescence,” in Jude Cassidy and Phillip R. Shaver, eds., Handbook of Attachment: Theory, Research, and Clinical Applications, 1999, pp. 319–35. • Marinus H. van IJzendoorn and Abraham Sagi, “Cross-Cultural Patterns of Attachment: Universal and Contextual Dimensions,” in Jude Cassidy and Phillip R. Shaver, eds., Handbook of Attachment: Theory, Research, and Clinical Applications, 1999, pp. 713–34. • Everett Waters, Susan Merrick, Dominique Treboux, Judith Crowell, and Leah Albersheim, “Attachment Security in Infancy and Early Adulthood: A Twenty-Year Longitudinal Study,” Child Development 71, no. 3 (May–June 2000), pp. 684–89. • Matthew F. Bumpus, Ann C. Crouter, and Susan M. McHale, “Parental Autonomy Granting during Adolescence: Exploring Gender Differences in Context,” Developmental Psychology 37, no. 2 (March 2001), pp. 163–73. • William A. Collins and Brent Laursen, “ParentAdolescent Relationships and Influences,” in Richard M. Lerner and Laurence Steinberg, eds., Handbook of Adolescent Psychology, 2004, pp. 331–61. • Jean S. Phinney, Tina Kim-Jo, Saloniki Osorio, and Perla Vilhjalmsdottir, “Autonomy and Relatedness in AdolescentParent Disagreements: Ethnic and Developmental Factors,” Journal of Adolescent Research 20, no. 1 (January 2005), pp. 8–39. • Laurence Steinberg, The 10 Basic Principles of Good Parenting, 2005.

indian child welfare act. see Native American Children, Laws Governing

30% of the annual U.S. mortality. The top three causes of death—influenza with pneumonia, tuberculosis, and diarrheal disease—along with diphtheria accounted for 30% of all deaths and 40% of deaths in early childhood. Improvements in sanitation, water purity, and nutrition, along with immunizations and the discovery of antibiotics, have led to this shift. Th is pattern is not universal. Worldwide, seven diseases account for 77% of deaths in children younger than 5 years of age. Of these, pneumonia, diarrhea, malaria, neonatal infections, and measles cause nearly 60% of the deaths. Globally, 75% of all deaths caused by infectious disease occur in Southeast Asia and sub-Saharan Africa. In southern Africa alone, 60% of all deaths are due to infectious diseases. Even in the United States, certain populations, such as rural Alaska Natives, suffer disease and disability from infectious disease at rates similar to those in some developing nations. In the United States, infectious diseases continue to infl ict significant misery and cost on children and their parents. Infections and related symptoms such as fever are the leading cause of emergency department and doctor’s office care, accounting for one-quarter of all U.S. pediatric visits annually. Respiratory and diarrheal illnesses are the primary causes of hospitalization for children, accounting for more than 30% of all pediatric hospital admissions. Every year, more than 4,000 U.S. children suffer from vaccinepreventable diseases (excluding influenza, rotavirus, and chicken pox). Changes in lifestyle, travel, and politics have reintroduced old threats such as rabies, tuberculosis, and measles and have renewed anxiety about emerging diseases such as avian influenza and severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS).

individuals with disabilities education act. Th e C om mo n Th r e ats see Special Education

infanticide. see Abandonment and Infanticide infectious diseases. Infectious diseases are listed only ninth in a 2008 survey of concerns of U.S. parents. This seems to be a disconnect from reality, considering that these diseases rank high as causes of death and significant illness among children. Influenza and pneumonia, for example, are the 7th most frequent cause of death, septicemia (blood infection) is 8th, and meningitis and HIV infection are 13th and 14th, respectively. Perhaps this attitude is a little more appropriate when one realizes that young children account for less than 2% of the annual mortality in the United States. In other words, although infectious diseases are among the top 20 killers of children, the risk is still not very great for any one child in any given year. However, in 1900, the picture was very different. Deaths of children younger than 5 years accounted for more than

Respiratory Illnesses. Respiratory illnesses are the predominant cause of U.S. illness-related health care and missed days from school and work. In the first year of life, nearly 1 in 14 infants will be admitted to the hospital for a respiratory illness such as bronchiolitis or pneumonia. Most children have between four and seven respiratory tract infections per year. The vast majority of these are caused by viruses, especially influenza, respiratory syncytial virus (RSV), rhinovirus, coronavirus, parainfluenza virus, adenovirus, and the newly described human metapneumovirus and bocavirus. The viruses spread easily from person to person and usually have a distinct seasonal prevalence. Many have serotypes or variants that change from year to year. Making the diagnosis of a specific viral infection in children is usually clinically impossible. The young, especially infants, have a limited repertoire of response to infection and typically present with vague symptoms such as fever, poor feeding, vomiting, or “not acting right.” For most children, the treatment is the same—comfort care alone, re-

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gardless of viral etiology—and there is usually no reason to pursue an exact diagnosis. In certain high-risk populations (such as premature infants or those with chronic heart, lung, or neurological conditions), RSV or influenza can result in severe and even fatal disease; a definitive diagnosis may be helpful in guiding subsequent monitoring and intervention in these cases. As children are usually the first in the community to acquire infections, routine testing at pediatric clinics at the beginning of each season can be useful in the early recognition of epidemic patterns of infection. Respiratory viruses can be isolated from specimens of respiratory secretions by culture, but this is an expensive and time-consuming process. There are now rapid and even “bedside” tests available for influenza and RSV, allowing a definitive diagnosis. Molecular panels have been developed that identify almost all the common respiratory viruses within a day. When these tests are available to clinicians, children spend less time in the health care setting, receive more appropriate medication instruction, and undergo fewer laboratory tests. For most children, respiratory infections induce misery and inconvenience but are not life threatening. Treatment is symptomatic, typically with fever medication, fluids, and rest. Cough syrups and decongestants have been removed from the market for infants, and there is controversy about their safety and efficacy in older children. Antiviral drugs are available but are typically reserved for hospitalized children or for those with serious risk factors, such as asthma. Antibiotics have no place in the treatment of uncomplicated viral respiratory infections. Prevention of these infections is difficult. Because most persons are infectious before they develop symptoms, exclusion of sick persons from school, child care, or work is too late to be effective. Universal childhood influenza immunization decreases the incidence of infection not only in children but also in the unimmunized adult community around them. The most effective preventive techniques are all behavioral: coughing into the elbow instead of the hand, liberal use of waterless hand sanitizer, frequent hand washing, and the use of disposable facial tissues. Most other infections of the head, neck, and chest—sore throat, ear infections, mouth sores, pinkeye, sinusitis, parotitis (salivary gland infection), pneumonia, bronchitis, and croup—are also caused by viruses. Antibiotics are helpful only in the case of secondary bacterial infection. Two particular diseases seem to cause parents great anxiety because of the suffering of their child, fear of complications, and the inconvenience of exclusion from school or child care. Worry over streptococcal pharyngitis (strep throat) with a risk of rheumatic fever (now a very rare complication) and otitis media (ear infection) with a risk of delayed speech and language has induced many a parent to spend the night in an urgent care facility or emergency room looking for an antibiotic “fix.”

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Serious infections of the head and neck such as bacterial tracheitis (infection of the windpipe) and abscesses of the tonsils, sinuses, lungs, teeth, or lymph nodes of the neck may require antibiotics and even hospitalization or surgery. Other conditions such as epiglottitis, periorbital and facial cellulitis, mumps, measles, diphtheria, and pertussis have been almost eliminated by immunization against the causative organisms, which include the bacterial pathogens Hemophilus influenzae type b (Hib) and pneumococcus. Gastrointestinal Infections. Gastrointestinal infection (enteritis) is the second most common cause of morbidity and accounts for 15% of all diseases suffered by U.S. children each year. Viruses such as rotavirus, enteric adenovirus, norovirus, and astrovirus are thought to be the cause of more than 30 million infections annually in the United States alone. Bacterial infections of the gastrointestinal tract such as salmonella, shigella, campylobacter, and listeria are less common and may not be recognized or reported. Some organisms produce disease via toxins; cholera, Clostridium difficile, and enterotoxigenic Escherichia coli are examples. Food poisoning is usually the result of ingestion of toxins formed in the food before ingestion. Typical examples are staphylococcus or Bacillus cereus toxins, ciguatera poisoning (from fish), and botulism. Most infections are transmitted from person to person, via contaminated food or water, or through contact with animals. Enteritis outbreaks (diarrhea and/or vomiting) are common in enclosed populations such as child care centers, schools, camps, and cruise ships. Diagnosis of the cause of enteritis in children requires careful attention to historical factors: season of the year; immunization status; dietary, animal, and travel exposures; presence of other affected persons; and the timeline and relationship of symptoms. Dehydration is a common feature of viral infections as well as bloody stools of bacterial processes, but most children present with nonspecific symptoms of vomiting, diarrhea, poor feeding, lethargy, or rash with or without fever. Rapid tests for some viruses exist but are not usually available. For most cases of enteritis, treatment is directed toward the prevention or amelioration of dehydration. The use of breastfeeding, oral rehydration solution, and oral antivomiting medication such as ondansetron has markedly reduced the need for intravenous fluids or hospitalization. Antibiotics are not usually prescribed unless a specific bacterium has been identified. Increasingly, however, there has been a move toward obtaining viral and bacterial studies even when the results will not be obtained in time to affect the treatment of a particular case. Prolonged or unusual disease, infection involving many persons or an institution such as a school or restaurant, symptoms inconsistent with the seasonal pathogens, or serious illness requiring hospitalization may

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all be reasons to search for a specific diagnosis. Computer networks of public health and university laboratories are now configured to detect unusual clusters of symptoms or pathogens. Recognition of atypical patterns in disease has led to recent recalls of peanut butter, hamburger, tomatoes, spinach, chilies, and even pet food. Similarly, identification of outbreaks has led to changes in food-handling practices on cruise ships, in restaurants and schools, and in foodprocessing plants. The complications of enteritis are usually related to dehydration and subsequent kidney failure. Some types of enteric disease may lead to neurological symptoms such as paralysis, seizures, or coma. A few toxins mimic allergic reactions. Hemolytic uremic syndrome (HUS) occurs several days after an E. coli infection and is characterized by neurological symptoms, especially coma or seizures, kidney failure, and the destruction of red blood cells. Some children die with HUS, and even survivors may be left with reduced kidney function. Prevention of enteric infections is primarily by isolation of sick persons and animals, careful attention to food processing and preparation, and good hand washing, especially after diaper changing and contact with reptiles such as turtles. Vaccines exist for typhoid fever and cholera and are used most often in travelers. A vaccine against rotavirus is available for the very young infant. Infections of the Urinary Tract. Urinary tract infections (UTIs) account for 1% to 5% of febrile illnesses in early childhood. Such infections are frequently overlooked because infants often have fever alone or only nonspecific symptoms such as vomiting or poor feeding. Unlike UTIs in older children or adults, such infections are often associated with congenital defects of the urinary tract. Although rare, persistent or recurrent symptoms of UTI without fever—abdominal pain, burning, bedwetting, frequent urination, or discharge on the underwear—should raise suspicion of sexual abuse or foreign bodies in the urethra or vagina. Sexually Transmitted Diseases. Sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) are common in adolescence, affecting one in five teens annually, more frequently than in young adults. The most common pathogens are chlamydia, gonorrhea, syphilis, trichomonas, HIV, and herpes simplex virus (HSV). Myriad other organisms can also be transmitted sexually: hepatitis B, human papillomavirus (HPV), giardia, lice, yeast infection, genital warts, and scabies. Symptoms may be vague or even nonexistent, especially in females, so taking a sexual history and performing screening tests are essential parts of adolescent medical care. Curative treatment is available for some infections such as gonorrhea and syphilis, and suppressive treatment is available for other infections such as HIV, HSV, and hepatitis B. All STDs are

preventable but require culture- and age-appropriate counseling. A vaccine for HPV is available for young women. Skin and Rash Illnesses. Skin and rash illnesses are very common. Conditions such as warts, impetigo, yeast infection, infected insect bites, ringworm, pityriasis, cold sores, lice, scabies, molluscum contagiosum, and acne are usually straightforward in presentation and treatment. Season of the year, contact history, and evolution of the rash in relation to other symptoms are often necessary to make an accurate diagnosis of viral rashes. Some infectious syndromes such as chicken pox (varicella); hand, foot, and mouth disease (enterovirus); fifth disease (parvovirus B19); and roseola (human herpes viruses 6 and 7) are clinically distinct. Others, such as measles or rubella, are so nonspecific that the diagnosis is easily missed without high clinical suspicion or a known exposure history. Nonspecific rash is a frequent component of many other viral infections, including hepatitis A, infectious mononucleosis, cytomegalovirus, rotavirus, influenza, RSV, mycoplasma, and adenovirus. Rare but potentially fatal viral rash illnesses include Rocky Mountain spotted fever and dengue. Dramatic skin rashes can be seen in certain toxinmediated diseases. The initial site of infection can be as insignificant as a scratch or an infected bug bite. However, the pathogen produces a toxin that results in an impressive rash. Examples are the sunburnlike rash (scarlet fever) associated with some cases of strep throat and the superficial burned appearance of staphylococcal scalded skin syndrome. Certain toxin-producing strains of either Streptococcus or Staphylococcus are associated with toxic shock syndrome, a rapidly progressive, sometimes fatal condition with rash, shock, and multisystem organ failure. Other rash illnesses such as Kawasaki syndrome, erythema multiforme, toxic epidermonecrolysis, and Stevens Johnson syndrome are thought to be immune responses to various infectious agents rather than related to a toxin. One disease of increasing concern to parents is the emergence of community-acquired methicillin-resistant Staphylococcus aureus (CA-MRSA). Most children infected with this organism will have superficial infections, although some will progress to form abscesses or pockets of pus that need to be drained. Rarely, the organism will invade the bloodstream and cause severe disease with pneumonia, shock, and even death. Although surgical drainage of the abscess is usually curative, some children will require prolonged and expensive antibiotic treatment. Unfortunately, CA-MRSA frequently colonizes the nasal passages of the child, and the child and members of his or her family may suffer recurrent abscesses. A number of treatment regimens have been proposed; none has shown reliable efficacy. Nonspecific Febrile Illness. Nonspecific febrile illness—that is, fever with few or no other symptoms—was once the

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cause of major morbidity among children in the first three years of life. Before the introduction of vaccines for Hib and pneumococci, the rate of occult bacteremia (bloodstream infection) was up to 10% in such children. A significant number with bacteremia developed serious disease such as meningitis, bone or joint infection, or epiglottitis. Fortunately, with today’s vaccines, the risk of occult bacteremia has been reduced to less than 1% and now affects only newborns, the incompletely immunized, and immunocompromised children. Vaccine failure is extremely rare, and even single doses of these two bacterial vaccines seem to confer good protection. Meningitis. Meningitis, infection of the covering of the brain and spinal cord, is a frightening and often dramatic disease. In the United States, almost all cases of meningitis in children are caused by the enteroviruses (Coxsackie A and B, echovirus, enterovirus, and poliovirus) and, less commonly, the arboviruses (California encephalitis virus, St. Louis encephalitis virus, Colorado tick fever virus, and so on). Both of these groups cause seasonal epidemics, typically in the late summer and early fall. The enteroviruses are spread by person-to-person and fecal-oral contact and, occasionally, by contaminated water. The arboviruses are spread by the bites of specific species of mosquitoes and ticks. After the newborn period, almost all cases of bacterial meningitis are attributed to three species of bacteria: Hemophilus influenzae type b (Hib), pneumococcus, and meningococcus. Although most cases of these infections are sporadic, any of the three can be associated with epidemics, especially in crowded settings such as child care centers, school classrooms, dormitories, and military barracks. Fortunately, thanks to the widespread use of vaccines, the incidence of bacterial meningitis has fallen dramatically since the 1990s. In a typical year, fewer than 100 children die of bacterial meningitis in the United States. The classic symptoms of meningitis are fever, stiff neck, headache, and photophobia (pain when looking at a light). Infants may have seizures or a bulging fontanel (soft spot). In fulminant bacterial meningitis, there may be a petechial (minute hemorrhages) or purpuric (large areas of bleeding) rash. Diagnosis is made by performing a lumbar puncture (spinal tap) to obtain a specimen of cerebrospinal fluid (CSF) for testing. Rapid tests usually allow a diagnosis within 24 hours, but occasionally it takes longer to identify an unusual bacterium or rare viral serotype. In the preantibiotic era, more than 70% of children with bacterial meningitis died or had serious long-term sequelae such as seizures, intellectual disability, cerebral palsy, blindness, or deafness. Even with prompt diagnosis, modern intensive care, and powerful antibiotics, some children still die from this disease, often rapidly. Prevention of bacterial meningitis is primarily by immunization. The vaccine for Hib is thought to be more

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than 95% effective in preventing meningitis. The vaccines against pneumococcus and meningococcus are less effective because they do not induce immunity against all the serotypes of the bacteria. In known epidemic situations, close contacts of persons with meningitis can be treated with an oral antibiotic to prevent spread. Except for poliovirus, there are no vaccines used in the United States for enteroviruses or arboviruses. Another central nervous system infection, encephalitis or inflammation of the brain itself, is much less common than meningitis. In the United States, almost all cases are associated with enteroviruses, arborviruses, mycoplasma, or HSV. The typical presentation is with fever, headache, seizures, lethargy, or changes in mental status. Although most children recover, many will have long-term sequelae such as spasticity, cognitive deficits, seizure disorders, and the like. Antiviral treatment for HSV encephalitis significantly improves the outcome. Global I nfectious Disease Most of the deaths and disability from infectious diseases occur in developing nations. Although lack of basic medical services, immunizations, and antibiotics all contribute to this suffering, the most important underlying causes are undernutrition, crowding, and lack of clean water and sanitation. Rates of infection and hospitalization for lower respiratory tract and diarrheal diseases among Native American and Alaska Native infants living with poor water supplies are up to five times higher than those for young children in the general U.S. population. Studies in resource-poor countries such as Pakistan and Bangladesh have shown that merely providing soap and water for hand washing to households with young children can halve the rate of pneumonia. Vaccine-preventable diseases are rampart in many parts of the world. Provision of vaccines alone will not eradicate these diseases. Concurrent infections such as tuberculosis and HIV, malnutrition, and stress interfere with the immune response to immunization. Even when vaccines are made available, acceptance may be an issue. Some vaccines may not be effective if not handled and stored properly, or refrigeration may not be available. Certain groups in the Westernized world who are not immunized for religious or philosophical reasons have introduced infections into the population, such as vaccine-related poliovirus infection into Amish communities in Minnesota and measles into Iowa college campuses via unimmunized students returning from India. With rapid airline travel and increased immigration and tourism, an infectious disease agent can be transported to almost any region of the world in a day. Vaccine-preventable diseases, highly treatment-resistant organisms, and new pathogens emerging from intimate human-animal contact are only a plane ride away. Outbreaks of mosquito-

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transmitted virus infections such as malaria, dengue, and chikungunya in North America and Europe have been traced to international travelers and, sometimes, even to the insects that traveled with them. Immigrant children, refugees, sports teams, exchange students, and international adoptees have arrived with preventable diseases such as rubella, mumps, and chicken pox. Transmission of cholera, many enteric conditions, and airborne diseases such as tuberculosis and measles on international airliners and cruise ships has been well documented. Imported foods and pets have introduced exotic infections such as monkeypox virus. Blood transfused from immigrant South American donors has transmitted Chagas disease. Intensive use of increasingly powerful antibiotics in combination with adverse living circumstances has likely fueled some of the current epidemics of difficult-to-treat organisms such as multidrug-resistant and extensively resistant tuberculosis (MDR-TB and XDR-TB) and CA-MRSA. These infections can be transported both to and from the United States, threatening lives in both directions. Crowded living conditions, living in proximity to farm animals, and different cultural food preferences are some of the factors that allow the development of new strains of influenza each year. The SARS virus is thought to have originated from a mutated coronavirus found in civet cats eaten in China. Almost all cases of avian influenza have been acquired from birds in poultry markets or in backyard pens in Asia and the Middle East. It is only a matter of time until these and similar viruses are introduced into the developed world. Evo lv i ng Patt er n s of I n f ect iou s D i s e as e s Infectious disease patterns are ever changing, not in the least due to human-made changes in the environment and ecology. “Old” infections are constantly being reintroduced, and “new” pathogens are being recognized every year. Airtight modern heating and cooling systems have allowed infectious agents such as Legionnaires’ disease and measles to circulate in the air. Houses built on the edges of former farmland and forests have permitted pets to come into contact with rabies-infected raccoons and for humans to acquire Lyme disease from ticks. Camping and working in wilderness areas have exposed humans to the agents of plague and hantavirus. West Nile virus was likely introduced into the United States by migrating birds or inadvertently imported infected mosquitoes. This “new” virus has spread rapidly because humans and animals have no prior immunity. The potential for similar agents to spread from other parts of the world is great. People returning from wilderness adventure travel in formerly remote or inaccessible parts of the world are likely vectors for unusual or previously eradicated organisms. The heavy use of antimicrobial agents worldwide has fa-

cilitated the development of drug resistance in many organisms. Antibiotics used in animal feed and the presence of even minute amounts of these chemicals in sewage selects the most resistant pathogens for survival and ultimate dissemination into the human and animal populations. Industrial food processing and food importation across borders have spread many infectious agents such as salmonella, listeria, hepatitis A, and E. coli. Although foodborne disease has likely been an underrecognized problem in the past, the modern practice of processing foodstuffs from many sources at large central locations permits the rapid and efficient dispersal of organisms to many people simultaneously. HIV and hepatitis C were inadvertently transmitted through transfusions of blood products before these agents were recognized. Other blood-borne infections may eventually be discovered in the transfusion products being used today. Modern medical miracles have allowed many immunocompromised persons to survive and live in the community: severely premature infants, children with cancer or organ transplants, people on powerful immunosuppressive drugs for immunologic diseases, and persons with indwelling medical equipment such as pacemakers, artificial heart valves, joint replacements, and catheters for drug infusions or dialysis. Weak pathogens and organisms not normally harmful to humans, such as various plant fungi, can cause devastating infections in these uniquely vulnerable people. Bioterrorism remains a threat, especially to children who are likely to be the most susceptible to unusual or new pathogens. Interestingly, children may not be as ill as adults (e.g., during the SARS epidemic, children had far less serious disease and lower mortality rates than did adults) but may be efficient disseminators of infection (as in seen in the annual influenza outbreaks). One of the arms of defense against bioterrorism is to monitor office and emergency department diagnoses in children, looking for blips of unexpected diseases or symptoms as an early warning of bioterrorism attacks. Pathogens both new and old continue to plague humankind. The challenges of the future in improving the lives of people worldwide still lie with the principles of public health. Advances in medical care can keep people alive, but prevention is likely much cheaper and far more effective. Jerri Ann Jenista see also: Gastrointestinal Disorders; Human Immunodeficiency Viral Syndrome; Immunizations; Kidney and Urinary Tract Disorders and Diseases; Medicines and Children: Antibiotics; Parasitic Infections; Respiratory Diseases; Salk, Jonas (Edward); Sexually Transmitted Diseases; Skin Disorders and Diseases further reading: S. Long, L. K. Pickering, and C. Prober, eds., Principles and Practice of Pediatric Infectious Diseases, 3rd ed., 2008. • American Academy of Pediatrics, http://www.aap.org • Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, http://www.cdc.gov

in n o c e n c e , c h il d h o o d • KidsHealth, http://www.kidshealth.org tion, http://www.who.int/en/

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infertility. see Reproductive Technologies informed consent. see Medical Care and Procedures, Consent to

inhelder, bärbel (b. April 15, 1913; d. February 2, 1997), Swiss developmental psychologist. Bärbel Inhelder’s initial contribution to psychology was in the field of intellectual disability when she was at Bern University. Theoretically, her approach to intellectual disability stressed the distinction between deviant developmental pathways and delayed development, a position that is at the heart of current debates in developmental neuroscience. While delay involves children following the same sequence of developmental changes as healthy controls but at a slower rate, deviance highlights the fact that some children’s development reverses normal order or involves different cognitive processes. Empirically, Inhelder was the first researcher at Geneva University to use qualitative data-sampling methods, and, although the méthode clinique/critique (in which children are interviewed about their thoughts instead of formally tested) is usually attributed to Jean Piaget, the Swiss epistemologist, it was actually Inhelder who had the major involvement in the development of this on-the-spot, hypothesis-testing method of questioning young children and adolescents. Inhelder is best known internationally for her long and close collaboration with Piaget in Geneva. However, their contributions differed considerably. Piaget used psychological research with children to gain insight into the nature of human knowledge on an atemporal, universal level. Piaget’s epistemology (called constructivism) held that knowledge is neither inborn nor purely experiential but is constructed by the person interacting with the world. However, Piaget’s abstract formulation of this theory left a gap between the “epistemic subject” and the psychological processes of real children. It was Inhelder who bridged the gap in Genevan theorizing by studying the real-time constructive processes of children. Her particular focus was on the interaction between the procedures children generate for particular goals and the constraints operative from the child’s general systems for encoding reality. As early as the 1950s, Inhelder and her collaborators created innovative methods for investigating the development of inductive reasoning in childhood and adolescence. Her approach was to actively engage children in simple but telling scientific tasks, which subsequently led to the development of key experiments on conservation, space, chance, memory, imagery, and, particularly, formal operations. It was Inhelder and her team of researchers who, in the 1960s, pioneered training studies in conservation and seria-

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tion in an attempt to understand the constructive processes by which children move from one level of logical ability to another, adding to Genevan abstract theorizing a new consideration of the influence of culture and experience on cognitive development. In the early 1970s, Inhelder made her most pivotal contribution to the field of developmental psychology by introducing the study of microdevelopmental change, the in-depth, videotaped analyses of children’s real-time problem-solving strategies to capture the moment-to-moment process by which children construct new understandings of a problem, a method of analysis that became very popular a decade or two later in the AngloSaxon world. Many in the literature of child development have described Piaget’s work without reference to Inhelder. However, those who have worked with both of them attest to Inhelder’s crucial influence on Piagetian theory, including major contributions to research on memory, chance, imagery, and space; the treatment of the child as a scientist-like active learner; and her work on real-time microdevelopmental relations between children’s procedural activities and their generalized cognitive structures. Annette Karmiloff-Smith see also: Cognitive Development; Intellectual Disability; Intelligence; Learning further reading: B. Inhelder, The Diagnosis of Reasoning in the Mentally Retarded, 1958. • B. Inhelder and J. Piaget, The Growth of Logical Thinking from Childhood to Adolescence, 1958. • B. Inhelder et al., Le cheminement des découvertes de l’enfant: Recherches sur les microgenèses cognitives, 1992.

injuries. see Accidents and Injuries; Illness and Injury, Children’s Experience of; Sports Injuries innocence, childhood. When the 19th-century American novelist Nathaniel Hawthorne described childhood—or what he termed “shining angel infancy”—as a time of perfect innocence, he was speaking the opinion of the vast majority of Americans. Indeed, popular understanding of childhood had undergone a sea change over the course of the 19th century. From the Puritan era through the late 18th century, children were understood to be inherently corrupt, evil, and irrational, a threat to John Locke’s extremely popular model of consensual governance and, therefore, a potential threat to America’s future rather than the embodiment of that future. Religious thinking likewise perpetuated the notion that children were born sinners in the hands of an angry God (to quote from Jonathan Edwards’s famous 1741 sermon) who needed conversion in order to be saved. Hawthorne wrote a number of stories for children (Tanglewood Tales and A Wonder Book), but his most famous child, Hester Prynne’s daughter, Pearl (The Scarlet Letter), captures the tensions characterizing this

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transition from understanding children as essentially corrupt to essentially angelic. What happened to so dramatically transform popular understandings of children? Many suggest that the rise of the American middle class was a root cause—as well as a primary effect—of this change. Middle-class culture depended on the cult of domesticity, and, of course, children were at the center of the American home. Indeed, the bourgeois American home in large part came to represent a protective environment for childhood development, a halcyon alternative to the dangers of the street. In such surroundings, children were trained by their mothers in the qualities that would lead them to be good citizens. For little boys, this training involved the development of rugged American manliness, and for little girls it involved the cultivation of a pious, pure, and passionless feminine ideal. While not all children were fortunate enough to be born into affluent nuclear family units, the idea that children were inherently good and therefore needed to be protected from anything that might pollute their innocence and retard their successful maturation made middle-class child rearing a new norm, a new standard for child rearing. Even as this new paradigm of childhood was transforming domestic culture, religious discourse, and American education, the number of indigent, homeless and enslaved children was on the rise. Popular fictional characters like Ragged Dick, Tom Sawyer, and the little match girl captured the imaginations of Americans who both glorified childhood innocence and recognized that the privilege of childhood protection was limited to a lucky few. Later in the 19th century, social commentators, visual artists, and political advocates like Jacob Riis would photograph factory children and homeless street waifs in an effort to raise social outrage at the exploitative practices of largely unregulated wage labor. If popular books like Riis’s Children of the Poor (1892) provided powerful visual commentary on the rising indigent child population, social projects like Jane Addams’s Hull House aimed to solve the social problem of childhood homelessness by creating pseudohome environments where the corruption that children learned on the streets could be successfully combated and hopefully reversed, where children could regain the “innocence,” “ephemeral gaiety,” and “tender beauty” that Addams believed street life compromised. Even as childhood was undergoing a dramatic reconceptualization in the 19th-century United States, many proand antislavery advocates likened slaves to children in order to argue for or against emancipation. In such arguments, slaves were either innocents and, therefore, fully capable of becoming upstanding citizens with the proper training or were essentially unequipped for the responsibilities associated with freedom because their childlike state was a constant, rather than transitory, element of their personhood. The rhetorical association of slaves with children has a long

history, but as U.S. abolitionism accelerated, the image of the slave as perpetual child in need of a benign paternalist slave owner’s constant care became a standard of proslavery propaganda (see, for example, Carolyn Lee Hentz’s “answer” to Uncle Tom’s Cabin, her popular proslavery novel The Planter’s Northern Bride). But the image of the slave as a child, who is vulnerable to the vicissitudes of irresponsible, often corrupt slave owners (Harriet Beecher Stowe’s Simon Legree is a prime example) and therefore in need of immediate emancipation, fueled numerous famous antislavery characters (Eliza’s young son, Henry, in Uncle Tom’s Cabin, for example). The image of Eliza and her child crossing the icy river to freedom with slave catchers in hot pursuit became an instant international touchstone for the condition of the slave. Similarly, through the pure, innocent character of her child heroine, Little Eva, Stowe taught her readers to “feel right” about abolition. With the turn into the 20th century, popular understandings of the child were destined to undergo another dramatic reconceptualization. Through the pioneering work of American psychologists like William James, G. Stanley Hall, and James Mark Baldwin, psychological accounts of human development featured childhood as a powerful point of origin for the subconscious, or what James termed “the hidden self ” lying quiescent within every individual. James was responsible for Sigmund Freud’s first visit to the United States and was one of his key proponents in the United States. Colleagues at Harvard and at Clark University developed an American psychological school of thought throughout the 1890s. Highly influential, field-shaping textbooks like James’s Principles of Psychology (1890), Baldwin’s Social and Ethical Interpretations in Mental Development (1897), and Hall’s Adolescence (1904) and The Contents of Children’s Minds (1883) ensured that the child would be the cornerstone for scientific accounts of the self. Propounded by Hall, the theory of recapitulation, for example, contended that each child repeated or recapitulated the entire developmental progress of civilization in microcosm. In such a model, every instinct and feeling became an index to the human race’s remote ancestral past. Because each child must pass through all previous “lessevolved” developmental stages as part of the maturation process, individual children’s developmental processes are linked to the development, future vitality, and overall progress of civilization. Such legacies have profoundly shaped how people continue to think about childhood in the contemporary United States. The 19th century established the innocent but vulnerable child that continues to act as a touchstone for all kinds of social, political, religious, economic, and educational efforts. Images of the endangered child are at the center of a wide range of arguments for social change. Childhood innocence seems to be at particular risk, whether the subject is obesity, Internet pornography, sex-offender

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disclosure, or recovered memory. Social commentators and scholars such as Marilyn Ivy and Ian Hacking suggest that this current fixation on childhood signals the deterioration rather than the betterment of contemporary U.S. culture. Regardless of one’s agreement with this position, it is clear that U.S. culture puts immense pressure on children and the idea of childhood innocence. To have a child, to be a child, and to recover one’s inner child—these are the fixations of such public figures as Michael Jackson. To couch social change in terms of the protection of childhood innocence is a more pervasive and endemic social impulse at the current moment. The colonies that became the United States were often referred to as “infant colonies,” and the establishment of independence was construed as a breaking away from a “corrupt parent.” These narratives of childhood are therefore at the very core of U.S. culture. It is safe to assume that childhood innocence will continue to loom large as the United States enters the 21st century. Caroline Field Levander see also: Child: Religious and Philosophical Perspectives; Shame and Guilt

insurance, children and. Legal minors are in a curious position with respect to insurance. Their limited abilities to contract and own property both in the United States and elsewhere, coupled with the perceived complexity of insurance contracts relative to other legal documents, marginalize their role in the world of private commercial insurance. Their vulnerability to risk, however, and the sense of injustice sometimes occasioned when children have their life trajectories altered by unusual events for which few could deem them responsible make them often preferred candidates for social insurance such as subsidized health care and as beneficiaries of private insurance. Moreover, the economic needs of children who do enter the commercial marketplace, coupled with the need for recovery of victims of wrongful behavior by children, sometimes trump the general predilection to insulate children from the world of insurance. The laws of contract, property, and insurance often restrict legal minors’ ability to acquire insurance even on those occasions when it might be economically desirable that they do so. Although children can enter into contracts lawfully, minors—even those who have been emancipated as a result of marriage, service in the military, or by court order upon finding of various criteria—generally cannot readily be sued for breach of contract. Instead, the law usually lets minors disaffirm contracts. The right to disaffirm given minors is potentially highly salient with respect to insurance. If children can disaffirm an insurance contract in midstream or even perhaps following its natural termination, well-advised children can place the insurer in a situation in which it never makes any

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money. If the premium for the policy proves more than any potential recovery, the child seeks a refund of premiums and the insurer makes no money. If, on the other hand, the premium for the policy proves less than the amount the insurer owes under the contract, the child keeps the policy in force and the insurer loses again. The only defense an insurer has against such a regime is to never enter into a contract with a child in the first place. While such insulation from the insurance market corresponds with a sense that the natural and contrived complexities of insurance contracts may be little match for the cognitive capacities of most children and their limited experiences in the world of business, the “protection” against disadvantageous insurance contracts that results may on occasion prove disabling when it likewise prevents children from acquiring needed insurance protection. It arguably continues the dependency of children on adults who may or may not have the ability or inclination to act in the child’s best interests. Perhaps as a result, the legislatures of several U.S. states have written statutes permitting children older than the age of 15 to enter into binding insurance contracts without the need for any special judicial proceedings or preapproval. About 20 states have enacted statutes authorizing judicial proceedings to “remove the disabilities” of a child and thereby permit them to sue and be sued on contracts without an option of disaffirmance. These statutes seldom if ever make distinctions between the type of insurance older children are liberated to purchase, create any special burdens on insurers to explain the products they are selling, or examine whether the child involved in the particular transaction has any special need to become a contracting party. Children may thus enter and be bound to insurance contracts that are beneficial or that fail to provide them adequate or desired protection or do so only at excessive prices. One possible motivation behind these statutes permitting children to purchase insurance and certainly one consequence of the rule is to enlarge the number of children who can lawfully operate automobiles. All U.S. states allow children to operate motor vehicles whether by permit or license before the age of 18. All U.S. states likewise require drivers to carry liability insurance (or otherwise demonstrate significant financial responsibility). If children were prohibited from purchasing liability insurance, some children whose parents or guardians were unwilling or unable to purchase insurance for their benefit would be disabled from driving lawfully and thus unable to take advantage of geographically dispersed educational opportunities or, in many cases, the full range of economic opportunities that would otherwise be open to them. Beyond this, there are, on occasion, needs or special opportunities for children to enter into business on their own in industries varying from entertainment to technology. Disabling these children and others from acquiring insurance in their own name would

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make entry into these businesses more challenging, forcing them either to assume undesirable risk, to undertake disadvantageous maneuvers to qualify for statutory removal of disabilities, or to erect and affiliate with complex organizational forms such as trusts, corporations, or partnerships that would be able to acquire insurance and perhaps give third-party beneficiary protection to the child. In addition, soldiers in the United States are automatically emancipated and can thus additionally acquire subsidized life and disability insurance, thus facilitating the use of children in a volunteer military. Although children have limited abilities to be parties to insurance contracts, they often assume other roles in relation to such contracts. They may be protected, for example, under liability insurance contracts, including those typically contained with homeowner policies or automobile policies. They may certainly be beneficiaries of life insurance policies, though the proceeds they may receive thereunder may be treated, as with other property, as subject to various trust arrangements. They are frequently beneficiaries of health insurance policies as well. Not only may children be the beneficiary of life insurance policies, they may also, without their knowledge or consent, be the insured or cestui qui vie under these policies such that their death triggers the insurer’s obligation to pay the death benefit. Apart from general requirements that the person taking out a policy on the life of a child have an insurable interest in their life and the general prohibition embodied in slayer statutes against proved murderers collecting under life insurance policies, there are no special protections against what might be seen as the placing of a price on a child’s head. And this is true even if the parent would not suffer an economic loss as a result of the child’s death or if the policy owner’s motivation is purely gambling or a method of taking advantage of tax laws that shelter economic benefits accruing to the owner of a life insurance policy receiving economic benefit from the insurer during periods in which premiums exceed actuarially based mortality risk. Viewed from behind a veil of ignorance, children face huge risks as they enter the world. The do not know whether they will be born into a family of wealth or poverty, a nation of peace or one of confl ict, with or without predispositions for skills valued in the marketplace, or with sociogenetic factors beneficial or detrimental to their health in the environment confronting them. Although many of these risks are deemed uninsurable or certainly outside the province of what is generally thought of as insurance, most modern nations have made serious attempts to shift at least some of the health risks away from children and onto society. For many Western and wealthier nations, little distinction is made between children and adults in this regard. Various government programs provide universal or nearly universal health coverage directly or indirectly of at least minimal

health needs for nationals regardless of whether they are child or adult. Although these programs are often not provided through any conventional private insurance scheme, they may be thought of as being insurance-like in that they trade the risk of expense for medical treatment in exchange for premiums collected as taxes either directly or indirectly and, sometimes, as genuine premiums paid to some governmental or quasi-governmental authority. Seth J. Chandler see also: Health Care Funding; Property and Contract, Children’s Rights to

intellectual disability. Intellectual disability (formerly known as mental retardation) is a state of functioning characterized by limitations in cognitive skills that interfere with one’s ability to meet age-appropriate expectations. Operationally, intellectual disability is diagnosed based on an intelligence quotient (IQ) on an individually administered intelligence test that is lower than 70 (below the 2.5 percentile) in combination with significant deficits in such adaptive functions as meeting the demands of school (or work), home, or social activities. By convention, intellectual disability must have its onset by 18 years of age. Individuals with IQs less than 70 vary dramatically in their cognitive skills and ability to function. Thus, there are many proposed ways of subclassifying intellectual disability, although none of the methods is universally accepted. In the medical diagnostic system, subclassification is done on the basis of IQ score as follows: mild intellectual disability, 55 to 69; moderate intellectual disability, 40 to 54; severe intellectual disability, 25 to 39; and profound intellectual disability, lower than 25. Some systems use 2 subclassifications: mild intellectual disability at IQ of 50 to 69; severe intellectual disability, an IQ lower than 50. Any IQ-based cutoff for diagnosis or subclassification has potential problems. Most important, a single number cannot represent an individual’s unique strengths and weaknesses that may be very important in educational or vocational planning. Small differences in IQ scores are unlikely to indicate functionally significant differences in abilities but could change one’s diagnosis or subclassification. Moreover, it is common for IQ test results to vary by as much as 5 points from one test administration to another. To address these latter two issues, some classification systems use overlapping IQ ranges. For individuals with IQs in the overlapping ranges, their level of adaptive functioning is used to determine the appropriate subclassification. Given the weaknesses of the IQ-based system, the American Association on Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities (AAIDD) recommends classification based on the level of support needed across different domains of functions. The levels of support are defined as intermittent

in t e l l e c t u a l d is a b il it y

(short-term supports needed during a period of stress or crisis), limited (supports needed frequently, but each episode of support is time limited), extensive (daily supports needed on a long-term basis), pervasive (constant and potentially life-sustaining supports needed). The AAIDD recommends that an individual’s need for supports be analyzed across nine key areas of functioning: human development, teaching and education, home living, community living, employment, health and safety, behavior, social activities, and protection and advocacy. Although less widely accepted, this system better summarizes an individual’s strengths and weaknesses, as a person could need intermittent supports in one area and extensive supports in another. H istory and Con trov er si es Many ongoing controversies about intellectual disability are best understood in the context of cultural and historical differences in the approach to individuals with cognitive disabilities. Beginning in antiquity and in many cultures, individuals with intellectual disability have frequently been viewed as possessed. Often the possessing agent was seen as evil, leading to mistreatment of the possessed individual, but in some cultures the agent was thought to be divine, leading those with intellectual disability to be treated with reverence. In the 18th and 19th centuries, there was emphasis on the capacity of individuals with intellectual disability to be educated, and many special schools were formed. The claims of improvement were often exaggerated, and most individuals were not reintegrated into society. Over time, these schools often became the large residential facilities of the early 20th century that served primarily to segregate individuals with intellectual disability from the rest of society. Since the 1960s, there has been increasing emphasis on the integration of individuals with intellectual disability into schools, workplaces, and the community. Concern about the stigma associated with the term mental retardation led the American Association on Mental Retardation to change its name to the American Association on Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities in 2007. Currently, the terms intellectual disability and mental retardation are used to refer to the same condition. Terms such as cognitively delayed or cognitively impaired may also be used but are not well defined. Medical interest in intellectual disability increased in the 20th century. Although Hippocrates (460–357 BC) advocated for intellectual disability to be seen as a physical ailment, it was not until the 20th century that improved understanding of genetic and metabolic disorders led to intense interest in identifying causes of and preventing intellectual disability. This new interest was bolstered during the John F. Kennedy administration (1960–63). The Presidential Panel on Mental Retardation was appointed

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and legislation was passed to develop mental retardation research centers and train health care professionals to care for individuals with intellectual disability. Despite these improvements, controversies and challenges persist. Concerns about diagnostic systems and the multiple barriers to integration into mainstream society persist. A cultural bias in diagnostic testing is an additional concern: Minority populations in the United States and Western Europe often score lower on these tests than do their white peers, potentially leading to overrepresentation of minorities as having cognitive disabilities. Epi d e m iolo g y Intellectual disability is estimated to affect 1% to 3% of the population. The higher estimates tend to come from epidemiological studies that use IQ alone to diagnose intellectual disability, while the lower estimates are from studies that require deficits in both IQ and adaptive behavior. Males are diagnosed with intellectual disability about 1.6 times more often than females. This gender difference is at least partially explainable by multiple causes of intellectual disability that are on the X chromosome, known as X-linked retardation. The prevalence of identified intellectual disability peaks between 10 and 14 years of age as children with milder deficits are increasingly detected as they progress through school. The prevalence then decreases in late adolescence and particularly adulthood as many adults with IQs lower than 70 are able to function independently in the community and thus no longer demonstrate deficits in adaptive behavior required for the designation. This has led some to question whether it is appropriate to diagnose children with IQs between 55 and 69 with intellectual disability. Most (85%) of those with intellectual disability function in this range. Etiology Intellectual disability is not a disease itself but, rather, the developmental consequence of a variety of conditions. Biomedical risk factors include genetic disorders, inborn errors in metabolism, endocrine disorders (e.g., thyroid deficiencies), and exposure to teratogens or other factors that injure the brain. Genetic disorders are the most commonly identified causes of intellectual disability. Down syndrome and fragile X syndrome are the most frequently diagnosed genetic disorders. However, more than 500 genetic causes of intellectual disability have been described. Many metabolic disorders cause the buildup of substances in the body that irreversibly damage the brain. Newborn screening programs exist in all 50 states to test for phenylketonuria and galactosemia as well as thyroid disorders. The number of additional disorders screened varies by state, with up to 40 disorders in some. Early treatment will improve outcome in most cases.

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In utero exposure to alcohol is the leading environmental exposure that causes intellectual disability. Some children whose mothers drink alcohol during the pregnancy develop fetal alcohol syndrome, which is characterized by an unusual facial appearance, growth retardation, and intellectual disability. In utero infections such as those caused by the viruses rubella (German measles), cytomegalovirus (CMV), and toxoplasma, a parasite, can also cause intellectual disability. A variety of other infections, medications, drugs of abuse, and toxins can adversely affect the developing brain, resulting in intellectual disability. Environmental factors and the rearing environment also have an impact. Children growing up in situations in which the family, community, and schools do not provide stimulation and predictability will not develop optimally and are at increased risk for intellectual disability. Some have suggested that up to half of cases of mild intellectual disability could be prevented if all children were raised with supportive, responsive care. Ear ly Detection and I n terv en tion Children with moderate to profound intellectual disability are usually detected in the toddler or preschool period because parents or physicians recognize significant delays in the child’s development. However, some children with mild intellectual disability may not be detected until elementary school. This is unfortunate, as it deprives them of the opportunity to receive early intervention. Early language delay may identify children at risk for generalized cognitive impairments. In approximately half of children with intellectual disability, parents’ initial concerns were about language development. Thus, all children with language delays should receive an evaluation to detect global developmental delays. In addition, intellectual disability should be considered as a possible diagnosis in children with behavior problems, inattention, or poor academic performance. The Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) strongly encourages states to develop early-intervention services for children 0 to 3 years of age and requires services for preschool-age children. Studies of early intervention have demonstrated that when these programs begin early in life, provide intensive developmentally appropriate services, and continue until children enter school, they can have dramatic short- and long-term effects. In the short term, there are clinically significant improvements in IQ and parent-child interactions, and long-term benefits include decreased use of special education, decreased school dropout, greater educational achievement, and lower unemployment. The benefits of early-intervention programs are greatest for children at psychosocial risk and with more intensive interventions. IDEA mandates that a multidisciplinary team that includes the child’s parents develop an individualized education program (IEP) that addresses the

unique educational needs of children with intellectual disability (or other disabilities). IDEA also emphasizes that children with disabilities must have access to the general education curriculum and receive their education in the least restrictive environment. Ou tc om e The outcome for individuals with intellectual disability is affected by the severity of the cognitive limitations and the presence of strengths, other weaknesses, or associated disabling conditions. Life expectancy for individuals with mild intellectual disability is similar to that of the general population, but it is decreased by 15 to 20 years for individuals with profound intellectual disability. Factors associated with decreased life expectancy include seizure disorders, cerebral palsy, and hearing and vision deficits, which are likely to be additional indicators of the severity of the neurological dysfunction. Educational and employment outcomes vary significantly for individuals with mild versus severe intellectual disability. Individuals with IQs in the mild intellectual disability range can develop academic skills in the third- to the sixth-grade range, and many can be successfully employed within the competitive workforce. However, factors other than IQ are also important in predicting employment outcome. In particular, individuals with poor social skills and/ or behavioral or mental health problems are less likely to be employed. When individuals are employed in the competitive workforce, it is most commonly in jobs in the service sector. Supervisory jobs would be rare. IDEA requires that by 16 years of age, the IEP include a plan for facilitating the adolescent’s transition from the education system to employment by age 21 years. Offices of vocational rehabilitation can assist individuals in obtaining a supported employment placement. These jobs are in the competitive labor market but may include support for the individual in the form of a job coach, assistance with transportation, and other services. Individuals with severe intellectual disability are more likely to work in sheltered workshops. Individuals with intellectual disability working in sheltered workshops earn significantly less money than those in competitive or supported employment jobs. In the United States, approximately 60% of individuals with intellectual disability continue to live with family members, but almost 30% live on their own or with a spouse. More than 10% live in supervised out-of-home residential settings. Since the 1960s, the number of people in the United States living in large state-run institutional setting has decreased by almost 75% (to approximately 50,000). Currently, more than half of those in supervised out-of-home settings are living in small group homes or supported living arrangements with six or fewer other individuals. Nathan J. Blum

in t e l l e c t u a l d is a b il it y , e d u c a t io n o f c h il d r e n w it h see also: Autism Spectrum Disorders; Cognitive Development; Congenital Anomalies and Deformations; Developmental Delays; Fetal Alcohol Spectrum Disorders; Intellectual Disability, Education of Children with; Intelligence Testing; Metabolic Disorders; Special Education further reading: Donna K. Daily, Holly H. Ardinger, and Grace E. Holmes, “Identification and Evaluation of Mental Retardation,” American Family Physician 61, no. 4 (February 2000), pp. 1059– 67. • American Association on Mental Retardation, Mental Retardation: Definition, Classification, and Systems of Support, 2002. • Mark L. Batshaw, Children with Disabilities, 2002 • Ronald L. Taylor, Stephen B. Richards, and Michael P. Brady, Mental Retardation: Historical Perspectives, Current Practices, and Future Directions, 2005.

intellectual disability, education of children with. In the past, children with one or more intellectual disabilities have been labeled mentally retarded. Recent efforts by self-advocacy groups such as People First have resulted in national- and state-level changes in terminology. Therefore, for the purposes of this article, intellectual disabilities will be the terminology used. In 1992, the American Association on Mental Retardation (now the American Association on Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities) developed a new definition: “Mental retardation refers to substantial limitations in present functioning. It is characterized by significantly sub-average intellectual functioning, existing concurrently with related limitations in two or more of the following applicable adaptive skill areas: communication, self care, home living, social skills, community use, self-direction, health and safety, functional academics, leisure, and work. Mental retardation manifests before age 18.” Burton Blatt, in 1981, articulated the sentiments of many and foreshadowed the current movement to discard the term mental retardation, arguing that mental retardation is no more than an administrative term with little scientific integrity. Over time, terminology used in the past, such as “trainable” and “educable,” which supposedly described different levels of functioning, was rejected as stigmatizing and not educationally useful. Mental retardation is not something that a person “has” but, instead, is a functional state partly dependent on the degree of environmental support. Different degrees of intellectual disability are better described with terminology, such as mildly disabled, moderately disabled, and severely disabled, which can reflect the degree to which a student is impaired by both cognitive and functional abilities and the environment itself. This new definition implies that teachers responsible for students labeled intellectually disabled must understand the context of learning and appreciate the importance of supports and environmental accommodations and assistive technology. High expectations are also critical. Students labeled mentally retarded in the 1980s were taught in self-contained classrooms, often learning only functional skills such as dressing and meal preparation.

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There was a belief that these students needed highly specialized instruction that could only be offered in separate settings. Over time, people realized that the separation from nondisabled peers was correlated with stigma and problems with social and communication skills. In the early 21st century, teachers were responsible for assuring that students with intellectual disabilities have access to the regular education curriculum in classrooms alongside their nondisabled peers. Many students labeled intellectually disabled may also have co-occurring learning disabilities. Increasingly, researchers and practitioners have learned that new technologies and techniques that allow access to communication and educational curricula and that improve the ability to control the environment confound the definition of mental retardation. New hardware and software applications and the development and adoption of principles of Universal Design for Learning (UDL) are supporting students labeled intellectually disabled to learn regular education curriculum in inclusive classrooms. Considerable support exists for full inclusion of students labeled intellectually disabled where they are held to higher academic standards. Inclusive education means that all students, including students with diverse learning needs, are educated in regular education with the necessary services and supports to support academic achievement. Numerous studies have documented superior skill development for students with and without labels in inclusive settings when compared to self-contained or segregated classrooms where all students have disabilities. The tradition in special education has been to focus on developmental or functional curriculum. Developmental curriculum mirrors the stages through which typical children progress across multiple domains such as cognition, language, and communication. Functional curriculum focuses on activities necessary for living, such as eating, dressing, and community living. Increasingly, students labeled intellectually disabled have the benefit of well-trained educators who are able to operate within the general education curriculum and assess student learning, design and modify curricula, develop educational supports, utilize assistive technology, and match instruction to learner characteristics and curriculum goals. However, many special educators still lack an understanding of academic standards and are often excluded from general education curriculum development and activities. This contributes to students not succeeding in inclusive settings. Models for teacher education that emphasize knowledge of the regular education curriculum, UDL, and individualized instruction are necessary to optimize student learning. The challenge of providing the appropriate supports and adaptations to allow students with intellectual disabilities to access the regular curriculum involves knowledge of different teaching techniques as well as accommodations. For

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example, in elementary school, a student may be required to learn the same content in a reading book, but the words may be augmented by the use of symbols or pictures. A student with intellectual disabilities may learn about plants and trees but may require more instruction, additional symbols, increased repetition, and more concentrated phonetics instruction. The same holds true for math and science. In order for effective instruction to occur, teachers must understand four essential domains. The first is cognition, which involves attention, perception, memory, and executive function. Second is the affective domain, which involves self-concept, self-regard, self-awareness, selfcontrol, and motivation as well as social skills. Third is the communication domain, which involves both receptive and expressive communication. The fourth is the physical and health domain, which comprises musculoskeletal, sensory, cardiovascular, and immunologic domains. All of these domains can and do interact with one another. For example, a student who is in pain has difficulty maintaining attention. An occupational therapist may assist the student to sit more comfortably to reduce the pain. A student who is unable to communicate is likely to experience more stress and, if frustrated, may have difficulty with self-control. Therefore, an augmentative communication device may be required. As the field of education develops innovative curricular models and strategies to include and teach students labeled intellectually disabled, new understandings of the interrelationships between environment and intellectual capacity emerge. Cheryl Jorgensen and colleagues have proposed a philosophy of intervention based on presumed competence, the idea that it makes the most sense to presume a student can learn general curriculum and to design programs to support them. This construct affects placement as well as the selection of curriculum and teaching strategies. Because students labeled intellectually disabled learn more slowly, forget more often, and do not automatically generalize, compared to their nondisabled peers, Martha Snell and Fredda Brown, in 2006, proposed a four-stage model to facilitate their learning: acquisition, maintenance, fluency/proficiency, and generalization. To implement these stages, methods such as task analyses that break down the skill or set of skills to be learned into smaller components are often necessary. This can be combined with different antecedent or cuing systems (spoken, gestural, symbolic, physical guidance, modeling) as well as different forms of positive reinforcement. Who delivers the instruction and in what instructional format is also an important consideration. Direct instruction by teachers and peermediated strategies including tutoring, cooperative learning, role-playing, and simulations are useful strategies for teaching skills and enhancing maintenance, fluency, and generalization. Advances in the use of technology have also been useful in teaching reading, math, and communication skills.

In order for students with intellectual disabilities to have ongoing access to the general education curriculum, collaboration between special and regular educators, related services personnel such as speech and language and occupational therapists, and family members is required. In the United States, school districts receiving federal funds are required to develop an individualized education program (IEP) for students receiving special education services. The development of an adequate IEP requires that educators, family members, and the students themselves work together to develop creative solutions to address barriers to learning. As students labeled intellectually disabled move from elementary to the higher grades, they should increasingly participate in the development of their IEPs in order to learn to be self-directing adults. By graduation from high school, students should to the extent possible chair their own meetings and understand their own learning styles and instructional needs. In secondary school, families and students focus on the development of individualized transition plans. These plans identify future aspirations and goals, including postsecondary education, employment, and community living. Students with intellectual disabilities can continue to be active members of their classrooms and school and, like other students, apply their skills in real-world settings. Work-study experiences, internships, and community service projects are opportunities for practice and assuming new roles in the community. Although, in the United States, students with intellectual disabilities remain in high school until they are 21 years old, as required by the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA), some graduate with their peers and attend college or technical college. In the United States and internationally, self-determination is increasingly being promoted for students labeled intellectually disabled. Self-determination means that the student acts as the primary agent in his or her own life and is able to make decisions without undue external influences. Teachers are including skill development related to selfdetermination as part of the elementary and secondary curriculum. Self-determination is also facilitated by educators and service providers who are oriented toward supporting students’ individual autonomy. Throughout their educational careers and in their communities, they are given the opportunity to make choices, problem solve, set their own goals, self-advocate, and participate in youth leadership activities. As they graduate from school, they are attending postsecondary educational institutions, working in typical jobs making fair wages, living in their own homes and apartments in the community, and having meaningful relationships. Students who are educated with a focus on selfdetermination are more likely to be able to make choices as adults and take part in their communities. Jan Nisbet see also: Intellectual Disability; Special Education

in t e l l ige n c e further reading: M. L. Wehmeyer, D. J. Sands, H. E. Knowlton, and E. B. Kozleski, Providing Access to the General Curriculum: Teaching Students with Mental Retardation, 2002. • E. L. Deci, “Promoting Intrinsic Motivation and Self-determination in People with Mental Retardation,” International Review of Research in Mental Retardation 28 (2004), pp. 1–29. • D. Biklen, Autism and the Myth of the Person Alone, 2005. • D. H. Rose, A. Meyer, and C. Hitchcock, The Universally Designed Classroom: Accessible Curriculum and Digital Technologies, 2005. • C. Jorgensen, M. Schuh, and J. Nisbet, The Inclusion Facilitator’s Guide, 2005.

intelligence. What is intelligence, exactly? Going back to early in the 20th century, one finds a diverse set of responses. In a 1921 symposium on the definition of intelligence, two general themes of the respondents were the importance of adaptation to the environment and of the ability to learn. In a similar 1986 symposium, psychologists agreed on the importance of these two attributes and added a third—metacognition—or humans’ understanding and control of their own cognitive processes. All three of these processes develop with age and function across a variety of environmental situations. Intelligence draws upon a number of cognitive processes, such as perception, learning, memory, reasoning, and problem solving. The main trend in defining intelligence, then, is that it is not itself a cognitive or mental process but, rather, a selective combination of these processes purposively directed toward effective adaptation to the environment as well as learning and metacognition. For example, the child needs to learn how to play with other children; playing with others is part of successful adaptation; and, by understanding metacognitively how he or she reacts to others, the child comes to understand how others react to him or her. Intelligence, in sum, has come to be regarded as not a single ability but, rather, as an effective synthesis of many abilities. Th eo r i e s of I n t elligenc e There are different kinds of theories of intelligence, including three primary kinds: psychometric, cognitive, and systems theories. Psychometric Theories. Psychometric theories have generally sought to understand the structure of intelligence: What form does it take, and what are its parts, if any? Such theories have generally been based on and tested by the use of data obtained from paper-and-pencil tests of mental abilities that include analogies (e.g., lawyer : client :: doctor: ?), classifications (e.g., Which word does not belong with the others? robin, sparrow, chicken, blue jay), and series completions (e.g., What number comes next in the following series? 3, 6, 10, 15, 21, ?). In these theories, relatively stable sets of abilities constitute intelligence. Development consists of the expan-

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sion of the ability set and an increase in the efficiency with which the abilities are utilized. The first of the major psychometric theories was that of the British psychologist Charles E. Spearman, who published his first major article on intelligence in 1904. Spearman suggested that just two kinds of factors underlie all individual differences in test scores. The first and more important kind of factor Spearman labeled the “general factor,” or g, which is said to pervade performance on all tasks requiring intelligence. In other words, regardless of the task, if it requires intelligence, it requires g. The second kind of factor is specifically related to each particular test. But what, exactly, is g? Spearman did not know exactly what the general factor might be, but he proposed in 1927 that it might be something he labeled “mental energy.” The American psychologist L. L. Thurstone disagreed not only with Spearman’s theory but also with his isolation of a single factor of general intelligence. Thurstone referred to intelligence as constituting “primary mental abilities.” The seven primary mental abilities identified by Thurstone were verbal comprehension (as involved in the knowledge of vocabulary and in reading), verbal fluency (as involved in writing and in producing words), number (as involved in solving fairly simple numerical computation and arithmetical reasoning problems), spatial visualization (as involved in mentally visualizing and manipulating objects, as is required to fit a set of suitcases into an automobile trunk), inductive reasoning (as involved in completing a number series or in predicting the future based upon past experience), memory (as involved in remembering people’s names or faces), and perceptual speed (as involved in rapidly proofreading to discover typographic errors in a typed text). Other psychologists, such as the Canadian Philip E. Vernon and the Americans Raymond B. Cattell, John L. Horn, and John B. Carroll, have suggested another possibility: that both Spearman and Thurstone were right in some sense. In their view, abilities are hierarchical. At the top of the hierarchy is g, or general ability. But below g in the hierarchy are successive levels of gradually narrowing abilities, ending with Spearman’s specific abilities. Cattell, for example, suggested that general ability can be subdivided into two further kinds of abilities: fluid and crystallized. Fluid abilities are the reasoning and problem-solving abilities measured by tests such as the analogies, classifications, and series completions described previously. Crystallized abilities can be said to derive from fluid abilities and can be viewed as their products, which would include vocabulary, general information, and knowledge about specific fields. Horn suggested that crystallized ability more or less increases over the life span, whereas fluid ability increases in the earlier years and decreases in the later ones. In Carroll’s version, general ability is at the top of a hierarchy of abilities. It is largely the same as Cattell’s fluid intelligence. At the next lower stratum are various broad abilities, including

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learning and memory processes and the effortless production of many ideas. At the bottom of the hierarchy are many narrow, specific abilities such as spelling ability and reasoning speed. Cognitive Theories. A second view of intelligence is cognitive. A more intelligent person, in this view, is assumed to mentally represent information better and, in general, to operate more quickly on these mental representations than does a less intelligent person. Researchers such as Earl Hunt, Robert Sternberg, Marcel Just, and Arthur Jensen in the United States and Ian Deary and Hans Eysenck in the United Kingdom have sought to measure the speed and accuracy of various types of thinking. Usually, they assume that these processes are executed serially—one after another—and, hence, that the processing times are additive. But some investigators, such as Jay McClelland, allow for partially or even completely parallel processing, in which case more than one process is assumed to be executed at the same time. Deary and others have taken a different approach, arguing that a particularly useful way of understanding intelligence is through the study of differences in inspection time, meaning the rate of intake and processing of simple stimulus information. In the inspection-time task, a person looks at two vertical lines of unequal length and simply has to say which line is longer. A review article published in 2000 summarizes the position of a number of investigators that more intelligent individuals can discriminate the lengths of the lines with lesser stimulus duration (inspection times). Just and Patricia Carpenter showed that complicated intelligence-test items, such as figural matrix problems involving reasoning with geometric shapes, could be solved by a sophisticated computer program at a level of accuracy comparable to that of human test takers. Thus, computers can, in some sense, show a kind of intelligence similar to that shown by humans. A difference, however, is that the programmers structure the problems for the computer, feeding the information that enables the computer to solve the problems. Humans, in contrast, encode their own information. They do not have programmers to do it for them. A popular contemporary cognitive view equates intelligence, or at least the fluid aspect of it, to working memory, or the portion of long-term memory that is activated when one works on a problem, such as figuring out which number comes next in a series of numbers or what ingredients one has at home to mix together for dinner. Much of the current understanding of working memory is due to the British psychologist Alan Baddeley. Systems Theories. Systems theories deal with the way that cognitive processes operate in various environmental contexts. They specifically look at how different levels of cognition, such as processes and strategies, interact with differ-

ent levels of context, such as school and work. Two of the major systems theories of the development of intelligence are those of Jean Piaget and L. S. Vygotsky. However, their work is treated elsewhere in this volume in detail, and hence their contributions are not reviewed here. Two of the major theories of this type are those of the American psychologists Howard Gardner and Sternberg (in his later work, which goes beyond the earlier cognitive work). In 1983, Gardner proposed a theory of what he called “multiple intelligences.” Earlier theorists had gone so far as to contend that intelligence comprises multiple abilities. But Gardner went a step further, arguing that there is no single intelligence. In the 1999 version of the theory, the multiple intelligences include, at minimum, linguistic, logical-mathematical, spatial, musical, bodily kinesthetic, naturalist, interpersonal, and intrapersonal intelligences. Gardner has also speculated as to the existence of an existential intelligence. An alternative theory also taking into account both cognition and context is Sternberg’s theory of successful intelligence. Sternberg agrees with Gardner that conventional notions of intelligence are too narrow. But he suggests that intelligence has three aspects: creative intelligence to generate new ideas, analytic intelligence to evaluate whether they are good ideas, and practical intelligence to implement the ideas and to persuade others of their value. Others speak of different kinds of intelligence, such as emotional intelligence. Peter Salovey and John Mayer proposed this construct in 1990, and it then was popularized by Daniel Goleman in a 1995 book. It is the ability to perceive accurately, appraise, and express emotion; the ability to access and/or generate feelings when they facilitate thought; the ability to understand emotion and emotional knowledge; and the ability to regulate emotions to promote emotional and intellectual growth. Several tests are now available to measure emotional intelligence. They generally show modest to moderate correlations with conventional tests of intelligence. These views recognize that, to some extent, intelligence can mean different things in different cultures. The difference between Eastern and Western conceptions of intelligence may persist even in the present day. Shih-ying Yang and Sternberg studied contemporary Taiwanese Chinese conceptions of intelligence and found five factors underlying these conceptions: a general cognitive factor, much like the g factor in conventional Western tests; interpersonal intelligence (i.e., social competence); intrapersonal intelligence; intellectual self-assertion; and intellectual selfeffacement. These factors differ substantially from those identified in U.S. people’s conceptions of intelligence by Sternberg and his colleagues—practical problem solving, verbal ability, and social competence—although in both cases, people’s implicit theories of intelligence seem to go quite far beyond what conventional psychometric intelligence tests measure.

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Studies in Africa in fact provide yet another window on the substantial differences in conceptions of intelligence across cultures. In Africa, conceptions of intelligence revolve largely around skills that help facilitate and maintain harmonious and stable intergroup relations; intragroup relations are probably equally important and at times more important. Chewa adults in Zambia emphasize social responsibilities, cooperativeness, and obedience as important to intelligence; intelligent children are expected to be respectful of adults. Kenyan parents also emphasize responsible participation in family and social life as important aspects of intelligence. In Zimbabwe, one word for intelligence, ngware, actually means to be prudent and cautious, particularly in social relationships. Among the Baoule of Zimbabwe, service to the family and community and politeness toward and respect for elders are seen as key to intelligence. It should be noted that neither African nor Asian notions emphasize exclusively social notions of intelligence. Although these conceptions of intelligence emphasize social skills much more than do conventional U.S. conceptions of intelligence, they also recognize the importance of cognitive aspects of intelligence. A study of Kenyan conceptions of intelligence found that there are four distinct terms constituting conceptions of intelligence among rural Kenyans—rieko (knowledge and skills), luoro (respect), winjo (comprehension of how to handle real-life problems), and paro (initiative)—with only the first directly referring to knowledge-based skills (including but not limited to the academic). Th e H er itabi lit y and M alleabi lit y o f I n t ell igenc e Intelligence has historically been conceptualized as a more or less fixed trait. This view perceives intelligence as something people are born with, and the function of development is to allow this genetic endowment to express itself. A number of investigators have taken the approach that intelligence is highly heritable, transmitted through the genes. Other investigators believe that intelligence is minimally heritable, if at all. Most authorities take an intermediate position. Various methods are used to assess the heritability of intelligence. Notable among these is the study of identical twins reared apart. For a variety of reasons, identical twins are occasionally separated at or near birth. If the twins are raised apart and if it is assumed that when twins are separated they are randomly distributed across environments (often a dubious assumption), then the twins would have in common all of their genes but none of their environment, except for chance environmental overlap. As a result, the correlation between their performances on tests of intelligence can provide an estimate of the proportion of variation in test scores due to heredity. Another method of computing the hereditary effect on intelligence involves

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comparing the relationship between intelligence test scores of identical twins and those of fraternal twins (whose genes are not identical). Considering the large number of studies that have investigated the heritability of intelligence, it is surprising that so much disagreement exists among researchers. It has been estimated that roughly half the variation in intelligence test scores is caused by hereditary influences. However, research has shown that the heritability of intelligence increases with age, suggesting that genetic factors become more important and environmental factors less important to individual differences in intelligence with increasing age. But it is significant that estimates of heritability can differ among ethnic and racial groups as well as across time within a single group. Moreover, the estimates are computed, for the most part, on the basis of intelligence test scores, so that the estimates are only for that part of intelligence measured by the tests. Whatever the heritability factor of IQ, a separate issue is whether intelligence can be increased. In the late 20th century, scores on intelligence tests rose rather steadily throughout the world, suggesting that intelligence is at least somewhat modifiable by environmental circumstances. Although the exact reason for the increase has not been satisfactorily explained, there is little doubt that this is a developing phenomenon requiring careful investigation. It is important to understand that no matter how heritable intelligence is, some aspects of it are still malleable. Heritability of a trait is a separate issue from its malleability. A person’s height, for example, is more than 90% heritable; the best predictor of height is the height of a person’s parents. Yet, because of better nutrition and health care, average heights in the United States climbed during the 20th century. Thus, with intervention, even a highly heritable trait can be modified. There is a growing body of evidence that aspects of intelligence, too, can be modified. Intelligence, in the view of many authorities, is not a fixed trait, with its level a foregone conclusion the day a person is born. To the contrary, a program of training in intellectual skills can increase some aspects of a person’s level of intelligence. No training program—no environmental condition of any sort—can make a genius of a person with low measured intelligence. But some gains are possible, and a number of programs have been developed for increasing intellectual skills. A main trend for psychologists working in the intelligence field has been to combine testing and training functions in order to enable people to optimize their intelligence. Group D i f f er enc e s Gender differences in abilities, according to a review by Diane Halpern, tend to be, on average, with regard to profiles of abilities rather than levels. Males tend to do better in some skills, such as mental rotation, and females in oth-

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ers, such as decoding of social cues. Thus, the males have a somewhat different typical profile than the females. A much-debated question about group differences is whether racial differences in intelligence exist. Although studies tend to find white individuals scoring almost one standard deviation higher in IQ than black individuals, this difference may be the result of environmental rather than genetic factors. One way to study this has been to look at black children adopted by white parents. Of seven published studies, six supported primarily environmental interpretations of group differences, and only one study did not; the results of this one study by Sandra Scarr and Richard Weinberg are equivocal. What the Scarr and Weinberg work study did show is that IQs of adopted children are more similar to those of their biological mothers than to those of their adopted mothers. Less clear are the racial implications of their findings. Moreover, there is much published evidence indicating that heritability estimates vary across populations. For example, estimates of the heritability of IQ in Russian twin studies conducted in the Soviet era tended to be higher than comparable estimates in the United States. This observation made sense: Environmental variation in Russia under the Soviet regime was constrained; consequently, heritability estimates were higher. Most of the IQ heritability studies up to today have been carried out in various countries of the developed world. Relatively little information exists regarding the heritability of IQ in the developing world, although some studies suggest that heritability may be substantial, at least outside the Western countries that most often have been studied. Recent studies have shown that heritability differs radically across socioeconomic groups. Obviously, without even knowing much about estimates of the heritability of IQ in different populations, differences across these populations are not yet known. Despite general increase in scores, average IQs continue to vary both across countries and across different socioeconomic groups. For example, many researchers have found a positive correlation between socioeconomic status and IQ, although they disagree over the reason for the relationship. Most investigators agree that differences in educational opportunities play an important role, and some investigators believe that there is a hereditary basis for the difference as well. But there is simply no broad consensus on the issue of why the differences exist, and, again, it should be noted that the differences are based on IQ, not broadly defined intelligence. Clearly, there is more to intelligence than just IQ! Robert J. Sternberg see also: Binet, Alfred; Cognitive Development; Galton, Francis; Giftedness; Intellectual Disability; Intelligence Testing; Learning; Piaget, Jean; Vygotsky, L(ev) S(emenovich) further reading: J. B. Carroll, Human Cognitive Abilities: A Survey of Factor-Analytic Studies, 1993. • N. Mackintosh, I.Q. and

Human Intelligence, 1998. • R. J. Sternberg, ed., Handbook of Intelligence, 2000. • I. Deary, Intelligence: A Very Short Introduction, 2001. • R. J. Sternberg and E. L. Grigorenko, eds., The General Factor of Intelligence: How General Is It?, 2002.

intelligence testing. Scholars have linked intelligence to a variety of traits and skills, including the ability to think abstractly, to obtain correct answers, to demonstrate cognitive flexibility in problem solving, and to engage in critical thinking. While there are characteristics of intelligence that are mutually agreed upon, there is no single agreed-upon definition of the term. In the absence of such a definition, some scholars have fallen back on the circular idea that intelligence may simply be defined by the tests designed to assess it. And since each intelligence test is composed of different sets of items, each taps a different range of underlying skills. Therefore, it is important to note that all intelligence tests are culturally loaded. That is, the content of the tests reflects the values and beliefs of the culture in which the test was developed. Intelligence tests measure to a large extent what a person has been exposed to culturally. Since scores obtained on intelligence and other aptitude measures have been used to determine school placement and educational opportunities, controversies have arisen based on charges of test bias (i.e., use of measures that systematically overestimate or underestimate the true scores of a particular group) with regard to students from racial and ethnic minority groups. H i s to r y o f I n tel l igenc e Te s ts In order to understand intelligence testing as it is currently practiced, it is necessary to consider the historical perspectives surrounding the development of intelligence measures. The emergence of the intelligence testing movement occurred in Europe in the late 19th century. Sir Francis Galton (a half cousin of Charles Darwin), an English biologist, is considered to be the founder of the psychological testing movement. In his book Hereditary Genius: An Inquiry into Its Laws and Consequences (1870), Galton put forward his theory of hereditarianism: the theory that genetics can explain individual and group differences in intelligence. Galton’s early work on psychological testing influenced American attitudes toward intelligence testing. Unfortunately, Galton mistakenly believed that racial characteristics were tied to the inheritance of intelligence. This, along with a failure to appreciate the culturally biased nature of testing, led him to rank racial groups according to intelligence, with white Europeans at the top and black Africans at the bottom. This perspective eventually impacted the manner in which American psychologists approached the testing of minority children on intelligence tests and explanations of racial group differences in their test performance. French psychologists Alfred Binet and Théodore Simon are also well-recognized figures in the testing movement.

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Binet and Simon developed a cognitively based intelligence measure in 1905 titled the Binet-Simon intelligence scales. These tests were later revised in 1908 and 1911. Henry H. Goddard then translated the Binet-Simon scale to English, and Lewis Terman’s work on the Binet-Simon scales led to its popularity in the United States. Terman nearly doubled the number of test items and extended the range of difficulty to assess adults who fell within the superior range of intelligence. Terman also adopted the use of the IQ, or intelligence quotient. IQ is calculated by first determining a “mental age” based on the number and kind of items passed on the intelligence test. The mental age is then divided by the chronological age and multiplied by 100 to eliminate decimal places. Terman scaled the test so that an average IQ score (within the samples of children he used) was 100, with a 15- to 16-point standard deviation at each age level and with scores distributed to approximate a bell-shape curve. This revised version was named the Stanford-Binet. The landscape of intelligence testing has expanded exponentially since the publication of the Stanford-Binet. The Mental Measurements Yearbook (online) currently registers 25 measures with the term intelligence in the title and 188 related general aptitude tests. One of the most popular series of intelligence tests has been the Wechsler Scales, developed originally by David Wechsler in the United States. The most recent editions of these scales include the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale, third edition (WISC-III); Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children, fourth edition (WISC-IV); and the Wechsler Preschool and Primary Scale of Intelligence, third edition (WPPSI-III). The WISC-IV is the most frequently used individually administered intelligence measure with school-age populations. The earlier edition, the WISC-III, has been translated and renormed in a number of countries, including France, Germany, South Korea, Taiwan, Greece, the United Kingdom, Canada, the Netherlands, Austria, Switzerland, Sweden, Lithuania, Slovenia, and Japan. Traditionally, intelligence tests yield a Full Scale IQ (FSIQ) mean of 100 and standard deviation of 15. The breakdown in terms of ability are often cited as follows: less than 69, intellectually deficient; 70 to 79, borderline; 80 to 89, low average; 90 to 109, average; 110 to 119, high average; 120 to 129, superior; and 130 and higher, very superior. The Wechsler then provides separate IQ indexes in terms of verbal reasoning abilities (Verbal IQ, or VIQ) and nonverbal reasoning abilities (Performance IQ, or PIQ). The description of ranges for the VIQ and PIQ are similar to those presented for the FSIQ. Children may obtain scores that are significantly discrepant in terms of the VIQ and PIQ; therefore, taking the FSIQ, which is basically the average of the two, may be misleading in these cases. For example, a child may obtain a VIQ in the low average range, a PIQ in the superior range, and a FSIQ in the average range. Some clinicians recommend that in these cases, the PIQ

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may be a more accurate indicator of the child’s potential. The test also yields information on four factors, including Verbal Comprehension, Perceptual Organization, Working Memory, and Processing Speed. Because the Wechsler Scales provide a richer range of measures than a simple IQ score, they are more sensitive to individual differences and, therefore, are of potentially greater value in determining children’s relative strengths and weaknesses. Although intelligence test scores have long been used to diagnose intellectual disability (formerly known as mental retardation) and overall fitness for schools (a goal of the original Binet scales), the more in-depth scores like those obtained on the Wechsler Scales are now used to identify children with a variety of learning needs, including those considered learning disabled. Discrepancies between intellectual potential, as measured by IQ, and actual achievement, as measured by achievement tests, provide a basis for identifying children with normal intelligence or higher intelligence who are underperforming in school. Patterns of performance on subtests such as those found in the WISC contribute to differential diagnosis of specific learning problems. Intelligence tests have been criticized for providing only limited information that can be used to recommend specific academic interventions. Critics have focused on the decontextualized nature of intelligence test items. B i as i n I n tel l igenc e Te s ti ng Concerns about cultural bias in intelligence testing are as old as the field itself, beginning with Galton’s proposed racial hierarchy of intelligence based on presumed genetic differences among races. Contemporary geneticists agree that intelligence is not linked genetically to race. However, it is important to distinguish between intelligence, per se, and the instruments used to measure intelligence, especially IQ tests, which may be imperfect indicators of underlying capacities. There are undeniable group differences in IQ scores. For instance, researchers have noted the existence of a racial and ethnic hierarchy of average IQ scores attained. This hierarchy noted on samples in the United States places East Asian and Jewish group members at the top, with scores ranging from a few to 10 points greater than Caucasians. African Americans obtain scores approximately one standard deviation or (15 points) below Caucasians, and Hispanics score somewhere between African Americans and Caucasians. These discrepancies in intelligence test scores have been found consistently across numerous IQ measures. Critics of IQ testing have long argued that such group differences are due to two main factors. First, any IQ test consists of specific questions or tasks that are drawn from some specific culture or environment. The linguistic conventions and cognitive assumptions about the meaning and purpose of such questions and tasks will not be equally familiar to children growing up with different backgrounds

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and conventions. Second, IQ tests are normed—that is, the “normal” score is determined—by trying the test out on some specific sample of children. These children will typically come from the mainstream culture. Children from other backgrounds that are significantly different would not be expected to perform equally well. Indeed, during the development of the Stanford-Binet intelligence test, critics noted that the standardization sample of the 1937 and 1960 versions were white, middle-class children. Minority children were not included in the standardization sample until the 1972 revision. Thus, for more than 50 years, racial and ethnic minority children were administered a test in which they were not represented in the norm groups. Currently, most state-of-the-art measures are based upon samples reflecting characteristics of the national census (e.g., race and ethnicity, gender, socioeconomic status). Other factors believed to affect IQ test performance include socioeconomic status, health, quality of education, residential and regional issues, language, and degree of acculturation on the part of immigrants. For example, studies indicate that higher socioeconomic status is related to higher IQ scores. Other research has indicated that particular racial and ethnic groups are at greater risk for sensory loss and other health impairments that may lower performance on intelligence tests (e.g., lead poisoning, ear infections). In addition, knowledge of English impacts verbal test scores, while one’s familiarity with the dominant culture upon which most test items are based impacts performance. In addition, varying cultural perspectives on what intelligence is may play a role in understanding the discrepancies found between various racial and ethnic groups. Cultures reinforce particular forms of ability as they determine what constitutes intelligent behavior. For example, studies have indicated that Asian cultures may place greater value on nonverbal abilities, social competence, and originality. The Ugandan culture appears to associate intelligence with gradualness and taking one’s time, in contrast to Western ideas of quick performance and speed. The fact that the largest discrepancies between racial and ethnic groups are found on verbal subtests (i.e., vocabulary, general fund of information, social reasoning) has led to the use of nonverbal measures of intelligence with children from racial and ethnic minorities. Nonverbal measures are considered to be less culturally loaded (but not culture free). Research indicates that discrepancies between different racial and ethnic groups are smaller on nonverbal tests but still present. Some researchers recommend that, on tests like the WISC, consideration of the factor scores from individual subtests be considered rather than just the VIQ and PIQ. Because these scores reveal specific patterns of strength and weakness, they can be helpful in evaluating intellectual capacity of children from groups in which this discrepancy is more commonplace (e.g., Asian, Hispanic, and Native American).

Another area of controversy in the use of these measures relates to sex differences in intelligence test scores. Concerns regarding a comparison between males and females are based upon fears of misogyny, prejudice, discrimination, and stereotyping of one sex being inferior to another. In general, females score higher on long-term memory tasks, comprehension, fine motor skills, and perceptual speed. Males tend to do better on tasks requiring transformation of material in visual-spatial working memory, motor skills, and abstract mathematical and scientific areas. Also, since preadolescent males and females are not very different with regard to intellectual ability, sex differences themselves appear to be partly a function of age. Thus, sex differences in IQ are dependent upon the type of task, age, educational level, and range of ability of the examinee in addition to other contextual variables. A biopsychosocial explanation integrating biological bases of intelligence and environmental context may be used to explain this phenomenon. Evidence suggests that there are anatomical and neuropsychological differences in male and female brains that may account for the ways in which abilities are expressed. Exposure to various learning environments and cultural contexts will increase or decrease these differences. To address cultural, socioeconomic, and gender bias in intelligence testing, current test development practices include use of review panels of experts to examine the content of test items to identify potential sources of bias, inclusion of proportional (with respect a given country’s census) numbers of racial and ethnic minority students in norming samples, oversampling of racial and ethnic minority groups to provide additional norms for comparison, and inclusion of statistical techniques to correct for specific responding patterns of various groups. Lisa A. Suzuki and Lorelei A. Prevost see also: Binet, Alfred; Davis, (William) Allison; Galton, Francis; Intelligence; Testing and Evaluation, Educational further reading: Diane F. Halpern, “Sex Differences in Intelligence: Implications for Education,” American Psychologist 52, no. 10 (October 1997), pp. 1091–102. • Richard R. Valencia and Lisa A. Suzuki, Intelligence Testing and Minority Students: Foundations, Performance Factors, and Assessment Issues, 2001. • Robert Sternberg, “Culture and Intelligence,” American Psychologist 59, no. 5 (July/August 2004), pp. 325–38.

international baccalaureate program. The International Baccalaureate Organization (IBO) has grown in size and influence since its origins in the 1960s. Growing numbers of international schools at that time, catering to the needs of children of globally mobile professional families, were looking for a curriculum that would be relevant to all their oldest students, regardless of national origin, and accepted by universities worldwide. At the same time, a postwar ideological impetus for promoting international understanding led some schools to argue for the develop-

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ment of a curriculum that would not only be internationally acceptable but also would encourage students to become more internationally minded. In 1970, the first International Baccalaureate (IB) Diploma was awarded to 18-yearolds who had successfully completed two years of study. The IB Middle Years Programme (MYP, for 11- to 16year-olds) was added to the Diploma in 1994, followed in 1997 by the Primary Years Programme (PYP) for ages 3 to 12. It is thus now possible for a student to follow IB curricula throughout the entire school age range. The IBO’s headquarters in Geneva, Switzerland, links with a network of offices, including the main Curriculum and Assessment Centre in Cardiff, Wales, as well as regional offices worldwide, including IB North America (IBNA) in New York. Offices such as IBNA authorize schools to offer the program, provide training and ongoing professional development for teachers, and promote IB programs to universities and governments within their regions. Initially promoted by international schools, the three IB programs are now also increasingly offered within national systems. The Diploma Programme is rigorous, requiring successful completion through external examination—by examiners based worldwide—of six subjects chosen from groups, including two languages (usually first language plus a foreign language), a social science, experimental science, mathematics, and a sixth subject, which may be chosen either from the arts or as a second subject from one of the first five groups. Students must also produce a 4,000-word extended essay, complete a course in the theory of knowledge, and complete a program of creativity, action, service (CAS) activities. The best universities worldwide offer places to Diploma holders and in many cases will also accept those who have been awarded certificates for successful completion of individual Diploma components. Many American universities also offer credit to students whose IB achievement is deemed to merit it. The challenging nature of the program is one reason for the IB Diploma’s appeal. Indeed, many American high schools have introduced the Diploma as a means of raising academic standards and/or of providing for the needs of gifted and talented students. Other attractive dimensions of the Diploma are the imposed breadth of study and its international focus, requiring students to be more than monolingual, offering a choice of working language (English, French, or Spanish, with further working languages under consideration), and encouraging open-mindedness, tolerance, and respect for others: all attributes of increasing importance within national as well as international school systems worldwide. In terms of growth, recognition, and results, the IB is undoubtedly successful and influential worldwide. As of August 2008, the IB Diploma was accepted for university entrance in more than 100 countries worldwide and is offered in more than 1,770 schools in 128 countries, in a mixture

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of international schools (usually English medium and catering to expatriates) and private or state-funded national schools, including substantial numbers studying through the medium of Spanish. Clearly, there are challenges to be faced. The costs of running the program can be prohibitive for some public schools, for instance, and striking an appropriate balance between the academic and ideological aspects of the program can also be challenging in the context of the pressing demands of university entrance. Ongoing topics of debate include what exactly it is that makes a curriculum international and whether the current model is too Eurocentric or North American. There are also interesting ongoing debates as to which additional working languages should be added to the three currently in place: Chinese, for instance, or Arabic? Undoubtedly, the IB is satisfying a need in many schools worldwide. How it responds to the rapidly changing international context of the 21st century will be interesting to observe. Mary C. Hayden see also: Advanced Placement Program; Curriculum further reading: B. Spahn, America and the International Baccalaureate. Implementing the International Baccalaureate in the United States: A Study of Three Schools, 2001. • G. R. Walker, International Education and the International Baccalaureate, 2004.

international rights of the child. The concept of international legal rights for children is a relatively recent phenomenon. For many centuries, children’s legal status was not much better than that of chattel owned by parents or other legal guardians who had almost unfettered authority over children in their custody. The early 20th century witnessed the emergence of the ideas typified by the 1924 League of Nations Declaration of the Rights of the Child (Declaration) that children need protection from unrestrained adult power and have the right to be free from abuse and exploitation. The rights set forth in the 1924 Declaration are small in number and vague in content, but in retrospect the document was the beginning of what swelled to be a vast movement in support of children’s rights in international law. In the aftermath of World War II, an unprecedented proliferation of treaties and international declarations were created establishing a wide array of universal human rights. Many human rights treaties, such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, cover all persons, including children, residing within the state parties, but only in relation to limited categories of rights. Some treaties focus only on the rights of selected vulnerable groups that have children in their midst, such as the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees. Other human rights treaties apply to populations, adults and children alike, in circumscribed geographical regions, such as the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms.

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With the adoption by the United Nations in 1989 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (Children’s Convention), the child was for the first time made the exclusive subject of an international human rights treaty. The Children’s Convention goes far beyond the rudimentary rights set out in the 1924 Declaration, by providing children with a comprehensive and detailed range of entitlements. The Convention is the most widely and rapidly ratified human rights treaty in history. One hundred ninety-two countries are states parties to the Convention, with only the United States and Somalia refusing to be bound. The Children’s Convention is meant to be read as a whole, and its various provisions should be read in interrelationship with one another. The Convention is also pervaded with several fundamental thematic principles that are intended to inform its interpretation. These include the principle against invidious discrimination based on race, color, sex, religion, national origin, and other status; the principle that the best interests of the child must be a primary consideration in all actions concerning him or her; and the principle ensuring, to the maximum extent possible, the survival and development of the child. Among the many specific substantive rights with which the Children’s Convention invests minors are the right to free expression to impart and receive appropriate information; the right to be spared all forms of physical or mental violence, injury, abuse, neglect, and sexual exploitation; the right to enjoy the highest attainable standard of health; the right to partake of a standard of living sufficient for the child’s well-rounded growth; and the right to be provided with an education directed toward developing the child’s personality and abilities to their fullest potential. While the Children’s Convention is addressed to humanizing the experience of childhood itself, many of the Convention’s guarantees also prescribe conditions conducive to enabling children’s ultimate maturation into fulfilled, civilized, and accomplished adults. It is characteristic of this Convention’s rights that they are crafted to embrace the complex contingencies and conditions inherent in children’s lives. Some rights, like that of expression, are qualified by the caveat that they may be restricted, where necessary, in order to promote public order, health, morals, or other paramount objectives identified by the Convention. Some rights, represented by those touching upon health and standard of living, require states parties to assist parents with implementation. Still other rights in the Children’s Convention are broadly phrased so that their ordinary meanings may reasonably be understood to subsume certain implied rights. An illustration is that the child’s right to be shielded from every type of violence has been authoritatively construed to encompass his or her implied right to be protected against all corporal punishment. In addition, the Children’s Convention has come to be supplemented by two optional protocols, one to strengthen the

Convention’s prohibition against use of child soldiers and the other to augment the Convention’s prohibition on child prostitution, child pornography, and the sale of children. Enforcement of the rights enunciated in the Children’s Convention and its protocols is primarily through states parties’ obligatory and formalized periodic dialogues with the Committee on the Rights of the Child, a body established pursuant to the Convention to interpret and monitor compliance with its terms. States parties additionally bear the duty, in connection with designated Convention rights, to cooperate on an international level or to enter into separate agreements in order to seek transformation of those rights into meaningful reality. Finally, enforcement may be sought in the domestic courts of those states parties with judicial systems so permitting. However, aside from states where the courts can be used in this fashion, enforcement under the Convention and many other human rights treaties is often problematic because the dialogue process is not capable of forcing an offending state party into immediate compliance. The Children’s Convention is the centerpiece of an intricate meshwork of international laws protecting the child, including a series of Hague Conventions mainly dealing with children caught in private custody disputes across national borders. The Hague Conventions put in place systems of practical international cooperation to remediate and thus deter illegitimate intercountry abductions and to facilitate appropriate intercountry adoptions. These Conventions provide that any child who is wrongfully removed to or retained in a state party other than his or her state party of habitual residence must promptly and automatically (unless limited exceptions are triggered) be returned to the latter upon timely application, and the Conventions establish a host of safeguards for effectuating intercountry adoptions that are in the best interests of the children involved. A salient feature of the Children’s and Hague Conventions is the opportunity they afford for the child’s voice to be heard and heeded if the child is capable of forming his or her own views. For example, under the Children’s Convention, a juvenile’s preferences in all matters affecting him or her must be given due weight in accordance with the child’s age and maturity. Although these treaties are designed to give the able child a say, this by no means signifies that they presume or encourage an adversarial relationship between children and parents. To the contrary, the Children’s Convention repeatedly admonishes states parties to respect and provide help to parents or other legal custodians in rearing children and, further, to preserve the integrity of the family unit unless competent authorities decide that a child’s best interests necessitate removal. This regard for the role of traditional actors and structures in child rearing is, in large degree, a manifestation of international human rights law’s origins: a broad spectrum

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of religions, cultures, legal systems, and ethical principles (including natural law). Nevertheless, despite these moral and religious beginnings, human rights are legal rights and are required to be taken quite as seriously as national or local law. The Children’s Convention is no exception. While some people are troubled that international human rights do not always accommodate particular cultural traditions (e.g., female genital circumcision in a number of African nations), these rights are nonnegotiable as a legal matter and therefore should govern in all nations that have chosen to subscribe to them by treaty ratification or other operation of law. It should not be overlooked, however, that at least on certain subjects the Children’s Convention attempts to express sensitivity to the diverse socioeconomic and cultural milieus in which children exist. For example, the Convention provides that, in connection with economic, social, and cultural rights, states parties are expected to undertake measures only to the maximum degree that their available resources allow. When alternative care must be located for a child taken from his or her family environment, states parties must take into account the child’s ethnic, religious, cultural, and linguistic background. The Convention likewise requires that education be geared to engendering, among other things, appreciation of a child’s own culture, language, and values. In striving to strike a balance between universal norms of children’s well-being and particular cultural practices, the Children’s Convention is emblematic of international law’s commitment to objectively protecting children while maintaining respect for their cultural heritages. Susan H. Bitensky see also: Refugee Children; Rights, Children’s; War, Children and further reading: Geraldine Van Bueren, The International Law on the Rights of the Child, 1995. • A. Glen Mower, The Convention on the Rights of the Child: International Law Support for Children, 1997. • Sharon Detrick, A Commentary on the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, 1999. • Sharon Detrick and Paul Vlaardingerbroek, eds., Globalization of Child Law: The Role of the Hague Conventions, 1999.

internet. see Computers: The Internet islam. Muslims consider children to be gifts from God and greatly value them. Children are important not only for economic reasons but for social and cosmological reasons as well. Men and women in Muslim societies are often not considered full social adults until they have had children. Children are thought to link the past to the present, fulfill one’s life purpose, and ensure the future of Islam. As Muslims infuse many mundane acts with religious significance, they invoke the name of God before intercourse to ward off Satan and to ensure healthy, godlike children. A child’s spiritual life and Muslim identity, therefore, can be said to begin even before birth. Although all Muslims

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believe that intercourse is necessary for conception, they do not consider it the sole determining factor, since ultimately it is God who creates a child. Muslims in West Africa and rural Palestine believe that the angels, God’s messengers, assist in conception by placing in the womb dust from the place where the child was conceived, the child’s birthplace, and the place where he or she will eventually die. Hadith, texts documenting the life and sayings of the Prophet Muhammad, state that God completes a pregnancy by breathing life into the fetus 120 days after conception. Although some Muslim scholars allow abortion before this time, it is generally discouraged out of respect for the life (both actual and potential) of the fetus. Muslims prohibit abortion after 120 days, though exceptions may be made when the mother’s life is threatened. In urban contexts in some parts of the Muslim world, family planning has become common, though it is still discouraged in rural areas as contradictory to God’s divine plan. Although Muslims deem children of both sexes equal in God’s eyes, Islamic texts present contradictory views. While the Qur’an explicitly condemns female infanticide and reprimands parents who prefer sons to daughters, it also states that a man inherits twice as much as a woman and that a man’s testimony is equal to that of two women. Hadith promise special spiritual rewards to parents for raising daughters, which underscores the inherent value of sons. The roots of gender inequality lie, however, less in Islamic theology than in local and historical kinship traditions that state that only sons can ensure the continuity of the lineage. Many Muslims consider girls to be “guests,” since they eventually leave their father’s household and produce children for their husband’s lineage. Considering this, in practice the birth of a boy may be celebrated more enthusiastically than the birth of a girl. Childbirth in Muslim societies is ideally managed and attended by women. Whereas children officially belong to their fathers, the daily care and moral education of infants and children are largely entrusted to women, specifically to the mother and her close female relatives or cowives. Although both the Qur’an and Hadith state that an infant should be breastfed for two years, this is not always followed in practice, and boys are often breastfed longer than girls. Many Muslims believe that, far from being simply a source of nourishment, breast milk transmits personality qualities and establishes long-lasting bonds. Children who nurse from the same breast are thought to become “milk kin” and are forbidden from marrying each other. While Muslim parents are particularly indulgent with young children, they believe that older children should be treated more firmly. Boys and girls mix and play freely until puberty, though boys generally enjoy more freedom than do girls, who are expected at an earlier age to act responsibly and to assist their mothers in daily work routines. Since parents expect more socially responsible behavior from

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their female children, girls are also disciplined more firmly than boys. Unlike Christians who uphold the belief in original sin, Muslims believe that children are born pure and free from sin. Some Muslims begin to hold children accountable for their sins when they reach the age of reason (around age 7), at which point they can distinguish between right and wrong. Others believe that sin begins to accumulate at puberty, which underscores the link in Islam between social responsibility and sexuality. Infants and children who die before the accumulation of sin are thought to go straight to paradise and can even intercede before God for their parents. After birth, Muslim babies are washed and swaddled, and a holy man pronounces the call to prayer in the baby’s right ear and the call to perform prayer in the left ear. He may then place a bit of chewed date in the baby’s mouth and recite Qur’anic verses for health and protection. On this occasion, people gather to greet the infant and bring gifts. Seven days after birth, the baby’s head is shaved, a sheep or goat is sacrificed, and alms are given. In West Africa, these two ritual milestones are collapsed into one formal naming ceremony. An imam or holy man pronounces the baby’s name aloud and whispers the call to prayer in the baby’s right ear. A goat or sheep is sacrificed, and kola nuts and meat are distributed to relatives and guests, often in prescriptive ways according to the degree of relation to the infant. Drumming and dancing may accompany the naming ceremony, though some African Muslims discourage these elements, deeming them contrary to Islam. Before the naming ceremony, people address an infant as “stranger” or “little one,” and the baby is thought to be in a particularly vulnerable state, both physically and cosmologically, realms that are intertwined in the Muslim world. Circumcision is the next ritual milestone for Muslim children. Although the Hausa of Nigeria traditionally circumcise male infants at birth, most Muslims believe that boys should consciously experience this event. Boys are thus more commonly circumcised between the ages of 7 and 13. Although the Qur’an itself does not officially mandate circumcision, the practice is mentioned in Hadith, and Muslims everywhere consider it necessary for establishing Muslim identity and for entering paradise. Turkish Muslims link a boy’s submission to the cutting of his foreskin to his submission to God. Most Muslims understand circumcision to be a rite of purification that enables boys to pray in the proper fashion, slaughter animals, and keep the Ramadan fast. As this important ritual often coincides with puberty, it may also be linked to the construction of gender identity, establishing boys as fully male. Throughout the Muslim world, especially in rural areas, circumcision is marked by an elaborate ceremony. The boys may be dressed in special clothing, and relatives and guests come together to socialize, feast, and dance. Although barbers or ritual

experts traditionally perform circumcisions, today Muslim boys in urban areas may be circumcised in hospitals or clinics. Even when the actual cutting takes place in the hospital, however, the ritual elements may be carried out in the traditional manner once the boy leaves. Although female circumcision is not a Muslim practice and the Qur’an makes no mention of it, many African Muslims practice it. The term female circumcision comprises a variety of types of genital cutting, ranging from making a small cut in the clitoral prepuce to full removal of the clitoris and labia minora and the sewing together of the two sides of the vulva. Female circumcision may be linked to the construction of gender identity and to the maintenance of socially appropriate sexuality (i.e., sex within marriage for the purpose of procreation). Some Muslims in Africa, however, explicitly link female circumcision to Islam and view it in much the same way as they do male circumcision; it purifies women and allows them to pray in the proper Muslim fashion. Female circumcision is a topic of considerable debate among Muslims today. Muslim men in Africa who have traveled to the Middle East for study or pilgrimage argue that the practice is an African, not a Muslim, one, and they refuse to have their daughters circumcised. Others, however, refuse to marry uncircumcised women. Women’s views are equally as divided; some have stopped the practice altogether, while others remain loyal to the tradition of their mothers and grandmothers. Since female circumcision is not practiced in most of the Muslim world, veiling or covering serves as a more common coming-of-age rite for Muslim girls. In rural Turkey, for example, girls begin to tie back and cover their hair around age 12. Like circumcision for boys, the practice of covering, when practiced, marks the onset of adulthood and signifies a girl’s entry into a gendered world. In Africa, girls may cover their heads when they pray or study the Qur’an, but they only begin to cover their heads routinely when they marry, signifying their status as sexually active women. In parts of the Middle East and in some parts of Africa, women cover themselves more extensively, wearing a veil that conceals their entire body except for their eyes and hands. Veiling is not exclusively a female practice, however, as Tuareg men in West Africa wear a face veil at various points of the life course (i.e., before marriage and to mark their status as elders). The most sacred text of Islam is the Qur’an, which means “recitation” or “the book” in Arabic. Muslims believe that the Qur’an was revealed to the Prophet Muhammad by the angel Gabriel. Muslim children begin studying the Qur’an at an early age, usually around the age of 7, known as the “age of reason.” Qur’anic study emphasizes memorization and recitation of Qur’anic verses, and when Muslims recite the Qur’an they believe that they are participating in God’s speech. Children are also taught in Qur’anic school the fundamentals of prayer and the five pillars of Islam.

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Some West African Muslims mark a child’s initiation into Qur’anic study with an elaborate “writing-of-the-hand” ritual. A holy man dips a fountain pen in ink and writes passages from the Qur’an on a child’s right palm. He then puts a pinch of salt on the child’s palm and instructs the child to lick his or her hand with three strokes of the tongue. The child then recites the letters of the Arabic alphabet with the aid of relatives and guests who have gathered for the event. Relatives and guests give the child offerings of money and kola nuts, receive their allotted shares of pounded, sweetened rice flour, and partake in a communal feast. The ritual is said to “open” a child’s head so that he or she may learn the Qur’an. Although in the Muslim world both boys and girls can study the Qur’an, boys usually study longer and more rigorously than girls, which has implications for the construction of religious identity. Muslim men often feel more confident in their knowledge of Islam and the Qur’an than their female counterparts, who may emphasize their participation in local cultural traditions—for example, spirit possession—over Islamic ones. The importance and power of the Qur’an extends well beyond the text itself. African Muslims commonly sew verses from the Qur’an into leather amulets that are worn around the neck. These are thought to protect people from sickness and danger and are commonly worn by infants and youth. Children are thought to be desirable and vulnerable creatures, who are particularly susceptible to attacks from malevolent mystical agents, such as spirits or witches. African Muslims commonly drink water into which Qur’anic verses have been dissolved to promote safety and health and to aid with memory or study. Ritual recitation of the Qur’an from start to finish is also a common practice at life course events (e.g., funerals) and at Islamic festivals throughout the Muslim world, and this practice is believed to bring blessings to all present. Hadith are other important textual sources for parenting and for teaching children how to live one’s life as a proper Muslim. Perhaps the most important institution for the education of Muslim children is the family. Parents and relatives are responsible for teaching children the basics of the faith and for setting an example by modeling those basics in everyday life. Muslim children traditionally received more formal religious education in Qur’anic schools, and today many countries have compulsory public education, which may or may not include religious education. The clash between secular and religious educational systems and values has been common throughout history and is still common today. As a result of Kemal Atatürk’s Westernization policies in Turkey, the head scarf was banned in Turkish schools in 1923. Since an “uncovered” girl assaults rural Turkish notions of proper female behavior, this law discouraged many Turkish villagers from enrolling their daughters in school. Many African Muslims today still exclusively attend Qur’anic

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school, as do children of strict Muslims in other parts of the world who uphold the segregation of sexes. Since the 1970s, however, the gap between boys and girls in education— both secular and religious—has closed dramatically. Michelle C. Johnson see also: Child: Religious and Philosophical Perspectives; Islamic Societies and Cultures, Childhood and Adolescence in; Religious Instruction further reading: Hilma Granqvist, Birth and Childhood among the Arabs, 1947. • Carol Delaney, The Seed and the Soil: Gender and Cosmology in Turkish Village Society, 1991. • Frederick Mathewson Denny, An Introduction to Islam, 1994. • Erika Friedl, Children of Deh Koh: Young Life in an Iranian Village, 1997.

islamic societies and cultures, childhood and adolescence in. Across the Muslim world, the teachings of Islam offer a common framework and vocabulary for understanding the nature of the child and the process of maturation. In Islam, spiritual purity and closeness to God cannot be separated from the intimate details of bodily practice, most visibly manifest in the mandatory performance of ablution and prayer five times daily and in the precise specification of proper bodily hygiene and comportment. The socialization of the child as a Muslim also involves the inculcation of proper bodily habits, with the understanding that these habits, in turn, enable the cultivation of reason (Arabic: ‘aql) and a pure heart, which are the marks of maturity. The practices and habits of the Prophet Muhammad (Sunna) are the model for this bodily discipline and for the proper arrangement of family life and social order. Though many of the details of proper comportment, such as techniques of bodily cleanliness and etiquette, are specified within the Islamic traditions (Hadith), there are divergent schools of interpretation within Islam. Furthermore, these concepts articulate with cultural practices and local understandings that vary considerably among Muslim societies and even within communities. For example, the traditions do not detail specific techniques for punishing children, nor do they prohibit physical punishment. According to one Hadith, the Prophet never struck anyone with his hand, while another indicates that by the age of 10, children should be spanked if they refuse to pray. Educated Muslim parents today may turn to Muslim childrearing handbooks that range from those influenced by child development experts such as Dr. Spock to others that resemble collections of Hadith. Following the example of the Prophet, there are several recommended practices associated with a child’s birth. Immediately after birth, the father or grandfather may whisper the call to prayer in the baby’s ear and bestow a name. A bit of prechewed date is placed in the child’s mouth, a sheep is sacrificed, and the child’s head is shaved. In many Muslim communities, the 40 days following the birth are a time of vulnerability for both mother and child, who are

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customarily secluded, when feasible, in order to protect them from harmful influences such as the evil eye of envious neighbors. Because of the fear of the evil eye, mothers in areas with high infant mortality often refuse to praise a child or to acknowledge the admiration of others. Because boys are so highly valued, a young boy may even be dressed as a girl in order to protect him, especially if a mother has lost other sons in childhood. Both girls and boys receive instruction in Islam. Their parents generally teach them how to perform required prayers through a gradual process of imitation. When children reach the age of 6, they are sent to a local Islamic teacher to learn to recite the Qur’an in Arabic. Two features of Muslim family organization that profoundly shape the child’s environment and development are hierarchy and gender segregation. Many Muslims continue to live in extended families, though urbanization and migration have led to a rising incidence of nuclear family residence. Within the extended family, elders have authority over juniors and men have authority over women. Even among same-sex siblings, the elder have status and authority over those who are younger. As boys mature, they gain authority over even their elder sisters. However, in most groups, the ideal is not domination and subordination but, rather, responsibility, protection, and care on the part of more powerful family members and dependency, respect, and love on the part of those younger and weaker. An adolescent son, for example, will show his father respect by never smoking in his presence. Within this explicit framework, smoothly functioning families are usually marked by a fluidity in which such clearly marked status differences and hierarchical patterns of decision making and power relations are balanced by behind-the-scenes negotiations in which the father as head of the household attends to the opinions and wishes of less powerful members of the family, including children. The organization of gender within Muslim societies involves a clear differentiation of the roles of men and women and, in many Muslim communities, strict gender segregation. Across North Africa, the Middle East, and South Asia, there is a strong articulated preference for boys, to the extent that a mother giving birth to her first child may wail in dismay when she learns that it is a girl, because her status as a mother is heavily dependent on her bearing a son. Sons ensure the continuity of the family, whereas daughters are eventually given away in marriage (often to a close relative). Nevertheless, mothers may express in private their closeness to and even preference for their daughters. Young children of both sexes live in a women’s world and may wander freely through their neighborhood close to home, but girls are increasingly restricted as they move into middle childhood and play a growing role in helping with domestic chores. Though a very young boy is generally subject to the discipline of his female caretakers, including

elder sisters, boys may be allowed to hit their sisters with impunity, a privilege not allowed girls, who are expected to behave with more restraint. According to Lila Abu-Lughod in Veiled Sentiments: Honor and Poetry in a Bedouin Society (1986), among the Bedouin of Egypt, while it is important for both boys and girls to be strictly disciplined and to learn shame (embarrassment before their elders), girls should be indulged less than boys so that girls will not become willful and boys will not grow up to be fearful. This difference reflects their place in the adult social hierarchy, where males must be assertive. “Reason” is thought to develop considerably earlier in girls than in boys. Some villagers feel that men usually do not develop reason until their 20s and thus should not be married until then, whereas girls more typically become responsible in early adolescence and have traditionally been married at a younger age. Ethnographers in other areas report, in contrast, that young girls are more spoiled than boys as a way of compensating them for their lower, temporary status in their natal home. In such situations, girls who are indulged are believed to display less self-restraint, reason, and deference to elders than do the more strictly disciplined boys, thereby confirming the idea that women are inferior to men because they possess less reason. Male circumcision is regarded by Muslims as an important ritual, which, though not absolutely mandatory, is accepted by all of the major legal traditions as an aspect of Sunna. Boys are generally circumcised in middle childhood, old enough that they will remember the ritual as adults. As traditionally practiced, it marks one step of their passage from the interior world of women into the broader, male social world, through a ritual in which they are simultaneously showered with attention and gifts and frightened by the pain and threat of a procedure often carried out without anesthetic that functions as a first test of their manliness. Female genital cutting, in contrast, is practiced only by Muslims in certain parts of the world. It has traditionally been practiced in certain parts of Africa, particularly in Egypt and East and West Africa, among both Muslims and non-Muslims. The practice also has a scattered presence on the Arabian Peninsula but is not mentioned in the Qur’an. Most Islamic scholars consider it un-Islamic, though there has been disagreement among Islamic authorities in Egypt over support of the practice. Globally, it has become a highly controversial issue in recent years under the rubric “female genital mutilation” (FGM) and has been taken up as a cause by those who view it as a violation of women’s rights. In Egypt, it was seen as an important element in the preparation of a girl for marriage and bore close parallels with defloration on the wedding night, which in the past occurred at the very beginning of adolescence. In the ritual of defloration, the girl, often not knowing what to expect, was held down and supported by female relatives while her new husband broke her hymen with his gauze-wrapped

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finger. The resulting bloody cloth was displayed to waiting relatives as a sign of the girl’s virginity. Though the importance of modesty at all times is impressed on children as they move out of early childhood, the genitals were socially inscribed though rituals that, while painful and even terrifying, marked sexuality and reproduction as a social practice into which children were introduced by their elders in carefully channeled ways. Carol Delaney, in The Seed and the Soil: Gender and Cosmology in Turkish Village Society (1991), argues that the boy’s circumcision is in some respects parallel to the girl’s donning of the head scarf, with each marking the child’s transition into a gender-segregated world, in ways that highlight the difference between male and female sexuality: The girl’s sexuality is hidden through the act of covering, and her genitals are an object of shame, while the boy’s sexuality is publicly marked by “uncovering” through circumcision. With the impact of modernity, these rituals and the significance of marriage itself are changing. It is now rare for women to be married at such a young age, and the marriage partners encounter each other in privacy, though the virginity of the bride is still important and the display of the wedding sheet is still widespread. In communities with strict gender segregation, where women are expected to remain within the home, preadolescent girls are typically sent out for errands that older girls and women cannot perform, but with the arrival of adolescence their mobility is restricted and veiling is more strictly enforced. Girls are socialized primarily within the home, but boys’ socialization has always occurred in the world outside the home, among their peers and in their relationships with the older men they learn to work with. In many parts of the Muslim world, a family’s honor rests on the propriety of the women. Brothers have responsibility for their sisters and must protect them. If a girl is found to have been sexually promiscuous or, in some cases, even if she has been raped, it occasionally happens that her brother or even her father may kill her as a way to preserve the reputation and life prospects of the family and its other members. Nevertheless, despite the salience of such honor killings in the media and among those seeking to improve women’s status, this is a rare phenomenon, and most families seek to minimize the appearance of impropriety through a variety of arrangements. Modern education, the changing structure of work, and the decreased isolation of villages have had a great but differential impact on the development of boys and girls. Girls tend to receive less education than boys because they are often pulled out of school at adolescence, and even when girls do pursue higher education, they may continue to be closely supervised by relatives. When boys are no longer socialized into the work of their fathers or constrained by the social order of a closed community, the development of “reason” becomes more problematic. With rapid social change, the adolescent boy may regard his father as old-fashioned and

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refuse to be controlled by him. As boys move through adolescence, fathers have less authority and control than in the past, especially when their sons find work outside the local community. When such a young man marries, his wife may have less protection from abuse than in the more tightly knit community of the past. Modern transnational Islamic movements, an array of human rights groups, and nongovernmental organizations pose diverse solutions to these and other difficulties posed by rapid social change. Most Islamic groups today advocate head scarves for women and differentiated gender roles but also interpret the Qur’an to emphasize the equality of men and women in relation to God, the equal importance of their respective life duties, and the need for female education. They reject many traditional practices, including the power of men to dominate and control women, which, they argue, is a product of local customs and tribal organization and not a prescription of Islam. Consistent with this, upwardly mobile Muslim families, especially in urban areas, argue that educated women are treated with more respect by men in the community, that education gives young women access to more honorable jobs, and that it allows women to be more in touch with their own children, especially when growing up in an urban environment. Katherine Pratt Ewing see also: African Societies and Cultures, Childhood and Adolescence in; Asian Societies and Cultures, Childhood and Adolescence in; Islam further reading: Avner Gil’adi, Children of Islam: Concepts of Childhood in Medieval Muslim Society, 1992. • Donna Lee Bowen and Evelyn Early, eds., Everyday Life in the Muslim Middle East, 1993. • Elizabeth Warnock Fernea, ed., Children in the Muslim Middle East, 1995.

itard, jean-marc-gaspard (b. April 24, 1775; d. July 5, 1838), French physician and educator of the deaf. With no formal education, Jean-Marc-Gaspard Itard began his medical career as a surgical assistant with the French army and subsequently underwent a formal surgical internship in Paris. His specialization in diseases of the ear won him an appointment at the National Institution for Deaf-Mutes in 1800. Itard’s name will always be linked to “the wild boy of Aveyron,” however, for this experiment is one of Itard’s greatest achievements and is regarded as the template for modern special education. The “wild boy” was an apparently feral child discovered living in the woods near the French town of Aveyron. Itard undertook the task of attempting to educate Victor, as the “wild boy” was named, as a test of whether the “savage mind” could be civilized. It was debated whether Victor was mentally disabled or deaf or whether his condition and behavior were a result of his primitive lifestyle during his developmental years. Itard proposed that Victor’s ability to survive in the wilderness at a young age was proof of some

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sort of intelligence and that his apparent retardation was due to a lack of human interaction. Itard was the first physician to see a person considered disabled as educable. He felt that an individualized curriculum of social and educational enrichment, a method of communication, and interaction with a variety of sensory stimuli could facilitate growth and overcome previous deprivations. Itard tried to teach Victor to imitate speech. In this he had little success, but Victor did learn a bit of sign language and to follow written directions and differentiate between written adjectives. He learned to discriminate among sounds, but was able to identify only two of five vowel sounds. Victor learned to understand intonations of language reflecting various emotions. Over time, as Itard tried different approaches and was unable to teach Victor to speak more than a few utterances, Itard grew bored with the project, despite successes in domains other than speech, and focused his attention elsewhere. Some have criticized Itard for not teaching Victor more complete sign language,

as he showed some proclivity toward this mode and lived among the deaf community. While Itard is touted as the forebear of special education, he is also considered in a less shining light by members of the deaf community. Laurent Clerc, an intellectual leader in the deaf community who attended the National Institution for Deaf-Mutes during Itard’s tenure there, recounts atrocities applied to nonhearing people in the pursuit of a “cure” for deafness, as relayed in Harlan Lane’s book History of the Deaf (1984). Itard’s influence on the later field of special education came largely through the methods of sensory education that he developed in his work with Victor. These methods were subsequently adopted and developed by his student Edouard Seguin and, through him, the Italian physician and educator Maria Montessori. Dean Schofield see also: Clerc, (Louis) Laurent (Marie); Special Education: Historical and Philosophical Perspectives

j james, william (b. January 11, 1842; d. August 26, 1910), American psychologist and philosopher. William James was the son of Henry James Sr., whose deeply held religious convictions and unorthodox approach to child rearing found James exposed to various schools and tutors as well as residences at home and abroad. In youth, he was comparably unsettled in his choice of careers, shift ing from painting to the hard sciences to medicine. He completed his undergraduate courses at Harvard and passed his examinations for medicine in 1869 but still had not decided on a specific course in life. Travel and study abroad, intermingled with failing health and episodes of depression, made these early years especially painful. Wide and deep reading turned his mind toward philosophical issues and a never-abandoned quest for the deeper sources of religious experience and its effects. In his classic work The Principles of Psychology, James famously referred to the world of the infant as “one great blooming, buzzing confusion.” His focus on the functions of the nervous system in relation to psychological processes informed his understanding of child development. In James’s account, the infant’s nervous system already pos-

sesses a large assortment of reflex-response mechanisms, instinctual patterns of behavior, and still other behavioral elements as yet not incorporated into a life of plans and purposes. As one or another of these comes to serve an interest or satisfy a need, it becomes absorbed into the everincreasing repository of volitional actions, actions that now can be deployed by the child in practically successful ways. Play is illustrative. James regards the impulse to play as instinctive. Though rules as such are habitual and are perpetuated by tradition, it is the instinctual impulse to excitement, to imitation, to rivalry that gives games their attractive power. They are the foundations for social life and those modes of affiliation that hold communities together. As with other animals, the young child becomes adept in using signs for things, some of the signs being vocal, such as the dog’s yelp, the child’s whining. But whereas nonhuman animals do not get beyond the stage of a given sign for a given object or action, the child comes to recognize a sign as drawn from a wide domain of possibilities and, with the rupture of mechanical associations between signs and specific things, language is launched. The child is not taught this, but the conception arises from the very conditions to

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which the child is exposed. Now not confined to thinking about a this or that, but able to reflect on thought itself, the child comes to possess self-consciousness. James was a self-proclaimed “radical empiricist,” the adjective here recording his flat refusal to bestow on science or philosophy the authority by which to determine just which experiences are valid, important, reliable, and so forth. The rich imagination of childhood is preliminary to the creative thought of the adult. If there is to be an evaluation of such processes, that standard finally is a pragmatic one, assessing how an experience, a feeling, a thought comes to figure in the larger projects of life. Daniel N. Robinson see also: Child: Religious and Philosophical Perspectives further reading: William James, The Principles of Psychology, [1890] 1981. • Gerald E. Myers, William James: His Life and Thought, 1986.

job training. see Apprenticeship; Vocational Schools and Training

judaism. Jews have been a diasporic religious and ethnic group since their dispersion from the biblical land of Canaan. Jews have lived in communities all over the world, including but not limited to Europe, Asia, North America, South America, and the Middle East. In all but the relatively recent nation-state of Israel (established 1947), Jews have been a minority community participating to varying extents in the wider host or coterritorial culture. Jews can be divided into two broad ethnic categories: Ashkenazic and Sephardic. Ashkenazic Jews trace their lineage and religious practices to Eastern and Central Europe. Sephardic Jews are those who were exiled from the Iberian Peninsula (Spain and Portugal) during the Inquisition in 1492 and whose descendents can be found in various areas of relocation, including the Middle East. While Sephardic and Ashkenazic Jews generally follow the same sacred texts, they have variations on religious and cultural practices, which include, for example, food, language(s), and musical traditions. In addition to Ashkenazic and Sephardic Jews, there are Jews who are from Ethiopia, the Falasha. Today, the majority of these Jews have immigrated to Israel. A tension of social reproduction that all Jewish adults must address is the extent to which they socialize their children to maintain their own practices and beliefs while also preparing them for some participation in a broader national context. In order to transmit Jewish beliefs and practices to the next generation, adults have consistently taught their children to build some boundaries to or articulate differences from more mainstream society. These boundaries to a greater or lesser extent shape membership and participation within the broader nation or empire. The tension between maintenance of both a Jewish and a more secular or nationalistic identity depends on particu-

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lar sociohistorical contexts. For example, during the Jewish Enlightenment (Haskalah) in Europe, as Jews increasingly had opportunities for citizenship, many young people abandoned the ways of their parents and became immersed in European intellectual and national culture. In contrast, Hasidic youth today are even more observant than their parents, striving to limit their participation in more mainstream North American culture. Beginning in the 20th century, Jews in Europe, North America, and Israel began to align themselves into denominational divisions in an effort to standardize particular stances to Jewish particularisms and participation in national life. In North America, rabbinic forms of piety are most common in Orthodox and Hasidic articulations of the religion, less in Modern Orthodoxy, even less so in Conservative Judaism, and only selectively present in Reform and Reconstructionist systems of Judaism. Contemporary Israel poses a unique set of issues in that Zionism as a political movement attempted to reframe Jewish identity as a national identity like any other of the times. Today, Israel is increasingly polarized between socalled secular Jews and the ultraorthodox or haredi Jews. Sac r ed Te xts and L anguages i n C h i l d R e ar i ng Key religious texts have been central to the transmission and maintenance of Jewish identities and include the Torah, the Talmud, and the Mishnah. The five books of Moses, Genesis through Deuteronomy, form the Torah. Two additional literary works added to the Torah, Prophets and Writings, form the expanded volume called the Tanach. This is known as the Old Testament. According to rabbinical Judaism, at Mount Sinai Moses received an oral set of laws that explicate the written laws he simultaneously received. There is not consensus on when the oral law was written down, but by AD 200 the oral law was edited together, forming the Mishnah. During the next four centuries, this material was analyzed, debated, and formalized in the Gemara. The Gemara and the Mishnah, edited together, formed a compilation called the Talmud. Jewish law and practice is based on the combined oral and written traditions. Having children and rearing them to be Jews is an important commandment (mitzvah) that all Jews must fulfill according to Jewish sacred texts. In the Torah and the Talmud, education of children is not dealt with systematically but is instead scattered throughout the texts. In the Middle Ages, the Shulkhan Arukh was published, which compiled all the laws and commentaries thematically. This text has sections devoted to child-rearing responsibilities and education. The fulfillment of the commandment to have and educate children begins with the birth of a child, continues with the child’s upbringing, and is completed when assured of the continuation of the family lineage through the birth of grandchildren. Parents have to teach children to fulfill

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the commandments as written in the Torah. A goal for observant Jews has always been to condition children to fulfill the commandments so that when they are actually responsible for them (at 13 and 12 years of age for boys and girls, respectively), they will seem like second nature. There are 613 commandments: 365 negative commandments and 248 positive ones. Negative commandments are prohibitions. Positive commandments are duties to be performed or observed. Women are excused from the time-bound commandments, which include praying three times a day, for example, because their domestic duties are the most important. More liberal Jews challenge women’s roles in Jewish religious law, allowing, for example, the ordination of women rabbis and encouraging women to study sacred texts. Jews have historically been multilingual. Sacred texts are written in liturgical Hebrew and Aramaic. Children have had to be instructed in Hebrew/Aramaic literacy as well as the spoken languages of the day. These included a Jewish vernacular and the vernacular of the nation. In the study of religious texts, a line of Hebrew/Aramaic was usually read aloud and then discussed, explicated, debated in the Jewish vernacular. Linguistic competences have been shaped by gender and social class. For example, Jews in pre–World War II Poland read and wrote in Hebrew/Aramaic, spoke the Jewish vernacular Yiddish (a mixed language of German, Hebrew, Romance, and Slavic elements and rendered in Hebrew orthography), and often spoke Polish. However, women and girls did not have access to Torah study and were not always literate in Hebrew/Aramaic. Similarly, poorer men and boys did not acquire Hebrew/Aramaic literacy either. Upper-class Jewish women sometimes had the most access to Polish and secular literacy more generally, which was considered prestigious and an alternative to religious education. Hebrew literacy for males, despite differences of gender and class, was a constant over generations, while Jewish languages and the languages of the nation shifted wherever Jews established communities. Jewish languages include Yiddish, Judeo-Arabic, Judeo-Spanish (Ladino), Judeo-Greek, and many others. The language of the nation was usually reserved for interactions outside of the Jewish community. Many Jewish languages are dying out today, although some scholars believe that a particular variety of Jewish English is flourishing in North America. Orthodox Jews in New York, for example, might read a line of sacred text in Hebrew and then discuss it in a variety of English that is heavily influenced by Yiddish intonation, syntax, and phonology. Israel’s linguistic situation is unique in that the Zionist movement made Hebrew its national language. Until Zionism, Hebrew had exclusively been a written language. The “revival” of Hebrew as the vernacular of Israel involved changes to liturgical and literary Hebrew that some lin-

guistics believe to be heavily influenced by Yiddish, the language of the immigrants who established themselves in Israel. Today, Israelis speak “modern” Hebrew. Other diaspora communities, however, continue to use liturgical Hebrew exclusively for religious study, sometimes even rejecting modern Hebrew. J ewi s h Educatio n In biblical times, education was the father’s responsibility. Jewish education was conducted at home and through children’s participation in the ritual life of the community. However, by the end of the 5th century in Babylonia, academies for Jewish learning, from the most elementary to the most advanced (yeshivas), were set up for boys. In these schools, boys were taught literacy in Hebrew/Aramaic in order that students would eventually study Talmud and Torah. In the 8th and 9th centuries, Spanish Jewry increasingly became the leading diasporic community. Spanish Jews began to include some secular subjects in their educational institutions, particularly literature, poetry, and Arabic (the language of the land). It should be noted that these schools were exclusively for boys. Girls, if they were taught at all, were taught at home and often were not literate. From the Middle Ages onward, there was some kind of formal Jewish education in most communities throughout Western Europe, Eastern Europe, and Asia. As the 20th century dawned in Europe, the political emancipation of Jews affected education to varying degrees. With citizenship increasingly open to Jews, compulsory education was enforced. As more Jewish children went to national instead of Jewish schools, the supplemental Jewish school (Hebrew school) was created. During years between the world wars, Jewish communities were increasingly politicized and divided. Many youth were pulled into the political movements of the day, including Zionism and Communism. Also during the interwar years and responding to limited educational opportunities for girls outside of secular schools, Sara Schneirer founded the Bais Yaacov schools. This network of Jewish schools for girls, which includes both secular and religious study, continues to thrive today in North America and Israel under the auspices of the Jewish Orthodox Union. In Nazi-occupied Europe, Jewish education was systematically suppressed, and Jews were forbidden to send their children to national schools. Despite horrific conditions, in many of the concentration camps and ghettos Hebrew and Yiddish classes were secretly held for youth. Today, education for children and youth varies according to the religious positioning of the family and community. For example, in North America, Solomon Schaechter schools were founded as part of the Conservative Jewish movement. In these private schools, Hebrew, religious subjects, and secular subjects are all taught. Many other Jew-

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ish families attend secular schools and send their children to supplementary Jewish schools for religious education. Some families eschew Jewish education altogether. In the more orthodox communities, gender continues to play a role in education. For example, Hasidic communities have their own school system. Boys and girls receive very different education, with girls learning secular and religious subjects, while boys are exposed to secular subjects and even English minimally. Holi days and Li fe- C yc le C elebr ations fo r C h i ld r en Jewish ritual life incorporates roles for children, thus making them central to the practice and perpetuation of Jewish life from a very early age. Holiday celebrations often include narrative performances and embodied practices that engage children. These occur both in the communal space of the synagogue and the more privatized space of the home. For example, on Simchat Torah, when Jews celebrate receiving the Torah, adults dance in the streets carrying Torahs on their shoulders. In some communities, children are also placed on adults’ shoulders and danced with, symbolically equating the gift of children with the gift of the Torah. Children are similarly included in the retelling of the biblical exodus narrative during the ritual meal, the Passover seder, when the youngest child asks the leader of the seder the Four Questions. For more liberal Jews in North America in recent years, there have been attempts to reclaim and participate in holiday rituals that were previously the exclusive domain of more orthodox Jews. For example, Reform and Conservative rabbis today frequently encourage their congregants to take their children to buy ritual palm fronds and citrus fruit (lulav and etrog) for the celebration of the holiday of Sukkoth. In the past, many of these Jews would not have participated in this aspect of the holiday. Key life-cycle celebrations from birth to adolescence vary according to religiosity, gender, ethnicity, and social class. From birth, Jewish children are gendered through life-cycle rituals. A primary commandment for a Jewish father is to circumcise his son on the eighth day of life. This practice goes back to Abraham as the most ancient sign of the covenant between God and the Jewish people. There is no parallel ritual to mark the birth of a daughter; however, there are variations on naming ceremonies for girls. Another symbolic act harking back to Israelite times is the practice of redeeming one’s firstborn son from a member of the Jewish priestly caste 31 days after birth. This ceremony is called a pidyon ha-ben (redeeming of the son), and a father symbolically exchanges five shekels or coins with a priest for his son. Again, there is no equivalent ceremony for a firstborn girl. In more observant Jewish communities, boys at age 3 have their hair cut for the first time and are introduced to Jewish religious learning. This ritual is called an upshern

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(haircut) in which the hair is cut, leaving side locks that may never be cut (payes). The boy is then given a yarmulke and ritual prayer fringes (tsitsit) and brought to a teacher, who introduces him to the Jewish alphabet, most typically placing sweets on the letters. This symbolizes for the child the sweetness of studying Torah. Bar or bat mitzvah (son or daughter of the commandments, respectively) is a ritual marking a child’s entry into adulthood at age 13 for boys or 12 for girls and hence into responsibility for fulfillment of the commandments. Since Talmudic times, this has been the traditional age at which boys became morally responsible for their own Torah observance, but only during the medieval period were communal celebrations instituted to mark the occasion. The ceremony is an occasion for boys to put on tefillin for first time and be called in public to read from the Torah. Bat mitzvah for girls was begun even later and remains in the domain of liberal Judaism. In North America, bar and bat mitzvah ceremonies have often become opportunities for display of class position, with elaborate parties after the religious ritual or for particular ethnic interpretations. Ayala Fader see also: Child: Religious and Philosophical Perspectives; Religious Instruction further reading: Susan Kahn, Reproducing Jews: A Cultural Account of Assisted Conception in Israel, 2000. • Seymor Fox, Israel Scheffler, and Daniel Marom, eds., Visions of Jewish Education, 2003. • Thomas Gale, ed., Encyclopaedia Judaica, 2006. • Ayala Fader, Mitzvah Girls: Bringing Up the Next Generation of Hasidic Jews in Brooklyn, 2009.

juvenile court. Juvenile court is the centerpiece of the state-controlled system of juvenile justice in the United States. Each state defines the jurisdiction of its juvenile courts, which deal with a remarkable range of children and youth: not only those who have committed criminal acts but also status offenders (e.g., curfew violation, alcohol consumption, truancy), victims of abuse or neglect, and dependent children whose parents have died, been incarcerated, or been declared incompetent. The law, procedure, and organization of juvenile courts, combined with their professed mission to rehabilitate and individualize treatment, continue to identify them as distinct from traditional agencies of criminal justice and social welfare. They constitute the most internationally popular legal export of the United States. The extraordinary range of things that juvenile courts do, in the context of extreme political decentralization, makes it challenging to study their rise and development holistically. These difficulties may also explain a recurrent tendency in scholarship and popular commentary to seek grand generalizations about past, current, and future trends in the court’s development. Although early-20th-century social reformers worked

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hard to spread the animating ideals of the juvenile court movement—including the belief that children are different from adults, youth crime should be dealt with in a special manner, and children should not be incarcerated with adults—historians are only beginning to understand how juvenile courts actually operated in different jurisdictions. Surprisingly little is known about how the first generation of juvenile court practitioners developed and implemented what became the distinguishing features of juvenile court, including pretrial detention, closed hearings, confidential records, and probation. Until the late 1960s, lawyers, social workers, and criminologists rather than historians generally told the story of juvenile court, and they aimed their histories at aspiring professionals who intended to work either in the court itself or in its allied social, clinical, and correctional agencies. Their story centered on the benevolence of the court’s founders, especially Jane Addams, Ben Lindsey, and Julian Mack, in overturning centuries of developmentally insensitive, counterproductive punishment of child offenders in jails and prisons and on the dramatic improvement in delinquent children’s behavior that the advent of the court and its rehabilitative ethos had made possible. In the 1960s, civil rights lawyers and scholars challenged this triumphal tale of “child saving.” Their scathing critiques of juvenile court informed the U.S. Supreme Court’s landmark decision in In re Gault (1967), which declared that juveniles have limited due process rights, including the privilege against self-incrimination and the right to notice, counsel, confrontation, and cross-examination of witnesses. The incorporation of procedural rights into the administration of juvenile court helped bring more lawyers to represent children into the process. Although the U.S. Supreme Court later ruled in the 1970s that delinquency proceedings must use the “beyond a reasonable doubt” standard and follow the “double-jeopardy” rule, it stopped short of requiring jury trials because they “would remake the juvenile proceeding into a fully adversarial process and put an effective end to what has been the idealistic prospect of an intimate, informal protective proceeding” (In re Winship). The social and rights revolutions of the 1960s set the stage for the first critical histories of the court’s rise and early development, all of which tried to link the court to broader themes in American legal, social, cultural, and political history. These scholars certainly did not see eye to eye regarding the wisdom of the court’s founders. But all sought to write the picture large, to generalize broadly about nationwide developments, rather than investigating archivally how juvenile courts came into being in specific jurisdictions, how they actually worked in different localities in different time periods, or the continuing legal, law enforcement, and public scrutiny they had to overcome. The wide-angled vantage point of this pioneer historical scholarship was not surprising. In the 1960s and early 1970s, the

entire system of juvenile justice was in turmoil; hence, there was a perceived need by historians to try to view it whole, stress common ideological assumptions, and emphasize uniform elements shared by multiple jurisdictions. While significant new scholarship in this generalist vein continued for some time, alternative case-study approaches also began to appear in the 1970s. These works aim less to produce grand generalization than contextually rich, chronologically limited studies of court founders, court staff, institutional configurations, local and legislative politics, and the law in practice. To greater or lesser extent, the most influential of these studies have utilized actual case records to illuminate how courts operated at the ground level. Perhaps most important, these works have added a vital new dimension to prior historical scholarship by demonstrating how the clients of juvenile court—child offenders and their parents alike—were not passive but active participants in the court’s decision-making process. From the early 20th century onward, the clientele of juvenile courts has been overwhelmingly poor and from marginalized ethnic backgrounds. Poles and Italians were highly disproportionately represented in the early 20th century and African Americans and Latinos since at least the 1930s. Not surprisingly, therefore, historians have used social class as a key analytic category for demonstrating the close links between poverty and delinquency in all eras as well as for explaining the confl ict-laden encounters between court officials on the one hand and juveniles and their parents on the other. Less predictably, gender analysis has become the most central theme in recent historical scholarship, even though no more than one-fifth of the court’s (delinquency) clientele was female for most of the 20th century. As early as the mid-1970s, commentators called attention to how the court defined female delinquency distinctively (“precocious sexuality”) and how, in practice, it incarcerated promiscuous girls at a substantially higher rate than criminal boys. But it was not until the late 1980s, following the evolution of the fields of women’s history and family history into gender history, that scholars used feminist theories to illuminate the profoundly gendered nature of juvenile justice and to explain why the court perceived and treated the antisocial behaviors of boys and girls so differently. Unlike gender, race has not figured centrally in studies of the rise and development of juvenile court. In part, this may reflect three other trends in juvenile court scholarship: first, the later development of juvenile courts in the South, where the great majority of African Americans lived until after World War II; second, the paucity of scholarship on juvenile justice during the middle decades of the 20th century— the time in which African Americans first formed substantial minorities in northern and western cities—and third, the general inattention of historians to the Southwest, where the great majority of Latino youth lived.

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Attention to race adds numerous complexities to understanding the goals and the operations of juvenile court in different regions of the United States. Important research, for instance, must still be done on whether discrimination by race in court referral and decision making was overt, covert, or perhaps nonexistent in some court jurisdictions. Of equal interest are whether Euro-American, African American, and other minority children were brought to juvenile court for similar or different reasons by their parents and whether minority staff members were more or less punitive than Euro-Americans in addressing the delinquencies of children of their own race and ethnicity. Similarly, still largely missing from historical scholarship is serious attention to the most important juvenile court actors: the staff, especially probation officers. It was in their hands that most of the court’s official investigatory and supervisory responsibilities lay, not just for the formal cases (both criminal offenses and status offenses) that made their way into court but also for the court’s “unofficial” caseload, estimated in several jurisdictions to account for nearly half the total. Fully understanding juvenile court means knowing much more clearly who these people were, how they operationalized the court’s mission (for dependent as well as delinquent youth), and how their job varied from place to place and changed over time. Otherwise, basic insight into juvenile courts as living institutions will remain superficial. Questions also remain about the larger institutional configuration in which juvenile court fit. Apart from the correctional facilities to which juvenile courts sent children—typically, a relatively small share of their overall clientele—historians have generally portrayed the court as an autonomous, stand-alone institution and the judge as a pretentious, idiosyncratic decision maker. Fortunately, this portrait has begun to change. Several empirical studies that demonstrate the roles played by psychological and psychiatric clinics in court deliberations, by district attorneys in determining which children to siphon off into adult court, and by the police and police courts in deciding who among the relatively small portion of arrested children should be forwarded to juvenile court have begun to challenge the image of the all-powerful judge and perhaps even to reorient how historians conceive the contours of the juvenile justice system as a whole. What of the court’s present and future? The history of juvenile court has proceeded in waves. The first wave encompassed its creation, development, and spread nationally and internationally; the second brought procedural safeguards and lawyers to juvenile court. The third wave, which crested in the mid-1990s, included a strong punitive current that washed away many of the court’s distinguishing features (e.g., closed hearings and confidential records) and made it much easier to prosecute children in the adult criminal justice system. Yet it also carried with it some new approaches. Prominent among these developments was the restorative

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justice movement that was grounded neither in traditional notions of punishment nor in traditional notions of treatment but instead harkened back to earlier reformist views of antebellum reformers, such as Samuel Gridley Howe of Massachusetts, who stressed the importance of community mores in devising ways to deal with juvenile delinquency. In addition, some states, such as Minnesota and Texas, experimented with “blended sentencing” statutes that allowed juvenile courts to hear children’s cases and that provided all the procedural protections that adults receive in criminal court, where the judge may sentence offenders to serve time first in a juvenile corrections institution before being transferred to an adult facility to serve the remainder of their sentences. The United States played an instrumental role in the rise of juvenile court, but it did not keep up with significant developments in international human rights law during the late 20th and early 21st centuries. Perhaps the most pressing challenge for the American juvenile justice system is to adapt to international human rights norms and law, including the 1989 United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. To conform to these standards, the United States will need to limit the transfer of children from juvenile court to criminal court, stop incarcerating children with adults, and eliminate the sentence of life without the possibility of parole for child offenders. Steven Schlossman and David S. Tanenhaus see also: Adult Criminal Justice System, Children in the; Crime, Juvenile; Criminal Procedure, Children and; Family Court; Juvenile Delinquency; Punishment, Legal; Reform Institutions for Youth; Status Offenses further reading: Anthony Platt, The Child Savers, 1969. • Steven Schlossman and Stephanie Wallach, “The Crime of Precocious Sexuality: Female Juvenile Delinquency in the Progressive Era,” Harvard Educational Review 48, no. 1 (February 1978), pp. 65–94. • David Rothman, Conscience and Convenience, 1980. • Mary Odem, Delinquent Daughters, 1995. • David Tanenhaus, Juvenile Justice in the Making, 2004. • Steven Schlossman, Transforming Juvenile Justice, 2005.

juvenile delinquency. Until the mid-19th century, juvenile offenders were treated largely as adult offenders, and there were no separate correctional facilities for juveniles convicted of crimes. The separate classification of “juvenile delinquent” began with the Illinois Juvenile Court Act (1899), which introduced different nomenclature for juvenile and adult criminal courts. Youth younger than the age of 18 were delinquents not criminals, and delinquent behavior encompassed both criminal violations and status offenses, which is behavior deemed inappropriate for youth and for which laws and sanctions apply only to juveniles. Delinquency research is important not only to the understanding of delinquent behavior but also in shaping societal responses to the problem. After a century or more of

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empirical research, significant progress in understanding and treating delinquent behavior has been made. Research shows that juveniles commit a large proportion of serious property and violent crime and that serious juvenile offenders are concentrated in urban areas. A very small number of chronic-offender juveniles are responsible for a large proportion of both offenses and the caseloads of juvenile courts and treatment programs. Most juveniles do not specialize in a type of delinquent behavior, and risk-based interventions focusing on criminogenic factors are likely to be the most successful. Unfortunately, good risk models for predicting delinquent behavior do not yet exist. Finally, intervention programs work best when they target areas with high rates of delinquency and build upon strong community involvement. E xpl ai ni ng Deli nquenc y There are many schools of thought on the causes of delinquency, and attempts to develop an accepted general theory have been complicated by the fact that the constituent elements of criminal and status offenses each have quite different etiologies. There is little agreement concerning which theory provides the best understanding of delinquent behavior. Indeed, contemporary research has shifted from the search for a single, overarching explanation of delinquent activity to more integrated approaches that examine the etiology of delinquency’s diverse manifestations. For example, the causes of aggressive and violent delinquency differ significantly from the reasons why juveniles run away from home. Delinquency is caused by a broad range of related factors comprising individual traits and aspects of the social environment. Early theorizing on delinquency involved the classical and biological schools of thought. The former was a freewill approach that argued juveniles assess potential gains and losses before deciding whether to offend. To deter delinquency, it was necessary to ensure that the penalties exceeded the perceived gains from the behavior. The biological school, which includes recent evolutionary psychology theories, offers a contrasting, deterministic approach that views natural selection and adaptation, sexual selection, genetic confl ict, and mating as key factors in explaining delinquent behavior. Modern biological research is interdisciplinary in nature, recognizing through research, such as twin and cross-fostering studies, that XYY chromosomes, electroencephalogram (EEG) brain patterns, intelligence test scores, and an assortment of other items are possible predisposing antecedents of delinquent behavior. Interestingly, this emerging body of research emphasizes both the significance of person-environment interactions during the early life course and the fact that the causes of delinquency change during that time. The strongest predictors of delinquency for children aged 6 to 11 are different from those for children aged 12 to 14.

Psychiatric and psychological theories also focus on individual rather than group or social system explanations of delinquency. These theories identify the key role of personal and psychological factors within the context of more indirect influences of socialization, school, and family. The research identifies low verbal IQ, learning disabilities, hyperactivity/impulsivity/attention deficit, sensation seeking, irritability, insensitivity/low empathy, poor problemsolving and social skills, immature moral reasoning, and amoral beliefs as all increasing the risk of engaging in delinquency, especially high-rate, chronic, serious delinquency. The broad mosaic of sociological theories shares common assumptions and concepts though emphasizing different key factors. Social disorganization and anomie theories focus on the tension between institutional factors and individual means and goals such as pressures and expectations associated with school, home, or social status. Differential association theories tend to focus on social environmental and interpersonal explanations by arguing that juvenile delinquency is a consequence of initially acquiring and subsequently reinforcing positive social definitions of delinquent behavior through close interaction with people who commit delinquent and/or criminal acts. Confl ict theorists posit that delinquency is the result of inequities in the economic and political structure of the social system, the educational system being a primary example. Control and social learning theories currently have considerable empirical support and are widely regarded as offering the strongest theoretical and empirical explanation of delinquency. Control theory argues that strong attachments to, and involvement with, people and places produce conformity by immunizing youth from delinquent acts. Similar to differential association, social learning theories suggest that delinquency is a function of individual socialization, specifically the way juveniles are influenced by relationships with family, peer groups, teachers, church, authority figures, and other agents of socialization. However, social learning theories incorporate aspects of reward and punishment, which may strengthen or reduce the intensity of a behavior. Receiving, or even anticipating, positive feedback for committing delinquent acts or negative reactions to engaging in lawabiding behavior will increase the likelihood of participation in delinquency. Gender and R ac e Until recently, almost all theoretical and empirical research on delinquency was male oriented. As a result, female delinquents have long been exposed to treatment programs whose elements reflect a male-centered understanding of delinquency. Even the risk prediction and classification tools used in juvenile courts and corrections during the last few decades have largely ignored the different etiology of male and female delinquency by using male-only or maledominated populations in the development of the instru-

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ments. These instruments are then inappropriately used to assess female delinquents. The rate of female delinquency has increased over time and extended into traditionally male areas such as gangs. Nevertheless, Uniform Crime Report data show that male juveniles are arrested two to three times more often than females (though some offenses such as prostitution and running away are exceptions). However, if recent trends continue, females will represent an increasing presence in the total amount of delinquent offending. Theories of delinquency and treatment intervention are now beginning to recognize the significance of gender and to focus more on gender variations in both the patterns and causes of delinquent behavior. Current research recognizes the importance of gender stratification and the mechanisms by which this shapes the daily lives of boys and girls. The overrepresentation of minorities is a serious problem for the juvenile justice system. Available evidence suggests that racial disparities in the system are not explained by higher levels of offending by minority groups but more likely reflect a variety of factors, including discretionary decision making in the juvenile justice process (involving police, prosecutors, and judges), economic disadvantage, and inadequate community resources. Delinquent-offending data show that black males have the highest involvement in the juvenile justice system, followed by white males, black females, and white females. Some studies suggest that the rate of involvement for black females is coming very close to that for white males. Time and Pl ac e The historical prevalence of juvenile delinquency in the United States can be examined from official law enforcement data (Uniform Crime Reports). Since the 1970s, additional perspectives have been added as self-report data (multiple repeated surveys), and victimization data (National Crime Victimization Survey) have become available. Juvenile delinquency arrest data show that rates have remained fairly stable in the United States since the 1970s. From the 1970s to the early 2000s, juvenile property crime—the major component of total delinquency rates— was stable or decreased very slowly. The rate of violent delinquent offending was also stable from the 1970s through the late 1980s before beginning a period of significant increase through 1994 followed by decline to the early 2000s. In spite of the recent downward trend, the perceived violence and seriousness of juvenile crime continue to capture public attention. In addition, juvenile violent crime rates remain higher than they were in the mid-20th century and higher than those of most other industrialized nations (even though rising rates of juvenile violence seem to be a global phenomenon in industrialized countries). International comparison of delinquency rates is fraught with problems since societal responses to youthful offend-

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ing vary much more than they do with adult offending. Juvenile systems are less clearly defined than adult systems and vary widely in terms of age limits, juvenile court structure, philosophy of punishment, and even overarching goals of the youth justice system. Among the common international themes in juvenile systems are a belief that youth should be dealt with differently than adults (even if cases are handled by adult courts), that youthfulness mitigates punishment with the exception of the most heinous cases, and that youthful offenders should be physically separated from adult offenders. United Nations crime survey data suggest that youth crime—particularly violent crime—rates have risen sharply internationally since the 1980s while adult rates have remained generally stable. It is argued that globalization may be having a greater impact on youth crime than it does on adult crime, with urbanization and breakdown of social and family institutions identified as important causes of increased juvenile crime in many Eastern and Middle Eastern countries. E m ergi ng I s s u e s Since the 1980s, there has been an emerging body of longitudinal research that has identified important features of juvenile offending. Periodic involvement in delinquency is common among adolescents, but very few juveniles remain as chronic offenders, and an even smaller proportion transition into career offending by committing crimes throughout both their juvenile and early adult lives. Studies focusing on high-risk offending youth populations report that “chronic” offenders make up between 8% and 16% of the youth offender population, accounting for 75% to 80% of all violent delinquent offenses and similar proportions of juvenile court and correctional caseloads. Juvenile justice research, particularly that focusing on life-course and chronic delinquents, is providing additional insight into the study of risk and protective factors associated with delinquent behavior. Recent work has attempted to employ empirical research to identify key traits that, taken together, would enable early prediction of adolescent delinquency and lead to more effective risk of delinquency classification instruments. The traits most commonly cited in the instruments being developed are early onset of offending, prior offending, drug use, low social conformity, poor school achievement/dropping out of school, association with deviant peers, lack of prosocial peer involvement, low social support, and residential instability/changes. In addition, several key familial traits are important: socioeconomic status, poor-quality parental supervision/ monitoring, poor discipline, confl ict/hostility in the home, parental problems (e.g., drugs, violence), family criminality, poor parental affection, poor family cohesion, and high family stress. These traits show that the early risk factors most strongly linked with delinquency and later criminal behavior are

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found at the individual, family, and environmental levels. Research shows that the most important individual factors are low intelligence and attainment, personality and temperament, empathy, and impulsiveness. Family factors include criminal or antisocial siblings/parents as well as large family size, poor parental supervision and control, parental confl ict, and disrupted families. Environmental factors include living in a low-socioeconomic-status household, associating with delinquent friends, attending highdelinquency-rate schools, and living in deprived areas. The face of juvenile delinquency has changed a great deal during the last few decades. There have been increases in the level of violence, in the nature and level of offending among female delinquents, and in the number of delinquents diagnosed with multiple-presenting problems involving drug abuse and mental health issues. These changes are reflected in the response of the juvenile justice system, especially its approach to violent and chronic delinquency. Finally, these changes are quickly reshaping the scientific understanding of the causes and treatment of delinquency and of the type and quality of treatment programs that must be provided to meet the challenge of juvenile offending. Peter R. Jones and Brian R. Wyant see also: Adult Criminal Justice System, Children in the; Conduct, Legal Regulation of Children’s; Conduct Disorders; Crime, Juvenile; Gangs; Juvenile Court; Punishment, Legal; Reform Institutions for Youth; Status Offenses further reading: James C. Howell, Barry Krisberg, J. David Hawkins, and John J. Wilson, eds., Serious, Violent, and Chronic Juvenile Offenders: A Sourcebook, 1995. • Arnold Binder, Gilbert Geis, and Dickson D. Bruce Jr., Juvenile Delinquency: Historical, Cultural and Legal Perspectives, 3rd ed., 2000. • Meda Chesney-Lind and Randall G. Shelden, Girls, Delinquency, and Juvenile Justice, Contemporary Issues in Crime and Justice series, 3rd ed., 2004. • Donald J. Shoemaker, Theories of Delinquency: An Examination of Explanations of Delinquent Behavior, 5th ed., 2004.

juvenile justice system. Until the late 19th century, many children in the United States accused of criminal behavior were treated no differently than adults. They were tried in the same courts, subject to the same procedures, and, if convicted, given the same sentences and punishments. Their age was relevant only to the question of criminal responsibility. Children younger than 7 were thought too immature to be criminally responsible, and children age 7 to 14 were recognized as immature but subject to prosecution if responsibility could be established. Children older than 14 were treated as adults. A C hangi ng S ystem Following the Enlightenment period of the 18th century, children increasingly were considered dependents, lacking the mental and physical capacity of adults, and in need of nurture and guidance rather than severe punishment.

Houses of refuge, established in New York City during the early 19th century, separated children from mature adults and provided assistance, care, and education. An 1839 Pennsylvania case (Ex parte Crouse) utilized the doctrine of parens patriae to uphold the state’s authority to commit juvenile offenders to a house of refuge over the objections of parents. From the mid- to late 19th century, the net of juvenile justice social control widened beyond juvenile criminals by targeting juveniles considered at risk for criminal behavior and placing them in institutions such as reform schools. This growing recognition of the separate and different needs of children occurred also in the courts. The Illinois Juvenile Court Act (1899) created what is believed to be the first juvenile court—involving different policies, practices, and nomenclature from adult criminal courts—in the United States. Juvenile offenders were referred to as delinquents, not criminals, and due process was replaced by increased procedural informality and judicial advocacy for the child. Court dispositions emphasized the treatment needs of the juvenile over more traditional criminal court goals of retribution, incapacitation, and deterrence. The federal government did not pass the Juvenile Delinquency Act until 1938, and not until the 1940s did all states have separate juvenile courts. During this period, the jurisdiction of the juvenile justice system extended beyond delinquents to include dependent children (orphans, abandoned children, or those placed for adoption), neglected children (those not receiving appropriate care from parents or guardians), abused children (those subjected to physical abuse from parents or guardians), and status offenders (children who committed behaviors prohibited only for minors). Critics of this new separate system of justice for children were concerned about the abandonment of due process protections for young people in favor of a system characterized by informality, decisions based upon the “best interests of the child,” and a system that operated behind closed doors, allegedly to protect the confidentiality of the child. Unfortunately, the concerns of the critics proved to be well founded, as abuses in the system came to light. These concerns ultimately led to the “due process revolution” of the 1960s and a number of U.S. Supreme Court decisions designed to give young people some of the same due process and procedural protections accorded adults. The most famous of these cases, In re Gault (1967), required that juveniles be informed of the charges against them, have a right to counsel, and have a right to face their accuser. Con tempor ary Ju v eni le Justic e S ystem The components of the juvenile justice system are much like the criminal system: prevention, law enforcement, adjudication, disposition, and postadjudicatory review. However, the underlying philosophy of the juvenile system is more rehabilitative than retributive and views the juvenile as part of a wider family unit rather than as an individual. There

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is much more emphasis on prevention strategies, often incorporating groups such as schools, churches, and community organizations as well as more traditional policeand court-based diversion programs. Juvenile corrections are based on rehabilitative and treatment-focused goals with most programs—community based and residential/ institutional—operated by or under the control of the juvenile court. The actual operation of the juvenile justice system is largely determined by the nature of the local courtroom work group. Unlike the criminal system, the juvenile work group extends beyond the judge, prosecutor, and defense counsel to include juvenile police officers, public and private treatment providers, parents and guardians, social workers, and clinicians. Also unlike the criminal system, the juvenile work group is shrouded from public scrutiny because juvenile court proceedings are usually confidential and closed to public review. The operation of the juvenile justice system in any state is shaped by two key considerations: the juvenile’s age and the nature of the offense. In most states, there is no age minimum for original juvenile court jurisdiction. Most states set the maximum age at 17, though some states set it as low as 15 or 16. Juvenile court authority for disposition in delinquency cases usually exceeds the upper age of original jurisdiction; in most states it is 20, but the range is from 18 to the full term of the disposition order. Ambivalence about when a child becomes an adult is reflected in the current debates about juvenile transfer. The age boundaries of the juvenile justice system are shifting as more “serious” juvenile offenders are placed in the adult system. Such transfer of juveniles to criminal court is not new, but the range of methods and the number of juveniles affected expanded significantly in the 1990s. Transfer mechanisms include waiver provisions giving control over transfer to the juvenile court, direct file provisions giving control over transfer to prosecutors, and statutory exclusion provisions that effectively leave control over transfer in the state legislatures. The rising rate of juvenile transfer to criminal court at the turn of the 21st century reflected concerns over levels of juvenile violence. Yet most indexes of juvenile crime— including violent and property crimes—peaked in 1994–95 before declining substantially through 2003. The 2.2 million arrests of juveniles in 2003 were 11% lower than the number in 1999 and 18% lower than in 1994. From 1994 to 2003, juvenile arrests for aggravated assault were down

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26%, murder was down 68%, and weapons laws violations were down 41%. The main increases were in drug abuse violations and driving under the influence. Juvenile court statistics show delinquency cases handled by juvenile courts increased fourfold from 1960 to a peak of more than 1.8 million cases in 1997. Since then, the number has declined by 10%, reaching 1.6 million cases in 2000. The decline has been highest for categories such as robbery, criminal homicide, aggravated assault, and burglary. No such declines are evident for juvenile corrections. The 393,303 juveniles placed on juvenile probation in 2000 represent a 43% increase over 1994. These statistics suggest that rising rates of juvenile transfer are driven more by social fears than by sound consideration of the facts of juvenile crime. They also suggest a significant disconnect between the public’s perception about serious and violent juvenile crime and reality. If the public’s understanding were more in line with the facts, public policy with respect to juvenile justice might change. Th e Futur e of th e Ju v eni le Justic e S ystem Recent changes in the juvenile justice system reflect concern about increases in violent juvenile crime. The effect is to blur distinctions in both philosophy and practice between the juvenile and criminal justice systems. The juvenile justice system is at a crossroads in terms of goals, philosophy, and practice. The continued expansion of juvenile transfer to the criminal courts may produce further dilution of the juvenile justice core philosophy of treatment and rehabilitation and increase the emphasis placed on goals of punishment commonly found in the criminal justice system. Alternatively, the juvenile justice system may seek to reestablish its distinctiveness and return to its core philosophical base of social welfare, treatment, and rehabilitation. Peter R. Jones and Ira M. Schwartz see also: Adult Criminal Justice System, Children in the; Crime, Juvenile; Criminal Procedure, Children and; Death Penalty, Children and the; Juvenile Court; Juvenile Delinquency; Prisons for Youth; Punishment, Legal; Reform Institutions for Youth; Rehabilitative Services for Youth; Status Offenses further reading: Jerome G. Miller, Last One over the Wall: The Massachusetts Experiment in Closing Reform Schools, 1991. • Edward Humes, No Matter How Loud I Shout: A Year in the Life of Juvenile Court, 1997. • Barry C. Feld, Readings in Juvenile Justice Administration, Readings in Crime and Punishment series, 1999. • Barry A. Krisberg, Juvenile Justice: Redeeming Our Children, 2005.

k kempe, c(harles) henry (b. April 6, 1922; d. March 6, reader with all of the available information” to help prevent 1984), American pediatrician. Born in Breslau, Germany, C. Henry Kempe fled persecution in Nazi Germany in 1939 and arrived in Los Angeles, California, as a teenager. After completing college at the University of California at Berkeley, Kempe completed his medical degree, pediatric internship, and a virology fellowship at the University of California at San Francisco (UCSF). For the next 10 years, Kempe worked as a virologist in the army, completed his pediatric residency at Yale University, and began his academic career at UCSF. After working as a virologist abroad in Italy and France, he became chairman of the Department of Pediatrics at the University of Colorado School of Medicine at the age of 34. Kempe’s early research on the smallpox virus helped lead to its worldwide eradication. He focused on the complications of vaccinia immunization and was the first to advocate the discontinuation of routine smallpox vaccination in the United States as the disease incidence there approached zero. In 1962, Kempe published a seminal paper entitled “The Battered Child Syndrome” in the Journal of the American Medical Association, bringing national attention to the plight of abused children in the United States. He described certain injury patterns that could not be explained by accidental injury. Kempe spent the next two decades of his life advocating for abused children, helping to push for the passage of mandatory reporting bills in every state and establishing the first National Center for the Prevention and Treatment of Child Abuse and Neglect in Denver, Colorado. This organization continues to describe patterns of nonaccidental injury, educate professionals and the public, and assist in legal issues related to child abuse. His efforts led to the passage of the Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act of 1974, which provided states with funding for child abuse prevention and investigation efforts, provided they passed mandatory reporting laws. In 1976, he founded the International Society for the Prevention of Child Abuse and Neglect (ISPCAN) and became the founding editor of the journal Child Abuse and Neglect: The International Journal. The journal has been published monthly since its inception. An international conference of the society has been held every two years. Kempe authored the first comprehensive book on child abuse, The Battered Child, with Ray E. Helfer in 1968 with the stated goal of providing “the

child abuse. The fifth edition of the book was published in 1997, edited by Kempe’s and Helfer’s widows. Much of Kempe’s professional life was devoted to teaching and mentoring medical professionals. He was the chair of the American Academy of Pediatrics Task Force on Pediatric Education. As a pediatric department chairman, he mentored hundreds of pediatricians and researchers who carried on his work. For his many efforts to improve the well-being of children worldwide, Kempe received the prestigious Howland Award by the American Pediatric Society in 1980, and since 1986 ISPCAN has awarded the C. Henry Kempe Award to the outstanding young professional in the child abuse field. Scott D. Krugman see also: Abuse and Neglect; Helfer, Ray(mond) E(ugene)

kidnapping. Kidnapping: The term ignites fear and a deep parental disquiet in the United States today and increasingly throughout Europe. This results from the contemporary association between abduction and child sexual abuse and because modern representations of kidnapping have advertised images of missing children as a common social danger. In fact, the vast majority of child kidnappings in the United States today are the result of parental disputes over child custody rather than the crimes of strangers. But parental fears about the vulnerability of children to stranger abductions remain starkly alive and must be understood in the context of the changing representations of abductions and the growing democratization of those images. One important result has been the number and variety of new laws regarding the crime and an increasing personal vigilance on the part of parents to ensure the safety of their own children. Kidnapping fears are deeply rooted in mythology and folk legend. These include stories about changelings (evil beings substituted for real children), the myth of Gypsy abductions, and narratives of the kidnapping of white children by Native Americans. In medieval and early modern Europe, kidnapping generally was a form of extortion aimed at people in positions of power. Jews were also vulnerable since they were obligated to assist members of their own community. The history of child kidnapping in the United States begins with the story of Charles Brewster (Charley)

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Ross, whose widely publicized abduction in 1874 became deeply embedded in the culture. The Ross family became an object lesson in modern grief, while the case became a template for subsequent behavior by parents, police, and perpetrators. The story of “the lost boy” resonated at a time when childhood became more precious culturally and organizations began to advocate for child protections. The case changed the laws in all states, as child kidnapping became a felony instead of merely a misdemeanor. Child kidnapping only became a federal offense in 1932, when the son of celebrity aviator Charles Lindbergh was kidnapped and the Lindbergh story replaced the earlier one in the nation’s collective memory. Both of these cases, and many of the lesser known instances between them, concerned children who came from families of substantial means, who were widely celebrated, or who had political connections. Americans were deeply shocked by the kidnapping of the Lindbergh baby and their sense of public order threatened, but few could seriously imagine their own children as victims of kidnappings since these revolved around a large ransom. Those who did took special precautions. Ransom kidnapping remains a problem for well-todo parents or public figures in many parts of the world today and has spread in those places in Latin America, Asia, and the Middle East where civil strife and incompetent policing make such parents easy targets of extortion. In the United States, the Lindbergh case inflamed public opinion sufficiently to result in the rapid enactment of the “Lindbergh Law” making kidnapping a capital crime as well as a federal offense. After World War II, kidnapping as a threat to children and to their parents was reimagined. Where most instances until then involved ransom demands, child abductors in the second half of the 20th century were increasingly viewed as sexual or sadistic predators, criminals whose lust for children democratized the pool of victims and made these crimes even more heinous and broadly frightening. By the late 1970s, major changes in the family, new employment opportunities for mothers outside the home, and a major revolution in sexual mores created new fears about children’s vulnerability and resulted in a full-fledged panic about stranger abductions of children. Starting with a series of nationally covered crimes against young boys such as Adam Walsh and Etan Patz, the public began to link child kidnapping to the growing concern about sexual predators, and the new anxieties about missing children took a decidedly sexual turn. Public campaigns of all kinds, including ads on milk cartons, missing-child posters, testimony at congressional hearings, new voluntary organizations of parents, and intense media coverage of both real and fictionalized episodes, resulted in a new vigilance regarding dangers to children through abduction. Most active among these were parents who had lost children themselves and the foundations established in the wake of the abductions.

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Increasingly, the police, Congress, and other official agencies responded to growing alarm and fear about missing children. These campaigns used every instance of a “missing child” to underscore the scope of the danger and emphasized stories about white, attractive, and well-cared-for children. This both sensationalized the problem and ignored the abductions of other children, usually from lower income or minority groups whose parents rarely attracted as much attention. The result was to increase the sense of child endangerment throughout the country and to underwrite a growing tendency by parents to more closely supervise their children’s activities, while children placed abductions high on their own list of concerns. The federal government and many states passed laws to protect children and to target sexual predators. Among the most important of these laws were the Missing Children’s Act (1982) and the Missing Children’s Assistance Act (1984). Together, they provided local law enforcement with federal information gathering and the assistance of the FBI to local police. The federal government funded a new clearinghouse, the Center for Missing and Exploited Children. By the late 1990s, many states more stringently enforced the registration of sex offenders, all states passed laws to make this information available to the public (Meghan’s Law), some extended incarceration for convicted sex offenders not considered “cured” after their normal sentences, and many created AMBER Alerts that post license plate information about a suspected child kidnapping on electronic highway bulletin boards. The public alarm and call for action on behalf of kidnapped children began in the 1990s to become a serious phenomenon in Europe as well after a series of abductions in Belgium and the uncovering of a pedophile ring in France and Germany resulted in large public demonstrations. All through Europe, the media have now taken up the cause of missing children. While the fear has by no means disappeared, some of the panic has subsided in the United States in the recent past as the number of kidnappings first reported has been discredited. In 1990, in fulfillment of the requirements of the Missing Children’s Act, the Justice Department published a landmark report that provided the first comprehensive statistical analysis of the missing children’s problem in American history. The report made clear that stranger abductions accounted for a small portion of missing children (between 150 and 200 successful stranger abductions per year). Most abducted children were taken by a parent or family member. These abductions were a serious social problem, with as many as 350,000 children each year not returned according to custody agreements and more than 160,000 of these being serious violations. This new perspective on the problem of child kidnapping had been accumulating over the course of the previous decade as divorces increased and with their attendant child custody disputes. In 1980, President

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Jimmy Carter signed the Parental Kidnapping Prevention Act (PKPA) to help in the murky area of state-controlled custody decrees by insisting that full faith and credit be accorded to custody decisions entered in other states. It also made the Federal Parent Locator Service available to parents trying to find their children. The attention to a social problem closer to home had also been growing through media outlets such as women’s magazines. Although the new sense of what the numbers meant seemed to quell some concerns regarding stranger abduction, the literature on parental abductions could hardly dispel the broader concerns of parents regarding the welfare of their children as parental kidnapping made the family itself a threat to its offspring and often represented such abductions as connected to sexual molestation or involved children taken overseas where neither federal law nor the services of American law enforcement could provide a resolution. As parents married to nonnationals discovered, even the Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction, to which the United States (1988), along with most countries in Western Europe, became a signatory, could not provide a solution to the agony of losing a child. Stories about children saved (kidnapped) by their mothers from father molesters or through vigilante groups from abducting parents became a common cultural staple to give parents another basis to worry about their children. Child kidnapping is the most extreme form of the common contemporary anxiety about risks for children. Just as it has spread to other countries, it has also been adapted to new circumstances and new technologies. Today, the Internet is often viewed as yet another way in which this threat is being manifested. Paula S. Fass see also: Crime Victims, Children as; Custody further reading: Joel Best, Threatened Children: Rhetoric and Concern about Child Victims, 1990. • David Finkelhor, Gerald Hotaling, and Andrea Sedlack, Missing, Abducted, Runaway and Throwaway Children in America: First Report: Numbers and Characteristics National Incidence Studies, Executive Summary, 1990. • Geoffrey L. Greif and Rebecca L. Hegar, When Parents Kidnap: The Families behind the Headlines, 1993. • Paula S. Fass, Kidnapped: Child Abduction in America, 1997.

kidney and urinary tract disorders and diseases. Kidney malformations are the third to fifth most common congenital abnormality found in live human births. Major birth defects, found in up to 7% of all births, are a significant cause of infant death and may account for more than one-third of U.S. infant hospitalizations. In a recent study of 750,000 births in Europe, more than 8,000 major fetal malformations were discovered, of which more than 1,100 involved the kidney; that is, 14% of all malformations, 0.2% of all births. Such malformations may involve one (unilateral) or both (bilateral) kidneys and may involve other parts of the genitourinary (repro-

ductive and urinary) tract. Severe bilateral malformations are often fatal and are due to failure of the lungs, which depend on kidney-produced factors for normal development. Routine prenatal maternal ultrasonography has greatly increased the ability to detect and classify kidney malformations. Unfortunately, prenatal interventions and prenatal surgery have not changed the outcomes of in utero kidney abnormalities. The genetic basis of some of these malformations is only partially known. A master control gene for kidney development may be the WT-1 gene, the absence of which causes a maldevelopment of the kidney known as Potter sequence, which includes lung underdevelopment and absence of the kidneys. Mutations in this gene have been linked to the most common nonhematologic malignancy of childhood, Wilms tumor, and maldevelopment of the lower urinary and genital tracts. Since kidney development continues well into the third trimester of gestation, premature birth itself brings added risk for reduced kidney function. Substances used to enhance preterm survival, including high oxygen tension, antibiotics, intravenous fluids, and perhaps differences in nutrition, may have adverse consequences for kidney functioning. Children are susceptible to diseases of the kidney beyond those of inborn errors of development. Such examples include two general categories of disease: nephrotic syndrome and glomerulonephritis. Nephrotic syndrome is a condition in which the barrier to passage of blood proteins, which is in the kidney glomerulus, is altered by disease, leading to loss of protein in the urine (proteinuria) and subsequent swelling of the body’s soft tissues (edema). The most common form of nephrotic syndrome, minimal change disease (MCD), peaks at age 18 months through 10 years, and in more than 85% of cases it may be placed into initial remission (relief of the proteinuria and resolution of the edema) with a course of oral corticosteroids (prednisone). The genetic basis of most other forms of nephrotic syndrome seems to involve specific gene mutations of the components of the glomerular filter, leading to a leak and resulting in proteinuria and edema (nephrotic syndrome). Glomerulonephritis, or inflammation of the kidney filter, most commonly occurs in children following an infection with the bacterium Streptococcus and is termed postinfectious glomerulonephritis (PIGN). Only a few types of such infections may produce PIGN, and the likely spontaneous resolution of PIGN with resulting lifelong normal kidney function is quite high. Unfortunately, many other types of glomerulonephritis do not have such a good prognosis and require care by a pediatric nephrologist throughout childhood and adolescence. Some of these diseases are associated with other disorders that require coordination with other subspecialists as well. Restriction of the blood vessels of the kidneys, renal

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artery stenosis (RAS), is not uncommon in adults, due to atherosclerosis. RAS leads to very high blood pressure (renovascular hypertension), often requiring emergency care in a hospital. Infants, children, and adolescents may also have RAS, but uncommonly from atherosclerosis. Rather, renovascular hypertension in the pediatric population results from narrowing of different parts of the renal arteries (muscular portion) than that found in atherosclerosis (luminal portion). However, great progress and success in using nonsurgical approaches for the cure of RAS have occurred since the 1990s, as interventional radiology has emerged as a medical specialty. Urinary infection, while not a true disease of the kidneys, is by far the most common issue involving the genitourinary tract. It is estimated that up to 3% of all school-age girls will suffer a urinary infection at least once. Pain and burning on urination, often associated with foul-smelling or cloudy urine, are the most obvious symptoms. Rarely, urinary infection is a sign of maldevelopment of the kidneys and bladder. A simple kidney and bladder ultrasound (without any X-ray exposure) can rule out such problems. Chronic kidney disease (CKD) is generally defined by the presence of a permanent kidney condition associated with either a decline in normal kidney filtering function or urinary excretion of protein in quantities above normal rates. While this definition applies to children older than 2 years of age, “normal” kidney function is poorer on both counts in all infants than in older children, making infantile CKD difficult to define and diagnose. The epidemic of CKD in adults, approaching 14% of the entire U.S. population, is related to increasing rates of hypertension and diabetes. However, CKD is increasing in children as well, perhaps related in part to prematurity. In addition, there is now enhanced survival of children with kidney-compromising conditions previously always fatal early in life, including cystic fibrosis, congenital heart diseases, and complex chromosomal syndromes not initially involving the kidney. Further causes of the increase of CKD include earlier expression of adult forms of cystic kidney disease (e.g., autosomal dominant polycystic kidney disease) and the increasing use of organ transplantation (kidney, heart, lung, bowel, liver, and combinations thereof ), in which immunosuppressive therapy may induce kidney damage over the long term. Children now almost universally receive care for endstage kidney disease rather than being allowed to die. This is possible because of the availability of kidney dialysis, the mechanical replication of the kidney’s function in ridding the body of toxic by-products. Dialysis can be accomplished principally by one of two means: hemodialysis, the filtering of the blood through a mechanical filter called the dialysis kidney, or peritoneal dialysis, the flushing of the abdominal cavity with medical fluids designed to remove toxins and return needed chemicals into the bloodstream. Tradition-

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ally, hemodialysis in children was modeled after that used in adults. Modern approaches to hemodialysis in children and adolescents have deviated markedly from adult models and involve more frequent procedures and paying greater attention to promotion of body growth in height and weight, features unique to the pediatric dialysis patient. Additionally, in many countries worldwide, pediatricage kidney transplant candidates have an advantage in receiving deceased-donor organs, and donation from either parent occurs in almost 50% of pediatric-age kidney transplants in the United States. Death rates for children on maintenance dialysis and after transplantation are much reduced compared to adults who receive similar types of therapy. The potential for educational and vocational rehabilitation is higher still in children and adolescents compared to adults with end-stage kidney disease. Children and adolescents have the same complications of CKD seen in adults, such as anemia, disorders of lipid metabolism, and especially CKD-mineral bone disorder. This is evident from the increased death rate of pediatric CKD patients compared to healthy children and from the death rates of the youngest cohorts of adult patients with CKD compared to the normal population, as up to 25% of such adult cohorts result from pediatric patients moving into the adult age range. In fact, the average remaining life span for an adolescent on hemodialysis has been estimated to be less than 16 years, compared to a remaining life span of more than 65 years in a healthy adolescent of the same age. A unique problem of pediatric CKD is poorer linear growth. Administration of recombinant human growth hormone is effective in early CKD for restoration of growth potential in many pediatric patients but is very controversial, largely because of its cost. Kidney transplantation survival rates for both patients and organs are well above values from the late 1990s: often greater than 90% over 5 to 10 years. Many technical complications for transplantation in infants remain, and adolescent transplant patients may have difficulty adhering to the needed drug regime. It has become clear since the 1990s that some consequences of early kidney issues may not even surface until midadulthood years. Researchers have discovered that the number of nephrons (the functional unit of the kidney) varies tenfold among humans, a pattern of development attributed to an unknown complex of genes and their interactions but also related to the risks faced by premature and stressed neonates. Thus, the development of adult hypertension (a primary driving force for adult CKD) or obesity and type 2 diabetes mellitus have each been linked inversely to birth weight, presumably a marker of reduced nephrogenesis (development of the kidney). Autopsy studies of accident victims have linked nephron number to early hypertension as well, lending some validation to the concept that nephron number per se has lifelong implications. Much research is

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now being undertaken to provide high-quality imaging of kidney mass and perhaps anticipate development of these problems later in life. Kidney health is determined by a complex interplay of genetic and environmental factors. Research into ways to improve outcomes for pediatric CKD patients, including provision of maintenance dialysis and organ transplantation, is needed, as are studies of fetal programming and nephron mass. The continuum of kidney health over the life span has never been more apparent. Craig B. Langman see also: Bedwetting; Congenital Anomalies and Deformations; Toilet Training further reading: S. Saigal and L. W. Doyle, “An Overview of Mortality and Sequelae of Preterm Birth from Infancy to Adulthood,” Lancet 371, no. 9608 (January 2008), pp. 261–69. • A. Chockalingam, “World Hypertension Day and Global Awareness,” Canadian Journal of Cardiology 24, no. 6 (June 2008), pp. 441–44. • P. D. Gluckman, M. A. Hanson, C. Cooper, and K. L. Thornburg, “Effect of In Utero and Early-Life Conditions on Adult Health and Disease,” New England Journal of Medicine 359, no. 1 (July 2008), pp. 61–73. • American Association of Kidney Patients, “Dealing with Kidney Disease in Children,” http://www.aakp.org/aakp-library/Kidney-Diseasein-Children—Part-1-/ • National Kidney and Urologic Diseases Information Clearinghouse, “Kidney Disease in Children,” http://kidney .niddk.nih.gov/kudiseases/pubs/childkidneydiseases/ • National Kidney Foundation, “Nutrition for Children with Chronic Kidney Disease,” http://www.kidney.org/atoz/atozItem.cfm?id=94

kindergarten. see Preschool and Kindergarten kinship and child rearing. Child rearing, very generally, refers to the processes and interactions that take place between parents and dependent children. Encompassing but by no means relegated to the act of child care, which denotes a more immediate attention to and concern with the physical and emotional welfare of the child, child rearing implies a continuous socialization process whereby infants and children are guided, directly and indirectly, along the path toward acquiring the necessary skills, behaviors, and beliefs that will enable them to assume full membership in the social group. Child-rearing practices are fundamentally informed by and thereby go some way toward illuminating some of the predominant cultural norms and values that underpin the wider society. Indeed, it is because societies differ in the nature of such norms and values, which the child is expected to learn and to which the child is expected to conform, and in the techniques and rules imposed to enforce such conformity that child-rearing practices vary quite considerably across cultures. A good example of this kind of variation can be seen in a comparison between the predominant cultural models of child rearing in middle-class American society and throughout India. With respect to the former, the autono-

mous nuclear family is considered optimal, and importance is placed on individualism and the inculcation of associated values (e.g., independence, self-sufficiency, privacy). Within the latter, the interests of the joint family are placed above the individual, and emphasis during the childrearing process is placed on those values (interdependence, cooperation, communality) that promote cooperation with and dependence on the larger social group. These different cultural values are not only implicit within child-rearing ideologies but are also manifested in many of the practices that underpin the child-rearing process. Take sleeping practices, for instance. Within most middle-class American households, the most common practice is for infants and children to sleep separately from their parents, in their own beds and often in their own rooms. Parents typically view cosleeping as impractical, unusual, and sometimes even immoral. Such practices contrast widely with many patterns found cross-culturally throughout much of human history and currently. Among the Maya of Mexico’s Yucatan Peninsula, for example, physical closeness at nighttime is regarded as a valuable element of child rearing, and infants sleep with their mothers until the age of 2 or 3. Similarly, in both rural and urban Indian society, infants sleep next to their mothers and children with their parents, often until adolescence. These different practices are reflective of the kind of cultural characteristics that are valued and promoted within the wider society: Solitary sleeping in middle-class America is believed to foster independence and a greater sense of individuality and self-reliance; communal sleeping in societies like the Maya and throughout India enhances ties between baby, mother, and the family and, by extension, encourages culturally valued forms of interdependence and cooperation. While children’s closest attachments are usually to their parents—and particularly to their mothers, because of the latter’s more prevalent role in the nurturance of the infant—extended kin, historically and cross-culturally, play an important role in the upbringing of a child. Indeed, in many cultures, primary responsibility for molding the child to fit the prescribed cultural norms is left to other members of the kin group, who are regularly called upon and indeed expected to participate actively in the child-rearing and socialization process. Such kin include grandparents, older siblings or cousins, and aunts or uncles, along with those classified as fictive kin, such as godparents, close friends, or nannies. Depending on the position they occupy within the wider kin group, kin members may have specially delineated duties to perform in socializing the child into the social group. While kinship and the involvement of extended kin in the upbringing of the child ostensibly matter most during infancy, they play equally important roles throughout the course of childhood and adolescence. In Turkish villages, for example, the paternal grandfather is responsible for be-

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stowing the name upon the child. Among the Bantu people of central Africa, as well as throughout parts of India, Melanesia, and Amazonia, the mother’s brother has enormous material and ritual responsibilities toward—and even physical rights over—his sister’s children (particularly toward his sister’s sons), which begin at the time of the child’s birth and carry on into adulthood. It is rare outside of middleclass American and other (largely Western) industrialized societies that child rearing is considered to be the primary responsibility of the parents who, instead of turning to close or extended kin for child rearing and child care assistance, will avail of a variety of fictive kin or professional individuals: au pairs, babysitters, or nursery workers. The reasons for the close involvement of extended or fictive kin in the rearing of a child are often practical, related to the number of children in a household and the work demands on the parents to maintain the household. This is particularly the case when the parents of the child work outside the home. Among the Malay on the island of Langkawi, for example, an older sibling will often be sent, in a kind of fostering arrangement, to live with a kin member, such as a grandparent or an aunt, to ease the burden on the parents when a new baby is born. Equally, while parents are traditionally perceived as being the primary caregivers within Tongan society, members of the extended kin group generally assume primary responsibility during the day when both parents are working. In North American society, reasons for the preponderance of the role of fictive kin or professional individuals in the child-rearing process are equally practical: For a variety of economic and personal reasons, parents may choose or be forced to carry on working outside the home. Equally, they may not live within close proximity of extended kin or may not be in a position to avail of the assistance that extended family could provide. The kind and degree of involvement of different kinds of kin in child-rearing activities are once again reflective of the norms, values, and beliefs that underpin a particular culture. In North America, with the cultural emphasis on autonomy and self-reliance, assistance from extended kin may not be accepted or provided: Parents, as an individual unit, are expected to sort out their own child care. In India, to the contrary, the involved role that members of the joint and extended family play in the child-rearing process is not only expected and celebrated, but it also reinforces the rights and responsibilities of the social group over the individual (parental) unit. Cross-culturally, it is grandparents who, after the parents, are typically the most actively involved with the childrearing process. Reasons for their extensive involvement are often practical, such as when the child’s parents have a large number of children or when they are employed or otherwise involved in carrying out necessary economic tasks outside of the house or village. Among the Maya, for example, grandparents often live in or very near the home

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of their own offspring and are thus available and expected to take on a more direct role in the rearing of their grandchildren. The vast experience that grandparents have in rearing their own children and those of their extended kin is also recognized as extremely useful when applied to the rearing of their grandchildren. Within Malay communities, grandparents have crucial roles (both ritual and practical) in the rearing of their grandchildren, and the child’s attachment to his or her grandmothers is particularly stressed at the birth itself. While grandparents are equally integral to the child-rearing process in societies like India, where the household and social structure revolve around the family extended generationally and laterally, children in middleclass American society and other societies where nuclear family households are the norm also benefit from the involvement of grandparents in child rearing. As a consequence, grandchildren often have a more indulgent and affectionate relationship with their grandparents. As fictive kin, godparents can also be integral to the rearing of the child, particularly in parts of the Christian world. The godparent—especially in the Catholic faith— traditionally acts as the child’s spiritual parent and takes on an important role in the religious upbringing of the child. This role varies throughout different cultures. In the Peruvian Andes, for example, godparents are responsible for selecting the child’s name. They also have a socioeconomic and pastoral role, taking responsibility for their godchildren in times of illness or material need. In other parts of Latin America, the link between godparents and the child has become less important than the relationship between the child’s parents and the godparents. Elsewhere, and particularly within industrialized societies like the United States, godparenthood has increasingly become decoupled from its religious origins. Individual godparents, however, often still become involved in their godchild’s life and wellbeing and may well take responsibility for the child-rearing process in the case of the parents’ death. There are numerous variables that impact upon the relationship between kinship and child-rearing practices. Gender is one example. Cross-culturally, child rearing— particularly in the early years of the child’s life—rests predominantly in the hands of the females of the kin group. Among the Maya, for example, female children between the ages of 7 and 14 spend much of their time looking after younger siblings or cousins, with mothers and grandmothers putting in more time than other male adult members of the household. In the Peruvian Andes as well, while all family members participate in primary child rearing and child care activities, it is the females—mothers, grandmothers, and older sisters—who do the bulk of child care during infancy and early childhood. Within central India, children largely remain at home with their mothers and other female kin until around the age of 6 or 7, when children’s gender roles and practices begin to be more defined and delineated.

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And among the Malay of Langkawi, older sisters and aunts are, after the parents and grandparents, the category of kin that are preferred for looking after children. The relationship between kinship and child rearing is also inextricably linked to socioeconomic status and its implications for economic roles. Because of the necessity of supplementing the household income, mothers from lower socioeconomic groups are often forced to work for long periods outside of the home, thereby devoting significantly less time to specific child-rearing activities than those from higher socioeconomic groups. It is for this reason that, within lower socioeconomic classes in both rural and urban India, primary child-rearing responsibilities are often turned over to other kin members: namely grandmothers and older children. This, in turn, affects the physical wellbeing of the infant, who, while in the care of an older sibling or grandparent, may suffer from the lack of adequate (maternal) nutrition. Kinship, particularly with respect to socioeconomic hardship, may seem to matter more to babies than to older children and adolescents, given the physical needs and helplessness of infants. However, the absence of parents (especially the mother) from the home has other consequences that impact physically, emotionally, and socially upon children of all ages. For example, given that infants require more attention, less time and direct care is devoted to younger and older children. Consequently, children from lower socioeconomic groups also grow less dependent on their parents and other child rearers, being forced to feed, wash, and dress themselves (and often their younger siblings) from a much younger age. In such cases, children’s schooling might also be affected, as the concerns of the household are given precedence over the child’s education. This contrasts markedly with the experience of children from higher socioeconomic groups, where the material and temporal means to prolong children’s dependence on parents and child rearers are more readily available. While the relationship between kinship and child rearing, like child rearing practices more generally, is crossculturally variable, it is important to bear in mind that the objectives of the child-rearing process are culturally similar: Namely, that the child, throughout the course of infancy, early childhood, and adolescence, acquires the knowledge, skills, and behaviors that enable him or her to achieve full adulthood. The role of kin in this endeavor clearly has a tremendous impact on child development and the childrearing process. Children themselves are by no means passive participants in this process: To the contrary, they play an active role in both challenging and transforming cultural practices and beliefs to which they are exposed and drawn into on their way to achieving adulthood. It is equally important to bear in mind that this process is undergoing constant transformation, as the cultural traditions within which child-rearing practices are embedded are continuously

confronted by new social and economic forces in an increasingly globalized and connected world. Peggy Froerer see also: Family; Foster and Kinship Care; Grandparents; Guardianship; Parenthood; Siblings; Single Parents further reading: Susan C. Seymour, Women, Family and Child Care in India, 1999. • Judy DeLoache and Alma Gottlieb, A World of Babies: Imagined Childcare Guides for Seven Societies, 2000. • Adrie Kusserow, American Individualisms: Child Rearing and Social Class in Three Neighborhoods, 2004. • Inge Bolin, Growing Up in a Culture of Respect: Child Rearing in Highland Peru, 2006.

klein, melanie (reizes) (b. March 30, 1882; d. September 22, 1960), child psychoanalytic researcher and clinician. Melanie Klein grew up in a modest Hungarian town near Vienna, the youngest of four children. Her mother, from a well-to-do Slovakian family, ran a shop, and her father, from a poorer Polish orthodox family, was a doctor. Her marriage to Arthur Klein in 1903 put to rest her youthful hopes of a medical career. The Kleins divorced in 1922. Of their three children, Melissa, a psychoanalyst, vehemently opposed her mother’s theories, Hans died tragically young in a climbing accident, and Eric remained close to his mother throughout her life. Inspired by the work of Sigmund Freud, Klein entered analysis during World War I, first under Sandor Ferenczi and later under Karl Abraham, both protégés of Freud. Almost immediately, she began to develop the practice of child psychoanalysis. In 1926, Ernest Jones, a British psychoanalyst and Freud’s biographer, invited Klein to lecture in London, where she settled for the remainder of her life. It is said that Freud discovered the child in the psyche of the adult and Klein the infant in the psyche of the child. Because psychoanalysis is a “talking cure” and the infant is preverbal, Klein adjusted Freud’s technique by adding the play method to the standard psychoanalytic method of free association. Despite criticism from child psychoanalysts, including Freud’s daughter Anna, Klein considered her method fully psychoanalytic in its ability to reach unconscious processes. Klein was an extraordinarily perceptive and humane clinician and a highly innovative theoretician. She proposed that a baby experiences overwhelming anxiety because of the death drive: He fears that he might destroy the caregiver (or “object”) on whom he depends and also fears annihilation by the object in retaliation for these destructive wishes. Klein posited that an infant uses particular mental processes to defend against these overwhelming feelings, including splitting himself and the human object into all-good and all-bad representations. At first feeling omnipotent, the baby denies reality, in what Klein called the paranoidschizoid position; around 6 months of age, he feels guilty and depressed, experiencing the depressive position. An individual’s mind moves between these positions throughout

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life, but fixation in the first position can produce psychosis, and irresolution of the second can produce neurosis along with aspects of the normal mourning process. Klein found an early Oedipus complex and a ruthless, primitive superego in all infants, suggesting that the two genders have different as well as shared psychic trajectories from the start. Her emphasis on the wish by boys as well as girls to give birth underlaid her interest in sublimation and creativity. Finally, she understood that the death drive manifests itself as a primal envy of the mother’s creative powers. She believed that the death drive is balanced by the life drive, hate by love, and envy by gratitude. Klein thus gave her clinical observations of how the infant emotionally and mentally becomes a child and then an adult a theoretical framework that is implicitly also an ethic. Juliet Mitchell see also: Development, Theories of: Psychoanalytic Theories; Oedipus Conflict further reading: P. King and R. Steiner, The Freud-Klein Controversies, 1941–45, 1991. • J. Mitchell, ed., The Selected Melanie Klein, [1986] 2003.

kohlberg, lawrence (b. October 25, 1927; d. January 17, 1987), founder of the Center for Moral Development and Education at Harvard University and pioneer of the psychological study of moral development and its application in schools. Lawrence Kohlberg was born in Bronxville, New York, and grew up in an economically privileged family as an intellectually gifted and rebellious adolescent. Just after World War II, he enlisted in the Merchant Marine and then joined the illegal Haganah movement, serving on an old freighter that helped smuggle European Jews into Palestine. Ultimately, he was captured by the British and detained on Cyprus, where he reflected on the injustice of the U.S. allies’ attacking and incarcerating him for saving Jews from the aftermath of the Holocaust. He returned to the United States and pursued his undergraduate and graduate studies at the University of Chicago. He became sidetracked when he encountered Jean Piaget’s The Moral Judgment of the Child. Ultimately, he began interviewing children and adolescents about their ideas about morality, completing his groundbreaking dissertation on the development of stages of moral reasoning, earning a doctoral degree in psychology in 1958. The core of his work was identifying a developmental, universal sequence of stages of understanding justice. After serving at Boston Children’s Hospital, Yale University, and the University of Chicago, he was hired in 1968 as professor of education and social psychology at Harvard University, where he remained until his death. In 1974, he established the Center for Moral Development and Education, which he directed. During this time, he not only refined the definitions of the stages of moral reasoning but

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also explored how they develop, devised school-based interventions to foster their development, and examined the relationships of his model to many other areas of psychological development (e.g., language, gender identity, religion). Kohlberg’s legacy can be understood in many ways. Most centrally, he legitimized the scientific study of moral reasoning and its application in educational settings. Second, his interest in applying basic psychological theory and research to understanding and intervening with families, schools, prisons, business organizations, and other societal structures built a bridge between academics and practitioners. It was not uncommon for Kohlberg and his colleagues to meet with distinguished scholars and prison guards or teachers at the same time. A third legacy was the cult of personality he unintentionally fostered. A unique and eccentric genius, Kohlberg was revered by most of his students, colleagues, and collaborators. The Center for Moral Development and Education that he founded was a semichaotic and subtly frenzied place of brilliant productivity, impressive egalitarianism, and true friendship. It mirrored his personality. Perhaps his greatest legacy, however, is generative. The generations of scholars who studied with Kohlberg, either as peers or as his students, continue to shape the fields of psychology, education, theology, sociology, and others. Kohlberg’s theory of stages of moral reasoning development is still highlighted in nearly all relevant education and psychology textbooks. His two-volume coding manual, The Measurement of Moral Judgment, which he coauthored with Anne Colby and others, was published in 1987. The Association for Moral Education, an international organization with wide-ranging interests and perspectives, continues to thrive, originally founded and still based largely on his work and ideas. His Just Community School model (chronicled in the 1989 book Lawrence Kohlberg’s Approach to Moral Education, coauthored with Clark Power and Ann Higgins) remains radical and an inspiration and challenge to all educators interested in rethinking schools. Kohlberg believed in true democracy, in justice, in the importance of understanding the roles that social institutions play in shaping human development, and in human potential. He believed that morality was complex, developed from childhood through adulthood, and was the hope for the future of the human race. Sadly, due in part to the long-term deteriorative effects of an incurable intestinal parasite that he contracted while doing cross-cultural research, Kohlberg took his own life in January 1987, never fully realizing how much he had done to make the world a better place, how many people loved him, and how much he still had to offer to them and the world. Marvin W. Berkowitz see also: Moral Development; Stages of Childhood further reading: A. Colby and L. Kohlberg, The Measurement of Moral Judgment, 2 vols., 1987. • F. C. Power, A. Higgins, and L. Kohlberg, Lawrence Kohlberg’s Approach to Moral Education, 1989.

l labor, child. see Work, Children’s Gainful labor and delivery. Labor in anticipation of birth is defined as regular uterine contractions with evidence of cervical change (opening and/or thinning of the cervix). This is divided into three stages. The first stage of labor is dilation. Until the woman’s cervix is 4 centimeters dilated, she is considered to be in latent labor. This phase may last up to 21 hours in first-time mothers and up to 14 hours in women with previous deliveries, although median times are much shorter. From 4 centimeters until full dilation (10 centimeters), a woman is considered to be in active labor. During active labor, the cervix dilates more rapidly, at least 1 centimeter per hour. The second stage of labor is maternal pushing and delivery of the baby. First-time mothers may require two hours or more to accomplish delivery; with subsequent deliveries, this time is shorter, usually less than an hour. An additional hour is often added to these times when regional (epidural or spinal) analgesia is administered, as the woman’s urge and ability to push may be partly or wholly suppressed with these medications. The third stage of labor consists of delivery of the placenta, or afterbirth, and is usually accomplished in less than 30 minutes. In the United States, almost all births occur in hospitals, with a small number of low-risk women choosing birthing centers or home delivery. Hospital births are typically attended by a physician trained in obstetrics or family practice or by a certified nurse-midwife. Birthing-center and home births are more commonly attended by midwives than physicians, occasionally by lay or uncertified midwives. In developing nations, lay birth attendants (traditional birth attendants) or family members may be the only available assistants for deliveries. In a typical in-hospital delivery, a number of interventions are utilized to maximize the safety of mother and infant. Fetal monitoring is used to assess the status of the baby during labor and delivery. The fetal heart rate is monitored with an ultrasound device on the mother’s abdomen or with an electrode attached to the baby’s scalp as it becomes accessible through the cervical opening. Fetal monitoring may indicate a fetus in distress, allowing earlier intervention to prevent hypoxia (inadequate oxygen). Monitoring

can be either intermittent or continuous, according to the preference of the provider and patient and the risk to the fetus of complications during labor. The adequacy of uterine contractions is also monitored, and medication may be used to augment contractions if necessary. In birthing centers or home births, such monitoring is performed either intermittently or not at all. Pain control during labor can be accomplished with medication or a variety of nonpharmacological means. Intravenous narcotics may be used early in labor but must be discontinued once labor is active to ensure that they are cleared from the baby’s circulation before birth, as narcotics can cause respiratory depression in the newborn. Regional analgesia, usually provided by an anesthesiologist or nurse anesthetist, can be either spinal or epidural. Spinal analgesia delivers pain medication into the fluid around the spinal cord and blocks transmission of pain signals from the abdomen and lower body; a single dose is given and typically lasts several hours. With epidural anesthesia, pain medication is delivered via a catheter placed in the epidural space (just outside the spinal canal), and can be used continuously for an indefinite period of time. Another option is a pudendal block, a local anesthetic given by the delivery care provider, which may decrease vaginal and perineal pain during delivery but which does not decrease the pain of contractions. Many nonpharmacological means of pain control can be used throughout labor. These include changes in position, massage, hot showers or tub soaks, yoga, meditation, hypnosis, and specialized breathing techniques. A number of breathing and support techniques are widely taught. The Lamaze method educates women about the labor process and provides constructive responses to pain (e.g., controlled breathing); it does not advocate for or against pain medication but seeks to improve women’s knowledge and control of the process. The Bradley method, sometimes called husband-coached birth, focuses on natural childbirth with the father as the birth coach and on avoidance of pain medications. The presence of a support person is critical to these methods. Some women choose to hire additional support people known as doulas to assist them in their labor and delivery. In some circumstances, a woman and her care provider may decide that labor should be induced. Common reasons

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for induction include pregnancies lasting past the due date, fetal growth restriction or inadequate amniotic fluid, or maternal complications. An increasing number of inductions are also performed for nonmedical reasons, such as arranging child care for older children or accommodating patients’ work schedules. Medications such as oxytocin, a synthetic analog of the hormone that naturally causes contractions, are used to stimulate uterine activity. When the cervix is not ready for labor (“unripe” or “unfavorable”), additional medications such as prostaglandins may be used intravaginally to prepare the cervix. Overall, induction is safe and effective, but rates of failed induction and Cesarean delivery increase when labor is induced with an unripe cervix. A variety of complications can arise during labor. Labor may arrest, meaning no further dilation occurs for two hours in spite of ongoing contractions. Medication may be given to augment contraction strength or frequency. When this fails to restart labor, Cesarean delivery is required. The baby may also experience complications. When fetal monitoring indicates that the baby is unable to tolerate the stress of labor, steps can be taken to improve oxygenation of the fetus. Typical interventions include intravenous hydration of the mother, supplemental oxygen, position changes, infusion of fluid into the uterus to cushion the fetus during contractions (amnioinfusion), and medications to decrease contraction frequency. If these measures do not improve fetal status, then expedited delivery using specialized instruments attached to the infant’s head (forceps, vacuum) or Cesarean section may be indicated to protect the infant from compromise in a stalled delivery. Labor may also arrest in the second stage if the fetal head does not descend. In this circumstance, some deliveries can be safely accomplished with the use of forceps or a vacuum device to assist the mother’s expulsive efforts. If the fetal head is too high to safely accomplish an assisted vaginal delivery, if the position of the head precludes placement of vacuum or forceps, or if the head is not the presenting part, then Cesarean delivery is considered. In about 5% of full-term pregnancies, the fetus does not descend head first. These babies are either breech—with the buttocks or feet as the presenting part—or transverse— lying sideways across the uterus. In the United States, the vast majority of breech infants and essentially all transverse infants are delivered via Cesarean delivery. Cesarean delivery, delivery through a lower abdominal incision, has become increasingly common in the United States, reaching a peak rate of 29% of all deliveries in 2005. Many factors have contributed to this trend, including lower rates of forceps deliveries, decline in vaginal delivery of twins, and Cesarean delivery for virtually all breech infants. Declining rates of vaginal birth after Cesarean (VBAC) have also contributed to this increase. Furthermore, a small number of women are requesting primary

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Cesareans (Cesarean on demand), and some physicians are providing this service. Reasons for requesting surgical delivery include fear of the pain of labor, fear of damage to the vagina and pelvic floor, and concerns about the safety of vaginal delivery for the infant. Cesarean delivery rates vary widely in other countries, from less than 5% in many African countries to more than 40% in some Latin American countries. At present, there are inadequate data either to promote or to refuse elective Cesarean delivery. In developed countries, maternal deaths are now very rare, 20 per 100,000, but worldwide the rate is 400 per 100,000 and in parts of Africa is as high as 830 per 100,000. The most serious maternal complications of labor in the United States include hypertensive disorders, hemorrhage, infections, and blood clots. In developing nations, obstructed labor without access to Cesarean delivery is also a major cause of maternal injury or death. Historically, the trend toward declining maternal mortality began in the early 20th century in the United States with the advent of clean techniques for delivery and, in midcentury, the establishment of blood banking. The ultimate goal of pregnancy is the delivery of a healthy child to a healthy mother. With modern obstetric care, most complications can be prevented or detected early and corrected. Dana R. Gossett see also: Embryology and Fetal Development; Multiple Births; Pregnancy; Pregnancy and Childbirth, Legal Regulation of; Prematurity further reading: Heidi Murkoff, Arlene Eisenberg, and Sandee Hathaway, What to Expect When You’re Expecting, 3rd ed., 2002. • American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists and Larry Erickson, Your Pregnancy and Birth: Information You Can Trust from the Leading Experts in Women’s Health, 4th ed., 2005. • Lamaze International, http://www.lamaze.org • WebMD, http:// www.WebMD.com

language Language Development Language and Social Life

language development. Psychologists and linguists have long been fascinated by children’s acquisition of language. Among the earliest studies were diaries (from the 1870s onwards) kept by scholar parents who charted changes in their children’s development on a daily basis. In the 1960s, there was a revival of interest in how children learned language, spurred largely by Noam Chomsky’s claims about the innateness of syntax (the grammatical structure of a language). Since then, researchers have been concerned with both what is learned and how it is learned, whether the learning mechanisms are general-purpose ones, applied to language and to other domains, and how the emergence of language is related to other aspects of development more generally. Contemporary research addresses all aspects of

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language from phonology (the sound system) to syntax (the grammatical rules that relate words to one another), morphology (the shapes of words), lexicon (the vocabulary), semantics (the meanings of words and constructions), and pragmatics (the uses to which language is put). Most of the research on language has focused on the preschool years, with emphasis on what emerges and what changes between age 1 and age 5, but there is also a growing number of studies that focus on later stages and later-acquired language skills in the years from age 6 to 16 or older. Children generally start to talk somewhere between 12 and 18 months of age, or sometimes not until 22 to 24 months. (In language acquisition, just as in the age of walking, there is considerable individual variation.) Children attend to language long before they begin to talk, detecting recurring patterns in the stream of sounds they hear from people around them. They also attend to the objects, actions, and events they can observe and start to interact with the people around them with gaze and gesture before they start to talk. These social interactions are critical as they start on the process of acquiring a first language. Th e V er bal Env i ronmen t M atter s Children everywhere acquire language from the adult talk they are immersed in. In some cultures, infants and small children are exposed to a great deal of multiparty talk, where adults talk to one another but only rarely talk directly to the child. In other cultures, child-directed speech in conversational exchanges is privileged, even for infants: It is designed to engage the child directly. In both cases, children learn to attend to what other speakers are attending to and to get others to attend to what they themselves are interested in. This shared attention helps them link chunks of language (sequences of sounds) to what is happening in context at the same time and so assign them preliminary meanings. The conditions that are basic in children’s uptake of language appear to be joint attention with another person, the presence of whatever is at that joint locus of attention, and its conversational presence through the words adults use. These conditions are, in fact, essential in conversational exchanges at every age. Most of the psychological and linguistic research on early language acquisition has been carried out in Western, industrialized societies in middle-class populations in North America and Europe, where adults talk directly to children. Adults tailor their speech to their children’s level: Early on, they use high pitch and short, fluent utterances to help get and hold their children’s attention. They also use words and phrases with exaggerated intonation contours and rely on attention getters (hey!, look!, ahh!) to make sure children know what they say is intended for them. And they often repeat themselves until children do what they want them to do on any one occasion; for example, they make successive requests (Get the red block. Can you pick up the

red one?) for the same action, and in this way they manage their children’s behavior with their talk. As children start to respond to language and produce some words themselves, parents often check up on what their children mean. In checking, they supply the conventional words and constructions that would have been used by an adult to convey that meaning. Much of the time, children accept such adult interpretations and often repeat any errors that the adult has corrected. But on occasion, they reject an adult interpretation and then try again to convey their intended meaning. Both their repeats and their rejections offer strong evidence that they attend to adult speakers and take into account the forms they offer. Child-directed speech determines to a large extent the sequence of acquisition children follow in learning a first language. Children are attentive to the frequencies of words and constructions and pick up first on those expressions and constructions used most often in adult speech. At the same time, the amount of speech addressed directly to them in their first few years varies with social class in the United States, but the more adults talk to their children, the larger those children’s vocabularies when they enter school. This is one of many places that children adopt the specific patterns of use of the family and the community. P erc ei v i ng S ou n d s , D et ec t i ng Patt er n s , Pro duc i ng Wo r d s Young infants, like many mammalian species, perceive speech sounds categorically. For instance, given a continuum of syllables /ba/ to /da/ (from artificially generated speech sounds), both adults and children break the continuum into two categories with a clear boundary, /ba/ syllables and /da/ syllables. They do not perceive all the graduations in between. (This finding has been shown for speakers of very different languages.) Categorical perception is particularly useful in learning how to deal with the variations in how specific sounds are pronounced—variations from speaker to speaker, variations with age (compare children to their grandparents), and variations with sex (male vs. female speech)—within a language or dialect. As children work on how to pronounce words, they set up patterns or templates for the one- and two-syllable words they tackle first (e.g., CV, CVC); they attend to simple stress patterns in the word (e.g., Strong-weak, CVCV baby, or weak-Strong, CVCV away) along with more complex patterns in longer words, and they build up “articulatory plans” for producing, first, one word at a time and, later, combining two or more words in an utterance. And they learn to take turns with another speaker. Two-yearolds come in late with their turns in a conversation; this does not matter if the parent waits, but it is hard for them to take their turns in triadic exchanges. But by age 4 or 5, their timing is pretty good. Children typically produce their first words between

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1 and 1 1/2 (some start a bit later), but they understand a number of words before they start saying them. Their first words are often not easily recognized (e.g., ki ‘squirrel’, da for ‘there’, do for ‘down’ or ‘up’). They build up a vocabulary slowly and have usually amassed between 100 and 600 words by age 2. Over the next few years, they add some 8 or 9 new words a day on average and by age 6 have around 14,000 words. And they progress from single-word utterances to multiword utterances, modulating their words by adding inflections: First uses of walk, for instance, become differentiated into walk, walking, walked, and walks, depending on the meaning required. They also add grammatical elements like articles (a, the) and prepositions (in, on, for, with) from age 2 or so onwards. Atten tion and Wor d Meani ngs How do children assign meanings to words? They must attend, in context, to what other speakers are attending to and want to convey. Adults work at achieving this joint attention by either following in on what the child is already looking at and talking about or working to get the child to attend to whatever the adult plans to talk about. With young children, the object, action, or event at the locus of joint attention is generally what is talked about. This, in turn, makes it easier for children to map word forms onto possible meanings. Preliminary meanings themselves may be based on the child’s existing conceptual categories of objects (dogs, balls, spoons, etc.), actions (moving towards/away, holding, giving, opening, etc.), and relations (in, on, near, etc.) in context, combined with the speaker’s apparent goal in talking about whatever they are both attending to. But if children are not attending, they can neither assign a reference for an unfamiliar word (what it picks out in context) nor identify a probable meaning in context (the type of object or action, say). Conceptual development and social development both contribute to children’s initial assignments of meaning to unfamiliar words. Children’s initial meanings generally overlap with the conventional adult meanings, but early child meanings may be overextended compared to adult uses. A term like dog, for instance, may pick out dogs and many other four-legged things, too. Other words may overlap in some adult uses but fail to match others; for instance, the child’s cup might pick out plastic nonspill cups and plastic mugs but not teacups. So one critical task for children is to track how the words they are learning are actually used by other speakers and from that adjust the meanings they have assigned until these coincide with the adult meanings. Children sometimes need words they do not yet have, and then they may coin words to fill the gaps. In English, for example, 2-year-olds readily construct compounds like fire-dog ‘dog found at the site of a fire’, plant-man ‘gardener’, or plate-egg ‘a fried egg’. And as they analyze word

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forms into component parts, they identify and make use of suffixes like agentive or instrumental -er (cooker ‘a cook’, reacher ‘someone who can reach x’, or climber ‘a ladder’). Many early coinages are replaced when children learn the conventional adult term (e.g., to scale > to weigh, to oar > to row, to rug > to vacuum [the rug]), but notice that coinage itself is a resource actively used by adults as well to extend their current vocabulary. Designi ng and Bui ldi ng Utter anc es As children build up their vocabulary, they also move on from producing just gestures, or just one word at a time when they speak, to producing combinations—gesture + word (e.g., point + ball) and then, more and more frequently, word + word (e.g., there ball, more read, me throw, two car). And when they talk, children this age already attend to what is common ground, information already known to both speaker and addressee, and what is not. And, as young as age 2, they distinguish between what the other does and does not know, supplying the information needed, for instance, when the adult did not know where something was hidden. Sustained communication requires that every participant keep track of what the others in a conversation know. Early word combinations may be quite limited in what they can convey: At first, children typically omit most or all of the grammatical information conveyed in a language like English by the endings on nouns and verbs and by the grammatical elements like articles (a, the), prepositions (in, for, by), and terms for linking clauses (that, to, when, because). Children elaborate their meanings by adding inflections to nouns (singular vs. plural: cat ∼ cats, dog ∼ dogs; possessive: the boy’s x) and verbs (present vs. past tense: walk ∼ walked; ongoing vs. habitual action: is walking ∼ walks) and filling in articles and prepositions (the ball, in the box, on his arm). They use simple constructions to convey causation (He breaked the stick), resultant state (It falled down), and modification (The toy Danny have) and to combine clauses for sequences in time (The dog barks and then the little boy runs away) and for anticipated events (I want to go out). And as children make fewer errors of omission and commission in their speech, it becomes easier for adults to make out their children’s meanings, so they, in turn, do less checking up on the forms children use to convey their intentions. Wor d s an d Mor e Wor d s As children accumulate words, they organize them into semantic domains: terms for animals; for food, from as early as age 2; for cars and dinosaurs from age 3 or 4 onwards. Within any one domain, they gradually organize words into levels of specificity as they learn the relevant inclusion relations; for instance, from less specific superordinate terms, to basic terms, to subordinate ones (e.g., animal, dog, spaniel; food, cereal, Cheerios). The number of levels represented

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in the vocabulary for any one domain varies, and the number actually known generally reflects the speaker’s degree of expertise in that domain. The terms within a domain can be related in meaning in several ways. For instance, basic terms are linked to their superordinates by inclusion or class membership, as in A dog is a kind of animal, where dog is basic and animal a level higher, or Cars and trucks are both vehicles. Terms for parts are linked to their wholes, as in The thumb is part of the hand, as are terms for material or substance, as in The ball is made of rubber, The bird is covered in feathers. Objects may also be identified by action or function, as in The top is for spinning, or That knife is used for peeling. These relations help children organize the word meanings within any one domain. Relations like these, along with comparisons (It looks like an x but . . .) and definitions (A stool is a chair without a back), are readily supplied by adults from early on. When they offer children a new word for some referent in context, they often follow up the offer with further information about that referent type, commenting on class membership, on parts and properties, or on characteristic motion or function. This information, in turn, helps children arrive at the conventional meanings for the terms being acquired. In this way, adults offer a variety of pragmatic directions about the conditions on use for each new term, directions that also play an important role in children’s setting up of both meaning and reference for a new term. L anguage Is Soc i al Language is the primary mode for human communication, supplemented by gaze and gesture (including facial expressions and body stance). One basic communicative task is to establish common ground with other speakers. Just as in adult-adult conversations, adult and child must accumulate common ground within each exchange. The new information offered by one speaker is from then on treated as given by the next speaker and therefore in common ground, known to all the participants. Adult utterances typically combine some given information with some that is new. While 1- and 2-year-olds can often acknowledge new information proffered by an adult speaker, they are not as skilled at adding new information to something given in their own utterances, even though they can often offer information that is new on its own. By age 3, though, children are becoming quite good at taking what was new, treating it now as given, and adding some more (new) information themselves. To do this, children must assess what the other person does and does not know. Children as young as 1 year, 6 months (1;6) can keep track of two people participating in different activities with them and use that knowledge in answering a question from each one in a way pertinent to the right activity. At age 2, they can track what a parent knows about a hidden object, depending on whether the parent

was present in the room at the time of hiding or only came in afterward. Adults keep track, too, of what their children know and often offer a “scaffold” for very young children to say what they know by offering them a linguistic framework in which to contribute new information in one-word increments, as in exchanges like this: child (1;6): Band-Aid. mother : Who gave you the Band-Aid? child : Nurse. mother : Where did she put it? child : Arm.

Another adult unaware of the child’s experience would be unable to offer the appropriate scaffolding for the contribution of each new piece of information. Designing utterances, in other words, is one of the skills children must learn as they learn language. Children must learn to tailor their utterances to others to take into account such factors as age, sex, and status. They also take into account how well they know the other person: One does not talk to siblings or parents in the same way as to teachers or employers. Learning what register to use—the appropriate style of speech for that person—takes times as well. Yet 5- to 7-year-olds appear to have some insight into how one might talk as a parent versus as a child, even as a father as opposed to a mother, as a doctor versus a nurse, or a teacher versus a student. While their notions of each role may appear somewhat stereotypical when they act them out, they select linguistically appropriate forms to mark informal versus formal speech and to mark high versus low status. By age 6 or 7, they have also begun to grasp that different domains may have their own specialized vocabulary and to have picked up some of the terms relevant to the doctor’s office, for example, compared to the classroom. L e ar n i ng M ec ha n i s m s Language learners attend from very early on to the patterns of distribution in sounds (e.g., at the beginnings and ends of syllables and words) and the frequencies of different forms and expressions in the speech they hear addressed to them as they learn words, word structures, and syntactic constructions. Their attention to the frequencies of different forms, though, is affected by the consistency of the child-directed speech they hear. And they appear slower to learn when the input is variable or inconsistent. Children depend on a variety of strategies to analyze and then make use of forms and structures heard from adult speakers. For example, they tend to learn suffixes before prefixes and regular forms (those with higher type frequency) before irregular ones, regardless of the language being acquired. These learning strategies apply differently to different languages: While most languages have more

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suffixes than prefixes (e.g., Hungarian, French), some have no affixation at all (Mandarin Chinese). And while most languages have a few irregular forms that must be learned one by one (e.g., the irregular past tense forms of English verbs like bring, see, break, or hit), others have certain highly irregular systems (e.g., plurals of nouns in Arabic), and still others have highly regular word forms with virtually no exceptions (as in Turkish). Language typology plays an important role. In many languages, word order serves a pragmatic function, indicating what is given versus new information in the speaker’s utterance. Grammatical relations are signaled by case endings on nouns, such as an affix that indicates that the noun is the subject. In other languages, word order serves a grammatical function, marking subject versus object, so other devices must mark given and new. Such trade-offs in the marking of grammatical relations and information structure are common across languages. And regularity in a language, depending on typology, is another domain where patterns of acquisition depend on the type of language being acquired. Finally, research has shown that comprehension is ahead of production. (In adults, this translates as more extensive than production.) This allows children to store target forms and constructions in memory and use those representations as guides for their own productions. Since comprehension is ahead, they can always use it to help correct and shape their own productions, gradually aligning their own spoken forms with what they hear and understand from others. Eve V. Clark see also: Bilingualism; Cognitive Development; Communication, Development of; Language Disorders and Delay; Narrative; Sociolinguistic Diversity further reading: Elaine S. Andersen, Speaking with Style, 1990. • Betty Hart and Todd R. Risley, Meaningful Differences in the Everyday Experience of Young American Children, 1995. • Paul Bloom, How Children Learn the Meanings of Words, 2000. • Eve V. Clark, First Language Acquisition, 2003. • Susan Goldin-Meadow, The Resilience of Language, 2003.

language and social life. A central tenet of linguistic

anthropology is that language is the lifeblood of social life. Language is a symbol of political collectivities, a mirror of locally valued beliefs, and a tool for creatively attaining social ends. Children become not only speakers of languages but also speakers of cultures. The language varieties that they acquire are informed by and help to constitute sociocultural worlds. These worlds are generated via recurrent social interactions that transpire within and across social groups. As the philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein emphasized, language forms derive their meanings largely from the contexts in which they are used. Particular language forms are conventionally linked to particular contexts, such that they signal or index those contexts. Just as a certain

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style of clothes can index a particular social identity, so can a certain way of asking for things index a particular social relationship. Likewise, the use of specialized vocabulary can index expertise, and pronunciation can index social class. Children come to know these meanings through a process of socialization with caregivers and other members of the group. Eventually, as children mature and participate in diverse social situations and institutions, they may transform these meanings, subject to the constraints of their sociopolitical positionings and educational opportunities. Such indexical knowledge is foundational to the communicative competence required of social agents across the world’s speech communities. One of the illusions that contemporary anthropologists have put to rest is that “culture” can be mapped on to “society” as enduring and undifferentiated units. Instead, a prevailing anthropological view holds that children engage multiple social worlds, become aware of social difference, and eventually are drawn into struggles for power. At the same time, they are influenced by ways of thinking, being, and (inter)acting that shift across contexts and transcend local boundaries, as traditional expectations dialogue with the effects of migration, hybridization, and globalization. Children growing up in all reaches of the planet embrace sociocultural diversity in the home, school, sites of worship, workplace, and recreational environments. For example, in the 1970s, young Samoan children wore an ie lavalava cloth wrapped around them as primary dress while at home in the village but changed to European dress to attend pastor’s school in the late afternoon. At pastor’s school, they learned distinct Samoan language practices such as test question-answer sequences and reading numbers, letters, and texts from the Bible along with ideologies related to Christian morality and Anglocentric pedagogy. In addition, radio broadcasts, public schooling, trips to the capital, and migratory flows to and from New Zealand and American Samoa introduced English into children’s repertoire. By 1988, electricity had arrived in most villages and with it the first television sets bringing English language, largely American programming. Today, Internet, video, and other media further transport Pacific Island children into the English-language-dominated global market of ideas and material objects and allow Samoan family members to communicate across national boundaries. Deeply rooted cultural orientations, however, make themselves felt, even, or especially, in a rapidly changing social universe. For example, when children act in ways that challenge social expectations, family members, teachers, and others often react by displaying culturally conservative views of how one ought to behave. Moreover, not only the content but also the form of communication directed to children tends to be resilient and widely shared by members of a social group. In many societies, a special register (baby talk), characterized by simplification and exagger-

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Our Language

imagining each other

A Fr i end s h i p Th at Tr an s c ended Li nguistic and Cult ur al B o r d er s

“Uweryumachini!” Colin and Sadiki kicked up puffs of pale yellow dust as they jumped up and down, pointing to an airplane flying high above them in the clear blue Kenyan sky. “Uweryumachini!” Again and again they shouted gleefully, giggles punctuating each utterance. I listened over the swirl of the warm morning breeze, certain the local Swahili word for airplane was ndege. I called them closer and asked them to slowly repeat what they were saying. They paused, looked at each other as if a secret had been revealed, giggled, and slowly pronounced, “Who-are-you-machini!” They uttered the phrase as a single word with a Swahili accent. It was their word for airplane. I was to discover this invented word was part of a unique growing vocabulary and grammar: a communication system two friends, one African and one American, from vastly different worlds, called “our language.” It was 1975. I was a graduate student studying a troop of olive baboons on a 48,000-acre cattle ranch in the up-country Kenya bush. My son, Colin, was 5 years old. The English ranch owners had made a remote old manager’s quarters available to the baboon research project. The dozen hillside African residents worked for very meager wages either for the research project or the ranch. Everyone lined up to greet the wazungu (white foreigners) when we pulled our Volkswagon bus into the courtyard. Sadiki, the son of Samburu ranch workers, stood out in the crowd. He was Colin’s size and 6 years old. Their eyes fixed on each other immediately. In the midst of the formality and confusion of the introductions, everyone observed the instant magnetism between the two boys. They were to become inseparable friends, playing together daily for the next 16 months. A soccer ball, a wheel rim and stick, an

ated affect, is widely used by adults in addressing young children. Where it is part of the dispositions of a community, the use of this register historically persists, suggesting that being addressed with baby talk in the formative years of infancy establishes what might be called a deep culture of child-directed communication, which later in life organizes how caregivers talk to young children. L anguage as M ed i um a n d Ou tc om e o f S o c i ali z ation Over the last several decades, the field of language socialization has emerged to examine how children and other novices are socialized through language and into language practices. Language, as the quintessential medium of social life, is analyzed as a powerful tool for engaging novices in forming and transforming historically rooted understandings, emotions, and practices and as an object of social knowledge in itself. Language socialization encompasses not only spoken language but also written, somatic, visual, and musical resources used as semiotic tools to commu-

old rope swing hanging from the lone tree in the courtyard, and Colin’s collection of matchbox cars were favorite and frequent play props. Each family on this multilingual hillside spoke their own tribal language to one another: Luo, Abaluhyah, Samburu, or Turkana. We spoke English. The language used to communicate across linguistic and cultural borders was a regional variety of Swahili. Initially, Sadiki and Colin struggled to communicate in Swahili, using lots of gestures and charades. Lying side by side in Colin’s bed looking at comic books, they softly pointed out simba (lion), samaki (fish), and the few Swahili words they knew in common. Sitting in the shade, Sadiki patiently taught Colin melodious traditional songs. Within weeks they seemed to be in effortless continual conversation, pretending to hunt herds of Thompson’s gazelles in the tall grasses, or racing matchbox cars in an imaginary African Safari Rally game, playing “Action Man” or “Batman.” Soon, however, everyone noticed that their Swahili was “different.” It was unintelligible to Swahili speakers. Visitors, hearing the children play, would be impressed with Colin’s Swahili only to remark a few minutes later, “That’s not Swahili, is it?” Sadiki’s older brother, home on his school break, offered, “The language they speak is a very complicated one. Nobody understands it but the two of them.” Sadiki’s parents declared that because the boys loved each other so much, Mungu (God) had blessed them with this special language. Sadiki’s grandfather traveled several hundred miles from the Samburu Reserve to see the rafiki mzuri (good friends) that Mungu had blessed. His spear gleamed in the sunlight as the lean old muscular warrior, draped in a loose blanket and adorned with traditional earplugs and beaded armbands,

nicate with children, along with relevant artifacts such as books, writing tools, and video and audio recordings. A central idea in language socialization research is that as children acquire language, they become members of one or more communities; conversely, membership entails competence in the language code itself (including phonology, vocabulary, syntax, and discourse). Through interactions with other members, children become socialized into the preferences and expectations surrounding use of phonological forms (e.g., sound variants that mark socioeconomic and ethnic affiliations), lexical or vocabulary items (e.g., kin terms, respect terms, personal names), morphosyntactic structures (e.g., active/passive voice to emphasize/ de-emphasize agency), and discourse (e.g., genres that attempt to influence the thoughts and behaviors of others). Mature members of a social group may use language to present an explicit socializing message. For example, they may sanction a child’s social move (e.g., “That’s not the way you ask for it”) or otherwise direct novices to behave in a certain manner. Overwhelmingly, however, language

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Our Language (continued)

socialization transpires implicitly as members of a social group recurrently involve children in language-mediated activities, where children are positioned to attend to the sequential orderliness of language practices and the ways in which language is conventionally used to index expected stances, actions, identities, and ideologies. While the study of language development delves into how children acquire the linguistic code, the study of language socialization articulates novices’ appropriation of language forms in relation to organizing networks of domestic, political, economic, educational, religious, and aesthetic relationships, institutions, situations, and activities and their symbols, beliefs, and values. While language development scholarship is anchored in the individual child as a language acquirer, language socialization research is anchored in the horizons of society and the child as fledgling member. Thus, for example, researchers might analyze the range of persons who engage novices in socializing interactions, at different socioculturally specified points in their development, using a spectrum of language practices and related artifacts, to

Their language and their friendship developed in an extremely isolated and insulated context. Wildlife was abundant and often potentially dangerous, including 30 varieties of poisonous snake, leopard, hippo, Cape buffalo, and predatory baboons. This intimidating environment made for a restrictive life for the children and brought them into a close and intimate space. The oppressive English colonial history and overwhelming African poverty were potent aspects of daily life, sometimes making the boys’ friendship controversial. English was the language of the colonizers; Swahili, the more formal language of government, employers, and strangers. The use of different languages conveyed power relationships, intimacy, and distance. On the hillside, each family had its own private language. Consistent with this practice, Colin and Sadiki created their own separate universe, a speech community enabling them to resist and transcend the harsh inequities of economics, class, and race that dominated the relationships all around them. Their private language bonded them as much as it reflected their bonds. It created an honored and respected space for their special friendship to flourish beyond the boundaries of extreme linguistic and cultural difference. Note: This essay is dedicated to the memory of Colin Gilmore. Perry Gilmore

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blessed the boys’ special friendship. He strode up to Colin, took his hand and spit twice in his palm, an intimate Samburu gesture of lasting friendship. I began to record the boys’ interactions. Using ethnographic and linguistic analysis, I studied their unique communication. I discovered their private language shared characteristics of pidgins or simplified contact languages all over the world. They had an extensive lexicon that included English and Swahili loan words, modified words, and many newly invented words. For example, “sun” in Swahili is jua. Instead, using two Swahili words in vivid metaphor, they called the sun kubwa moto (big fire). When I asked Colin what their word diding meant, he provided a translation and an etymology. Sadiki and he were playing soccer one day when Colin saw baboons coming. The rule was that when baboons came near the headquarters, the boys should be inside with windows and doors locked. Sadiki could not see the baboons behind him. Colin could not remember the Swahili word for “fast.” Colin shouted out the play noise they made for speeding cars. “Diding!” Sadiki immediately understood. They ran “fast” and safely entered the headquarters. Their invented grammar generated original tense and aspect markers. For example, they used the Swahili verb kuja (to come) to mark future tense and the verb ende (to go) for ongoing action. These creative grammatical features are linguistically sophisticated and more common to creolized pidgin languages that have been used by large populations over generations. Surprisingly, the boys created these innovations within a few months and at an age when the literature identified them as developing language learners rather than virtuoso language inventors.

further reading: Perry Gilmore, “A Children’s Pidgin: The Case of a Spontaneous Pidgin for Two,” Working Papers in Sociolinguistics 179 (1979), pp. 1–38. • Perry Gilmore, “Ethnographic Approaches to the Study of Child Language,” The Volta Review 85 (1983), pp. 234–55.

apprentice them into cognition (e.g., bodies of knowledge, ideologies), emotion (e.g., moral understandings, types and intensities of emotional experience), interaction (e.g., turn taking), activities (e.g., recounting a narrative, completing a homework assignment), participant frameworks (e.g., sideby-side versus face-to-face body orientations), identities (e.g., notions of self and other), and institutions (e.g., rules, sanctions, sources and consequences of power), across socially appointed communicative habitats (e.g., beds, slings, seats, open/walled houses). Both language development and language socialization studies generally portray the child as an active agent in becoming a competent speaker-hearer and member of society. Language socialization research is grounded in the cultural psychological perspective that while social conditions structure children’s attention and access to knowledge, children interact with and modify their surroundings in the process of becoming adept. Indeed, rather than a transmission model of communication between older and younger generations, a bidirectional, interactive (albeit asymmetri-

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cal) model characterizes the information flow between generations. In this model, young children can socialize adults just as adults attempt to socialize them, a situation that has assumed prominence as children become more competent than their elders in managing information technologies. I d eo lo gi e s of C h i l d -D i r ect ed Communicat io n Like all social relationships, how caregivers in a social group engage infants and young children is organized by prevailing, historically dynamic ideologies about the life cycle, childhood, paths to maturity, gender, knowledge, skills, and appropriate affect. As noted previously, such ideologies may be explicit, as when the Kaluli (Papua New Guinea) comment that infants are naturally soft and must be made hard and assertive in the course of their socialization or when Northern Thai villagers emphasize that each child is born with his or her own Karma, which cannot be constrained by caregivers’ directives. Alternatively, sociohistorical ideologies are largely manifest implicitly as dispositions or what Pierre Bourdieu called habitus, lodged in everyday social practices related to the socialization of children within and across social settings. In their account of language socialization, “Language Acquisition and Socialization: Three Developmental Stories and Their Implications,” published in the volume Culture Theory (1984), Elinor Ochs and Bambi Schieffelin introduced a typology of caregiving orientations, wherein caregivers may exhibit a child-centered orientation (situations are accommodated to child) or situation-centered orientation (child accommodates to situations). Caregivers in a number of indigenous communities in Oceania and North and South America orient infants’ bodies and eye gaze outward to notice the ongoing activities of others in the surroundings. Infants in these communities are immersed in open, multiparty settings and positioned as overhearers to the conversations of family members and neighbors. Caregivers often prompt toddlers to look at and call out to other children and adults and repeat certain utterances to them. Alternatively, caregivers in other communities, including the European and American middle classes, routinely make extensive accommodations to infants. While these caregivers orient infants to inanimate objects in their environment and attempt to engage them in dyadic protodialogues, they also extensively simplify and otherwise adjust their speech (using baby talk) and other behaviors to accomplish this. They tend not to immerse infants in multiparty environments in which they position infants to listen and watch what others are saying and doing. The social ecology of children’s life worlds—environments characterized by multiparty versus dyadic interaction—may in these ways organize situation-centered and child-centered ideologies of caregivers. This typology was posited to contextualize and explain

observed variation in caregiving practices during early childhood. While the two orientations have been mapped onto whole social groups, they are better understood as varying situationally as well as societally. Within a single society, interactions involving children may sometimes be child centered and sometimes situation centered. Thus, for example, Japanese caregivers tend to be child centered in private, family-based contexts but expect children to adapt to public situations in which outsiders are present. Moreover, Euro-American middle-class mothers tend to be more child centered than fathers, who tend to be more demanding of young children intellectually and interactionally. Local ideologies of language socialization can have longterm impact on language maintenance and language shift. In bilingual and multilingual communities, each linguistic code is ideologically imbued with kinds and degrees of symbolic power linked to particular social, political, economic, and affective conditions. In Don Kulick’s (1992) study, Language Shift and Cultural Reproduction, conducted in a Papua New Guinea village, the local vernacular (Taiap) was associated with having willfulness (hed), while the lingua franca (Tok Pisin) was associated with worldly knowledge (sabe). In addition to relative prestige of codes, language ideologies may also extend to local views of how difficult or easy different codes are for children to acquire and which children should have access to which codes. These ideologies organize which language variety will be prevalent in communicating with and socializing children in different social situations. For example, Kulick found that villagers predominantly used the lingua franca rather than the vernacular in addressing young children, a finding that has parallels in other multilingual socialization studies. Ideologically valenced language-socialization preferences, in turn, are consequential for the historical viability of certain codes in the repertoire of a community. Where local vernaculars are not preferred for socializing children, these codes are giving way to lingua francas, or hybrid varieties are being created out of local and regional languages. More rarely, local language ideologies may promote the flourishing of multiple codes, including local languages with little symbolic capital in the geopolitical landscape. For example, one study showed how a spontaneous sign language that emerged in northwestern Thailand has been sustained by a language ideology and language socialization practice in which hearing as well as deaf members are expected to acquire the sign language as well as the local spoken vernacular and standard Thai. In immigrant communities, wider language ideologies of the host country may trounce family and home-based language ideologies, as schools, churches, mass media, and consumer culture attempt to socialize second-generation children into valuing the dominant language practices associated with these institutions. In some instances, these socialization forces meet resistance from members of the

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immigrant community. This happened, for instance, in a Los Angeles Catholic parish’s religious school: Latino immigrants resisted a church board’s decision to eliminate Spanish-based doctrina classes in favor of English-only catechism classes. L anguage S o c i a l i z at io n P r ac t ic e s a n d H um an D e v elo pm en t As mentioned earlier, baby talk is a language socialization practice associated with a child-centered orientation. Although baby talk registers generally display exaggerated affect, they are characterized more by lexical and phonological than morphosyntactic simplifications. Infants in speech communities both with baby talk (e.g., Marathi, Japanese, Hebrew) and without baby talk (e.g., Samoan, Kaluli, Qu’iche Mayan) become competent speakers and members, thereby challenging the status of simplified input as a requisite for language development. A recent analysis of the practice of using American English baby talk register with children with neurodevelopmental disorders, such severe autism, revealed that certain features—slowed tempo, exaggerated intonation, and lavish praise in the context of a face-to-face interaction—may impede these children’s communicative development. Rather than simplifying the communicative task, these features may instead complicate it: Exaggerated affect may provoke sensory overload, and slowed tempo may strain the attention span of these children. An alternative language socialization practice imported from India, using rapid, rhythmic tempo, relatively evenly pitched intonation, and moderated praise in the context of a side-by-side participant framework, appears more attuned to the challenges of autism. This practice, in combination with allowing the children to point to symbols, afforded displays of communicative competence heretofore unrevealed in these children. These observations suggest not only that language socialization practices vary across cultures and situations but also that they are unequally suited for atypical children. The power of the deep culture of child-directed communication is such that, while innovation, borrowing, and hybridity are potentialities, parents, educators, and clinicians often perpetuate their sociohistorically rooted language socialization inclinations in the face of unknown conditions, be they the challenges of multiculturalism, social upheavals, or encounters with children with neurodevelopmental impairments. Elinor Ochs see also: Bilingualism; Communication, Development of; Family; Gestures; Narrative; Peers and Peer Culture; Sign Language; Slang and Offensive Language; Socialization of the Child; Sociolinguistic Diversity further reading: Charles Ferguson, “Baby Talk in Six Languages,” American Anthropologist 66, no. 6 (1964), pp. 103– 14. • Bambi B. Schieffelin and Elinor Ochs, eds., Language Socialization across Cultures, 1986. • P. Garrett and P. Baquedano-Lopez,

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“Language Socialization: Reproduction and Continuity, Transformation and Change,” Annual Review of Anthropology 31 (2002), pp. 339–61. • Alessandro Duranti, ed., A Companion to Linguistic Anthropology, 2004. • D. Kulick and B. B. Schieffelin, “Language Socialization,” in A. Duranti, ed., A Companion to Linguistic Anthropology, 2004, pp. 349–68.

language disorders and delay. Language is a highly complex, specialized cognitive function that is unique to humans; it includes grammar, the unconscious, abstract rules underlying syntax (the rules for combining words into sentences), morphology (the rules for combining words and parts of words [jump + ed = jumped]), and phonology (the rules for combining sounds into words). Nevertheless, most children by 3 years of age can talk using simple sentences, a task that requires linking knowledge from different components of language. However, 7% of children who are apparently otherwise developing normally have specific language impairment (SLI). SLI is defined as a significant impairment in language acquisition in the absence of any obvious language-independent cause, such as hearing loss, low nonverbal IQ, motor difficulties, or neurological damage. The disorder affects comprehension and production in components of language, such as syntax, morphology, phonology, vocabulary, and pragmatics. The deficit can persist into adulthood, often significantly impairing communication and literacy and thereby preventing individuals from reaching their educational and vocational potential. Although scholarship on SLI includes children learning a variety of languages, most of the literature has focused on English-speaking children. Biological and Cognitiv e Causes Historically, language impairments were thought to be caused by poor parenting, subclinical brain damage, or transient hearing loss. However, there is little empirical evidence for this viewpoint. In contrast, recent scientific advances, especially with the advent of genetic analysis, now reveal that SLI has a strong genetic component. This evidence comes from genetic analysis of twins and families. A breakthrough came in a study of a unique three-generation family in the United Kingdom who experienced speech and language impairment. Analysis of DNA showed a monogenic inheritance, inheritance based on a single gene. This led to the identification of the first language-related gene, known as FOXP2, on chromosome 7. However, this cause of language impairment turned out to be rare within the SLI population. Recent genomewide scans have identified at least four chromosomal regions (chromosomes 2, 13, 16, and 19) that may harbor genes influencing language. The general consensus now is that although developmental disorders of speech and language are heritable, the genetic basis is likely to be complex and to involve several, possibly many, different risk factors.

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Apart from genetic causes, there are two predominant approaches to the causes of SLI at the cognitive level. Some scholars argue that the primary cognitive deficit involves general mechanisms used in cognitive (brain) processing, such as temporal discrimination, processing speed, and processing capacity for information processed by the brain, as well as short-term memory. Such memory deficits affect, in particular, phonological short-term storage of sound sequences and words. These deficits are argued to impair auditory processing and, because of the physical properties of speech, to particularly affect speech and thereby perception of phonemes, memory, and/or general learning. The resulting phonological deficit, in turn, causes problems in language learning. To give an example: The auditory processing deficit causes the child problems perceiving nonstressed words in sentences, such as the grammatical marking on verbs of present tense s/z (jumps) and past tense t/d (jumped). This in turn will prevent the child from learning their grammatical significance. Although the primary source of the general deficit varies across different accounts, researchers share the view that the underlying deficit is not in mechanisms specific to grammar but in lower-level processing or later nongrammatical cognitive processing. Note that whereas temporal deficits alone are proposed by some to be sufficient to cause SLI, short-term memory deficits are thought to cause SLI only in combination with other impairments within the language system. In contrast, other researchers argue for specific deficits, claiming that in some children the deficit affects the development of neural circuitry underlying the components of grammar. Thus, although both general and specific mechanisms are likely to contribute to language, some forms of SLI are thought to be caused by deficits to specialized computational mechanisms underlying grammar processing itself. Within this perspective, several researchers see the deficit as being principally morphosyntactic in nature. For example, according to one influential hypothesis, syntactic features that mark tense (e.g., auxiliaries [do/did]), and the -ed morpheme (jumped) and agreement inflection (e.g., the -s morpheme [jumps]) develop later than normal. Children with SLI experience a prolonged period in which they are not able to obligatorily mark tense and agreement; during this time, both inflected and uninflected stems are acceptable forms in their grammar (e.g., “Yesterday I jumped the wall” or “Yesterday I jump the wall”). Another important model provides a framework for characterizing the deficits in syntax, morphology, and phonology that are typically found in many children with SLI. Although there are many ways of increasing grammatical complexity, many school-age SLI children lack the computations to consistently form hierarchical, structurally complex forms in one or more components of grammar that normally develop between 3 and 6 years. This working hypothesis emphasizes the notion that impairments in syn-

tax, morphology, and phonology are functionally autonomous but cumulative in their effects. This view predicts that SLI should arise from a number of deficits, some specific, some not. Moreover, deficits in all components of grammar might coexist or dissociate. For example, some children are impaired in syntax and morphology but at the same time exhibit normal phonology; whereas other children are impaired in all three language components. However, this model predicts that there is no consistent causal relation between lower-level auditory abilities or short-term memory abilities and grammatical development. SLI, however, is recognized as being heterogeneous in that different children vary with respect to which grammatical and nongrammatical (e.g., vocabulary, pragmatic) language components are impaired, whether they show islands of impairments or deficits. The origin of this heterogeneity is unresolved. Certain authors argue that the degree of impairment explains the heterogeneity. In contrast, other findings reveal that SLI subgroups show qualitatively different patterns of component impairments. Thus, impairments in different components might explain SLI heterogeneity. In sum, there is unlikely to be one cause at either the biological or cognitive levels, and the picture is probably much more complex than one cause–one disorder. This leads to the conclusion that researchers should start to work toward a new typology for SLI based on current linguistic knowledge of language components (e.g., syntax, morphology, phonology, pragmatics, semantics, and lexicon [vocabulary]). Such a typology would promote understanding of the causative mechanisms that underlie deficits and enable future research to establish more accurately the links between SLI genotypes and phenotypes. I m pai r m en t s i n L anguage C om po n en t s Research over many years reveals that particular aspects of grammar are impaired in children with SLI and that these deficits can continue into adulthood. Components that continue to cause problems include syntax, morphology, and phonology. Some researchers have argued that the impaired aspects of such components affect structural complexity in syntax, morphology, and—for many— phonology, too. Here, complexity is defined by the number of steps it takes to solve an instance of the problem. In addition, nongrammatical language components, such as vocabulary (lexical) knowledge, may also be impaired because processes of word learning are entwined with grammatical learning. In syntax, the deficits include not only tense marking (Yesterday Joe go home) but also assigning who does what to whom to noun phrases in active and particularly passive sentences (Joe was hit by Bill when actually Joe was the hitter), relative clauses, and reference to pronouns and reflexives in sentences (Mowgli says Baloo is tickling him when Baloo is actually tickling himself or Mowgli says Baloo is tickling him-

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self when Mowgli is tickling himself ) when contextual or pragmatic cues cannot determine assignment. Even asking simple questions can be problematic in the teenage years, resulting in incorrect utterances such as “Who Mrs. White saw someone?” rather than “Who did Mrs. White see?” Such structures are typically mastered by around 4 years of age. These errors are found in children with SLI not only who speak English but also who speak French, Greek, German, Italian, and Hebrew. In morphology, complex forms such as jump + ed where an additional operation of adding an inflection to a verb stem needs to be computed are problematic (irregular verb forms that are morphologically simple as they cannot be decomposed). Heather van der Lely and colleagues have argued that some subgroups of SLI preferentially store inflected forms as they do irregularly past tense forms. Support for this view comes from an array of different experiments where children with SLI differ significantly from typically developing children. With respect to phonology, prosodically complex forms affecting the stress pattern of words (tidy, today) (metrical structure) and sound combinations within syllables (filly, frilly, filter) are prone to errors. Moreover, systematically increasing the complexity, even in short two-syllable nonwords, causes a systematic increase in errors. This leads to the conclusion that deficits in phonology itself can occur independent of any particular, possibly co-occurring phonological short-term memory deficit. In sum, the evidence from subtypes of SLI across a variety of languages reveals mounting evidence of discrete but pervasive deficits across components of grammar. Further, whereas some children show deficits in syntax, morphology, and phonology, these component deficits do not necessarily go hand in hand. Further, any causal relations between them still await empirical scientific evidence. Outside the grammar system are deficits in pragmatics. Such deficits are common in children with Asperger syndrome or autism but can also co-occur with other language impairments. The subtype pragmatic-specific language impairment (P-SLI) is thought by some to be on the autistic spectrum and to represent a milder form of the disorder. Pragmatic impairment causes particular problems in relating social and psychological knowledge of the interlocutor to the communication process, such as understanding what information the person brings to the communication situation and how he or she can keep track of the elements of the topic through the conversation. Socially inappropriate rather than ungrammatical language results in children with P-SLI. In addition to linguistic heterogeneity, some children with SLI have co-occurring deficits in auditory perception, cognitive, or even motor abilities, and many SLI children perform poorly in nonword-repetition tasks that tap phonological short-term memory. However, data on memory

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and auditory processing are inconclusive. For example, a longitudinal study of children with memory problems at a young age shows that they do not necessarily go on to develop language impairments. What is clear is that there is a pressing need for more data from longitudinal studies. One promising study is the German Language Development (GLAD) study in which causal relations between early auditory deficits and language component deficits in children of 7 years or older can be evaluated. Such data is eagerly awaited before conclusions can be drawn. L anguage I m pai r m en t s As s o c i at ed wi t h Ot h er D i s o r d er s There has recently been increasing interest in characterizing language impairments along linguistic dimensions in disorders that show more pervasive cognitive impairments, such as Down syndrome, Williams syndrome, and autism. Whereas children and adults with Down syndrome and autism show some similarities in the way linguistic components break down, such as problems with passive sentences or pronominal reference, subtle differences also exist. Such differences could equally result from compensatory strategies or represent qualitative differences in language breakdown. Furthermore, such linguistic impairments, although apparently similar on the surface, could have very different biological and cognitive developmental origins and paths. C li nical Implications and Futur e D i r ec tio n s The advent of new methods of inquiry into the linguistic component deficits of SLI represents a significant advance over the traditional, rather crude categories of expressive or receptive language disorder. Moreover, these new insights are starting to have a clinical impact. First, the new methods provide much more directed assessment tools that can target at an early age the kinds of persistent deficits (e.g., in syntax, morphology, phonology) found in older children with SLI. Second, with detailed assessment of component deficits, therapy can be directed more precisely. It is encouraging to see that clinical trials evaluating therapy methods are being undertaken based on precise assessment of linguistic component deficits. Thus, it would be wrong to conclude that recent evidence of a strong genetic component to language impairment implies that nothing can be done to help children with SLI. In fact, the advent of much more precise knowledge about language breakdown and linguistic component deficits provides a new directed approach to assessment and remediation. This leads to the overriding evidence that SLI should not be considered one disorder but multiple disorders for which there are probably multiple developmental pathways, some leading to similar outcomes but some very different component language deficits. Thus, both scientific and clinical needs might be

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best met by working toward a new typology of language impairments based on linguistic component deficits and their combinations. It is evident that it will take a highly interdisciplinary approach to move forward, with expertise from genetics to neuroscience to clinical practice. Such an approach is also facilitated not only by new techniques at the genetic and neuroscientific level but also by imaging techniques, such as electroencephalography (EEG), event-related potential (ERP), and magnetoencephalography (MEG). These techniques are particularly good for investigating language processing because of their excellent temporal properties, which enable researchers to relate function with brain structure. These techniques may one day contribute to helping clinicians diagnose, understand, and treat language impairments earlier and more effectively. Heather K. J. van der Lely see also: Autism Spectrum Disorders; Communication, Development of; Developmental Delays; Language; Speech Disorders further reading: H. K. J. van der Lely, “Domain-Specific Cognitive Systems: Insight from Grammatical Specific Language Impairment,” Trends in Cognitive Sciences 9, no. 2 (2005), pp. 53–59. • G. Marcus and H. Rabagliati, “What Developmental Disorders Can Tell Us about the Nature and Origins of Language,” Nature Neuroscience 9, no. 10 (2006), pp. 1226–29.

lathrop, julia clifford (b. June 29, 1858; d. April 15, 1932), progressive child welfare reformer and first chief of the Federal Children’s Bureau. Julia Lathrop was born in Illinois, the daughter of William Lathrop, a lawyer and state legislator who served with Abraham Lincoln when both strongly opposed slavery. Her mother, Sarah Adeline Potter Lathrop, a pioneer in women’s education, graduated from Rockford (Illinois) Female Seminary in 1854. Lathrop attended Rockford in 1877–78 and transferred to Vassar College, where she graduated in 1880. Lathrop met Jane Addams and Ellen Gates Starr during her year at Rockford, and she joined them in 1890 in Chicago at their new social settlement Hull House. There, she lived communally with a cohort of remarkable women who contributed in important ways to the early 20th-century child welfare movement. Their theory and practice, called feminist pragmatism, supported women’s traditional values, democracy, and education. These reformers also stressed the importance of play, playgrounds, and kindergartens for children. In 1893, Lathrop was appointed by Governor John P. Altgeld to the Illinois State Board of Charities (1893–1901, 1905–9). From this position, she worked on behalf of the weakest members of society, with an emphasis on people who were institutionalized, on mental health, and on children. Because of this work, Lathrop came to oppose the support of large, impersonal orphanages for abandoned and dependent children.

During the 1890s, Lathrop worked successfully with other Hull House residents to enact legislation to end child labor and establish the first juvenile court. There, children avoided placement with adults in jails, interacted with a judge in his chambers instead of in a more formal courtroom, and had a child advocate to guide them through the system. Lathrop and Graham Taylor cofounded the Chicago Institute of the Social Sciences in 1903, which ultimately became the School of Social Service Administration, a leading center to train social workers at the University of Chicago. Lathrop was integral to developing the Federal Children’s Bureau, which was established by President William Howard Taft in 1912 to provide advice, research, and information on issues relating to children’s welfare, including mortality rates, orphanages, and juvenile courts. She was the highest ranking woman in the U.S. government as the first chief of the Federal Children’s Bureau from 1912 to 1921. In this capacity, she initiated the birth and death registry of children and supported well-baby clinics. The Bureau investigated infant, child, and maternal mortality; juvenile delinquency; child labor; mothers’ pensions; and nutrition. Lathrop and her staff distributed this information to tens of thousands of young mothers. She helped enact the Sheppard-Towner Maternity and Infancy Act of 1921, and much of her work was incorporated in New Deal legislation governing the social welfare of women and children. After she retired from the Bureau, her preferred successor was another Hull House resident, Grace Abbott. Lathrop continued her activism as president of the Illinois League of Women Voters from 1922 to 1924. President Calvin Coolidge then appointed Lathrop to investigate conditions facing immigrants at Ellis Island. In 1925, she served the League of Nations on the Child Welfare Committee for the Commissions on the Welfare of Children and Young Persons, bringing her efforts on behalf of children to an international forum. She died in Rockford, Illinois, after a goiter operation in 1932. Her passionate and innovative contributions to children, women, social workers, social work training, social welfare, and federal civil service testify to her work and stature as a fondly remembered “aunt” to American children. Mary Jo Deegan see also: Addams, Jane; Immigration, Children and: Historical and Cultural Perspectives; Juvenile Court; Social Work; Welfare: U.S. Historical Perspectives further reading: Jane Addams, My Friend, Julia Lathrop, 1935.

latin american societies and cultures, childhood and adolescence in. Anthropologists who have studied Latin American childhood and adolescence have approached the task in at least three general ways, with an emphasis on either cultural ecological and

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evolutionary approaches, socialization and developmental approaches, or critical ethnographic and political economic approaches. Overall, however, Latin American childhoods are the historical progeny of colonialism. Cult ur al Ecological and Evolutio nary Approac h es Arguably the least studied of all Latin American childhoods are those pertaining to small-scale societies. Popularly referred to as hunter-gatherers, many are actually foraging and seminomadic horticultural groups that reside within a wide range of ecological niches and nation-states. The anthropological hunter-gather model of childhood predicts that forager infants have a high degree of physical contact with their mothers, are gradually weaned around the age of 4, and regularly experience direct care provided by fathers, extended kin, and fictive kin. Comparatively speaking, forger children receive more support than children in agricultural or industrial-based societies. By the age of 3 or 4, children play in mixed-age and mixed-gender groups and live very indulgent, carefree lives until they are initiated into adulthood and have their own families. They rarely experience physical punishment. Observational data collected on Latin American forager childhoods have added depth and breadth to the hunter-gather model of childhood. There is, for example, cultural variability in children’s contact with their fathers. Ache fathers in eastern Paraguay spend little time directly caring for their children, while Hiwi fathers of southwestern Venezuela do. Anthropologists argued that this was an adaptive response to different ecologies and forms of local social organization. The Ache, for example, enjoy access to abundant sources of food year round. They live in uncleared forest camps, which contain more dangerous animals, insect pests, and potential homicidal attacks by other adult males. The Hiwi, however, have limited access to food and water as a result of extreme seasonal fluctuations, and there is much fighting between groups over access to territory. The division of labor varies by season; men do all of the hunting and most of the foraging during the late dry/early wet season (often accompanied by their wives) and perform a lot of the child care during the late wet season when women are off collecting food. Thus, the local gendered division of labor reveals a significant difference in what constitutes “caring” behavior, which is particular to types of harsh environment. For the Ache, “care” is reflected in how fathers spend most of their time providing food and physical protection, whereas for the Hiwi “care” is related solely to food security. Although popular representations of most South American foragers continue to depict them as isolated cultures, this is a fiction. Foragers lead “settled” lives insofar as different states have delimited their access to extensive territory and ignored encroaching landless settlers who work for landed oligarchs, foreign companies, and government

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development projects. Forager youths now make a living through mixed-economic strategies; in addition to gathering and hunting, they engage in small-garden agriculture, trade, and work as low-skilled laborers. Child morbidity and health problems may be quite high because of the impacts of settlement, which result in a less-diversified diet and greater susceptibility to infectious diseases that ravage nonimmunized populations. Many have become activists by necessity to guarantee their groups’ survival. Anthropologists working within cultural ecological and evolutionary theoretical traditions gear their observations toward charting and quantifying how culturally specific subsistence patterns influence child and adolescent survival and socialization. The kind of history emphasized is strictly human evolutionary history. Forager children are of particular interest because of the role that cooperative caregiver behaviors (e.g., sharing and provisioning food other than mother’s milk, which in turn affords earlier weaning and shorter birth spacing) might have had on patterns of reproductive success in early hominid history as well as natural selection for larger brain sizes. The ethics and science of treating foragers/horticulturalists, like the Yanomami of the northern Amazon, as if they reflect a link to the hominid past remain a hotly contested issue within anthropology. S o c i a l i z at io n a n d D e v elo pm en tal Approac h es Anthropological research in this tradition documents and examines cross-cultural variation in the social organization of family and intergenerational socialization patterns. It also challenges purportedly universal, biological stages of child development. Literature specific to Latin America focuses on the lives of agropastoral indigenous descendants of pre-Columbian Mesoamerican and Andean civilizations, the African diaspora, and mestizo peasants. In early research, children and adolescents were of interest insofar as they informed the functionalist perspective that certain modes of child rearing were efficient adaptations correlated with and serving certain modes of economic production. Foraging groups emphasized cultural practices that inculcated self-reliance and independence, while agriculturalists and pastoralists inculcated attitudes of obedience and interdependence in their children. Contemporary scholarship examines cultural and language-specific concepts of the child; examines how children are positioned within family, household, and community institutions; and analyzes how everyday and ritual practices shape and are actively shaped by children. For example, the concept of “child” in Ch’orti’ Maya incorporates the morpheme from the verb “to help”; children in these households may assume the role of primary caregiver to younger and adopted siblings, and parents believe that the presence of children makes life worth living. Children’s participation in other Maya communities also figures prominently in important Latin American pub-

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lic festivals commemorating significant events in Catholic Church history. Children and youths go door-to-door soliciting donations to fund these events and may also assume dramatic character roles in parades and theatrical reenactments. As these two examples suggest, the most extensive literature exists on children and adolescents in Maya ethnolinguistic communities. Classic examples of holistic research are Ruth Bunzel’s (1959) ethnography of a Guatemalan highland K’ichee’Maya town and June Nash’s (1970) account of a TzeltalMaya community in Chiapas, Mexico. Both scholars discussed community-specific syncretistic blending of Maya pre-Columbian and Catholic Church life-cycle ritual events, including soul-calling ceremonies to help secure a newborn’s soul, baptism, courtship negotiations, and marriage. All were major events in the life of a young person. Nash described how relative age and gender were the most significant variables that define an individual’s place within a family and household. The basic principles ordering everyday family life were obedience and care; elders were to be obeyed and younger family members to be cared for. Children 3 years and older assisted their families in child care, and youths 10 years and older assumed greater responsibilities by engaging in food production and preparation. Contemporary Maya socialization research documents similar patterns though analyses and now seeks to account for historical and regional variation; they probe deeper and seek nuanced understandings of how children are interdependent, productive members of households who also lead fairly autonomous lives. Caregivers are responsive to young children’s endeavors, but praise for children’s accomplishments is not a cultural expectation. Infants’ transition into early childhood is comparatively free of stress. Adults do not engage children in pretend play, though they do verbally play with them; teasing/shaming verbal routines are an important part of family and peer-group entertainment and socialize children into culturally appropriate affective behaviors and communicative competency. Important indigenous self-representations confirm many of these cultural patterns. These include narrative, photographic, and documentary film accounts of life within Maya communities that experienced rapid social change. Xunka’ López Díaz’s photographic essays, for example, depict idealized images of Chamula childhood in the photographs of her 9-year-old sister clad in traditional clothing and engaged in carefree playful activities. López Díaz juxtaposes these images with her own personal narrative. She describes the hardships she endured as oldest child during periods of economic instability and religious ostracism when her family was expelled from the community for converting to Protestantism. Likewise, the early chapters included in Rigoberta Menchú Tum’s testimony, I, Rigoberta Menchú: An Indian Woman in Guatemala, describe and valorize a culturally distinct K’ichee’ Maya childhood through major ritual life-

span events (a birth ritual, baptism, and a coming-of-age ceremony), all of which explicitly socialize children to stoically accept a life of hardship and struggle and to respect their elders and tradition, as long as it remains a tradition of self-determination. Current scholarship additionally acknowledges the limitations of ecocultural and functional theories, which ignored how political economic conditions shaped contemporary childhoods. There is also a growing interest in how transnational processes shape Mexican and Central American childhoods and adolescence in the United States and Japanese Brazilians in Japan. In the United States, some of this work specifically addresses how family structures and identities are renegotiated in host communities, as in the case of children and youth who acquire bilingual competencies and consequently shoulder the responsibility of being cultural and linguistic brokers for their families and U.S. public and private institutions. Similarly, families’ lives and relationships are also being reconfigured in the sending communities as women and children find themselves left behind, sometimes abandoned, due in part to restrictive U.S. immigration policy and the increasing dangers and costs of undocumented U.S.-Mexico border crossing. C r itical Eth nogr aph ic and Political Ec onom ic Approac h es Critical ethnographic studies of Latin American children and youth often adopt a similar perspective to that of cultural critic Eduardo Galeano. In his 2000 book Upside Down: A Primer for the Looking-Glass World, Galeano satirically likens Latin American children and youth to students receiving an education in the school of the upside-down world where the earmarks of modern society—progress, freedom, and class mobility via industriousness—are reversed. Backwardness reigns supreme; it strangulates and exacerbates preexisting ethnoracial, gender, and classbased childhoods of those on top, those in the middle, and those on the bottom. Anthropologists refrain from making sweeping cross-societal and cross-class generalizations, which presume that contemporary global flows of goods, information, capital, labor, and cultural symbols necessarily result in increasing cultural homogenization and victimization of a majority of Latin American childhoods. Instead, they examine how the dynamic interplay between locally specific and global (i.e., United Nations, transnational, nongovernmental organizations) notions of “the child” and childhood interact in particular contexts. This literature acknowledges the historical emergence of particular kinds of children at risk and children as risk (i.e., children who are interpreted as a risk to society) and the relationship between them. Society perceives the former to be vulnerable and in need of protection; the latter are held responsible for social problems and considered dangerous and disposable. A few Latin American examples of these as- or at-risk child-

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hoods include adolescent girls in emerging tourist economies, child soldiers, and the emergence of street children. Social scientific literature predicts that expanding global markets dramatically impact female adolescents; they become at risk of developing eating disorders common within the United States. One researcher found, however, that a majority of Belizean adolescent girls, despite massive exposure to U.S. images of beauty in the form of petite, thin body sizes, continued to espouse local beliefs that curvaceous body shape and adornment mattered more and that one should not attempt to alter the body. Only a handful that worked directly in the tourist-service sector experienced increasing pressure to conform to U.S. standards of beauty. These findings reveal that some forms of popular culture in the Latin American African diaspora are resistant to globalizing processes and that adolescent girls exhibit considerable agency in determining which standards of beauty best suit their psychological, biological, and social well-being. Despite radically different histories, the civil wars in Guatemala and Colombia have given rise to the phenomena of child soldiers. Child soldiers were either forcibly conscripted into military or paramilitary troops or, as a limited alternative, chose to join guerrilla forces. Some have been members of both. They committed heinous acts of violence and even war crimes; in the postaccord era, wartorn families and communities struggle with reintegrating discharged child soldiers. Researchers are just now tackling this issue by identifying the critical moments in social displacement that first resulted in youths turning toward either the very violence they sought to flee or the creation of peaceful public spaces and communities even amid ongoing violence. Preliminary interview data suggest that specific experiences and testimonies, and the corresponding moral logics that inform them, reflect different outcomes. Some Guatemalan ex-child soldiers experience nostalgia for the time when they first took up arms and became powerful actors. It is a response to the original traumatic experience of social displacement and/or forced recruitment. In the case of Colombia, in the late 1990s some displaced youth realized that they could not wait for the war to end to return to their communities; too many of their peers were taking up arms while living in a state of limbo. These youth became community activists and organized themselves to intervene in forced recruitments as well as to seek out international support to improve access to education and other forms of nonviolent recreation (access to musical instruments and soccer uniforms). In so doing, these youth rupture the isolation of displacement by providing a break from everyday life within the war zone. Another phenomenon common across Latin America, a consequence of the rural-to-urban migrations since the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s debt crises, is the rise in numbers of children working in the street in the informal economy

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often commonly (mis)identified as street children. In the 1960s, the presence of children in the street (moleques) in Northeast Brazil was common; moleques were not perceived as a social problem. Perceptions changed dramatically with democratization. In 1985, at the close of the dictatorship, predominantly Afro-Brazilian children from shantytowns were no longer sequestered into state institutions and prohibited from entering middle-class and elite urban areas. Middle-class responses have been to retreat behind their gated communities, to indulge and patrol their own children’s innocence, and to subject their youth to a level of psychoanalytic introspection that presumes a radical, neoliberal notion of “the individual,” a concept where the individual is solely responsible for his or her own social and psychological reality. These reactions potentially blind middle-class youth to the social and structural causes of inequality and widen the gap between social classes within the same generation. By the early 1990s, societal ambivalence was apparent in the widespread acceptance of “cleaning” meninos da rua (children of the street) from the street via extrajudicial killings. Current new social movements, often spearheaded by nongovernmental organizations, work with street children across states like Brazil, Venezuela, Mexico, Guatemala, and Nicaragua to provide services and lobby states to honor signed legislation, instituting real policies that guarantee all children’s rights under the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. The success of these and other movements will ultimately depend on states broadening definitions of citizenship and national belonging, which were informed by colonial ideologies of ethnoracial and class distinctions and based in (il)legitimate practices for reckoning family and radically rethinking current socioeconomic policies. If not, they will continue to shut out and scapegoat the majority population: poor youths and children of color. Jennifer F. Reynolds see also: Catholicism; Latino Children in the United States further reading: Tobias Hecht, Minor Omissions: Children in Latin American History and Society, 2002. • Donna Goldstein, “No Time for Childhood,” in Laughter Out of Place: Race, Class, Violence, and Sexuality in a Rio Shantytown, 2003, pp. 136–73. • Karen L. Kramer, Maya Children: Helpers at the Farm, 2005. • Suzanne Gaskins, “The Cultural Organization of Yucatec Children Social Interactions,” in Xinyin Chen, Doran C. French, and Barry H. Schneider, eds., Peer Relations in Cultural Context, 2006, pp. 283–309.

latino children in the united states. Immigration of Spanish-speaking Latino families, from Central and South America, to the United States throughout the 20th and 21st centuries has occurred in waves tied to immigration policies, economic conditions, and cheap labor needs as well as to the economic and demographic conditions of the sending countries. Currently, there are more than 35 million Latinos in the United States who make up roughly 12.5% of the population. They represent a heteroge-

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neous group of people who share sociohistorical processes but differ in patterns of immigration, socioeconomic class, and history. Nevertheless, as a group, mainly due to recent immigration from economically disadvantaged countries, most Latino children live in poverty and have overall poor educational outcomes. It is worth noting, however, that the majority of research has been conducted on low-income Latinos; there is comparatively less information about middle-income Latinos in the United States. Consequently, the extant research has emphasized the distress and hardship associated with the immigration experience and its consequences for family functioning and well-being. Following a brief account of immigration patterns among Latinos in the United States, this article will focus on three important aspects of Latino children’s well-being: family, education, and health status. Latinos have immigrated to the United States since the early 1900s. Mexicans have immigrated at a high rate, followed by Puerto Ricans, who began residing in New York City around the 1920s. From the 1940s to the 1960s, there were large immigration waves of Latinos from Mexico, Puerto Rico, and Cuba. Mexicans were recruited to the United States as industrial laborers and to serve as migrant and seasonal workers in agriculture. During the 1950s and 1960s, the largest wave to date of Puerto Ricans immigrated to the United States. Cubans, the third largest Latino group in the United States, had their largest migration in the late 1950s following the Cuban Revolution and were predominately entrepreneurs and professionals. Later, and as a result of the Cold War, the United States opened its doors to refugees from communist countries, leading to a surge of immigrants, especially Cubans, who were mainly poor. During the 1980s, the combination of the Mexican economic crisis and the unprecedented demand for cheap labor created by economic restructuring (the decline of light industries dependent on cheap labor replaced by assembly-line production and offshore production facilities) precipitated the largest migration of Latinos in history. However, poverty rates increased, especially among Puerto Ricans, with the decline of jobs that were generally taken by Latinos. At the same time, some called the 1980s “the decade of the Hispanics” because of the dramatic increase in the number of Latino businesses, the economic revenue that some Latinos brought in, and the growth of the Latino middle class. Nevertheless, the economic hardship felt by most Latinos, especially Mexicans, continued into the 1990s, although some groups fared better than others. By 1999, 64% of all Puerto Ricans in the United States had obtained a high school diploma, although they still lagged behind American whites, which remains the case today. Today, most Latinos live in poverty, face health issues and high fertility rates, and have low levels of education. This is the economic and social context in which Latino families bring up their children. Latino families’ parent-

ing beliefs reflect a collectivist approach that encourages interpersonal social interactions, respeto (e.g., respect and courtesy when dealing with adults), and family loyalty and cohesion (familismo) and devalues independence. A young child might show respeto by showing deference and not talking back to adults, whereas an adolescent might not be expected to do chores around the house or fix his own dinner, depending on his mother for these necessities. Many Latino parents expect their children to be obedient, honest, and responsible and discourage competition and assertiveness. Although these values are found across all socioeconomic levels, it is most common among less-acculturated, lower-income Latinos. For many Latinos, the family, including kin, serves as a social network that provides advice, monetary support, and child care. Less-acculturated, first-generation Latinos place more value on familismo than more acculturated Latinos, pointing to the dynamic nature of parenting: For Latinos, as for other people, values and practices do differ and change. The differential value placed on cultural traditions between, for example, foreign-born parents and children born in the United States and socialized by American institutions sometimes leads to tension within the family. Some research suggests that familismo can be both a protective factor and a risk factor because it can help keep children safe from lurking dangers, but it may also prevent children from fulfilling their goals, some of which (like going away to college) may be well supported and advantageous in the American setting. Because of immigration and economic hardships, many Latino children live in poverty with young parents who do not speak English or have much formal education and have many children. Parents who lack education and Englishspeaking abilities cannot always be the best advocates (e.g., question a teacher’s actions) for their children. In addition, the decline in two-parent nuclear families, the increase in female-headed homes, and high divorce rates, especially among Puerto Ricans, have placed further stress on Latino families’ ability to balance work and family. Educationally, Latino children overall have not fared well. Traditionally, the educational status of Latino children (notably those with language and cultural barriers) has been marked by underachievement, low levels of performance, and high dropout rates, particularly among Puerto Rican and Mexican children. In 1986, on average, Latino adolescents were 2.5 times more likely to be two or more grades behind in school than were European American adolescents. An average 17-year-old Latino student had reading, math, and science skills comparable to those of a 13year-old European American child and was often placed in low-level academic courses or vocational courses. Because of the high dropout rates and underachievement, many Latino youth do not acquire the necessary skills and knowledge to successfully compete in the U.S. labor market. Although since the 1980s there has been a slight increase

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in the proportion of Latinos with a high school diploma (increasing from one in three to one in two), the rate of educational improvement has been slow and varies by ethnic group. Puerto Rican and Mexican children have historically been more delayed in school, held back more, and have higher school dropout rates than Cubans and Central and South American children, partially because of parents’ language barriers, students’ inabilities to speak English, lack of family resources, and families’ economic status (e.g., migrant workers living in the rural United States). For example, Cubans’ relatively high levels of education and wealth have often enabled their children to fulfill educational aspirations such as attending college and becoming professionals (e.g., doctors, professors, lawyers). On the other hand, migrant workers from Central America who have low levels of education often have their children working with them in the fields and thus not attending school regularly. The educational needs of these children are the focus of some federal programs, such as Migrant Head Start, which provides Latino migrant children with child care for the seasonal period their parents are laboring in the United States. Despite the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA) of 1965 that increased funding and resources for elementary and secondary education, especially for schools and districts serving high percentages of low-income families, the achievement gap continued to widen, with Latino and African American children performing more poorly compared to European American children. Latino children typically had three to four years less schooling compared to European and Asian American children. During this time, however, and for the first time in history, Latino adolescents fought for equality in the school systems, forming the Chicano Movement, which allowed them to take action in the democratic process by organizing protests to secure change. This movement was in response to inequality of resources and the general trend of using special education and mentally handicapped classes to address the issue of limited English proficiency. Eventually, in 1968, the Bilingual Education Act was passed as an amended part of the ESEA, where Latino children were entitled to remedial educational services. Another significant change during the 1960s that would alter American policy toward families and especially children was a set of War on Poverty programs. This loosely related set of policies included programs such as Head Start that sought to improve the outcomes of low-income and minority children. The program’s policy of “don’t ask, don’t tell” allowed Latino children, many of illegal status, to enroll in Head Start programs. Children born in the United States to illegal undocumented workers became American citizens with access to educational and health services. Nevertheless, early childhood programs, including Head Start, continue to be largely unavailable, unaffordable, and inaccessible to parents in Latino communities because of

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distance and lack of knowledge about the programs. Therefore, children are often delayed in their entry into formal schooling. They also often have limited exposure to enriching home learning and literacy environments, resulting in many children not being ready to succeed in school. These disparities contribute to the academic gap between European American and minority children. Although Latino children are able to learn and make gains, once they enter formal schooling they are not able to catch up to their peers because of the initial disadvantages that Latino families and children face. As the Latino population continues to live in disadvantaged neighborhoods, Latino children are now enrolled in schools with mainly minorities and are less educated than children attending less diverse, more middle-income schools. In 1995, 74% of Latino children were attending almost exclusively minority schools. Typically, these schools are underfunded, situated in high-crime areas, and have teachers less qualified to work with Latino students. For example, in general, research shows that teachers perceive and rate Latino students’ abilities lower than European Americans. These conditions have created a culture of underachievement and social alienation that few Latino children are able to escape. Even when the effects of school quality are taken into statistical consideration, Latino students still fare worse that their European American counterparts. This might be because of the effect of misalignments of culture of the Anglo-run school to the expectations of Latino families and nonstructural discrimination. Teachers and schools may have little understanding of Latino culture (e.g., emphasis on respeto) and family values (e.g., parents defer to teachers), which can have an impact on academic achievement and success in school. Schools have not always considered alternate paradigms (e.g., use of oral histories) in their instructional methods to deal with the cultural diversity in the classroom. For example, narratives of stories about “back home” are rich literacy tools that can be used to make literacy more authentic and can be encouraged even if parents or grandparents have poor literacy skills. American health care institutions, like educational institutions, have not undergone sufficient structural change to more meaningfully serve the needs of Latino children. For example, the socioeconomic status model based on a European American metric that low socioeconomic status leads to poor health outcomes has been uncritically applied to understand health outcomes among Latinos. The result is the assumption that Latinos, the majority of whom are low income, have adverse health outcomes. However, some researchers have written about the so-called health paradox among Latinos, noting that second-generation Latinos have poorer health outcomes than first-generation Latinos, even though both groups have similar levels of poverty. This discrepancy in health outcomes can be attributed to

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diet and health coverage rather than to poverty per se, although these are related. For example, second-generation Latinos may consume more unhealthy foods dominant in the U.S. diet than healthier foods in their traditional diets. More than half of the 26% of Mexican immigrants who were poor in 2000 had no form of health insurance. Low levels of health insurance coverage mean Latino children are less likely to have routine health care and preventive care, which may lead to more serious health issues. Aside from lack of health insurance coverage, since the Cold War the biggest barriers to delivery of health care include Latinos’ range of religions, customs, and beliefs that might be at odds with Western medicine. For example, folk illness (e.g., mal de ojo in children, a red-eye condition) is not recognized or taken seriously by health care providers. Parents who feel that their American health care providers do not believe them are reluctant to bring their children back to health care facilities, which can jeopardize their health over time. Other indicators of health suggest that Latino children’s health status is lower overall than other groups in the United States. Although, in the 1990s, Latino children, except Puerto Ricans, showed lower mortality rates, had lower infant mortality rates and higher birth weights, and Latino youths had lower asthma rates than whites and blacks, their overall health was poor. Latino children, especially among Mexican and Puerto Rican girls, have higher blood lead levels than other groups and typically suffer from diabetes, hypertension, and obesity. The increased rate of obesity has been attributed to unhealthy diets; overconsumption of more high-fat, processed, and fast foods; and lower consumption of fruits and vegetables. Among young people, homicide and HIV infection have been ranked higher for Latinos than for European Americans, and obesity has been on the rise for young Latino children. In summary, as evidenced by the high rates of immigration to the United States, Latino families view the United States as a place of opportunity and hope. Given the diversity of history and immigration patterns, it is unwise to make generalizations about the health and educational well-being of the entire Latino population in the United States. Rather, certain ethnic groups fare better or worse than others at certain times, depending on social and economic conditions. Although middle-class Latinos in the United States typically enjoy the same economic wellbeing as other Americans, the majority of Latinos have poor educational and health outcomes. Over time, the United States has made some progress in adjusting to meet the educational and health needs of Latinos. Today, a sense of cultural ethnic pride, vibrant music, intellectual traditions, and a robust commerce have both enriched the social fabric of this country and allowed Latinos to enjoy comfortable lifestyles. However, serious challenges remain in meeting the needs of this group and improving the

experience of Latino children in the United States. Until then, some Latino children in the United States will continue on a developmental trajectory that will hinder their chances to becoming healthy and successful adults. Natasha J. Cabrera and Dale J. Epstein see also: American History, Childhood and Adolescence in; Ethnic Identity; Immigration, Children and; Schooling, Inequalities in further reading: Frank Bean and Marta Tienda, The Hispanic Population of the United States, 1987. • Donald Hernandez, ed., Children of Immigrants: Health Adjustment, and Public Assistance, 1999. • Natasha Cabrera and Cynthia García-Coll, “Latino Fathers: Uncharted Territory in Need of Much Exploration,” in M. E. Lamb, ed., The Role of Father in Child Development, 4th ed., 2004, pp. 98–120.

lead poisoning. In the 1st century AD, Dioscerides, physician to Nero, wrote that “Lead makes the mind give way.” At that time, lead poisoning was thought to be a disease of miners and wine drinkers. Realization that children were affected is relatively recent; the first cases of childhood lead poisoning were reported at the turn of the 20th century. Until recently, it was thought that if an affected child did not die in the acute phase of the illness, he or she was left without any consequences. In the 1940s, follow-up of poisoned children demonstrated the long-term effects of lead on children’s brain function and behavior. These were thought to affl ict only those who had displayed frank signs of acute encephalopathy (brain swelling, damage, and hemorrhage). The clinical picture of childhood lead poisoning has changed dramatically since then. Acute symptomatic lead poisoning, once a common problem, is now a rare event. At the same time, epidemiological studies of high quality have shown intellectual and behavioral deficits in children who showed no acute symptoms, at levels of lead previously thought to be harmless. In the 1970s, the definition of lead toxicity was 60μg/dl (micrograms per deciliter) of lead in blood; on the basis of careful studies, it has been lowered to 10μg/dl. The mean blood lead level in 1976 was 15μg/dl. It is now less than 2μg/dl. Houses with paint applied before 1972 are a major source of lead; a single loose paint chip can produce toxicity in a child. A threshold for lead toxicity has not been demonstrated. The major sources of lead for children are old paint, dust and soil, and contaminated water and air. Removing lead from gasoline in the 1970s has markedly reduced airborne lead. Lead exposure is distributed unevenly throughout the population; low-income families, African American and Hispanic children, and inner-city residents have substantially higher blood lead levels, although elevated lead levels are found in all sectors of the U.S. population. A current prevalence of elevated blood lead levels (greater than 10μg/ dl) of 2.2% has led many to dismiss the problem of lead exposure as solved. However, this prevalence means that in

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each one-year birth cohort of U.S.-born children, 88,000 have unacceptable levels of lead. Lead Effects Lead affects the nervous system, the bone marrow, the kidney, the heart, and the endocrine and immune systems. The most important target for children is the central nervous system, where toxicity is expressed in behavioral and cognitive deficits. Symptoms of acute toxicity may be observed at blood lead levels of 40μg/dl, although some children with much higher blood levels may display no overt signs. Cognitive deficits in children who showed no visible signs of lead toxicity first were reported in the 1970s. Since then, more than 30 studies conducted around the world have demonstrated deficits in IQ tests with elevated lead levels. Effects of lead on the nervous system have been demonstrated at lower and lower doses. In the 1970s, when the mean blood lead level was 15μg/dl, the lack of a true low-lead control group prevented detection of effects at the lowest concentrations. The general reduction of blood lead levels in populations of children has now permitted studies of subjects bearing very low amounts of lead burden. With the application of more sensitive psychological and statistical techniques, effects of lead at lower and lower concentrations are clear. Four studies have shown deficits in subjects with lead levels below 10. The inverse lead/IQ association is stronger at levels below 7μg/dl (i.e., the greater the lead level, even at very low lead levels, the lower the IQ). The evidence that there is no threshold for lead’s effects on the brain is becoming stronger. Unlike most metals, lead has no function in human metabolism, and it interferes with biochemical and physiological mechanisms in this low-lead range at very small concentrations. Deficits in speech and language, attention, and classroom behavior have also been reported in relation to even very low levels of lead. Youths with early childhood lead exposure who were followed up into their 18th year had a sevenfold increase in high school graduation failure and a sixfold increase in reading disabilities compared to unexposed control children. This finding indicates that the effects of childhood lead exposure are permanent and can affect life success. Most studies of low-dose lead have concentrated on IQ scores, not behavior. Many parents of children with lead poisoning have reported that, after recovery, previously placid children became fidgety, irritable, aggressive, and unmanageable. This link of lead with disruptive behavior has received some attention. Four studies report associations between children’s lead exposure and delinquent behavior. Children with elevated bone lead levels had higher scores for aggression, attentional disorders, and delinquent behavior. In another study, self-reports of delinquency were elevated in association with blood lead levels. A wellcontrolled study of arrested and adjudicated delinquents

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found that delinquents had significantly higher bone lead levels than controls. Having elevated bone lead levels was associated with a fourfold increase in the odds for arrest. In another study of urban males, the most influential predictor of arrest was a prior history of lead poisoning. A number of recent ecological studies report correlations between air lead concentrations or sales of leaded gasoline and crime rates after adjustment for potential confounders. Lead exposure has been reported to be associated with attentional disturbances. A number of investigators have found associations of blood and dental lead levels with scores on wellknown behavioral inventories, showing more problem behaviors with higher lead levels. Oth er Lead Effects Although attention has largely focused on lead’s neurotoxic properties, the metal’s toxicity extends to other organ systems. The endocrine system is one target. Children with clinically significant lead exposure have smaller stature. Depressed thyroid function has been reported in adult lead workers. Lead workers have also been reported to display defects in sperm production. Maternal bone and newborn blood lead levels were recently shown to be inversely associated with birth weight and weight gain at 1 month of age. A recent study using National Health and Nutrition Examination Study (NHANES III) data found that girls with blood lead levels greater than 3μg/dl had significant delays in pubic hair and breast development compared to those with blood lead levels of 1μg/dl. L e a d S c r een i ng Optimally, all children should have a blood lead test at 1 and 2 years of age. A prudent rule in the absence of universal screening is that any child with anemia, behavioral change, hyperactivity, weight loss, poor growth, abdominal pain, or clumsiness should have a blood lead test. Those in areas with high environmental lead should also be tested. Con trol of Lead Toxic it y The sources of lead have been identified, testing is available, and lead abatement programs are widely available in the United States. It remains a persistent problem because of the misbelief that it is a problem limited to poor minority groups or that it is a consequence of poor mothering. Further, there is a misbelief that the problem was solved when lead was removed from gasoline and paint. The lead industry minimizes the problem. Many believe that lead control is too costly. However, a cost-benefit analysis conducted by the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention has shown that the monetized benefit of such an effort would yield billions of dollars greater than the costs of control. Herbert L. Needleman see also: Accidents and Injuries; Blood Disorders; Poisoning

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further reading: Herbert L. Needleman, ed., Human Lead Exposure, 1992. • Ted Schettler, Gina Solomon, Maria Valenti, and Annette Huddle, Generations at Risk: Reproductive Health and the Environment, 2000. • Christian Warren, Brush with Death: A Social History of Lead Poisoning, 2000.

learning. Learning, the acquisition of knowledge and skills that endure over time, is a lifelong process. From the moment of birth, infants begin to learn about the world of people and objects around them. Barring mental incapacity, humans continue to learn into advanced age. Yet, while the fact of learning is obvious, the processes by which learning occurs have been less so. The history of scientific theory and research on learning has been characterized by a series of evolving approaches, from early associative or “buildingblock” theories to contemporary constructivist and sociocultural accounts. Th e Asso c i at i v e T r a d i t ion Although philosophers had speculated about the nature of learning for centuries, the scientific study of learning began only in the late 19th century when early psychologists began to seek ways of putting philosophical notions to empirical tests. German pioneer in psychology Wilhelm Wundt developed a theory of learning based on the empiricist philosophy of John Locke, who believed that everything a person knows is acquired by means of the five senses with little or no innate knowledge. Locke had argued that knowledge is acquired through a process of association in which sensory impressions are gradually linked in the mind in a buildingblock fashion. Such brick-by-brick approaches to knowledge are generally grouped under the term atomism. Wundt attempted to understand how people managed to organize the building blocks of sensations into structured perceptions (e.g., organizing the visual experiences of different parts of a room into the perception of space). However, Wundt’s method of introspection—asking participants to self-report on their own mental processes—was widely criticized as less than objective. Another early German psychologist, Hermann Ebbinghaus, sought to achieve greater objectivity by focusing not on reports of mental experiences but on individuals’ observable performance on learning tasks. Ebbinghaus connected learning very closely with memory since learning implies retention over time. He wanted to find a way to apply the statistical tools of science to the understanding of the laws governing memory formation and maintenance. Following the associationist tradition, Ebbinghaus made the assumption that higher-level, complex memories must be built up from simpler units. He believed that to achieve an objective understanding of this process, one must hold constant such mental variables as interest in a topic or negative emotions associated with a topic. To achieve this, he developed a method of asking subjects to memorize strings

of nonsense syllables that he hoped would eliminate such factors. By manipulating conditions such as the length and order of the sequences, Ebbinghaus and his successors were able to establish a number of basic laws of memory such as the recency effect (the first item in a series is remembered better than later items) and the learning curve (associative learning is greater in the first trial, decreasing exponentially with later trials). However, the Ebbinghaus method never succeeded in connecting these laws to the acquisition of higher-level knowledge such as language or conceptual understanding. Although the Ebbinghaus approach sought to hold constant mental “noise” by using nonsense syllables, it nevertheless was ultimately aimed at explaining mental phenomena. In the early 20th century, the behaviorist movement rejected the attempt to explain mental phenomena at all, arguing that it is enough to simply show how behaviors themselves are acquired. Behaviorists remained in the associative tradition, but, instead of the association of sensations or ideas, they proposed a learning mechanism involving the association of environmental stimuli with an organism’s response. In the early years of the 20th century, the Russian scientist Ivan Pavlov reported his findings that an animal’s responses (e.g., salivation) to various stimuli (e.g., food) could be associated with an extraneous stimulus such as the sound of a bell, which could then elicit the response by itself—a process that became known as conditioning. American psychologist John B. Watson attempted to extend Pavlov’s discovery to explain all learning, both animal and human, as a process of conditioning. For instance, in a controversial experiment, Watson conditioned an infant to show a fear response at the sight of a white rat by simultaneously presenting the rat with a loud noise. Watson extrapolated from such experiments a theory of learning that he presented in his 1913 article “Psychology as the Behaviorist Views It,” in which he argued against the need to consider mental phenomena in learning and asserted that there is no qualitative difference between human and animal learning— a position that conveniently allowed Watson and behaviorists the luxury of confining almost all of their experiments on learning to animals such as rats and pigeons. It soon became apparent that Watson’s approach, known as classical conditioning, was extremely limited in explanatory power. It seemed to explain how early reflexes could be redirected to respond to new environmental events but not how very complex behaviors of older children and adults might arise. To address this question, American psychologist B. F. Skinner introduced the theory of operant conditioning, arguing that organisms spontaneously emit behaviors called operants that can then be increased in frequency or duration by reinforcing events in the environment. For example, an infant who turns her head to the side (operant) and finds a pacifier to suck (reinforcement) will increase the degree to which she turns her head before the next rein-

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forcement. Skinner showed in numerous experiments that the behavior of animals such as rats and pigeons could be “shaped” through reinforcement to string together chains of behaviors to perform complex tasks (he even proposed to the U.S. government that pigeons could be trained to fly guided missiles—a proposal never accepted). Followers of Skinner, such as Sidney Bijou and Donald Baer, developed Skinner’s ideas into a broad theory of learning based on the idea of chaining together operant behaviors using various schedules of reinforcement. Toward the end of the first half of the 20th century, the operant conditioning paradigm had come to dominate the study of learning to such an extent that the very term learning had become synonymous with this approach. Th e Cognitiv e R evolu tion and C o nst ruc t i v i sm By the early 1950s, however, a number of scientific and cultural developments were converging to undermine the behaviorist approach to learning. For some time, Gestalt psychologists such as German-born, and later American, Max Wertheimer and Wolfgang Kohler had railed against behaviorism’s mechanistic point of view and its atomistic denial of mental organization. Gestalt theorists argued that knowledge is intrinsically organized by mental structures called gestalts. When presented with a linear array consisting of a circle, a smaller half circle, and two dots, an observer sees only the separate parts. However, if the dots and half circle are arranged in a certain way inside the circle, one sees a smiley face. Gestalt theorists believed that the mind’s tendency to organize perceptual arrays like this points to an active organizing principle by which the “whole is greater than the sum of its parts” and believed that higher forms of learning such as problem solving are built upon such perceptual organization. However, Gestalt theorists did not provide a robust enough research methodology to supplant behaviorism as a framework for the study of learning. Then, in 1951, Karl Lashley, a former student of Watson and a pioneer in neuropsychology, published an influential paper in which he argued that chains of operants alone cannot explain serial order in behavior such as writing, speaking, or carrying out any sequence of actions: Some type of mental structure capable of simultaneously representing the sequential actions must be in place to anticipate the order of actions and execute them in that order. At the same time, computer technology was gaining the attention of scientists such as Herbert Simon, who began to suggest that the information processing systems of computers could be used to model the nature of such mental structures. It was in this intellectual context that linguist Noam Chomsky published his now-famous critical review of Skinner’s book Verbal Behavior, in which he argued convincingly that environmental reinforcement alone could not, in principle, account for the creative and adaptive nature of language.

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Chomsky, like Lashley, argued instead that language must be underlain by some sort of mental structure capable of placing words in specific sequential orders. Chomsky went further, however, pointing out that language is highly creative, providing adaptive responses to all sorts of changing situations. Chomsky proposed that there must be some sort of “deep structure” containing very general (universal) rules for ordering language and that there must be “transformation rules” for generating specific language sequences or “surface structures.” Chomsky argued that at least the core deep structures for language use must be innate and that language learning is a matter of acquiring the culturespecific rules by which universal deep structures can be transformed into the surface structures of particular native languages. Chomsky’s emphasis on the acquisition of rules for building surface structures from deep structures fits nicely with the computer analogy of the mind: hardware structures supporting software consisting of rules for specific outcomes. This approach finally offered a promising research paradigm by which to challenge behaviorism. Researchers uncomfortable with the narrowness of behaviorism were galvanized by the chance to legitimately bring mental phenomena back into the scientific study of learning. Seemingly overnight, a generation of “learning theorists” morphed into “cognitive psychologists.” Cognitive researchers began to apply various rule-based models of cognitive processes to the study of essential human activities and how they are learned. For example, researchers undertook studies of how children learn rules by which to sequence steps in problem solving (Robert Siegler, David Klahr) and how they acquire strategies by which to interpret extended discourse (Walter Kintsch), strategies for composing and interpreting written text (Michael Pressley), and the underlying rules for constructing narratives, referred to as story grammars (David Rummelhart, Jean Mandler). Others studied the acquisition of rule structures known as scripts (Roger Schank) or schemata (Richard Anderson) for carrying out routine culture-specific sequential activities such as the typical sequence of events at a birthday party. When it came to describing the mechanisms of learning, however, some cognitive psychologists at first found it hard to shake associationism, interpreting learning simply as acquisition of “information” stored in memory. By the latter part of the 20th century, however, most cognitive psychologists had come to accept some version of constructivism: the view that learners are actively engaged in producing their own knowledge. One source of this view came from researchers studying scripts and story grammars who had rediscovered the 1930s work of British psychologist Frederic Bartlett. Bartlett had shown that people’s memories of stories are not simply rote reproductions but are reconstructions involving the individual’s own background and logical thought. Where parts of memorized stories were illogi-

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cal or discordant with reality, the participants constructed logical, realistic versions on recall. However, the primary source of the constructivist viewpoint came from the work of Swiss psychologist and epistemologist Jean Piaget. Piaget had advanced the theory that children construct their own knowledge by reflective abstraction, a process in which, by reflecting on their actions, they gradually reconstruct them as generalized mental structures. Piaget’s theory gained influence by showing that children construct a wide variety of logical concepts, such as conservation of number (the concept that a set of objects remains constant despite changes in its spatial array) without ever having been taught them. In a 1976 paper, John Flavell, an American interpreter of Piaget, reframed the concept of reflective abstraction in terms of meta-cognition, defined as self-awareness of one’s learning strategies and activities. Although Flavell’s concept of meta-cognition has more to do with the practical aspects of the way learning activities are carried out than the way mental structures are constructed, it has launched an extensive body of research on a wide variety of ways in which awareness of one’s own learning process enhances learning outcomes. One reason Piaget’s concept of reflective abstraction was reformulated by learning researchers was that, although it provided a mechanism by which the simultaneous cognitive structures posited by Lashley and Chomsky might be created, the account remained very abstract, applying to changes that occur over a period of years and would typically be thought of more as development than learning. During the 1980s and 1990s, neo-Piagetian theorists such as Robbie Case and Kurt Fischer used task analysis to devise more refined task- and situation-specific models of the construction of cognitive structures. Like Lashley, neo-Piagetians define specific forms of cognitive organization as control structures by which one simultaneously holds in mind and sequences the mental and physical actions needed to perform a given task. Task analysis specifies those aspects of a given task or situation that must be held in mind in an organized (i.e., structured) way in order to understand the situation, thus providing a shorthand description of cognitive structure. For example, success on the conservation of number task, Piaget’s presumed test for the presence of a universal cognitive structure for understanding number, actually shows little correlation with children’s performance on arithmetic problems. However, Fischer’s skill-theory approach identifies task-specific cognitive structures for arithmetic and shows how they can be integrated to form new, higher-level control structures for more complex tasks. Thus, a given school-age child may have the cognitive skill for controlling the mental operations needed to solve specific addition problems and gradually, working on various specific problems, coordinates the cognitive skills for specific problems into a skill for understanding addition as a general type of numerical operation—a

concept necessary to progress to algebraic problems. This type of gradual construction of new cognitive abilities or microdevelopment provides a theoretical link between the long-term cognitive changes traditionally thought of as “development” and short-term changes thought of as “learning” by showing how construction of cognitive abilities for specific tasks can lead to higher-level, more general cognitive structures. Fischer’s colleagues Nira Grannot and Thomas Bidell have developed microdevelopmental models of cognitive skill construction, and Robert Siegler and colleagues have developed models of the microdevelopment of problem-solving strategies. Soc iocultur al Mec hanisms i n Lear ni ng The Russian psychologist L. S. Vygotsky also advanced a model of microdevelopment or, as he called it, microgenesis. However, Vygotsky’s model broadened the focus from individual learning to take into account social and cultural mechanisms involved in learning as well. Like Piaget and Fischer, Vygotsky saw the acquisition of knowledge as a process of internalization of control of actions that are reconstructed as generalized cognitive control structures. For Vygotsky, though, the action internalized is not simply individual action on the environment but is culturally patterned action by which one participates in one’s social world. Thus, children’s learning involves the transfer of cognitive control from between-person to within-person, with an adult or more capable peer supporting the child at first and the child gradually acquiring higher-level control structures needed to handle the task independently. The difference between the learner’s independent ability level before learning a given task and the level achieved with the support of another defines what is perhaps Vygotsky’s most famous concept, the zone of proximal development. Although this concept is often treated simply as a tool to measure learning progress, it is better understood in the framework of microgenesis in which proximal development refers to the near-term process of internalizing shared activity by constructing a higher level of cognitive control, permitting independent performance of the cultural activity. Vygotsky’s emphasis on the sociocultural mechanisms of learning and development has provided a general framework for a number of social-contextual approaches to learning. James Wertsch and colleagues have studied the way adults engage in joint problem solving with children, setting an overall goal and then supporting children in identifying and completing subgoals. Other researchers such as Patricia Greenfield have studied various forms of apprenticeship learning, showing that in apprenticeships such as those of Mexican weavers, children learn the process as a whole from the outset, in contrast with school-based learning that breaks up the process into decontextualized units of information, the application of which may not be understood for years. Barbara Rogoff has characterized the learn-

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ing process involved in apprenticeship learning as “guided participation,” arguing that it is a universal learning process but one that varies in its form from culture to culture. Similarly, Jean Lave introduced the concept of situated learning, arguing that all learning, including classroom learning, is embedded in its culture and contributes to the enculturation process. This point is advanced more generally by advocates of cultural psychology, such as Richard Shweder, who argue that culture and mind create each other but do so in ways that vary from culture to culture and therefore must each be studied in its own terms. Thomas R. Bidell see also: Cognitive Development; Concepts, Children’s; Development, Theories of; Learning Disabilities; Mental Processes further reading: L. Liben, ed., Development and Learning: Conflict or Congruence, 1987. • L. C. Moll, ed., Vygotsky and Education: Instructional Implications and Applications of Sociohistorical Psychology, 1990. • B. Rogoff, Apprenticeship in Thinking: Cognitive Development in Social Context, 1990. • T. R. Bidell and K. W. Fischer, “Cognitive Development in Educational Contexts: Implications of Skill Theory,” in A. Demetriou, M. Shayer, and A. Efklides, eds., NeoPiagetian Theories of Development: Implications and Applications for Education, 1992, pp. 11–30. • J. Bransford et al., “Learning Theories and Education: Toward a Decade of Synergy,” in P. A. Alexander and P. H. Winne, eds., Handbook of Educational Psychology, 2006, pp. 209–44. • R. Siegler, “Microgenetic Analyses of Learning,” in W. Damon and R. M. Lerner, eds., Handbook of Child Psychology, 6th ed., vol. 2, 2006, pp. 464–510.

learning disabilities. Almost since the beginning of systematic public schooling, educators have observed children who appear to be intelligent but nevertheless have a great deal of difficulty with school learning, especially in the areas of reading and mathematics. In contemporary parlance, such children are typically considered to suffer from learning disorders or learning disabilities. Current research suggests that along with school difficulties in reading, writing, mathematics, and spelling, children considered learning disabled may have difficulties making sense of information they receive; with organizing, storing, and retrieving that information; with comparing what they know to other information; and with generating new information. They may have a limited knowledge base in specific areas compared to other children their same age or grade and may lack a range of strategies to employ in problem solving (e.g., decoding unknown words) and the ability to make decisions about what strategies to use. Any of these difficulties can affect their ability to perform the school-related tasks mentioned. The field of learning disabilities is the largest category of special education and continues to grow in prevalence at a rate slightly higher than the rate of growth of overall school enrollment. More than 50% of all students receiving special education services are identified as having learning disabilities. They make up approximately 5.7% of all public school

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students, although prevalence rates are not consistent, varying from 3% to 9% from state to state. At the present time, learning disabilities are understood to affect individuals of all different cultural and national identities. Recent international conferences on learning disabilities have had researchers and practitioners attending from countries all around the world. Ever since these learning problems were first observed, researchers have tried to understand why some normally intelligent children struggle with learning while others do not. Evolving conceptions of the nature and causes of this phenomenon can be traced through the history of the changing definitions of learning disabilities that have been revised and rewritten many times since the earliest attempts in the late 1940s and early 1950s. The term learning disability itself was only first offered as a label by Samuel Kirk in 1962. Initially, in the late 1940s, researchers familiar with learning problems of returning World War II soldiers with brain damage assumed that children’s learning difficulties must result from some sort of underlying neurological damage or dysfunction. It was thought that, as with the wounded soldiers, such damage would result in disturbances in perception, thinking, and emotional behavior that would impede learning. Thus, children with school learning problems were defined as “brain injured.” However, decades of neuropsychological research failed to turn up any reliable evidence of brain damage in children experiencing difficulty with learning. Without direct evidence of specific brain damage, the term brain injured was eventually replaced in the 1960s with the term minimal brain dysfunction. However, the emphasis on underlying neurological causes remains, and, even today, new medical technologies such as magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) are being used to search for brain differences and disorders in children with learning disabilities. Dissatisfaction with the focus on medically oriented neurological causes led researchers and educators in the 1960s to look elsewhere for the causes and remediation approaches for students with learning disabilities. Suspicion shifted from neurological systems to psychological processes thought to affect learning such as speech, language, memory, and perception. Consequently, many of the proposed definitions of that era emphasized what were referred to as basic deficits in the learning process or disorders in one or more of these basic psychological processes. Other educational researchers in the 1960s took a more practical approach to the identification of these students and focused more directly on their school performance. They chose to define learning disability in terms of the discrepancy between students’ actual academic performance as measured on standardized achievement tests and their assumed potential for performance. Potential in this case was measured in relation to IQ scores from standardized tests of intelligence. It was assumed that a student with an

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average IQ score of 100 would perform academically at his or her current age or grade level on a standardized test of academic achievement. For example, if such a student was in the third month of fifth grade, his or her grade-level score on a reading achievement test would be expected to be at the third month of fifth grade. The discrepancy between that potential and the actual achievement test score would suggest the severity of the difference and whether it was educationally significant enough to warrant labeling the student as having a learning disability. From this point on, many definitions contained a reference to such an achievement discrepancy. Additionally, to separate the new field of learning disabilities from other established areas of disability, an exclusionary clause was included in subsequent definitions stating that learning disabilities were not the result of mental retardation, emotional disturbance, cultural differences, or lack of appropriate instruction. However, despite scant evidence in its favor, the neurological deficit model has persevered. While the psychological deficit and achievement discrepancy models were developed in opposition to the earlier medical/neurological focus, most definitions continue to reflect an underlying medical/neurological focus. In 1975, a definition of learning disabilities was codified as federal law in Public Law 94-142, the Education for All Handicapped Children Act. In that definition, as well as recent definitions proposed by learning disabilities professional associations (see the 1989 definition of learning disabilities put forward by the National Joint Council on Learning Disabilities), learning disabilities are referred to as a heterogeneous group of disorders that are presumed to be due to a central nervous system dysfunction. The achievement discrepancy definition has long been criticized on the basis of the questionable construct validity of the intelligence tests used to make the comparison. It has also been criticized in that it leads to the overidentification of students. Controversy about overidentification and the catchall nature of the category has always plagued the field of learning disabilities. Scholars Bridgie Alexis Ford and Helen Bessent Byrd have called for reforming the construct of learning disability to make it a more specific and exclusive category and less prone to overidentification as a catchall category. They suggest that returning to specific, identifiable characteristics such as deficits in phonological awareness may accomplish this and return the field to the original purpose of identifying those individuals with very specific disabilities, such as reading or arithmetic disabilities, which are responsible for their academic difficulties, not the larger number of students identified today who simply have an achievement discrepancy. For example, dyslexia is identified as one of several distinct learning disabilities. It is considered to be a language-based disorder involving difficulties in single-word decoding related to insufficient phonological processing.

Academic discrepancy, in general, may be the result of myriad factors. At present, students labeled as having a learning disability may include many students who fail academically because they approach learning and express their knowledge differently from what is typically expected in school as well as those who may have specifically identifiable difficulties of some kind. Conversely, while the category of learning disability may be a catchall for the many students who show an academic discrepancy, Ford and Byrd also suggest that culturally and ethnically diverse groups may be underrepresented in the learning disability category because they often score below the average to above the average range on IQ tests. Low scores for such groups may occur artificially because IQ tests, among other things, ignore the different cultural experiences of these students, ignore inequities in educational opportunity, and do not recognize that such students often do not have equal facility with standard English. For these students, their different worldview and approaches to learning are more often mistaken for an intellectual deficiency rather than just a difference in patterns of intellectual skills. Recent attempts to deal with differences in achievement include the latest revision of federal special education law, HR 1350, the Individuals with Disabilities Education Improvement Act of 2004 (IDEA), which, while maintaining references to basic psychological processes and minimal brain dysfunction, for the first time moves away from the educational discrepancy clause in favor of a new diagnostic process, referred to by some as a responsiveness to intervention (RTI) approach. This process documents a student’s response to specifically tailored, researched-based teaching interventions rather than relying on scores from standardized tests to determine eligibility for special education services. In fact, when referring to the large number of students currently identified as having a learning disability, it may be more helpful from a teaching point of view to think of them as students who just learn differently. Many contemporary educators have found the lingering emphasis on deficits of any kind, as well as the inherent emphasis on an intrinsic disorder itself, to be unhelpful in the actual practice of teaching students who experience difficulties with reading and mathematics abilities. Even the common label learning disability puts the emphasis on inability. That is, the focus is placed on what the student is unable to do as opposed to what he or she can do, which must be the basis upon which to build further learning. The continued focus on the inabilities, problems, and deficiencies of students suspected of having a learning disability may be influenced by the history of the definition of the field, a school culture that emphasizes comparing students to one another and to external standards and expectations, and by the dictates of hard-won federal laws that de facto require special education school personnel to catalog student deficiencies to

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demonstrate that they qualify for special education services and then to plan for the remediation of those deficiencies. Historically, students with disabilities have had to fight for the right to be educated and have their needs understood and met in the public schools. However, many federal and state laws designed to help children with learning difficulties may now also place unintended limitations on educators because they have introduced rigid cultural expectations on how learning difficulties are conceptualized, how instruction will be organized, and how progress will be understood and documented. It may be that the basic notion of disability, inability, and disorder itself may be faulty. A focus on a disability intrinsic to the student reduces the need to consider other factors such as the student’s cognitive style and cultural context. A focus on the student’s competencies, current abilities, or, simply stated, what the student can, in fact, do has become a useful way to think about students who experience difficulties in reading and math during both assessment and teaching. Even within their area of greatest difficulty, these students have competencies. Students who experience difficulties learning in school are, in fact, learning many things, even about reading and mathematics. However, it is often the case that they are not learning those things that are valued and emphasized in school curricula or in the order or pace in which learning them is expected. William L. Wansart see also: Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder; Intellectual Disability; Learning; Learning Disabilities, Education of Children with further reading: Bridgie Alexis Ford and Helen Bessent Byrd, “Reconceptualizing the Learning Disabilities Paradigm: Multicultural Imperatives,” in Lou Denti and Patricia Tefft-Cousin, New Ways of Looking at Learning Disabilities: Connections to Classroom Practice, 2001. • Bernice Wong, ed., Learning about Learning Disabilities, 2004.

learning disabilities, education of children with. Historically, approaches to teaching students identified as having learning disabilities have been framed by a medical model. Commonly used terms such as diagnosis and remediation, treatment, and diagnostic battery have medical roots. When educators discuss teaching students with learning disabilities, they often think of the “disability” as something that can be fixed or remediated or even cured. But learning disabilities are not something that can be “cured” in the medical sense, and many now question whether it might be more accurate, and certainly more effective, to frame classroom learning difficulties as arising from the interactions between students and classroom practices. Whether the origins of students’ learning difficulties reside in some underlying neurological difference, in a more benign difference in the way these students make sense of information or express their understanding, or even as so-

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cially constructed within an educational system that does not easily accommodate differences in approaches to learning, teachers must find ways to discover what such students can, in fact, do and to expand and extend these abilities. This is true even within their areas of greatest difficulty. Since the term learning disabled implies an inability to learn, it is common to assume an intrinsic condition preventing learning rather than looking to environmental factors such a teaching methods and materials. It is much less dangerous to assume that such students already have a good deal of knowledge in the domain in question and are capable of learning more if provided with instructional opportunities based on an in-depth analysis of their specific current knowledge and abilities within each area of apparent learning difficulty. Instructional orientations such as differentiated instruction approach the teaching of all students in this way. The historical model of fitting students with learning difficulties into prepackaged remedial approaches is no longer tenable, and the efficacy of such practice has been questioned in the research for decades. Most programs marketed for phonics, phonemic awareness, or basic mathematics tend to be skill-sequential, techniquedriven, and teacher-controlled approaches. These methods reinforce the inattention, rote memory, and passive learning that often characterize the learning of students experiencing difficulties. Such programs assume that students labeled as having a learning disability must be provided with an approach that reduces expectations and complexity and provides simple remediation of basic concepts at a slower pace. These approaches can both reinforce the perception of disability in the student and further disable students by not engaging them in higher-order thinking about complex ideas of which they are capable if guided and expected to do so. If appropriate support and modeling for higher-order thinking is provided, students with learning disabilities can successfully access knowledge and skills within a rich, connected understanding and be able to generalize and transfer their learning to other problems and contexts. Teaching students with learning disabilities must focus on thinking. These students need deliberate support to expand their ability to access and coordinate background knowledge, specific task strategies, and metacognitive awareness in whole and meaningful ways that encourage them to be active and responsible in their own problem solving and learning. The specific current abilities and specific current needs of each student must be evaluated and used as the basis for instructional support and programming. The specific methods and materials used in instruction are much less important than the way teachers and paraprofessionals interact with and engage these students during instruction. Instruction should include what D. Kim Reid and Molly McCarthy Leamon have referred to as the cognitive curriculum. These authors emphasize that students with learning difficulties can become active learners

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and problem solvers when they participate in events and activities with other students in situations that allow them to compare their own thinking and actions with those of other students, hear the reasons for other students’ different actions and solutions, and encourage them to explain or defend their ideas. Engaging students in these thinking practices during instruction, providing alternative means for accessing information and for demonstrating understanding through multiple literacies, as well as making instruction personally relevant by understanding the cultural, gender, and language differences of students will allow for the design of student-specific instruction from which students with learning disabilities can learn. William L. Wansart see also: Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder; Autism Spectrum Disorders, Education of Children with; Cognitive Development; Learning; Learning Disabilities; Special Education further reading: D. Kim Reid and Molly McCarthy Leamon, “The Cognitive Curriculum,” in D. Kim Reid, Wayne P. Hresko, and H. Lee Swanson, Cognitive Approaches to Learning Disabilities, 1996, pp. 401–32. • Carol Ann Tomlinson, How to Differentiate Instruction in Mixed Ability Classrooms, 2nd ed., 2001. • Carol Ann Tomlinson and Caroline Cunningham Eidson, Differentiation in Practice: A Resource Guide for Differentiating Curriculum, Grades 5–9, 2003. • Alicia Broderick, Heeral Mehta-Parekh, and D. Kim Reid, “Differentiating Instruction for Disabled Students in Inclusive Classrooms,” Theory into Practice 44, no. 3 (2006), pp. 194–202.

leave statutes, family and medical. see Work and Home Life, Conflict between

legal representation of children. Representation of children in the United States and around the world began in the mid–20th century and richly evolved during the second half of the century. The legal representation of children in the United States first started in delinquency proceedings in the 1950s and was introduced in child welfare proceedings nationwide in 1974. As of 2008, children were represented in a wide array of legal and administrative proceedings; the National Association of Counsel for Children, the main U.S. organization devoted to issues related to the legal representation of children in all types of proceedings, notes that children are currently represented in private custody proceedings, visitation and support proceedings, domestic violence proceedings, criminal prosecutions for child abuse, and civil damages suits. American lawyers and other advocates also currently represent children in immigration proceedings and education-related proceedings. In all these areas, debates continue about the proper role of the child advocate and who should play the role. Throughout the history of juvenile representation, governmental bodies, scholarly commentators, and individual professional and lay advocates have struggled with the questions of the extent to which children can be represented as

adults are: zealously, with the client defining the goals of the representation and consulting on the means by which they are pursued, and with extensive legal counseling. Resource constraints and principled disagreements about this basic question have led to a proliferation of kinds of child advocacy throughout the United States, and throughout the world, with remarkably little uniformity of theory or practice. Since 1989, the international community has nearly unanimously embraced the child’s right to voice her opinions in all matters affecting the child, expressly safeguarding the child’s opportunity to be heard in judicial and administrative proceedings. The Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) opened for signature in 1989 and as of 2007 had been signed by 194 United Nations member states and ratified by 192. The CRC’s Article 12 provides that state parties “shall assure to the child who is capable of forming his or her own views the right to express those views freely in all matters affecting the child, the views of the child being given due weight in accordance with the age and maturity of the child.” To this end, “the child shall in particular be provided the opportunity to be heard in any judicial and administrative proceedings affecting the child, either directly, or through a representative or an appropriate body, in a manner consistent with the procedural rules of national law.” Although international data are relatively sparse, a 2005 study showed that approximately 36 countries have provided for representatives for children in child protective proceedings in their national legal provisions. The United States has signed the CRC but has not ratified it. Still, as a nonratifying signatory, the United States remains obligated not to contravene the object and purpose of the treaty, and some claim that, given the near unanimity of ratification, the CRC should be considered customary law binding even on nonsignatories. R epr esen tation i n Deli nquenc y Pro c eed i ng s Prior to 1967, an estimated 5% of children who appeared in juvenile delinquency matters were represented by counsel. That year, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled, in In re Gault, that juveniles are persons protected by the due process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment and are entitled, inter alia, to have counsel appointed if they cannot afford to hire one. The Gault decision noted that since a determination of delinquency carries with it the possibility of incarceration until the age of 21, assistance of counsel for children charged with delinquency is essential. After Gault, studies by the Government Accounting Office documented that children were still often not assigned counsel in many jurisdictions. In 2000, an in-depth state-by-state assessment of juvenile delinquency representation indicated that state systems continue to lack full competent representation for children accused of juvenile delinquency.

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Several guidelines exist for practitioners involved in the representation of children in delinquency proceedings. In 1979, the American Bar Association, along with the Institute of Justice Administration, published the 23-volume Juvenile Justice Standards, which provide guidance to professionals in every discipline related to the juvenile justice system. The National Juvenile Defender Center and the American Council of Chief Defenders adopted the 2005 Ten Core Principles for Providing Quality Delinquency Representation through Indigent Defense Delivery Systems, articulating the principles upon which any juvenile defender system should rest in order to fully implement the Gault decision. The 10 principles included: the right to counsel and zealous representation, recognition of child representation as a legal specialty, financial and professional parity for juvenile representatives, availability of expert and ancillary services to counsel for juveniles, manageable caseloads, supervision and quality assurance, ongoing training for advocates, the counsel’s duty to present independent treatment and disposition alternatives to the court, advocacy for client’s educational needs, and the promotion of fairness and equity for children. R ep r e sen tat ion i n C h i ld P rot ect i v e P ro c eed i ngs In the United States, representation of children in child welfare proceedings became widespread after a 1974 federal statute, the Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act (CAPTA), predicated federal funding upon the provision of a guardian ad litem for every child in an abuse and neglect proceeding. Localities responded to CAPTA with various models of representation, including the appointment of attorneys to serve as guardians ad litem with the responsibility of representing the child’s best interests as opposed to engaging in a client-directed representation. Since 1974, both lawyers and nonlawyers have played the various roles of child’s representative in localities around the United States. Depending on the location of a child involved in a protective proceeding, he or she might have the assistance of an attorney serving as a guardian ad litem, an attorney serving as a children’s attorney, or a court-appointed special advocate (CASA) serving as a guardian ad litem. Two recent surveys of child representation in child protective proceedings in the United States, undertaken in 1996 and 2005, show that no two U.S. states have the same systems of representation of children in their legal provisions, and the duties assigned to legal representatives vary wildly around the country. As of 2007 in the United States, legal services organizations, private practitioners, law school clinics, CASA volunteers, and other lay volunteers continue to represent children in these proceedings. Scholars have urged that representation of children be undertaken by lawyers performing lawyers’ tasks and acting according to the legal profession’s rules of ethical conduct, includ-

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ing offering children zealous advocacy, the right to define the objectives of the representation and to consult on the means by which they are pursued, and legal counseling. In 1996, the American Bar Association adopted Standards for Lawyers Who Represent Children in Abuse and Neglect Cases, memorializing those same principles. The 2005 Yale survey of global child protective representation demonstrated that approximately 36 countries, representing 14.1% of the worldwide population of children younger than 15, provided for children to be heard through a representative. The same survey showed that despite the CRC’s requirements, roughly 66 countries without child proceedings had no legal provisions for children to be heard either directly, through a representative, or by an appropriate body, and approximately 31 other jurisdictions appear to have no formal child protective proceedings at all. R epr e s en tatio n i n C u s to dy and Oth er Proc eedi ngs Unlike child representation in delinquency and child protective proceedings, no U.S. Supreme Court or federal statutory mandate has led to widespread representation of children in private custody cases. A 2003 study found that 39 states leave appointment of a child representative in divorce matters solely to the discretion of the court. Appointment of child representatives in other jurisdictions tends to be linked to allegations of abuse or neglect in the divorce proceeding. Twenty-three U.S. jurisdictions require child representation in unmarried parent custody proceedings, and 28 jurisdictions leave the appointment of a child representative in an adoption proceeding to the discretion of the judge. In 2003, the American Bar Association recommended the abolition of the term guardian ad litem for a lawyer’s role, admonishing lawyers to act consistently with legal ethical standards and perform attorney functions on behalf of their clients. In recent years, advocates have begun representing children increasingly in other proceedings, including special education administrative proceedings and hearings, school discipline cases, and immigration cases, including those involving Special Immigrant Juvenile Status, asylum, and other issues affecting unaccompanied minors. Jean Koh Peters see also: Criminal Procedure, Children and; Witnesses, Children as Legal further reading: American Academy of Matrimonial Lawyers, Representing Children: Standards for Attorneys and Guardian Ad Litems in Custody or Visitation Proceedings, 1995. • American Bar Association Section of Family Law, Standards for the Custody, Placement, and Care; Legal Representation; and Adjudication of Unaccompanied Alien Children in the United States, 2004. • Kristin N. Henning, “Loyalty, Paternalism, and Rights: Client Counseling Theory and the Role of Child’s Counsel in Delinquency Cases,” Notre Dame Law Review 81, no. 1 (2005), p. 245. • Jean Koh Peters, Representing Children in

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Child Protective Proceedings: Ethical and Practical Dimensions, 3rd ed., 2007.

leisure time, family. Leisure time is an important part of a child’s life from the time he or she is very young. In the early years, children’s leisure is almost indistinguishable from family leisure, since activities typically involve parents and other family members. For example, young children’s leisure time can include parent-supervised play activities, visiting family friends or relatives, going to parks or playgrounds with parents, or reading books or watching television together. As children grow older, other forms of leisure become increasingly available. Social leisure with other children becomes more common as children reach school age, as do media activities such as computer games, videos, and television watching. In addition, many organized recreational activities, both public and private, are available for children at this stage, including attending leisure events (e.g., sports events, community events, and movies), going to leisure venues (e.g., zoos, museums, and restaurants), and participating in community-based programs (e.g., swimming lessons, sports leagues, and music programs). The family remains central to many of these activities, with parents taking their children to recreational activities, participating with their children in activities, and/or organizing activities at home. It is not until adolescence that a major shift occurs in leisure participation with a move toward more peer and out-ofhome activities. Even at this stage, though, many parents remain highly involved in their children’s leisure in terms of seeking information about leisure activities, facilitating and monitoring participation, and continuing to encourage and plan family activities. A wide range of developmental benefits are thought to be associated with children’s leisure-time participation. First, social, interpersonal, and emotional skills are learned through leisure, including getting along with others, making social connections, and developing a sense of personal identity. Second, sports and physically active leisure teach physical skills and enhance physical growth and development. In addition, leisure is an important site for academic and creative skill development and for learning about a range of topics, including environmental and cultural information. Different types and forms of leisure, such as formal adult-supervised activities versus informal leisure with friends and/or family, have different developmental benefits. In general, though, the fact that leisure is associated with fun, enjoyment, and a considerable degree of personal choice increases the developmental potential of such activities. This is because leisure activities typically provide a safe environment for children to learn about personal decision making and the consequences of making choices. Children’s leisure activities can have negative outcomes as well. Some activities, such as video game play, violent

television programs and movies, and some organized sports and sport consumption, have been associated with aggressive behavior in children. Media activities, as well as toy manufacturing and marketing, have also been implicated in the perpetuation of sexism, racism, heterosexism, and other forms of inequality and exclusion through the reinforcement of stereotypes and negative attitudes. Inactive leisure, such as television watching, has been linked to obesity and related health problems, and some adolescent leisure activities and their peer and nonpeer social settings can encourage risky behaviors such as drug and alcohol use. Thus, a simplistic view of leisure as inherently beneficial is naive. The potential for realizing the positive benefits of leisure, as well as avoiding the danger of negative outcomes, helps explain parental involvement in and participation in leisure activities with children. Research has shown that family leisure is highly valued by parents. North American parents focus primarily on the role that family activities can play in terms of “family togetherness” and their potential to enhance intrafamilial communication as well as family cohesion and stability. Family vacations are thought to be particularly significant in this regard through creating family memories and a strong sense of family. Parents also seek to teach “positive values” through family activities, including fair play, respect for others, and the importance of healthy lifestyles. In some families, too, emphasis is placed on using family leisure to enhance learning and child development. It is concern about the possible negative outcomes of leisure that also leads parents to monitor their children’s leisure activities, especially as children enter their teenage years. Some parents seek to control their children’s choice of friends, and many try to find ways to encourage their children’s participation in “positive” free-time activities and to discourage negative or risky behaviors. Because of parents’ close attention to and concern about their children’s activities and because of the instrumental value associated with family time, family leisure has been described as a form of “purposive leisure.” This distinguishes family leisure from “pure leisure” or freely chosen leisure, which is motivated primarily by personal desire, fun, self-fulfillment, or relaxation. Rather, family leisure, at least for parents, has important short-term and long-term goals. Such activities may be enjoyable and rewarding for parents, but they also take considerable time and effort and so can feel more like work than leisure. This is particularly true for mothers, who continue to do most of the planning, organizing, and facilitating of family activities. The importance that parents place on family leisure is reflected in the time they spend with their children. Timeuse data and research on time stress have shown that many of today’s families experience high levels of stress, primarily due to work expansion and increasing work-related pressures. Nevertheless, despite this “time crunch” or “time famine” situation, there has been an increase rather than a

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decrease, over the past few decades, in the time that parents spend with their children. Moreover, this change is mainly because of an increase in time spent in leisure-related activities and in activities that involve high levels of parentchild interaction. The increase in time that parents put into family and child-oriented activities is evident for fathers as well as mothers and across different family types. Both employed and nonemployed mothers have increased their family time and continue to spend more time with their children than do fathers. But fathers also spend more time with their children than in previous generations, and today’s fathers are particularly highly involved in their children’s sports activities. In addition, employed parents as well as nonemployed parents devote a major portion of their free time to family activities, as do parents in both two-parent and oneparent families. Parents seem to have managed this increase in family time by reducing the time they spend on personal, nonfamily, leisure, and other personal activities. This reallocation of time represents a recognition and belief in the value of family leisure. At the same time, it also exacerbates the high workloads that parents are already experiencing. And in Euro-American families, more value is placed on individual and autonomous leisure for children, even though family togetherness is a prized ideal. Some social-class differences have been noted in terms of the emphasis that parents place on different types of activities for their children. For example, middle-income families are more likely to enroll their children in organized, structured leisure-time programs, while lower-income families place more emphasis on informal, home-based, and neighborhood-based leisure activities. This may reflect differential values as well as greater concerns about safety, cost, and transportation for lower-income families. Differences due to cultural background are also evident. Based on research with recent immigrant populations and on research conducted in different parts of the world, attitudes to children’s leisure have been shown to vary between more collectivist versus more individualistic cultures. For example, in collectivist cultures (like many Asian cultures), there is greater emphasis on family-centered activities and activities that involve the extended family. Within these cultures, the focus tends to be on social and emotional development rather than on individual skill acquisition. This focus may also reflect the notion of leisure as embedded within everyday family life in collectivist cultures. In comparison, in individualistic cultures with greater material wealth, programs and activities that are thought to benefit children and to teach specific skills are more likely to be selected and purchased from public or private leisure service agencies. Overall, children’s leisure and family leisure seem to have become an increasingly significant component of family life. The high valuation placed on children’s activities

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and family leisure appears to reflect changing ideologies of parenthood and changing beliefs about parents’ roles and responsibilities. Susan M. Shaw see also: Museums; Parks, Playgrounds, and Open Spaces; Play; Rituals, Family; Sports; Toys and Games further reading: Kerry J. Daly, Families and Time: Keeping Pace in a Hurried Culture, 1996. • Suzanne M. Bianchi and John Robinson, “What Did You Do Today? Children’s Use of Time, Family Composition, and the Acquisition of Social Capital,” Journal of Marriage and the Family 59 (May 1997), pp. 332–44. • Susan M. Shaw and Don Dawson, “Purposive Leisure: Examining Parental Discourses on Family Activities,” Leisure Sciences 23, no. 4 (2001), pp. 217–31. • Anne H. Gauthier, Timothy M. Smeeding, and Frank F. Furstenberg, “Are Parents Investing Less Time in Children? Trends in Selected Industrialized Countries,” Population and Development Review 30, no. 4 (December 2004), pp. 647–71.

lesbian parents. see Gay and Lesbian Parents lesbianism. see Homosexuality and Bisexuality literacy. Literacy can be defined as the processes by which individuals use print to communicate meanings. Literacy includes knowledge of the physical, emotional, interpersonal, and community contexts within which print is used to communicate meanings. The United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) adds that literacy involves a continuum of learning that enables an individual to achieve his or her goals, to develop his or her knowledge and potential, and to participate fully in the wider society. In modern society, literacy permits individuals to acquire education, information, and a variety of privileges. Well-remunerated jobs typically require high levels and frequent use of literacy. Over the past century in the United States, literacy rates have improved. Using self-reported data collected by the U.S. Census Bureau, in 1900, 6.2% of U.S. whites and 44.5% of U.S. blacks and others were unable to read or write in any language. By 1979, the last year of availability of directly collected literacy data by the Census Bureau, the figures had dropped to 0.4% of whites and 1.6% of blacks and others. Since 1992, the goal of such assessments has shifted in the direction of functional literacy. About 85% of U.S. adults are able to draw literal information from text to apply to the situation at hand (e.g., “Using this guide, what time will the town hall meeting be televised?”), but the rates decline to 60% for drawing complex inferences from text (e.g., “After reading the following article, which headline would surprise you?”), and rates decline further to 15% for evaluating information across multiple texts (e.g., “According to these two editorials, which candidate strongly supports overturning government support for the North American Free Trade Agreement?”). Similarly, the National Assessment of Educational Prog-

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ress has assessed representative samples of schoolchildren in the United States against benchmarks of literacy established by experts. The Nation’s Report Card 2005 provides comprehensive analyses using three indicators (Basic, Proficient, and Advanced) and indicates that approximately 80% of eighth-grade white and Asian/Pacific islander students are performing at Basic or higher; however, only 50% to 60% of black, Hispanic, or American Indian/Alaska Native students are performing at Basic or higher. These reading proficiency rates mirror the rates of poverty (indicated by eligibility for free or reduced-price lunch) in these various groups. Fourth-grade student proportions are similar to eighthgrade proportions across the categories of ethnicity and poverty; however, approximately 10% fewer students qualify at Basic or higher in each category. Of fourth- and eighth-grade students who qualify for an individualized education program (IEP), only 33% of students at both grades score at Basic or higher. An IEP is developed for all children with disabilities who receive special education and other related services. The majority of students with an IEP have a specific learning disability, which is likely to be a reading disability. International comparisons, developed by the United Nations, use a different measuring tool for societal literacy: reading a sentence in the national language. Using this standard, countries in West Asia, Europe, and North America have the highest literacy rates, with every country reporting that 90% to 99% of their population can read a sentence, while countries in South Asia and Africa have the lowest ranges (from 47.0% to 90.7% and 23.6% to 89.4%, respectively). T h e D e v elo pm en t o f L i t er ac y Letter knowledge, print awareness, and phonological awareness at kindergarten are three important predictors of literacy success within the first two years of school. Among the skills needed for eventual literacy are phonemic awareness (the ability to deal segmentally with sound units smaller than syllables), graphophonemic skills (the ability to translate units of sound into print), decoding skills (recognizing the individual phonemes that the print represents and blending them into a word), sight-word reading (recognizing the complete spelling and pronunciation of words), fluency in word recognition (speed in sight-word and discourse processing), reading comprehension strategies (linking words in print to their meanings), and spelling and writing skills. Researchers are giving increasing recognition to the period preceding formal schooling. If certain emergent literacy skills are learned during this time, children seem to proceed relatively easily into learning to read. Important emergent literacy skills include alphabet recognition, knowledge of print conventions, rhyming ability, joint story

book reading, and oral narrative ability. Marie Clay, an educator from New Zealand who developed the Reading Recovery intervention program, watched and talked to children as they experimented with writing. She found that preschoolers tested many hypotheses about length, placement, first letters of words, or the significance of roundness versus angles as they attempted to make sense of the writing system. Research on emergent literacy skills has not yet determined if there are conditions that are necessary and sufficient for reading to develop. However, there are important individual and cultural differences both in terms of what is provided by families and teachers and in terms of what is learned by children. For example, in many corners of the United States, families and preschools work with 2- and 3-year-olds to teach the ABCs. European Montessori programs emphasize writing before reading. Yet in Iran, families and schools agree that children should wait until first grade to learn their alphabet letters. In light of this variation, some researchers maintain that there are multiple effective routes to literacy rather than a single “right” way. An understanding of possible pathways would likely be quite beneficial. Cur r icul a and Teac h i ng Method s Many curricula exist for teaching reading and writing that range from “copy it like this” to providing a range of experiences from which children can invent their own ideas. One debate that has received much attention in the literature is the difference between a phonics approach and a wholelanguage approach. Phonics approaches privilege specific skills such as phonemic awareness, letter recognition, and blending and attempt to provide direct instruction on those skills. Explicit instruction to build both phonemic awareness and decoding skills and oral language and comprehension skills is vital for children who lack emergent literacy skills. On the other hand, whole-language approaches emphasize immersion in literacy materials and activities and encourage whole-word learning. In 1997, Congress asked the U.S. Department of Education and the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (NICHD) to form a joint panel to investigate the critical skills, environments, and elements of early interaction that are necessary for gaining beginning reading skills. The National Reading Panel focused on using empirical research findings to identify both critical skills and the techniques useful for developing them. Their report identified three critical skills: alphabetics, reading fluency, and reading comprehension. The teaching approach of phonics was the only empirically validated method for teaching alphabetics. Two approaches (guided repeated oral reading and independent silent reading) were endorsed for developing reading fluency. Reading comprehension was divided into two crucial

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sets of skills: vocabulary and text comprehension. Teaching approaches that were empirically validated for vocabulary acquisition included repetition, reading in rich contexts such as stories and picture books, incidental learning, and using computer technology. Teaching approaches that were validated for text comprehension included question answering, question generation, and summarizing. Wholelanguage approaches that immerse young reading learners in appealing reading materials, combined with phonics approaches that teach discrete phonemic awareness skills, both earned endorsement by the National Reading Panel. Educat io nal Polic i es One of the most intractable education problems in the United States has been the long-standing inequity in reading achievement across ethnic and social class groups. In 2000, the U.S. Congress passed the No Child Left Behind Act, which mandates that by 2014 every U.S. schoolchild be able to read by the time she is in third grade. No Child Left Behind advocated stronger accountability, increased flexibility and local control, expanded options for parents, and an emphasis on teaching methods that have been proved to work. Through adequate yearly progress measures, school improvement procedures, and offering parents choice in moving their children to different schools, states must hold their school districts accountable for quality instruction that yields the desired outcome of having every student reading by the end of third grade. Serious complaints have been lodged against No Child Left Behind, including too much testing of children, too little curricular diversity, too little attention to quality teaching, and nonequitable funding of schools. Another area of complaint has been that too few funds have been allocated to accomplish the bill’s goals. This has been addressed to some degree by the development of funding sources. Early Reading First, Reading First, and Striving Readers are examples of federal programs initiated by the U.S. Department of Education to support schools as they implement No Child Left Behind. The three programs provide grant funding for school programs serving preschoolers, primary-grade students, and middle and high school students to offer strategic and explicit instruction in reading. By virtue of the ages targeted, these programs are focused on both prevention and remediation. The Department of Education also supports the Even Start Family Literacy program, which is aimed dually at both prevention for the children and remediation for their parents. The U.S. Department of Health and Human Services stands behind the federal Early Learning Opportunities Act as well as Head Start and Early Head Start funding aimed at school readiness for more than 900,000 low-income preschoolers in 2006. Head Start specifically retooled its curriculum to focus on emergent literacy. Nongovernmental resources such as United Way of America, HIPPY (Home Instruction

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for Parents of Preschool Youngsters), and the Reading Recovery Council of North America have offered important resources for emergent literacy and early reading remediation. AmeriCorps and VISTA also participate in remedial literacy programs for children and adults. Still another complaint emanating from critics of No Child Left Behind concerns the accurate identification of children who may not be able to learn to read by third grade. For years, children having academic or behavioral problems in the classroom have been referred to special education professionals for assessment. Educators agree that in the early grades, the most common problem that triggers an assessment referral is a child’s failure to learn to read. No Child Left Behind permits states to use alternative assessments for no more than 2% of their students. The Nation’s Report Card 2005 reported that 21% of the nation’s fourth graders were either students with disabilities (SD) or English-language learners (ELL). Approximately 6% of SD and/or ELL students at both grades were excluded from annual testing for reading achievement. At the same time, 67% of SD students and 73% of ELL students at fourth grade did not meet Basic standards in reading. As of eighth grade, 67% of SD students and 71% of ELL students did not meet Basic standards. States vary rather widely in terms of the percentage of students who are labeled SD or ELL. These students make up the largest group of students who are being “left behind,” and students who are labeled SD or ELL are disproportionately ethnic minority students from impoverished families, including recent immigrants. The development of a fair system for including these students that maintains accountability and that does not make a mockery of “no child left behind” has been and will remain a difficult political issue. A final policy issue that must be taken into account is the emerging reality of a curriculum-based Response to Intervention approach to treating the academic and behavioral difficulties of children. Various states have already formalized this approach. Response to Intervention envisions multiple tiers of intervention designed by teams consisting of special- and general-education teachers, school psychologists, counselors, specialists in communication disorders, administrators, and, if needed, parents. General-education teachers work with the child in the classroom using the designed interventions; then only in the case of repeated failure of the specifically designed pedagogical intervention is a child eventually referred out of general education into special education. Linda L. Sperry and Chavez Phelps see also: Literature; Reading; Writing further reading: Catherine E. Snow, W. S. Barnes, J. Chandler, L. Hemphill, and I. F. Goodman, Unfulfilled Expectations: Home and School Influences on Literacy, 1991. • Marie M. Clay, An Observation Survey of Early Literacy Achievement, 1993. • Grover J. Whitehurst and Christopher J. Lonigan, “Child Development

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and Emergent Literacy,” Child Development 69, no. 3 (June 1998), pp. 848–72. • National Institute of Child Health and Human Development, Teaching Children to Read: An Evidence-Based Assessment of the Scientific Research Literature on Reading and Its Implications for Reading Instruction, NIH Publication no. 00-4769, 2000. • Catherine E. Snow, M. V. Porche, Patton O. Tabors, and Stephanie R. Harris, Is Literacy Enough?: Pathways to Academic Success for Adolescents, 2007. • United States Department of Education, No Child Left Behind Policies and Facts, http://www.ed.gov/nclb/landing.jhtml

literature Children’s Literature Children’s Engagement with Literature

children’s literature. Children’s literature encom-

passes picture books, fiction, and nonfiction published for children from birth through adolescence, but it also includes adult books that children have appropriated for their own reading plus a range of popular-culture materials such as comics and graphic novels. While textbooks have formed a significant percentage of children’s reading material, the emphasis here is on trade books, those created for children’s entertainment or information gathering outside of—or supplementary to—the classroom and marketed to the public through bookstores, libraries, or buying clubs. Clearly, adults in authority control the consumption of children’s books, but the history of the literature— especially in England, Europe, and the United States—is threaded with an element of subversion by writers, illustrators, and child readers. The tension between morals and mischief, acquiescence and rebellion is a hallmark of the most enduring nursery rhymes, picture books, fantasies, realistic novels, adventure tales, poetry, and even biographies and other informational books. In face of countless Victorian, Edwardian, modern, and postmodern exhortations for children to behave like grown-ups fly defiant volumes such as Edward Lear’s Book of Nonsense (1846), Lewis Carroll’s Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland (1865), Mark Twain’s Adventures of Tom Sawyer (1876), Carlo Collodi’s Adventures of Pinocchio (1883), Astrid Lindgren’s Pippi Longstocking (1945), Dr. Seuss’s Cat in the Hat (1957), Shel Silverstein’s Where the Sidewalk Ends (1974), Roald Dahl’s Matilda (1988), and Jon Scieszka and Lane Smith’s Stinky Cheese Man and Other Fairly Stupid Tales (1992). Even classics that purport to promote good behavior, such as Beatrix Potter’s Tale of Peter Rabbit (1901), afford children the opportunity to identify with a naughty rabbit who manages to have his adventure with little repercussion beyond a stomach upset. Though didacticism has often prevailed, good storytelling has won children’s attention in the long run. Perhaps the best of children’s literature reflects the human condition as it is and as it could be rather than as it should be. Of course, everyone wants the best in books for children, but what is the best and who is to say what the best is? The

answer involves financial and political factors as well as intellectual, spiritual, and aesthetic ideals. H i s to r y Children’s literature evolved earliest in England and Europe with the idea of childhood as a distinctive physical and psychological stage that was widely recognized to make up a specialized market in the development of printing and publishing. Naturally, folk and fairy tales from the oral tradition constituted many of the chapbooks that children claimed as their own (when they could get hold of them), but aside from hornbooks, battledores, and chapbooks, modern children’s literature is generally considered to begin either in Germany with Comenius’s encyclopedic Orbis Pictus (1658) or in England with A Little Pretty Pocket-Book, published in 1744 by John Newbery (for whom the Newbery Medal, for the most distinguished children’s text published annually in the United States, is named). The circumstances of the latter are especially significant since Newbery owned a toy store and considered his children’s books a profitable entertainment commodity, which included two successful later titles, The Renowned History of Little Goody Two Shoes (1765) and Mother Goose’s Melody (1781). Thus, from the beginning, children’s literature has reflected the tensions inherent in society’s economic and educational views of childhood. Children’s books might be expected to make money, instill moral values, stimulate imaginative sensibility, or all of these. Since there is seldom agreement on common goals, or indeed on what is best for children’s welfare generally, children’s books are often subjects of controversy and even censorship. A dramatic example is the revolution in children’s books that came with the social upheaval in the United States during the 1960s. The growth of children’s books as an industry in the United States had begun with Macmillan’s first children’s book imprint in 1919. A network of women in professional roles as editors, reviewers, and librarians nurtured the production and consumption of trade books as an economically healthy and intellectually wholesome product whose byword might have been “look on the sunny side.” Subjects such as death, disease, war, racism, child abuse, street violence, family dysfunction, and other problems had rarely appeared in modern children’s literature prior to the public exposure of U.S. society’s dark side during the civil rights and anti-Vietnam demonstrations of the late 1960s and early 1970s. Even the subject of anger, as expressed through a preschooler’s actions in Maurice Sendak’s Where the Wild Things Are (1963), shocked many parents, as did the young characters’ alienation in Louise Fitzhugh’s Harriet the Spy (1964). Equally telling are the differences, in representation of the Revolutionary War, between Esther Forbes’s patriotic Johnny Tremain (1943), written during World War II; James and Christopher Collier’s antiwar My Brother Sam

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Is Dead (1974), written during the Vietnam War; and Avi’s minute-by-minute account of a battle in The Fighting Ground (1984), written after CNN gained popularity. The adulatory portrayal of Abraham Lincoln in the 1940 Caldecott Medal winner of the same title by Ingri and Edgar D’Aulaire differs markedly from the more realistic depiction in Russell Freedman’s 1988 Newbery Medal winner, Lincoln: A Photobiography, and even the latter glosses over aspects of what some would consider Lincoln’s racism. The fact that no African American had won the Newbery Award before Virginia Hamilton did in 1975 for M.C. Higgins, The Great demonstrates the racial bias that Nancy Larrick excoriated in her article “The All White World of Children’s Literature” (Saturday Review, 1965). A growing awareness of sexism led to the more active heroines that today populate both realism and fantasy. Children’s books reflect the problems and possibilities not only of one society’s perennially changing views of childhood but also of nationalist agendas and global relationships. Nationally, children’s books have been used for propaganda as well as for literacy. Internationally, the quantity and quality of juvenile publishing in industrial countries such as the United States and Japan far outstrip the print resources available in developing nations, whose oral traditions may nevertheless be stronger. And finally, the domination of English-language materials results in many U.S. and British Commonwealth children’s books being translated into other languages, while outstanding authors such as Italy’s Gianni Rodari and Brazil’s Ana Maria Machado go unread by English speakers. Despite these issues, children’s books continue to evolve as a dynamic art form with great impact on the children who have access to them, and wordless picture books such as Mitsumasa Anno’s Anno’s Journey (1978) and Jae-Soo Liu’s Yellow Umbrella (2002) overcome language barriers with vivid images. S tage s o f D e v elo pm en t i n C h i ld and B ook Ideally, a child’s introduction to literature begins as soon as the parent or caregiver can balance baby and book without dropping either one. Children’s books are sensate business. Since orality rules infancy, board books are good early exposure to literature, being chewable as well as interesting to look at, listen to, and manipulate. The range and quality of board books has grown exponentially since the early 1980s, when studies began to suggest the importance of reading to the very young and buyers could choose from warm and witty activity books like those by Helen Oxenbury (e.g., Clap Hands, 1987) or sprightly nursery rhymes like those collected by Iona Opie and illustrated by Rosemary Wells (e.g., Humpty Dumpty and Other Rhymes, 1996). The popularity of board books spurred the adaptation of many standard picture books into board book format, some “translating” successfully (e.g., Brown Bear, Brown Bear, What Do

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You See? by Bill Martin Jr. and Eric Carle, 1967, 1996), while others lacked the clean compositions to suit a reduced format and audience from birth to 2 years. The 2- to 4-year-old who has been exposed to books from birth is already developing a sense of wordplay that will quickly expand to narrative patterns upon exposure to brief, rhythmic stories such as Wanda Gag’s Millions of Cats (1928), Munro Leaf ’s The Story of Ferdinand (1936), Eric Carle’s The Very Hungry Caterpillar (1969), Audrey and Don Wood’s The Napping House (1984), or Peggy Rathman’s Good Night, Gorilla (1994). Simple folktales like “The Three Billy Goats Gruff ” appear in many illustrated picture books, which begin the journey of cultural literacy as well as the enjoyable preparation, through predictable plot structure and vocabulary, for independent reading. Many original picture books for the 5- to 7-year-old pick up on folkloric formulas, including Jean de Brunhoff ’s Story of Babar (1933), William Steig’s Sylvester and the Magic Pebble (1969), and Patricia McKissack’s Flossie and the Fox (1986), all about unlikely heroes. The bridge from hearing a book read aloud to reading it independently involves a complex transition and a genre of literature that is difficult to write. The use of natural but limited vocabulary, simple but emotionally relevant stories, and helpful but not overwhelming spot illustrations finds expression in series such as Arnold Lobel’s Frog and Toad books (1970–79), Cynthia Rylant’s Henry and Mudge books (1987–2006), and James Marshall’s humorous work. A frequent extension of the beginning and easy-to-read genre is the series that helps consolidate reading skills and appeals to children’s (but often not critics’) need for security and humor, as does Beverly Cleary’s Ramona series (1955–99). It is also at the age of 8 to 10 years that children seem most drawn to mass-market series such as Nancy Drew, the Hardy Boys, Goosebumps, and so forth. These offer formulaic characters and plots that allow for comfortable reading practice, though they have been challenged as “trash” since the days of the dime novel. Of course, there are myriad examples of great literature for the 7- to 10-yearold group as well, including E. B. White’s classic Charlotte’s Web (1952). The 10 to 12 age group has the choice of the world’s greatest children’s literature, from fantasies such as C. S. Lewis’s Lion, the Witch, and the Wardrobe (1951) and Natalie Babbitt’s earthier Tuck Everlasting (1975) to realistic fiction like Christopher Curtis’s Watsons Go to Birmingham, 1963 (1995), Katharine Paterson’s Bridge to Terabithia (1977), and Louis Sachar’s Holes (1998). Adolescent or young-adult novels have intensified the presence of realism in tragedies like S. E. Hinton’s The Outsiders (1967) and of fantasy in books like Margaret Mahy’s The Changeover (1984). One of the most remarkable trends in juvenile publishing has been crossover books, those that sell to adults as well as children. If J. K. Rowling’s Harry Potter books (1997–2007) led

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the way, these were soon followed by others, especially in the fantasy realm, which may reflect a Peter Pan mentality on the part of adults who cherish and long to preserve the world of a childhood they have idealized. While adults were reading children’s books, adult writers and celebrities were writing them, from literary stars such as Toni Morrison and Joyce Carol Oates to celebrities like Madonna. Needless to say, the results were more uneven than the profits. Certain works of nonfiction have fallen into the all-ages category, including David Macaulay’s books on architectural history (Cathedral, 1973, etc.) and scientific principles (The Way Things Work, 1998). From ABC and concept books to history, science, and the arts, information for children and young adults underwent a transformation in the 1980s and 1990s to include more dynamic writing, illustration, documentation, and primary-source research. Picture books stretched not only younger, to infancy, but also older, to junior high and high school audiences (see, for instance, the tragic account of a family destroyed by the atomic bomb in Hiroshima No Pika, 1980, by Toshi Maruki) who were also attracted to comic-book formats, such as Judd Winick’s Pedro and Me (2000) about Pedro Zamora’s illness and death from AIDS, and to innovative works such as Art Spiegelman’s adult graphic novel Maus: A Survivor’s Tale, a 1992 Pulitzer Prize winner about the Holocaust. It seems that today no subject is too mature for youth and no subject too childlike for adults.

scholars often draw from psychology, history, art, folklore, and media studies as well. The International Board on Books for Young People was established in 1953 by Jella Lepman after World War II to build a “bridge of children’s books” to peace. That organization has national chapters throughout the world, sponsors the Hans Christian Andersen Award, and publishes an international journal called Bookbird. In Munich, Germany, in 1949, Lepman founded the International Youth Library, a vast collection of children’s books in many languages. Also important to a global perspective on children’s literature is the annual Bologna Book Fair, founded in 1964, where many copublishing ventures are launched. Anyone looking to keep up with new children’s books can benefit from several important review journals: The Horn Book Magazine, Booklist, School Library Journal, and The Bulletin of the Center for Children’s Books. With some 5,000 books for youth published each year in the United States alone, no search for literary treasure will go unrewarded. Betsy Hearne see also: Folk and Fairy Tales; Folklore, Children’s; Literacy; Narrative; Reading

R esourc es and Net wor ks

further reading: Perry Nodelman, Words about Pictures: The Narrative Art of Children’s Picture Books, 1988. • Sheila Egoff, ed., Only Connect: Readings in Children’s Literature, 1996. • Zena Sutherland, Children and Books, 9th ed., 1997. • Peter Hunt, ed., Understanding Children’s Literature, 1999. • Charlotte S. Huck and Barbara Z. Kiefer, Children’s Literature in the Elementary School, 8th ed., 2004. • Jack Zipes, ed., The Oxford Encyclopedia of Children’s Literature, 2006.

The publishing of and scholarship on children’s literature crosses both disciplinary and geographic boundaries. The American Library Association has championed children’s books from its inception in 1876, emphasizing the training of children’s librarians and sponsoring awards for children’s books, including the Newbery and Caldecott Medals for outstanding text and illustration, the Mildred Batchelder Award for translated books, the Robert Sibert Medal for informational books, the Coretta Scott King Award for books by and about African Americans, the Pura Belpré Medal for books that celebrate the Latino/Latina experience, the Michael Printz Award for excellence in young-adult literature, the Margaret A. Edwards Award for lifetime achievement in young-adult literature, the Laura Ingalls Wilder Medal for lifetime achievement in children’s literature, the Children’s Notable Books list, and the Best Books for Young Adults list. Corresponding British awards include the Kate Greenaway and Carnegie Medals. The International Reading Association and the National Council for Teachers of English have also supported children’s literature through conferences, publications, and awards, while the International Research Society for Children’s Literature is a home for scholars from many disciplines, including English, education, and library science. These three fields contribute richly to research, though

children’s engagement with literature. Engagement with literature highlights the potential of a book to capture children’s attention and to invite their participation in the story world of that text. This type of intense experience goes far beyond extracting information from the text. Since literature is the imaginative shaping of life and thought into the forms and structures of language, readers reflect on their lives and cultures as well as gain insights into the ways in which others live and think. Literature has the potential to transform children’s lives by connecting the heart and the mind, feeling and thinking, so that children’s life spaces are expanded and their imagination is enhanced. Engagement with literature connects children to the pleasures of reading and encourages lifelong reading. Reading is devalued if the books children read are not worth the effort of reading: when what they read adds nothing of significance to their lives. Fiction and nonfiction literature with authentic, rich language and convincing narratives are the first step to engagement but must be supported by effective experiences that powerfully bring together children and books. These experiences include reading for enjoyment, reading to think about self and the world, and reading to learn about literacy. A balance across these experiences supports

In a meditation on reading, Graham Greene speculated that it is only in childhood that books have a “deep influence” on us. “What do we ever get nowadays,” he asked, “to equal the excitement and revelations of those first fourteen years?” For Greene, the excitement is fueled by the power of books to provide children with road maps charting perils and possibilities. Stories move in the subjunctive mode, chronicling what could be and what might be. Many writers from many different worlds have marveled at the unrivaled intensity of experience that marks childhood reading. “No work of art so thrills us, or possesses the power to enter our souls deeply and perhaps even irreversibly, as the ‘first’ of its kind,” Joyce Carol Oates writes. “The luminous books of our childhood will remain the luminous books of our lives.” That luminosity is a calculated effect, for children’s books are so often filled with bright, shimmering, beautiful objects that serve as lures for the reader. Think of Charlotte’s web, which is described as “a thing of beauty”: “This morning each thin strand was decorated with dozens of tiny beads of water. The web glistened in the light and made a pattern of loveliness and mystery, like a delicate veil.” Like the Golden Snitches in the Harry Potter books, the yellow brick road in The Wizard of Oz, the sparkling fairy-tale dresses of gold, silver, and stars, or the exquisite, invisible cloth in Andersen’s “Emperor’s New Clothes,” those objects draw children in, keeping them reading. They administer pulse-pumping shocks, all the jolts and shimmers reported in memoirs of childhood reading in cozy nooks, under the covers, or curled up in an armchair. Adults often describe the intensity of the childhood reading experience in somatic and sensory terms. The British literary critic V. S. Pritchett describes receiving a set of books from a childhood friend: “One page and I was entranced. I gobbled these stories as if I were eating pie or stuffing.” Adults repeatedly refer to the aromas and tastes of their childhood books. “There was a smell to the object too, this thing made of paper and bound in stiff board,” Alan Cheuse writes, “the odor of dust and oranges that had been lying long in the hot sun.” In his autobiography about growing up in the Jim Crow South (Black Boy, 1945), Richard Wright describes how the reading of a fairy tale elicited from him “a total emotional response”: “The tale made the world around me be, throb, live. . . . The world became peopled with magical presences. . . . My imagination blazed.” Children’s books unfailingly offer powerful stories that stimulate, enliven, and rewire the senses so that the child returns to reality with curiosity renewed. Favoring affect over intellect, they perpetually raise the emotional stakes, playing a high-risk strategy with melodramatic twists and adventurous turns. Children’s books create a state in which children are, as Vladimir Nabokov put it, reading with their spines rather than their brains. Accompanying the intensity of the reading experience, or perhaps as an effect of it, comes strong identification with characters. In Distinction, a sociological study that pits popu-

lar culture against highbrow art, Pierre Bourdieu argues that consumers of mass entertainments reveal “a deep-rooted demand for participation . . . the desire to enter into the game, identifying with the character’s joys and sufferings, worrying about their fate, espousing their hopes and ideals, living their life.” In stark contrast to that euphoric aesthetic stands what Bourdieu calls a “bourgeois aesthetic,” espousing “disinvestment, detachment, indifference.” Books for children are designed like those mass entertainments, courting readers and inviting them to enter into an empathetic relationship with characters. When children read, the characters often become companions, comrades, and sometimes even alter egos. Penelope Lively describes reading Greek myths and inhabiting the characters she admired: “I was Helen, languishing in the arms of Paris. I was Achilles, nobly dying. . . . I ceased to be a podgy child daydreaming in a hedge, and shot up and away into a more vivid place where I controlled everything, where I was the heroine and creator all at once, where I set the scene and furnished the dialogue and called the shots.” In a lively memoir that tracks the reading experiences of two girls over a nineyear experience, Shelby Anne Wolf and Shirley Brice Heath document how one of the girls enlisted characters as companions or identified with them: “Lindsey swept the fireplace as Cinderella, lay as Sleeping Beauty to await her handsome prince, dropped off the bed into a pool of tears as Alice in Wonderland, and chased about the house as Max in mischievous pursuit of his dog.” Because the childhood reading experience can be such a powerful source of excitement, revelation, passion, and possibilities, it is all the more discouraging to read the words of Richard Wright in Black Boy as he describes the reading experiences of a boy who has moved beyond fairy tales. The adolescent boy continues reading, hoping to see and feel something different: Now it surged up again and I hungered for books, new ways of looking and seeing. . . . In buoying me up, reading also cast me down, made me see what was possible, what I had missed. My tension returned, new, terrible, bitter, surging, almost too great to be contained. I no longer felt that the world about me was hostile, killing; I knew it. A million times I asked myself what I could do to save myself, and there were no answers. I seemed forever condemned, ringed by walls. Wright’s words stand as a reminder that the book, which can open doors and represent an escape into opportunity, is never enough. Children reading can return to the real world to find that doors are closed and that they are “ringed by walls.” The promise opened up by reading is there in the real world, but only for children who have access to real opportunities and whose passion for books calls forth the personal, social, and intellectual support that enables curiosity, exploration, and discovery. Maria Tatar

imagining each other

imagining each other

The Luminous Books of Childhood

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the child’s development as a reader and as a human being, although the emphasis may shift as children become proficient readers and gain life experiences. Adolescents may primarily focus on using reading to think, while young children focus more on reading for enjoyment and to learn about reading strategies. This shift in emphasis does not exclude the other types; all three should be integrated into the experiences offered to children, no matter what their age level, because each serves a different purpose and highlights different books and roles for adults and children. Reading literature for enjoyment involves a wide range of reading materials. The focus is on choice and the extensive reading of many books for personal purposes. Often, these books are predictable materials where readers can easily follow the plot and language, such as patterned language books for young children and series books for older children. Extensive reading provides children with a broad background of literature from which to develop comprehension and interpretation, promotes positive attitudes about reading, and encourages the development of lifelong reading habits. In addition, reading many materials with ease increases fluency and the integration of reading strategies. The experiences that encourage reading for pleasure include independent reading and read-alouds. The role of adults is to provide a regularly scheduled time and a variety of reading materials and to read alongside the child. For preschool children, this reading often involves “telling” the story as they hold a book. Many children prefer nonfiction materials and computer-related reading, and so they resist an overemphasis on fiction. Personal reading for teens involves access to adolescent literature, not just the classic adult literature used in high school English classes. Reading for personal purposes increases the likelihood that children will continue to read as adults and is correlated with gains in fluency, vocabulary, and comprehension. Studies indicate that many adults stop engaging with books once they leave school, viewing reading as tedious schoolwork, because of the lack of choice in reading materials in schools. Reading for pleasure is not valued equally across cultures, particularly those who put stronger emphasis on other activities for enjoyment or who highlight group responsibility over personal pleasure. Reading aloud to children is another means of inviting children to engage with literature through a pleasurable experience. There is a high correlation between parents reading aloud frequently to young children and later reading achievement in school. Reading aloud introduces concepts of print, book language, and story structures as well as encourages positive attitudes. Children from cultures with strong oral traditions often enter school with a background in oral literature and storytelling rather than in written literature. In addition, children from families living in poverty frequently have many experiences with func-

tional everyday print rather than with books. The success of these children depends on whether teachers build from children’s strengths in oral stories and functional materials or view these children as “disadvantaged” because of their lack of experiences with books. Reading literature to think about self and the world involves reading to consider issues in children’s lives and in the broader society. These experiences support children in becoming critical and knowledgeable readers and thinkers. Readers are encouraged to engage deeply with the story world of a text and then to step back to share their personal connections and to reflect critically with others about the text and their responses. Their responses may also be used within bibliotherapy to help children reflect on difficult issues in their lives. This focus on the intensive reading of a few books to think deeply and critically balances the extensive reading of many books. Because the books chosen for intensive reading have multiple layers of meaning, they are challenging for readers and so invite social interaction and discussion. The role of adults is to collaborate with children in thinking about these books and in considering multiple interpretations. Children share their connections and move into dialogue around particular issues. Because the focus is on children’s thinking, the literature may be beyond their reading ability, and so the text is read aloud to them, particularly in the case of young children and struggling readers. The values of individual voice, group negotiation, and critical thinking vary across cultures, with some cultures emphasizing authoritative reading and directing children to a specific interpretation. In addition, children may engage with literature as part of a thematic study or inquiry within content areas, such as math, science, and social studies. They read critically to compare information and issues across books and to learn facts about the topic as well as to consider conceptual issues. Literature becomes a tool for understanding the world and considering broader social and scientific issues as well as a means of facilitating children’s interest in a topic. Reading literature to learn about literacy creates strategic readers who reflect on their reading processes and text knowledge. These engagements highlight instruction by adults to help children develop a repertoire of strategies to use when they encounter difficulty, either in figuring out words or in comprehending, and to gain knowledge of text structures and literary elements. Readers who have a range of effective reading strategies and text knowledge can problem-solve when encountering difficulty and thus develop reading proficiency. Adults guide children’s metacognitive reflections on their reading processes and teach lessons on strategies and text structures. Literature is chosen to highlight particular reading strategies based on adults’ knowledge of children’s needs. Historically, many schools use commercial materials for

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reading instruction rather than literature. Research has indicated that, although children are taught how to read through these materials, they sometimes do not develop the desire or habit of reading. They are capable of reading but are not engaged readers who are motivated, knowledgeable, and strategic. Most cultures view reading as necessary to a well-ordered society and to the moral well-being of the individual. Engagement with literature invites children to make meaning of texts in personally significant ways in order to facilitate learning and to develop lifelong reading attitudes and habits. In addition, children gain a sense of possibility for their lives and that of the society in which they live along with the ability to consider others’ perspectives and needs. Engagement with literature thus allows them to develop their own voices and, at the same time, go beyond self-interest to an awareness of broader human consequences. Kathy G. Short see also: Literacy; Narrative; Reading; Rituals, Family further reading: Louise Rosenblatt, Literature as Exploration, 1938. • Kathy G. Short, Literature as a Way of Knowing, 1997. • Linda Gambrell, “Literature-Based Reading Instruction,” in Michael Kamil, Peter Mosenthal, David Pearson, and Rebecca Barr, eds., Handbook of Reading Research, vol. 3, 2000, pp. 563–607. • Lesley Mandel Morrow, “Motivating Lifelong Voluntary Readers,” in James Flood, Diane Lapp, James Squire, and Julie Jensen, eds., Handbook of Research on Teaching the English Language Arts, 2nd ed., 2003, pp. 857–67.

liver disorders and diseases. The liver is a critical organ whose purpose is to synthesize many of the body’s proteins, to produce factors to make blood clot, and to detoxify products of metabolism. It also plays a role in the production of white and red blood cells. Disorders of the liver have a strong developmental dimension, with specific disorders occurring at different times from infancy through adolescence. In the newborn period, the most common causes of liver disorders are congenital infections with cytomegalovirus, rubella, toxoplasmosis, and herpes. These infants acquired, during gestation or at birth, enlarged livers and spleens, jaundice, hearing loss, and, in many cases, brain disorders evident by small head size. These infectious causes of jaundice resolve in 75% of cases over the first month of life. Neonatal jaundice is very common and may be caused by immaturity of the liver’s mechanism to metabolize and excrete bilirubin, the waste product of old red blood cells. Newborns have an excess of red blood cells that are broken down early in life. This process is accelerated if there is blood group incompatibility between infant and mother. Congenital absence or blockage of the ducts that drain the liver can cause liver damage and the resulting jaundice. Surgery is necessary to correct these conditions, with best results if this is done early.

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There are only a few metabolic causes of liver disease in early infancy, and they are all inherited conditions. They include galactosemia, tyrosinemia, hereditary fructose intolerance, cystic fibrosis, alpha-1-antitrypsin deficiency disease, and congenital hypothyroidism. The clinical features of many of these conditions overlap, but each is distinguishable by specific tests. Galactosemia and congenital hypothyroidism are automatically tested for in all states by neonatal screening. Most of these conditions are treatable using specific formulas, diets, or treatments, except alpha-1antitrypsin deficiency. There are very rare diseases or disorders of the liver in which certain enzymes are absent that may affect formation of bile salts, cholesterol and fatty acids. There are other rare disorders in which the metabolism of proteins to ammonia and its excretion are impaired, resulting in variable degrees of liver and brain dysfunction. Some are treatable with special diets and formulas, while others may require liver transplantation. Some appear only when protein intake is increased and produce neurological symptoms. Beyond infancy, the most common liver diseases are infectious hepatitis, types A and B but also C and other forms. Because of neonatal immunization in most Western and advanced Asian countries, the number of cases of hepatitis B has and should further decline. Hepatitis A will likely decline with more widespread immunization. Hepatitis C is not a common pediatric problem, but in a substantial number of patients it may be successfully treated with pegylated interferon and ribavirin. The only metabolic liver disease that typically occurs in the second half of the first and into the second decade is Wilson’s disease or copper storage disease. This condition, once diagnosed, may be treated by a low-copper diet and chelating agents to bind and excrete copper from the body. Patients with Wilson’s disease typically present with evidence of acute hepatitis but also have other features such as Kayser-Fleischer rings around the iris and low levels of a serum component. This is an inherited disorder, diagnosed with a battery of blood tests and liver biopsy. Cancer of the liver is quite uncommon in the pediatric age group but may be seen during infancy in association with certain metabolic disorders. Embryonal tumors are rare but may be seen during infancy. Hepatocellular carcinoma has been frequently reported in association with hepatitis B developing in the teen years to adulthood; this is why it is so critical to immunize infants to prevent it. Liver disease due to autoimmune processes such as arthritis, arthralgia, iritis, inflammatory bowel disease, and glomerulonephritis is common in the second decade. It is quite responsive to medical therapy. The greatest advance in liver disease prevention and treatment has been the development of vaccines for hepatitis A and B, preventing infection and reducing the risk of developing hepatocellular cancer. Liver transplantation has been an equally great advance because of all of the pediat-

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ric patients successfully transplanted for biliary atresia and severe hepatic failure. The clinical presentation of pediatric liver disease generally may be obvious or subtle. The most recognizable signs of liver disease are jaundice, abdominal pain, and abdominal swelling. Other symptoms include vomiting, lethargy, irritability, decreased alertness, and seizures. Physical findings that are typically seen include an enlarged liver and/or spleen, tenderness over the liver, small and large bleeding spots, and jaundice. Marvin E. Ament see also: Blood Disorders; Infectious Diseases; Metabolic Disorders

locke, john (b. August 29, 1632; d. October 28, 1704), English philosopher, political thinker, psychologist, theologian, physician, and educator. John Locke is often credited as the founding figure of the Enlightenment. His three most influential works—Essay Concerning Human Understanding (1690), Two Treatises of Government (1690), and Some Thoughts Concerning Education (1693)—all deal importantly with children, the last one exclusively. Locke’s central interest throughout his career is the nature and growth of rational freedom, of which childhood is the crucial starting point. Locke’s widely read Some Thoughts describes children as “white Paper, or Wax, to be moulded and fashioned as one pleases” (not a tabula rasa or blank slate, as often thought). This does not mean that children are passive recipients of knowledge, but that children’s active habits of reason and virtue must be awakened increasingly over time. In his earlier Essay, Locke uses the “white paper” metaphor to suggest that children (even fetuses) reason about experiences but only gradually associate these into larger abstract ideas. In a similar way to Aristotle, Locke views childhood developmentally, but in terms of the growth of individual liberty. True to Locke’s thoroughgoing empiricism, Some Thoughts is filled with practical advice about everything from bathing, diet, excretion, and exercise to civility, friendship, courage, reverence for God, languages, and travel. Based on letters to a friend, Edward Clarke, on raising his 8-year-old son, it is particularly concerned with the free virtues of an English gentleman. But more broadly, in both mind and body, the whole child is to be prepared to “submit to his own Reason, when he is of an Age to make use of it.” Locke’s Essay, in contrast, contemplates childhood within a larger inquiry into the nature of human understanding. Against scholastic and Cartesian notions that people are born with “innate” ideas, Locke argues that all thinking begins from empirical experience. The Essay charts a loose childhood developmental path starting in particular experiential sensation, passing into the increasingly complex “association” of experiences into ideas, then “reflecting” on these processes in oneself and in relation to others.

The Two Treatises considers children, differently again, in the context of government, both in the state and in the home. This foundational text of modern rights theory argues for the individual’s universal natural right to preserve his or her own life, liberty, and property. However, it sees children younger than 21 as not yet rights-bearing citizens, since, lacking full reason, their liberties would only cause self-harm. Because children “are not born in this full state of equality . . . their parents have a sort of rule and jurisdiction over them.” Especially fathers, but also mothers, have a duty, supported by their naturally God-given “tenderness for their offspring,” to provide their children’s nourishment, maintenance, and education. Some of Locke’s critics, like Jean-Jacques Rousseau, argue that his developmental theory views childhood through the lens of eventual adulthood rather than as having its own distinctive meaning and value. Others question his educational aim of individual liberty instead of social responsibility or the common good. His countryman John Stuart Mill claims that education falls ultimately not on parents but on the state. And in the 20th century, the children’s rights movement implicitly rejects Locke’s grounding of rights solely in adult liberty. Nevertheless, Locke’s lasting impact is to have shown why children are open from birth to the growth of their own inner reason. John Wall see also: Child: Religious and Philosophical Perspectives; Nature, Children and

locomotion. see Motor Development logical thinking. Logical reasoning is the ability to make necessary deductive inferences that do not involve using real-world knowledge. The typical form of such an argument will start with an expression such as “suppose that it is true that” and ask the reasoner to make inferences that are necessarily true only on the basis of the premises. The ability to make logical inferences is critical to many of the scientific disciplines that are increasingly important in modern life. Understanding the psychological processes involved in this kind of reasoning is thus important for both fundamental and practical reasons. The theories of Jean Piaget gave the major impetus to developmental studies of logical reasoning. Piaget claimed that logical reasoning develops through several stages, reaching its endpoint in the formal operational stage. The first major landmark in the development of logical reasoning occurs in the concrete operational stage (roughly around 7 to 10 years of age) when children begin to apply logical necessity to specific concrete situations. The most direct example of this kind of reasoning is transitive reasoning. This is the understanding that if “John is taller than Mary and Mary is taller than Peter, then John must be taller than Peter.” Piaget claimed that understanding the logical nature of a transi-

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tive deduction involves a general ability that Piaget called “reversibility,” the ability to simultaneously hold in mind an action or relation and its opposite. In the present context, reversibility means understanding that Mary is both taller than Peter and smaller than John. This, in turn, allows understanding that “John is taller than Peter” and does not require measuring their heights, but it is logically necessary. Many studies have shown that young children often have great difficulties in making correct transitive inferences. There is, however, an ongoing controversy about whether transitive reasoning is as difficult as Piaget had implied. In an early and influential study published in Nature in 1971, Peter Bryant and Tom Trabasso claimed that young children’s poor performance on transitive reasoning could be explained by difficulties in memory. However, their interpretation was put into doubt, and subsequent studies have not resolved this question. Other theories have also claimed that transitive reasoning is really much simpler than Piaget supposed. Researchers have even claimed that some species of nonhuman animals can make correct transitive inferences if the problems are put in an appropriate way. Piaget also claimed that reversibility underlies children’s responses to tests of such principles as conservation of liquid quantity. This is the understanding that the quantity of a liquid does not change if it is moved among containers of different forms. Although children younger than 7 often have difficulty in making judgments of conservation, there remain the same kinds of controversies about whether younger children can understand these notions. Piaget claimed that the final form of logical reasoning was not reached until the formal operational stage, which develops around adolescence. The key characteristics of this stage were described in Bärbel Inhelder and Jean Piaget’s classic book The Growth of Logical Thinking from Childhood to Adolescence (1958). In this work, formal operational thought is described as being hypotheticodeductive. This refers to the ability to take a hypothesis about the world, which may or may not be true, and then to examine what is logically entailed by this hypothesis. Many studies have found that, before adolescence, children have great difficulties in solving the logical problems that are used to examine this stage. As with the previous stage, there are real controversies about how this form of reasoning develops. Piaget claimed that the most complete form of logical reasoning did not develop until adolescence, along with the other abilities that define formal operational thought. Studies of this claim have led to very different conclusions about children’s and adult’s abilities to reason correctly this way. Many studies have shown that even educated adults do not make consistently logical deductions. One typical form of illogical reasoning found with adults is known as the belief-bias effect. When given conclusions that do not really follow logically from the premises but are highly believable, educated adults will often claim that these conclusions

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are logically valid. This form of variability has led some researchers to claim that people are not at all capable of “logical” reasoning but that they simply use their real-world experience to evaluate conclusions. A less extreme point of view that emphasizes the variability of logical reasoning is given by what are referred to as dual-process theories. These theories suppose that logical reasoning is possible but that much of human reasoning is done rapidly, using automatic processes that evaluate conclusions using real-world knowledge and various heuristics (which are cognitive shortcuts). Thus, when faced with a reasoning problem, there will be a strong tendency to automatically make rapid (and not always logically valid) conclusions. These must be resisted in order to allow use of whatever logical abilities are available. Some forms of these kinds of theories claim that Piaget was essentially correct and that adolescents (but not younger children) do generally possess formal reasoning abilities. However, they find it difficult to suppress the more automatic kinds of reasoning, so they will often make illogical conclusions, although they have the basic ability to reason logically. There is some evidence that appropriate cues, such as clearer instructions, can help adolescents and adults reason more logically. While these theories have focused on studies showing difficulties in logical reasoning, other studies have shown that even very young children can make some forms of logical deduction in certain circumstances. For example, children as young as 5 or 6 years of age can make logically correct inferences for simple nonsensical syllogisms such as “All Zogs are green, Tracy is a Zog,” or even with false premises, with some help. This has led some researchers to claim that a basic form of formal reasoning competence may be present in very young children. One theory that has made a strong claim of this sort is Martin Braine’s natural logic theory. Braine claimed that key rules of reasoning are biologically programmed, since they provide clear survival value (e.g., “All lions are dangerous. There is a lion. Therefore, run!”). Other researchers have also claimed that very young children have a basic ability to make abstract logical deductions without specifying the origins of this ability. These theories share the idea that what may create difficulties in logical reasoning might be the way that children interpret instructions. Much of the reasoning that people do in real life is done in specific, real-life contexts with full consideration of the implicit and explicit rules and assumptions that govern such contexts. So, for example, if someone says that “If you mow the lawn, I will give you $10,” it is reasonable to conclude that if you do not mow the lawn, you will not get the $10. This is not a strictly logical conclusion (since there is nothing said about this in the original statement), but it is a reasonable real-life inference. This view sees logical reasoning as an artificial exercise learned at school. Differences in culture can also affect the way that children, and adults, reason in two important ways. Early stud-

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ies by Russian psychologist Alexander Luria found that uneducated farmworkers simply were not able to accept false premises as a basis for reasoning. Some researchers have claimed that the kind of abstract, logical reasoning that was identified by Piaget and others is really an artifact of industrialized countries and their education systems and that culture affects the way that reasoning problems are interpreted. In addition, cultural differences can also affect reasoning by providing different forms of experience. For example, children in an African village who bring water from wells to their homes have been found to develop an understanding of conservation of liquids earlier than children in Western countries. Other studies have shown that people reason better when dealing with familiar contexts. The theories that have been discussed up to this point basically assume that formal reasoning abilities correspond to a single form of competence, which is either present or not. However, a basic question that has been examined more recently concerns the specific nature of the cognitive processes that are used when reasoning. There are two major classes of theory that attempt to specify what these are. The first, which roughly correspond to the Piagetian approach, is known as rules-based theories. These suppose that logical inferences are made using specific rules that exist in the brain. These take some given premises and output a conclusion. Braine’s natural logic theory, as previously discussed, is a good example of this kind of theory. These rules always give the correct conclusion. The chief alternative to these theories is a relatively recent, but very influential, theory proposed by Philip Johnson-Laird. This is known as mental model theory. It assumes that reasoners construct simple mental representations of premises using their knowledge of language to determine what form of representation is appropriate. Conclusions are generated by using these representations to eliminate possibilities; what is left (if anything) is the logical conclusion. This theory mostly relies on limited working memory capacity (the ability to hold things in mind in the present) to explain errors in reasoning. Since children are generally acknowledged to have a smaller working memory than adults, there would be a general expectation that children would make more errors than adults, which is often indeed the case. These two forms of theory provide some insight into the overall kinds of processes that might be employed in reasoning, despite the lack of agreement as to which of these might give a more accurate account. Recent studies have also allowed some understanding of the role of more specific cognitive processes in the development of reasoning. The first of these reflects the generally accepted idea that increased complexity requires more working memory capacity. Thus, more complex forms of reasoning will be more difficult and acquired later in development. A the-

ory that explicitly attempts to measure this complexity is Graeme Halford’s relational complexity model. This claims that developmental patterns in the ability to reason logically with different forms of reasoning reflect the increased number of relations that must be mentally manipulated. Recent work has also highlighted the role of information retrieval and inhibition processes in reasoning. Both children’s and adults’ reasoning abilities with concrete premises increase as their ability to retrieve information quickly from memory increases. Thus, children who have access to more information about the world and can retrieve this information more rapidly reason more logically than children who possess less information and take more time to retrieve it. Another related factor is the ability to inhibit (or suppress) real-world knowledge. Studies have shown that both children and adults who can suppress inappropriate use of real-world knowledge are better able to reason logically with false premises (e.g., Suppose that it is true that if a rock is dropped, it will rise. A rock is dropped. Will it rise?). Another key factor that has been identified concerns the degree of abstraction used in reasoning. Reasoning with abstract premises (i.e., premises with no real meaning) is much more difficult than reasoning with concrete premises and is much later to develop. David Moshman has pointed out that some form of metacognitive knowledge appears to be necessary for children to distinguish between concrete and abstract reasoning. This refers to the ability to explicitly understand certain key concepts, such as the difference between a logically valid conclusion and a conclusion that is true in real life. Finally, several theories claim that being logical is not simply a question of giving the right answer but is related to the ability to eliminate as many alternatives as possible in a given situation. Henry Markovits see also: Cognitive Development; Concepts, Children’s; Learning; Piaget, Jean further reading: Bärbel Inhelder and Jean Piaget, The Growth of Logical Thinking from Childhood to Adolescence, 1958. • Hans G. Furth and Harry Wachs, Thinking Goes to School: Piaget’s Theory in Practice, 1974. • Jacqueline P. Leighton and Robert J. Sternberg, eds., The Nature of Reasoning, 2004.

lorenz, konrad (zacharias) (b. November 7, 1903; d. February 27, 1989), Austrian psychologist. Konrad Lorenz’s research laid the foundations for a new scientific discipline called ethology, the systematic observation, recording, and analysis of animal behavior. Ethology emphasizes the role of objective and quantifiable observations of behavior and the need to integrate the study of its multiple aspects: physiological or cognitive mechanisms regulating it, changes related to age, its contribution to an individual’s survival and reproduction, and its evolutionary history. Although ethology is often equated with the

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study of animal behavior, it has made many important contributions to understandings of human behavior and development. Lorenz shared the Nobel Prize in 1973 for elucidating the importance of critical periods. A critical period is a restricted time window in the life of an individual during which specific events must occur to ensure normal development. The same events occurring before or after the critical period will have little or no effect on development. Lorenz observed that young birds exposed to a human being shortly after hatching become imprinted: They will follow this individual everywhere and later in life will direct sexual behavior toward this individual instead of members of their own species. Later work showed that young birds can be imprinted not only on humans but also on other animals or even inanimate objects, that imprinting is stronger in some species of birds than in others, and that the process is not as irreversible as Lorenz had originally thought. The notion of critical periods has since been replaced with that of sensitive periods, which are viewed as periods of time with relatively flexible boundaries in which developing organisms are most responsive to certain environmental stimuli and most likely to be affected by them. Sensitive periods have also been recognized for language learning and other aspects of cognitive development. Lorenz’s research on imprinting led to the hypothesis that human infants need to be in close physical contact with their mothers early in life during a critical period in order to develop a strong bond with them and that disruption of the bonding process might have a negative impact

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on the mother’s behavior, the relationship between mother and child, and the child’s psychological and social development. This research was instrumental in the formulation of attachment theory, according to which human infants and children possess a biologically based motivational system that urges them to maintain proximity to their caregivers and solicit help and protection at times of need. Although this hypothesis remains controversial, the importance of extended contact and interaction between an infant and his or her caregivers is generally appreciated by pediatricians and developmental psychologists. Lorenz’s approach also affected observational studies of child behavior conducted by anthropologists across the globe. Such studies have documented both similarities and differences in parental practices and child development in a wide range of human societies. Although Lorenz’s scientific legacy is stronger in Europe than in the United States and many of his theories did not withstand the test of time (e.g., his theories of motivation), he deserves credit for launching the biological study of behavior as a legitimate scientific discipline and providing the conceptual and methodological tools that allowed for its growth and success. Dario Maestripieri see also: Aggression; Attachment, Infant; Critical Periods; Social Development further reading: R. A. Hinde, Individuals, Relationships, and Culture: Links between Ethology and the Social Sciences, 1987. • R. W. Burkhardt, Patterns of Behavior: Konrad Lorenz, Niko Tinbergen, and the Founding of Ethology, 2005.

m magazines. Magazines possess the ability to speak to the early 18th century. The first edited for children, The the specific needs of a group of readers, to bond these readers with common experiences, loyalties, and expectations, and to react with lightninglike speed to cultural trends. These qualities nicely suit the magazine format to children and adolescents. Young readers, like adult readers, turn to “their” magazines to remain current in a broad spectrum of areas, ranging from entertainment to cultural interests, from hobbies and special interests to classroom instruction, and from access to information designed for their developmental level to “What’s up?” in their generation. Magazines have been part of the American culture since

Children’s Magazine: Calculated for the Use of Families and Schools, appeared in Hartford, Connecticut, in 1789 and lasted four issues. The idea caught on, however, and during the 19th century more than 250 magazines were published. Twentieth-century children’s magazines focused their readership on young boys and girls with specific interests, such as a love for scouting (Boys Life, 1911; The American Girl, 1917), religious teaching (Young Judean, 1910), and other interests and hobbies (Youth’s Musical Companion, 1924; American Newspaperboy, 1927). The organization that was to become Scholastic Inc. began marketing to children

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in their classrooms in 1920. The children’s magazine publishing industry matured and flourished during the 20th century, reinventing itself to meet new challenges brought by competition and technology. At the beginning of the 21st century, after some retrenchment, the industry appears healthy and robust. However, children’s magazines, like all media directed toward children, are fundamentally different than media directed at adult audiences. First, because children are thought to be more impressionable than their adult counterparts, many adults feel that magazine content needs to be carefully monitored on behalf of children. Further, because magazines foster literacy at the same time that they entertain, these periodicals enjoy a special welcome in the classroom and the home. Finally, their potential to inculcate knowledge and values—almost without the reader’s awareness—makes them a desirable conduit for any organization focused on shaping young people’s values or selling them a product. Children’s magazines reach their readers in two ways: in their institutions—schools, libraries, churches, and clubs— and in their homes. Classroom magazines are largely treated as supplemental curriculum materials and are distributed in classroom-size packets by such companies as Scholastic, Weekly Reader, and Time for Kids. Usually aimed at particular subjects and reading levels, some focus on current events and others offer classroom teachers timely curricular material in attractive, colorful formats. Most reflect teacher needs. The American Chemical Society’s ChemMatters treats the chemistry of consumer goods in an informal fashion, offering a format shift from traditional chemistry textbooks. The whole-language approach to teaching reading stimulated many teachers to populate their classrooms with children’s periodicals beyond those used as supplements to the curriculum. Many teachers believe the motivational value of reading magazines for pleasure is an effective tool in stimulating reluctant readers and promoting literacy. Most community and school libraries subscribe to a number of children’s magazines. In addition to their entertainment value, the increasing emphasis on teaching research skills to fourth through eighth graders has made nonfiction children’s magazines important research tools. Kids’ magazines even have their own periodical guide, Children’s Magazine Guide. Periodicals also appear as part of religious education, many providing the curriculum and teaching materials for church school, while others bring religious values into the home. While some are closely associated with specific faith groups, others, like Guideposts for Kids, are independent, focusing on values rather than specific doctrine. Magazines have been companions to organizations for years, dating back to Boys Life and the original American Girl, the outreach vehicles for the Boy Scouts and Girl Scouts, respectively. Serving as benefits of club member-

ship, these monthly and bimonthly publications feature reports on the club’s national activities and other organizational information. Hobby magazines ranging from stamp collecting to technology also cater to beginning hobbyists, many as young as 10 years old. But when most think about children’s magazines, they envision those that come into the home, month by month, addressed to the child reader (getting mail addressed to themselves is always a big deal for preteens). At-home magazines generally shape themselves to meet the tastes and interests of a more select group of readers. For example, Spider (stories and poems), RangerRick (animals), and ChickaDEE (natural history) each narrow their potential audience by age group (age 6 to 9), reading level (first to fourth grade), and interests. Highlights for Children and several other general-purpose magazines are exceptions. Highlights seeks to meet the language skills and interests of children age 2 to 12, aiming at multiple readers within the same household. As reader age reaches 10 or 11, publications distinguish themselves from their competition by aiming more specifically at particular subjects. Zillions focuses on consumerism, Cobblestone on social studies, Cricket on literature, and Dolphin Log on ocean life. This information is carefully tailored to the interests and experience of children by editorial and art teams sensitive to the needs and capabilities of young people. The result is usually trusting and loyal readers. Another difference between adult-audience magazines and those directed at children involves the inclusion of advertising, the traditional means by which periodicals keep subscription costs down and generate profits. Many children’s magazines aimed at ages 2 to 9 do not accept outside advertising, both from a belief that children should be protected from the noise of the marketplace and from the fear of parental objections. (This is not true for most teen magazines and hobby magazines, those that reach readers age 9 to 17.) Despite the significant readership of children’s magazines—in the neighborhood of 80 million readers—this segment of the publishing business is not highly profitable. The limited profitability has a substantial impact on the children’s magazine publishing industry. Quite a few are published as “labors of love.” A few, such as InSights Magazine, published by the National Rifle Association, seek to influence future beliefs and habits, finding support from their organization’s other revenues. Others, such as Wall Street Journal: Classroom Edition and National Geographic World, use children’s magazines to introduce readers to their adult publications. The beginning of the 1990s marked a change in the children’s magazine publishing industry. A number of larger publishing houses became interested in children. Most notable was Time-Warner’s start-up of Sports Illustrated for Kids in 1991. The success of SI for Kids, which does carry advertising and features full-color, glossy paper, and Time

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Inc.’s high production standards stimulated a number of other publications, including Crayola Kids, Disney Adventures, and Nickelodeon Magazine. All of these also carry advertising, and all appear to be more profitable than their advertising-free competition. While American publishing interests dominate Englishlanguage children’s magazines, periodicals designed for young people appear across the globe. Many countries believe that the propagandistic value of these publications requires governmental participation. Scholastic Inc. shares a major role in the world market with Bayard Presse, the French publishing giant, which dominates Western Europe. Governments in several countries in Africa, Asia, India, and Central Europe sponsor children’s magazines, recognizing both how such products can foster literacy and the potential power of reaching young audiences in spreading the philosophy and values of the prevailing regime. But the enduring quality of children’s magazines is the fun they bring into the lives of readers. The hard work and dedication behind the fun is recognized in several awards competitions. These include the Parents Choice Awards; the Witte Award, presented by the International Reading Association for the best original fiction appearing in a children’s periodical; and the Association of Educational Publishers (EdPress) Distinguished Achievement Awards presented for achievement in a variety of editorial and graphic categories. Donald R. Stoll see also: Advertising; Comic Books; Literature; Media, Children and the

magical thinking. Among adults, meanings of the terms magic and magical thinking range from beliefs in unconventional phenomena (unidentified flying objects or extrasensory perception) to sloppy thinking, trickery and deception, or romance and wonder. Among child development researchers, the term magical thinking has been broadly applied to ontological confusions, fantasy beliefs, essentialistic beliefs, simple gaps in knowledge of physics or biology, a discrete conceptual category for things beyond the boundaries of the possible, and false beliefs intentionally implanted by well-meaning adults and/or the culture at large (e.g., Santa Claus and the tooth fairy). Different types of magical thinking likely follow different developmental trajectories, and some are not properly termed magical at all. In understanding the developmental trajectory of children’s magical thinking, the seminal work of Jean Piaget remains a standard against which new findings and models are compared. In tracing the development of rational thinking, Piaget identified multiple forms of magical thinking among children that seemed to diminish over time as children gained progressively more objective conceptions of reality. He believed these forms of thinking were based in

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early ontological confusion, or inability to distinguish one’s self and mind from the external world. Piaget described “participations”: beliefs that reality could be affected by thoughts (e.g., wishing), by unrelated mental or physical actions (e.g., counting or rituals), and by other objects with no actual mechanical connection between them. In nominal realism, children see words or names as essential parts of their referents rather than as arbitrary labels. And in animism, mental properties such as intentions are attributed to inanimate objects. Piaget noted all these in adult thinking as well but considered them minimal residuals of childhood thinking. However, an accumulating body of research suggests that adult thinking is characterized by substantial magical thinking and that, far from being residual, some forms of magical thinking in adulthood reflect a fundamental mode of cognition that coexists in parallel with rational thinking. Some magical beliefs and principles appear to depend on relatively sophisticated concepts, distinctions, and symbolic capabilities, leading a growing number of researchers to suggest that young children are incapable of engaging in these types of magical thinking. That is, they are forms of magical thinking that are grown into rather than out of. Magical thinking of the prototypical form engaged in by adults and institutionalized in traditional societies is called sympathetic magic and rests on two key principles of thinking: the law of similarity and the law of contagion. Both depend on participations of the kind observed by Piaget. Similarity magic is based on the assumption that things that resemble one another at a superficial level share deeper properties as well, summarized as “the image equals the object” and “like produces like.” One then uses this to affect the world, such as damaging a representation of an enemy to harm him or imitating rain to bring rain. Appearance is treated as reality. While similarity magic, per se, has not been investigated among children, abundant research demonstrates that 3-year-old children conflate appearance with reality, such as failing to distinguish conceptually between a sponge made to look like a rock versus an actual rock or a small object seen through a magnifying glass versus a large object. Such confusions are thought to stem from failure to grasp the notion of mental representations that are separate from the things they represent. In addition to blurring this same distinction, adult similarity magic depends on learning to recognize certain types of representations as representations. For example, in contemporary Wiccan magical practice, colored candles may be burned, often in combination with other objects that stand for various elements of the spell. Determining the colors and objects to use for a specific outcome involves both symbolic thinking and learned conventions. Contagious magic concerns the transfer of properties through contact between a source and a target. The Hua of Papua New Guinea believe that eating fast-growing leafy

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vegetables will make young initiates grow faster; people of many religious backgrounds feel that holy objects or places will confer blessings and good outcomes; and most people do not want to wear a laundered sweater previously worn by someone who experienced a misfortune, such as limb amputation, or was a bad person, such as a murderer. Magical contagion differs from its scientific counterpart, germ theory, in terms of the breadth of what is considered transmissible: It may be negative or positive, flow forward or backward between source and target, and all manner of properties are considered transmissible. Children do not appear to show contagion-based thinking, magical or otherwise, until approximately age 7 (although some research suggests it may occur a year or two earlier). Contagion is cognitively complex in that the history of contact is crucial even though the event and its effects may be completely invisible. As such, it may require basic understandings of imperceptible trace residues, dissolution or the particulate nature of matter. Alternatively, it may be based more simply in essentialistic thinking (i.e., the idea of essences underlying things), which begins to emerge in preschool children. Current studies of magical beliefs in childhood generally confront the child with impossible physical events and examine responses, either for explanations in terms of impossible mechanisms or use of the actual term magic. These appear to emerge around the beginning of the fourth year of life, peak during the preschool years, and then rapidly decline as children enter school. Thus, toddlers and young preschoolers (age 2 to 3) show little if any familiarity with magic as a concept, preschoolers (age 4) use magical explanations to explain impossible physical events, and kindergarteners (age 5) assume trickery. The timing of these shifts is likely to vary across groups, depending on the level of support for magical beliefs in a given community. Particularly intriguing is that just at the age when children begin to demonstrate the basic components of a theory of mind (3 to 4 years), which requires solid awareness of the distinction between the mental and physical realms, adults routinely begin introducing them to concepts that directly contradict that distinction. The concept of wishing involves direct mental-physical causality, and ideas of God and prayer involve immaterial beings who can affect the material world. Belief in the efficacy of wishing begins early in the preschool years, passes through a brief window of true belief, and diminishes by the end of the preschool years, well past the time when children have sophisticated knowledge of mind-world relations. As belief in wishing decreases, belief in the efficacy of prayer increases among cultural groups that teach it. Adults directly teach children magical explanations in other contexts as well, referring to magnets as magic wands and chemical solutions as magic potions in some science classes. Perhaps based in the original assumption that magical thinking is immature thinking, and/or because striking

examples of it occur in conditions such as schizophrenia and obsessive-compulsive disorder, magical thinking has long been viewed as an indicator of pathology. The empirical literature examining this issue is mixed, however. Two definitions are widely used in studies of the association of magical thinking with pathology: Magical ideation refers to belief in modes of causation that violate culturally normative beliefs, such as believing strangers can read one’s mind. Thought-action fusion (TAF, originally called omnipotence of thought by psychoanalysts) refers to the belief that thoughts alone can cause things to happen (e.g., one’s family members will die if thought about while passing a graveyard). Clearly, inability to distinguish the contents of one’s mind from the real world corresponds to a definition of psychotic delusion. Both magical ideation and TAF have also been linked with obsessive-compulsive disorder, and TAF has additionally been linked with other anxiety disorders, depression, and eating disorders in children and adolescents. However, distinguishing normal from pathological levels of such thinking is difficult because it appears to occur on a continuum and is widely present in “normal” thinking. It may be clinically useful to think in terms of additional aspects, including strength of belief, degree of insight, degree of distress, strength of urges to act on the belief, and so forth. Cultural and scientific beliefs about what is true and possible change over time. In the developing child’s intuitive search for causal explanations, increasing knowledge and imaginative capacity combine with cultural input to culminate in sophisticated magical reasoning coexisting alongside the rational. Carol J. Nemeroff see also: Animism; Cognitive Development; Learning; Piaget, Jean further reading: Jean Piaget, The Child’s Conception of the World, [1929] 1983. • Carol J. Nemeroff and Carolyn J. Cavanaugh, “The Ethics of Emaciation: Moral Connotations of Body, Self, and Diet,” in Michael Siegal and Candida Peterson, eds., Children’s Understanding of Biology and Health, 1999, pp. 183–206. • Karl S. Rosengren, Carl N. Johnson, and Paul L. Harris, eds., Imagining the Impossible: Magical, Scientific, and Religious Thinking in Children, 2000. • David Berle and Vladan Starcevic, “Thought-Action Fusion: Review of the Literature and Future Directions,” Clinical Psychology Review 25, no. 3 (May 2005), pp. 263–84. • Marjaana Lindeman and Kia Aarnio, “Superstitious, Magical, and Paranormal Beliefs: An Integrative Model,” Journal of Research in Personality 41, no. 4 (August 2007), pp. 731–44.

malls. see Consumers, Children as; Marketplace, Children and the

malnutrition and undernutrition. Malnutrition is inadequate or unbalanced nutrition, encompassing both under- and overnutrition. Overnutrition, the consumption of more calories than are burned, leads to prob-

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lems associated with overweight and obesity. Here the focus is on undernutrition and unbalanced nutrition. Although malnutrition is ultimately a medical condition, it occurs in the context of potent social, economic, political, and ethnic forces that must be considered. The new concepts of malnutrition are placed in this broader framework. Adequate nutrition includes the ingestion of protein, calories, vitamins, and minerals sufficient to sustain the maintenance of bodily functions, the turnover of the body’s tissues, and, in the case of a child, to allow for adequate growth and development. In children, malnutrition may have long-term effects on growth and development. For example, in babies with iron deficiency, the most common nutrient deficiency in the United States, motor and cognitive deficiencies have been detected. Some of these deficits seem to resist iron repletion. The majority of infants with iron deficiency do not have anemia (which, by itself, is not likely to be a significant threat and is usually a late finding of deficiency). Recommendations for daily consumption of any nutrient are only approximations of what an individual should be ingesting every day; there is substantial individual variation. Issues such as an individual’s size and developmental stage alter requirements, and complex relationships need to be accounted for to estimate an individual’s nutrient needs. These relationships fall into three general categories: the interaction of nutrients with one another inside the body, changes in nutrient needs caused by the body’s daily activities, and changes in nutrient needs caused by environmental factors. A fourth relationship, nutrient needs in chronic and recurrent illness, also requires consideration. Nutrients interact with one another inside the human body. For example, to treat vitamin D deficiency, it is necessary to provide adequate calcium in addition to vitamin D. Failure to provide the extra calcium can lead to tetany, a condition in which there is uncontrolled muscle spasms. An even more dramatic example may occur when a severely malnourished individual is provided a surfeit of nutrition. This can cause an imbalanced use of potassium and phosphate, resulting in potentially severe outcomes, including heart failure, respiratory distress, and even death. Activities of the human body, both in the short and long term, affect nutrient needs. A person who is physically active will have greater nutritional needs than a person of the same sex, height, and weight who is sedentary. Regular exercise increases muscle mass and, thereby, the metabolic requirements to maintain those muscles; a person who exercises regularly will burn more calories on a daily basis, whether or not exercise is occurring on a given day. This difference is reflected in what is commonly referred to as differences in metabolic rate. Environmental factors external to the human body can also affect nutrient needs. The human body’s caloric and mineral requirements change with temperature and hu-

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midity levels. Dry days increase water requirements and may require increases in minerals to offset excessive sweating. Cold days require greater energy consumption for the increased need to produce heat. Thus, an individual’s nutrient requirements are a constantly moving target, dependent on the status of other nutrients in the person’s body, on the body’s daily activities, and on external environmental factors. Measurement of the human body (anthropometry) can be used to assess nutritional status over time. Carefully performed measurements plotted on standardized charts can be used to compare an individual child’s growth to established norms. In addition to plotting a child’s height (or length in infants) and weight on standard charts, head circumference and weight for height are also measured and plotted. The charts most commonly used in the United States are crosssectional. Cross-sectional charts are considered descriptive; they describe where a child fits compared to others of the same age and gender. A well child’s curve may thus diverge substantially from the so-called standard curves. This is most likely to occur late in the first year of life and again during early adolescence. The World Health Organization (WHO) has published charts that are longitudinal. Longitudinal charts are considered prescriptive and are considered to show how infants and children should be growing. For the child for whom questions exist about the adequacy of growth, skin-fold thickness and midarm muscle circumference measures may be used. These are used to assess the subcutaneous fatness and muscle mass of an individual. They are indirect indicators of calorie and protein reserves. While these measures may be compared to norms, they are probably more useful when compared to previous measures of the same patient. The body mass index (BMI) is considered by many to be the best measure of body fat in children and adolescents. It is calculated by dividing the weight (in kilograms) by the square of the height (in meters). Any child with a BMI greater than the 85th percentile is considered at risk for overweight, and any child with a BMI greater than the 95th percentile is at risk for obesity. It has become an important measure of excessive body fat. The child who is upwardly crossing BMI percentiles requires extra attention because of the risk of obesity. Families of such children should receive nutritional counseling. While growth curves may be useful for detecting subtle deviations from normal growth over time (chronic malnutrition), the more severe forms of acute protein-calorie malnutrition may be dramatic. Although dietary protein and energy deficiencies often appear together, one may predominate over the other. When protein deficiency predominates, the syndrome known as kwashiorkor is observed, whereas energy malnutrition is more likely to produce a picture of a wasted, emaciated child described

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as marasmus. Often, there is a mixture of elements of both processes. Both may demonstrate a clinical picture of apathy, indifference, fatigue, and irritability. The term kwashiorkor comes from the Gold Coast of Africa and means “the disease of the deposed baby when the next one is born.” This meaning aptly conveys the typical clinical scenario of presentation. In the developing world, the onset tends to be in the young at the time of weaning and postweaning. Often, the main dietary staples are low-protein-containing sources of high carbohydrate (white rice, cassava, yams). This may produce a child who appears fat; some of these children have been referred to as “sugar-babies.” Similar nutritional patterns may occur in the developed world but are most likely to occur in infants and children with diseases associated with excessive protein loss. These may include diseases in which protein is chronically lost from inflamed intestines (i.e., Crohn disease), diseases where protein is rapidly used up and broken down (i.e., some cancers), diseases where protein is not digested and/or assimilated into the body (i.e., cystic fibrosis), or combinations of these (i.e., celiac disease). In recent years, the concept of malnutrition has been rethought. The current understanding of malnutrition emphasizes three key concepts that are broadly accepted by all national and international agencies working in the field of nutrition. These are food insecurity, hunger, and undernutrition. The definition of these concepts was developed by an expert panel convened in 1989 by the Life Sciences Research Office of the Federation of American Societies of Experimental Biology. Food insecurity refers to the “limited or uncertain availability of nutritionally adequate and safe foods or limited or uncertain ability to acquire acceptable foods in socially acceptable ways.” It is a concept that is applied at the household level. In other words, if any one individual in a household is food insecure, the household is considered insecure. Frequently unstated but important to this concept is the amount of time in a given year that a household is food insecure. Food insecurity has a negative impact on the productivity and long-term development of a society. A person with food insecurity focuses attention and energy on finding the next meal for herself, for her children, and for her family; while not necessarily malnourished in a more traditional sense, she may feel herself constantly in danger of becoming so. Hunger, the second concept used in the current understanding of malnutrition, is defined as “the painful or uneasy sensation caused by a lack of food.” Unlike food insecurity, hunger is a concept applied at the individual level. There continues to be considerable discussion about how to assess hunger, especially in the developed world where the term carries significant political implications. In the United States, the National Research Council’s Committee on National Statistics has recently concluded that methods

for measuring hunger, and perhaps the terminology, should be reassessed. As with food insecurity, hunger can have a profoundly negative impact on personal well-being, even in someone who does not yet exhibit signs of traditional malnutrition. Efforts directed toward avoiding or alleviating hunger necessarily detract from a society’s long-term political and economic growth. A hungry child cannot focus well in school and may not be able to readily retain information; a country filled with hungry children is therefore less able to use education to improve its standard of living. A hungry village may be forced to make shortsighted decisions regarding the use of environmental resources and human capital, leading to disastrous results for future generations. Undernutrition, the third key concept, is inadequate nutrition manifested by less than normal growth. It is a sign that inadequate nutrition has already had a detrimental effect. Undernutrition measured on a population level may be manifested by underweight, a term used when there is a high proportion of children younger than age 5 who are between two and three standard deviations below the median weight for age; stunting, a term used when there is a high proportion of children younger than age 5 who are between two and three standard deviations below the median heightfor-age; and wasting, a term used when there is a high proportion of children younger than age 5 falling between two and three standard deviations from the median weight for height. Undernutrition (the term that includes the classically described malnourished) is thus a late but measurable manifestation of many situations where adequate food is not available to meet the needs of a population. The three concepts of food insecurity, hunger, and undernutrition enable comparisons of locales and countries around the world using a common framework. In the developing world, with a high prevalence of undernutrition, the solutions are evaluated in a framework of political and socioeconomic conditions. In the developed world, these three concepts allow for consideration of malnutrition in a child unable to focus in class, a chronically ill adolescent, or a drug-abusing young adult, images more varied than the pictures of severely malnourished infants. According to the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA), in 2005 11% of U.S. households were food insecure at least sometime during the year. The USDA divides families with food insecurity into two categories: low food security and very low food security. A family in the former group reports reduced quality, variety, or desirability of diet but little or no reduction in food intake. In the latter category, families report multiple disruptions of eating patterns and reduced food intake. In 2005, 3.9% of U.S. households experienced very low food security. Since not all households have children, the USDA extrapolates that, on a typical day in 2005, children experienced conditions of very low food security in 32,000 to 43,000 households

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(0.08% to 0.11% of all U.S. households with children). The rate of food insecurity was much higher in households near or below the federal poverty line and in households headed by single women with children. It was also higher for black and Hispanic households. Groups such as undocumented immigrants appear to be at special risk, but assessment is difficult. In the developed world, malnutrition may be the result of disease. Children who are acutely ill are subject to weight loss from inadequate intake and increased nutritional requirements that may be overlooked in the face of receiving life-saving therapy. Children who are chronically ill may have decreased appetite that is a result of their illness or a side effect of the medication they receive or occasionally increased nutrient requirements. Small infants, preteens about to enter their growth spurt, and pregnant teenagers may be as special risk. It is most commonly manifested in childhood by underweight, decreased growth velocity, delayed onset of puberty, and short stature. Children with cystic fibrosis, the most common lethal genetic disease among Caucasians, even when feeling well, will have increased energy requirements as well as increased nutritional losses from defective digestion of fat. When children with cystic fibrosis are not feeling well, these nutritional issues are exacerbated. Children with severe orthopedic deformity or neurological impairments may be difficult to feed and also pose special problems. Children receiving drugs for treatment of attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) may have difficulty gaining weight because of the decreased appetite that is a well-established side effect of ADHD drugs. Children with other chronic illnesses, including severe asthma, heart disease (especially congenital heart defects), kidney disease (i.e., nephrotic syndrome), cancer, and chronic intestinal diseases (inflammatory bowel disease), are all at risk to develop undernutrition. In the developing world, 3 to 5 million children die every year due to inadequate nutrition. These figures include deaths directly attributed to malnutrition and deaths due to other conditions that malnutrition rendered lethal. According to the WHO, poor nutrition in association with an otherwise nonlethal infectious disease is responsible for one out of every two deaths in children younger than age 5. Poor nutrition can be a stealthy killer. Reports from UNICEF indicate that three-quarters of children who die from causes related to malnutrition showed outward signs consistent with only mild or moderate undernourishment. Measles, which accounts for 1 million childhood deaths annually, causes much of its morbidity by suppressing the individual’s immune responses and allowing for secondary infections. Children with immune responses already weakened by malnutrition are particularly vulnerable. Areas with the greatest measles-related mortality and morbidity are associated with malnutrition and vitamin A deficiency. The relationship between poor nutrition and increased

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susceptibility to serious infection has been acknowledged for generations, as have the effects of infection on the body mass. The term slim disease is used in East Africa to describe patients’ wasting from AIDS. The ancient term consumption documents the wasting that is a consequence of untreated, progressive tuberculosis. According to the WHO, tuberculosis infects 2 billion people, approximately one-third of the world’s population. It is the leading infectious cause of death in all ages worldwide. Even though only a small number of those infected, about 5%, will develop clinical disease, malnutrition increases susceptibility and significantly contributes to the 2 million deaths annually. Malnourished children have reduced resistance to infection and once infected with any disease are more likely to follow a more complicated course. Even if a malnourished child survives acute illness, the resulting debilitation perpetuates a cycle of malnutrition and infection and ultimately increases mortality. Undernutrition cripples economies and undermines political stability and the hope that education will improve the next generation. As a result of malnutrition during pregnancy, one out of six infants is born with low birth weight and is therefore at greater risk for death, intellectual disability, learning disabilities, blindness, and poor health. The highest prevalence of underweight children in the world is found in South Asia, where nearly half (46%) of all children younger than 5 are underweight. India, Bangladesh, and Pakistan account for half of the world’s underweight children. In sub-Saharan Africa, more that one-quarter (28%) of children younger than 5 are underweight. Nigeria and Ethiopia together account for more than one-third (37%) of the underweight children in sub-Saharan Africa. Almost half of all children in Ethiopia are underweight. Overall, one out of four preschool children in the developing world suffers from undernutrition. Across the developing world, the rate of underweight among rural children is approximately double that of urban children. In sub-Saharan Africa, the major causes of undernutrition are extreme poverty, low levels of education, inadequate care practices for young children, including artificial milk feeding, and poor access to health services. In South Asia, the high incidence of undernourished children is caused by poverty, the low status of women, poor care during pregnancy, high rates of low birth weight, high population density, unfavorable child-rearing practices, and poor access to health care services. Large numbers of people in the developing world also suffer from specific nutrient deficiencies, the exact number being subject to debate. It is estimated, however, that one of every three people are affected by vitamin and mineral deficiencies and are therefore at greater risk for infection, birth defects, and impaired physical and psychointellectual development. Specific nutrient deficiencies contribute to growth retardation, prolonged recovery from illness, and complications of prolonged recovery, including death.

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Food fortification (adding nutrients to foods in which they do not naturally occur) has become an important strategy for combating some specific nutrient deficiencies. These strategies can be costly and complicated, and there is often disagreement regarding where and when they are best employed. In the United States, the addition of potassium iodate to salt; vitamin D to milk; thiamin, niacin, and riboflavin to wheat flour; and fluoride to water has been credited with the virtual disappearance of iodine-deficient goiter, the disappearance of pellagra and beriberi, as well as preventing infantile rickets and reducing dental caries. Malnutrition is a complex and devastating global problem that is responsible for the deaths of 3 to 5 million children every year and millions more irrevocably injured. Neal S. LeLeiko and Sarah L. Cutrona see also: Abuse and Neglect; Breastfeeding; Demography of Childhood; Eating and Nutrition; Eating Disorders; Food Aversions and Preferences; Health, Disparities in; Morbidity; Mortality; Physical Growth and Development; Poverty, Children in; Welfare further reading: R. E. Kleinman, ed., Pediatric Nutrition Handbook, 5th ed., 2004. • L. Allen, B. de Benoist, O. Dary, and R. Hurrell, eds., Guidelines on Food Fortification with Micronutrients, 2006. • Food and Agricultural Organization of the United Nations, The State of Food Insecurity in the World 2006: Eradicating World Hunger—Taking Stock Ten Years after the World Food Summit, 2006. • Jennifer J. Otten, Jennifer Pitzi Hellwig, and Linda D. Meyers, eds., Dietary Reference Intakes: The Essential Guide to Nutrient Requirements, 2006. • M. Shike, C. Ross, B. Caballero, and R. Cousins, Modern Nutrition in Health and Disease, 10th ed., 2006.

mann, horace (b. May 4, 1796; d. August 2, 1859), architect of public education in the United States. Horace Mann’s early experiences in Franklin, Massachusetts, proceeded through a complex web of educational experiences that he weaved into a template of public education policies and practices that have dominated the U.S. education landscape and shaped the lives of young people for almost two centuries. The daily routines of his early life provided a crucible for the forging of a transforming educative sensibility. He discovered the vulnerability of childhood as a young boy growing up on a family farm where he experienced the rigors of physical labor, the loss of a father and brother, and the unforgiving psychological intrusions that punctuated everyday life in a Calvinist community. He learned to despise despotism in a multitude of forms from the fearsome rhetoric of the Reverend Nathaniel Emmons, whom he called a “hyper Calvinist,” and from schoolteachers who preferred memorization and physical coercion to instructive conversation and moral persuasion as methods that could motivate learning and correct behavior. In the company of his mother and sister, a tutor, female visitors, and as a student at Brown University, he also grew up in a universe of benevolent nurture and lively learning that sensitized him to the importance of the small spaces within

which moral and intellectual sensibilities could be cultivated and transformed. Mann emerged from the educational web of Franklin with a vision of human environments awash in possibility. In his public life as the first state secretary of a board of education, delegate and president of the Massachusetts House of Representatives, and later when he left politics to become president of Antioch College from 1853 until his death in 1859, he battled attempts by Protestant fundamentalists and Catholics alike to censor sectarian teaching in public schools, while he fought to standardize curricula, substitute moral persuasion for corporal punishment, and install a cadre of female teachers who could nurture “loft y sentiments” in school children. He became an architect of children’s environments and led battles to prohibit children younger than 6 from attending schools. He designed blueprints for “commodious” and “comfortable” school buildings. He sought to secularize the fund of allusion, fable, and sentiment made available in instructional materials. He looked to schools to purify child-rearing environments, purge them of “alienating influences,” and thus immerse children in world of instructive conversation, scientific inquiry, physical fitness, order, intelligence, virtue, and morality. He was a pacifist, an abolitionist, and always a controversial figure who bequeathed a complex legacy. Historians of childhood and education describe him as a child advocate, a humanitarian, a secularist, and an education pioneer who constructed innovative, less punitive, and more expansive visions of possibility for rising generations of young people. In a different mode, other historians vilify him for his attempts to centralize education arrangements and practices, exploit female labor, and sustain inequality across boundaries of race, class, gender, and religious preference. A historically complex actor, Mann inscribed and embodied the contradictions of his era. Barbara Finkelstein see also: Education: Historical and Philosophical Perspectives further reading: Mary Peabody Mann and C. George, eds., Life and Works of Horace Mann, 5 vols., 1891. • B. Finkelstein, “Perfecting Childhood: Horace Mann and the Origins of Public Education in the United States,” Biography 31, no. 1 (Winter 1990).

marital and nonmarital unions Historical and Cultural Perspectives Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

historical and cultural perspectives. Over time and

across cultures, most adults have formed more or less durable partnerships—overwhelmingly involving one female and one male—that are generically referred to as marital unions or marriages. Marriage implies a number of shared activities, such as cohabitation and mutual support, and because a sexual relationship is generally intrinsic, most

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marriages have produced, and continue to produce, at least one child. Today, about 95% of marriages in North America produce at least one child. Historically and across cultures, the parents of most children have been married to each other, so that marriage is an important consideration when looking at the status and well-being of children. Marriage itself has taken, and takes, many forms and typically is prescribed culturally, although prescriptions vary from culture to culture. Thus, though the overwhelming pattern is of two partners of opposite sexes, some cultures permit polygamy, in which a person is permitted to have two or more spouses. Many Muslim jurisdictions in the Middle East, Asia, and Africa allow a man to marry two or more women, as do some sub-Saharan African cultures. Jurisdictions that do not allow polygamy have sometimes been challenged by religious groups that asserted that polygamy was ordained or permitted by God. Some polygamous sects emerged in England during the civil war in the 1640s. Members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Mormons) advocated and practiced polygamy in the western United States, until renouncing it in the 1890s, and some religious sects in the United States and Canada still practice it today. Same-sex marriage (gay and lesbian marriage) is another key variation in the dominant pattern of marital unions. Only recently have jurisdictions begun to put same-sex couples on the same legal footing as different-sex couples, a development that has followed the extension of legal equality to gays and lesbians. Such marriages are now permitted in countries such as Canada and Spain and in some states of the United States. It is, however, a legal trend that is strongly contested by supporters of the view that the institution of marriage inherently is a union between one man and one woman. Some people who hold this view are considerably more comfortable if (as in a growing number of institutions) same-sex couples are allowed to form officially registered partnerships (such as civil unions) that are legally the same as marriage but not given that name. The distinction between marital and nonmarital unions is, however, a problematic one. Marriage, defined as the union of two people who live together under one roof, share resources, and raise children, goes back to time immemorial. But the actual beginning of an individual marriage has been marked by a wide variety of rituals and symbols, some legal, others institutionalized, and others sometimes flexibly sustained by recent tradition, such as modern North American weddings and European-style wedding rings. In medieval Europe, peasants who lived, ate, and slept together were considered married by the members of the community in which they lived. Among the elites, where property and inheritance carried immense political importance, greater certainty of marriage was desirable, and there was more formality in marriage, although the state’s role was minor or absent. Even then, however, marriage could

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be symbolized by fairly simple ceremonies that included a statement of marriage in the present tense (“I marry you,” as distinct from “I will marry you,” which was a promise to marry in the future) and an exchange of tokens (such as a ring). In some cases, marriage was confirmed by a shared act, such as the bride and groom drinking wine from the same cup. It was widely accepted that marriage was not complete until the couple had had sexual intercourse. As Christianity extended its hegemony across Europe, Christian concepts of marriage slowly replaced existing customary notions and practices. Marriage by repute (when couples were reputed to be married simply by living together as a wife and husband were expected to) was gradually replaced by more formal rituals, widely known as churching. This involved a couple’s marriage by a priest (usually in front of the church, rather than inside), and from the 12th century onward the papacy began to specify the forms of the ritual. For many centuries, however, customary and church practices coexisted, and it was common for couples to marry first in a customary way and to have a church ceremony only when the wife was pregnant. The advent of formalized religious marriages—and, later, of state-sanctioned secular marriages—created a distinction between official marriages and unofficial unions. The latter, nonmarital unions, when of sufficient duration and public knowledge, are sometimes called common-law marriages, because they are considered marriages recognized by common law rather than by statute law. Officially recognized marriages became more common after the 16thcentury Protestant Reformation. Believing that the Roman Catholic Church had been lax in moral matters, the Reformers wanted to put marriage and sexual relationships on a more secure footing. Some Reformers established civil marriage, others religious marriage, but over time secular European Protestant states steadily took over the regulation of marriage and divorce. For European Catholics, the Council of Trent (ended in 1563) restated the church’s authority over marriage and established firm rules for valid marriage ceremonies, including the presence of a priest and witnesses. In the American colonies from the early 1600s, jurisdiction over marriage fell largely to the secular authorities. The first completely secular marriage system in Europe was established in France during the French Revolution, when marriage was made a civil contract and a liberal divorce law was adopted. During the 19th century, state regulation of marriage was widely established in Europe, North America, and Australasia. A major contrast to this pattern today is Islamic law, which governs marriage and the relationships of wives and husbands in many modern Muslim countries. All marriage doctrines take into account the possibility that marital relationships can be struck by discord or other failure, and most make provisions for separation and divorce. Ancient Roman and Greek laws allowed divorce in

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specific cases, as does Islamic law. Marriage is a sacrament in the eyes of the Roman Catholic Church, however, and this led to a European legal history that had quite a different trajectory. By the 13th century, church doctrine made it impossible to dissolve a validly contracted marriage. Marriages could be annulled if they were found to be faulty from the beginning, but a valid marriage could be ended only by the death of one of the partners. In cases of severe confl ict, a church court could allow a married couple to separate and to live apart from each other, but because they remained married they were expected to remain sexually inactive and were forbidden to remarry. Protestants, in Europe and later in the American colonies, took a different view. They allowed for divorce and remarriage in specific circumstances, notably when one of the partners committed adultery or deserted the other. Over time, Protestant states expanded the grounds for divorce, and this trend continued to the 20th century. In general, laws discriminated against women and made it more difficult for women to obtain divorces, a situation that did not change until the late 19th and 20th centuries. Before that time, the most liberal divorce law was that in force in revolutionary France between 1792 and 1803. Divorce could be obtained by either spouse on a number of specific grounds (such as adultery, violence, and desertion) or, simply, by repudiation. Couples could also divorce by common consent. The 1792 law included provisions relating to the disposition property and the custody and maintenance of children after their parents divorced. When considering the relationship of children to marriage, it is important to bear in mind the prevailing attitudes toward marital and nonmarital relationships and divorce. In societies where there is little or no distinction between marriages and nonmarital unions, there is little or no difference in legal status of children born in either context. Islamic law, for example, makes no distinction once a nonmarital union has lasted 20 years. Where a clear distinction is drawn in law, the legal status of children of nonmarital unions has generally been inferior to children of parents married in the eyes of the law and closer to the status of so-called illegitimate children. In prerevolutionary France, where the church largely regulated marriages, marriages by Protestants were not recognized by law. Their children were considered illegitimate, and when the parents died, church and royal courts declared them unable to inherit their parents’ property. This remained the legal position until 1787, when Protestant marriages were officially recognized. Inside the family household, it probably made little difference to children whether their parents were married. Within the limits set down by social practice or law, parents are given authority over their children until they reach the age of majority or leave their parents’ household. Until the 19th century, fathers were assumed in law to own their chil-

dren, and this led to fathers gaining custody if the marriage should be terminated by divorce. On the death of one or both parents, children inherited property (and sometimes titles) according to the prevailing laws. Inheritance laws have varied widely over time and space, and it is impossible to generalize about their effects on children. In 18th-century France, a child’s inheritance depended on where she or he lived. In the southern region, parents generally had the freedom to dispose of their property as they wished, so they could leave one child more than another or disinherit a child completely. In other regions, parents had to divide their property equally among all their children, while in other regions daughters were excluded or all the property was left to the firstborn child or the firstborn son. In noble families, the principle of male primogeniture ensured that the firstborn son inherited the family title and almost all the property. During the French Revolution, the principle of equality was made mandatory, and parents had to leave their property equally to all their children. From the 19th century onward, the trend in inheritance law has been to allow parents, officially married or not, to bequeath their property as they wish, which can mean excluding their children in favor of nonfamily heirs and charities. The distinction between marital and nonmarital unions has become blurred in recent years as legal systems have endowed partners in nonmarital unions with essentially the same rights and obligations (including in relation to their children) as married partners. Moreover, the proportion of nonmarital unions among all couples has been growing in many Western societies. One of the highest rates of nonmarital unions is to be found in Sweden, where about a third of all cohabiting couples have not gone through an officially recognized marriage ceremony. Other Scandinavian states—such as Norway, with 25%—are also high, while some European states are lower. About 17% of couples in France have not gone through marriage ceremonies. Outside Europe, rates of nonmarital unions are generally lower than that. It is about 8% in the United States and twice that in Canada, but within Canada some 30% of couples in the province of Quebec are not married. Although it is risky to predict trends in the family, it is expected that rates of nonmarital unions will continue to rise, along with the tendency for nonmarital unions to become more prone to the birth of children as are marital ones. In jurisdictions, such as Europe’s, where nonmarital unions make up a significant proportion of all cohabiting couples, the status and well-being of children of unmarried, cohabiting parents are important issues for social policy. Research on the long-term stability of nonmarital unions has produced varying results. The research distinguishes between children of such unions and those born to women in no steady cohabiting relationship. A more recent question concerns children in same-sex

m a r it a l a n d n o n m a r it a l u n io n s

marriages and unions. Some partners brought children from previous different-sex marriages to their new gay or lesbian unions, while some jurisdictions enable same-sex partners to adopt children. This is such a recent development that there is no research—but a lot of speculation—on its implications for the children concerned. Roderick Phillips see also: Family; Parenthood; Remarriage and the Blended Family; Separation and Divorce further reading: John Gillis, For Better, For Worse: British Marriages, 1600 to the Present, 1985. • Roderick Phillips, Putting Asunder: A History of Divorce in Western Society, 1988. • Arland Thornton, William G. Axim, and Yu Xie, Marriage and Cohabitation, 2007.

legal and public-policy perspectives. One conse-

quence of recent demographic changes, including declining marriage rates, increasing divorce rates, and high rates of nonmarital childbirth, is that many children spend some portion of their childhood in nonmarital family households. Nonmarital childbirth accounts for more than a third of births in the United States. Of these children, 40% are born to cohabiting parents. Children of single parents and children whose married parents subsequently divorce often live in nonmarital stepfamilies for some period of time. The 2000 U.S. census counted almost 5.5 million unmarriedcouple households, including almost 4.9 million oppositesex couples and 600,000 same-sex couples. More than 40% of opposite-sex cohabiting couples lived with children, as did more than 20% of male-partner couples and more than 30% of female-partner couples. Studies of opposite-sex cohabiting and marital families suggest that children in nonmarital households are more likely on average to face economic disadvantage and experience potentially disruptive changes in their family structure. Research to establish whether parental cohabitation has effects on children independent of economic and other factors is at an early stage, but the studies suggest that these children are at higher risk for educational and behavioral problems. In legal terms, different forms of parental union have an effect on children because of laws that base various protections and rights on a legally established parent-child relationship. Once this legal relationship is established, nonmarital children enjoy substantially the same rights and protections as marital children. Cohabitation is commonplace in all racial, ethnic, and class groups in the United States, but it is less central to childbearing and family formation among whites and those with higher levels of education and income. Because poor and minority children are more likely to have been born to unmarried parents, legal rules that turn on the marital status of a child’s parents have had a different impact on poor and minority children. Recent public policies have attempted to address these differences by regularizing the establishment of paternity for nonmarital children at the

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time of childbirth and with programs designed to promote marriage in poor and minority communities. M ar i tal Unions Marriage and divorce are regulated by state law in the United States, and state laws incorporate different requirements governing who may enter into a valid marriage. The parties must not be already married and must not be related to each other by blood or marriage within certain degrees. As of 2009, all but a small handful of states forbid individuals of the same sex to marry. State laws also regulate the minimum age of marriage and provide for annulment (or declaration of invalidity) in circumstances of fraud, duress, or lack of capacity. Each state has statutory procedures for licensing and solemnization of marriages, but courts often uphold the validity of marriages even when there has been some defect in the formalization process. Ten states currently permit a couple to contract an informal or common-law marriage, which may be entered into without a license or ceremony by a couple otherwise qualified to marry. Cohabitation alone, even for an extended period of time, is not sufficient to establish common-law marriage in any state. Proof of a common-law marriage ordinarily requires proof that the couple agreed that they were married, often combined with or based upon evidence that they lived together as a married couple and held themselves out as husband and wife. Parties to a common-law marriage have the same rights and obligations as any other married couple and can only terminate their marriage by obtaining a divorce. Cohabitat io n There is very little statutory law in the United States governing cohabitation relationships. Courts have developed principles, based on traditional rules of restitution and property or contract law, to address the financial and property rights of cohabitants, including same-sex couples. In general, these rules address only the private rights of cohabitants, and cohabitants do not enjoy any of the other rights of married individuals under state and federal laws. The Principles of the Law of Family Dissolution of the American Law Institute propose that unmarried partners who live together as a couple for a significant period of time should have the same property and support rights as married couples. A similar rule applies in New Zealand to partners in a de facto relationship of three years or more, and numerous European countries extend a wider range of legal rights and remedies to cohabitants. Domestic Partner sh i p, C iv i l Union, and Same-Se x M ar r iage As of 2009, several states recognize some form of registered domestic partnership or civil union, including California, Hawaii, and New Jersey. These states extend all rights and

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obligations of marriage under state law to couples who comply with the requirements for registering their partnership or formalizing a civil union. Although most of these states limit domestic partnership to same-sex couples, several states also permit older opposite-sex couples to establish a partnership or union. A small handful of states allow same-sex couples to marry. Belgium, Canada, the Netherlands, Spain, and South Africa permit same-sex couples to marry, and a dozen countries in Europe have national systems of domestic-partner registration available to same-sex couples. Individuals in a registered partnership or civil union and those in same-sex marriages where recognized are treated as married couples for purposes of state law. Under the 1996 Defense of Marriage Act, however, all federal laws that depend on marriage apply only to opposite-sex married couples. As a result, individuals in a domestic partnership, civil union, or same-sex marriage do not receive the benefits and protections of marriage under the national laws addressing matters such as tax, social security, and immigration. Par en tage D et er m i nat ion Traditionally, children born to a married woman were considered to be the legitimate children of her husband and had rights of inheritance from either parent. By contrast, children born to an unmarried woman were classified as illegitimate and had no rights of inheritance from either mother or father. The status of illegitimacy generated a significant range of social and legal consequences. In a series of decisions, beginning with Levy v. Louisiana in 1968, the U.S. Supreme Court concluded that most legal distinctions based on legitimacy of birth violated the due process and equal protection clauses of the Constitution. Since Levy, many states have adopted statutes that entirely eliminate classifications based on legitimacy, and all states now have procedures for establishing parentage of marital and nonmarital children. Parentage laws are different in each state, although some uniformity has been imposed by the federal government in connection with the child-support enforcement program under Title IV-D of the Social Security Act. In addition to a presumption of paternity that arises on the basis of a man’s marriage to the child’s mother, many states have statutes establishing a presumption of paternity based on conduct such as a man’s receiving a child into his home and holding the child out as his own. Men may also assert paternity by filing a claim with an appropriate state agency. All states have procedures to facilitate voluntary acknowledgment of paternity for nonmarital children at the time of the child’s birth. All states have statutes providing for genetic testing in paternity cases. Since these procedures were implemented, rates of paternity establishment for nonmarital children have increased significantly. For children born to same-sex couples, parentage de-

termination is more complex. In most states, a child born to one member of a same-sex couple has no legal parentchild tie to the other member of the couple. In the group of states that recognize same-sex marriage or some form of registered partnership, state laws governing parentage determination apply equally to same-sex couples, and a child born to one member of a couple would be presumed to be the child of both partners. In other states, same-sex couples may be able to pursue a stepparent adoption under state law to establish a legal parent-child relationship between the child and the biological parent’s partner. Not all states permit a stepparent adoption in these circumstances, however. It is also not clear whether all states will give full effect to parentage determinations made in other states involving same-sex partners. I m pac t o n C h i l d r en o f D i f f er en t U n io ns Children with unmarried parents have different rights depending on whether a parent-child relationship has been legally established with both parents. All children are entitled to financial support from their legal parents, and paternity establishment is often carried out in order to enforce this obligation. For many years, federal law has required the mother of a nonmarital child to cooperate in identifying the father of the child as a condition on receipt of public benefits such as Temporary Assistance to Needy Families. Once parentage is determined, the child-support laws make no distinction between marital and nonmarital children. Child support is established in every state on the basis of mathematical child-support guidelines that set a presumptive support award. The national child-support enforcement system is equally available for marital and nonmarital children. Courts do not generally enter child-support orders against anyone who has not been established as the child’s legal parent, even when that person is someone, such as a stepparent or grandparent, who has taken on a significant parental role with the child. Another important group of legal rights and protections for children are established by statutes governing inheritance rights, standing to sue for the wrongful death of a parent, and insurance programs such as Social Security or workers’ compensation. As a matter of constitutional law, once a child’s parentage has been established, marital and nonmarital children have the same rights in these areas. Children whose parentage has not been legally established are not generally entitled to these rights and protections, although benefits under some programs may extend to an individual’s stepchildren or other actual dependents. Similar questions may arise in the context of private insurance benefits, particularly health care insurance. The determination whether a particular child is covered depends primarily on the terms of the insurance contract. In the context of child protection proceedings, under the rule adopted in Stanley v. Illinois (1972), a nonmarital father

m a r k e t p l a c e , c h il d r e n a n d t h e

has a constitutional right to notice and an opportunity for a hearing before his parental rights are terminated. This constitutional protection does not extend to a nonmarital father who has not established paternity or developed a relationship with his child. The Supreme Court has also held, in Michael H. v. Gerald D. (1989), that it is also not applicable to a nonmarital biological father if the child’s mother was married to another man. Once established, parental rights cannot be terminated without proof by clear and convincing evidence of statutory grounds for termination. Ordinarily, the parental rights of both parents must be terminated before the child may be adopted. There is an exception to this rule for stepparent adoption under statutes that permit one parent to retain legal rights when that parent’s spouse or partner adopts the child. States employ various procedures in adoption cases when the birth father’s identity or location is unknown. In many states, a nonmarital father may file a claim of paternity, before or after the child’s birth, with a putative father registry. A putative father who has registered is entitled to notice and a hearing before his parental rights can be terminated and the child made available for adoption. Without registration, a father may not be entitled to these rights. This issue is often disputed in cases in which the mother conceals her pregnancy or the child’s birth from the biological father, but the Supreme Court has not determined whether a biological father in this situation has a constitutional right to prevent the adoption of his infant children. When a couple separates, both of a child’s legal parents may seek to participate in caring for the child, making decisions for the child, and spending time with the child. Traditionally characterized as physical custody, legal custody, and visitation, these rights are known today by a wide variety of labels including parental functions, parenting plans, and parenting time. Allocation of custody and visitation rights between unmarried parents follows the same rules applied to married parents. The key principle is that such orders must be based on the best interests of the child. Adults other than legal parents may seek custody or visitation rights. There is a traditional presumption in favor of the legal parents in custody or visitation disputes with third parties, bolstered by the constitutional parental right recognized in Troxel v. Granville (2000). In light of this presumption, a stepparent or other third party seeking custody or visitation rights against the wishes of the child’s legal parent is held to a higher standard than the best interests of the child test applied in disputes between parents. Ann Laquer Estin see also: Adoption; Custody; Family; Gay and Lesbian Parents; Parenthood; Paternity and Maternity; Remarriage and the Blended Family; Separation and Divorce; Single Parents further reading: Judith A. Seltzer, “Families Formed Outside of Marriage,” Journal of Marriage and the Family 62 (November 2000),

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pp. 1247–68. • Cynthia Grant Bowman, “Legal Treatment of Cohabitation in the United States,” Law and Policy 26, no. 1 (2004), pp. 119–51. • Pamela J. Smock and Wendy D. Manning, “Living Together Unmarried in the United States: Demographic Perspectives and Implications for Family Policy,” Law and Policy 26, no. 1 (2004), pp. 87–117. • Kathryn Edin and Maria Kefalas, Promises I Can Keep: Why Poor Women Put Motherhood before Marriage, 2005.

marketplace, children and the. Children are quite often seen as marginal to the construction and maintenance of the marketplace, defined here as the world within which trade takes place. Yet from birth to adolescence, children spend significant amounts of time in the marketplace as consumers, nonconsuming participants, vendors, or commercial proprietors. Their participation is occasionally encouraged, sometimes welcomed, and most commonly accepted or tolerated, but it can also be discouraged and disallowed. Social studies of children have tended to overlook the marketplace, focusing instead on children’s lives within families and institutions. However, since the early 20th century, North American trade journals for stores selling dry goods have acknowledged the presence of children in the marketplace, observed that different groups of children engage with the marketplace in different ways, and recommended that the marketplace be configured to accommodate children’s preferences (thereby boosting sales and increasing profits). More recently, interest in a wider range of marketplaces is part of the trend of interest in children’s lives beyond the home, school, playground, and neighborhood. The growth of consumer culture and the growing recognition of the importance of consumption in society have also given rise to studies of children as consumers. These studies view the marketplace as a place for children. In contrast, academics and organizations campaigning against exploitative child labor have highlighted inequities and problems faced by children in the contemporary marketplaces of some low-income countries (and historically in the marketplaces of the now high-income countries). These studies suggest that the marketplace is not a place for children. Studies of children in low-income countries have identified myriad ways in which children earn money on the fringes of the marketplace—for example, by begging, polishing shoes, washing cars, vending, scavenging, and pulling carts. Although children’s economic activities may be marginal in the marketplace, their presence is often highly visible, as they often ply their labors in high-status areas— for example, washing cars as they stop at traffic lights on Paulista Avenue in São Paulo, Brazil. Because of cultural biases, boys are a more visible presence than girls in the marketplaces of some low-income areas, such as the Sudan and Kano, Nigeria. In other marketplaces, gender differences are evident in the nature of labors performed. For example,

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in Patna, India, cultural traditions discourage girls from entrepreneurialism and make them less likely than boys to be vending small goods in the marketplaces of the city. In high-income countries, children’s primary role in the contemporary marketplace is that of consumer, and in this role they encounter a range of marketplaces. Their staple diet may comprise the neighborhood store, the shops of the town center, and convenience stores attached to schools and clubs. However, the range of marketplaces encountered can extend beyond this to supermarkets and out-of-town retail parks, the regular marketplaces of the family. The growth of commercial play centers—places in which play is a commodity that is purchased (directly or indirectly)—has provided a new marketplace for children. For example, alongside pubs or restaurant facilities, commercially operated “fun factories” and “play zones” provide birthday party services and pay-for-play sessions for young children’s play. Commercial play centers may also be viewed as part of a wider trend whereby some retailers are making conscious attempts to create children’s marketplaces, purporting to be explicitly child friendly. Although children’s marketplaces have their origins in North America in the early 20th century, their present distribution throughout high-income countries is of more recent origin. For example, Kids Market in Vancouver, British Columbia, is a shopping center for children. It is a collection of 28 shops, services, and activities for children and their families providing toys, clothes, activities, and food. This rich and varied retail landscape is not experienced evenly. In part, it is a function of geography; for example, children from remoter areas will encounter fewer marketplaces. Children’s experience of marketplaces also varies by age, gender, socioeconomic status, and interests. For example, older children are more likely than younger children to experience the marketplace independently of adults, and groups of working-class youth and visible minorities (defined by ethnicity or fashion, such as Goths) are often treated with suspicion by authority figures. Similarly, the same children may experience different marketplaces in different ways: The single-site neighborhood may be an integral part of children’s everyday lives, whereas the mall is an occasional space from which they may be curtailed or closely monitored if they are part of a larger group of children. Likewise, although government child protection legislation is used to restrict children’s opportunity to work in the marketplace, such restrictions vary greatly between and within regions. In particular, the temporary marketplaces of flea markets (or car boot sales) and other outdoor markets afford children in high-income countries the opportunity to perform the role of vendor. But the marketplace is no longer viewed as merely a physical place within which children consume and in which others consume for them. Rather, it is viewed as an important site of children’s socialization and one in which they

come to recognize differentiation and experience marginalization. For example, they learn early that products are marketed in a manner that emphasizes difference: Children’s goods are set apart from adults’ (particularly men’s), boys’ goods are set apart from girls’, and goods are further divided by age stage and, increasingly, by style choices that reflect and consolidate children’s solidarities with one another. At the same time, children’s status as “outsiders” in society is emphasized by the restrictions on use of space that are often imposed upon them in the marketplace. These restrictions range from individual shops displaying notices informing them that “no more than two children will be permitted to enter the store at any one time” to groups of youth being accused of “intimidating behavior” and treated with suspicion by authority figures in shopping malls. Commentators disagree over whether the recent creation of children’s marketplaces is progressive or regressive. At once, these spaces are both proprietary and aspirational for children. They are proprietary in the sense that these spaces are clearly distinguishable from adult spaces through iconography, music, location, and furnishing style and scale. Yet they are also aspirational in that the differences between age stages are often used to induce a sense of longing among younger children for what they will become when they are older (thereby promoting customer loyalty to the store). Some critics argue that the creation of children’s marketplaces amounts to commercial exploitation or an attempt to restrict children’s use of space by corralling them into designated sites. These critics would not deny that children exert agency in choosing to participate and choosing to consume, but they object to the underlying reasons for the development of these spaces. Others view the development of children’s marketplaces more positively, considering that they encourage the participation of children in spaces from which they were hitherto marginalized and emphasize the right of children to a public presence. John H. McKendrick see also: Built Environment, Children and the; Consumers, Children as; Universe of the Child; Work, Children’s Gainful further reading: Elizabeth Chin, “Not of the Whole Cloth Made: The Consumer Environment of Children,” Children’s Environments 10, no. 1 (1993), pp. 72–84. • Hugh Matthews, Mark Taylor, Barry Percy-Smith, and Melanie Limb, “The Unacceptable Flaneur: The Shopping Mall as a Teenage Hangout,” Childhood: A Global Journal of Child Research 7, no. 3 (2000), pp. 279–94. • John H. McKendrick, Michael G. Bradford, and Anna V. Fielder, “Commercialization of Playspace and the Commodification of Childhood,” Childhood: A Global Journal of Child Research 7, no. 3 (2000), pp. 295–314. • Daniel Thomas Cook, “Spatial Biographies of Children’s Consumption: Market Places and Spaces of Childhood in the 1930s and Beyond,” Journal of Consumer Culture 3, no. 2 (2003), pp. 147–69.

masturbation. Childhood masturbation is a universal phenomenon and, with several important exceptions, is completely normal and natural. As children are innately cu-

m a s t u r b a t io n

rious and unaware of societal constraints, childhood fascination with the body and the world unsurprisingly includes the exploration of the genitals as well. Masturbation occurs at all ages, but it is most prevalent around 4 years of age and during adolescence. Until recently in North America and Western Europe, parents, religion, and society vilified masturbation, especially in children. As an extension of long-standing JudeoChristian religious anxieties concerning masturbation, the 18th century’s focus on the “atrocities” of “sinning against oneself ” led to an expansive antimasturbation literature. It was commonly believed that masturbation could result in a variety of diseases, maladaptive personality characteristics, impotence, homosexuality, and death. Female masturbation was commonly perceived as a threat to male sexuality and as contrary to cultural ideals of virtue, modesty, and passivity and was constrained accordingly. For men in both Western and Eastern cultures, primary concerns focused on sperm and energy depletion. For example, in past- and present-day India, Hindu literature perceives semen as a “vital essence,” and semen loss is frequently linked to poor spiritual and physical health. Similarly, Chinese Buddhist beliefs assert that semen loss is associated with the disruption of yin and yang. However, masturbation is accepted and even embraced by many other cultural groups. For example, children in New Guinea masturbate in solitude without social stigma or shame, and in other groups parents may masturbate their children to relieve crying. Presently in Western societies, childhood masturbation is often acknowledged and tolerated, as least in discreet private settings, despite parental discomfort with this issue. Why do humans masturbate? One reason, obviously, is because stimulating the genitals feels good. In fact, sexual pleasure can take place long before birth. Masturbation is evident in the male fetus by the 38th week in utero; this sets the stage for what will inevitably become a common childhood behavior. It is not necessary to teach a child how to explore his or her genitals: Pleasure that is easily accessible will undoubtedly be repeated. Although it is impossible to estimate percentages, it has been shown that most boys and girls directly or indirectly play with their genitals fairly consistently by the age of 5 to 6. As erections are easily recognized, boys’ masturbation is more apparent than girls’ and, because of Western cultural views that male sexuality is more acceptable, is most likely more tolerable for parents. It is also probable that many infant boys discover their genitals (perhaps even accidentally) within the first year of life, much in the way that all infants are enthralled by other parts of the body (e.g., toes, fingers, nose, ears). Although girls may not become aware of the structure of the vulva until preadolescence, most will also learn to associate the pleasurable sensations associated with their genitals at a young age. Masturbation has been observed in females as early as 5 months. This finding provoked the sug-

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gestion that female self-stimulation may be due to a surge in luteinizing and follicle-stimulating hormones during the first few months of female babies’ lives and that its continuation is propelled by increasing motor sophistication. Masturbation in young girls has also been misdiagnosed as epilepsy, abdominal pain, paroxysmal dystonia, and dyskinesia, most likely due to demonstrations of persistent rocking and posturing movements, a resultant glassy stare, possible body rigidity, and consequent sleepiness. These erroneous conclusions may also result from adults’ greater anxiety about girls’ masturbation and because female masturbation is not as obvious as male erection. Because of these diagnoses, however, many children may receive a multitude of unnecessary medical tests and investigations. It is therefore crucial that parents pay close attention to the spectrum of behaviors their children may present, especially when they do not specifically involve manual stimulation of the genitalia. Typically, both sexes tend to masturbate by rubbing their genitals with their hands, against another object, by rocking, by posturing, and by squeezing and rubbing their thighs together. Similar to adults, children become flushed, may seem lost in space, and may breathe faster or irregularly during and after masturbation. Causes and precursors of child masturbation are also widely varied. Generally, children do not associate genital pleasure with sexuality; rather, masturbation is used for self-comfort and gratification, decreasing stress, and may occur during boredom or sleep. Aside from pleasure and comfort, emotional deprivation and anxiety may lead to increased stimulation; parental divorce, absence, and death and the birth of a new sibling are all potential stressors for children. Additionally, childhood masturbation may begin during periods of perineal discomfort, diaper rash, infections, and other irritations in which children may become more cognizant of their genitalia. If hyperactive masturbation (e.g., excessive rather than occasional masturbation, purposefully done in public) is evident, it is imperative to investigate whether this behavior has an external cause. Sexual molestation of a child, for example, can create a compulsive sexual acting out, which can include hyperactive masturbation. Although it is also important to reiterate that childhood masturbation is a normal part of development, an oversexualized child may be cause for concern. For example, persistent compulsivity and impulsivity of masturbation, a detailed understanding of intercourse, simulation of intercourse, attempts at penetration or oral stimulation with another child, genital trauma (e.g., scratching, scarring), and constant, extreme unhappiness may possibly indicate some form of sexual trauma or abuse. Childhood masturbation naturally continues into and/ or is rediscovered during adolescence. Children’s sexual behavior starts evolving to a more comprehensive sense of

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sexuality roughly between ages 7 and 15. At this stage of development, androgens (e.g., testosterone) increase in both males and females but more predominantly so in teenage boys. In men, androgens work to increase sperm production, decrease adipose tissue, and increase muscle mass. Because of these hormone surges, masturbation is one of the typical sexual manifestations of adolescence. Masturbation prevalence during North American adolescence ranges roughly between 60% to 90% in men and 37% to 50% in women. Moreover, it is estimated that by age 15, 25% of girls and nearly 100% of boys have masturbated to the point of orgasm. Generally, it is believed that masturbation decreases in both males and females after young adulthood, which may be due in part to the availability of nonmasturbatory alternatives, or perhaps the ability to masturbate to orgasm declines with age as well. Adolescent males, for example, report being able to masturbate to ejaculation up to six times a day. Adult males’ masturbation is considerably lower. Masturbation can also serve various functions in adolescence. It is, for instance, a way to release sexual tension and explore one’s sexual feelings and thoughts. Not only can masturbation serve as a healthy form of contraception, but it can also help assuage sexual anxieties and fears and facilitate relaxation. Genital stimulation and knowledge of how to reach orgasm by oneself can also prepare teens for adulthood intercourse; not only will adolescents be more aware of how they respond sexually, but there is also a greater likelihood that their initial sexual encounters with a partner will more pleasurable and positively reinforcing. For these reasons, many contemporary experts on human sexuality argue that it is important that parents learn to accept the normalcy of child and teen masturbation and to be able to speak openly with and answer questions about sexual topics with their children. According to this view, adolescent and child masturbation should ultimately be viewed as a completely natural part of development that involves investigating and experimenting with budding sexual abilities. Finally, it is important to emphasize that parents and teens should be aware that masturbation is not harmful to one’s physical health. Nor will masturbation alter penis size or the color, shape, or size of the vulva. Although genitals appear delicate, they are remarkably resilient organs and, because of necessary reproductive capabilities, are biologically created to withstand continued usage across time and age. Felicia De la Garza Mercer and Paul R. Abramson see also: Health and Sex Education; Sexual Development further reading: E. O. Laumann, The Social Organization of Sexuality: Sexual Practices in the United States, 1994. • D. W. Haffner, From Diapers to Dating: A Parent’s Guide to Raising Sexually Healthy Children, 2000. • P. R. Abramson and S. D. Pinkerton, With Pleasure: Thoughts on the Nature of Human Sexuality, 2002. • V. L. Bullough, “Masturbation: A Historical Overview,” Journal of Psychology and Human Sexuality 14 (2002), pp. 17–32. • T. L. Meyer and

T. Cheng, “Unveiling the Secrecy behind Masturbation,” Pediatrics 23, no. 4 (2002), pp. 148–49.

maternity. see Paternity and Maternity mathematics. Compared to 100 years ago, there has been a huge increase in the amount of mathematics students in elementary and secondary schools are expected to learn. Algebra was once a college subject, and now there is a nationwide push in the United States for algebra by all in eighth grade. Some other countries teach algebra even earlier. In response to the intensification of mathematics curricula, there has been a worldwide effort since the 1950s to identify various ways in which students solve problems. In some areas, like single-digit and multidigit calculation, learning paths ranging from slow and primitive methods to faster and abbreviated methods have been identified. There also has been increasing awareness that historically there have been many different ways to record complicated computations like adding or multiplying large numbers, and at present different methods are used in different countries. For instance, the large numbers of immigrants to the United States have brought with them a variety of different methods for mathematical computation and problem solving. For these reasons, there is a growing appreciation among educators that mathematics teaching and learning need to begin with the knowledge states students bring to the classroom and help students move along learning paths that involve mathematically desirable methods that also can be readily understood. This view resonates with a debate that has continued for at least 200 years in the United States and around the world. Some educators have always sought to teach mathematics in a way that emphasizes what learners can understand, in hopes that understanding will support specific skills: the sense-making approach. Others have approached mathematics as a set of more or less isolated skills that students need to master, with hopes that understanding will come eventually: the skills approach. The sense-making approach has often emphasized supporting children’s own invented methods, whereas the skills approach has emphasized the importance of developing fluency in calculation and problem solving. Both approaches have potential drawbacks. Dwelling on invented methods can slow progress toward fluency, whereas requiring students to learn material they do not understand can lead them to dislike and even fear mathematics and drop out of mathematics courses, a problem that has been prevalent in the United States. Indeed, in international comparisons of mathematics achievement, the United States has usually been in the middle, not near the top. In an effort to increase national performance, the National Science Foundation funded research and curricular development efforts to increase sense-making approaches in elementary and secondary

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schools. These curricula did focus on student understanding, but some also de-emphasized skills and allowed students to use slow and inefficient invented methods for too long. Some mathematicians and parents became concerned about these trends and organized efforts against the new programs. Journalists created the term math wars for this debate and have then perpetuated this confl ict by phrasing articles about these issues in such win-loss language and by giving simplistic descriptions of complex issues. Recent research-based reports by the National Research Council have described more balanced views. Understanding and fluency are both necessary, as are the abilities to apply concepts to solve problems, to reason logically, and to see math as sensible, useful, and doable. A huge impediment to successful learning of mathematics in the United States is the fact that each state describes specifically for each grade level the math concepts that must be taught. These lists are quite long, and they vary considerably across states. School districts may also have their own lists. To meet all of the goals across all of the states, textbook companies must make huge books that include more topics than it is possible to teach. Teachers cannot spend enough time on most concepts to result in understanding or fluency. Most other countries have a single, much more focused curriculum that enables more concentrated teaching at each grade level, with resulting higher levels of learning and less need to review and reteach every year. To address this problem, the major professional organization for teaching mathematics, the National Council of Teachers of Mathematics, has recently published a document suggesting focal points for each grade through eighth grade. Coordinated actions by states to modify their goals and their state tests to permit focusing on major goals at each grade level would help in the implementation of these recommendations. Another barrier to a balanced approach to mathematics education in the United States is found in some states’ response to the federal No Child Left Behind initiative. Students are now tested in mathematics at almost every grade. However, the approach taken to testing differs across states. Some states have taken a mastery testing approach and have developed tests based on their state goals. In this approach, children are evaluated simply on whether they have achieved mastery of their grade-level curriculum. Thus, it is at least possible that all children could eventually achieve mastery. In contrast, some states have used standardized achievement tests whose function is to arrange students and districts along a normal curve, with 50% of the students and districts falling below the other 50%. To create this distribution, the test must include many difficult items that go beyond grade-level mastery. As a result, no matter how much average performance improves, there will always be 50% of students who score below average. Such a test does not give accurate information about what students

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do know about state goals. Moreover, producers of standardized tests typically will not release test items or even sometimes descriptions of topics covered, so it is difficult for teachers to prepare students for the tests by covering the right content at the right level. As in other subject areas, students from lower socioeconomic backgrounds do more poorly on mathematics tests and take less-advanced courses in high school than do students from higher socioeconomic backgrounds. Schools with fewer resources, including less-qualified teachers and entering students with less initial knowledge, contribute to these socioeconomic-status differences. In contrast, evidence indicates that there is a gender difference (favoring boys) only at the extreme top end of the achievement scale (e.g., students who start taking advanced math courses in middle school or early high school). The effect in many places of girls taking fewer high school mathematics courses than do boys seems to stem more from the view in the United States of mathematics success as stemming from ability rather than from effort. Girls can and do opt out of mathematics courses and sometimes are counseled out of them, in the mistaken view that girls are inherently less proficient at mathematics than are boys. In contrast, in many East Asian countries (e.g., China, Japan), success in mathematics is viewed as resulting from effort and not from inherent ability, and it is therefore believed that every child can successfully learn mathematics if he or she works at it. Cultural differences in language and in everyday math experiences do mean that teaching and learning mathematics are somewhat more difficult tasks in the United States than in East Asian countries, where, for example, in contrast to the irregularities in European number words, the number words between 20 and 100 are regular: 52 is said as “five tens two.” Students in other countries experience the tens in the metric system, and in some countries things are sold in sets of 5 or of 10, consistent with the place-value system. But a more powerful reason for lower mathematics achievement in the United States is the view that it is socially acceptable not to be good at mathematics and even that success in mathematics is socially negative. Karen C. Fuson see also: Logical Thinking; School Achievement; Testing and Evaluation, Educational further reading: J. Kilpatrick, J. Swafford, and B. Findell, eds., Adding It Up: Helping Children Learn Mathematics, 2001. • J. Kilpatrick, W. Martin, and D. Schifter, eds., A Research Companion to Principles and Standards for School Mathematics, 2003. • K. C. Fuson, M. Kalchman, and J. D. Bransford, “Mathematical Understanding: An Introduction,” in M. S. Donovan and J. D. Bransford, eds., How Students Learn: History, Math, and Science in the Classroom, 2005, pp. 217–56.

Counting on the Body Children in the United States follow a common sequence in the use and knowledge of elementary mathematics. Early on, children learn count words, later they learn to recognize written Hindu-Arabic numerals, and still later in elementary school they extend this knowledge to solving single- and later multidigit arithmetic problems using procedures like carrying and borrowing with regrouping. The progression from preschool counting to arithmetic with written Hindu-Arabic expressions seems natural. After all, what other kind of developmental sequence is possible in elementary numerical understanding? But what may seem natural to many may not be natural at all. A little reflection will make this clear: Count words, arithmetic procedures, and even activities involving mathematics vary across cultural communities. The Oksapmin, a remote group in Papua New Guinea, are a case in point. In traditional life, Oksapmin use a 27-body-part count system (see figure 1 on facing page). Unlike Western and Eastern languages, the body system does not have multiunit values (like tens, hundreds, and thousands) and is not associated with a system of written representations. Further, in traditional life, Oksapmin do not engage with arithmetic activities, at least as we know them. The similarities and differences between number development in Oksapmin children and those in typical Western school systems can help us understand what is culturally specific and what is universal about children’s developing numerical understandings. Consider a child growing up in the Oksapmin community. In 1978, Barak, a 5-year-old, spends time in his parents’ sweet potato taro gardens as well as walking on the many bush trails with his older brother and friends. Like his Western counterparts who learn number words, Barak learns the body parts of his community’s number system. But also like young Western children, he does not yet use the numerical signifiers to solve numerical problems. For example, when asked to compare the values of body parts, he judges symmetrical body parts to be the same number, like the forearm on one side with the forearm on the other. Of course, the child from the United States never addresses problems related to the physical similarity in body parts in comparing number words but may encounter other problems specific to written numeration, like place value. Children in both the Oksapmin community and the United States work through the different constraints, coming to create numerical meaning of their culture’s number system based upon ideas like one-to-one correspondence and magnitude. Oksapmin children and those who grow up in technological societies also show marked differences in arithmetic understandings. In traditional life, Oksapmin did not engage with arithmetic, as least of the sort used in the West. But in the early 1970s, the first school was established in the Oksapmin area. Barak was a child who attended school. For him and

all of his schoolmates, the language of instruction (English) and the number system (Hindu-Arabic characters) were foreign. Barak worked to make sense of the foreign language and numerical characters, reinterpreting them with the body. For example, at second grade, Barak interpreted problems like 16 – 7 = ? printed on a blackboard in the body system, a system that he knew and that made sense to him. He would try to solve such problems by enumerating on the body to the 16th place (ear on the other side), but he was not clear on how to subtract the forearm (7) from this position (see figure 2 on facing page). He tried taking away the ear (16), the eye (15), but he had no clear idea about when to stop taking away body parts. By fourth grade, children like Barak develop some wellreasoned techniques. To solve the same problem, a fourth grader begins again by representing 16 as ear on the other side, keeping track of the subtraction of 7, by counting down and putting into correspondence one series of body parts beginning with the minuend (16, or ear on the other side) with another series of body parts that constitute the subtrahend (7, or forearm). In this process, he takes the forearm (7) from the ear (16), the wrist (6) from the eye (15), and so forth, until taking the thumb (1) from the shoulder (10), leaving him with the answer, biceps (9). Whether in Oksapmin valleys or in the United States, children create new cognitive developments that are interwoven with a particular set of historically elaborated circumstances. As they make sense of their communities’ representational systems for number in the contexts of interactions with others and everyday practices, their developments show similarities and differences. All children appear to make use of one-to-one correspondence as they come to make sense of their groups’ counting systems. But the culturally specific systems of number representation support different ways of solving numerical problems and lead to different hurdles for children as they create more powerful ways of conceptualizing quantity in their own developments. These similarities and differences between the numerical and arithmetic learning of Oksapmin children and those in typical Western school systems help us understand some of the culturally specific properties (particular forms of representation) and some of the culturally universal properties (one-to-one correspondence operations) in children’s developing numerical understandings. Geoffrey B. Saxe further reading: G. B. Saxe, “The Effects of Schooling on Arithmetical Understandings: Studies with Oksapmin Children in Papua New Guinea,” Journal of Educational Psychology 77, no. 5 (1985), pp. 503–13. • G. B. Saxe and I. Esmonde, “Studying Cognition in Flux: A Historical Treatment of Fu in the Shifting Structure of Oksapmin Mathematics,” Mind, Culture, and Activity 12, no. 3 and 4 (2005), pp. 171–225.

imagining each other

imagining each other

Ar ithmetic Lear ni ng i n Oksapmi n Cultur e

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figure 1. The Oksapmin 27-body-part counting system. figure 2. Solutions to 16 – 7 = ? at grade 2 and grade 4.

mead, margaret (b. December 16, 1901; d. November 15, 1978), American anthropologist. Margaret Mead was perhaps the best-known anthropologist of the 20th century. She pioneered the study of cultural variations in child-rearing practices and their impact on child development. She is especially notable for her contributions to understanding gender and sex roles. Mead graduated with a PhD from Columbia University in 1925, supervised by Franz Boas, one of the founders of American anthropology. There, she had laid the basis for a lifelong friendship with Ruth Benedict, who also would become an eminent anthropologist. She also became close to Edward Sapir, a linguist and anthropologist. These friendships set a pattern for the intellectual and emotional intimacies that would sustain her work. They included her later marriages to anthropologists Reo Fortune and Gregory Bateson. Mead’s first fieldwork was in Samoa, where she studied adolescent girls. She contrasted their easy transition to adulthood with that of Western adolescents, whom experts of the day saw as having a stormy time because of biology (Coming of Age in Samoa, 1928). This early work came down on the nurture side of the nature/nurture debate and placed Mead at the center of the developing school of anthropology known as culture and personality. In this circle, cultures were understood as organized according to central themes or patterns, impacting on their members by encouraging the expression of certain traits and abilities and the suppression of other potentialities. Mead’s position as a curator with the Museum of Natural History in New York gave her a lifetime base. She went on to do further fieldwork in New Guinea with Reo Fortune (Growing Up in New Guinea, 1930), and this was also the basis for her classic work Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive Societies (1935). In Sex and Temperament, she examined the development of sex roles in three New Guinea cultures radically different from the West. She demonstrated that despite any biological sex differences and innate differences in temperament, children learned—more or less successfully— to be male or female in the ways prescribed by their own culture. For Mead, the personality characteristics commonly associated with men or women in American culture are not set by biology but are culturally based. As with all

her work, Sex and Temperament encouraged her American readers to look at their own culture critically instead of taking cultural norms for granted. In Bali, where Mead spent several years in the field during the late 1930s, she pioneered the detailed study of sequences of children’s behavior, influenced by Bateson’s interest in film and photography. Her examination of topics such as temper tantrums and weaning and their relationship to overall cultural patterns showed her observational strengths. As a writer, Mead was able to convey vividly the cultures she studied, and as theorist she was quick to point to their distinctive patterns and contrasts. World War II saw anthropologists leave the field, and Mead’s 1955 publication Childhood in Contemporary Cultures had a new focus on the study of Western cultures, retaining the culture and personality emphasis. She also took a great deal of interest in the mechanisms of culture change, a preoccupation of Americans during an era of considerable social change. Mead became a mother in 1939, and the experience of mothering was grist to her anthropological mill. The birth was attended by a child psychologist and by her pediatrician, Dr. Benjamin Spock. Mead rejected orthodoxies, and her approach to child rearing was influenced by her gleanings from the different cultures she had studied. The birth was filmed, and many aspects of her daughter’s development were carefully recorded, evidence of her commitment to child studies. Blackberry Winter (1972), a classic of autobiographical writing, has the theme of childhood woven through it, with Mead describing her own parenting and grandparenting; herself as a child, a mother, and a grandparent; and all the while bringing in cultural comparisons from her fieldwork. In later years, Mead became a celebrity. As a commentator on culture, she wrote in popular magazines, appeared on radio and television, and conducted a tireless round of speaking engagements. As a person, she was energetic, optimistic, extroverted, and an advocate for social progress. Her fundamental approach emphasizing that Westerners can be enriched by understanding the ingenuities of different cultural arrangements meant that her ongoing work of explaining Americans to themselves and contrasting them with others acted against small-mindedness and racism. Mead’s scholarly reputation was challenged after her

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death by the attacks of anthropologist Derek Freeman on her Samoan work. Freeman suggested that her fieldwork had been faulty, that as a naive young woman she had been duped by her informants, and that her conclusions about adolescence in Samoa had been unduly influenced by the cultural relativism of her mentors. His critique occasioned much debate among anthropologists and has itself been subject to considerable critical scrutiny. Although Mead could generalize glibly, this was a characteristic of the culture and personality approach. In hindsight, the work of Mead and her contemporaries reveals, in their representations of other cultures, their own worlds and preoccupations. Her work contributed hugely both to anthropology and to child studies and to the valuing of children. Although Coming of Age in Samoa will no longer be read by generations of American college students, this is because it is dated rather than disproved. Overall, her studies of culture and child rearing still have much to offer to the discerning reader. Hilary Lapsley see also: Benedict, Ruth (Fulton); Child: Historical and Cultural Perspectives; Pacific Island Societies and Cultures, Childhood and Adolescence in further reading: Jane Howard, Margaret Mead: A Life, 1984. • Hilary Lapsley, Margaret Mead and Ruth Benedict: The Kinship of Women, 1999.

media, children and the. Media use begins for many children when they are infants. Television programs such as Teletubbies and straight-to-video series like Baby Einstein are designed for children age 0 to 2 years, even though these viewers only respond in a limited way to moving shapes and colors and their viewing is highly distracted. Two- to 5-year-olds, conversely, are capable of greater comprehension, especially if media is slow moving and repetitive. Five- to 8-year-olds can follow faster-paced and more complex narratives in film, television, and video games, and by the time children are 9 to 12 years old they are likely to be drawn to both children’s media and to media designed with a broader audience in mind, such as sitcoms and action movies. Media consumption increases as children mature. American children up to age 6 spend about two hours each day engaged with screen media (computers, television, video games). Eight- to 10-year-olds spend about three hours per day with television and one hour per day with audio media (radio or recorded music). All told, this age group spends about six-and-a-half hours per day engaged with different media, often multitasking (e.g., listening to music while playing a video game). The six-and-a-half-hour rate continues to age 18, though children gravitate from television toward music, e-mail, text messaging, and other digital media as they get older. Not surprisingly, lower-income children are likely to spend more time with TV than other electronic

media, since they are less likely to have access to computers or expensive home gaming systems. Boys and girls use about the same amount of media but gravitate to different content as they mature. Globally, most children do not have computer or Internet access, and television is the most widely available electronic medium. A 2004 report by UNICEF on media and youth around the world included data from a survey of the percentage of 15- to 19-year-old respondents who had consumed media the previous day. In the Ukraine, less than 1% of respondents had used the Internet, 7% the press, 68% radio, and 89% television. By contrast, in China the figures were 16% for Internet use, 25% for press, 24% for radio, and 85% for television. The more industrialized a country is, the more likely its youth will have computer and Internet access. Since many lifelong attitudes and behaviors are formed in childhood, juvenile consumption of violent media is a particularly pressing concern for adults. Social scientists now state definitively that representations of aggression have short-term effects on children; children exposed to violent representations are more likely to engage in aggressive play immediately afterward than are children not exposed to such images. Longitudinal studies reveal correlations between consumption of violent representations and longterm behaviors and attitudes, but correlation is not the same thing as causality. Though scientists have not definitively proved a long-term causal link between violent media and violent behaviors and attitudes, they have enough evidence to advise caution. However, scientific studies of children and media tend to be somewhat limited in how they approach the meaning of violence. Distinctions are typically drawn between comic violence, more realistic violence, and violence without a willful agent (hurricanes, earthquakes), but examining the cultural meaning of violence is often beyond the reach of such studies. Cultural theorists and historians are generally less alarmed about violent effects than psychologists and sociologists are. Henry Jenkins, for example, contends that video games vary widely across genres; some games encourage ethical reflection about violence, while others do not. Rather than speaking broadly of video game violence, then, Jenkins advocates more focused study of individual games and how different players interpret those games. As with violence, there is ongoing concern about how representations of gender may affect the attitudes and behaviors of young consumers. Notwithstanding the increase in active heroines and the decrease of much overt stereotyping, sexism remains common in children’s media. Boys’ video games, for example, tend to center on empowering action-adventure scenarios, while those targeting girls are more likely to focus on highly stereotypical shopping and makeover fantasies. Further, it is still widely assumed in the children’s media industry that girls will consume enter-

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tainment designed for boys but that the reverse is not true; many producers claim that they produce mostly media with an overtly masculine orientation simply because it is a cost-efficient way to reach the entire youth market. Nickelodeon, the first American TV channel created just for children, is unique, then, for its genuine targeting of both genders. But what about media produced by boys and girls themselves? Thanks to the Internet, today large amounts of creative material can be easily distributed by youngsters. Though sex distinctions persist online, the Internet is a strongly interactive venue where users of both genders can be producers, not just consumers. There, kids have the opportunity to discuss mass media with others and can even produce their own creative projects, such as original fiction based on popular characters like Harry Potter. Each new medium brings with it a new set of hopes and fears about effects on young users, and such hopes and fears often reveal society’s shifting conceptions of what childhood means. The earliest mass-produced books for American children, such as The New England Primer (1690) and the McGuffey Readers (1836), were designed not only to drill children in their ABCs but also to instruct them in obedience and direct them to the path of heavenly salvation. Adults presumed that children were inherently sinful and had to be molded to overcome their evil natures. By the late 19th century, however, Americans—following the lead of the Victorians—had come to sacralize childhood as a state of purity and innocence. They invented toys and clothes that emphasized the youth of children, in stark contrast to earlier accoutrements that were designed to pull children toward adulthood as quickly as possible; prior to the 19th century, childhood was more a hurdle to be overcome than a special, innocent time. In the late 1890s, dime novels were seen as a threat to youthful innocence and were attacked in particular by reformer Anthony Comstock. By the 1920s and 1930s, gangster and romance movies were targeted by reformers who feared that filmic sex and violence turned children into juvenile delinquents. Similar concerns were raised about radio, and in the post–World War II years comic books emerged as a source of anxiety for censorious adults. EC Comics were particularly renowned for their gruesome stories; protesters such as psychologist Fredrick Wertham were loath to acknowledge the comics’ incisive black humor, their strongly moral messages, and the fact that they were read by many adults and spoke powerfully to a nation of emotionally damaged veterans who had experienced horrible, real-life violence. As American films began to explore mature themes and address fragmented demographic groups rather than a general mass audience in the 1950s, television became the new mass medium theoretically intended for the whole family. Still, adults worried that children saw too much violence, especially on Westerns and crime programs like The Untouch-

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ables, and Congress investigated the possible links between television and rising juvenile delinquency rates. Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, concerns about television persisted, but there were few voices actively calling for the creation of programs directed specifically to children. Indeed, many kids’ shows, like Kukla, Fran and Ollie, seemed designed as much for children as for their parents. The main purpose of programming children’s shows in the late 1940s and early 1950s was to get parents to buy TV sets, so adults needed to enjoy the content offered. In Europe, by contrast, the state played a role in television production from the very beginning, with a particular eye to serving child viewers. Content was not left at the mercy of the marketplace. Television remained the dominant mass medium until the emergence of video games, cable, and home video in the 1980s. Adults were encouraged to subscribe to cable in order to access movie channels, sports and news channels, and especially Nickelodeon and the Disney Channel. As for video, it quickly emerged as a handy way for middle-class parents to control their children’s media consumption. By the early 1990s, DVD was added to the mix, and the rise of the digital video recorder (DVR) and services such as TiVo made time shifting and program selection even easier for those parents with the financial resources to afford such technological innovations. In today’s age of text messages, video games, and the World Wide Web, it might be tempting to assume that TV is no longer very important, but it would be more accurate to say that television is now only one key component of the children’s entertainment industry. Instead of creating discrete television programs, children’s media producers now focus on creating characters that function across media. Jimmy Neutron, for example, was invented as a character to star on a Nickelodeon TV show and, at the same time, as a movie star, a video game character, a plush toy, a Website presence, and a screen saver. To understand children’s media in the early 21st century, then, requires considering not individual programs or films but entertainment brands that work across multiple platforms. Children have become adept at moving across media platforms from an early age, and marketers now hope to indoctrinate children in brand loyalty when they are still in diapers. Since children do not earn salaries, for many years they were logically assumed to be a minor audience as far as advertisers were concerned. Today, though, the industry perceives children as highly discerning consumers who influence parental buying decisions. Studies have shown, however, that kids only begin to understand the selling intent of ads around the age of 5 and that it is only by age 11 that they have a fuller picture of how the economics of television function and become more suspicious of manipulative advertising. Having repeatedly failed to convince the Federal Trade Commission that children’s advertising should be banned across the board, American activists have

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shifted tactics. Motivated by rising rates of childhood obesity and diabetes, reform groups are currently pressuring the TV industry to curtail advertisements for sugar cereal and junk food. This is part of a wider movement to improve nutrition in public schools. Notwithstanding reasonable concerns about the possible negative effects of media on young users, there is also good reason to be optimistic about positive effects. Educational video games and television, for example, have proved themselves to be useful teaching tools. Practically the only educational shows in the United States during the 1950s and 1960s were Captain Kangaroo and Ding Dong School, both of which limited their lessons to promoting proper hygiene and good manners, with occasional instruction in shoestring tying and peanut butter sandwich construction. In the United States, children’s television was slotted on Saturday mornings because it was one of the least popular advertising spots; if they could not sell ads anyway, the networks reasoned, why not simply fill the time with cheap kids’ shows? The idea that children’s television might serve a higher purpose finally arrived with the premiere of Sesame Street in 1969. Sesame Street invented the preschool audience, and that demographic is now heavily targeted with programs such as Dora the Explorer, Bob the Builder, and Blue’s Clues. Educational programming was a staple from the beginning in the United Kingdom, Japan, and other countries where the government fostered a public-service mandate for television. Of particular note is the British Broadcasting Corporation’s (BBC’s) Blue Peter, which premiered in 1958 and is now the world’s longest-running kids’ program; it continues to be subsidized by the BBC. In the United States, by contrast, children’s programming has always been at the mercy of the free market, and for many years the juvenile audience was underserved. Today, however, there is abundant children’s programming for two main reasons. First, the Children’s Television Act of 1990 requires that broadcasters provide three hours per week of educational or informational programming designed to target specific age groups. Second, Nickelodeon has proved the immense profitability of kids’ programming and has shown that educational shows in particular can be as profitable as pure entertainment programs. Today, the borders of children’s media have become fuzzy. Since the 1990s, mass media producers have focused on creating media that particularly resonate with 18- to 34year-old males but that encourage all users to identify with a youthful, cool experience. Thus, video games, films, and TV shows speak to an “adolescent” user who may actually be a child, a teenager, or a middle-age person. Shows such as Buff y the Vampire Slayer and Dawson’s Creek centered on teen protagonists but had huge adult followings, and in movie theaters franchises such as X-Men and Spider-Man use superheroes to speak to children but amp up the psy-

chological plot elements to also draw a more grown-up viewing base. In other words, if children are increasingly engaging with media designed for more mature consumers, adults are increasingly consuming media that in the past they would have dismissed as kid stuff. Children are becoming ever more precocious and sophisticated media users, while adults may well be moving in the opposite direction. Heather Hendershot see also: Advertising; Aggression; Comic Books; Computers; Films; Magazines; Popular Culture; Popular Music; Television; Violence, Children and further reading: Ellen Seiter, Sold Separately: Children and Parents in Consumer Culture, 1995. • David Buckingham, After the Death of Childhood: Growing Up in the Age of Electronic Media, 2000. • Dorothy G. Singer and Jerome L. Singer, Handbook of Children and the Media, 2002. • Robert W. Morrow, Sesame Street and the Reform of Children’s Television, 2005.

medical care and procedures, consent to. In the United States, parents and legal guardians are generally empowered to make health care decisions for their minor children (up to 18 years of age). Despite substantial interstate variation in the recognition of particular exceptions to this doctrine of parental consent, parental autonomy is the starting point of any analysis of legal authority to make decisions about children’s health care. Historically, the authority of parents to make health care decisions for their children was grounded in notions of children as the property of their parents. In addition, because children were not legally empowered to enter into contracts, they could not enter into treatment agreements with physicians. More modern conceptualizations, however, focus primarily on the balancing of the interests of parents, the state, and the children. Parents’ discretion in making decisions concerning the upbringing of their minor children is protected as a fundamental right under the U.S. Constitution and prevails in most instances. Yet parental discretion in child rearing is not absolute. The government can override parental decisions when doing so is deemed necessary to protect children’s welfare under its parens patriae power. While there has been much debate about the appropriate reach of this power, particularly when it interferes with parental autonomy, American law clearly recognizes the authority of states to enact legislation aimed at protecting children’s welfare in certain limited instances. Most of the time, parental discretion in child rearing and the state’s parens patriae interests are not in confl ict. In its 1979 decision in Parham v. J.R., the U.S. Supreme Court asserted that American law presumes children to be generally incapable of making important decisions affecting their own welfare, including health care decisions. The Court observed that parent-child relations are characterized by “natural bonds of affection” that, together with parents’ superior decision-making capacity, maturity, and judgment

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(compared with that of children), lead most parents to make health care decisions that are in their children’s best interests. Under this formulation, the interests of parents and the state are usually aligned to the extent both actors seek to promote the children’s welfare. Two other sets of interests are relevant to legal regulation of consent requirements for health care of children: the state’s police power interests and minors’ own autonomy interests. The state’s police power authority enables it to enact legislation in order to promote the general welfare. A classic example of such authority in the realm of health care decisions is the legal requirement that children be vaccinated against specified diseases before enrolling in school. While these inoculations are expected to benefit each vaccinated child, thus serving the state’s parens patriae goals, compulsory vaccinations are also justified by the public health benefits that flow from controlling the spread of disease. In recent decades, another set of interests has emerged as relevant to legal allocations of decision-making authority regarding children’s health care. Beginning in the 1960s, Supreme Court opinions have emphasized that minors have certain limited constitutionally protected interests of their own that must be balanced against the interests of parents and the state. Thus, when minors seek legal authority to access or to refuse particular forms of treatment independent of parental consent, courts and legislatures attempt a threeway or triadic balance of the interests of parents, children, and the state in determining the legal consent requirements for the treatment in question. Mi nor s’ Acc ess to H e alth Car e I nd ep end en t of Par en t s Whether one is an adult or a child, legal consent requirements may be waived if the situation is one in which no legally empowered person is available to provide consent and a delay in commencing treatment will be detrimental to the patient. Thus, if a life-saving intervention must be initiated immediately in order to be successful, and a parent is not available, the need for consent by a child’s parent may be waived. Generally, this exception extends also to circumstances where delay will have deleterious consequences short of death, such as reduced functionality of a limb or an organ or failure to relieve severe pain. While the precise wording and requirements of the “emergency exception” differ from state to state, the exception is well established in one form or another in all jurisdictions. Minors who are no longer living with and/or supported by parents because they have achieved a socially recognized level of independence can generally consent to their own treatment. This “emancipated minor” exception was far more important when the age of majority was 21 years, because many minors take critical steps toward independence (such as getting married, joining the military, earning a living) in the years between ages 18 and 21. The exception still

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exists, however, for a smaller number of minors younger than age 18 who meet the criteria for emancipation. Many states recognize a “mature minor” exception, in one form or another. This exception allows a health care practitioner to treat a minor who demonstrates competence to make the treatment decision in question. The minor must display adult levels of understanding and reasoning about the nature and consequences of the proposed treatment and its alternatives in order to be deemed legally capable of providing independent consent. This exception is most likely to be recognized in situations in which the minor is an older adolescent and where the treatment obtained by the adolescent is not major or serious. Most states have enacted statutes that authorize minors to provide independent consent for particular types of health services, such as those relating to minors’ sexual activity, use of alcohol or drugs, mental health, and certain other sensitive areas of their lives and health. Recognizing that parental consent requirements in these contexts will lead many minors to forgo contacts with health care professionals, all 50 states have created limited exceptions to the doctrine of parental consent in one or more of these sensitive areas. For example, all states allow most minors to access testing and treatment for most sexually transmitted diseases independently, although there is interstate variation on the particular provisions of the statutes. This exception to the parental consent requirement is justified by the state’s dual interests in promoting the welfare of the minor seeking services and in the public health benefits of preventing the spread of contagious diseases. States also provide varying levels of independent access for minors to outpatient (and sometimes even inpatient) mental health and/or substance abuse treatment. A majority of states allow pregnant minors to obtain prenatal care without parental consent. The U.S. Supreme Court has determined that minors have a constitutionally protected interest in deciding whether or not to bear a child. Given minors’ greater vulnerability and uncertain competence to make important personal decisions and parents’ continuing role in guiding their children’s upbringing, the Court determined that minors’ claim to independence in making reproductive decisions is less compelling than that of adults. Yet it is clear from the various Supreme Court opinions that the state cannot categorically preclude minors from accessing contraceptives or abortion. Minors’ independent access to contraceptives has been significantly less controversial than has been their access to abortion. In most jurisdictions, minors can access contraceptives independently, even where state statutes are silent on the subject. By contrast, there is substantial interstate variation in state policies governing minors’ access to abortion, as federal constitutional law gives states some latitude in regulating such access. In those situations where minors

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are invested with adultlike legal authority to make personal treatment decisions, they are typically permitted to refuse as well as to access treatment. It is noteworthy that even in the absence of legal requirements that minors’ consent be obtained prior to proceeding with particular medical interventions, some practitioners choose to involve minors in health care decisions affecting their welfare. Some health care professionals cite various ethical doctrines as the basis for involving minors in such decisions. Others cite practical considerations, noting that minors’ active participation in the treatment process may promote better treatment outcomes or be critical to treatment success. State Limits on Par en tal R efusals of Tr e atm en t for C h i ldr en Parental discretion to make health care decisions for their minor children encompasses the right to refuse or discontinue health care services. If, however, a parental decision appears to place a child in serious jeopardy, the state may intervene and order treatment over parental objections under the authority of child maltreatment statutes. These statutes allow the juvenile court to protect children from harmful or risky parental conduct, including parental failure to secure needed medical treatment. Such refusals would be construed as “medical neglect.” Definitions of child neglect vary from state to state. Most jurisdictions, however, define neglect as the failure of parents or guardians to provide their child with necessary food, shelter, clothing, education, supervision, or medical treatment. Despite the apparent breadth of this language, modern constitutional jurisprudence typically limits medical neglect cases to those situations in which failure to treat places the child at risk of serious physical harm or death. In addition, courts are less likely to intervene when the efficacy of the proposed treatment is uncertain or relatively low, when the risks of treatment outweigh the possible benefits, and/or when treatment merely postpones the child’s inevitable death from a life-threatening condition. Thus, in Newmark v. Williams (1991), the Delaware Supreme Court concluded that state intervention was not appropriate where the proposed highly aggressive treatment for a child’s cancer had a low likelihood of success, presented numerous risks of lethal complications, and was likely to subject the child to substantial suffering. By contrast, in Custody of a Minor (1979), the Massachusetts Supreme Court held that court-ordered treatment was appropriate in a case where “uncontradicted medical testimony” indicated that the proposed chemotherapy offered a “substantial chance for a cure and a normal life for the child” who would otherwise die within six months and where the benefits of this treatment greatly outweighed the temporary side effects and minimal risks. Parents may also be subject to criminal liability for fail-

ure to obtain adequate medical care for their children under child endangerment or criminal child maltreatment statutes. If a child dies as a result of parental failure to obtain needed medical treatment, that parent may be liable under the state’s homicide statutes. Thus, in contrast to the civil child maltreatment statutes noted previously, which authorize the state to intervene and order medical treatment, criminal statutes are punitive in nature, authorizing the state to impose penalties such as imprisonment on violators while sending a powerful message to offenders and the public about society’s disapproval of the conduct. There are two particularly controversial categories of parental treatment refusals: those affecting disabled or critically ill newborns and those grounded in parents’ religious beliefs. Parents and medical practitioners confront legal and ethical dilemmas regarding treatment of critically ill and disabled newborns on a daily basis. In 1984, congressional amendments to the Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act (CAPTA) characterized parental withholding of life-sustaining treatment from disabled infants as child maltreatment. The statute provides certain exceptions in which failure to treat is not construed as medical neglect, such as when a child is irreversibly comatose, when the proposed treatment would merely prolong dying, or when the treatment would be virtually futile in terms of the child’s survival. Congress made state eligibility for certain types of federal funding contingent on each state’s creation of mechanisms to detect and respond to instances of failure to treat such infants under their abuse and neglect statutes. Arguably, as technological advances enhance physicians’ ability to sustain lives of infants with increasingly more severe medical difficulties, the uncertainty surrounding what constitutes legally permissible treatment refusals of infants will expand as well. Since the 1970s, some state statutes have contained provisions that exempt parents from either civil or criminal liability under some circumstances if their refusal of treatment for their minor children was grounded in their good-faith adherence to their religious beliefs. These statutes stem, in part, from the federal regulations that were drafted to implement CAPTA when it was first passed by Congress in 1974. State receipt of certain federal funds was conditioned on state adoption of a religious exemption under the child maltreatment statutes. In 1983, a revision of those regulations returned discretion regarding religious exemptions to the states. Not until 1996, however, did Congress speak directly on the subject by adding language to the CAPTA legislation to clarify that there are no federal requirements for, or prohibitions against, state use of child maltreatment statutes to find neglect or abuse where parents rely on spiritual, rather than medical, intervention for their children’s health problems. The 1996 amendments to CAPTA are still in force today, and those amendments also require that states have in place procedures allowing the

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child protection system to order medical treatment when a state court determines doing so is necessary to prevent or remedy serious harm to the child or to prevent death. The disposition of particular cases, however, is left to the “sole discretion of the State,” which is authorized to make decisions on a case-by-case basis. Presently, approximately two-thirds of the states provide parents some form of religious exemption from neglect determinations when medical treatment is refused. Consistent with CAPTA, however, many states permit courts to order treatment over parental objections if deemed necessary to protect the child from serious harm or death. The existence of religious exemptions to parental obligations to obtain medical treatment for their ill children remains the subject of much controversy. The American Academy of Pediatrics vocally opposes religious exemptions on the basis that children deserve appropriate medical treatment, regardless of parental religious views, in order to prevent serious harm, suffering, or death. Those who support the exemptions claim that parents’ rights to practice their religious faith and to exercise discretion in child rearing, protected, respectively, by the First and Fourteenth Amendments of the U.S. Constitution, guarantee them the right to refuse conventional medical treatment for their children. Others disagree. Some note that freedom of religion protects the parents’ rights to hold certain beliefs but not the right to engage in practices that are harmful to others. In addition, critics cite the state’s authority to limit parental autonomy when children’s health, safety, or welfare is at risk. Furthermore, some opponents of religious exemptions, and at least one state court, assert that the exemptions violate the rights of the affected children because they deprive these children of the same protection of their health and well-being that is ordinarily due, under the child maltreatment statutes, to children whose parents fail to provide for their medical needs. O rgan a nd T i ssu e D onat ion s by M i no r s The doctrine of parental consent, as discussed previously, authorizes parents to make health care decisions in the best interests of their minor children. As such, this doctrine is not wholly applicable when the question is whether a living child can donate an organ or tissue to another individual. Such donations are sought because of the benefit they will have for the recipient, not the donor. For this reason, parental decisions on organ or tissue donations from their minor child to another family member do not fall squarely within the scope of parents’ traditional legal authority. Few states have passed statutes focusing explicitly on organ or tissue donations by living children. In general, a handful of published cases, most of which were decided in the 1960s and 1970s, guide current practice. These cases involve proposed organ or tissue donations from one individual— usually a minor but in some cases a mentally disabled or

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mentally ill adult—to a sibling. Although the courts in these cases differ in the articulation of the precise legal test used to determine whether the donation should be authorized, the decisions are generally in harmony. The courts appear to be willing to approve an organ or tissue donation from a living minor to another family member when there is no other suitable donor who is legally competent; the recipient’s medical condition is such that, without the donation, that person will die and the proposed donation is highly likely to prevent that death; the anticipated risks and discomforts of the procedure to the proposed donor are not substantial; there is a strong, loving, familial bond between the proposed donor and recipient, leading the court to conclude that if the individual needing the transplant died, the donor would suffer a traumatic or devastating loss; and the parent or guardian with legal decision-making authority over the proposed donor’s welfare has consented to the procedure and wishes it to go forward. Indeed, in a review of those cases in which the court has refused to authorize a donation, one or more of these conditions was not met. Some commentators assert that current laws do not adequately protect minors’ interests. For example, a child may have difficulty expressing his or her hesitations about serving as a donor for another family member in the face of family expectations and desires that the donation go forward. Depending upon certain case-specific factors, even where there is a positive familial relationship between the proposed child donor and the recipient, psychological benefit to a child donor may not always follow. For example, if the recipient remains ill or dies, the donor may experience significant psychological trauma. While these psychological issues have received some attention in the medical and psychological literature, they have not been integrated into legal formulations. Advancements in genetic technologies make it increasingly possible for parents to select among the embryos they create through in vitro fertilization, perhaps making conceptions for the purpose of organ or tissue donation even more likely. These developments have led some to argue that states should draft legislation regulating organ or tissue donations by minors so that these decisions are reviewed in a manner that will protect the proposed donor’s welfare while interfering as little as possible in the family’s decision-making process. Lois A. Weithorn see also: Abortion; Adolescent Decision Making, Legal Perspectives on; Hospitalization; Mental Health Care; Religious Rights, Children’s; Rights, Children’s; Rights, Parental further reading: Angela Roddey Holder, Legal Issues in Pediatrics and Adolescent Medicine, 2nd ed., 1985. • Arthur L. Caplan, “Hard Cases Make Bad Law,” in Arthur L. Caplan, Robert H. Blank, and Janna C. Merrick, eds., Compelled Compassion: Government Intervention in the Treatment of Critically-Ill Newborns, 1992. • American Academy of Pediatrics, “Ethics and the Care of Critically Ill Infants and Children,” Pediatrics 98, no. 1 (1996), pp. 149–53. • American Academy of Pediatrics, “Religious Objections to Medical Care,”

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Pediatrics 99, no. 2 (1997), pp. 279–81. • Heather Boonstra and Elizabeth Nash, “Minors and the Right to Consent to Health Care,” The Guttmacher Report on Public Policy, August 2000. • Gregory E. Pence, Classic Cases in Medical Ethics, 3rd ed., 2000. • Bryan Shartle, “Proposed Legislation for Safely Regulating the Increasing Number of Living Organ and Tissue Donations by Minors,” Louisiana Law Review 61 (2001), pp. 433–71. • Department of Health and Human Services, Definitions of Child Abuse and Neglect: Summary of State Laws, 2005.

medicines and children Overview Anesthesia and Analgesia Antibiotics Psychotropic Medicines

overview. Medicines are substances used to prevent, to di-

agnose, or to treat disease. This broad definition includes substances that are available with or without a prescription, that are naturally found or are industrially produced, that are pure single chemicals or complex mixtures of compounds, that are relatively free or heavily burdened with side effects, and that may sometimes be used for nontherapeutic reasons (e.g., drugs of abuse). As a whole, medicines are an indispensable cornerstone of health care for children, as they are for adults. Medicines can be classified broadly according to their therapeutic purpose. Therapeutic groups include, for example, vaccines, antibiotics, painkillers, psychotropic drugs, and birth control pills, all of which are discussed elsewhere in this volume. Other widely known groups of medicines frequently used in children include acute and chronic medicines for asthma, allergy medicines, topical treatments for the skin, and hormone replacement medicines such as insulin and growth hormone. Oral rehydration solution, which consists of a water-based solution of electrolytes, can be regarded as a medicine and is used widely, particularly in developing nations to treat dehydration that is due to diarrhea. Steroid medicines are best thought of as two separate groups: glucocorticoids, which are used to treat inflammation, and anabolic steroids, which have little therapeutic use in children but are used (abused) for athletic performance enhancement. Most medicines are officially approved for use in adults only and are used off-label for children, meaning that they are not approved by regulatory authorities for use in children. For most medicines, there have been relatively few studies on their safety, efficacy, and optimal dosing in children. Guidance on pediatric pharmacotherapy can be found in many pediatric textbooks, but that guidance often does not have an extensive evidence basis. The need for more knowledge about medicines for children is acute, because children and pediatric disease differ in many ways from adults and adult disease. Children may

have different medication side effects than adults have, and medication efficacy may differ between children and adults. These differences may be related to differences in optimal dosing between children and adults. Adult dosing is generally uniform, regardless of body weight, but pediatric dosing should usually be guided by weight or body surface area. Dosing in children may also depend on agerelated changes in drug absorption and metabolism and may be either higher or lower than adult dosing. In addition, there are some pediatric diseases (many referred to as orphan diseases) that have no adult analog and therefore cannot readily draw on medicines that are developed for adult diseases. The United States and the European Union now have laws that either require or incentivize pharmaceutical companies to perform pediatric studies of their medicines and to develop new medicines for orphan diseases. These laws have increased the number of drug studies performed in children as well as the number of liquid or other alternative formulations for children. The testing of medicines and formulations in children is operationally and ethically complex, with key issues including the need for the consent of the child participants through or separate from their guardians and the ethical acceptability of studies performed in indigent populations, who may be economically coerced into enrolling in drug studies. A model for the testing of pediatric drugs can be found in oncology, where a vast majority of pediatric patients participate in drug trials and where the safety and efficacy of chemotherapy have advanced enormously as a result. For almost all other disease areas, the participation of patients and doctors in pediatric drug studies is much less frequent, and advances in therapy have been correspondingly slower. Paul P. Wang see also: Immunizations

anesthesia and analgesia. Although traditional cultures used various medicines and techniques to reduce pain, modern techniques of anesthesia (unconsciousness to relieve pain) and analgesia (pain reduction) did not appear until the late 1800s. The 1900s led to rapid discovery and development of multiple painkilling and anesthetic medications that today allow surgery with neither pain nor memory. Technological advances in monitoring and cardiopulmonary support have also made anesthesia extraordinarily safe for most patients today. In spite of these advancements, infants are still considered an at-risk group and pediatric pain was still routinely undertreated as late as the 1980s. It was widely thought that infants did not need pain medication and, indeed, tolerated pain well. Newborns were often taken to surgery and given minimal anesthesia, as if they were incapable of experiencing pain. However, there is ample evidence that infants and children experience pain just as adults do and need to be treated humanely. This

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includes the administration of sedatives, pain medications, and anesthetics to reduce pain and suffering when sick, injured, or undergoing surgery. Fortunately, a lot of work has been done to educate doctors and the public about the need to provide pain relief to all infants and children. Additionally, many newer modalities for providing pain and anxiety relief are simple and include such things as numbing of the skin or lacerations through the application of topical local anesthetics. The only impediment to topical anesthesia is planning ahead; topical applications require 20 to 60 minutes to achieve a numb area for suturing or needle puncture. Various medications can also be given orally, rectally, or by nasal spray to provide anxiety relief. When children need diagnostic evaluations that are not painful, they are often too young to hold still for imaging and therefore require deep sedation or general anesthesia to successfully complete the medical test. Anesthesia or sedation and analgesic relief can sometimes be initiated without sticking the child with a needle. Research evidence shows that infants receiving adequate anesthesia during surgical procedures have better survival rates. Most modern hospitals now have specialists to provide anesthesia, sedation, and pain medication for children. The discipline of pediatric anesthesiology developed to provide these services. Newer medications and new technologies also have contributed to the improvements in pain management for children. Infants and children have special needs when sick, injured, or undergoing surgery. Infants are at greater risk of complications during and following anesthesia and surgery. The responses of a developing body are different from those of a mature adult. Infants are at higher risk of respiratory difficulties following anesthesia and surgery. They have immature central nervous systems and do not metabolize medications at the same rate as adults and therefore need special weight-based dosing of medications and sometimes longer intervals between doses. Because of this, inexperienced caregivers can be reluctant to provide needed pain medications in this age group. Careful physiological monitoring and a nursing unit that provides proper supervision can allow for the safe administration of appropriate pain medications in infants and sick children during and following anesthesia and surgery. Young children are developmentally incapable of understanding medical situations as adults do. Even teenagers do not always have the ability to fully understand and deal with the complex medical environment and proposed interventions. Anesthesiologists now are trained to be more aware of the fears children experience around surgery. They can initiate anesthesia in ways that are more appropriate for children than adults and that are tailored for the preferences of the individual child. Examples include going to sleep by inhaling anesthetic gas rather than being stuck with a

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needle, putting numbing cream on the skin before sticking with a needle, drinking medicine that provides sedation, or administering pain medicine before a procedure is done. It may help to allow parents to hold their children when they go to sleep with medications or to allow children other options of how to go to sleep, such as falling asleep with a favorite toy, in a wagon, or sitting up. Giving parents and children explanations, choices, and some sense of control allows them to feel safer and less invaded as they undergo medical procedures or surgery. This can greatly ease the child’s and the family’s anxiety and increase cooperation from the child in the entire process. There are regional and national differences in anesthetic, sedation, and analgesic techniques, although the general trends worldwide are to provide more medication if available. Developing countries have far fewer resources compared with Western countries and some in Asia. Limited medications, monitors, equipment, and nursing care can result in the inability to provide safe or comfortable care in these areas. Deborah Schwengel see also: Pain

antibiotics. Antibiotics are medicines that kill or inhibit

bacteria. Many antibiotics were found in nature, and scientists continue to discover new, naturally occurring antibiotics, but today the term includes both naturally occurring and synthetic substances. Antibiotics enter into bacteria and interfere with their vital functions. Because the molecules that antibiotics target vary from one bacterium to another, every antibiotic works against certain bacteria but not others. Some antibiotics are active against a narrow range of bacteria, while others have a broader spectrum. In general, antibiotics do not interfere with vital human functions because the molecules that they target are quite different in humans. Allergies are among the most common side effects of antibiotics. Other antibiotic side effects often are not due to direct effects on human cells. Rather, they arise when antibiotics kill bacteria that are supposed to reside in or on the body. An example is the side effect of diarrhea, which can result when an antibiotic kills “friendly” bacteria that are supposed to reside in the intestines. Bacteria can become antibiotic resistant by modifying the molecules that the antibiotics target or by disabling or eliminating the antibiotics. Resistance can be either partial or complete. For example, staphylococcal bacteria that cause skin infections were exquisitely sensitive to penicillin in the past but are rarely sensitive today. Tuberculosis is resistant to many antibiotics that were effective against it in the past and now must be treated with several antibiotics simultaneously. Some bacteria are resistant to all known antibiotics. The streptococcal bacteria that cause throat infections remain treatable with penicillin, but much higher doses are required than in the past. The development of an-

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tibiotic resistance is an example of natural selection. That is, genetic mutations occur regularly in bacteria as they do in all living organisms, and some of those mutations result in antibiotic resistance. The bacteria that remain susceptible die off, allowing the resistant bacteria to become predominant. Bacteria that have never encountered a particular antibiotic can become resistant to it by acquiring resistance genes from other bacteria with which they come in contact. The resistant bacteria transfer the resistance genes to the “naive” bacteria. Antibiotics are widely prescribed to children for infections such as those of the middle ear, throat, bladder, skin, and wounds. Antibiotics also are used to treat more serious infections such as pneumonia, meningitis, tuberculosis, and sepsis (infection in the blood). Prophylactic uses of antibiotics include the prevention of infection in vulnerable or fragile patients (e.g., those with recurrent ear infections or immune deficiencies) and the prevention of epidemics of diseases such as meningitis. The most appropriate antibiotic for a particular patient is one with a spectrum of action that closely fits the patient’s condition. When the bacteria of concern is known, a very narrow-spectrum antibiotic can be used. When the pathogenic bacterium is not known, a wider-spectrum antibiotic may be needed. When antibiotics are prescribed to treat conditions that are not caused by bacteria (e.g., common colds or viral throat infections), then bacteria that reside in the body become exposed to the antibiotic and have the opportunity to develop resistance and to pass that resistance to other bacteria. Similarly, when an antibiotic with an overly broad spectrum is used, then many bacteria have the opportunity to develop resistance to it. In affluent regions of the world, broad-spectrum antibiotics are sometimes administered for inappropriate reasons; in less affluent regions, antibiotic selection may be constrained by availability. Resistance also develops when antibiotic treatment of an infection stops before the infection is completely cured and the remaining bacteria have the opportunity to develop resistance. Tuberculosis is a notable example of this phenomenon. Highly resistant bacteria are especially common in health care institutions, since the bacteria there are exposed so often to so many antibiotics. The widespread use of antibiotics in livestock around the world also contributes to the development of widespread bacterial resistance. Antibiotic resistance is a problem throughout the world, although the specific patterns of resistance vary both within and across national boundaries. Some antibiotics and other drugs are effective against parasitic infections, including malaria, which are endemic or permanently prevalent in some populations. A few drugs exist that are effective against viruses and fungi. Drugs that target HIV (human immunodeficiency virus) are used for patients infected with the virus and to prevent its transmission from infected mothers to newborn babies. Resistance

is a concern for antivirals as it is for antibiotics, perhaps most notably for anti-HIV drugs. If treatment with antiHIV drugs does not continue for a patient’s lifetime, symptoms will reappear and resistance may develop. Researchers are working to develop new drugs that will be effective against resistant organisms or against organisms for which no drug has ever worked. While antibiotics obviously have great clinical value, public health improvements in the developing world (e.g., improved sanitation, nutrition, and vaccination) have an even greater capacity to promote the health of children there. Paul P. Wang see also: Immunizations; Infectious Diseases further reading: Stuart B. Levy, The Antibiotic Paradox: How Their Misuse Destroys Their Curative Powers, 2002. • Committee on Infectious Diseases, American Academy of Pediatrics, Red Book: 2006 Report of the Committee on Infectious Diseases, 2006.

psychotropic medicines. Psychotropic medicines are, literally, “medicines that affect the mind,” influencing behavior, emotions, or learning. The use of psychotropic medication in children is not new. Herbal remedies like laudanum, an opium extract, and alcohol have been used by healers for centuries to quiet fretful infants and children. In the late 19th century, the burgeoning science of chemistry and its applications in industry gave rise to the pharmaceutical industry and the partial replacement of folk remedies by manufactured preparations. Initially, these were sedatives such as barbiturates and bromides, then antihistamines. But from 1951 onward, a raft of new drugs like antipsychotics, neuroleptics, antidepressants, tranquilizers like the benzodiazepines, and mood stabilizers such as lithium became available. These new substances fostered research into their pharmacological action. Most were found to influence nerve receptors in the brain that respond to specific chemical regulators called neurotransmitters. The understanding of substances that act on the brain had been greatly enhanced by the end of the 20th century by the advances in molecular biology, genetics, and brain imaging technologies.

Th e R i s e o f Ped i atr ic Ps yc hophar m acology The use of psychoactive substances in children came originally from an interest in controlling difficult behavior rather than in addressing serious mental illness. In the 1930s, two new chemicals fueled the use of psychotropic medications used in children. One was diphenhydramine (known by the brand name Benadryl), the first antihistamine used for sedation. The other was Benzedrine, in the amphetamine class, the first stimulant drug. In 1937, Charles Bradley, a child psychiatrist working in a special hospital for children with developmental problems in Rhode Island, gave amphetamine to children, hoping to reduce headache after a new brain imaging technique of air

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encephalography. It did nothing for headache, but Bradley noticed that the children became calmer, better behaved, and applied themselves to their studies much more diligently with the medication. Bradley’s observations went largely unnoticed for 20 years because the field of psychiatry was dominated by psychoanalysis, with its emphasis on interpersonal interaction. With the advent of the modern psychiatric drugs for adults in the 1950s, there was interest in applicability for children. This led to rediscovery of the stimulants like amphetamine. Initial studies were encouragingly positive but crude and uncontrolled. These early studies prompted the development of standard rigorous methodology for evaluating psychotropic medications in children. These standards remain in place for testing in children, although many drugs are not tested on or approved for children because of the cost and complexity of this required evaluation process in children. Nonscientific information on psychotropic medication in the public domain contributes to confusion, misinformation, and distrust of many of these medicines. Stimulants are the most commonly used medications, primarily amphetamine derivatives and methylphenidate. Newer preparations of these medicines allow for once-aday dosing, but all are of the same chemical structure. Subject of more than 2,000 good studies, including some very long-term ones, stimulants are among the most completely evaluated, effective, and safe drugs for symptoms of attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). Side effects of stimulants include stomachache, weight loss and deceleration of linear growth, mood changes, and, rarely, cardiotoxicity. Recently, atomoxetine has been available for ADHD. Side effects are similar to stimulants but also include sedation, depression, and, rarely, liver problems. Antipsychotics or neuroleptics are used for bipolar disorder and psychosis and, much more commonly in children, to reduce explosive aggression and severe oppositionality and to reduce tics in Tourette syndrome. The use of these drugs is somewhat controversial because the effects are small and widespread testing on children has not been done. Long-term studies suggest that these may improve behavior as well as language in children with autism spectrum disorders. Children with delayed development and disruptive behaviors also appear to benefit. Weight gain, sedation, and drooling are common, though movement disorders and liver and endocrine problems are rare but worrisome side effects. Antidepressants, including the selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs) and others, are widely used for depression (though their value in nonadolescent children is not proved) and in some anxiety disorders like obsessivecompulsive and panic disorders. The U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) put a warning on those drugs when prescribed to children because an increase in suicidal ideation was noticed in a small group of children. Unfortu-

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nately, the suicide rate in areas where this drug use was curtailed by this warning has increased, and many providers refuse to prescribe these medicines. This issue is an ongoing controversy. The older tricyclic antidepressants are now generally used only occasionally in depression, partly because of disputed efficacy and partly because of potential adverse effects on heart rhythm. Mood stabilizers include long-established medications for seizures (valproic acid and carbamazepine), the group that reduces norepinephrine in the brain (clonidine and guanfacine), and the long-used lithium. These are used for children with bipolar illness and with disruptive, explosive, and severely aggressive behavior. Clonidine or guanfacine is also used for ADHD and tic disorders, melatonin for sleep disturbance, and, rarely, tranquilizers for the short term in severe acute anxiety, panic disorders, psychoses, and preprocedure sedation. These have a small place and are generally of low toxicity. T r end s i n P r e s c r i bi ng There has been a general rise internationally in the number of prescriptions of psychotropic medicine for children, most marked for those older than the age of 9 and in girls; the rise is highest in the United States. This increase occurred first with stimulants, given to around 2% of children at any time; this has now slowed and even stabilized. More recently, use of antipsychotics for other than psychotic disorders has increased, as has use of antidepressants for depression and other disorders and the use of mood stabilizers. Stimulant use is the most widespread, but at least 40% of children take medication for less than a year. Disadvantaged and uninsured children have lower rates of use, probably because of poor access to care. Those children with multiple behavioral problems and those with autism have the highest rates. Much of the U.S. rise in stimulant medication is among adolescents and adults. Adolescents who need and get this medication have better academic achievement and lower rates of involvement with the justice system, motor vehicle accidents, and drug addiction. Another trend is a marked rise in use of multiple medications both concurrently or sequentially. The FDA has issued warnings on the increased use of the stimulants based mostly upon increased numbers alone, not on any real evidence of additional toxicity or inappropriate prescribing. F u t u r e D e v elo pm en ts Given the accelerating pace of advances in the neurosciences and pharmacology, the shortfall between the actual prevalence of psychiatric illness in children and current usage, and the number of children receiving psychotropic medicines, it is likely that the number of medicines available will continue to increase. Previously, most psychotropic drugs have been accidental discoveries. Research now is based upon molecular neurobiology with particular em-

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phasis on brain chemistry at the cellular or subcellular level. As the relationship between brain structure and function becomes more refined, medicines will become more narrowly targeted to a particular problem. Fewer side effects arising from unwanted shotgun approaches are likely to be found. The most likely new area for psychotropic medicines in children will be in learning enhancers. This avenue will come from research in Alzheimer’s disease and other memory disorders in adults. C o n t rov er si es There are frequent claims that psychotropic medicines, especially the stimulants, are overprescribed in children. Population- and community-based epidemiological and community studies show that prescribing is still considerably less than the expected rates of behavioral disorders in the population. For example, ADHD seems to affect 5% to 7% of children, while only 2% receive medication. Overprescribing may occur in specific locales or by specific doctors even when the population as a whole may not be receiving needed medication. Both the frequency of the disorder and treatment are still surrounded with controversy. There are those who claim that the use of psychotropic medicines in children is a plot to enforce societal need for conformity at the expense of individuality. School achievement is vital to success in industrialized societies, and medication, especially the stimulants, may be vital to that. Controversy remains about the balance of benefits of these medicines and the side effects, both medical and psychological. There are frequent media stories that suggest that the commonly used psychotropic medications are dangerous. Isolated or rare cases of idiosyncratic toxicity are always a possibility with any medication or procedure. Modern psychotropic medications used in children are safe and side effects few and minor. Safety and efficacy are continually evaluated by governmental and scientific bodies. With psychotropic medicines for children, there has been a conspicuous rise in the quality and robustness of studies, most notably the carefully designed multicenter studies. Regulatory oversight is ongoing and stringent. One growing perspective, especially in the United States, is that most behavioral, emotional, or mood problems in children can be solved by medication alone. This creates an expectation in both doctor and patient that there is a definitive medical solution to problems that are complex, may not be remediable, or may require a substantial change in a child’s environment. As mental health services become less available and social supports more tenuous, the tendency to pour medicine in that void will be hard to resist for parents and health care providers alike. John Scott Werry see also: Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder; Depression; Mental Health Care; Mental Illness

further reading: T. Wilens, Straight Talk about Psychiatric Medication for Kids, 2004. • M. K. Dulcan, Helping Parents, Youth, and Teachers Understand Medications for Behavioral and Emotional Problems: A Resource Book of Medication Information Handouts, 3rd ed., 2006. • U.S. Food and Drug Administration, http://www.fda.gov

memory. Memory is a fundamental aspect of human cognition. It is what allows for retention of something as mundane as a phone number and as important as the events of our lives, thus helping shape identity through past experiences. As such, memory holds a privileged role in the study of cognition and its development. Research on memory has taken many different paths over the years, with the focus shifting to and from different aspects of memory as assumptions about human memory emerged, took hold, and were subsequently challenged. Historically, adulthood memory captivated researchers with scant attention paid to memory at the earlier part of the life span. A commonly held belief reinforced this trend: It was thought that children younger than the age of 3 could not form stable and accessible memories. This notion arose from research focusing on autobiographical memory, which found that adults rarely recall events from before the age of 3. Yet research conducted near the end of the 20th century showed that children younger than the age of 3 not only form memories but also retain them over long periods of time. Memory research now covers the full human life span, with researchers focusing on memory systems, functions, and attributes of memory in infants through elderly adults. This article focuses on the younger end of the spectrum by highlighting current research in the area of the development of memory from infancy to adolescence. Wor k i ng M e mo r y The type of memory that permits the storage and manipulation of information over short durations is called working memory. Working memory is used in mental arithmetic, to hold the digits in mind and add or subtract them, for example. The classic working memory model was created by Alan Baddeley and Graham Hitch in the early 1970s. This model was based on the metaphor of a computer and consisted of two slave systems of memory serving a central executive memory that controls the limited resources of the system. The slave systems are the visuospatial sketch pad and the phonological loop that allow for the temporary storage of visual and auditory information, respectively. The central executive is the work space in which the information from the slave systems is manipulated and processed. Baddeley modified the model in 2000 to include an episodic buffer, a supplemental memory organized sequentially to reflect the order of events or episodes experienced. The episodic buffer is purported to be the route information takes from working memory into long-term memory. Working memory is required for many cognitive tasks

memory

and thus is widely studied across the life span. In infancy, one common method of testing working memory is the A-not-B task. In this task, a desired object is hidden in one of two identical locations. After a brief delay, the infant is allowed to find the object by reaching for it. The general procedure is to hide the object in Location A on several trials and then switch to hiding the object in Location B. Although the hiding occurs in full view of the infant, younger infants tend to make an A-not-B error when they continue to look for the object in Location A. As their working memory abilities increase, infants cease making this error because they are able to remember where the object is hidden (Location B) and to inhibit their desire to reach into Location A. As shown by Adele Diamond, infants improve on the order of two seconds per month between the ages of 7 and 12 months. A variation of the A-not-B task known as the delayedresponse task is also used to measure the development of working memory. In the delayed-response task, the order of the hiding locations is determined randomly such that the infant must remember where the desired object is located on a trial-by-trial basis. Between 8 and 12 months of age, infants show marked improvement on this task. Working memory is also studied into childhood using various measures such as imitation and both reading and digit span. For example, in a digit span task, children hear a list of digits and are asked to repeat the digits in reverse order. The number of digits that children are able to remember, reverse, and report increases between the ages of 7 and 13 years, and adult levels of working memory are reached by the high school years. Ep i s o d ic M e mo r y Episodic memory—memory of the details of specific events—has typically been studied in adults by means of verbal reports. The study of episodic memory in infants was made possible by the development of the elicited imitation paradigm—a nonverbal analogue to verbal report—which allowed for the testing of memory for specific episodes or events in infants as young as 6 months. In this paradigm, infants are presented with novel objects or props and are shown how to combine them to produce a sequence of actions. Immediately or after a delay (deferred imitation), infants are invited to imitate the modeled actions. Researchers measure memory by comparing the number of actions and pairs of actions in correct order that the infants produce after seeing the modeled sequence to the numbers produced prior to modeling. With this paradigm, researchers have plotted the development of episodic memory in pre- and early-verbal children. With age, infants remember for longer and longer periods of time. For example, 6-month-olds remember for 24 hours, 9-month-olds remember for one month, and 20-month-olds remember for as long as one year. Moreover, with age, memory becomes more reliable:

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Larger and larger proportions of infants show evidence of memory after a delay. During the preschool years, children begin to verbally express what they remember, and the length of time over which they remember continues to increase. Their memories also become more detailed and more readily accessible. Various factors contribute to these developmental changes. First, with age, children process information faster and more efficiently, allowing more of their cognitive resources to be used for memory storage. Myelinization, the process by which neurons become insulated, occurs over development and contributes to the increases in speed of processing. Second, older children have a greater knowledge base that they use to build more robust memories. Children who are experts in a particular domain, like chess, have longer memory spans when tested in those domains compared to adults. Another factor that allows for greater memory is the use of strategies. Simple strategies like rehearsal (repeating to-be-remembered information) are observed in the early school years. By age 10 years, most children show spontaneous use of higher-level organization strategies such as sorting lists of words into categories for later recall. It is not until adolescence, or even adulthood, that complex strategies like elaboration (creation of an association with another word or picture when none previously existed) are used spontaneously. Finally, metamemory—the ability to judge one’s own memory abilities—contributes to skilled remembering. With increasing awareness of the strengths and weaknesses of memory, people can modify their strategies to improve their performance. Metamemory shows substantial development by age 12 and continues to improve with age. Au tobiogr aph ical Memory An autobiographical memory is an episodic memory for an event that is personally significant (e.g., high school graduation). Autobiographical memories are self-defining in that they make up an individual’s life story or personal past. Children as young as 2 years of age form autobiographical memories. With age, children’s autobiographical memories include more and more of the features that make for a good narrative or story, including who took part in the event, what happened, where and when the event occurred, why it unfolded as it did, and how the event was relevant to the child. Research by Nina Hamond and Robyn Fivush in 1991 showed that children who had been 3 and 4 years of age at the time of a visit to Disney World remembered the trip 6 and even 18 months later. Regardless of the delay, the children who had been older at the time of the trip recalled more about it and were not as dependent on cues and reminders, compared with the children who had been younger at the time of the visit. Nevertheless, even the 3year-olds remembered as many as 18 months later. Given that even 3-year-olds have stable autobiographi-

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cal memories, why is it that adults experience infantile or childhood amnesia for events from the first three to four years of life? Although a complete answer to the mystery of childhood amnesia continues to elude researchers, there is increasing evidence that the autobiographical memories formed by older children and adults tend to stabilize or consolidate, thus becoming resistant to forgetting. In contrast, the autobiographical memories formed by preschoolers remain unstable and thus vulnerable to being forgotten. The result of the continued vulnerability of the autobiographical memories of young children is that over time, the pool of memories from early childhood becomes smaller and smaller, resulting in a relative paucity of memories from the first years of life. Some researchers believe that age-related changes in the vulnerability of memories are related to developments in the brain network that supports long-term episodic memory. At y p ical Group s Researchers also look to atypical populations for keys to understanding typical development. Infants with mothers who had blood sugar control problems during pregnancy have a unique set of risk factors for behavioral and neurological outcomes. In particular, infants of mothers with gestational diabetes are more likely to have perinatal iron deficiency that may have deleterious effects on the hippocampus, a brain structure that is heavily involved in memory functioning. In the imitation paradigm described earlier, 1-year-old infants of mothers with blood sugar control problems during gestation show impaired performance compared with typically developing 1-year-olds. Another atypical group of interest to researchers is individuals who experienced hypoxia or seizures at birth or various hypoxic-ischemic insults early in life. These occurrences severely damage the developing hippocampus, causing disruptions of episodic memory. This group suffers loss of memory for the events of their lives. However, their school performance is average to slightly below average relative to their typically developing peers, indicating that some aspects of memory remain intact. Research on atypical populations such as these provides insight into the limits of plasticity in the brain in general and the regions that support memory in particular. Soc ial and Cult ur al Di ffer enc es In the area of autobiographical memory in particular, researchers have found social and cultural differences in both children and adults. The differences suggest the formative influences of the narrative style and cultural values of the community of remembers in which children develop. For example, relative to Chinese children, when they describe past events, American children make more references to their own actions, thoughts, and feelings. These references help establish the relevance of the event in the child’s life.

The cultural difference in references to self may relate to the finding that, among adults, the age of earliest memory is later among Asians than Americans. In addition, research has revealed differences in memory that relate to factors such as gender, socioeconomic status, and even birth order. In conversations with daughters, parents talk more about emotion than they do with their sons. Perhaps as a result, by the elementary school years, girls use a larger number and variety of emotion words relative to boys. This difference continues into adulthood, thus indicating substantial continuity between early and later memory. Patricia J. Bauer, Thanujeni Pathman, and Kathryn Cochrane see also: Cognitive Development; Intelligence; Learning; Witnesses, Children as Legal further reading: Wolfgang Schneider and Michael Pressley, Memory Development between Two and Twenty, 1997. • Katherine Nelson and Robyn Fivush, “The Emergence of Autobiographical Memory: A Social Cultural Developmental Theory,” Psychological Review 111 (2004), pp. 486–511. • Patricia J. Bauer, Remembering the Times of Our Lives: Memory in Infancy and Beyond, 2007. • Lisa M. Oakes and Patricia J. Bauer, Short- and Long-Term Memory in Infancy and Early Childhood, 2007.

menarche. see Sexual Development mental health care Historical and Cultural Perspectives Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

historical and cultural perspectives. Specialized

mental health care provided by psychiatrists and psychologists is the product of a modern Western culture that, since the 18th century, has medicalized emotions and behavior, established the diagnosis and treatment of mental illness as the prerogative of professional experts, and segregated diseases of childhood and adolescence into separate clinical and research fields. In Europe and the United States, specifically, pediatric mental health services began in earnest only at the beginning of the 20th century. Western ideas about child mental health were then transported to other parts of the globe following lines of European colonization and American imperialism and often with the support of major philanthropies such as the Rockefeller Foundation. In Asia and Africa, however, the fit has not been an easy one. Western constructs have often competed with local views; symptoms understood in psychological terms in Europe and North America might be interpreted as possession by evil spirits in Ayurvedic medicine, an ancient system of health care that is native to the Indian subcontinent. Asylums, institutions for the “insane,” flourished in Western cultures during the 19th century as part of the broad reform movement to provide humanitarian care and

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moral treatment for those with mental illnesses. Despite the availability of both private and publicly funded asylums, most care remained home care, and this was especially so for children. Whereas, in the early 21st century, from 10% to 20% of young people throughout the world are thought to suffer from some form of mental disease or disability, during the 19th century such maladies were thought to be quite rare. Then, the symptoms in young people that today would be called psychopathology were collapsed into diagnoses of mental retardation or charges of juvenile delinquency. In the United States, if not cared for at home, these children were likely to be found in “schools” for the “feebleminded” rather than in institutions for the mentally ill. The separation of intellectual impairment in childhood from symptoms of mental disease occurred gradually, beginning with 19th-century psychiatric specialists who included discussions of childhood mania and melancholia and pubertal insanity in their texts; the symptoms were often attributed to “nerves,” and blamed on “overstudy,” precocity, or masturbation. In 1887, the German psychiatrist Hermann Emminghaus published Psychic Disturbances of Childhood, the first complete work devoted specifically to mental diseases in children. Emminghaus called the childhood disorders “incommensurable” with those of adults. His statement reflected a new view in the medical community that diseases in children were distinct entities or followed different paths from the same diseases in adults. This idea of age-specific disease patterns provided the scientific basis for the specialized pediatrician and gave rise to an interest in the separate expression of mental diseases in the young. Leo Kanner published the first American textbook of child psychiatry in 1935. By that date, the emotional and behavioral problems of young people had attracted the attention of child welfare reformers, psychiatrists, psychologists, social workers, teachers, juvenile corrections officers, and parents in both Europe and North America. In the United States, their concerns led to establishment of a new medical institution, the child guidance clinic, for diagnosing and treating psychological problems separate from intellectual disabilities. The first of these clinics, the Juvenile Psychopathic Institute (JPI), opened in Chicago in 1909 as an adjunct of the nation’s first juvenile court; it represented the determination of Progressive Era reformers to find explanations for juvenile delinquency by melding child welfare and juvenile justice work with scientific expertise, in this instance the expertise of medicine, psychology, and psychiatry. It also reflected a shift in psychiatry from asylum work to mental hygiene or preventive work in the community. With support from the Commonwealth Fund, a private philanthropic organization, American mental hygienists established a nationwide network of child guidance clinics during the 1920s and 1930s. The hallmark of child guidance in the United States was a team approach to diagnosis and therapy. Each child was

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assessed by a group of specialists that included a physician/ psychiatrist who examined the body and mind of the child, a psychologist who tested for mental aptitude, and a social worker who investigated the child’s home life. The method assumed that mental health problems were generally a combination of biological, psychological, and social factors. The child guidance approach to child mental health was quickly replicated in Canada and England, often with seed money for clinics provided by the Commonwealth Fund. In the years between the two world wars, specialists in child mental health in Germany, the Netherlands, and the Scandinavian countries also established clinics on the child guidance model. After World War II, American personnel brought the idea to Japan, where a child guidance movement soon flourished in the wake of the occupation. By 1950, the child guidance movement was an international phenomenon. Yet progress in promoting Westernized versions of child mental health services in non-European areas of the world was slow. In Kenya, for example, the first child guidance clinic was not opened until 1981. Child guidance was a broad umbrella term for psychiatric care to young people; even in the early 20th century, the child guidance clinic was not the only institution to provide mental health services. Schools and colleges hired psychologists and psychiatric social workers to act as gatekeepers for the clinics. Habit clinics undertook work with children younger than age 5. The outpatient departments of acute-care psychopathic hospitals regularly saw young patients, and separate residential units cared for more extreme cases. Separate so-called colonies for residential care of children with epilepsy and with mental retardation reflected the belief that children with these problems needed to be isolated from their peers rather than mainstreamed, an idea far more prevalent today. The children treated at the first American child guidance clinics were usually from poor, ethnic neighborhoods, the same locale from which the juvenile justice system drew. Children from wealthier families who showed signs of mental illness were most likely seen by private-practice psychiatrists or neurologists. As the clinics became more established, however, their clientele came from a broader socioeconomic spectrum. In industrialized, Westernized nations, middle-class parents in the 1920s and 1930s often found themselves coping with unruly or obstreperous youths who defied parental authority to take advantage of the opportunities afforded by new leisure activities and a culture of consumption. In the United States, such behavior was referred to as “personality maladjustment”; child guidance treatment involved both parent and child, each of whom talked with a mental health professional to gain insight into the child’s behavioral or emotional disturbance. Child guidance sought to develop the child’s individual identity and sense of responsibility while encouraging parents to give their sons and daughters greater indepen-

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dence. Child guiders hoped that early intervention would prevent more serious emotional or behavioral problems in the child’s future. Early child guidance therapy was as eclectic as the diagnostic process, integrating some of the tenets of behaviorism with the talk therapy popularized by Freudian psychoanalysis. By the 1930s, however, child guidance was virtually synonymous with a psychoanalytic understanding of psychopathology and psychotherapy dependent on discovering the unconscious motives beneath the child’s misbehavior. The theories of Alfred Adler, a member of Sigmund Freud’s inner circle, also appealed to American and European child guiders, who were drawn to Adler’s association of misconduct with an “inferiority complex” and his focus on the “family constellation” or family relationships as sources of juvenile mental health issues. Mother was the parent who attracted particular concern, and in the United States and Europe in the decades surrounding World War II mother-blaming blossomed into the principal explanation for the mental disorders of childhood. Family therapy emerged as a specialized technique for responding to psychological problems. The second half of the 20th century was a period of growth and development in the field of child mental health. New diseases, including infantile autism, childhood (or early-onset) schizophrenia, and attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), were identified and described. In the wake of the child-centered culture of the baby boom years, long-observed behaviors, including anorexia nervosa, alcoholism, drug addiction, delinquency, and youth suicide, received renewed attention as mental health problems in Western cultures. By the year 2000, depression had become both symptom and explanation of many behavioral problems associated with childhood and adolescence. Specialized residential and community treatment programs, the appearance of subspecialties in adolescent and infant psychiatry, and a resurgence of interest in biological explanations and pharmacological therapies also marked these decades. In the United States, one major new development since the 1950s has been the increased role of the federal government as a source for research funding, financial support for training new mental health professionals (who remain in short supply), and public information about child mental health. Much of this support has been channeled through the National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH), created by the federal Mental Health Act of 1946, and the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (NICHD), established in 1962. In 2007, the items on the NIMH public resources Web site formed a composite of contemporary child mental health concerns, including the use of antidepressants and other medications for mental disorders, ways to help children cope with violence and disasters, a guide for parents of children with autism, and ad-

vice for African American parents titled “Helping Children Cope with Crisis.” The NIMH advocates a home-based model of treatment known as multisystemic therapy for youths with serious emotional and behavioral problems, including antisocial behavior and severe depression. This systems approach involves a collaborative effort among representatives from multiple service sectors that is reminiscent of the early child guidance clinic. The NIMH believes that no group of children in the United States is immune to mental health problems, and public and professional expressions of concern about child mental health have never been greater. Yet services are not universally available and mental health care is costly. Racial minorities, the economically disadvantaged, and those living in rural areas face special barriers of availability and expense when seeking help for children with mental health problems. On the global medical scene, child mental health care is also at a disadvantage. Psychiatric care for child mental health issues continues to be the prerogative of privileged, Western cultures. Although the World Health Organization suggests that every country, no matter what its resources, can improve its citizens’ mental health, globalization has resulted in the export of Western ideas about child mental health to developing countries that lack the resources to supply the basic medications and personnel now seen as essential to the successful treatment of psychiatric disorders. Moreover, these Western standards of child mental health often confl ict with the parenting codes of non-Western cultures. For example, the highly individualized expectations placed on young people in Western societies contrast with those in non-Western cultures where duty to family and not psychic individuation is regarded as a basic social value. In sum, modern notions of child mental health and the corresponding health care services are constructs created from conditions unique to European and North American historical development. Recognition of the historically conditioned and culturally contingent definition of child mental health should be included as part of the goal to provide services to children in all areas of the world. Kathleen W. Jones see also: Medicines and Children: Psychotropic Medicines; Mental Illness further reading: Judith Edwards, “International Developments,” in Monica Lanyado and Ann Horne, eds., The Handbook of Child and Adolescent Psychotherapy: Psychoanalytic Approaches, 1999, pp. 183–96. • Kathleen W. Jones, Taming the Troublesome Child: American Families, Child Guidance, and the Limits of Psychiatric Authority, 1999. • U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, “Children and Mental Health,” in Mental Health: A Report of the Surgeon General, 1999, pp. 124–220. • Sami Timimi, “Effect of Globalisation on Children’s Mental Health,” British Medical Journal 331 (July 2005), pp. 37–39. • National Institutes of Health, “Child Mental Health,” http://health.nih.gov/result.asp/1114

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legal and public-policy perspectives. Mental health is a critical element of functioning at each phase of development, from infancy to adolescence to successful membership in adult society. A mentally healthy child is better able to cope with adversity, maintain mutually satisfying social relationships, regulate emotions to remain calm when upset, and possess adequate self-esteem to deal with disappointment. Conversely, mental health problems can interfere in all spheres of life, including learning in school, relationships with friends and family, and productive employment. A national survey in Great Britain found that children with mental health disorders were more likely to have poorer physical health, special education needs, special learning difficulties, and family discord and to experience more stressful life events. The consequences of untreated mental health problems in children and youth can be tragic, including suicide, substance abuse, inability to live independently, incarceration, and lack of vocational success. Not only are individuals and families impacted, but communities, schools, employers, and society at large are as well. Ten percent to 20% of children and adolescents suffer mental health problems. In the United States, studies suggest that 10% of children have serious mental health disorders and another 10% have moderate to mild mental health problems. Typically, mental health problems refer to impaired functioning in one of the following areas: intellectual (e.g., intellectual disability), developmental (e.g., autism, dyslexia), behavioral (e.g., hyperactivity; conduct problems like stealing, fighting, running away), emotional (e.g., anxiety, depression, suicidal ideation), or physical (eating disorders, bedwetting, night terrors).

R isk and Protectiv e Factor s Public policies both determine and reflect how societies manage the factors that protect the population from, or place it at risk for, mental health problems. Children’s mental health problems are multiply determined by the interaction of such risk and protective factors, both biological and environmental. Only some of the children exposed to a risk factor (e.g., genetic predisposition, traumatic experiences, poor prenatal care) will develop a mental disorder. Those who develop the disorder often have vulnerabilities (e.g., genetic predisposition). Those who escape the disorder will have protective factors (e.g., intelligence, easy temperament) that can reduce the impact of risk factors (e.g., parental mental illness, poverty, low birth weight). Public policies manage risk and promote resilience. Some policies concentrate on universal approaches that focus on reducing risk to the entire population, similar to mandatory immunization as a requirement of entering school. In the mental health arena, such policies are broadly equivalent to promoting healthy social-emotional development in all children. One example would be teaching strategies for coping with stress to all children in schools so the whole

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population is better prepared to deal with distressing events (e.g., earthquakes, divorce). Other policies target high-risk subgroups (e.g., children of depressed mothers) that, by definition, tend to possess higher rates of the disorder. The latter is often a more economical and efficient approach, but one that may stigmatize the participants. U.S. Tr end s i n C h i ld Men tal H e alth Po l ic i e s In the United States, the problem of children’s mental health care achieved national attention in the 1980s with the adoption of public policies emphasizing the need for a coordinated system of care. Theoretically, this model provides a comprehensive range of services coordinated across agencies and service systems, providing different levels of care as necessary over time that are home, school, and community based. In this approach, children with serious mental disorders are served on short-term psychiatric wards of hospitals or longer-term therapeutic residential facilities. As children improve, the level of care becomes less intense, moving to attendance at day-treatment programs adjacent to medical centers while living at home and then to weekly therapies in outpatient community clinics or private practice. Children with moderate to mild problems start in outpatient treatment and step up to more intensive and expensive services as needed. Wrap-around services to facilitate access extend to include after-school activities, transportation, and home visiting. Communities also offer therapeutic group homes, school counseling, therapeutic child care and preschool, inhome parenting training, or case management. Despite the progress toward these systems of care in the United States, the unmet need remains great. Less than half of children and teens with mental disorders receive mental health services. Of those who do, only one in five is treated by someone specially trained to work with children or youth because of a workforce shortage. The existing systems are a patchwork of programs where too often children fall through the cracks. Children with mental health problems are often involved in multiple social systems simultaneously (e.g., juvenile justice, social welfare, special education, health). Typically, there is no single agency that takes responsibility for coordinating and funding the child’s care, resulting in missed opportunities for prevention and early identification of problems. There is a growing consensus that child and adolescent mental health (CAMH) policies should strive toward universal access to effective and, therefore, evidence-based (research-supported) services. Universality is facilitated by policies that overcome barriers to access, like stigma, lack of transportation, lack of child care, or difficulty attending multiple appointments at diverse locations (e.g., programs that consolidate and colocate services). Also, there is growing support for developmentally sensitive (age-appropriate) services from birth to adulthood, since interventions de-

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signed for one age group (e.g., adults, adolescents) are often ineffective with other groups (e.g., preschoolers) who require techniques that accommodate their developmental capabilities and limitations. Based on recent studies indicating grave disparities in access to mental health care for ethnic minorities and families in poverty, a guiding principle of contemporary care is the provision of services that are linguistically and culturally sensitive to the diversity of beliefs, traditions, and experiences of the populations being served. Moreover, there is a continuing trend toward consumer-sensitive services that are family centered and give parents, children, and teens a voice in treatment planning and policy development. Primary Mental Health. Many experts argue for a model of primary mental health care in which mental health is treated as an integral element of primary health care for children. In this approach, non-mental health professionals at initial points of contact (e.g., nurses, pediatricians, teachers, child care workers, and child welfare workers) are trained to detect children at risk for developing mental health problems, to facilitate early referral for treatment, and to provide families with guidance to promote the healthy social and emotional development of all children. For example, pediatricians and nurses could be trained to conduct mental health checkups at well-care visits; public policies would direct resources toward developing the requisite screening tools, referral guides, and financing mechanisms to reimburse pediatricians for spending time evaluating social and emotional, as well as physical, health. Mental Health Promotion. Mental health promotion is another broad theme of contemporary policy. Again, these policies optimize the social, emotional, and behavioral well-being of every child. This approach is similar to the physical health promotion programs that have been implemented to eliminate children’s exposure to lead and other toxic substances in the environment or to inoculate them against preventable diseases. For example, mental health promotion programs integrate attention to socialemotional development into curricula at schools or training for child care workers. Prevention. There is growing evidence to support policies designed to prevent mental health problems in the first place. Traditional service systems wait until children demonstrate serious disturbance to make mental health services available. Prevention programs identify early warning signs at schools, child care, health clinics, and emergency rooms before problems reach clinical levels and then intervene early to minimize deterioration that can lead to increased resistance to later treatment. Recent studies demonstrate the promise of programs that target high-risk children and families (e.g., divorce, death of a parent, maternal de-

pression, child maltreatment, and exposure to violence or trauma) for prevention strategies. Early Intervention. The years since the early 1990s have seen an upsurge in early intervention policies. Emerging research indicates that environmental factors, especially early parent-infant interactions, set the stage for brain development in both positive and negative ways. Studies also indicate that programs that intervene early in the course of a disorder are likely to be the most effective. As a result, early intervention policies target infants and toddlers, for example, by providing specialists who model optimal parentchild interaction during home visits. Such policies may try to prevent antisocial behavior problems in teens by targeting aggressive preschoolers and teaching them social and coping skills in concert with training their parents in behavior modification. Prevention and early intervention strategies often target parents and other caregivers (e.g., treating maternal depression, teaching parenting strategies). The goal is to promote parent-child interactions that stimulate brain development to optimally manage and regulate emotions (e.g., anger, frustration), relate to adults and peers, and develop a healthy sense of self in the world. However, despite growing evidence for intervening early with parents, most public policies identify the child as the primary recipient of services, with little funding or infrastructure to support work with parents. School-Based Mental Health. One final development is the trend toward school-based mental health services. There is a growing outcry to bring mental health resources to where the children are rather than waiting for them to decompensate and be referred off-site to specialized mental health facilities. Early difficulties in socioemotional functioning interfere with learning even at the earliest stages of development and predict both early and later school failure. As of 2008, studies estimate that in the United States the public school system is the sole provider of mental health services for almost half the children with serious emotional disturbances. Policies that create the infrastructure to expand mental health resources beyond hospitals and clinics to the schools are needed. I n ter natio nal Per s pec ti v e s o n C h i l d Men tal H e alth Polic i es CAMH policies vary across regions. The Western European perspective has developed rapidly since the 1940s from psychoanalytically orientated child guidance clinics in the 1920s to more coherent national policies, often in the context of socialized medicine, and the development of professional specializations (e.g., child psychiatry). In the United Kingdom, for example, there was a paucity of relevant policies until the 1990s, with rapid development as a result of

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research on the prevalence and impact of untreated mental health problems. The core principle of universal access for all to high-quality care has become the driving force: care delivered on the basis of need rather than other factors, such as rank, race, religion, or affluence. Since the 1970s, there have been major advances in international policy to promote the mental health of children. Many countries have signed on to the Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNICEF, 1989), which guarantees that all children have the right to develop physically and mentally to their full potential. Children’s mental health problems have become more visible and better understood. Recent advances in science indicate that many mental health problems in children and adolescents are treatable and even preventable. Progress in research on the effectiveness of clinical treatments for specific childhood mental disorders has been substantial. The systems developed to deliver services to families have improved significantly. The World Health Organization (WHO) has declared that governments should be encouraged to devise policies that advance the mental health of children with collaboration among juvenile justice, education, social welfare, and health structures. In Eastern Europe, vestiges of the Soviet system left a network of regional outpatient and inpatient clinics cut off from the educational and social service systems. For the most part, services were hospital based, adult centered, and limited to the treatment of severe disorders. Mental health services for very young children were nonexistent, with a limited legislative structure to guide innovative policies toward older children and families. Since the 1990s, however, countries emerging from the Soviet bloc have begun to embrace contemporary concepts (e.g., prevention), but economic realities have impeded development of these new service models. In developing countries, often the greatest concerns are eliminating the traumatic exploitation and abuse of children who are forced to live on the streets, to work in unsafe conditions, or to participate as combatants in wartime. A dearth of resources combined with an insufficient workforce trained in child mental health has handicapped efforts to deliver mental health services to children. It is difficult to estimate the scope of the problem because developing countries are plagued by a host of risk factors that result in underreporting of child mental health problems. These include illiteracy, poverty, malnutrition, urbanization, political oppression, war, displacement, and child labor. Clearly, the needs exceed the available resources in such countries. Hence, governments will need to set priorities that vary cross-culturally. Wholesale transplants of American or European models will likely experience high failure and rejection rates as they clash with local values, traditions, and religious and other belief systems. In developing countries, it is estimated that a single

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psychiatrist covers a population from 500,000 to 3 million. Hence, it is widely recognized that population-wide prevention programs like prenatal care, optimal nutrition, home visiting by nurses to new families, child care, and child safety (e.g., lead-free gasoline and paint) are the most efficient and feasible solutions. Recently, with the help of philanthropic organizations, developing countries have begun implementing community approaches, primary health care models, and school mental health programs to bridge the gap between need and utilization. These programs are most likely to reach disadvantaged children who would not otherwise have access to services if governments relied on scarce and highly trained specialists. Looking across countries, policies are needed that attend to the mental health of children and families when countries are devastated by disaster, whether natural (e.g., earthquakes, tsunamis) or man-made (e.g. terrorism, ethnic cleansing). The trauma, displacement, loss, and grief that follow defy national boundaries. Public policies regarding mental health after disasters must be sensitive to the fact that individuals vary in the degree to which they respond to the same disaster. For example, someone with preexisting mental health problems, few community and family supports, and in close proximity to the center of the disaster will require a higher level of care than someone with fewer risk factors and more protective factors. Public policies have yet to take a nuanced and serious view of the mental health components of disaster relief. F u tu r e D i r ec tio n s Experts are converging on similar broad policy goals to treat and prevent mental health problems in children all over the world. Yet serious gaps between science, policy, and practice remain. For example, prevention and early intervention programs, despite growing evidence of their efficacy, remain neglected and underfunded, even in the most progressive and affluent societies. The professional workforce cannot meet the volume of demand with quality care. Although there has been substantial progress in the last several decades in both research and policy, the gap between capability and capacity remains wide. In order to move effective treatments out of the laboratory into a system of programs that reaches the public at large, extensive reform of existing patterns of financing, organization, service delivery, and training will be necessary. Karen J. Saywitz see also: Abuse and Neglect; Health Care Funding; Insurance, Children and; Medical Care and Procedures, Consent to further reading: L. Huang, B. Stroul, R. Friedman, P. Mrazek, B. Friesen, S. Pires, and S. Mayberg, “Transforming Mental Health Care for Children and Their Families,” American Psychologist 60, no. 6 (2005), pp. 615–27. • P. Tolan and K. Dodge, “Children’s Mental Health as a Primary Care and Concern,” American Psychologist 60, no. 6 (2005), pp. 601–14. • J. Weisz, I. Sandler, J. Durlak, and

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B. Anton, “Promoting and Protecting Youth Mental Health through Evidence-Based Prevention and Treatment,” American Psychologist 60, no. 6 (2005), pp. 628–48. • R. Williams and M. Kerfoot, eds., Child and Adolescent Mental Health Services: Strategy, Planning, Delivery and Evaluation, 2005.

mental illness. Although mental illness is most often associated with adults, childhood and adolescent mental disorders are quite common. Across industrialized countries, between 14% and 20% of children have mental disorders that can be classified as mild and between 9% and 13% have more severe forms of mental illness. Prevalence rates of mental illness tend to be higher in the United States and Europe than in Asia and Africa; however, recent research suggests that prevalence rates in those nations may be vastly underestimated. Although mental illness affects children across all ethnic groups and socioeconomic classes in the United States, children from minority backgrounds and lower socioeconomic classes are affected at significantly higher rates than their more privileged Caucasian counterparts. This difference has been shown repeatedly to be a result of social class. Specifically, when socioeconomic status is held constant, racial and ethnic differences disappear. Minority families living in poverty are also less likely to have access to mental health care or to utilize services that are available to them because of negative cultural beliefs and fear of stigmatization regarding mental illness. The presence of mental disorders in children and adolescents can be particularly problematic given their potential to disrupt normal developmental processes. The fourth edition of the American Psychiatric Association’s Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-IV, 1994) distinguishes between mental disorders that begin in childhood and disorders typically presenting in adulthood, but sometimes with early onset in childhood or adolescence. Mental disorders beginning in childhood or adolescence include intellectual disability (formerly known as mental retardation), learning disorders, pervasive developmental disorders, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) and disruptive behavior disorders, feeding disorders of childhood, tic disorders, depression, anxiety, phobias, elimination disorders, attachment disorders, and other disorders that do not fit into any of the other aforementioned categories. M en ta l D i s o r d er s P r e s en t i ng i n C h i ldhood and Adolesc enc e Intellectual disability is defined as having a composite IQ score lower than 70 accompanied by functional impairment. It can range from mild (IQ = 50–70) to profound (IQ lower than 25) and affects 1% of the population, 85% of whom are categorized as mild. In approximately 35% of children affected, it has a clear genetic origin. However, environmental factors such as malnutrition and prenatal

alcohol exposure are also linked to intellectual disability. Because these environmental factors are associated with poverty and low maternal education, across cultures intellectual disability (particularly mild forms) is more prevalent in lower socioeconomic classes. More boys than girls have a diagnosis, but these gender differences are primarily during preadolescence and are found among those with the mild form of the disorder. The differences most likely result from differences in verbal abilities; at younger ages, girls have superior verbal language skills. No sex differences are found among those with the more severe forms of intellectual disability. Affecting 9.7% of American school children, learning disorders are defined as substantially lower than expected performance in reading, mathematics, or written expression based on IQ and grade level. Children with learning disorders typically have difficulty in one or more academic domains, despite having average or above-average intelligence. The most common forms are language based, accounting for 80% of children diagnosed with a learning disorder. Dyslexia (the most common language-based disorder) affects between 5% and 10% of school-age children, twice as many boys as girls, and has a strong genetic origin. Feeding disorders of childhood include pica and rumination. Pica is defined as the compulsive consumption of nonnutritive items, some dangerous (e.g., glass) and others repugnant (e.g., feces). Rumination is the regurgitation of food, followed by rechewing, reswallowing, or spitting it out. Feeding disorders are found more commonly in children with intellectual disability and/or development disabilities such as autism, ranging between 9% and 25% of children with these disorders, but can also occur in typically developing children. Feeding disorders can endanger children’s health, resulting in parasitic infections, lead poisoning, malnutrition, and dental and gum disease. They occur equally in both sexes and across socioeconomic groups. Among typically developing children, the onset of a feeding disorder may be associated with stressful life events. Tic disorders are repeated, stereotypical, involuntary motor movements or vocalizations that occur repeatedly on a daily or almost daily basis, with onset before the age of 18. There are three types of tic disorders. Transient tic disorders involve motor tics that last between 4 weeks and 12 months. Chronic motor or vocal tic disorder involves either motor or vocal tics (but not both) lasting at least one year. Tourette syndrome is the most severe tic disorder, with both motor and vocal tics occurring many times per day, almost every day, for at least one year. This syndrome affects less than 1% of the population and is typically found in more boys than girls, with high rates of comorbidity with ADHD, obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD), and anxiety. The average age of onset is 10 years; motor tics typically present two to four years earlier than vocal tics, with a waxing and waning course of symptom severity, typically

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peaking in early adolescence, with a high remittance rate by age 20. Elimination disorders of childhood include enuresis (voiding of urine in clothing or bedding) and encopresis (elimination of feces into clothing or other inappropriate places). Elimination disorders are found worldwide, are more common in boys than in girls, and tend to spontaneously remit with increased age, with the largest decrease occurring during preadolescence. Enuresis tends to run in families, with high concordance rates in monozygotic (identical) twins. Environmental and psychosocial factors that may contribute to these disorders include stressful life events and delayed achievement of initial bladder control. Adult Men tal Disor der s with Ear ly Onset i n C h i ldhood or Adolesc enc e Adult mental disorders with onset in childhood or adolescence include mood disorders such as depression, anxiety disorders, eating disorders, schizophrenia, and bipolar illness. The latter two are discussed in the following sections, the rest in separate articles in this volume. Early-Onset Schizophrenia. Schizophrenia is characterized by auditory hallucinations (hearing things that do not exist) and delusions (bizarre or paranoid thinking). Other symptoms of schizophrenia include impaired language and cognitive functioning, impoverished social relationships, inappropriate or flattened affect, and failure to experience joy. Early-onset schizophrenia is defined as onset of symptoms before the age of 12. Compared to adult-onset schizophrenia, which affects approximately 1% of the population and typically presents as an acute psychotic episode, the early-onset form often has a more insidious presentation and is very rare, affecting only 0.005% of children. Unfortunately, early-onset schizophrenia tends to be more severe and have a more chronic course than the adult form: There is evidence of more extensive neurological dysfunction, including severe cognitive deficits and lowered IQ, during both the premorbid and active phases of the illness. Recent MRI studies reveal increased ventricular size and decreased cortical gray matter in the frontal, parietal, and temporal lobes in the brains of adolescents ages 14 and 15 with earlyonset schizophrenia. Research indicates that this neuroabnormality is suggestive of excessive synaptic pruning during the early adolescent years, resulting in brain deterioration during this critical developmental period. In addition, abnormally accelerated eye tracking patterns, similar to abnormal patterns found in adult-onset schizophrenia, have been found in the early-onset form, further substantiating it as a neurological disorder. Although males outnumber females in clinical research, epidemiological studies conducted both in the United States and in Europe suggest that early-onset schizophrenia affects males and females equally. Hereditary factors

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are implicated, but no single gene defect has been identified. Symptoms may worsen across adolescence and early adulthood and then stabilize after age 40 in males. Females tend to have a more stable course. Medication treatments alleviate many symptoms, particularly hallucinations and paranoia. Cognitive defects, memory difficulties, and mental disorganization are less well treated. Childhood Bipolar Disorder. Bipolar disorder is a disorder of mood and emotional regulation with periods of highs or mania (elated mood, feelings of grandiosity, pressured speech, decreased need for sleep, and increased irritability) and periods of lows or depression (overwhelming sadness, lack of interest in usual activities, sleep disturbance, loss of appetite, irritability) separated by periods of stability. There are important differences between childhood and adult-onset bipolar disorder. First, childhood bipolar disorder tends to be more chronic and severe than the adultonset form, with more rapid cycling or mixed episodes. The ups and downs occur multiple times per day versus cycles of weeks to months. Second, the cardinal symptoms of adult-onset bipolar disorder tend to present less clearly in the childhood form, making it more difficult to diagnose. Another confounding factor is that some of the symptoms of the disorder (e.g., irritability, hyperactivity) are commonly mistaken for other mental disorders of childhood (e.g., ADHD). Further complicating the diagnostic assessment is the high comorbidity rates of other childhood disorders such as ADHD. Finally, children at highest risk (i.e., children of a parent or parents with the disorder) are often being raised in households with stress, mental illness, and inconsistencies in care. Approximately 7% of children presenting for treatment at psychiatric treatment facilities in the United States meet diagnostic criteria for bipolar disorder, which represents an increase in recent years. Although the reasons for the recent increase in prevalence are unclear, the number of children diagnosed with this disorder rose 26% between 2002 and 2004 in the United States. Both adult-onset and childhood bipolar disorder affect males and females equally but tend to present in males at an earlier age than in females. A differentiating fact is that other gender differences found in adults with bipolar disorder (e.g., higher rates of mixed episodes, depression, and psychosis in females) have not been found in populations with the childhood form. Childhood bipolar disorder has only recently begun to be studied outside of the United States, and, thus, worldwide prevalence rates have not yet been identified. The increasing number of children diagnosed with this disorder in the United States is not without controversy. Currently, the psychiatric community is divided into two camps: those who believe the diagnosis is lacking in empirical support and those who believe childhood bipolar disorder has been underdiagnosed or misdiagnosed (e.g.,

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mistaken for ADHD) in the past. The use of powerful psychotropic medication (lithium, anticonvulsants, and antipsychotics) with the potential for serious side effects is also controversial. However, withholding these medications from children with true cases of childhood bipolar disorder can also have negative repercussions both for children and their families. To o ls o f Assessm en t a n d D i agno s i s There are currently many reliable and valid tools developed specifically for diagnosing and assessing mental disorders beginning in childhood, including clinical and observational assessments and self-report questionnaires. With child populations, assessment tools are also designed to ascertain information from parents, teachers, and other adults (e.g., therapists and paraprofessionals) with knowledge of these children. However, for childhood bipolar disorder and early-onset schizophrenia, there are very few tools specifically developed for and validated with children. Consequently, adult criteria are often used to assess children with these early-onset mental disorders. This is problematic given the differences in these disorders in childhood. Recent research is bringing this issue to the forefront, and, hopefully, more empirically validated diagnostic tools for early-onset childhood mental illnesses will be developed in the near future. Tr e atm en t Both pharmacotherapy and psychotherapy are utilized in the treatment of childhood mental illness. Psychotherapy falls into four broad categories. Psychodynamic therapy focuses on symptoms of mental illness as an expression of underlying confl ict, feelings, or impulses; thus, treatment focuses on uncovering the underlying psychic source of the illness. Cognitive-behavioral therapy (CBT) focuses on changing maladaptive ways of thinking that result in problem behavior. The focus of behavioral therapy is on teaching new learning experiences that target the maladaptive behavior underlying mental illness. And finally, family therapy targets maladaptive family processes that maintain mental illness in the individual child or adolescent. One major difference between the treatment of adults and youth is that the treatment of children and adolescents requires the cooperation and engagement of family members, regardless of the therapeutic approach. Pharmacotherapy is used either alone or in conjunction with psychotherapy. The major classes of drugs used to treat childhood mental illness include stimulants, antidepressants, mood stabilizers, and antipsychotics. Although widely prescribed, the use of psychotropic medication with children and adolescents is controversial, as psychotropic medications are largely developed for and tested with adult populations. Despite the paucity of empirical research, however, doctors prescribe these medications to pediatric popu-

lations on an off-label basis. Adding to the controversy was a 2004 Federal Drug Administration (FDA) review finding a small but statistically significant increased risk in suicidal ideation in adolescents taking selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor (SSRI) antidepressants, leading to an FDAmandated “black box” label warning on these medications. As a consequence, pediatric SSRI prescriptions decreased by 10% in the year following the mandate. Most mental health professionals agree, however, provided children and adolescents taking SSRIs are monitored closely, the risks of not treating serious mental illness with pharmacotherapy far outweigh the small increased risk of suicide in a small subset of patients. Subsequent reports indicate that more suicides and admissions for suicidal ideation have occurred in those locations with the greatest reduction in SSRI usage. The lack of treatment consequences must be appraised along with possible risks of treatment. Patricia A. Rao and Deborah C. Beidel see also: Attachment Disturbances and Disorders; Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder; Autism Spectrum Disorders; Conduct Disorders; Depression; Eating Disorders; Fears, Phobias, and Anxiety Disorders; Mental Health Care; Oppositional Defiant Disorder; Posttraumatic Stress Disorder; Self-Injury; Suicide further reading: E. Fuller Torrey, Surviving Schizophrenia: A Manual for Families, Consumers, and Providers, 4th ed., 2001. • Robert T. Ammerman, ed., Comprehensive Handbook of Personality and Psychopathology, Child Psychopathology, 2005. • Rita WicksNelson and Allen C. Israel, Behavior Disorders of Childhood, 6th ed., 2006. • Dimitri Papolas and Janice Papolas, The Bipolar Child: The Definitive and Reassuring Guide to Childhood’s Most Misunderstood Disorder, 3rd ed., 2007. • Vicky Phares, Introduction to Abnormal Child Psychology, 2nd ed., 2007.

mental processes. The nature of the human mind and its processes has long been a topic in philosophy, but only in the latter part of the 19th century did it become a question for science. Contemporary debates about the nature of the mind are often traced back to the French philosopher René Descartes, who conceived of the mind as a nonphysical entity, separate from but residing in and controlling the body. This separation of mind and body, known as dualism, has been criticized by British philosopher Gilbert Ryle for portraying the mind as a “ghost in a machine.” An opposing viewpoint, known as reductionism, attempts to reduce mental processes to neurological processes, with thoughts and feelings being simply a by-product of electrical activity in the brain. However, many contemporary philosophers and cognitive psychologists view the mind as embodied, a position promoted by linguist George Lakoff and neuroscientist Antonio Damasio. From this viewpoint, the mind is neither a noncorporeal entity, separated from the body, nor simply the causally irrelevant epiphenomena of neurological processes. Instead, the body and mind are a unified whole, each having its own laws and principles in much the

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same way that the physical world is a single whole yet obeys different laws at the quantum level than at the macrolevel of everyday observations. While it is clear that the mind is impaired by damage to the brain, neuroscientist Gerald Edelman and others have shown that the type of mental activity a person deploys actually changes the brain, shaping the development of synaptic connections by strengthening some and pruning others. German physiologist and psychologist Wilhelm Wundt is usually credited with the first laboratory for the scientific study of mental processes at the University of Leipzig in 1879. Wundt’s approach, known as introspection, involved individuals reporting on self-observation of their own responses to carefully measured and controlled stimuli. Wundt was perhaps the earliest scientific proponent of the embodied mind, breaking with the Cartesian view (shared by Immanuel Kant) by arguing that mental processes, which he called apperceptions, are grounded in but not reducible to the physiology of perception, a primary mental process. Later, Gestalt psychologists, such as Kurt Lewin and Heinz Werner, extended this notion, arguing that higher mental processes, such as planning and problem solving, are based in and abstracted from perceptual processes. These researchers pointed out that mental processes, such as problem solving, are highly organized, and they believed that this organization was abstracted from perceptual structures or gestalts by which perceptual processes organize impressions of the world. However, Russian psychologist L. S. Vygotsky and Swiss psychologist and epistemologist Jean Piaget independently advanced the view that mental processes are abstracted more from actions than perceptions, arguing that perception is too automatic and static to account for the tremendous mobility and flexibility of human thought. These theorists argued that mental processes are internalized and generalized actions, for which perception is a necessary but subordinate process. In the early decades of the 20th century, the behaviorist movement arose in reaction to the viewpoint that the object of scientific psychology should be mental processes. Behaviorists such as John B. Watson and, later, B. F. Skinner argued that, since mental phenomena are not directly observable, the only proper object of study is observable behavior. However, the behaviorists went further, denying the need to refer to mental processes at all and ruling out terminology that even implies mental states (as in terms like aggressive behavior). Instead, behaviorists sought to explain human activity in terms of initially random behaviors gradually shaped into complex strings by environmental reinforcement: a psychology without a psyche. The behaviorist approach was very successful in accounting for animal behavior such as maze running in rats, and initially its extrapolation to human behavior seemed so promising that behaviorism became the dominant paradigm in psychology for nearly the first half of the 20th century.

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By the 1950s, however, behaviorist accounts of human activity had been increasingly undermined by growing interest in findings reported by Piaget. Piaget used what he called the méthode clinique (clinical method) to elicit children’s thought processes by posing problems and interviewing them about their ideas. Piaget’s striking findings that children’s logic differs qualitatively from adult logic (e.g., young children think that an array of coins increase in number just by being spread out) generated renewed interest in the study of mental processes in themselves. However, it was American linguist Noam Chomsky’s critique of Skinner’s book Verbal Behavior (1957) that tipped the balance back toward the scientific study of mental processes. Chomsky showed that the linguistic skills of infants are too complex and highly organized to be accounted for by random behaviors shaped by reinforcement. This argument exposed the Achilles’ heel of behaviorism, providing a generation of psychological researchers with a rationale for abandoning behaviorism and launching what has been termed the cognitive revolution in psychology. Freed from the strictures of behaviorism, psychologists began to explore the various dimensions of mental processes. Many former behaviorists became cognitive psychologists and began to apply the rigorous experimental methods of behaviorism to the problem of describing mental processes. Building on behaviorists’ methodologies for observation and description of behavior, cognitive psychologists shifted focus from introspection to a taskanalytic approach. Using task analysis, cognitive psychologists are able to describe the mental processes necessary to perform a particular task and, by observing performance on the task, make inferences about the person’s mental abilities from his or her observable behavior. Cognitive psychologists have explored a variety of mental processes, such as perception, attention, memory, planning, and problem solving, each of which is treated in its own article in this volume. Early cognitivists drew on emerging computer technology for a model of the mind and, following philosopher Jerry Fodor, treated mental processes as modular, like the modules of computer programs, each one self-contained and separate from the others but capable of being put together like building blocks to create complicated programs. This view can often seem reinforced by the structure of scientific research on the mind, since researchers tend to focus on only one mental process at a time. However, psychologists have increasingly moved to a relational view of mental processes first advanced by Russian psychologist, and colleague of Vygotsky, Alexander Luria. In his book The Working Brain (1973), Luria advanced the view that mental processes, and their various neurological substrates, are intrinsically interrelated, working together to carry out mental tasks—a view supported by neuroscientists like Damasio. For example, attention, the ability to hold an object or task in mind, is often studied as an iso-

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lated phenomenon. Yet without perception working in concert with attention, the mind would have nothing to which to attend. Moreover, attention is typically not an end in itself but a means by which to hold in mind the aspects of a problem upon which planning and problem solving may operate. Similarly, memory, the ability to call to mind past events, is often studied as a separate process. Yet without memory calling to mind the last time a task was performed, how would the anticipation, and therefore planning, of the next performance be possible? Thus, any given human activity involves the simultaneous coordination of many mental processes, including, but not limited to, perception, attention, memory, reasoning, and problem solving. Thomas R. Bidell see also: Attention; Cognitive Development; Creativity; Imitation; Learning; Logical Thinking; Memory; Perception; Planning; Problem Solving

mental retardation. see Intellectual Disability metabolic disorders. Metabolic disorders are inherited conditions that result in the abnormal processing of chemicals in foods, in abnormal transport of substances across cell membranes, or in abnormal storage of substances within specific cells and organs. Difficulties in functioning of one or more organs or systems result, either from a deficiency of some substance, the absence of a substance needed for normal organ functioning, or the buildup of either toxic materials or an excess of normal products of metabolism. An example is in phenylketonuria (PKU), where deficiency of phenylalanine hydroxylase, an enzyme, causes a buildup of phenylalanine, an amino acid, which is toxic to the brain, but also causes tyrosine, another amino acid, to be limited, depleting the neurotransmitters derived from tyrosine, including dopamine and epinephrine. This cascade of abnormal metabolic events leads to a specific disease pattern. The symptoms of metabolic disease vary greatly depending upon the specific chemical pathway involved, although there are certain common features seen in many disorders. These may include low blood sugar, abnormal liver function, muscle disorder, episodes of acid buildup, intellectual disability, seizures, other neurological problems, and even death in some disorders. PKU and galactosemia are examples of metabolic diseases that are treatable and for which newborn screening is beneficial. Changes in diet and medication and close, lifelong follow-up assure the best outcome. Metabolic diseases are individually quite rare, but the true incidence rates are not well established in most cases. Among the most prevalent conditions are PKU and medium chain acyl-coenzyme A dehydrogenase (MCAD) deficiency, at about 1 in 14,000 and 1 in 12,000, respectively.

Galactosemia, though less prevalent with a rate of approximately 1 in 50,000, has been a primary target for newborn screening because straightforward dietary treatments are highly effective. With more expanded newborn screening programs in the United States, the incidence of many more metabolic conditions should become better known. Most metabolic diseases are due to autosomal recessive enzyme deficiencies, meaning that both parents must carry the gene, although spontaneous mutations can be seen in some cases. Mutations occur with disproportionately high frequency in some ethnic groups (e.g., Tay-Sachs disease among Ashkenazi Jews, hepatorenal tyrosinemia among Quebecois, or maple syrup urine disease in Old Order Mennonites), but all of these disorders do occur in all ethnic groups. The effect of screening and the avoidance of producing an affected offspring may even skew the incidence away from the population in which the genetic mutations are most frequent. This is the case in Tay-Sachs disease, where screening for carriers of the disorder has been so successful that the majority of cases of the disease occur in families who are not Ashkenazi Jews. All newborns in the United States are screened before leaving the hospital in order to identify a few or more of these rare conditions. Prompt identification and treatment are critical to optimal outcome. Although false positive tests may cause anxiety for a few families, the benefit to all in improving outcomes and reducing costs of care has proved cost-effective. Each state decides which diseases are screened in its population, but the trend is for more expanded panels using automated techniques. Treatment of several metabolic diseases consists of dietary measures, and the general strategy is illustrated in the approach to PKU, where dietary protein intake, the source of amino acids, is restricted to an amount that results in acceptable phenylalanine concentrations, with no buildup. However, that amount of allowed protein is almost always too little to provide sufficient amounts of the other essential amino acids. Accordingly, it is necessary to add a special dietary formula that contains no phenylalanine but has sufficient amounts of the other amino acids. There are several such products available in the developed world. A similar approach is used for other disorders of amino acid metabolism. These formulas are expensive, and compliance with these diets is difficult. There are also often considerable financial burdens on the families and problems having health care programs recognize the medical necessity of these special medical formulas, although specific laws to provide access do exist in some U.S. states. In a few metabolic diseases, vitamins may be beneficial, and the responses may be either very complete and highly effective (as with biotin supplementation in biotinidase deficiency) or of variable utility in other disorders. Interestingly, the possibility of partial responsiveness in PKU to a specific substance may soon be practical to use in some cases, if it becomes commercially

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available. In galactosemia, the treatment consists of restriction of galactose and lactose, natural sugars occurring mainly in milk. In infancy, a soy-derived formula without galactose is substituted for breast milk or standard cow’s milk formula. In later life, the task is more difficult because these sugars are in many foods. Additionally, galactose may be produced by the human body itself. There are other approaches to treatment of metabolic diseases, including enzyme replacement and organ transplantation in some disorders. The complexity of treatment and the rarity of these disorders provide challenges to patients, families, and the health care system at large. Although essentially all types of metabolic disease occur in all ethnic groups, there are great differences across cultures in the apparent incidence, more likely due to differences in identification. Without specific diagnostic testing or newborn screening, these conditions are certainly underdiagnosed in many parts of the world. Under those circumstances, most cases will be missed among otherwise unexplained newborn or early childhood deaths. Other cases that might be amenable to therapy are unidentified among the population with unexplained intellectual disability, seizures, or liver problems. Access to medical expertise and special diets is also quite variable in different parts of the world. The psychological adjustment to metabolic disease is complex and is modified by cultural background, as are attitudes toward screening, reproductive options, and prenatal diagnosis. Bruce A. Barshop see also: Eating and Nutrition; Intellectual Disability further reading: W. L. Nyhan, B. A. Barshop, and P. T. Ozand, Atlas of Metabolic Diseases, 2nd ed., 2005.

military service. see Combat, Youth in mind, theory of. see Concepts, Children’s: Concepts of the Psychological World

montessori, maria (b. August 31, 1870; d. May 6, 1952), Italian physician and educator, recognized as one of the leading proponents of the importance of early childhood education. Born into a culture in which opportunities for women were severely limited, Maria Montessori became the first woman to earn a medical degree in Italy. As a young physician, Montessori often treated the children of the working class and poor. Trained as a keen observer, with a woman’s fresh perspective, she developed a deep respect for the innate intelligence and curiosity of young children. She was critical of Italian schools for treating poor children as uneducable. In 1900, Montessori was asked to codirect a residential institution for children with mental or emotional special needs. Montessori took a scientific approach to education,

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emphasizing theories of human development, careful observation, and experimentation along with her encouragement of self-directed activity. She introduced manipulative learning materials inspired in part by previous educational innovators such as Edouard Seguin, Friedrich Froebel, and Johann Pestalozzi. Her work led to wide acclaim when, after two years, many of her charges made outstanding social and academic progress. In 1907, Montessori accepted an invitation to organize a child care center for working-class children who were too young to attend public school. The first Casa dei Bambini, or Children’s House, was located in Rome’s worst slum. There was one adult to care for 50 children, age 2 through 5, while their parents worked. They had to be fed, bathed, and given medical care. At first, the children were fearful, aggressive, and impulsive. Montessori allowed them to select activities freely, working and playing alone or with others as they wished, so long as they were not aggressive. Older children were taught how to help with the everyday tasks of running the house. Along with toys donated by wealthy friends, Montessori introduced the same perceptual puzzles and manipulative learning materials that she had used earlier. The results surprised her, for, unlike the children with special needs, who had to be prodded to keep working, these children were fascinated. Children who had at first wandered aimlessly soon began to settle down to long periods of constructive activity. She found that these young children took delight in learning practical, everyday living skills that reinforced their independence and self-respect, leading their behavior to change from urchins running wild to models of kindness and courtesy. Recognizing the frustration of being small in an adultsize world, Montessori had carpenters build child-size tables and chairs. She purchased miniature pitchers and bowls and found knives that fit a child’s tiny hand. She displayed learning activities on low, open shelves where they would always be within reach. In time, entire schools were designed with child-size toilets, low sinks, windows that were low to the ground, and miniature kitchen utensils and hand and garden tools of all sorts. It was little wonder that the press found such a humaninterest story appealing and promptly broadcast it to the world. By 1913, she had earned the attention of Alexander Graham Bell and at his invitation visited the United States when he founded the Montessori Education Association. On a subsequent visit in 1915, she lectured at her “glass house,” a glass-enclosed demonstration classroom, at the Panama-Pacific International Exhibition. She was invited to establish a research institute in Spain in 1917 and was appointed an inspector of education in Italy in 1922. After breaking with Italian Fascist dictator Benito Mussolini, she returned to Spain in the 1930s, moving during the Spanish Civil War to the Netherlands and in 1939 to India and later

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Ceylon. After World War II, Montessori moved to London, founding there yet another institute to prepare teachers. As a result of her physical presence in so many parts of the world and the extraordinary results of her methods, Montessori schools can now be found in virtually every country in the world. Montessori was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize in 1949, 1950, and 1951. Montessori’s work profoundly influenced many who studied under her and went on to make their own contributions to education and child psychology, including Anna Freud, Jean Piaget, Alfred Adler, and Erik H. Erikson. Many elements of modern education have been adapted from Montessori’s theories. She is credited with the development of the open classroom, individualized education, manipulative learning materials, teaching toys, and programmed instruction. Timothy Seldin see also: Education: Historical and Philosophical Perspectives; Froebel, Friedrich (Wilhelm August); Preschool and Kindergarten further reading: Rita Kramer, Maria Montessori, 1988. • E. M. Standing, Maria Montessori: Her Life and Work, 1998. • Maria Montessori, The Montessori Method, [1912] 2002. • Tim Seldin and Paul Epstein, The Montessori Way, 2006. • Marion O’Donnell, Maria Montessori, 2008.

moore, anne carroll (b. July 12, 1871; d. January 20, 1961), arguably the most influential figure in the development of American children’s library services in the 20th century. A towering figure, Anne Carroll Moore was larger than life and legendary in the field of children’s librarianship and children’s book publishing. Following fast on the growth of the public library movement in the United States, the idea of libraries catering to all children through collections, programming, and outreach was radical indeed. Inspired by her mentors Caroline Hewins and Mary Wright Plummer, Moore set a high standard for a fledgling field: “The right book for the right child at the right time.” At the end of the 19th century, a time when a new concept of reading in relation to children came into being, she was an institution builder, teacher, and inspirational leader. Spreading the word far and wide, she made American youth services in public libraries a model for the world. Trained at the Pratt Institute to design the first children’s reading room, she became the superintendent of Work with Children at the nation’s largest public library, the New York Public Library. There, in 1906, she implemented her design for the first children’s reading room. She organized the many boroughs of New York City into one system, whose crown jewel was the elegant Children’s Room at Fifth Avenue and 42nd Street, opening in 1911. It was there that she constructed one of the world’s largest collections of children’s books, historical and contemporary. Moore developed the Children’s Room into a cosmopolitan site of

international interest, where foreign visitors and immigrant children freely mingled. She expanded service to 35 branches of the New York Public Library. In each branch, she opened a children’s reading room, which offered not only books but also a sense of place. A library, in addition to circulating an exemplary collection of books for children, could be an inviting environment conducive to reading with its own distinctive character and aesthetic appeal. This design concept inspired the creation of the first children’s bookstore, begun in 1916 by Bertha Mahony, who also founded the first professional journal on children’s books, The Horn Book. Moore was also instrumental in forming the first professional organization for children’s librarians within the American Library Association. Moore’s development of children’s libraries coincided with the development of American children’s book publishing, a confluence that elevated the quality of children’s literature. At a time when the supply of children’s literature was limited, she demanded from publishers a higher standard in books for children. She wrote extensively about children’s books as art and literature in her book review columns, which appeared in The Bookman, The New York Herald Tribune, and The Horn Book. In addition, her holiday exhibits of the best books of the year and her numerous book lists and reading guides created a climate where books for children grew in number and stature. The boom of American children’s literature in the 20th century is due in part to her dual crusade for children’s libraries and children’s books. Anne H. Lundin see also: Literature

moral development. Morality is fundamental to the human condition. From early on, children make distinctions between matters of right and wrong, and the people and institutions around them convey myriad moral messages in direct and indirect ways. From early on, too, developmental scientists have addressed morality. Sigmund Freud, for example, argued that every child by the age of 5 has developed a moral conscience that is both a comfort and curse. The conscience—an internal representative of societal norms, in Freud’s view—allows the child to become a contributing member of society. But a person’s conscience is also a lifelong obstacle to instinctual desires for sex and aggression, desires that if heedlessly expressed would make coexistence impossible. To Freud, then, moral development was a Catch-22. People cannot live happily without a conscience, nor can they live happily with it. Also writing in the early 1930s, the child psychologist Jean Piaget held a more sanguine view. Based on his interviews with Swiss children and observations of their games, Piaget argued that the younger child’s internalization of the moral rules conveyed by parents and other authorities

Rajiv is confused. For the last week, his mother has been behaving strangely. It started the day after his ninth birthday when Swamiji, the family guru, came in the afternoon and was closeted with Rajiv’s father for more than an hour. Both men were in high spirits when they came out of the room. Rajiv was just about to go out and play with his friends when his father called him. “We have decided to have your Upanayana next Monday. You are to become a man, son,” his father said gravely, but his eyes were brimming with paternal pride. “Go and play now. We will talk later,” he said, patting his son’s back. Rajiv’s three friends are excited when he tells them. None of them has gone through the Upanayana ceremony, even though Jai is two years older. “You can’t get married if you haven’t gone through Upanayana,” Ramesh teases Jai. “You can’t even have an Upanayana,” Jai replies. Ramesh is not a Brahman or a member of either of the other two castes that practice the “twice-born” ceremony. “I don’t want one,” Ramesh says disdainfully. “Who wants his head shaved with a bodi sticking out the top of it?” He gives Rajiv a wicked look. Rajiv’s heart sinks. He is scared that older boys will pull at that tuft of hair and rap his shaved skull with their knuckles. Are the new clothes, the feast, and the fuss his family will make over him at the ceremony worth the teasing of Ramesh and other boys? In the following week, Rajiv’s unease is increased by his mother’s behavior. She often sweeps him up into her arms and presses his head convulsively against her breast. She also cries for no reason. Rajiv’s father is getting impatient with her. “Control yourself, woman! It is not as if the child is actually leaving you and going to the forest ashram of a guru for his studies. That was long ago. It is simpler now. The ceremony merely welcomes his second birth into the world of knowledge. Without it, he cannot join in any ritual and is debarred from all privileges of an adult Brahman. What are you sniffling about? It will be a grand feast, just like a wedding. The worst he has to endure is to spend the night before the ceremony alone and in absolute silence in a dark room.” “Father, I also want my Upanayana,” Rajiv’s 7-year-old sister says as she snuggles into her father’s lap. “Daughter, you can’t have Upanayana,” her father says fondly. “You are a girl, and girls have their own ceremony when they become women,” her mother calls out. “I don’t want to be a woman,” the girl says as she puts her arms around her father’s neck. Rajiv’s “night alone in a dark room” is hardly that. His father is a schoolteacher, and the family, including his grandmother and the unemployed younger brother of his father, live in two cramped rooms. They are further crowded by six relatives who have come to join in the celebration. His father puts a curtain in a corner of one room. Hidden from the sight

of others, Rajiv goes to sleep on the floor, surrounded by the soothing buzz of animated conversation that goes on well into the night. Rajiv is awakened early the next morning. Outside, on the small veranda of the house, Swamiji is directing the preparations for the Upanayana. A sacrificial fire has been lit. Swamiji keeps the fire going by feeding it with ghee and dry twigs. Almost 30 people—family members, neighbors—have assembled. Rajiv’s mother sits in front of the fire, and he sits in her lap. She feeds him rice and yogurt with a spoon while two aunts hold one of her shawls above them. He can feel tears drop on his forehead. This is the last time she will ever feed him. After this day, he will take his meals with his father and his uncle while the women serve them and eat later. After the meal, Rajiv’s father takes him to a corner of the veranda to the waiting barber. Rajiv’s head is shaved, leaving just a tuft at the top where the soul enters the body some months after conception and exits at death. He takes a bath after the haircut and puts on a new white loincloth. His father leads him back to the veranda and ceremonially hands him to the guru. Swamiji puts a white cloth around Rajiv’s shoulders and asks him to sit next to him. The guru then puts a girdle around Rajiv’s loincloth. The girdle is to protect his celibacy as a student. Now comes the most important part of the celebration, the investiture with the sacred thread. A hush descends on the assemblage, broken only by the crackling sound of the flames, as Swamiji places the thread over Rajiv’s neck so that it hangs across his chest from his left shoulder. Rajiv has seen the janeu hanging just like that on all the men he knows. His father wears it like a garland around his neck when he is engaged in physical activity. “And remember to always to loop it securely around the ear when you defecate or bathe so as to avoid polluting your sacred thread,” his father has told him. The thread actually is three threads of nine strands each, folded over thrice and then knotted. The three threads have many meanings: the debts owed to the gods, the sages, and the ancestors; the qualities of light, passion, and darkness; past, present, and future; the Hindu trinity of Brahma, Shiva, and Vishnu. The guru now sprinkles a few drops of water on him to purify his spirit and body and then touches the boy’s heart, signifying the mutual connection and harmony between the two. Conches are blown as Swamiji leans toward him and whispers the mantra in his ear. Rajiv can hardly hear the mantra because of noise, but he knows it is the Gayatri, the prayer for universal welfare, which he must chant thrice each day. The guru then gives him a staff and asks him to beg for food from his mother and other assembled guests, reminiscent of past times when a budding student would leave home to seek wisdom and live on alms. The three-hour ceremony is now over. Rajiv’s mother is no longer crying, but she still looks sad. Rajiv is tired, but he can now call himself twice-born. Sudhir Kakar

imagining each other

imagining each other

A Hindu Brahman Boy Is Born Again

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is followed by increasing autonomy from those rules in late childhood or early adolescence. In Piaget’s view, this constitutes a window of opportunity rather than a moment before mayhem, as Freud might have predicted. Piaget’s argument was that through egalitarian peer interactions, older children negotiate and remake some of the moral rules of society. In so doing, not only do they voluntarily take ownership of the new rules, but society also evolves in an increasingly democratic direction. To Piaget, then, the entry into adolescence was a time for moral renewal at both the individual and collective levels. Not in all societies, however. According to Piaget, it could not occur in what he described as “primitive” cultures where adolescents conform to their elders without question. Freud and Piaget asked the kinds of questions that more recent research on moral development has continued to address: Is morality the equivalent of societal norms, or is morality a set of concepts that go beyond society? How do moral conceptions develop in the course of childhood and adolescence? Who has notable influence on moral development: parents, peers, or others? To what extent does moral development differ between cultures? And to the extent that such differences exist, are some cultural practices better for children than others? In this article, the focus will first be on the key questions and findings of four contemporary lines of research: the cognitive developmental, domain, two orientations, and three ethics approaches. Th e Cognitiv e Dev elopmen tal Approac h Starting in the late 1950s, Lawrence Kohlberg formulated a cognitive developmental approach to moral reasoning that has influenced much of the subsequent research on morality. Inspired by Piaget, Kohlberg wanted to find out if moral reasoning develops in a predictable sequence. To help answer this question, he presented children and adolescents with hypothetical dilemmas that often pit the value of life against the value of property or the value of one person’s life against the value of several people’s lives. In the most famous dilemma, Heinz, who lives in a German village, has a dying wife who might be cured by a particular medicine. Heinz, however, cannot afford it, and the town pharmacist will not lower his high price or extend credit. As a research participant, one has to decide whether Heinz should steal the drug and, even more important, why or why not. Drawing on participants’ responses to the dilemmas as well as his readings of Western rationalist moral philosophy, Kohlberg concluded that moral reasoning occurs in a sequence of three levels. Each level includes two stages, for a total of six. According to Kohlberg, every child starts out at the preconventional level, reasoning strictly in terms of ego-centered considerations, reminiscent of an uncivilized Freudian child. The child initially focuses on avoidance of punishment (stage 1) and then on satisfaction of selfinterests (stage 2). Next follows the conventional level and

a shift to group-centered considerations. Here the focus is on pleasing one’s family and other groups to which one belongs (stage 3) and maintaining social order (stage 4). The third postconventional level goes beyond both the self and one’s society, reminiscent of the Piagetian adolescent’s perspective. Kohlberg did not think that everyone reaches this level. Those who do emphasize democratic procedure and social utility (stage 5) or formulate universal principles pertaining to justice and individual rights (stage 6). Kohlberg certainly intended that his six stages describe what moral development is like, but he also made the claim that his stages describe what moral development ought to be like. If more people can be educated to reach stage 6, according to Kohlberg, they will be more moral and can join together to create communities that are more just. Like Piaget, Kohlberg thought that interactions and discussions with peers are particularly conducive to such moral development. Extensive research has found that the first three of the cognitive developmental stages are common across diverse cultures, whereas the other stages are not. Across cultures, younger children often use the concepts from stages 1 and 2, and in the course of adolescence the concepts from stage 3 become common. Stages 4 and 5, however, are less common, and stage 6 is so rare that it was removed from the cognitive developmental scoring manual by the early 1980s. In one comprehensive review of 44 cross-cultural studies using the cognitive developmental approach, none of the research participants reasoned at stages 4 or 5 in 66% of the studies. Even in the studies where these two stages did occur, the majority of participants reasoned below stage 4 in 67% of the studies. Reasoning in terms of stages 4 and 5 is limited mostly to Western or Westernized middle- and upper-middle-class adolescents and adults residing in urban areas. Extensive research across cultures has also found that children and adolescents think in terms of numerous moral concepts that the cognitive developmental approach does not take into consideration. This is the case for concepts pertaining to religion or spirituality. The cognitive developmental manual includes 708 criterion judgments for scoring moral reasoning, but only a single one of these addresses religiosity or spirituality. Many concepts pertaining to community, collectivity, and interdependence also are not well accounted for by the cognitive developmental approach. Yet members of many cultures place a premium upon such concepts. For example, research with Chinese children in Taiwan has shown that by age 4 they are well aware of notions pertaining to shame, loss of face, social discretion, and role-based duties. The development of a conscience is well under way at an early age in these children (as Freud would have predicted). This conscience, however, seems in step with Confucian ideals of social hierarchy and harmony rather than the ideals of individual justice and rights at the

moral development

end of the cognitive developmental sequence. In sum, children across many cultures develop along the path of the first half of the cognitive developmental stage sequence. From early on, however, they also take other paths with other end goals. Th e Dom ai n Approac h In the latter half of the 1970s, Elliot Turiel proposed taking a step back from Kohlberg’s question of how moral reasoning develops to the question of what is moral in the first place. Turiel wanted to find out whether children differentiate moral from nonmoral issues. Based on the same tradition of Western rationalist philosophy, Turiel’s theory argued that in order for a rule to be moral, key criteria are that it applies to everyone and that it cannot be altered. If children were to be asked whether these criteria of universality and inalterability apply to different kinds of issues, would they make distinctions between moral and nonmoral issues? Also, would their reasoning in response to the issues vary? Turiel and his colleagues have presented children and adolescents with vignettes. For example, in one vignette a child pushes a peer off a swing, and in another a child calls a grandfather by his first name. Turiel and his colleagues have concluded that three domains of knowledge can be differentiated. One of these is moral, but the other two, which they have termed conventional and personal, are not. According to Turiel and his colleagues, the three domains differ on criteria, reasoning, and issues. With respect to criteria, conventional and personal rules—unlike moral ones—apply only to one’s group or oneself, respectively. Also, conventional and personal rules—unlike moral ones—are alterable. With respect to reasoning, moral rules are justified with reference to justice, fairness, and the welfare of others. Conventional reasoning, in contrast, focuses on communal and religious norms, interests, and authorities. Personal reasoning focuses on the welfare of the self. Based on these criteria and modes of reasoning, according to Turiel and his colleagues, examples of moral issues include stealing and aggressive acts (such as pushing someone off a swing). Conventional issues involve a wide variety of acts, such as those pertaining to forms of address (such as calling a grandfather by his first name), attire (such as wearing a head scarf ), sexual customs (such as premarital sex), and familial arrangements (such as divorce). Personal issues include one’s choice of friends and recreational activities. Morality, from this perspective, is solely that which goes beyond both self and society, akin only to the highest levels of development in Piaget’s and Kohlberg’s approaches. Research findings across cultures have shown that children make a distinction between the moral and nonmoral in accordance with the domain approach for a particular set of issues. For a variety of other issues, however, they do not. In many parts of the world, children—even as young

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as 3 years of age—differentiate moral vignettes where an innocent child is pushed, hit, or robbed from conventional vignettes where children eat food with their fingers or fail to follow the rules of a game. By and large, children speak of these vignettes in terms of the criteria and reasoning that the domain approach predicts. In many other instances, however, the predicted correspondence between issues, criteria, and reasoning does not hold. This has been found, for example, for matters pertaining to showing respect (such as honoring a deathbed promise), helping others in need (such as taking an ailing elderly parent into one’s household), sexuality (such as coed bathing), and avoiding disgusting behaviors (such as eating one’s dead pet dog). In many parts of the world, children and adolescents apply “moral” criteria of universality and inalterability to these matters, but they reason in terms of what the domain approach deems nonmoral concepts, such as role-based duty, social order, and spirituality. Taken together, these findings suggest that children in many parts of the world recognize that not all issues are of the same hue. Children from diverse cultures, however, appear to regard a wide variety of issues and reasons as moral that are not included within the moral palette of the domain approach. Th e T wo Or i en tations Approac h While domain approach researchers in the course of the late 1970s and 1980s proposed a narrowing of the moral domain, Carol Gilligan during the same time period called for a broadening. She argued that a considerable part of psychological work—including work on moral development— was premised on the development of boys and men and that the time had come to address the development of girls and women. She noted, for example, that Piaget had suggested that boys show more advanced negotiation of moral rules than girls. She also noted that Kohlberg’s initial research included only boys, and she claimed that girls score lower than boys on his sequence of stages. To Gilligan, this led to the question as to whether girls indeed are less developed or if they speak a different moral language, one that has been misinterpreted or gone unheard. On the basis of interviews with American children and adults, Gilligan came to the conclusion that there are two kinds of moral orientations. One is a justice orientation, focused on how to negotiate among competing rights in an impartial manner. This orientation, according to Gilligan, is characteristic of male development and of Piaget’s and Kohlberg’s approaches. The other orientation, however, pertains to care and is more characteristic of female development. Here, the concern is with tending to the needs of self and those with whom one has relationships. Revisiting Kohlberg’s Heinz dilemma, Gilligan noted how some girls in her research did not regard it as a confl ict between the value of property and the value of life, as intended by Kohlberg. Instead, they interpreted the dilemma as a mat-

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ter of how to maintain good relationships between the persons involved. To Gilligan, this care orientation is different from the justice orientation, but it deserves to be heard and valued. Contrary to Gilligan’s claims, research reviews have found that girls and boys mostly score alike on Kohlberg’s stage sequence. Furthermore, research across cultures has found that children and adolescents—whether girls or boys—speak of care and relationships as well as justice and fairness. In some cultures, however, care considerations have a different inflection from Gilligan’s. Research in India and Japan, for example, has found that when children and adolescents speak of care, their focus is not so much on interpersonal feelings as on role-based duties. Also, the care is directed not only at other individuals but also at communities as a whole, such as family, school, or society. The motive to care, then, seems to be universal. Why people care and in regard to whom, however, vary across cultures. Th e Th r ee Eth ics Approac h While the two orientations approach added new breadth to the kinds of moral concepts that developmental scientists address, Richard Shweder in the course of the 1980s and 1990s suggested casting a still wider moral net, one that would catch the moral considerations of highly diverse cultures. Based on his research with children and adults in India and the United States as well as a broad reading of Western and non-Western work in philosophy and the social sciences, Shweder proposed a tripartite distinction between ethics of autonomy, community, and divinity. The three ethics involve different notions of what is at the heart of personhood and different moral reasons. The ethic of autonomy—to which developmental science has long paid the most attention, according to Shweder— involves a focus on people as individuals who have needs and preferences. Moral reasoning within this ethic addresses the interests, well-being, and rights of the self and other individuals. The ethic of community spotlights how people are members of social groups, such as family, school, and nation. Here, moral reasoning pertains to role-related duties and concern for the interests, customs, and welfare of groups. The ethic of divinity focuses on people as spiritual or religious entities. Reasoning within this ethic addresses divine and natural law, lessons from sacred texts, and concerns with purity and pollution. Unlike the cognitive developmental approach, the three ethics are not stages. A child or adult may draw on one or more of the ethics when faced with a moral issue. Research has shown the presence of all three ethics in diverse cultures. However, research has also indicated differences in their prevalence between countries, social classes, and religious groups. Findings suggest that American children and adolescents use ethic of autonomy concepts more than children and adolescents in countries such as Brazil

and India. With respect to class, research suggests that middle- and upper-middle-class children and adolescents reason more in terms of autonomy and less in terms of community, as compared to children and adolescents of lower classes. Research has also indicated a difference between religious groups, with religiously liberal adolescents reasoning more in terms of autonomy and less in terms of divinity than religiously conservative adolescents. Moral motives pertaining to autonomy, community, and divinity, then, are widespread across cultures. What is less well known is when they emerge in development and how their course of development is similar or different across cultures. R ecur r en t and Emergi ng Issues i n Mor al D e v elo pm en t One important issue in current moral development research is the charting of the development of multiple moral motives across diverse cultures. Whereas the cognitive developmental and domain approaches represent “one-sizefits-all” models, recent cultural developmental work aims to find a middle ground between these models and the unwieldy alternative of “one theory for every culture.” The aim, in other words, is to give consideration to both developmental commonality and cultural diversity. For example, research has shown that children and adolescents in both Taiwan and the United States reason in terms of community concepts. Older children in these two cultures (and elsewhere) also appear to invoke these concepts more often than younger children. At the same time, however, Taiwanese and American children may differ on how early they develop notable awareness of community concepts, such as shame. They may differ on the specific kinds of community concepts they use, such as loss of face or national pride. They may also differ on how much they emphasize community in comparison to autonomy or divinity concepts. An emerging research direction in today’s global world, then, is to see children’s moral lives through the lens of development as well as the lens of culture. Another salient research issue pertains to cultural variation in who has notable influence on moral development. Around the turn of the 20th century, Freud emphasized parents and family. In the course of the early part of the 20th century—as mass education in Europe and the United States became common and compulsory—Piaget emphasized peers. Today’s children and adolescents growing up in urban areas all over the world typically are exposed to moral messages from many other sources, too: after-school counselors, extracurricular activity coaches, television, magazines, Web sites, and so forth. What moral messages do these sources convey? To what extent do the messages reinforce or work against one another? These are questions of keen interest to parents and researchers, among others. Meanwhile, in a number of areas of the world (especially rural and poor ones), the moral contexts surrounding chil-

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dren and adolescents are different. Children’s daily access to mass media, such as television, is much less pronounced. Adolescents (especially girls) are far less likely to attend secondary educational institutions. Both children and adolescents spend more time in the contexts of family and small communities. What are the implications for the moral development of these children and adolescents? C o nc lu sion Freud’s and Piaget’s questions about morality—its definition, development, and context—remain highly relevant. Contemporary research findings have demonstrated some pervasive patterns for how children and adolescents define morality, how they develop morally, and common contexts of moral relevance. Current and emerging research, however, is also reframing Freud’s and Piaget’s questions. This reframing is taking place in light of the fact that children and adolescents in different parts of the world grow up and live in different circumstances. The new focus, then, is on the plural definitions, developmental pathways, and contexts that children and adolescents experience with respect to morality. Lene Arnett Jensen see also: Development, Theories of; Kohlberg, Lawrence; Morality; Shame and Guilt; Social Development further reading: Sigmund Freud, Civilization and Its Discontents, [1930] 1961. • Jean Piaget, The Moral Judgment of the Child, [1932] 1965. • Lawrence Kohlberg, The Philosophy of Moral Development, 1981. • Carol Gilligan, In a Different Voice: Psychological Theory and Women’s Development, 1982. • Elliot Turiel, The Development of Social Knowledge: Morality and Convention, 1983. • Richard A. Shweder, Why Do Men Barbecue? Recipes for Cultural Psychology, 2003. • L. A. Jensen, “Through Two Lenses: A CulturalDevelopmental Approach to Moral Psychology,” Developmental Review 28 (2008), pp. 289–315.

morality. Morality is central to human societies and is reflected in children’s emerging social understandings. Morality shares certain formal features universally, such as a public interest and the view that moral issues are appropriately subject to social sanction. Unlike issues that are defined as social conventions, however, matters of morality are founded on a perceived objective standard or natural law, rather than merely on custom, and thus are considered to be nonculturally relative or changeable. For example, to the extent that slavery is viewed as immoral, it is considered to be a practice that is legitimately subject to social sanction and that remains morally wrong, even if in a particular society it is widely practiced and socially condoned. Beyond this commonality in the formal criteria defining morality, certain abstract content issues or themes also make up morality universally. In all cultures, matters of morality involve concerns about justice and harm, issues of interpersonal responsiveness and caring, as well as spiritual concerns. However, as

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will be seen, although there is universality in morality at these general levels, substantial cultural variation exists in specific moral outlooks, as issues of harm, community, and divinity are identified and weighted in culturally variable ways. These culturally variable outlooks affect children’s developing moral understandings and are embodied, often in implicit ways, in everyday socialization practices and experiences. Mo r al i ti e s o f Ju s tic e For many years, psychologists believed that moral concerns were limited to issues involving justice and individual rights and that these issues had the same status universally. Crosscultural research challenged this idea, and it is increasingly recognized that marked cultural variation exists in moral outlooks. Cultures define in variable ways what constitutes harm and injustice and the entities believed to be entitled to protection from harm and injustice, and they give contrasting weight to contextual factors in moral judgment. Theories of personhood emphasized in different cultural communities have a profound impact on conceptions of harm and injustice. Embodied in views of social relationships, these theories define which categories of persons are to be treated alike and, thus, what constitutes just or unjust treatment. For example, in Hindu Indian and Buddhist cultures, conceptions of personhood are seen as extending to all forms of life, leading to a practice, such as vegetarianism, being regarded in moral terms rather than being considered a matter of personal choice, as is more commonly observed in Western cultural populations. In approaching relationships with an emphasis on social hierarchy, orthodox Hindu Indian adults are also more prone to regard unequal treatment of family members as morally justified than do secular U.S. populations. For example, in research by Richard Shweder and his colleagues, orthodox Brahman adults were found to treat the practice of corporal punishment of a wife by a husband and of children by their parents as well as the practice of unequal sibling inheritance as morally praiseworthy, whereas secular U.S. populations considered these same practices to be morally abhorrent. Young children’s understandings of justice reflect this culturally variable patterning even at young ages. Thus, Brahman children resemble Brahman adults in considering child corporal punishment as morally acceptable, while U.S. children resemble U.S. adults in considering it morally wrong. Even in cases in which cultural groups agree about the moral status of justice issues, their judgments may differ as a function of competing moral commitments that they hold. For example, research has documented cross-cultural differences in the tendency to value interpersonal responsibilities over competing justice obligations. This point is illustrated by a cross-cultural application of a common methodology in the field in which respondents are asked to morally reason about a hypothetical scenario. One example

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involves a father withholding money from his son that he had promised to him. The typical response from U.S. and European respondents is to focus on the justice breach committed by the father. In contrast, a common response observed among Kenyan, Chinese, and other collectivist cultural populations is to argue that it is the son’s obligation to defer to his father’s authority. Similar trends have been found in experimental studies that show a greater tendency for Indian as compared with U.S. populations to give priority to interpersonal responsibilities over competing justice concerns. Thus, for example, whereas a majority of U.S. adults judge that it is morally wrong to steal a train ticket even if this is the only way to fulfill the interpersonal responsibility of attending a best friend’s wedding, a majority of Indian respondents judge that it is morally required to take part in the wedding, even if this means engaging in the justice violation of stealing the ticket. Researchers also found culturally variable patterns of developmental change, with a general age increase from ages 7 to 8 to adulthood among Indians in the priority given to interpersonal responsibilities and a general age increase among Americans in the priority given to justice obligations. Mor aliti es of Communit y For many years, being responsive to the needs of family and friends was seen by psychologists as constituting either a subordinate form of morality that lacks the force of justice obligations or as a conventional role-based obligation. This stance was forcefully challenged in the morality of caring model forwarded by Carol Gilligan, a model that posits both that interpersonal commitments that develop in the context of close relationships have a moral force that is qualitatively distinct from but not subordinate to that of justice and that moral commitments of this type tend to be emphasized particularly by females. Only weak support has been found for the claim that the morality of caring is gender related, however, with most contemporary views recognizing that such a morality is found equally among males and females. Although Gilligan, like Lawrence Kohlberg, formulated her model in universalistic terms, recent cultural work is pointing to culturally variable forms of moralities of community. Research shows that the morality of caring evident in the outlook of European American respondents emphasizes the freely given nature of interpersonal commitments, whereas that observed among Hindu Indian populations emphasizes conceptions of dharma or duty. Thus, research by Joan Miller and her colleagues found that whereas both European American and Hindu Indian respondents value being responsive to the needs of family and friends, European Americans tend to view such responsiveness as a discretionary matter of personal choice, whereas Hindu Indians tend to regard it as a moral obligation. Another notable

difference is that European Americans tend to see interpersonal moral commitments as more dependent on personal taste. Thus, European Americans tend to feel that there is less responsibility to help a family member or friend if you do not have a close relationship with them, while Hindu Indians tend to feel that this responsibility is unaffected by liking and personal affinity. Work in this area documents a tendency for U.S. children to come to this discretionary view of interpersonal commitments somewhat gradually, with U.S. children more prone than U.S. adults to treat responsiveness to the needs of family members in obligatory terms. Research has uncovered other distinctive cultural and subcultural themes that characterize moralities of community. For example, Chinese cultural populations tend to approach interpersonal morality in terms of the moral tendency of jen, with its emphasis on filial piety and on sentiments of distress at the suffering of others. Also, studies of Japanese child and adult populations highlight the existence of a morality of caring based on a sense of omiyari, or empathy, which emphasizes the importance of cultivating good interpersonal relationships within one’s in-group. Work is also documenting the broader definitions of caring emphasized within certain minority group communities that have been targets of discrimination, with caring concerns among African Americans encompassing more communal networks of support and a greater acknowledgment of racism and racial privilege than found typically among European Americans. Mo r al i ti e s o f D i v i n i t y Morality was once assumed invariably to involve issues of harm or welfare. Cultural work now highlights the extent to which morality not only may encompass spiritual considerations involving conceptions of purity, pollution, and the sacred order but may also represent a type of moral outlook that is unrelated to conceptions of harm or welfare. Illustrating this latter phenomenon, Jonathan Haidt and his colleagues demonstrated that Brazilian and African populations of lower socioeconomic status tend to treat actions that they regard as disgusting or disrespectful in moral terms, even while considering such actions to be harmless. Thus, among these groups, moral appraisal of a behavior such as eating one’s dog is observed to be more strongly associated with judgments of perceived offense than with judgments of perceived harm. This type of stance notably is observed in all cultures in relationship to particular types of issues (e.g., incest) and highlights the nonrational aspects of moral inference. Cross-cultural research conducted by Shweder and his colleagues has also demonstrated that many issues that progressivist populations tend to treat as mere matters of social convention or custom may be perceived to have a moral force in more orthodox cultural communities be-

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cause of their link with concerns involving divinity. Thus, it was shown that whereas secular American adult populations consider a practice such as addressing a father by his first name or cutting hair after one’s father’s death to represent mere matters of social convention, orthodox Indian adult populations tend to regard these same issues as matters of morality that involve, at least in part, concerns related to divinity. Although there is more consensus about issues involving divinity later than earlier in development, U.S. children tended to consider engaging in these types of behaviors to be acceptable, whereas Indian children tended to share the adult emphasis on their moral unacceptability. Research also shows that spiritually based moral outlooks are not only found universally but also play a central role in inspiring the social and political commitments of morally exemplary persons, such as social activists and humanitarian leaders. S o c i a l i z at io n o f Mo r al i t y Processes of everyday socialization represent important influences on children’s emerging moral outlooks. These processes are dynamic in nature, representing contexts in which moral meanings are embodied and communicated as well as created and transformed. One of the most influential contexts for moral socialization is in everyday patterns of discourse. Parents, teachers, and children respond to morally relevant concerns with distinctive types of discourse and other overt responses. Thus, for example, children defend their behavior by reference to prevailing customs when engaged in breaches that are viewed as social conventional issues, while defending their behavior by redefining its nature so that it is no longer blameworthy when engaged in breaches that are viewed in moral terms. Sociolinguistic work also shows that moral messages are conveyed to children even during caregiving routines that have no overt moral focus. Thus, for example, it has been observed that Chinese mothers tend to use everyday behavioral routines of personal storytelling as occasions for the socialization of shame, whereas American mothers tend to use them as occasions to foster the child’s sense of self-esteem and personal autonomy. Everyday cultural practices and normative standards also exert a powerful impact on moral outlooks at older ages. Thus, for example, research has revealed that the sibling caregiving experiences that are emphasized in African rural communities promote the development of positive social motivation and that the voluntary work commitments for adolescents emphasized in industrialized societies promote the development of a sense of civic responsibility. The impact of societal practices and mores on moral outlooks may occur even over relatively short periods of time. To illustrate, the new regulations and cultural attention given to practices such as smoking and protecting the ecology have led to the moralization of these domains within only a

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couple of generations, such that in many communities they are no longer viewed as mere matters of personal choice but have come to have a moral status. C o nc lu s io n Moral outlooks reflect cultural beliefs, values, and practices, even as they carry personal meaning for individuals and are perceived in objective terms. Issues of morality involve notions of justice, community, and spirituality that embody culturally variable outlooks and assumptions. Although individual moral understandings do not merely map onto viewpoints emphasized within a particular cultural community, they emerge through and depend critically on participation in everyday cultural activities. Joan G. Miller and Chloe G. Bland see also: Moral Development; Religious Instruction further reading: R. A. Shweder, M. Mahapatra, and J. G. Miller, Culture and Moral Development: The Emergence of Morality in Young Children, 1987, pp. 1–83. • J. Snarey and K. Keljo, “In a Gemeinschaft Voice: The Cross-Cultural Expansion of Moral Development Theory,” in W. M. Kurtines, J. Gewirtz, and J. L. Lamb, eds., Handbook of Moral Behavior and Development, vol. 1, 1991, pp. 395–424. • J. G. Miller, “Culture and Moral Development,” in D. Matsumoto, ed., The Handbook of Culture and Psychology, 2001, pp. 151–69.

morbidity. Morbidity refers to not being well or normal. At its extreme, morbidity causes death. Morbidity can also imply an undesirable outcome of an earlier condition or its treatment. Morbidity can be short or long term. For example, there is morbidity associated with cancer and with treatment of cancer. Medical care is intended to cure, but survivors may face problems such as cognitive and motor impairments, behavior problems, and chronic lung disease in former premature infants and infertility in childhood cancer survivors; these conditions are termed morbidities. Some common childhood conditions can be sources of adult morbidity (such as obesity, asthma, severe injuries). Socioeconomic status is an important factor in childhood morbidity, as lower family income is associated with greater morbidities. The negative effects of poverty on child health and the burden of disease are an international theme and true for virtually all conditions. Being poor is the highest risk factor for greater morbidity in childhood and beyond. Violent injuries and infections are leading causes of death worldwide. Children are disproportionately impacted by civil wars and other violent confl icts as bystanders and as conscripted combatants. Among the infectious diseases, diarrhea, malaria, HIV, tuberculosis, and Streptococcus pneumoniae are highly prevalent causes of death among children and adults. Death from measles, pertussis (whooping cough), hepatitis B, Haemophilus influenza type b, and tetanus are also very common in developing nations. In the United States and other developed countries, immunizations have virtually eliminated or dramatically re-

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duced polio, diphtheria, tetanus, pertussis, S. pneumoniae, H. influenza type b, varicella (chicken pox), measles, mumps, rubella (German measles), and hepatitis B as causes of childhood morbidity. Antibiotics and high-quality medical care have further reduced the burden of morbidity associated with infectious diseases in developed countries. Improved nutrition in the United States and other developed nations reduces morbidity when infections do occur. The global impact of HIV/AIDS, malaria, and diarrhea makes each of them a high public health priority in much of the world. The World Health Organization (WHO) estimated that 33.2 million people were infected and living with HIV in 2007, including 2.5 million children younger than 15 years old and 15.4 million women. Ninety percent of HIV-positive children live in sub-Saharan Africa. The WHO estimates that 330,000 children died from AIDS and 420,000 children were newly infected with HIV in 2007, primarily acquired from their infected mothers. Treatment with antiretroviral drugs reached just 2 million people in 2007. The story in the United States is markedly different: HIV/AIDS affected approximately 1 million people in 2003. In 2005, there were 68 new HIV infections diagnosed in children younger than 13 years old and 533 cases among teens 13 to 19 years old; treatment is widely available. Malaria kills more than 1 million people each year, virtually all in developing countries. Most of the deaths are among infants, young children, and pregnant women. Millions more carry malaria parasites and are periodically symptomatic. Development of a vaccine is a world public health priority. Acute rheumatic fever (ARF) and rheumatic heart disease (RHD), sequelae of infection with group A streptococci, are endemic in much of the developing world and among certain indigenous populations in developed countries, such as the Maori in New Zealand and the Aborigines in Australia. The estimated number of children worldwide to have RHD is 2.4 million. In the Top End of Australia’s Northern Territory, 0.2% to 0.5% of school-age Aborigine children develop ARF each year. Using echocardiographic screening, the prevalence of RHD among children 6 to 17 years old was found to be 21.5 per 1,000 in Cambodia and 30.4 per 1,000 in Mozambique, prevalence rates similar to the 2% of Australian Aborigines who have RHD. Similar rates occur in Central America. ARF and RHD are diseases of poverty, and RHD is the most common cause of acquired heart disease in the world. In the United States, these diseases and their complications have become rare since the 1960s except for occasional outbreaks and small pockets of disease (e.g., Hawaii, Salt Lake City, and an observant Jewish community in Brooklyn). Diarrheal diseases are common and deadly in developing nations, but in the United States safe, secure water supplies, sanitation, refrigeration, and improved nutrition have reduced their impact. Rotavirus is the leading cause

of diarrhea-related morbidity and mortality in developed and developing countries. New rotavirus vaccines have the potential to reduce the burden of this ubiquitous virus. Serious nutritional deficiencies are very uncommon in developed nations. U.S. children at risk tend to be inadvertent victims of unusual parental dietary beliefs, neglected, or possessing a medical condition that affects their ability to absorb or metabolize various nutrients. The morbidity associated with undernutrition depends on the specific nutrients affected and can include delayed development and intellectual impairment, impaired growth, increased susceptibility to infection, and poor recovery from illness. Vitamin A, iodine, and iron are the three most prevalent micronutrient deficiencies. Vitamin A deficiency affects vision, can lead to blindness, and impairs immune function. As many as 250 million children younger than 5 years old worldwide and 25% of children in developing countries have vitamin A deficiency. Iodine deficiency affects thyroid function and is the leading cause of preventable intellectual deficiency in the world. It affects 20% of people in the developing world and 11% of Europeans. Use of iodized salt, as in the United States, can prevent iodine deficiency. Iron-deficiency anemia affects 40% to 60% of children in developing countries and more than 1 billion people worldwide. Iron deficiency impairs cognition, learning, and immune function. Iron-deficiency anemia occurs in the United States, but iron supplementation of pregnant women, iron-fortified foods, and a diet rich in meats have reduced its prevalence. Zinc deficiency is a factor in malaria, diarrhea, and pneumonia. Meats are rich in zinc; diets lacking in animal protein increase the prevalence of zinc deficiency. The remarkable reduction in death and disability related to infectious diseases, coupled with modern lifestyles, urbanization, and food abundance, has led to recognition of injuries, obesity, and asthma as major contributors to childhood morbidity in the United States. C h i ldhood I n jur i es Ongoing reports of defective toys, many contaminated with lead, and other injurious children’s products serve as reminders that the potential for injury is omnipresent. From 2001 to 2004, unintentional injuries (approximately 784 per year) trailed only birth defects and sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS) as a cause of death after the neonatal period in the first year of life. From age 1 through 19 years, unintentional injuries are the leading cause of death, peaking among older teenagers (15 to 19 years old) with nearly 5,500 deaths yearly. The number of nonfatal injuries dwarfs fatalities in all age groups: more than 11.5 million from birth through 4 years, 9.6 million for age 5 to 9, 12.7 million for age 10 to 14, and 15.2 million for age 15 to 19. Injuries occur at the intersection of environment and child development. The outcome of an injury is related to

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the mechanism of injury, the parts of the body affected, and the severity. As an example, a fall in a playground might result in no significant injury or a broken wrist or a head injury. Long-term morbidity might range from none (most common) to epilepsy from head injury. Data from the U.S. National Hospital Ambulatory Medical Care Survey (NHAMCS) illuminate the specific population-based rates and causes of infant injuries treated in emergency departments from 1992 to 1999. There were 108.2 injuries treated per 1,000 U.S. infants per year, most at home. The injury rate did not differ by race or ethnicity or sex. Head injuries (13.4 per 1,000), facial trauma (30.2 per 1,000), and extremity injuries (23.9 per 1,000 overall; fractures, 4.6 per 1,000) were most prevalent. Falls were the most common cause of nonfatal injury, accounting for nearly one-third of injuries (35.1 per 1,000 infants), followed by being struck by or against an object (14.2 per 1,000), traffic-related injuries (8.8, per 1,000), injuries from foreign bodies (aspiration, insertion; 5.2 per 1,000), and cuts and pierces (4.2 per 1,000). The annual hospitalization rate was 6.1 per 1,000 U.S. infants. More recent data from the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention indicate that from 2001 to 2004, falls, struck by or against, fire, bites and stings, and foreign bodies were the most common causes of unintentional injuries and morbidities in infancy. In contrast, the most common causes of fatal injuries from 2001 to 2004 were (in order, with number of deaths in parentheses) suffocation (2,594), motor vehicle traffic (542), drowning (251), fire (150), and natural environment (mostly related to heat, cold, animal attacks, storms, and starvation; 79). Beginning in the second year of life and extending through the remainder of childhood, unintentional injuries are the leading cause of death. From 2001 to 2004, 6,713 U.S. children age 1 to 4 years old died from unintentional injuries, most commonly from motor vehicle traffic, drowning, fire, and suffocation. In the same time period, there were more than 8 million nonfatal injuries in this age group. Falls, struck by or against, bites and stings, and foreign bodies were most common; motor vehicle traffic was in 10th place. Children age 5 to 9 experienced 7.8 million injuries and 4,681 deaths from unintentional injuries in the United States between 2001 and 2004. Motor vehicle traffic was the most common cause of injury or death and the seventh most common nonfatal injury. Falls, struck by or against, cuts and pierces, and pedal-cycle (bicycle, tricycle) injuries were the most common causes of morbidities. Young teens age 10 to 14 had 6,157 injury deaths and 10.3 million nonfatal injuries from 2001 to 2004 in the United States. Motor vehicle traffic was the most common cause of death, accounting for 3,591, or 58%, followed by drowning (9.9%) and fire (5.7%). Of note, firearms caused 144 deaths (2.3%). Falls (2.7 million), unintentional struck by or against (2.4 million), and overexertion (1.1 million)

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were the most common nonfatal injuries. Pedal-cycle injuries, assault, and motor vehicle occupant injuries figured prominently. During the middle teen years, driving and violence are important causes of morbidity. There were 12.1 million nonfatal injuries, and 1.8 million (15.2%) were occupants of motor vehicles. Motor vehicle traffic accounted for 20,910 (49.7%) of the 42,106 deaths. The most common injury cause was unintentional struck by or against (18.2%). There were approximately 845,000 violence-related injuries in this age group, predominantly physical assault (69.6%). Firearms killed 9,360 of these teens (6,257 homicide, 3,103 suicide) and injured more than 31,000. Firearms particularly affected males: 8,351 deaths (5,593 homicide, 2,758 suicide; 89% of firearm deaths) and 29,073 nonfatal injuries. Black males accounted for 3,324 firearm homicides (53%), a proportion far in excess of their representation in this age group in the United States. Black race and living in a census tract with a high poverty rate are the largest contributors to experiencing an assault in the United States. As th m a Asthma is the most common chronic disease of childhood in the United States, affecting approximately 5 million children. It is clear that there has been a significant increase in the prevalence of asthma and asthma morbidities since the 1980s. The prevalence of asthma tends to be greater in more urbanized, developed nations, but urbanization alone does not explain trends in asthma rates. Disadvantaged urban children are disproportionately affected in the United States, but even in nonurban communities nonwhite children have higher rates and greater morbidity than white children. Easy public health approaches to asthma are elusive. Access to health care and adherence to appropriate outpatient treatment regimens are essential for children with asthma. Primary prevention includes continued reduction in exposure to tobacco smoke, increased rates of breastfeeding, improved air quality, and control of environmental toxins and allergens. However, none of these measures are certain to prevent the development of asthma in susceptible individuals. Obesity One rapidly increasing morbidity is obesity, defined as body mass index (BMI) at or above the 95th percentile for age; overweight is defined as BMI between the 85th and 95th percentile for age. Obese children tend to become obese adolescents and adults. Childhood obesity creates multiple problems during the early years and is a precursor to many chronic health conditions seen in adults: hyperlipidemia, coronary artery disease, hypertension, type 2 diabetes, stroke, arthritis, and some cancers. Obese children report a lower quality of life and have lower self-esteem than nonobese children. Type 2 diabetes, once considered a disease

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of adults, is becoming a common childhood morbidity, paralleling the prevalence of childhood obesity. Overweight children can experience hypertension, arthritis, and hyperlipidemia, and there is evidence that overweight contributes to earlier menarche in girls. Musculoskeletal morbidities are also associated with this condition. Overweight and obesity are increasing worldwide. The WHO estimates that 20 million children younger than age 5 were overweight in 2005. In developing countries, the WHO notes the double burden of undernutrition among disadvantaged populations and overweight among more sedentary urban dwellers. In affluent countries, obesity is more prevalent and more severe among poor children than among those who are not poor. In the United States, the prevalence of obesity among school-age children has increased dramatically since the late 1970s, reaching 18% among U.S. schoolchildren in 2003–4. The rate is highest among black, non-Hispanic girls age 6 to 11 years old (26.5%) and Mexican American boys age 6 to 11 years old (25.3%). The lowest obesity rates are found among Mexican American and white, non-Hispanic girls age 12 to 17 years old (13.4% and 14.6%, respectively). Approximately 19% of white, black, and Mexican American teenage boys were obese in 2003–4. The development of obesity is multifactorial and includes heredity and environment. Proved or suspected factors in the United States include decreased levels of physical activity, increased screen time (television, computers, video games), juice, soft drinks, fast food, large portion sizes, energy-dense foods (high in fat and sugar; low in fiber, vitamins, and minerals), snacking, disappearance of family dinnertime, and exposure to advertising (of fast foods, soft drinks, and/or low-quality foods). Socioeconomic status, ethnicity, and acculturation affect the interplay of many of these factors as well as the family milieu in which the child learns to choose specific foods. Inexpensive energy-dense foods have been implicated in high rates of obesity among impoverished Americans. Robert R. Tanz see also: Accidents and Injuries; Demography of Childhood; Health, Disparities in; Mortality further reading: Committee on Trauma Research, National Research Council, Institute of Medicine, Injury in America: A Continuing Public Health Problem, 1985. • E. Chen, A. D. Martin, and K. A. Matthews, “Trajectories of Socioeconomic Status across Children’s Lifetime Predict Health,” Pediatrics 120 (August 2007), pp. e297–e303. • Forum on Child and Family Statistics, http:// www.childstats.gov

mormonism. The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS) considers the bearing and rearing of children fundamental to God’s purposes in creating the world and the chief source of joy in this life and the next. Thus, children are esteemed of immense worth, and their spiritual growth is a primary concern of LDS thought and practice.

Children’s religious education is assigned primarily to the family, which is authorized to perform church ordinances and teach church doctrines within the home. Consequently, the religious identity of LDS children is formed and sustained within the home and fully integrated with basic family attachments. LDS children’s religious aspirations, like those of their parents, are domestic: to become a parent capable of facilitating their own children’s salvation. Finally, because the LDS congregation is led exclusively by laity, the continuing vitality of the church is dependent upon the training of youth to perform the church’s liturgies of word and sacrament as well as its pastoral functions. The church’s policies and the members’ attitudes regarding children are based on distinctive doctrines and are implemented by specific religious practices. LDS church members believe that life did not begin with this world, but preceded it, and that mortality is simply one stage in God’s plan to fulfill humanity’s divine potential. They reject the traditional Christian belief in original sin. The church’s canon stipulates that “children . . . are whole from the foundation of the world” (Moses 6:54), albeit born into a condition that makes disobedience to God inevitable. Thus, LDS church members share the Christian conviction that humans need saving and that salvation is accomplished by Christ’s sacrificial atonement and the exercise of human agency to desire and do good. They do not, however, believe children are liable for their wrongdoing until they are capable of conscious choice. Children are not baptized until the age of 8, and those who die before baptism are believed saved immediately through Christ’s atonement. While the church does not baptize or christen infants, it does provide a ritual for naming and blessing the child, usually by the father or grandfather, in front of the congregation. The rite signifies the child’s entry into the collective life of the church and is believed to bestow spiritual gifts upon the child. The father’s right to bless extends throughout the child’s life and is most often exercised in times of illness or significant transition, such as the beginning of a new school year. Baptism at age 8 is accompanied by an ordinance giving the gift of the Holy Ghost by the laying of hands. As with the blessing of infants, baptism and confirmation are typically performed by the family. When young men become eligible for priesthood office, fathers typically perform the ordination. At 19, young men may serve twoyear proselytizing missions; young women, at 21. All of these experiences from birth to late adolescence culminate in temple marriage rites that “seal” the couple to each other “for time and all eternity,” as well as to preceding generations and to generations to come. Underlying this high view of the human spiritual condition and human capacity to mediate God’s grace is the belief that all are literally the children of God and are on earth to obtain experience essential to becoming like their heavenly Father. It is the earthly parent’s job, with the as-

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sistance of the church, to nurture children in a manner that preserves their innate wholeness and schools their agency in that which is good. Thus, LDS homes are a formal site of religious education. Families are to gather each Monday evening for instruction on church doctrine and ethical practice. Equally stressed are lessons in family dynamics: playing together, discussing problems, establishing family priorities, and coordinating individual schedules. These lessons and activities are led not only by parents but also by the children themselves, especially as they mature. In addition, families are encouraged to pray together over meals and at the beginning and end of each day. Children take their turn as voice for these prayers. Of course, individual spiritual disciplines are also taught in the home, such as private prayer, personal morality, charitable offerings, scripture reading, and observance of the church’s proscription of alcohol, tobacco, coffee, and tea. The LDS child’s public religious life is an extension of her experience in the family, especially as she incrementally increases her participation in the adult liturgy through public prayer, song, and sermon. The child’s initial catechetical experience is at 18 months when eligible to attend Nursery during a portion of the Sunday services. Designed chiefly to socialize the child prior to enrolling at the age of 3 in Primary, Nursery develops the child’s ability to pray and concentrate on short lessons. Primary is the public program for catechizing children until age 12. Divided into classes by age and—in the final three years—by gender, the Primary program combines lessons with opening exercises that give children experience in praying and teaching outside the home. Children attend and youth are assigned roles in the weekly communion service. Upon turning 12, children enter the church’s youth programs, descriptively denominated Young Women and Young Men. Simultaneously, boys are ordained to priesthood office and begin attending the adult male leadership meeting each Sunday. With ordination also comes responsibility for performing official church functions, largely related to the weekly performance of the Lord’s Supper. By the age of 16, however, young men have authority to perform baptisms. No comparable priestly program exists for young women, though like their adult female counterparts they lead in all nonsacramental church functions by teaching, preaching, and presiding over church organizations composed of their peers. Both the Young Women’s and Young Men’s programs provide social activities and religious instruction designed to inculcate spiritual and physical self-reliance and social responsibility. To this end, the Boy Scout program has been integrated into Young Men, and the church has designed its own personal achievement program and outdoor experience for Young Women. Particular attention is given to teaching LDS sexual norms, including the counsel to not date until the age of 16. Youth are unambiguously instructed that sexual relations are permitted only in marriage between a

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woman and a man. Though strictly stated and enforced by church discipline, LDS sexual mores are not based on traditional Christian theologies regarding chastity. LDS church members do not believe that the body is spiritually corrupt; sex, the cause of the fall; or marriage, a lesser alternative to a celibate life dedicated to God. Rather, LDS youth are taught that the body, including its sexual dimension and especially its procreative powers, is a divine gift and that its potential is fulfilled in marriage as a sacramental union foundational to salvation. The church takes particular care that all these programs and practices are uniformly available and implemented worldwide, and it is largely successful. Nevertheless, family and lay church leadership results in a degree of local adaptation of program content to diverse cultural circumstance. Of greater diversifying effect is the practical experience of living these religious ideals in a community of believers who include unmarried persons and childless marriages; single-parent or part-member families; parents that betray children; and children that reject parental nurture. It remains true, however, that the community’s response to each of these circumstances is informed by the conviction that children and parents, as well as extended members of the family, are reciprocally dependent upon one another to fulfill the God-given purpose of their existence. Kathleen Flake see also: Child: Religious and Philosophical Perspectives; Religious Instruction further reading: James B. Allen, Ronald W. Walker, and David J. Whittaker, eds., Studies in Mormon History, 1830–1997: An Indexed Bibliography, 2000. • Terryl L. Givens, The Latter-day Saint Experience in America, 2004. • The LDS Church canon, http://www .lds.org

mortality. Mortality may be defined as the permanent disappearance of all evidence of life at any time after live birth has taken place. This definition, therefore, excludes fetal deaths. Historically, fetal deaths were often called stillbirths, especially after 28 weeks or more of completed gestation. Infant mortality is death during the first year of life (younger than 1 year, or exact demographic age 0). It is most commonly measured by the infant mortality rate, or deaths at exact age 0 per 1,000 live births. A live birth was defined by the United Nations in 1955 as “the complete expulsion or extraction from its mother of a product of conception, irrespective of the duration of pregnancy, which after such separation, breathes or shows any evidence of life, such as beating of the heart, pulsation of the umbilical cord, or definite movement of voluntary muscles, whether or not the umbilical cord has been cut or the placenta is attached; each product of such birth is considered live-born.” Infant mortality is, in turn, subdivided into neonatal mor-

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tality (death before 28 days) and postneonatal mortality (mortality from 28 days to the completion of 11 months). With neonatal mortality, a distinction is made of deaths of children younger than 7 days of age. This is called perinatal mortality. Historically, postneonatal mortality was a much larger share of total infant mortality than it is now in the lowmortality nations. For example, in the Death Registration Area life table for the United States for 1900–1902, neonatal mortality was about one-third and postneonatal mortality about two-thirds of total infant deaths. By 1920, these components were equal because there was better care during childhood. By 1950, the situation had reversed, with about three-quarters of all infant deaths occurring in the neonatal period. Today, the situation has settled back to about twothirds neonatal and one-third postneonatal. This situation is typical for low-mortality, developed nations. The reason is a shift in the cause of death. Postneonatal deaths are predominantly due to infectious and parasitic diseases, especially gastrointestinal infections in the hot months of the late spring, summer, and early fall, and respiratory infections in the cold months of late fall, winter, and early spring. Neonatal deaths are much more likely due to congenital defects and birth injuries and the conditions of prematurity. In 1900, 49% of all infant deaths in the United States were from infectious diseases, affecting older weanling infants who were given artificial food (instead of, or in addition to, breast milk) and were exposed to environmental health hazards such as impure water and food and poor and crowded living conditions. Of these infectious diseases, about half were gastrointestinal and about a third were respiratory infections. By the 1960s, only about 12% of all infant deaths in the United States were caused by infectious disease, and, of those, three-quarters were respiratory, while gastrointestinal infections had declined to about 17% of all deaths from infectious disease and caused only 1% of all infant deaths. Improvement in sanitary feeding practices (e.g., pasteurized milk, clean water supplies, better infant foods, antibiotic development, immunizations) and reduction in exposure to respiratory infections played a central role in the reduction in infant mortality. By 2004, only 5% of all infant deaths were due to infectious and parasitic diseases, including diseases of the respiratory and digestive systems. There was little difference across racial groups (4.7% for whites and 5.5% for African Americans), although the infant mortality rate for blacks (13.8 per 1,000) was 120% higher than that for whites (6.8). Much of that difference was in the neonatal mortality rate, very much reflecting poorer prenatal care for the black population. Differences in infant and childhood mortality by gender are not exceptionally large in the United States, but females fare better than males, which has been almost always true at all ages. In 2004, the overall infant mortality rate for males

was 7.8 and for females 6.1. There were similar differences by race (for whites 6.2 for males and 5.1 for females and for African Americans 15.2 for males and 12.3 for females). Much of the difference was due to neonatal mortality, frequently due to congenital abnormalities at birth. Childhood mortality includes deaths prior to 18 years but after 1 year. Significant mortality occurs in the first 5 years, especially at ages 1 and 2. There are alternative measures of early childhood mortality, such as the early childhood mortality rate (deaths at age 1 year to 2 years per 1,000 children). There are also measures of probability of dying younger than age 2 (q(2)) or younger than age 5 (q(5)). For example, about 26% of all non-Hispanic Caucasian children in the United States in 1850 died before reaching age 2 and 29% before reaching age 5. This had fallen to 0.6% and 0.7%, respectively, by the year 2002. Mortality at ages from later childhood into adolescence, generally ages 5 to 19, is usually the lowest in the life span. Mortality risks begin to rise again from the late teens into old age. During and after adolescence, death is most often due to violence and accidents, and male mortality frequently is greatly in excess of female mortality. The level of mortality in the United States in the 19th century was not exceptional for the era. This was partly due to the more rural character of the nation and its relatively good state of diet and comparative health. Around 1860, for example, the infant mortality rate in the United States for whites was about 181. In comparison, a number of European nations at the same date had these infant mortality numbers: Austria, 237; Belgium, 164 in 1861; Denmark, 136; France, 190 in 1861; Germany, 260; Ireland, 98 in 1864; Italy, 232 in 1863; the Netherlands, 192; Norway, 102; Spain, 174; Sweden, 124; and England and Wales, 148. By about 1900, the United States was at 111 for whites and 170 for African Americans and was doing reasonably well in comparison: Austria, 231; Belgium, 172; Denmark, 132; France, 160; Germany, 207 in 1901; Hungary, 223; Ireland, 109; Italy, 174; the Netherlands, 155; Norway, 155; European Russia, 232; Spain, 204; Sweden, 99; Switzerland, 150; and England and Wales, 154. Despite this, progress in reducing infant and childhood mortality was subject to criticism by such agencies as the Children’s Bureau for failure to keep up with such nations as New Zealand (75), Australia (103 in 1901), Norway, and Sweden. In general, the infant mortality number for any nation or group is used as a proxy for general health and welfare, so these numbers are watched closely. By the latter part of the 20th century, the United States had begun to lag behind other developed countries, many with lower incomes. During the 1950s and 1960s, the rate of decline of American infant mortality slowed, with other developed nations improving. This has been attributed to the failure of the American medical and public health care system to distribute widely prenatal care and maternal and

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child health care. In 1960, the United States ranked 11th in the world in degree of favorable infant mortality rate. This had fallen to 19th in 1970, 22nd in 1980, 28th in 1990, and 39th in 2004. On the other hand, absolute levels are now low. The infant mortality rate in the United States was 6.85 in 2003: 5.72 for non-Hispanic Caucasians and 14.0 for African Americans. Among the lowest infant mortality rates in 2004 (lower than 4) were several Scandinavian nations (Sweden, 3.3; Norway, 3.5; Finland, 3.0; Iceland, 2.4) as well as Japan (3.0), Spain (3.2), the Czech Republic (3.9), and Singapore (2.6). The highest infant mortality rates (higher than 100) were all found in sub-Saharan Africa, the worst being in Sierra Leone (165.4). Some war-torn areas in Africa and Asia did not report but undoubtedly had very poor infant survival. Many foreign aid programs are targeted to nations with infant mortality rates higher than 50. This includes monies for child health but also general health interventions. Notable among the differentials were those by race. The African American population had uniformly higher infant and child mortality compared to the white population from the first measurement to the present: 57% higher in 1850, 53% higher in 1900, 66% higher in 1950, and 245% higher in 2003. Yet both groups experienced a transition in infant mortality, and the absolute difference is now much smaller, although the differential remains at 2 to 2.5 times greater for African Americans: 8.28 infant deaths per 1,000 live births in 2003 versus about 60 in 1900. Nevertheless, this ethnic difference does not explain the relatively poor U.S. standing among nations. If the nonwhite population had had the same infant mortality rate as the white population (5.72) using 2003 numbers, the United States would only have moved to 35th place in world rankings. Historical mortality patterns of note were those by ruralurban residence. In the 19th century, mortality in American cities (as elsewhere) was considerably higher than in the countryside, and the difference may have been widening. Cities often had infant mortality rates 30% to 40% higher than the overall average for the state. By 1900–1902, the probability of dying before age 1 for the urban portion of the Death Registration Area life table for the United States was about 40% higher than for the rural group. It was 30% higher in 1909–11. The relative difference had been as large as 48% in 1890. This differential was being reduced by the late 19th century as public health measures in cities were becoming more effective. The convergence or crossover between rural and urban mortality took place when urban areas became healthier places than rural places, often beginning in the 20th century. The historical evidence for the presently developed nations is quite clear about the very high mortality in cities relative to rural areas before the 20th century. For example, in England and Wales in the 1850s, urban districts had mortality on average 24% higher than rural districts. In Norway just prior to 1900, the urban

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infant mortality rate was 125.7 and only 83.0 in rural areas. Today, the rates have crossed over in most places because of the better availability and quality of public health measures and health care in urban places as well as the higher socioeconomic status in the urban areas. Differentials in the infant mortality rate by gender are well documented. The expected higher mortality of males at younger ages (q(1), q(2), q(5)) was generally true for the United States and most other countries and regions, even in the higher mortality situation of the 19th century. Higher male mortality has persisted up to the present, beginning with fetal loss rates and continuing across childhood and adolescence. This is observed in both developed and developing countries. Infant mortality differentials by socioeconomic status can be examined from the perspectives of income, wealth, education, and/or occupation. Unfortunately, vital statistics and census data do not provide sufficient detail on such dimensions, either in published tables or in microdata sets. For the United States, census data on income are not available before 1940, and census wealth data ceased to be collected after 1870. Occupation of father can be used to look at differences in socioeconomic status up to recent years. Education of father has been used more recently. These data show some tendency for inequality due to socioeconomic status to worsen from the 1890s to the 1920s. There was likely some improvement from the 1930s to the 1950s, in parallel with a general evening in income distribution. But differentials seem to have widened again, despite the overall decline in infant and child mortality. Social status gradients in infant mortality in the United States continue to exist and to be relatively large in relative terms. There is currently a 50% to 150% “penalty” in infant mortality for being in the lowest socioeconomic status group relative to the highest one. There is evidence of similar gradients in other nations, especially for England and Wales. Being poor clearly adds to the risk of early demise. An early set of studies of eight American cities in the period from 1911 to 1915 by the Children’s Bureau did investigate a variety of factors associated with infant mortality, including birth order, birth interval (time between pregnancies), father’s income, mother’s age, ethnicity, race, and infant feeding practices. Income did make a difference in the expected direction: Lower income was associated with higher infant mortality. Also, higher birth orders, shorter birth intervals, very young or very old mothers, and less breastfeeding raised infant mortality. Education is a dimension of socioeconomic status that has been found to be fairly consistently related to infant and childhood mortality in developing countries in the present era. Higher levels of mother’s education produce better average child survival. Very limited information about schooling is available for the United States and many developed nations before 1940. Literacy, quite an imperfect

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substitute, had been surveyed in censuses going back to 1850. When there was such a connection in 1900 and 1910, literacy of both husbands and wives and (in 1910) their ability to speak English were positively related to greater child survival. Such differentials have remained up to the 1990s in the United States. Finally, there have been substantial differentials historically in infant and child mortality by occupation of the father and labor force status of the mother in the United States. This has been found for the censuses of 1900 and 1910, but the differences were not as great as those found for England and Wales from 1911 to 1951. The differentials were usually in the expected direction—lower socioeconomic status resulted in higher child mortality on average—but the patterns were often mixed. A working mother had poorer chances for her children to survive, but those effects disappeared when other factors were controlled. An investigation using vital statistics from the Death Registration Area life table for the United States in the 1920s revealed that occupational and socioeconomic status differences in child mortality had widened since 1900. Those occupational and socioeconomic status differentials in infant mortality remained in the 1950s and 1960s. Michael R. Haines see also: Demography of Childhood; Health, Disparities in; Morbidity; Sudden Infant Death Syndrome further reading: Samuel H. Preston and Michael R. Haines, Fatal Years: Child Mortality in Late Nineteenth Century America, 1991. • Carlo A. Corsini and Pier Paolo Viazzo, eds., The Decline of Infant and Child Mortality: The European Experience, 1750–1990, 1997. • United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division, Too Young to Die: Genes or Gender?, 1998. • United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), Trends in Child Mortality in the Developing World: 1960–1996, 1999. • Michael R. Haines and Richard H. Steckel, eds., A Population History of North America, 2000.

mother-child relationship Historical and Cultural Perspectives Developmental Perspectives

historical and cultural perspectives. Mothering is part of the life course of women around the world and is central to the survival and healthy development of infants and children. Mothers also contribute in significant ways to household production. Managing reproductive and productive activities is a challenge for women now, just as it was in the past, and the strategies they develop involve trade-offs. How women meet competing demands and the relationship that develops between them and their children as a result are mediated by aspects of the cultural, economic, political, and religious life in which they take part as well as by characteristics particular to mother, child, and important others.

Mothering is best thought of as the social practices of nurturing and caring for dependent children. As do women, most men nurture and care for children at some time in their lives, but mothering traditionally is associated with women and girls. Women are expected to be mothers, and throughout the long evolution of the human species women have spent their reproductive years pregnant, nursing, and/or raising dependent children. The inability to conceive or give birth is often costly for women, especially in societies, past and present, where women are defined and judged largely by their ability to bear children. In India, motherhood is a sacred duty. In Nigeria, childless women are abhorred. And in the United States, infertile women are known to experience distress related to their inability to have children. Recent technology, however, has freed women of the biological mission of reproduction, and women may limit or delay childbearing, often in the service of better mothering. G o o d Moth er i ng How women mother is inextricably linked to what a society values in women and children. Good mothering in middle-class communities in the United States and Western Europe is intensive: the exclusive responsibility of the mother, child centered, emotionally involving, and time consuming. Practices valued are those that encourage independence and autonomy in children, even at the expense of obedience and conformity. Independence and autonomy are likely to develop when a mother is warm and positive, when she is highly receptive to an infant’s signals and privileges positive compared to negative signals, and when she structures a child’s endeavors in challenging ways that often yield comfortably to the child’s will. Mothering practices valued in many East Asian and African settings, by comparison, encourage relational harmony: conformity, obligation, reciprocity, and loyalty. Physical control, directiveness, and strictness that promote children’s compliance with social norms are related to the development of these desired qualities, rather than independence and autonomy. Maternal anticipation of children’s needs and heightened sensitivity to children’s negative compared to positive signals also foster the development of relational harmony. This parenting style is rooted in notions of respect and self-sacrifice and is considered an expression of warmth. However, it is viewed by many North American parents as rooted in notions of inequality and an expression of insensitive care. There are other correlates of mothers’ engagement with children related to community emphasis on autonomy or relational harmony. In Germany, the middle-class United States, and Israel, interactions are often dyadic and faceto-face, and play with adults typically references objects rather than people. These qualities heighten children’s sense of separateness, and growing up involves separating from families. In Japan, China, Korea, and many sub-

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Saharan communities, bodily contact is preferred; social engagement with children is not exclusive but involves others, and attention is shared; and play with adults typically references people rather than objects. These qualities heighten in children a sense of social connectedness as well as a sense of growing up with the family as the child becomes an adolescent. Expert opinion—state and religious leaders, health providers, and, recently, commercial interests—has a say in defining and sanctioning good mothers. Consider infant feeding practices. Wealthy European mothers were advised by their physicians in the 17th and 18th centuries to delay breastfeeding, thereby disrupting milk production and increasing reliance on wet nurses. Bottle feeding came into vogue in the late 19th century as the prescribed way to feed babies but fell out of favor in the United States in the 1990s. While the majority of U.S. women now breastfeed their infants, many women remain unsure about this practice, and its occurrence relates to women’s ethnicity as well as economic and educational status. While breastfeeding gained ground in the contemporary United States, bottle feeding gained ground in low-income countries like Kenya due in part to aggressive marketing by infant formula manufacturers. Lack of access to clean water and overdilution of formulas, however, led to horrible consequences: increasing infant mortality rates in countries like in Ghana, India, and Peru and decreasing birth intervals, an added stress to mother and child. Mothering is learned. Throughout time and in many cultures today, women and girls have countless opportunities to observe and participate in the care of children. Young girls in traditional societies babysit infants, and their involvement intensifies as they age. Child care is the third most common labor activity among girls in Botswana’s Okavango Delta, and Kenyan Gusii girls interact with young infants as much as their mothers do. This is less true of girls in high-income countries, in part because of time spent in formal educational settings. By adulthood, women in these societies have had few opportunities to provide care and attend formal classes or read how-to publications, and they may feel ill prepared to adapt to the new demands of mothering. Competi ng Dem and s Mothers must choose how limited time and energy are spent throughout their lives. While conceptions of good mothering figure importantly in how they do this, mothers must translate ideology into practice based on the personal circumstances of their lives. Mothers who are depressed, stressed, or suffer ill health are compromised in their ability to provide good care, and many women around the world face the dilemma of inadequate resources to secure their children’s health and well-being. Among the Alto do Cruzeiro of Brazil and in the Ituri Forest of the Demo-

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cratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), sick infants receive less care when they are deemed too ill to recover, and some resource-poor European mothers in the 16th to 18th century practiced infanticide in the face of extremely high rates of fertility. Single and low-income mothers everywhere are at a disadvantage in providing adequate resources and attention to their young. Child characteristics are also determinants of care. In the United States, babies that are temperamentally difficult are more likely to receive coercive forms of discipline and to be ignored than are temperamentally easy babies, and they are at risk for later behavioral and psychological problems. But among the Masai of Kenya, temperamentally difficult babies are more likely to secure resources during times of scarcity and have a higher survival rate than easy babies. Fussy Efe infants of the DRC that are difficult to soothe spend more time with their mothers than do infants more easily soothed. This practice reflects Efe belief that a fussy baby is an ill baby in need of maternal contact. In India and China, the child’s sex traditionally determined the quality of mothering the child received, and everywhere children who are developmentally disabled are often at risk for inadequate care. Environmental risks pose important constraints on mothering. Mothers in traditional societies where infant mortality is high care for young infants in ways that allow for continuous surveillance and rapid response to infant distress, minimizing threats to survival. Children are nursed on demand and carried for the first few years of life. Navajo mothers contain infants in cradleboards to reduce potential for injury, and Kalahari forager mothers restrict older children’s wandering because of dangers of the savanna. Many mothers in low-infant-mortality settings, by comparison, are able to prioritize care that involves active engagement and stimulation of infants. But this may be less the case among Native American, Latina, African American, and majority-American women who live in stressful environments and continue to fear for the health or physical safety of their children. Wo r k i ng Moth er s Mothers have always worked, often with little distinction between their productive and reproductive contributions, although in some locales women’s productive contribution is highly valued. Good urban Ghanian Asante mothers provide financially for their children rather than remain at home with them, and market women in Kerala, India, are seen as necessary economic partners to their husbands. Now and in the past, women’s subsistence work is characterized by its compatibility with care, especially of young infants. Compared to men, women’s productive activities are closer to home, less dangerous, and interruptible. Women forage, garden, and process food with children in tow. Activities that are less flexible are negotiated with alternative caregiv-

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ers. Central African Aka and Filipinas Agta women participate in hunts while others tend their babies, and Australian Martu mothers take only nursing infants on long gathering forays. Zincatec Maya and West African Wolof mothers employ siblings in the village settings, where adults are often nearby if needed, and Humla Nepali women travel difficult terrain on their way to their fields and leave their babies behind, sometimes alone, securely wedged in baskets if no one is there to care for them. During colonial times in North America, women’s roles as worker and mother were both valued. This began to change, however, in the early 1800s as the economy became more cash dependent. Maternal contributions to the household increasingly were defined as caring rather than providing for the family as notions of good mothering became incompatible with formal market participation. Women of ethnic minorities and lower socioeconomic status, however, were expected to work and had valued productive and reproductive roles in their community. Today, the number of mothers entering the paid labor market is at record levels, and a good mother is also a wage earner. What has not changed is the expectation that mothering ought to be intensive, causing many to feel concern about their children’s well-being and regret over missed opportunities for interaction. Societal arrangements like workplace practices that separate children from mothers and other adults for much of the day and compulsory schooling relate to children’s social engagements. In these communities, many mothers adjust their speech form to facilitate children’s involvement in adult conversation and consider playing with children a part of the maternal role. By contrast, mothers in more traditional societies who spend much of the day with children rarely modify their speech form or play with their children. As the prevalence of schooling and reliance upon commercial work increase in these areas, other patterns of mother-child engagement will likely change as well. The more schooling Mexican mothers have, the more likely they are to talk with their babies and verbally respond to their babies’ vocalizations. The more schooling Maya mothers have, the more likely they are to manage their children’s involvement in certain activities by using practices commonly observed in formal school settings like asking them testlike questions (known-answer questions) and assigning individual turn taking. Wh en Moth er s Ar e Oth er s Shared mothering is common across cultures, with mothers often relying on older children and other kin to help with care. Efe infants spend considerable time with others even when their mothers are close by and the number and diversity of caregivers are high. Italian mothers report that social support ameliorates the stress of caring for young children, and Finnish mothers practice more sensitive parenting when they have help. If family or friends are not available,

women rely oftentimes on formal care arrangements. While use of formal care has risen in high-income countries, preference for it varies with child age, maternal income, and ethnicity. Some mothers in the United States worry that people caring for their child will usurp their emotional role and instead elect to use more custodial forms of formal care to prevent this from happening. Still, informal care arrangements are more prevalent in the United States than are formal care arrangements. C o nc lu s io n Children’s relationships with the people who mother them depend on the circumstances of their lives. Cultural notions of good mothering and competent children are central to the relationships that develop, as are characteristics particular to the mother, child, and significant others. At the beginning of the 21st century, mothers and children are adapting to dramatic cultural change, and the social and physical supports they receive are key to their ability to do it well. Gilda A. Morelli, Paula K. Ivey Henry, and Tara A. O’Hanley see also: Authority and Obedience; Family; Father-Child Relationship; Gay and Lesbian Parents; Oedipus Conflict; Parenthood; Rights, Parental; Single Parents further reading: J. B. Lancaster, Parenting across the Life Span: Biosocial Dimensions, 1987. • T. Arendell, “Conceiving and Investigating Motherhood: The Decade’s Scholarship,” Journal of Marriage and the Family 62, no. 4 (2000), pp. 1192–1207. • B. S. Hewlett and M. E. Lamb, Hunter-Gatherer Childhoods: Evolutionary, Developmental, and Cultural Perspectives, 2005. • E. Boris and C. H. Lewis, “Caregiving and Wage-Earning: A Historical Perspective on Work and Family,” in The Work and Family Handbook: Multi-disciplinary Perspectives and Approaches, 2006, pp. 73–98.

developmental perspectives. Virtually all children have close emotional ties to their mothers. Although children have important relationships with other people who care for them—fathers, grandmothers, older siblings, child care providers, and teachers—for most children, the relationship with the mother is the first important relationship and a relationship of enduring psychological importance. From birth, babies are prepared to engage in social interaction with other people. Newborns orient to faces and voices; they demand to be responded to through crying, rooting, and grimacing; and they take comfort from human touch and warmth. The social interactions newborns have with others, however, are not yet relationships. Young infants respond indiscriminately to a variety of social partners, with no one person playing a special role for them. It is not until they are 8 or 9 months old that infants show clear recognition that not all people in their lives are interchangeable and that mothers in particular are special. During the second half of the first year of life, infants begin to show wariness of unfamiliar people and to sometimes show

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distress when their mothers are out of sight. When upset, these older babies seek comfort from their mothers and are more easily comforted by their mothers than by other people. When faced with novel situations, they look to their mothers for information, and they are better able to explore the environment when their mothers are close at hand. All of these behaviors are signs that the mother-child relationship has been established. The kind of relationship that infants develop with their mothers is called an attachment relationship. Although it was once thought that the bond between the baby and mother was built on feeding and satisfaction of the child’s oral needs, in humans and other primates that relationship is grounded in factors such as close bodily contact and responsiveness to the child’s needs for comfort. Social and biological scientists, drawing in large part on the seminal work of John Bowlby, have emphasized the survival value of the bond between the mother and baby and the role that relationship plays in providing the infant with comfort and security in the presence of fear or stress. The relationship with the mother serves as a safe haven for the child in times of stress and can allow the infant to comfortably explore the world from the secure base of maternal protection. The propensity to develop an attachment relationship to the mother appears to be powerfully rooted in human biology. Virtually all human infants develop attachment relationships with their mothers (or whoever else is their primary caregiver). From an evolutionary perspective, it is hard to imagine how human infants would survive if they did not strongly signal their needs for care and, once able to crawl and walk, to remain in proximity to their mothers, especially in the presence of something unfamiliar and possibly dangerous in the environment. Babies around the world show attachment behavior on approximately the same developmental timetable, showing fear of the unfamiliar and preference for the mother around the same age that they become capable of crawling. Developing an attachment relationship is so much part of typical human development that in the rare situations where children who are deprived of the care of a mother or someone who nurtures a child in motherly ways—such as children reared in some orphanage settings—those children do not thrive physically or emotionally. Although all infants develop attachment relationships with their mothers (or other primary caregiver), the nature of those relationships may vary greatly depending on how mothers respond to their infants’ needs. A large body of research, mostly conducted in the United States and Western Europe, has identified four primary types of infant attachment relationships that are linked to patterns of maternal responsiveness with infants. This research has relied heavily on an observational procedure called the Strange Situation during which infants visiting a psychology laboratory are exposed to a series of moderate stresses, including the pres-

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ence of a friendly female stranger as well as brief separations from and reunions with their mother. In the Strange Situation research, most babies show a pattern of behavior in which they seek comfort from their mothers when they are upset and in which they are able to be fully soothed by their mothers’ comfort. The babies are able to explore their environments in their mothers’ presence, confidant that she will protect them. This pattern of behavior is called a secure attachment. Securely attached infants have mothers who typically respond to their signals of fear or upset with nurturing behavior and who follow their infants’ signals in social interactions. Their mothers’ behavior allows these infants to trust in their mothers’ availability, responsiveness, and protection. Other babies show behavior suggesting an avoidant attachment relationship with their mothers. These are infants who, although attached to their mothers, tend to hide their feelings of upset and avoid interaction when upset during the Strange Situation. They do little to establish contact with their mothers and appear independent in their play. Mothers of infants with avoidant attachment behavior tend to be nonresponsive to their infants’ upset and to direct interactions with their infants, rather than letting the infants take the lead. A third group of infants show behavior suggesting an ambivalent attachment relationship. Paradoxically, they may show clearly that they want comfort from their mothers but when offered comfort also display anger and rejection. These are infants whose mothers have tended to be inconsistent in responding to their babies’ needs. Finally, a fourth small group of infants shows signs of disorganized and disoriented attachment behavior. They may seem dazed or confused in seeking comfort from their mothers or give contradictory signals about whether they want contact from their mothers. Some babies with disorganized attachment relationships may have been maltreated by their mothers, or their mothers may themselves have been the victim of maltreatment or other family violence. The type of relationship that an infant develops with the mother during infancy may lay the foundation for behavior and personality at later ages. Infants who have secure attachment relationships with their mothers are more confident and socially competent with peers and teachers during early and middle childhood. Infants who show avoidant attachment behavior relationships are more likely to be emotionally distant. Infants with ambivalent attachment relationships may be more prone to feelings of anxiety. Infants who display disorganized attachment behavior may be more prone to psychopathology and aggression. Infant attachment behavior may look different in different cultural settings, depending on cultural norms for maternal caregiving. Mother-child relationships are shaped by basic subsistence priorities that govern how infants are fed, held, and responded to and the degree to which nonmaternal caregivers also care for the child. Mother-infant

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relationships are embedded within larger cultural goals for children’s development related to valuing of autonomy/ interdependence, assertion, creativity, respect, and obedience. In cultures that value independence and emotional control, mothers may be less responsive to infant emotional cues, and infants learn early to control their overt expressions of attachment behavior and to tolerate at early ages separations from their mothers. In cultures that value interdependence, infants may have little experience with separation from their mothers, parents may value infants’ expression of connection and need, and infants may find it very difficult to regulate stress and fear without support of their mothers. Although the mother serving as a source of safety and security is core to the mother-child relationship, that relationship has other facets as well, which are also shaped by cultural factors. In American culture, mothers and babies often share companionship and play activities with one another, while in other cultures play is an activity babies experience only with older children. In virtually all cultures, a central part of the mother-child relationship, especially after infancy, is the transmission of values and teaching of skills. Although the mother remains someone who is responsive to the child’s needs for nurturing, she increasingly makes efforts to shape the child’s development by offering guidance, teaching skills, setting limits, monitoring behavior, and/or ensuring that other people do these things. In many cultures of the world, especially where subsistence depends on children’s work, maternal training is critical and central to their relationship. With development, mother-child relationships change in ways that allow children to function with independence, to gain new skills, and to develop important relationships with others. With increasing experience and cognitive capability, children learn that their mothers will return after separations and that they are safe in a variety of familiar settings, even in their mothers’ absence. It is normal as children get older for them to adapt to longer separations from their mothers and greater distances from their mothers. The anthropologist Margaret Mead described this age progression in terms of lap children, knee children, yard children, and community children. There may be particular stress points in the relationship as the mother-child relationship evolves and the child takes steps toward increasing autonomy. Within American culture, toddlerhood—often described as the “terrible twos”—is a developmental period when children may become resistant and assertive with parents, seemingly as part of a struggle to assert their independence despite the reality that they remain extremely dependent on parents for all their basic needs. Adolescence is another time during which relationships between parents and children may become stressed. Commentaries of adolescence in the Western world emphasize

that, as a necessary part of the process of establishing individual identity and sense of autonomy, young people experience a break in relationships with parents that includes high levels of confl ict and detachment. Although research suggests that during adolescence, especially during the early teenage years, there are increases in confl ict between mothers and children, most of this confl ict is minor. Disagreements tend to be focused on issues such as chores, clothing, and family rules, but not core values. Mothers may be the parent most likely to experience these stressful encounters, and it is perhaps not surprising that a low point in many women’s personal well-being is during the years when they have adolescents in the home. These exchanges may be especially emotionally charged for mothers of daughters. Yet less than 10% of American teenagers and parents experience a significant deterioration in the harmony of their interactions, and even though peer relationships become increasingly important for teenagers, young people normally do not detach from parents. For most teenagers, emotional connections remain strong with parents. In fact, teenagers with the best mental health and the best capacity to be resilient when faced with stress are those who have strong relationships with parents. Strong parent-adolescent relationships are associated with an authoritative parenting style that combines and strikes a balance between authority and warmth. Across American cultural groups, parent-adolescent relationships thrive when the parent maintains control, but in ways that are not experienced by the adolescent as intrusive or aggressive, and when the parent allows the child autonomy, but in ways that offer the adolescent the sense of security that support is there when needed. Sydney L. Hans see also: Attachment, Infant; Bowlby, John; Father-Child Relationship; Parenthood further reading: J. Bowlby, “The Role of Attachment in Personality Development,” in J. Bowlby, ed., Secure Base, 1988, pp. 119–36. • L. Steinberg, “We Know Some Things: ParentAdolescent Relationships in Retrospect and Prospect,” Journal of Research on Adolescence 11, no. 1 (2001), pp. 1–19. • D. N. Stern, The First Relationship: Infant and Mother, 2002. • L. A. Sroufe, B. Egeland, E. A. Carlson, and W. A. Collins, The Development of the Person: The Minnesota Study of Risk and Adaptation from Birth to Adulthood, 2005.

motor development. Normal development of movement and posture in human beings is a hardwired, genetically influenced, predictable sequence of events influenced by strength, height, motivation, encouragement, opportunity to practice skills, and other environmental factors. Nothing is more gratifying to new parents than watching their children march through the expected motor milestones of infancy and childhood. Motor development proceeds from head to toe and from the center of the body to the periphery. During the

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first month of life, the newborn should be thrusting arms and legs energetically in play, exhibiting abundant, variable movements. By 2 to 3 months of age, the infant’s arm and leg thrusting becomes reciprocal, mimicking a crawling motion. Being able to hold the head up in midline is the hallmark motor milestone of the fourth month of life. Rolling, first stomach to back and then back to stomach, is typically seen between 4 and 6 months. Children usually sit unassisted by 6 to 8 months. Crawling often, but not always, is achieved by 8 to 10 months. Some babies skip crawling altogether and go straight to walking, a deviation from the typical pattern of development believed to be of no importance if other motor development is normal. Patterning is an intervention that involves teaching children who went from sitting to walking (not sitting to crawling to walking) how to crawl, based on the belief that not crawling might lead to later ill effects on development and learning. There is no evidence to support this claim, and there are no known consequences caused by skipping the crawling milestone. Patterning (also know as the Doman-Delacato method) is also advocated by some, though unproved, for children with developmental delays and disabilities. By the time a child walks, the ranges of normal for motor milestones become broad. Prior to 1 year of age, infants who are the same age typically meet milestones within one or two months of one another. However, by 18 months, the range of normal is broader. Typically developing children take their first steps between 9 and 17 months. So by 18 months of age, some toddlers will have been walking for nine months, while others are just taking their first steps. This variation may be due to differences in body size, muscle tone, or temperament. Jumping with two feet off the floor occurs, on average, at 24 months (range 17 to 36 months). Walking down stairs alone with both feet on each step is a milestone accomplished by age 24 months (range 19 to 30 months). By age 4 to 6 years, children can usually stand on one foot for several seconds and walk upstairs alternating feet. Children between the ages of 3 and 6 years can walk on a stable balance beam. Children who are 4 years old should be able to ride a Big Wheel or tricycle with ease. By age 5 to 6, most children can jump at least 12 inches high, catch a large playground ball, and long jump about 3 feet. Skipping typically is achieved by age of 5 to 7 years. Rhythmic hopping, as in jumping rope, and riding a two-wheeled bicycle are skills that most 6- to 7-year-olds can perform. Motor milestones beyond age 8 are highly variable, with few established norms. The range of normal for gross motor development depends heavily on the child’s individual muscle tone: the tightness or softness of the muscle at rest and in motion. Babies with lower tone often continue to have relatively low tone, slower development of motor skills, and less athletic ability into adulthood, even when there is an attempt

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to compensate by building muscle strength. Children with higher muscle tone tend to accomplish motor milestones more rapidly and have greater athletic ability throughout life. Muscle tone, coordination, and pace of motor development appear to be inherited. Fine motor development, such as the use of hands in skilled activities, tends to be more constant over time. An object placed in the palm of the hand stimulates a grasping reflex. As this normal palmar grasp reflex of the newborn gradually disappears, the infant gains volitional control of fine motor skills. The infant holds hands together at 3 to 4 months, persistently reaches for objects at 4 to 5 months, and grasps and transfers objects from one hand to the other by 5 to 6 months. A neat pincer grasp, the use of the index finger and thumb, appears between 9 and 12 months. The ability to scribble is apparent between 12 and 17 months. Copying a vertical line occurs at 2 to 2.5 years. By age 3, children should be able to draw a circle. By age 3.5 to 4.5, they can copy a cross. By 5 to 5.5 years, they can copy a square and by age 5 trace a horizontal line and cut with scissors on a line. By age 5 to 6 years, children should be able to draw a person with a head, body, arms, and legs and print their first name (four letters). I n f lu enc e s o n Moto r D e v elo pm en t A variety of factors influence the rate of motor development. Family history is important since there tends to be a similarity among family members. Ethnic heritage must be taken into account when assessing infant motor development. As early as infancy, African Americans as a group exhibit high muscle tone compared to Caucasians and Asians. Rapid acquisition of gross motor milestones has been noted among African, East Indian, and Middle Eastern children compared to white American children. This may be due to neuromotor precocity, cultural emphasis on gross motor skill development, and/or inherited behavioral style. Cultural practices may influence particular aspects of motor development. For example, Latin American and Asian babies are less likely to be placed on the floor by their parents, perhaps because of concerns about safety, diminishing opportunities to explore and temporarily delaying motor development. Similarly, being obese slows motor development by decreasing exploration time and ease of movement. Obese babies get tired faster and are physically restricted by their own weight. Environmental factors like emphasis on learning to walk may play a role in the speed of acquisition of some motor milestones, but extreme deprivation is usually necessary to produce significant delay in motor development. Studies on the use of cradleboards by the Hopi Native American tribe revealed that infants confined early in life to boards (mostly while sleeping) experienced no alteration in the timing or quality of walking because they still had ample opportunity for free movement.

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Recent changes in care practices in the United States, Western Europe, and Australia have changed the course of motor development. The Back to Sleep Program, aimed at decreasing the prevalence of sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS), encourages parents to place their babies to sleep on their backs. Because of the success of this effort, many parents are reluctant to put their children on their bellies even during the day. There has been a gradual shift in the motor development of infants in places where the Back to Sleep campaign has been adopted, with a relative delay of one to two months in onset of rolling and crawling. Many providers who care for children advise ample “tummy time” and opportunities for babies to be on the floor in a supervised environment to explore while they are awake. There are no consistent gender differences in motor development, but nutrition and related socioeconomic factors do play a role. A study from Nepal showed that children who ate meat and were not anemic walked earlier than vegetarian, anemic children, findings substantiated by another study from Guatemala. An important study in a low-socioeconomic population in Costa Rica supported the association between anemia and motor delays. Studies from Papua New Guinea, have shown that chronic undernutrition of children is associated with delay in key motor milestones such as learning to walk. Children from low-income families may have delayed fine motor skills such as drawing. If fine motor delay is noted in a child from a low-income family, lack of opportunity should be considered and writing implements provided in addition to occupational therapy. The family may need to be taught to encourage regular practice at home in a way that makes learning to write fun. P r ed ic tab i l i t y o f Moto r D e v elo pm en t When a child has delayed motor development, parents and medical providers may be less concerned than if the child has delayed language development. Motor development is less predictive of measured intelligence (IQ), academic skills, and school performance than are other aspects of development. However, the rate of motor development of early childhood is likely to positively predict coordination and athletic ability. There is also a general relationship between earlier motor milestones and later achievement. Severely delayed motor milestones are associated with developmental compromises. Immaturities in motor skills, for example, could indicate that organized sports may not be the child’s strongest skill. Children with intellectual disability may have gross motor development as their relatively strongest developmental domain while still having cognitive defects. Abnor m al Motor Dev elopmen t When a child has delayed gross motor but relatively normal fine motor and cognitive development, several diag-

noses should be considered. This may represent a variation of normal, exhibiting immaturities that do not ultimately interfere with function. The diagnosis of benign congenital hypotonia, an inherited, familial condition of low muscle tone, must be considered. It is characterized by low muscle tone beyond the range of normal and may be associated with eventual clumsiness. However, as the name suggests, benign congenital hypotonia is an overall reassuring diagnosis with gradual improvement in motor skills and no serious functional impairment observed over time. On the other end of the prognostic spectrum are children with motor delays that herald delays in all areas, global developmental delay (GDD). GDD is often the precursor to concerning later diagnoses such as intellectual disability, autism, or specific, severe learning disorders. When delay in motor development is detected in an infant or toddler, cerebral palsy (CP) should be considered. CP is the most common chronic neuromuscular disorder of childhood. It is defined as a nonprogressive disorder of movement and posture caused either by an intrinsic developmental defect (usually a genetic problem) or by an extrinsic injury to the brain (e.g., brain hemorrhage, oxygen deprivation of the brain, or trauma). Brain insult causing CP can occur during pregnancy, during the birth process, or any time up until approximately age 3. Prematurity is the most common risk factor for the development of CP. In moderate to severe cases of CP, the diagnosis can be made at 6 to 8 months of age, but in milder cases it can take up to 18 to 24 months for manifestations to become apparent. Early signs of CP include abnormal muscle tone (too high, too low, or fluctuating), decreased voluntary movement, and persistence of reflexes that usually disappear in typically developing children. Ultimately, all children developing CP demonstrate delayed motor development. Duchenne muscular dystrophy (DMD) and other muscular and metabolic disorders are other diagnoses to consider when a child has delayed motor development. These disorders are covered more extensively elsewhere in this volume. Moto r I n terv en tio n s A young child identified as having gross motor delays is typically referred to physical therapy (PT). A child with fine motor delays usually is referred to occupational therapy (OT). In clinical practice, however, there is a great deal of overlap between these disciplines. PT and OT are typically included in birth-to-3 early intervention programs. It is unlikely that PT or OT services alter brain structure or function, but there are many components of therapy that are likely to improve overall quality of life for both the child and the caregiver. For example, attempts to normalize muscle tone can facilitate movement, optimize motor development, and enhance daily function. Equipment such as wheelchairs, walkers, and supportive footwear can be used

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to promote independent mobility. Research in support of such therapies for children with motor delays remains elusive. Nonetheless, PT and OT for motor-delayed children has become the standard of care in most communities. An important risk of tardy recognition of motor delay is that the infant or toddler may not receive prompt access to the special services to which he or she is legally entitled. Gwen M. Glew and Forrest C. Bennett see also: Developmental Delays; Metabolic Disorders; Neurological and Brain Development; Neurological Disorders; Neuromuscular Disorders; Physical Growth and Development further reading: F. C. Bennett, “Diagnosing CP—the Earlier the Better,” Contemporary Pediatrics 16 (1999), pp. 65–73. • S. D. Dixon and M. T. Stein, Encounters with Children: Pediatric Behavior and Development, 3rd ed., 2000. • Committee on Children with Disabilities, American Academy of Pediatrics, “Development Surveillance and Screening of Infants and Young Children,” Pediatrics 108, no. 1 (2001), pp. 192–96. • L. J. Michaud and the Committee on Children with Disabilities, American Academy of Pediatrics, “Prescribing Therapy Services for Children with Motor Disabilities,” Pediatrics 113, no. 6 (June 2004), pp. 1836–38.

movies. see Films multicultural education. Multicultural education is an approach to school reform designed to advance educational equality for students from diverse racial, ethnic, cultural, and language groups. It also promotes equity, social justice, and democracy. It emerged during the 1960s and 1970s in response to the ethnic revitalization movements that began in the United States with the civil rights movement, which echoed throughout the world. Ethnic groups such as African Americans in the United States, Jamaicans and Asians in the United Kingdom, Aborigines in Australia, Algerians in France, and Indians in Mexico were experiencing academic and language problems in the schools. A significant academic achievement gap existed between these groups and the mainstream racial, cultural, and language groups within their societies. These groups demanded that the schools be reformed to reflect their cultures, identities, hopes, and dreams. The early responses of schools in most nations to the ethnic revitalization movements were hastily conceptualized and implemented. An important goal of these early responses was to silence ethnic protest and discontent. There were few structural changes made within schools during the early phases of what became the multicultural education movement. The celebration of ethnic holidays and the insertion of ethnic units and courses at the primary level and of ethnic studies courses at the secondary level epitomized the responses of many schools in various nations. In Western European nations such as England and France, the achievement problems of immigrant groups were perceived first as mainly a language or dialect problem. Consequently, the

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establishment of bilingual education programs was another common early response to ethnic revitalization movements. When the achievement gap remained after cursory changes were made in the school curriculum, educators began to realize that deep structural changes were needed to increase the academic achievement of marginalized groups and help all students develop democratic attitudes and values. Consequently, the scope of the multicultural education movement broadened to include a focus on reform of all of the major variables in the school, such as teacher attitudes and expectations, testing and assessment, the language and dialects sanctions by the schools, and school norms and values. Although specialists within multicultural education differ in which educational components and cultural groups they emphasize, a significant degree of consensus exists within the field regarding its major principles, concepts, and goals. A major goal of multicultural education is to restructure schools so that all students acquire the knowledge, attitudes, and skills needed to function in ethnically and racially diverse nations and in the world. Multicultural education seeks to ensure educational equity for diverse racial, ethnic, cultural, and social-class groups and to facilitate their participation as critical and reflective citizens in an inclusive national civic culture. Multicultural education tries to provide students with educational experiences that enable them to maintain commitments to their community cultures as well as to acquire the knowledge, skills, and cultural capital needed to function in the national civic culture and community. Multicultural theorists view academic knowledge and skills as necessary but not sufficient for functioning in a diverse nation and world. They regard skills in democratic living and the ability to function effectively within and across diverse groups as essential goals of schooling. Most multicultural theorists, researchers, and practitioners—within and across nations—accept the broad goals of multicultural education described previously. However, there are variations across nations in the ways in which multicultural education is interpreted and implemented. In Western Europe, the movement is often referred to as intercultural education, a term used to recognize the reality of and the desirability for people from different cultures to interact in dynamic and complex ways. Antiracist education, which emerged primarily in Britain but has been influential in Canada, arose as a critique of multicultural education. Antiracist educators maintain that multicultural education does not promote an analysis of the institutional structures—such as racism, power, and capitalism—that keep ethnic and racial groups oppressed and victimized. Antiracism is beginning to have an influence on theory—but little on practice—in the United States and is called critical multicultural education. There is debate within nations about the scope and

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imagining each other

The Color Brown The first time the subject of skin color enters my kindergarten is in 1965, in a suburb of New York City. Had this been a test, I would have failed. Alma, newly arrived and the only black child in the class, is sitting at my snack table when Paul says, “Alma, you look like chocolate pudding.” A few children laugh; most pay no attention. Alma looks at Paul with interest and seems not to be offended, but I grow rigid, pretending not to hear. Is it an insult or not? I can’t decide. Alma is the color of chocolate pudding, but surely he shouldn’t be saying that. Who can I talk to about this? No one; the subject is not open for discussion. Twenty-five years later, in my Chicago kindergarten, Kesha says to me, “Call me brown.” She is one of 4 black children in a class of 25, of whom 18 are white, 1 is Indian, and 2 are Chinese. The teachers are both white. “All right,” I reply. “And what will you call me?” “I can call you peach. With spots.” She examines my hands. “What are they?” “Some people call them age spots. I’m getting older.” “What do you call them?” Kesha wonders. “Just spots will be fine.” “Okay, peach with spots for you and brown without spots for me, except this one and this one on my cheek.” It will be the black children who teach us about color. Jeremy and Martha are playing Guess Who?, a 20-questions type of game in which one player attempts to identify the person on his opponent’s card by eliminating the other possibilities. “Does your person have a mustache?” asks Jeremy, who is black, of Martha, who is white. “No mustache,” Martha responds, and Jeremy places face down on his board all the mustached faces. “Is the person white?” is Jeremy’s next question. Martha is

boundaries of multicultural education. In the United States as well as in other Western nations, multicultural education first focused on racial, ethnic, and language minority groups. In time and in response to protest movements by women and people with disabilities, multicultural education in the United States—at least among theorists—is slowly expanding to include issues related to gender and exceptionality. Gay rights advocates in the United States have also made a compelling case that sexual orientation issues should be part of multicultural education because of its social justice aims. Authors of multicultural textbooks in the United States are beginning to respond to their concerns. However, there is a significant gap between theory and practice in multicultural education in the United States as well as in other nations. There are few visible signs in U.S. schools that they are incorporating issues related to gay culture and gay students.

puzzled. “What do you mean?” Jeremy repeats his question. “White. The person, is he white?” Martha turns to Annie. “Jeremy says white. Is it?” she asks, and Annie looks doubtful. The card in question reveals a pinkcheeked, yellow-haired girl, but neither white child knows the girl is called white. I call to Kesha, who is coloring at a nearby table. “Come see if there are any white faces in the game, will you?” She stares at me. “They’re all of them white,” she answers, walking over to the game. “Except for just this one and this, and this isn’t.” Kesha watches Martha with interest. “Aren’t you white?” she asks her. “You look white.” “I’m pink,” Martha responds. She is 6 years old, bright as can be, and she doesn’t know she belongs to what we call the white race. It wouldn’t matter except for the fact that our four black children do have that information and we all live together in the same classroom. Kesha even knows the difference between race and color, calling me peach with spots when she wants to be descriptive rather than anthropological. Later, when I describe the scene to Jeremy’s father, he thinks it’s funny. “White kids don’t have to know that,” he says. Nor white teachers, it seems. In a story I make up to tell the children every day, I refer to the brown skin of Princess Annabella, her father, Prince Kareem, and Kwanzaa, a runaway slave, but I do not feel I must explain that everyone else is white. My other characters evidently do not require racial identities. They simply are. However, now the secret is out and I’ll have to talk about it. Unlike the case of Alma and the chocolate pudding, silence is no longer an option. After the Guess Who? game, I call everyone to the rug, bringing with me the black and white dolls who happen to be the two princesses in my daily story. The fact is, I began telling these adventures of a magical

James A. Banks has identified five dimensions within the major theories, research, and practices in the field. Although each dimension is conceptually distinct, in practice they overlap and are interrelated. The first dimension, content integration, describes the extent to which teachers use examples and content from a variety of cultures and groups to illustrate key concepts, principles, generalizations, and theories in their subject area or discipline. Content integration is frequently mistaken by school practitioners as comprising the whole of multicultural education and is consequently viewed as irrelevant to instruction in disciplines such as math and science. A second dimension, the knowledge construction process, describes teaching activities that help students understand, investigate, and determine how the cultural assumptions, frames of references, perspectives, and biases of researchers and textbook writers influence the ways in

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The Color Brown (continued) bird named Magpie who brings lonely people to the Kingdom of Tall Pines, in order to heighten interest in our new black doll. It worried me to see the black girls ignoring the black doll in favor of the white doll, so I put them into my Magpie stories, calling them Princess Annabella and Princess Alexandra. I give Annabella the larger role as the African princess whom Magpie befriends. My plan worked, though apparently it did not teach us what to call ourselves.

Kesha knows she is brown, but there are other things that must trouble her. Early in the school year she dictates this story for us to act out: “Once there was a little girl in a forest. But no one else lived there. And she was very sad. So she went out to the city. But no one understood what she was saying because she was Spanish. And then she went back to the forest and sat for days and days. Until she was so tired of sitting she just went

which knowledge is constructed. Multicultural theorists believe that the values, personal histories, attitudes, and beliefs of researchers cannot be separated from the knowledge they create. Multicultural teaching involves not only infusing ethnic content into the school curriculum but also in changing the structure and organization of school knowledge. It also includes changing the ways in which teachers and students view and interact with knowledge as well as helping them become knowledge producers, not merely the consumers of knowledge produced by others. The knowledge construction process helps teachers and students understand why the cultural identities and social positions of researchers need to be taken into account when assessing the validity of knowledge claims. Multicultural theories advance the view that the values, personal histories, attitudes, and beliefs of researchers cannot be sepa-

Kesha waits until the end of the school year to tell another Spanish-girl story. “Once there was a princess who talked only Spanish,” Kesha dictates at the story table. “Is she the same one you told us about a long time ago?” I ask. “No, this princess is a brown girl. Her name is Annabella. And this princess could talk any language. When she talked Indian she was Indian, and when she talked—what does Nada in the first grade talk?” “Polish.” “Oh, yeah. When she talked Polish she was Polish. And when she talked every language she was every person.” “How could she know all the languages?” Martha asks. “Because she asked everyone to teach her.” Vivian Gussin Paley

imagining each other

“Annabella is black,” I begin, holding up each doll in turn, “and Alexandra is white. If Princess Annabella lived in America, instead of in the Kingdom of Tall Pines, she’d also be called African American. Or brown. Kesha calls herself brown.” Everyone turns to look at Kesha, and it is clear that I am doing this in a clumsy way. I continue. “Mrs. Barnes sometimes says she is a person of color. Martha calls herself pink, and Kesha once said I was peach with spots. Jeremy’s mom calls us Caucasian, and Maria’s dad says Anglo. But most people would call Martha, Princess Alexandra, me, and a whole bunch of people in this room white.” I am saved from going further by a high-pitched voice from the edge of the rug. “I’m not a color,” says Vijay, who is from India. Jeremy leans over to ask, “Would you like to be light brown?” Vijay nods, satisfied, but I realize I have neglected to assign a color to the Asian children.

somewhere else where there was always Spanish people so they could understand her.” Her story surprises me because Kesha seems to be a confident, happy, and sociable girl. I decide to show the story to her mother. “Read this, will you?” I ask during our first conference. Mrs. Johnston studies the story carefully. “Such tender feelings my girl has. What do I think it means? That she misses her friends from preschool. Her black friends.” She reads it again. “By the way, Kesha doesn’t speak Spanish, you know. That’s the most interesting part, don’t you think?”

Adapted and reprinted by permission of the publisher from Kwanzaa and Me: A Teacher’s Story and from White Teacher, both by Vivian Gussin Paley, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, copyright (c) 1995 and 1979, 1989, 2000 respectively by the President and Fellows of Harvard College. All rights reserved.

rated from the knowledge they create. They consequently reject the view, promoted by positivist philosophies of science, that knowledge is independent of the knower. Thus, multicultural models also reject the possibility of creating knowledge that is not influenced by the cultural assumptions and social position of the knowledge producer. In multicultural teaching and learning, paradigms, themes, and concepts that exclude or distort the life experiences, histories, and contributions of marginalized groups are challenged. Multicultural pedagogy seeks to reconceptualize and expand the narrowly Eurocentric curriculum, to make it more representative and inclusive of a nation’s diversity, and to reshape the frames of references, perspectives, and concepts that make up school knowledge. A third dimension of multicultural education, prejudice reduction, helps students develop positive and democratic racial attitudes and values. Since the 1940s, a number of

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curriculum intervention studies have been conducted to determine the effects of teaching units and lessons, multicultural textbooks and materials, role-playing, and other kinds of simulated experiences on the racial attitudes and perceptions of students. Much of this research has been guided by the theory developed by Gordon Allport in his work The Nature of Prejudice (1954). He hypothesized that prejudice can be reduced by interracial contact if the contact situation has four characteristics: equal status, common goals, intergroup cooperation, and the support of law, custom, or authorities such as parents, teachers, and principals. Research indicates that the use of multicultural textbooks, other teaching materials, and cooperative teaching strategies that enable students from different racial and ethnic groups to interact positively can help students develop more positive racial attitudes. These kinds of materials and teaching strategies can also result in students choosing more friends from outside racial, ethnic, and cultural groups if they are implemented in ways that are consistent with Allport’s theory. Research and theory indicate that membership in a larger, superordinate group that cuts across the boundaries of subgroups can improve intergroup relations. When students from diverse cultural, racial, and language groups share a superordinate identity such as Girl Scouts, Future Farmers of America, or sports teams, cultural boundaries weaken. Students are consequently able to form friendships and to have positive interactions and relationships with students from different racial, cultural, language, and religious groups. Extra- and cocurricular activities, such as the drama club, the debating club, the basketball team, and the school chorus, create rich possibilities for structuring superordinate groups and crosscutting group memberships. Equity pedagogy, the fourth dimension of multicultural models, exists when teachers modify their teaching in ways that will facilitate the academic achievement of students from diverse racial, cultural, social-class, and language groups. This dimension is sometimes referred to as culturally responsive or culturally relevant teaching. Equity pedagogy rejects the cultural deprivation paradigm that was developed in the early 1960s. This paradigm posited that the socialization experiences in the home and community of low-income students prevented them from attaining the knowledge, skills, and attitudes needed for academic success. Because the cultural practices of low-income students were viewed as inadequate and inferior, cultural deprivation theorists focused on changing student behavior so that it aligned more closely with mainstream school culture. Equity pedagogy assumes that students from diverse cultures and groups come to school with many strengths. Multicultural theorists describe how cultural identity, communicative styles, and the social expectations of students from marginalized ethnic and racial groups often confl ict with the values, beliefs, and cultural assumptions

of teachers. The middle-class, mainstream culture of the schools can create a cultural disconnect that privileges students who have internalized the school’s cultural codes and communication styles and alienates students from other cultural backgrounds. Teachers who practice culturally responsive teaching use instructional materials and practices that incorporate important aspects of the family and community culture of their students. Finally, the fifth dimension of multicultural education is an empowering school culture. This dimension involves efforts to restructure the culture and organization of the school so that students from diverse racial, ethnic, socialclass, and language groups experience equality. Members of the school staff examine and change the culture and social structure of the school. Grouping and labeling practices, sports participation, gaps in achievement among groups, different rates of enrollment in gifted and special education programs among groups, and the interaction of the staff and the students across ethnic and racial lines are important variables that are examined and reformed. An empowering school structure requires the creation of qualitatively different relationships among various groups within schools. Relationships are based on mutual and reciprocal respect for cultural differences that are reflected in schoolwide goals, norms, and cultural practices. An empowering school structure facilitates the practice of multicultural education by providing teachers with opportunities for collective planning and instruction and by creating democratic structures that give teachers, parents, and school staff shared responsibility for school governance. James A. Banks see also: Bilingual Education; Classroom Culture; Ethnic Identity; Schooling, Inequalities in; Textbooks further reading: Walter Stephen, Reducing Prejudice and Stereotyping in Schools, 1999. • Geneva Gay, Culturally Responsive Teaching: Theory, Research and Practice, 2000. • James A. Banks, “Multicultural Education: Historical Development, Dimensions, and Practice,” in James A. Banks and Cherry A. McGee Banks, eds., Handbook of Research on Multicultural Education, 2nd ed., 2004, pp. 3–29. • Sigrid Luchtenberg, ed., Migration, Education and Change, 2004. • James A. Banks, ed., The Routledge International Companion to Multicultural Education, 2009.

multiple births Physiological and Medical Perspectives Developmental Perspectives Cross-Cultural Perspectives

physiological and medical perspectives. Multiple

births have a special place in most societies and in the mythology and history of many cultures. Yet the physiology and mechanism of multiple births, important in understanding risk issues before and after birth, are frequently misunderstood or misinterpreted.

m u l t ip l e b ir t h s

Twins represent 95% to 97% of multiple births. There are two types of twinning: dizygotic (most common type), in which two eggs released during a cycle are fertilized by two sperm, resulting in two separate zygotes, so-called fraternal twins; and monozygotic, in which a single zygote cleaves in early development into two separate embryos, so-called identical twins. All dizygotic twins have separate chorionic and amniotic sacs, with fused or separate placental discs and no vascular connections. Monozygotic placentation is variable: almost 30% form these separate diamnioticdichorionic placentas, indistinguishable from dizygotic twinning; 70% have a diamniotic-monochorionic placenta; 1% have a single sac, monoamniotic-monochorionic (MoMo) placenta, with two fetuses floating together in one sac, sharing one placental supply. Although infrequent, MoMo twins have a high mortality rate, due to umbilical cord entanglement interrupting placental circulation. This is a high-risk situation with high fetal mortality and complication rates. Monochorionic placentas almost always have fetal vascular connections. Late splitting of the embryos results in conjoined or “Siamese” twins. In like-sex twins, monozygosity can be determined by careful examination of the placental membranes (monochorionic placentation). However, in the 30% of monozygotic twins with dichorionic placentation (i.e., similar to dizygotic twins), differentiation from dizygotic twins requires other tests to determine zygosity—that is, whether they are fraternal or identical. The diagnosis of twins can be made as early as 5 to 6 weeks with ultrasound revealing two gestational sacs. Placental structure and number of amniotic sacs can also be determined from the thickness and insertion of dividing membranes. Early ultrasounds have revealed that half of twin gestational sacs may disappear in the early first trimester, the so-called vanishing twin. Triplets and other higher-order multiples can be monozygotic or multizygotic or a combination of both. Prior to assisted reproductive technology, the most common type of triplet was the result of a set of fraternal twins with secondary splitting of one of the embryos into monozygotic twins, forming a triamniotic-dichorionic arrangement (i.e., three sacs and two placental surfaces). Twinning has increased 70% with the advent of assisted reproductive technologies, to 3.4 twins per 100 births. Although currently stable, triplets increased more than 400% since 1980, now 0.18 per 100 births. The incidence of spontaneous fraternal twinning varies with race: greatest in blacks (especially from Nigeria) and lowest in Asians, with Caucasians in between. This may be due to variation in maternal hormone levels. Familial fraternal twinning is well documented. Dizygotic twinning increases with advancing maternal age and greater parity. Fertility drugs dramatically increase dizygotic births, from 6% to 8% to up to 40%: In the United States, in vitro fertil-

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ization (test-tube fertilization) results in more than 50,000 births each year. The median number of embryos implanted is still greater than two, resulting in multiples in 34% of successful pregnancies. Overall, 51% of infants are multiples (45% twins, 7% triplets or greater) with these techniques. In the United States, this technology causes 16% of all twins and 44% of multiples of three or greater. Although most multiples in this circumstance are multizygotic, the incidence of monozygotic twinning (identical twins) is greater than in spontaneous pregnancies. The etiology of monozygotic twinning is unknown. The incidence is similar for all races (0.3 per 100 spontaneous pregnancies) and is rarely familial. The primary problem for multiple-gestation infants is premature birth and the problems associated with prematurity. In 2004, 60% of twins were preterm, and 12% delivered at 32 or fewer weeks gestation. The mean gestational age at birth was 35 weeks. The mean birth weight of twins is 2,300 grams, triplets 1,700 grams, and quadruplets 1,275 grams, versus 3,316 grams for singleton term pregnancies. Fetal death occurs in 2% to 7% of twins (disregarding the early vanishing twin). After the death of a twin, the pregnancy can continue; the dead fetus may be absorbed (if very early) or become a mummified fetus papyraceus. Growth disturbances in twins are common, with 12% to 16% of the infants being small for gestational age. Between 20% and 25% of the twins are discordant in size with a 15% to 25% difference in birth weight; 5% have greater than 25% discordance. The smaller twin is frequently associated with abnormally small placenta or abnormal cord connection to the placenta. In monochorionic placentas, vascular connections between the fetuses are a source for increased fetal morbidity and mortality. The most common connections are direct artery-artery. The death of a twin in utero could result in transient drop in pressure in the viable twin due to shifts in blood volume. This can result in significant organ damage or death to the surviving fetus. Acute blood transfer between twins may also occur during delivery, with compromise in either or both twins. Twin-twin transfusion syndrome (TTTS) results from unbalanced artery-vein vascular connections and occurs in 10% to 20% of identical twinning. Appearing as early as 10 weeks of gestation, if it becomes severe before 20 weeks gestation, there is 80% to 100% mortality. Over time, the “donor” twin becomes anemic, amniotic fluid is diminished, and he becomes the “stuck twin.” The recipient twin becomes overly perfused with blood and has increased amniotic fluid, sometimes resulting in premature labor. Both twins are at risk for fetal death. Recently, endoscopic laser ablation of the fetal vascular connections has proved successful in the treatment of TTTS. Twins have a twofold increase in congenital malformations, mostly in monozygotic twins. Most anomalies are not

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the same in both twins, indicating a vascular origin for the malformations present. Maternal complications of multiple-gestation pregnancies are many and result in a much longer hospitalization time for these mothers. Hyperemesis gravidarum, excessive early vomiting, may be the first sign of twinning. Anemia due to iron or folic deficiency is common. Preeclampsia, or pregnancy-induced hypertension, is present in 40% of twin and 60% of triplet pregnancies, even in women who have had previous births. Gestational diabetes mellitus occurs in approximately 8% of twins, double the singleton incidence. Polyhydramnios, excessive amniotic fluid, is present in 5% to 8%. Premature rupture of the membranes occurs more than twice as often as in singletons. Advanced maternal age, present in many in vitro multiples, increases the risk of complications. Twins present a mother with 10 liters of amniotic fluid (10 kilograms) to carry, plus the weight of the infants and the placenta. Abnormalities of placental placement and some type of breech (not headfirst) position of the fetus are common, resulting in a Cesarean section rate of greater than 50%. After vaginal delivery of one twin, there is the risk of cord prolapse of the second twin or placental separation necessitating an emergency Cesarean section. With good fetal monitoring of the second twin and the availability of Cesarean section when needed, the birth outcomes of first- or second-born twins are similar. Postpartum, the mother is at risk for severe hemorrhage due to poorer uterine contractions. In higher-order multiples (i.e., more than two), selective reduction (feticide) of one or more of the fetuses may improve survival for the remaining fetuses. Outcome in pregnancies with multiples may be improved through specialized multiples clinics where care becomes more systematized and specific to the many problems of multigestation pregnancies. Frank L. Mannino

with twins, such as clothing and tuition discounts (United States), insurance policies (England and Poland), and cash incentives (South Korea). Japan, which historically held negative views of twins, was one of the first countries to establish twin-parenting support groups in 1968. Twins come in two varieties (identical and fraternal), giving scientists a natural experiment for investigating genetic and environmental influences on behavioral development. Identical twins share all their genes, while fraternal twins share half their genes on average. Greater similarity between identical twins than fraternal twins in height, vocabulary, or emotionality indicates genetic influence on these traits. However, twins, triplets, and more experience some unique birth, rearing, and life history circumstances that may affect their physical, intellectual, and social development. This interests parents, educators, and policy makers, especially given the rise in twinning rates. A 2002 report found that twinning increased from 1 in 50 births to 1 in 30 births between 1980 and 2002. This trend characterizes the majority of Western nations. Interestingly, twinning in the United States used to be more common among black women than Caucasian women, but since the 1980s twinning rates have increased more sharply among Caucasian women, eliminating this difference. Twinning rates among Hispanic women have increased but remain lower than those of non-Hispanic black and non-Hispanic Caucasian mothers. Some people have wondered if twins’ unique birth circumstances set them apart from other children and adolescents. Two issues merit attention: First, should twins be disallowed as participants from developmental research? Second, do twins differ intellectually and socially from nontwins, and if so, how?

see also: Embryology and Fetal Development; Fertility; Labor and Delivery; Pregnancy; Prematurity

The issue of twins as research participants has been resolved by two lines of investigation. The first was in response to the concern that identical twins’ behavioral resemblance is due to their similar treatment, not to their similar genes, rendering developmental twin studies suspect. However, numerous studies show that this concern is unwarranted; similar treatment by parents does not necessarily yield similar behaviors in identical twins. The second concern is that findings from twin studies are unrepresentative of the larger population because of the differences in twins’ birth events and early development. In fact, by the time twins reach 5 to 6 years old, their physical and behavioral development is comparable to that of nontwins. Thus, studies of kindergarten-age twins and beyond offer useful insights on both normative and atypical development. Twins’ prenatal environments do, however, differ from those of nontwins so that generalizability of findings from younger pairs may be limited. Pregnancy and birth risks are greater for twins than for nontwins. Twins are more

further reading: Keith A. Eddleman and Joanne Stone, eds., “Multiple Gestations,” Clinics in Perinatology 32, no. 2 (June 2005), pp. 301–521. • Kurt Benirschke, Peter Kaufmann, and Rebecca N. Baergen, “Multiple Pregnancies,” in Kurt Benirschke, Peter Kaufmann, and Rebecca N. Baergen, Pathology of the Human Placenta, 2006, pp. 877–971.

perspectives. Twins and other multiple-birth children are intriguing at many levels. With some exceptions, most countries celebrate twins as evidenced by the growing number of organizations, resources, and registers targeted to families with multiples. The Yoruba of western Nigeria have traditionally honored twins with privileges and carved figures. China, despite its onechild policy favoring males, hosted its first Twins Cultural Festival in 2004, attracting 500 twin and triplet sets, both male and female. Some nations offer benefits to families

developmental

T wi ns i n Dev elopmen tal R esearc h

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often born prematurely (before 37 weeks) than nontwins (44.5% vs. 9.4%, respectively), elevating their frequency of low birth weight and developmental difficulties. Italian researchers showed that twins have up to a 60% higher rate of congenital malformations than nontwins, such as respiratory and cardiovascular problems. Identical twins may be especially susceptible to such difficulties, due to twinto-twin transfusion that can potentially affect two-thirds of identical pairs. Some studies of infants conceived via artificial reproductive technology (ART) report earlier deliveries and lower birth weights than for infants conceived naturally. Infants resulting from ART represent 16% of multiple births in the United States. A recent surprising finding is that artificially conceived nontwins are at greater risk for poor health outcomes than naturally conceived nontwins, but such differences are slight for artificially and naturally conceived twins. It has been suggested that the development of two fetuses may have an implantation advantage, although its precise nature is unknown. Clearly, processes linking prenatal development, health status, and other complex behaviors are not straightforward. Twins’ early birth difficulties may partly explain the higher rates of child abuse among twin infants and toddlers than nontwin infants and toddlers in the United States, Canada, Japan, and France, although not in the United Kingdom. Anthropologists Helen Ball and Catherine Hill have suggested that twins’ lowered viability may better explain infanticide of twins in some societies, such as southern Bantu groups of Africa and Australian Aborigines, than beliefs that twins augur evil or bad luck. Note that a Japanese national survey found that maltreatment of multiplebirth children mostly involved one twin and was associated with serious medical problems or unfavorable physical or behavioral traits in that child. Of course, most parents of twins do not abuse their children; abusive parents are those whose personal circumstances and/or personalities predispose them toward such behavior. T wi ns’ Men tal Abi liti es and Soc ial B eh av io r s Twins progress through the same course of cognitive, social, and emotional development as nontwins, but the presence of a same-age sibling can affect selected behaviors in specific ways. In addition, twinship experiences differ depending upon whether the pair is identical, fraternal samesex, or fraternal opposite-sex. Past research, as well as a recent Scottish study, has shown that twins score an average of 5 to 10 points below nontwins on general intelligence tests. Adverse birth events can reduce twins’ intelligence considerably, but this affects the minority of twins. However, modest birth stress, which affects a larger proportion of multiples, may not leave lasting effects. For example, some studies show that twins do not differ from nontwins in mental ability by 6 years of age

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or older. By this time, they have likely recovered from birth stress. It is also worth noting that two recent investigations (conducted in the Netherlands and in Denmark) found that twins did not score below nontwins in intelligence. Disagreement across studies urges additional efforts in this area. Researchers have examined the social context in which twins’ language skills develop. Some studies in the United States, Canada, England, and Italy have shown that twins are less proficient than nontwins in some verbal skills. This has been explained mostly by each twin’s reduced languagelearning opportunities with adults, due to divided parental attention. Twins receive fewer turn-taking opportunities, engage in shorter conversations, and receive more nonverbal utterances than nontwins, leading to more limited vocabularies and more immature speech. Some unusual features of twins’ speech were examined in a 2001 paper by Karen Thorpe and colleagues in England. They identified two types of twin language: private language, communication used exclusively within the pair but that is not intelligible to others, and shared verbal understanding, communication used within the pair as well as with others but that is unintelligible to others. Nearly 12% of twins used private language at 20 months and nearly 7% at 36 months; less than 3% of nontwins used a private language at these ages. Shared verbal understanding was observed among 50% and nearly 20% of twins at 20 and 36 months of age, respectively, and among less than 3% of nontwins. Children showing shared understanding or private speech obtained lower scores on most cognitive ability measures than those who did not. Shared verbal understanding is, however, considered a normal developmental feature in twins and in near-in-age siblings. Not all twins have early language delays (or language delays in all aspects of speech), and those who do typically recover by age 3 years. Furthermore, not all twins are at equal risk: Fraternal female twins and twins from opposite-sex pairs show fewer language problems than identical twins, possibly due to their more varied social experiences. Fraternal male twins fall somewhere in between, a finding possibly explained by mild mental impairment in some cases. However, some research has shown that twins excel in expressing emotions and influencing partners, challenging the pervasiveness of twins’ communicative difficulties. Child and adolescent twins’ psychological functioning and social relationships also differ as a function of twin type. Identical twins are generally closer socially than fraternal twins, behavior that emerges early. A study of toddler twins looked at relationships between prosocial behavior (efforts to help or comfort) within the pair and empathy (facial, vocal, or gestural expressions of concern) for victims in distress (experimenter pretending to hurt her finger and mother pretending to hurt her knee). Twenty-monthold identical twins who were more prosocial toward each

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other were less likely to have acted prosocially toward the distress victims, while the opposite was true for fraternal twins. Older identical twins, ages 8 to 11 years, completed joint projects more cooperatively and were more often found together during free play. The view that one is, and should be, closer to the twin than to other siblings has been expressed by high school–age twins. Another study of teenage twins found that identical and fraternal pairs did not differ in twinship satisfaction or in fighting frequency, but that identical twins agreed more strongly about their experience as twins. Identical twin adolescents have also expressed more positive feelings as well as more negative feelings about their relationship, relative to other sibships. There is no evidence that identical twins who spend considerable time together suffer from lack of varied social experience, although this could be a concern in individual cases. Similarly, fraternal same-sex twins can be expected to seek different friends and activities, but members of some pairs can be quite close. Opposite-sex twins present a different and sometimes challenging situation. Girls’ physical, intellectual, and social maturation generally precedes that of males; consequently, young female twins may act protectively, even maternally, toward their twin brothers, possibly encouraging their overdependence. Girls with twin brothers have been described as dominant, outgoing, and assertive. These behaviors have been variously explained by female twins’ possible prenatal exposure to male hormones as well as by their more precocious development. In fact, biological and experiential factors are confounded in these pairs. However, research on adult female twins from opposite-sex pairs has produced little evidence that prenatal hormones affect female twins’ development, although additional work is needed. One exception is a study showing that females with twin brothers produce fewer continuous tones or “hums” (spontaneous otoacoustic emissions) in the inner ear than females with twin sisters and nontwin females and do not differ from their brothers. This finding is consistent with prenatal hormonal influences affecting the females and would be difficult to explain with reference to social factors. Educators have typically separated twins in school to foster individuality, although this practice is not research based. In 2005, Minnesota parents, concerned that their young twins were being separated prematurely, helped enact legislation allowing parents the right to decide their twins’ classroom placement. Six other states have enacted a similar bill, and 26 states are sponsoring or drafting (or will be drafting) bills in the very near future. Twins, triplets, and more will continue to play key roles in research examining genetic and environmental influences on behavioral development. Such efforts should also consider the special biological and psychological circumstances of multiple-birth children and the parenting and educational issues they

raise. This is of vital importance, given that twinning rates are on the rise. Nancy L. Segal see also: Birth Order; Research on Child Development; Siblings further reading: Patricia M. Malmstrom and Janet Poland, The Art of Parenting Twins, 1999. • Nancy L. Segal, Entwined Lives: Twins and What They Tell Us about Human Behavior, 2000. • Nancy L. Segal, Indivisible by Two: Lives of Extraordinary Twins, 2007. • International Society for Twin Studies, http://www.ists.qimr.edu.au/ • Twins Law, http://www.twinslaw.com

cross-cultural perspectives. In North America and

Europe, a multiple birth is received with a mixture of celebration and concern: celebration of a rare and unusually fertile instance of human reproduction and concern regarding the multiplied caretaking difficulties inherent in such a birth. However, the quality of this reception is not made clear until it is measured against reactions found elsewhere in the world. The cross-cultural perspective reveals that it is a reaction tempered by a scientific ideology that views multiple births as part of the same biological process that applies equally to all births. In contrast, other peoples view multiple births as categorically distinct phenomena with exceptional moral and spiritual components. Some attribute multiple births to the action of demons or adultery or broken taboos and respond with infanticide. Others consider multiple births to be the intended and perfected condition of human reproduction bringing good luck to the parents and a great deal of sacred power to the children. Exemplifying the extreme ends of the continuum are the Copper Inuit and the Dogon. Th e Copper I nuit Diamond Jenness, observing the Copper Inuit in the early 1900s, recorded four cases of singleton infanticide in one winter season and said that when the burden of caring for a single infant is sometimes so great as to produce infanticide, the difficulties obtaining in the case of the birth of twins are physically impossible. He said that when twins are born “one at least must either be killed or given away, for an Eskimo woman cannot possibly rear both children at the same time.” He noted that if there were a male and female twin, the male would be favored and would be the one saved if such were possible. Raymond De Coccola, who also studied the Copper Inuit, adds that there is room for only one baby in the mother’s hood and that her abandonment of one of the twins is spiritually supported. Th e D o g o n Marcel Griaule, studying the West African Dogon, discovered that they celebrate twins as the descendants of the first humans on earth, a set of twins created when God impregnated earth after a first unsuccessful attempt that produced

museums

an unintended singleton birth, the jackal. These first humans (hero twins) were assigned the task of perfecting the world and proceeded to do so through several generations of effort that produced language, clans, agriculture, and a later form of human being who, though having separate gender, continued to reflect their twin ancestors by the presence of twin souls located in the prepuce and the clitoris. The Dogon continue to celebrate their ancestral hero twins with every twin birth. Each twin birth is recognized as a reincarnation of the power of these ancestors, and each is celebrated with a feast and with the creation of special clothing and presents for the twins that symbolize their role in Dogon life as a source of commerce, equality, fertility, and meaning. Throughout their life, twins will be a central focus of ceremonies of healing, trade, and fertility. They will be expected to become successful traders and to bring good luck to their mother and to anyone who brings them gifts. Patt er n s Cross-cultural variations in response to multiple births suggest that there are two factors at work. One is the material factor of multiplied caretaking duties, and the other is the cognitive factor of twinning, dualism, and oneness within multiplicity. In the case of the care factor, research has identified some of the variants that may account for negative responses to multiple births. These factors include the amount of time the mother requires to carry out essential economic tasks, the number of helpers available to her on a regular basis, the availability of breast milk and other baby food, and the amount of walking the mother is required to do. In North America and Europe, such caretaking concerns are ameliorated by supports a mother may draw from the rather wealthy setting that surrounds her, reducing her chores, permitting periods of rest and energy restoration, and providing high rates of infant survival. In the case of the cognitive factor, it is evident that some societies utilize elaborate twin ceremonials to confront paradoxes, dualisms, and oppositions in their life. Yet while many cultures have ceremonies aimed at confronting the dualisms in their life, research has not yet identified the constituents that would explain why some choose twins as a focus of their rituals. In North America and Europe, although twins are celebrated in advertising, quintuplets famously spotlighted, and hero twin phenomena foreshadowed in biblical stories of Cain and Abel, Isaac and Ishmael, and Joseph and Esau, the level of celebration is a shadow of that found elsewhere. It is unclear why this is the case, though it appears that an answer might be sought within the symbolic usages associated with twins as a force that defeats dualisms and oppositions. Gary Granzberg further reading: Isaac Schapera, “Customs Relating to Twins in South Africa,” Journal of the African Society 26 (1927), pp. 117–37. •

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Gary Granzberg, “Twin Infanticide,” Ethos 1, no. 4 (1973), pp. 405– 12. • Helen Ball and Catherine Hill, “Reevaluating Twin Infanticide,” Current Anthropology 37 (1996), pp. 856–63.

muscle disorders. see Neuromuscular Disorders museums. Museums are a favorite choice of families for leisure-time activity, and attendance at them has never been higher. It is estimated that more people visit museums every year than attend basketball, football, and baseball games combined. The appeal of museums is multifaceted, but the combination of education and entertainment—and most visitors report looking for both—distinguishes them from other settings for children. Equally important are the social aspects of a museum visit: Sharing time with friends and family is often just as important as viewing the exhibition. The Institute of Museum and Library Services (IMLS), a federal agency that supports museums and libraries, describes museums as organizations that own or use tangible objects, either animate (e.g., zoos) or inanimate (e.g., history museums), and exhibit these objects to the general public on a regular basis. This definition encompasses art, youth, history, natural history, anthropology, and general and specialized museums as well as aquariums, arboretums, botanical gardens, historic houses and sites, planetariums, science and technology centers, and zoological parks. There are about 17,500 museums in the United States with approximately 2.3 million daily visits. The majority of museums provide educational programs designed for children, especially children in the elementary grades. A central aspect of museums is that they contain objects, and learning from objects distinguishes learning in museums from learning in other settings. By observing, comparing, and analyzing objects, visitors can learn about the people and societies that produced and used them, including the technology and art that went into their creation, and the religious, cultural, and political institutions and values that shaped their use. In contrast, learning in school traditionally focuses on texts rather than on objects. Whereas schools provide a fixed, linear arrangement of topics that all students of a particular age are expected to master at the same time, museums are free-choice learning environments in which mixed-age groups of visitors (commonly present only once or occasionally) decide for themselves which exhibits to visit, in what sequence, and for how long. These differences raise issues about what the outcome of a museum visit should be: The acquisition of particular information may be secondary to encouraging children to construct their own meaning, fostering long-term motivation and interest in a topic, inspiring action (e.g., conservation), providing enjoyable experiences, challenging attitudes, encouraging emotional and affective responses, and promoting understanding about oneself and one’s society. Although today’s museums recognize public educa-

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tion as central to their mission, prior to the 1970s other functions—especially the collection, preservation, and study of objects of scientific, historical, and aesthetic importance—took precedence. As the importance of public education and visitor experience has grown, changes in exhibits have followed, and many of these accommodations are of special significance for children. There has been a shift from the dry transmission of curators’ knowledge to strategies designed to assist learning. Exhibits have more interactive components. Labels are engaging and comprehensible to nonspecialists, encourage visitors to connect new information with prior experiences and knowledge, and attempt to foster social interactions that promote learning. Many museums now include galleries with hands-on exhibits and programs intended for children. To promote objectbased learning, some art and natural history museums have developed materials for scavenger hunts, in which children are challenged to locate particular objects and, sometimes, respond to questions about them. Some museums loan visiting families backpacks full of materials to involve children or whole families in activities that promote engagement and learning. Many museums have Web sites with information about their exhibits, including activities for children to do before and after their visits. Previewing the content to be seen and how time will be spent at the museum, including opportunities for snacks and visits to the museum store, facilitates successful visits for children. Perhaps most significant is the recent focus in museums on learning as a social process, for children most often visit museums with their families or in school groups. Fam i ly Group s Museums provide an organized environment in which families are entertained, learn together, and reinforce their family identity. Families bring an agenda, based on their prior knowledge and interests, that guides how and where they spend their time during the visit. Many families naturally engage in strategies that enhance children’s learning. Adults often show children how to use interactive exhibits as intended, help interpret exhibit text, focus children’s attention on salient details, and pose questions. Especially important is the talk that takes place among family members. Some studies indicate that families may devote as much as 80% of their conversations to “learning talk”: identifying, describing, interpreting, and analyzing objects and text. Exhibits are most effective when they relate to visitors’ prior experiences, and parents can facilitate children’s learning by helping them connect information in the museum to what they have learned elsewhere. Talking about what children expect to see before the visit and reflecting on what they enjoyed and learned after the visit are common family interactions that promote learning. Museums also provide children opportunities to experiment with new roles within the family, such as when they are relatively expert on cer-

tain subjects—dinosaurs might be an example—and can teach their parents about them. Family visits to museums usually include more activities than attending to exhibits. Families in zoos often devote only one-third of their time to watching animals, attend to only about one-third of the zoo’s exhibits, and spend the majority of their time walking, using the playground, engaging in rides and other activities, and eating and shopping at concessions. In most cases, attempting to see a whole museum in one visit is likely to result in “museum fatigue,” especially among children, and diminished enjoyment. S c ho o l Group s Whereas families generally have dual goals of entertainment and education, school groups visit museums for their unique educational opportunities, especially learning from authentic objects. As their public mission has moved to the forefront, museums increasingly have developed special programs to serve the educational needs of students and the professional development of teachers. They often tie their exhibits and programs to conventional school curricula, specialize field trips and onsite workshops to meet teachers’ needs, and provide pre- and postvisit information and activities to help teachers incorporate the museum visit into their planning and instruction. Other ways that museums support children’s education include loaning resource kits for classroom use, offering “camp-ins” in which students engage in fun learning activities and sleep in the galleries overnight, presenting workshops in schools, making available Web-based experiences and curricula, and providing professional development for teachers about both content and pedagogy. As with families, features of school field trips can enhance children’s learning. Students value and benefit from being involved in previsit preparation and having some choice during their visit. Peer teaching and integrating exhibit content with school curricula improve students’ enjoyment and learning. Contrary to popular images of field trips, research shows that when allowed to learn freely, students may engage in learning-related conversations a large majority of the time, much of it as they walk between displays. Attempts to structure the field trip by requiring students to complete work sheets that survey excessive amounts of a museum’s content often have a negative influence on student enjoyment and learning. C h i ldr en ’s Museums and Sc i enc e C en ter s Children’s museums and interactive science centers are among the fastest growing and most visited types of museums. Unlike traditional museums, their objects are less likely to have intrinsic value but are designed to encourage visitor interaction and learning. Children’s museums typically serve youngsters from preschool through the early school years, although their focal audience may range

m u s ic

from birth through early adolescence. Parents, even of preschoolers, report that learning is an important reason for visiting, and direct play with objects is seen as a means of stimulating curiosity, inspiring creativity, and encouraging lifelong learning. A recent interest in family learning has led children’s museum to attempt to engage adults in children’s play, although convincing adults, whose early experiences in museums probably discouraged touching objects, has been challenging. Similarly, adults often view hands-on science centers as intended for children and are more likely to help children use exhibits than to engage in interactive and exploratory behaviors themselves. Under r epr esen ted Audi enc es African Americans and whites rank zoos and museums as two of the most valuable leisure activities for children, although reports that they do not feel welcomed may account for the underrepresentation of children from minority and low-income communities among museum visitors. In response, museums, often in collaboration with community groups, have developed exhibits and special events that may appeal to particular ethnic groups, taken exhibits and programs into underserved communities, and focused outreach to schools serving underrepresented students. Scholarships for transportation and reduced admission often are available. Whereas children younger than 12 years of age make up a large segment of museum visitors, adolescents are not well represented. This diminished interest in museums may result from unpleasant memories of field trips or a general disinterest in activities associated with school. Adolescents often associate field trips with boredom, being rushed through galleries, having little opportunity to explore their interests, and patronizing staff. Other likely causes are the tendency for adolescents to spend increasing amounts of leisure time with their peers rather than with their families, the wide range of after-school programs available to adolescents, and the subject-focused structure of high schools, which makes arranging field trips difficult. In response, museums have initiated programs that target adolescents, especially those from low-income and minority communities. Sometimes working with community-based organizations, museums have developed after-school clubs, classes for adolescents, and programs in which adolescents volunteer or work with visitors as explainers, demonstrators, and guides. C o nc lu sio n Young children report pleasant memories of museum visits, especially with their families, and view museums as happy places that provide opportunities for learning. Indeed, they are more likely to report feeling rushed than bored in museums. With careful planning before and some easily implemented strategies during and after the visit, a child’s

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museum experiences can effortlessly fulfill the twin aims of learning and entertainment. Steven R. Guberman and Kenneth Emo see also: Leisure Time, Family further reading: Wilma Prudhum Greene, Museums and Learning: A Guide for Family Visits, 1998. • John H. Falk and Lynn D. Dierking, Learning from Museums: Visitor Experience and the Making of Meaning, 2000. • Scott Paris, ed., Perspectives on Object-Centered Learning in Museums, 2002. • Association of Children’s Museums, http://www.childrensmuseums.org/

music. Music is profoundly important throughout children’s lives. Somewhere between the 16th and 20th week, the fetal auditory system begins to process sound, and from the third trimester it can hear, process, and remember sound patterns and connect them with emotions. Soon after birth, infants exhibit a range of music listening skills, an excellent memory for music, and a strong interest in expressive musical performance. By far the most important early experiences are between the mother and the infant. This parent-infant interaction has a musiclike, rhythmic, and melodic quality that characteristically involves communicative musicality that is responsive to the infant’s most immediate needs. Communication occurs not as a result of the infant’s understanding of the mother’s words, but through the intentions of these words and the affect they evoke, as expressed through the musiclike qualities of their joint vocalizations and the dancelike gestures of their facial expressions and bodily movements. There is currently no evidence suggesting that formal musical exposure in infancy or preschool is required for attaining high levels of musical accomplishment in later years. Much more important is a supportive early home environment that encourages spontaneity and free expression within a caring and loving environment. Newly emerging evidence does suggest that listening to music has intellectual benefits for a child, such as increases in spatial-temporal abilities, creativity, and pattern recognition. However, it is important to note also that these benefits—such as changes in arousal and mood—can be induced in other, nonmusical ways. More important are studies showing a consistent relationship between formal training in music and intellectual abilities. These positive associations appear to be broad, in that they extend across a variety of subcomponents of intelligence and cognition and have not been found to the same degree in other outof-school activities. Soon after entering school, many children benefit from exposure to formal music education and opportunities involving singing, responding to and creating music, and learning to play an instrument. Children also reach a developmental level that allows the introduction of traditional musical notation. However, music reading and writing

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skills are most effectively developed after children have had preliminary experiences in learning familiar pieces by ear and later pieces they do not know that require more sophisticated levels of processing. As a result of numerous gender, sociocultural, and maturational factors, children’s ability to sing consistently and in tune when entering school is variable. Later, the onset of puberty initiates changes in the nature and quality of male and female voices. These changes relate to a number of other social and intellectual changes during this period, even though voice changes in males, for example, can occur within a 12-month period or over two or three years. In musical cultures where singing is valued, children are typically provided with opportunities to explore vocal play and exploration, share singing games of various kinds, and spontaneously improvise and create their own songs. While all children can learn to sing, development can be enhanced or hindered by such factors as the difficulty of the task in relation to the child’s current capacity and the expectations placed on the child within the culture. Within reason, “the earlier the better” is probably appropriate as a general guide to when children may start learning a musical instrument. In practice, however, there are many differences between instruments, with physical maturation and mental attention span often being used to guide decisions on whether a child is ready to begin formal lessons. Instruments such as the piano and violin can be commenced as early as 2 or 3 years of age. These are the exception, however, as most children commence formal lessons after they start school. Ideally, and in order to maximize their potential, children should be provided with opportunities to experiment with several instruments before selecting one, test out the instrument in a number of contexts, and consider what might be right for them both physically and expressively. As they begin their learning and face numerous obstacles and distractions, they need to be encouraged and supported in their learning rather than forced to learn, provided with ample opportunities to explore the value of instruments and their social contexts, inspired to set reasonable goals for themselves, and exposed to a range of learning strategies so that they experience success early on. Recent decades have seen a major shift in schools and communities to include children who would not normally have access to a music education. Traditional views of music as an elective, noncompulsory subject for those with a special gift have been replaced by a more egalitarian view that stresses the fundamental role of music in the education of all children. This change can been seen in school programs throughout the world, but especially in countries such as the United States, where a more inclusive view has become apparent and where children of all backgrounds and abilities are now being supported and encouraged to engage in music experiences of many types. In particular,

music therapy is increasingly becoming recognized as a beneficial intervention for children with various physical, social, mental, and emotional needs. Children initiate many types of informal musical responses on their own or with others in the home, in child care facilities, in preschools, and especially with their playmates in their early years of schooling. These everyday forms of musical play are of value to them socially, cognitively, linguistically, and kinesthetically and are particularly important for developing children’s musical expression. Musical games can involve singing and chanting, moving rhythmically (e.g., clapping, skipping), and exploring soundmaking objects. Some forms of musical play have been shown to facilitate cross-cultural transmission of language in a variety of cultures, while the constant improvisatory nature of these activities together with self-imposed challenges and resistance to adult norms can provide a stimulating form of intellectual challenge and mastery. Social identity theory has been used to explain listening preferences from birth to adolescence. Young children display an “open-earedness,” in that they are usually willing to listen to music of various kinds. During this period and at older ages, children are intuitively “programmed” to react to music and will typically respond by moving when recorded music is played. Later, when many adolescents become “closed-eared,” listening preferences are closely aligned with and guided by peer group norms. Normative pressure is most powerful during this period, with the result that any violation of group norms may attract negative reactions from peers. The development of various kinds of new media, technology, and Internet resources has begun to change the ways in which children and adolescents engage with music. More opportunities for integration between the various components of music—listening, responding, appreciating, creating, performing—are now available than at any time previously. Gradual changes are therefore being seen in school curricula throughout the world that accommodate new ways of learning and experiencing music. As a global practice, however, musical development depends on the particular blend of socializing and environmental influences that each society chooses to value and preserve. All children are musical, and music is an integral part of the human design. As a unique form of language, music can be experienced as a symbol system, as organized patterns of sound, and as part of an individual or group identity. Music also involves a strong affective component, in that listening and engaging in music can produce strong emotional responses and provide intense pleasure, which children, especially adolescents, actively seek out during their daily lives. Access to music education and to opportunities to develop musical potential is therefore the right of every child. Gary E. McPherson

m u s ic a l d e v e l o p m e n t see also: Arts Education; Dance; Musical Development; Popular Music further reading: Gary E. McPherson, ed., The Child as Musician: A Handbook of Musical Development, 2006.

musical development. In looking at children’s development of skills in listening to and producing music, it is helpful to place it in the context of adult musical behavior. In virtually all cultures, adults have perceptual frameworks for the dimensions of pitch and time to organize perception and achieve precision. The tonal framework for pitch is based on octave equivalence (a cross-cultural universal). Pitches that stand in a 2:1 frequency ratio share melodic and musical scale functions and have similar names (in cultures that name them). The same relative pattern of pitches in the octave applies to men’s and women’s singing and cycles through the octaves of a culture’s scale. In the dimension of time, virtually all cultures use a framework of beats— regular pulses that organize sound patterns—overlaid with more complex rhythms. In children, a beat framework develops very early, whereas the tonal framework for pitch develops slowly, with some aspects evident by 5 years of age and adultlike behavior by 10. Seven-month-olds discern changes of rhythm, and in their earliest spontaneous songs 1-yearolds exhibit a strong beat framework, interrupted only by occasional breaths (also true of many adults). Early songs involve the repetition of rhythmic patterns, with complex rhythms—usually those of speech—overlaid on the beat. For example, a child’s song might repeat the phrase “Come a duck On my house,” with strong beats on duck and house and weak beats on Come and On, the timing of the syllables a and my being determined by the speech pattern. Beat timing is quite precise, but consistent subdivision of the beat does not appear until about 5 years of age. Precision in the timing of complex rhythms and their alignment with exact subdivisions of the beat improves with training (a process of which music teachers of adolescents are often painfully aware). The infant’s early use of pitch shares some features with adult usage but does not include the adult pitch framework of the scale. Like adults, infants are sensitive to changes in the contour—ups and downs of pitch—of a melody. Fivemonth-olds, for example, seem hardly to notice when a melodic pattern is transposed (shifted in pitch with its contour and pitch intervals intact). But they do notice alterations in contour. Children use melodic contour as a building block in organizing their early songs. Somewhere between 9 and 18 months of age, children begin singing songs: songs copied from adult models and their own spontaneous songs. Songs are easily distinguishable from early speech by sus-

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tained vowels on steady pitches and timing controlled by a beat. Over the first 3 years, the songs grow in length and complexity, and copies of adult songs come to resemble their models more closely. But from the beginning, patterns of repetition of phrases with recognizable pitch and rhythm contours structure the song. The phrases are repeated at different pitch levels; the pitch wanders. It is not yet anchored to the adult musical scale. (Between the ages of 3 and 6, the scale becomes more evident.) But the technique of repeating a melodic-rhythmic kernel at different pitch levels is well known to adults; one has only to think of the opening movement of Beethoven’s Fifth Symphony. The child’s acquisition of the adult tonal scheme embodied (for European music) in the do-re-mi scale takes years. Infants in their first year are sensitive to some broad aspects of cross-culturally widespread adult scale tuning patterns, but it is not until the kindergarten years that they consistently approximate adult pitch categories. For example, infants in their first year notice alterations of a model interval such as a perfect fifth (involving a 3:2 frequency ratio of the tones) more easily than they notice the alteration of a diminished fifth (with a 45:32 frequency ratio). This suggests that the simpler physical relationship is easier for their auditory systems to handle. However, they are not yet sensitive to culturally determined pitch categories. In fact, infants are better than adults at detecting pitch alterations when they involve steps in a scale constructed differently from the familiar do-re-mi scale. And whereas adults are painfully aware of “out-of-key” intrusions in a tonal melody but often ignore alterations that preserve the key and harmonic structure of the tune, young infants are equally good at detecting both kinds of change, suggesting that they are oblivious to the culturally defined categories. By the age of 5, the child has a sense of a tonal center, shown by the fact that at that age children generally use a consistent tonic pitch in their songs. And they acquire an increasingly precise sense of the functions of subsidiary pitches in the scale. By the age of 7, the child has developed a sense of the implicit melodic tendencies of the pitches of the scale and how those function in melodies, is better at recognizing melodies that conform to the tonal scale than those that do not, and can notice sudden changes in key. By the age of 10, most children have the basic component skills adults use in understanding music. They bring expectancies to cadential patterns, such as being able to tell when an unfamiliar melody has been interrupted in midstream as opposed to being completed with the expected cadence. They are able to use their grasp of pitch and time relations to discern familiar melodies when those are hidden amid distractor notes. And they are beginning to understand the complex pattern of key relationships around which much European music is structured. Absolute, or “perfect,” pitch—the ability to name pitches

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heard out of context—has long puzzled students of music psychology. It is not clear that it confers an unalloyed advantage on the musician, since most if not all the music in the world emphasizes pitch relationships and not absolute pitch levels. The development of absolute pitch appears to require a combination of innate tendencies and the environment. Almost all musicians who have absolute pitch started their musical training before the age of 6, which points to a critical period for its acquisition. And when a culture begins to emphasize early instrumental training, such as the recent trend in Japan for children to begin music lessons at age 3 or 4, the incidence of absolute pitch in the population increases enormously, attaining, by some estimates, 50%. Music, like mathematics and chess, is a domain where prodigies abound, and case studies of prodigies can provide insights into musical development. The almost unimaginably gifted Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart (1756–91) was able to accomplish feats as a child that hardly any adult with thorough musical training could accomplish. For example, at the age of 14 he came home after hearing a fairly complex piece at a concert and wrote out the score. Mozart represents a convergence of native ability and environmental influence. He was born into a musical family, and his father was eager to exploit his son’s (and his daughter’s) abilities commercially. So Mozart was immersed in an intensive training program from the start. But even more than his sister (or any other children), he displayed a facility for composing music. He was writing creditable minuets by the age of 6 and operas by the age of 10. In addition to the convergence of nature and nurture, Mozart was born at a propitious time in the culture, growing up with a stable tonal system embodied in a coherent body of musical literature. W. Jay Dowling see also: Artistic Development; Arts Education; Creativity; Giftedness; Music; Perception further reading: W. Jay Dowling and Dane L. Harwood, Music Cognition, 1986. • David J. Hargreaves, The Developmental Psychology of Music, 1986. • Diana Deutsch, ed., The Psychology of Music, 1999. • W. Jay Dowling, “Perception of Music,” in E. Bruce Goldstein, ed., Blackwell Handbook of Perception, 2001, pp. 469–98.

myths, childhood. Myths are stories a society tells itself about itself, anthropologists have said, a way of stating that myths encode and express sociocultural values, often accompanied by ritualized behavior. Myths are narratives with roots traveling through a culture’s traditions into contemporary discourse. Myths are sacred stories in the sense of being set apart from the ordinary and special enough to hold considerable sway for cultural members, including those who suspend their disbelief. While myths may call on cultural members to have faith, they are not lies, for they contain truths of cultural symbolic capital spanning generations.

Children’s myths, in which a myth’s narratives and rituals are explicitly aimed at children within a society, have often received less attention from anthropologists than adult mythical practices. Child folklore scholar Brian Sutton-Smith in 1970 called attention to this inequity, still pertinent a generation later. The “triviality barrier,” as Sutton-Smith pronounced the quandary, reflects the propensity of adult-focused researchers to regard the lore of children nonseriously. Games, jokes, torments, nicknames, half beliefs, play, daydreams, and myths largely get marginalized or disregarded in mature scholarly circles. Children’s myths, as a subject matter, trigger the triviality barrier when superficial analysis suggests few functional connections to adult adaptation or mature dimensionalities (such as reasoned cognition or economically valued skills). Much of child lore is pleasurable to children, and some has diminutive charm to adults, but these native interpretations do not garner scholarly deference. What has been gleaned so far from serious research about children’s myths, however, suggests that there are lessons about myths that should not be belittled. Children’s myths carry systematic cultural significance and are important for how children and adults interact around issues of cultural meaning. A case study in children’s myths is presented by what Anthony F. C. Wallace dubbed “the North American children’s cult.” Three myths, each with associated rituals (Santa Claus, the Easter bunny and the tooth fairy), have been studied using ethnographic approaches with children as young as 5. Two of these myths link to holiday rituals: Santa Claus (for Christmas) and the Easter bunny. The third mythical figure, the tooth fairy, is associated with second dentition, which is itself a biologically given rite of passage out of early childhood. Santa Claus may be the best-known North American children’s myth. Historically, the Santa myth crystallized during the industrializing period of the 19th century, with the growing importance of the nuclear family and family celebrations. The influences on the myth include the prior religious myth of the Dutch St. Nicholas, Clement Moore’s 1822 poem “A Visit from Saint Nicholas,” and popular illustrations depicting Santa, including those by Thomas Nast appearing in Harper’s Weekly between 1863 and 1886. The Santa myth underwent dynamic change through the 20th century, such as incorporating the midcentury tale of Rudolph the Red-Nosed Reindeer, the outcast who became extraordinary when his bright nose guided Santa’s sleigh through bad weather. Children’s mythical notions have actively incorporated Rudolph, now assumed a member of Santa’s reindeer, although adult moviemakers still overlook Rudolph in some Santa-themed films. Generally, children take an active role in the Christmas myth and its associated ritual, whereby Santa (unseen, through parental secretive action) is said to visit each home

Five-year-old Carlotta and her 3-year-old sister, Sandra, were very excited as they walked with their mother to do some shopping in the city of Modena in northern Italy. The girls liked to go shopping, but this cold morning in early January was special because they were going to see la Befana. The girls would not see the real la Befana because she only comes when children are asleep the night of January 5 to bring them toys or sweets for Epiphany on January 6. Rather, they would see a figure of la Befana that their neighbor, Signore Molinari, had made and placed in a tree in the small park near their home. Signore Molinari had been doing this for many years to entertain the children of the neighborhood. When they turned the corner onto the street where the park was located, Carlotta shouted, “There she is!” and released her sister’s hand to run up and get a good look at la Befana. The figure had been placed in a low branch of a tree. The old woman was wearing old shoes with holes in them, a long purple coat, and a black top hat called a Roman hat. She was perched atop a broom and had a big smile on her wrinkled face. From a distance, it appeared as if la Befana was really flying. Carlotta touched la Befana’s broom and her long coat. Her mother and sister arrived, and her sister clung to her mother. “Go on, Sandra, you can touch la Befana’s coat, too,” said the mother. “But, I’m afraid,” said Sandra. “My friend Federica said la Befana is a witch and brings coal to children who are bad!” “La Befana is an old woman and not really a witch,” replied Sandra’s mother. “If she is a witch, she is a nice witch,” said Carlotta. “See how she is smiling. Come and touch her, Sandra.” Sandra slowly moved forward and took her sister’s hand and then with her other hand touched la Befana’s coat. “See, she’s smiling because she likes us,” said Carlotta. “We’ve been good, and she will bring us toys and sweets like last year, remember?” “I can’t remember,” answered Sandra as she moved back to take her mother’s hand. “But I know she did not put coal in my stocking!” “Come girls,” said their mother. “Your grandmother has promised to tell us all the story of la Befana tonight. Now we must do our shopping.” After dinner that night, Carlotta and Sandra gathered in the living room with their parents and two of their grandparents who lived in their city. Their grandmother sat on the sofa, and she held a small statue of la Befana. The girls sat on the floor in front of her, and their parents sat nearby while their grandfather tended a warm fire burning in the fireplace. “So you want to hear about la Befana?” asked the grandmother. “You know she is coming tonight after you are asleep.” “Yes, Nonna, I remember you told us she would come last year, and you were right!” shouted Carlotta.

“I colored a picture of la Befana!” Sandra added excitedly. “Now calm yourself girls,” said the grandmother. “Tonight I will tell you some new things. Did you know that she once had a husband and child of her own? It is a sad story. Both her husband and child died after they became ill. So for many years, la Befana lived all alone.” “But why did she not fly her husband and child on her broom to the hospital where I had to go one time to have my tonsils out?” asked Carlotta. “Shh,” admonished Carlotta’s mother. “Let your nonna tell us the story.” And so the grandmother began her story: “La Befana lived in a house in the hills of southern Italy. She was always busy baking and cleaning her house. One night, la Befana heard a lot of noise outside her house. She opened the door to see a large caravan of people led by three wise men who she thought to be kings. One man asked la Befana directions to find the Christ child. La Befana said she knew nothing about a Christ child or how to find him. The men then asked la Befana if she wanted to join them in their search. She said she had too much work to do and could not go with them.” “But nonna, why didn’t la Befana want to find the Baby Jesus?” asked Sandra, interrupting the story. “Yes, Sandra,” said her grandmother. “La Befana was sorry she had not gone with the wise men, and she decided to hurry and catch up with them. She first took time to place some cakes, cookies, and gifts for the Christ child in a large sack and then raced after the caravan. But it had disappeared, and soon la Befana was lost. “La Befana searched everywhere. She still searches today. Every year on the eve of the Epiphany, when la Befana comes to a house where there is a child, she stops to see if it is the Baby Jesus. It never is, but la Befana always leaves a gift anyway. And if you have been good, she will leave you presents in the stockings your grandfather has hung by the fireplace.” “Now off to bed my sweet daughters, so la Befana can come,” said their father. Carlotta and Sandra raced off to bed. Sandra woke up first the next morning and shook her sister awake. They rushed into the living room and found their stockings filled with sweets and presents. They were very happy and chanted: La Befana vien di notte, La Befana comes at night, con le scarpe tutte rotte, with her shoes all broken, col cappello alla romana, with a roman hat viva, viva, la Befana! hurray, hurray, la Befana! William A. Corsaro further reading: Tomie De Paola, The Legend of Old Befana: An Italian Christmas Story, 1980.

imagining each other

imagining each other

Italian Children and the Mysterious La Befana

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on Christmas Eve and to leave gifts for children while they sleep. Children leave out a stocking (to be filled with gifts) and refreshments for Santa and, often, carrots for his reindeer. They write letters to Santa, millions of which enter the postal system. They think about Santa even after Christmas when no gifts are imminent. Adults at Christmas enjoy the irrational wonder of children’s response to Santa and respond to children’s wishes to ensure that Santa’s visitation will bring about an awestruck reaction. Indirectly, of course, this gives children important, active influence upon adults. Children are also active participants with regard to the Easter bunny and the tooth fairy. At Easter, children often remind parents to carry out the actions required by the myth, such as decorating eggs to be regifted by the Easter bunny, who visits (through secretive parental action) while children sleep Easter eve. Children actively shape and resist undesired change to the Easter rituals. They ignore adult cues about the Easter bunny’s persona, usually dismissing adults’ anthropomorphic versions of the bunny in favor of their own perceptions of a nature-derived, language-free, ordinary-size, white rabbit. The tooth fairy, seen by children as a tiny, ethereal, female, flying creature, is also understood to visit while they sleep, timed to coordinate with their own loss of a tooth. Children place the lost baby tooth under their pillow, and with secretive parental action, the tooth is replaced with money. Children feel older through this rite of passage, as they exchange a token of early childhood (a baby tooth) for a token of maturity (cash). Yet children do not derive these meanings passively by modeling parental ideas; mothers interpret the ritual not as a means to symbolic maturity, as children do, but as a way to symbolically reinforce the child’s immaturity and dependency. Fairies, like fairy tales, are culturally associated by adults with early childhood, not maturity. In the North American children’s myths, adults do not dictate children’s interpretations; children actively shape their own mythical notions, sometimes in opposition to parental understandings. The North American cycle of children’s myths shows that children have autonomous impact on what they believe and how they implement mythassociated rituals. Myths are not a means of passive socialization but a cultural process in which children take an active part. This implies that theories of both socialization and myths should interrelate the independent threads of juvenile and adult viewpoints and participation. Observe also that children’s myths are dynamic reservoirs of meaning in

which the parameters of childhood and children, among other things, are symbolically proclaimed. Children, in North America, are deemed to be innocent creatures to whom good things come while they sleep. Children are associated with dreamlike, mythical experience and things of the imagination. Adults value children’s age-graded role to experience awe and to suspend disbelief, experiences that adults, because they are too old, must undergo vicariously. It should be emphasized that these myths arise from and reflect the American cultural milieu. Notions of childhood innocence do not adhere to childhood myths universally. The Southern Arawak of eastern Peru have a postcolonial myth that implicates children to be evil sorcerers. Among the Murik of Papua New Guinea, the animistic figure Gaingeen visits the village periodically to chase, threaten, and presumably beat any children caught. Parents trying to goad their offspring into desired behavior might make the threat to call for Gaingeen to visit. Just as for the North American myths, children’s belief in Gaingeen is presumed to have an age-based expiration. By about age 7, children are expected to figure out that the masked Gaingeen who visits is a mere impersonator (usually an adolescent boy). In the same way, children gradually relinquish literal belief in Santa, the Easter bunny, and the tooth fairy. It is remarkable that children would be acculturated through myths with a culturally condoned expiration date on belief. There are some indications that this may initiate children into an important realization about the underlying essence of sacred stories. Faith, paradoxically, involves a sense of trust and mythopoeic understanding rather than an insecure or fundamentalist clinging to what is literal. Children negotiate this distinction through myths, it would seem, as they come to realize that the literal aspects of myth lay amid more transcendent understandings. Further study of children’s myth is needed to better explore how, from childhood, humans come to participate in and understand culturally shared experiences involving the sacred and transcendent. Such matters, even skeptics surely acknowledge, are not trivial. Cindy Dell Clark see also: Innocence, Childhood; Literature further reading: Brian Sutton-Smith, “Psychology of Childlore: The Triviality Barrier,” Western Folklore 29, no. 1 (1970), pp. 1–8. • Cindy Dell Clark, Flights of Fancy, Leaps of Faith: Children’s Myths in Contemporary America, 1995. • Fernando Santos-Granero, “Saint Christopher in the Amazon: Child Sorcery, Colonialism, and Violence among the Southern Arawak,” Ethnohistory 49, no. 3 (2002), pp. 507–43. • William Corsaro, “Mythical Figures and Legends,” in The Sociology of Childhood, 2005.

n naming patterns. Individuals in every society have personal names, as anthropology attests. Nevertheless, wide variation exists in such matters as to who does the naming, the methods of choosing names, and the age at which the child is named. For example, while most cultures studied by anthropologists name the child within nine days of birth, nearly one-sixth delay for a year or more. This survey mainly focuses on changes in the forenames of children in the United States and more broadly in Western societies. “From custom to fashion” is the phrase of Stanley Lieberson, a leading sociologist of contemporary naming, used to summarize the shift in naming practices in recent centuries. Cultural and institutional constraints on the choice of names have waned. In the past, religion, kinship, and gender were the most important sources of constraints on forename choice in Western societies. In Christian Europe, these sources combined in the practice of godparenthood. In the baptismal ceremony, godparents rather than parents named the child. Frequently, the child was given the same name as the godparent of the same sex, and godparents were also relatives: grandparents, uncles, aunts, and so forth. The naming pool rather exclusively included names of saints and biblical figures, although it was not until the Counter-Reformation that the Catholic Church insisted on the use of saints’ names. Since more than 10,000 saints are recognized by the Roman Catholic Church, this mandate cannot account for the concentration on a handful of names. Similarly, Muslims frequently name their children after figures in the Qur’an and have religiously based rules for choosing some names and eschewing others. Puritans in 17th-century New England rejected the institution of godparenthood as part of their sharp break from Catholicism. However, they radically turned away from names that did not appear in the Bible, discarding even very popular names, such as William. Unlike the pattern of naming for extended family members that was a norm in England and Virginia, a child, especially the first, in New England was more likely to share the name of the parent of the same sex. Some kinship relationships preclude the sharing of names. For example, living siblings almost never had the same forename in colonial New England, but it was common for a child to be named for a deceased older sibling. Very few names in the Anglo-American past were not exclusive to either boys or girls.

The extent to which children are still named after kin today is unknown. In the Chicago area in the early 1960s, mothers reported that some 62% of children were given the name of a particular relative, although sometimes the connection was subtle, as when sharing the initial letter of the name sufficed to recognize a relative. Middle names, which were very rare before the 19th century, can be used to recognize a family member. When middle names first came into use, the maiden name of the mother often followed a distinctive first name. Judging by rankings, the Bible seemingly is now back as a source. Old Testament stalwarts Jacob and Joshua held first and third position for those boys born in 2004, as tabulated from the records of the Social Security Administration. But 1.0% of boys were named Jacob in 1990, when it ranked 20th, not that much below the 1.3% that put it in first place in 2004. Name choice today also has important linguistic elements, including a distinct preference for forenamesurname combinations that “sound right” or a preference for a particular number of syllables in the name. The popularity of names for twins beginning with the same letter illustrates the point. No fewer than 17 of the 20 most popular pairs of names for twins in 2004 began with the same letter; the Jacob and Joshua pairing was the most common. The effect of names per se on the lives of children is not as obvious as it might be thought at first glance. Despite the toughening up of a “Boy Named Sue” in the Johnny Cash song, at least two problems exist when attributing consequences to forenames. First, as with other quantitative studies in social science, statistically significant results are more likely to be noticed and published, although these might in fact be rare by comparison with never-published studies turning up no significant relations. Second, the name can seem to make a difference because it conveys information about broader circumstances such as the social class or ethnicity of the child. The finding that elementary school teachers thought student essays by fictitious but desirably named students (e.g., Lisa, David) were better than those with less-favored names (e.g., Bertha, Hubert) should be viewed skeptically. Finally, in the seemingly reliable studies, the magnitude of the effect of distinctive names is quite modest. Individuation within mass culture is another label that aptly fits the current American naming pattern. Emphasis

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should be more on individuation than on mass culture in characterizing naming practices today. The most popular names being given to American children today are not as common as most-popular names once were. For girls born in 2004, for example, a mere 1.2% of girls had the most frequently occurring name for girls (Emily). The figures for the most popular name of those born in 1880 were 8.2% (John) and 7.2% (Mary). In England and Wales in 1800, more than one-fifth of boys (21.5%) were named John and nearly a quarter of the girls (23.9%) were named Mary. These figures for females had increased during the 17th and 18th centuries. In the United States, the leading three names for boys accounted for only 3.7% in 2004 compared to 21.2% in 1880, and for girls, the percentages for the two dates were 3.3% and 12.0%, respectively. Another source, forenames appearing on samples drawn from the manuscript census, suggests that native-born whites had more diversity in names than the foreign born. Some 26.4% of boys born in the United States in the decade around 1800 shared the top three names compared to only 12.0% born around 1880; for nativeborn girls, the figures for the two dates were 33.9% and 16.0%, respectively. Until recent decades, there was great stability in the most popular forenames, especially for boys. Charles, George, John, James, and William were among the leading five names for native whites in every decade between 1840 and 1900. Only nine names, including James, Joseph, Robert, and Samuel in addition to the five listed previously, were among the top five for native-born boys between 1780 and 1920. More recently, popular names have not remained popular very long. In 1970, 1980, 1990, and 2000, 6 girls’ names of the most popular 10 were not among the 10 most frequently occurring 10 years earlier. For boys, on average, 3.25 names among the most popular at the turn of the each decade were not in that group 10 years before. In contrast, in the decades before the American Civil War, only 1.5 girls’ names and 0.5 boys’ names were new to the top-10 group each decade. The break toward higher turnover in these series came during the 1920s. The same trend toward individuation in naming appears in other societies, although the United States may well be the extreme of this development. In France, for example, Jean and Marie invariably ranked first among boys and girls during the first half of the 20th century. Since 1950, new names top the French lists about every five years. The use of saints’ names declined from 86% in 1900 to 41% in 2002. Similar trends show up in a study of two German cities, including expanding the pool of names by drawing on nonGerman sources. In Gerolstein, the five most popular names for girls were Katherina, Laura, Sarah, Julia, and Michelle. Governments have responded to the desire for novelty but have not ceded control entirely. In 2004, Japanese officials approved the addition of more than 500 characters for use as names. A 1993 law in France removed all restrictions on

naming, but civil registries could nevertheless overturn parental choice. In 1996, the European Court of Human Rights ruled against French parents who wanted to name their daughter Marie de Fleur, but the registrar rejected the placement of a preposition between forenames; MarieFleur, however, was permissible. Although more than 7,000 names are approved for use in the Danish Law of Personal Names, the government rejects some 15% to 20% of the approximately 1,000 names not on the list (mostly spelling variants) reviewed each year. Forenames have long been recognized as indicators of acculturation within immigrant families. The meanings of the diversity and novelty in the naming choices of African Americans that have emerged since the 1960s are harder to pin down. Before then, black and white naming choices were remarkably similar. Among boys born around 1920, 8 of the 10 most popular names for native-born whites and African Americans were identical. While the names given to African Americans in recent years are more likely to be unique, stability in name choices characterizes neither blacks nor whites. For Americans today, fashion has indeed replaced custom as the key to the choice of names for children. Daniel Scott Smith see also: Ethnic Identity; Newborn, Rituals for and Care of the; Rites of Passage further reading: Richard D. Alford, Naming and Identity: A Cross-Cultural Study of Personal Naming Practices, 1988. • Steven Wilson, The Means of Naming: A Social and Cultural History of Personal Naming in Western Europe, 1998. • Stanley Lieberson, A Matter of Taste: How Names, Fashions, and Culture Change, 2000. • Jürgen Gerhards, The Name Game: Cultural Modernization and First Names, 2005.

narcissism. see Self-Esteem narrative. Narrative is a powerful tool of meaning making to which children gravitate from an early age. Children come into the world with the social, emotional, and cognitive potentials that prepare them for the narrative opportunities that arise. It is likely that children everywhere encounter a multiplicity of narrative genres but that the particular mix varies from place to place. For a child of the 21st century, the narrative mix may include written stories, such as fairy tales, fables, children’s literature, and religious texts; everyday oral narrative, such as stories of personal experience and family stories; and television, video, and computer-mediated stories. In addition, many children around the world experience narrative traditions unique to their ethnic, class, or cultural identity, such as skinwalker stories (Navajo), straightening the mind (Kwara-ae of the Solomon Islands), and stories of Hanuman, the monkey prince (India). Although certain stories (e.g., “Beauty and the Beast”) have circulated far and wide in previous centuries, there may be even more movement today as

Two-and-a-half-year-old Sebrina, her 4-year-old sister, Andreya, and their Aunt Sissy are playing with dolls out in a large hilltop dirt yard in front of two weather-beaten one-story houses. A red-clay drive winds down the hill to join a path that leads out through the piney woods, where it joins the county road. It’s near dusk on a hazy afternoon in mid-December. The girls are fixing their dolls’ hair and arranging their clothing, and Aunt Sissy is occasionally helping them hold a rubber band or doll sleeve as she attempts to satisfy the researcher who asked her to “keep the girls talking.” A video camera managed by the researcher sits on a tripod near the trio recording the scene. The late afternoon haze and the appearance of Brownie, the dog, trigger Aunt Sissy’s memory of the deer “out of the wilderness” that stood up to Brownie. Sebrina is questioned about whether she saw the “boogah man who was around the house the other day.” Sebrina repeats the answers her aunt provides, including the reassurance that “my dog killed him.” Then Aunt Sissy continues talking about how “the boogah tried to get you by your hair and tried to get in the bed, didn’t he? And you was a good girl all day, wasn’t you? ‘Cause the bogeyman, he went over there, too, didn’t he?” Sebrina appears to be intimidated by the reappearance of the bogeyman in Aunt Sissy’s conversation. At this point, she merely nods or shakes her head in response to Aunt Sissy’s questions. Eventually, the conversation turns toward “The Night before Christmas,” desired presents from Santa Claus (baby grease to tame the dolls’ hair), the twinkling dots in the sky that represent Santa watching every little girl, preparation of a tasty treat for Santa, and the need to fix the chimney so that Santa’s horsie can land on the roof. A bit later, Sebrina announces twice that she scared the boogah. Aunt Sissy responds with approval and says, “Tell Sis didn’t you run ’im down the road?” Sebrina agreed. Aunt Sissy suggests that the boogah went over to Ne-Ne house and asks Sebrina, “What you tell that boogah man?” Sebrina said, “Nothin’.” In a worried tone, through three more conversational turns, Aunt Sissy confirms that Sebrina told the boogah not to come back to her house no more. A bit later, 4-year-old Andreya asks casually, “What that was in that well?” Sebrina answers, “Boo.” Then Sebrina says, “It was in that tree,” and teases Andreya, “It gonna get you.” Aunt Sissy asks Sebrina to “Tell her what the boogah man do to you when he gets you. He take bad little girls, what he do? He take them away. He won’t bring ‘em back home either, will he?” Sebrina solemnly shakes her head. Young African American boys and girls in the Black Belt of Alabama, a crescent-shape swath of land that reaches from the Mississippi Delta across Alabama into Georgia, are verbally surrounded by bogeymen of various shapes, colors, and names. Their caregivers utilize these fantasy creatures to help put limits on children’s behavior. For example, since much of everyday life occurs outside because of intense heat six months out of the year, parents realistically fear that a child might wander into the woods or near a creek during normal

play activity. One teen mother confided to the researcher that her 4-year-old son, Lamont, wouldn’t sleep in his bed anymore. She had tried to keep him in bed one night by suggesting that Freddy Krueger (the slasher in the Nightmare on Elm Street horror movies) was under the bed, but the strategy backfired to her dismay. The warnings and apparitions that caregivers conjure through their talk both augment and enhance these toddlers’ developing language skills. Like 2- and 3-year-old children everywhere, children in the Black Belt are learning to represent the world linguistically. Interestingly, however, these youngsters show an unusual and intriguing preference for fantasy stories. In an article we published in 1996, we reported that young children produced many kinds of stories but that the most frequent genre featured protagonists and events that could never exist. Even 24-month-old toddlers evoked fantasies that involved bogeymen and witches. For example, when asked to go to a hall closet to get his truck, 24-month-old Stillman resisted, saying, “I green man truck. That green man in [th]ere. It bit. Bite my hand.” Perhaps more important than the sheer frequency of fantasy stories is the fact that children were more likely than their conversational partners to generate the majority of the content of fantasy stories. Children introduced much more new information in fantasies than they did in realistic stories of past experience. It is significant to note, however, that boys were three to four times more likely than girls to tell stories. Boys told more fantasies than girls did, while girls told more stories about realistic past events. This finding corroborates the testimony of caregivers who described men as “tall braggers.” In conclusion, the children’s preference for fantasy stories suggests that caregiver warnings delivered through the evocation of bogeymen are understood and embraced by 2-year-olds. The immediate effect is that young African American children in this and other communities learn to fictionalize their experiences in ways that are entertaining and selfaffirming. The direct long-term effects have not been identified. However, the practice of learning to tell fantasy stories early in life likely originates in and helps sustain vibrant oral traditions. Furthermore, teacher practices in schools may benefit from insight into the richness of these experiences. For example, primary teachers could validate fantasy topics shared by children during story time and free-play activities and incorporate these topics into early reading, writing, and drawing activities. Linda L. Sperry and Douglas E. Sperry further reading: L. L. Sperry and D. E. Sperry, “Early Development of Narrative Skills,” Cognitive Development 11 (1996), pp. 443–65. • L. L. Sperry and D. E. Sperry, “Verbal and Nonverbal Contributions to Early Representation: Evidence from African American Toddlers,” in N. Budwig, I. C. Uzgiris, and J. V. Wertsch, eds., Communication: An Arena of Development, 2000, pp. 143–65.

imagining each other

imagining each other

Learning to Fictionalize in the Black Belt of Alabama

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population migration and global communication carry stories across national and cultural borders. Stor i es of Per s onal E xper i enc e In parallel with the complex diversity of narrative genres in children’s lives, scholarship on narrative has roots in many disciplines, from linguistics and folklore to psychology, anthropology, and education. Each research tradition has its favorite genres and topics of inquiry. However, stories of personal experience crop up again and again, partly because the genre is culturally universal and adaptable to many situations. A story of personal experience is an oral account, told in ordinary conversation, in which the narrator relates an event from his or her experience; the account is temporally ordered and conveys the point or significance of the story. Although the narrated event may be set in a variety of different time frames, including the future, hypothetical, or habitual (e.g., the script for going to Grandma’s house every Sunday), most research has focused on stories about particular past events. Children from many different cultural, ethnic, and socialclass backgrounds tell such stories from a remarkably early age. For example, a 19-month-old child and her mother related an incident that happened a few days earlier in which the child fell down and hurt herself. This story of the child’s past experience was initiated by the mother and involved several conversational turns, with the toddler casting her contribution (“me big fall down”) in the first person. A slightly older child told family members, “Jimmy pinched my fingernail. I was cryin’.” And a 3-year-old launched a story about a memorable encounter during a recent visit to the zoo: “Remember the walrus? . . . This is what he said, ‘[makes spitting noises].’ ” Her mother replied, “Yeah, at the zoo. You went to the zoo again.” The child then repeated the walrus’s noise and staged a reenactment of his surprising antics. As these stories illustrate, very young children’s stories are simple, invoking small departures from the baseline of their ordinary, expectable experience. These small departures have emotional or moral significance to the child and his family and are thus reportable. Even linguistically isolated, profoundly deaf children, whose hearing parents choose not to expose them to a conventional sign language, are able to create gestured narratives. Children’s stories develop rapidly in structural complexity, progressing from accounts of a single event, to multiple events in jumbled order, to sequenced events that do not necessarily involve a resolution. By 6 years of age, many children are able to approximate the kind of oral narrative structure characteristic of adult narratives in their communities. This structure includes orienting information (e.g., time, place, and person); “trouble” or complicating action; evaluation of what happened; resolution; and possibly an ending or coda. From 6 to 9 years of age, children produce

longer and more elaborate stories. Children also become more sophisticated in their depictions of the protagonist’s goals, intentions, and feelings. Together, these elements make up the “landscape of consciousness,” as distinguished from the plot or “landscape of action,” a distinction made by Jerome Bruner in his seminal books Actual Minds/ Possible Worlds (1986) and Acts of Meaning (1990). Narrative development also depends on the acquisition of specific linguistic and discourse systems. For example, the temporal organization of events is expressed through tense marking as early as 2 years of age (e.g., “then Emily drinked her cocktail up”; “Riley [the family dog] chewed up the raccoon [a stuffed animal]”). Evaluative devices for conveying the narrator’s attitude or emotional stance toward the narrated event also emerge in the preschool years and include emotion terms, repetition, paralinguistic markers, and quoted speech (e.g., “I cried, ‘waah!’ like that”). Stories of personal experience have also been interesting to researchers because they provide a window into autobiographical memory: memory of events that occurred at a specific time and place in an individual’s past. Extending the theory of L. S. Vygotsky, the Russian psychologist who argued that complex mental functions originate in social relationships embedded in culturally valued activities, researchers have examined the ways in which mothers structure conversations about the past with their young children. This vein of research has focused on a style of reminiscing called elaborative, in which mothers use many open-ended questions and offer much new information. Both longitudinal and cross-sectional studies indicate that the children of elaborative mothers not only contribute more new information to these conversations with their mothers but also show enhanced development of autobiographical memory over time. Although much of this work has been done with middle-class European Americans, emerging work is exploring this dimension in groups from Asia and New Zealand. Soc ialization th rough Per s onal S to r y tel l i ng Another scholarly perspective on narrative, reflected especially in research from the interdisciplinary field of language socialization, has examined personal stories as a medium of socialization, a means by which children imbibe the values and beliefs of their communities and cultures. These scholars emphasize that storytelling is a routine social practice. Observations of children in the contexts of everyday life reveal that personal storytelling occurs habitually in a wide variety of communities. For example, in one study, researchers observed personal storytelling at home in middleclass Taiwanese families in Taipei and middle-class European American families in Chicago; in both cases, stories

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involving young children occurred at average rates of 3 to 4 per hour across the entire age range from 2.5 to 4. Personal stories are particularly frequent in working-class families, accounting for one-quarter of 2-year-olds’ naturally occurring talk in an African American community in the Black Belt of Alabama and occurring at an average rate of six per hour with 3-year-olds in a European American community in Chicago. When personal stories happen so abundantly, they get woven densely but almost invisibly into the fabric of children’s social experience. Moreover, regardless of where they occur, these everyday stories are saturated with the beliefs and values of the people who tell them. Personal storytelling varies within and across cultures along a host of parameters that encompass how the genre is defined and practiced. Moreover, these differences are discernible from the very beginning of children’s foray into narrative. As children participate again and again in personal storytelling, they come to operate in terms of local interpretive frameworks of self, emotion, gender, and morality. In her classic ethnographic study, Ways with Words (1983), Shirley Brice Heath studied neighboring workingclass communities in the Piedmont Carolinas and found that members of Roadville, a European American community, adhered to a strict criterion of literal truth when narrating their personal experiences. This contrasted with the African American community of Trackton, where a story was not a story if it lacked fictional embellishment. These communities also embraced opposing norms toward aggrandizement and denigration in their portrayals of the self-protagonist. Trackton children not only created bold, self-expressive, and triumphant self-protagonists but also asserted their rights to tell stories by adroitly working their way into multiparty talk, commanding the floor, and receiving approbation for their verbal artistry. There is also substantial variation along the didactic/ nondidactic continuum. Although stories are value laden everywhere, there is growing evidence that Chinese cultures have elaborated the teaching potential of narrative. Compared to their European American counterparts, Taiwanese youngsters from middle-class, urban-dwelling families participate in many more stories in which their own past misdeeds (e.g., writing on the wall, eating too much bad food, crying inappropriately) are treated as didactic resources. Believing that they should take every opportunity to correct the child, parents routinely remind young children of their past transgressions, invoke moral rules, and distinguish sharply between right and wrong. Sometimes, the parent will repeatedly narrate a misdeed with the child to ensure that he has learned the desired lesson, perhaps concluding, “Now, next time what won’t you do?” This concern with moral rules and moral correctness has also been found in the stories of older children and adolescents in

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China and Taiwan, perhaps reflecting the continuing influence of Confucian values. Personal storytelling is especially rich in gendered meanings. For example, a line of research with middle-class European American families revealed that mothers and fathers narrated more emotion events with their young daughters than with their sons, and the difference was especially marked for sad events. These patterns continued when the children were 6 years old. The authors argue that by the end of the preschool years, girls talk much more about sadness than do boys and that such talk occurs with both parents and friends, possibly contributing to girls’ vulnerability to depression. In another series of studies, conducted in preschools, girls tended to structure their stories around stable social relationships, especially family relationships, whereas boys’ stories often involved disruption and confl ict. However, in sociolinguistic research with African Americans children, from preschoolers to adolescents, in various contexts (Head Start, urban neighborhood, high school), girls emerge as adversarial virtuosos, using stories to assert themselves with friends and reconfigure social organization among peers. As the latter findings suggest, children’s involvement in personal storytelling is not limited to the narrator or conarrator role in one-on-one exchanges. Children are also bystanders who overhear stories, and they are listeners to stories embedded in larger social configurations. In fact, in many places in the world, multiparty talk is privileged over the kind of child-directed talk that is so familiar to mainstream Americans. A study of working-class white families in Baltimore revealed that adults and older children told stories of personal experience to one another in the presence of young children at an average rate of more than eight per hour. These stories provided curious youngsters with a wealth of information about school, parents’ work lives, male-female relationships, childbirth, and standing up for oneself. In some families, the dinner table is a venue in which family members enact a variety of narrative roles. One research team used meticulous observations of middleclass European American families around the dinner table to map the power dynamics in the family. They concluded that children (5 to 8 years) heard asymmetrical exchanges—mothers introduced children’s stories, fathers scrutinized and criticized stories—dozens of times in the course of a single meal. In another study, middle-class parents reported that children enjoyed listening to hell-raising stories, stories of the youthful misdeeds of adult members of the family. These often occurred at holidays and family gatherings, with old favorites savored anew. However, in another study, parents were reluctant to tell vivid stories of one type of hell-raising—smoking marijuana—to their adolescents. Yet the adolescents themselves were confident

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that they knew whether their parents had smoked pot, based on serendipitous observation or eavesdropping. Unfr i endly Stor i es, Nar r ativ e I nequalit y, and Stor i es That Tr ansfor m Sometimes, family discord is displayed via narrative. In a case study of a middle-class family, the 5-year-old sister and her older brother were initially silent when their parents engaged in narrative confl ict at the dinner table. Eventually, the sister protested that the parents were fighting, a concern that the parents dismissed and rationalized. This study not only shows how carefully children monitor adult conversation, especially when it is affect laden, but also serves as an important reminder that family narrative is sometimes unfriendly and threatening, exacerbating rather than solving problems. In this instance, the sister resisted her parents’ discomfiting behavior, only to be silenced. The classroom is another venue in which narrative inequality—the systematic privileging of some narrative voices over others—has been studied. Although personal narrative flourishes in working-class communities, its potential as a bridge to academic learning is not often realized, partly because working-class versions of the genre tend to be misunderstood or devalued. Consider, for example, show-and-tell or sharing time, a regular event in many kindergarten and first-grade classrooms in the United States. In this event, a child shares a personal experience with her classmates while the teacher holds the floor for the child and supports or guides the telling. In a series of influential articles, including “The Dismantling of Narrative,” published in Developing Narrative Structure (1991), Sarah Michaels showed that a middle-class discourse style prevailed. This style was incompatible with the style that workingclass African American children brought to the classroom. Michaels documented the repeated “dismantling” of a child’s narratives through the well-meaning but undermining interactions of an experienced teacher, whose narrative style differed in subtle but powerful ways from the child’s. When differences at the level of discourse go unrecognized, the parties involved may explain the difficulty in terms of ethnic or class stereotypes. The power that stories have to transform—for good or ill—depends partly on their repeatability. The capacity to respond differentially to the ordinary narrative flow, seizing some stories for repeated, intense engagement, appears to be present across the life course. Even very tiny children have the capacity to be captured by an enthralling or disturbing story. When the social conditions are right, children may resolve a personal trouble by narrating the event again and again. For example, a 3-year-old who was uninjured but traumatized by a serious automobile accident was able to reconfigure the story and restore safety to his world by telling the story over and over to a sympathetic listener. And older children with diabetes or severe asthma cope with scary

medical procedures and health crises by importing superheroes into their experience of illness. By bringing stories of personal experience into juxtaposition with other narrative genres, children can gain personal access to a wider world. As one kindergartener said, “That brown mouse [from Leo Lionni’s Frederick] seem to be just like me!” Peggy J. Miller, Eva Chian-Hui Chen, and Shumin Lin see also: Bilingualism; Communication, Development of; Folk and Fairy Tales; Folklore, Children’s; Gestures; Language; Literature; Reading; Sign Language; Socialization of the Child; Sociolinguistic Diversity; Writing further reading: Katherine Nelson, ed., Narratives from the Crib, 1989. • Allyson McCabe and Carole Peterson, eds., Developing Narrative Structure, 1991. • Susan Engel, The Stories Children Tell: Making Sense of the Narratives of Childhood, 1995. • Vivian Paley, The Girl with the Brown Crayon: How Children Use Stories to Shape Their Lives, 1997. • Robyn Fivush and Catherine A. Haden, eds., Autobiographical Memory and the Construction of a Narrative Self: Developmental and Cultural Perspectives, 2003. • Michael W. Pratt and Barbara A. Fiese, eds., Family Stories and the Life Course: Across Time and Generations, 2004. • Peggy J. Miller, Grace E. Cho, and Jeana R. Bracey, “Working-Class Children’s Experience through the Prism of Personal Storytelling,” Human Development 48 (2005), pp. 115–35.

native american children. For thousands of years before outsiders arrived, Native people of North America related their origin stories to their children. Although hundreds of bands, tribes, and indigenous nations claimed the continent, each of them cherished its own roots; possessed a unique culture and language; engaged in trade patterns that encompassed a widespread exchange of foods, technology, and customs; and sometimes fought other groups to retain their claims to the land. The separate identity of each of these people reflected a distinct relationship with place, and each of them saw the care of their land as a sacred responsibility. The origin stories absorbed by the children taught them that their ancestors, the first people, discovered their homeland. The ancestral figure of the Iroquois— Corn Mother—came to live on Turtle Island, which formed as the earth spread outward from Turtle’s shell, creating North America. The origins of some Southwest Native people lay deep within the earth, and they came forth, climbing up to this world. Still others, along the coasts, knew their origins to be in the depths of the sea. By retelling these ancient stories, the storytellers captured for the children the essence of their being, teaching them who they were and where they came from. These wonderful stories lay at the core of education for Native American children. Storytelling encompassed more than relating the people’s origins. Every indigenous group retained a code of ethical behavior that guided their relationships with all beings: people, animals, birds, fish, reptiles, the spirit world, and the earth. Since all beings possessed some form of power, people had to proceed with caution, following acceptable

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behavior patterns. Those who ignored these lessons paid the ultimate price of banishment. Story captured and conveyed these patterns, especially the tales that followed the mischievous behavior of trickster heroes like Coyote, Raven, Great Hare, and Iktome (Lakota). When Coyote misbehaved, his difficulties accentuated the lesson of proper behavior; when Coyote assisted the people, his heroic actions elicited praise. At Santa Clara Pueblo in New Mexico, Old Father the storyteller remained integral to the winter storytelling season. Children symbolized the endurance of the people, and every member of a Native society shouldered some responsibility for their education. Grandparents, cousins, aunts and uncles, as well as parents served self-consciously as role models or instructors. Where clans existed, male clan relatives often helped train boys in hunting, fishing, whaling, or warfare. Likewise, female clan relatives taught girls to gather wild roots and berries; tan buffalo hides; plant corn, beans, and squash; weave intricate baskets; or craft fine pottery for cooking. From an early age, gender determined much of children’s play, which often imitated the economic roles of adults. The path toward maturity was not easy. Children learned patience as infants when parents strapped them on cradleboards for protection and security. Youth learned discipline through bathing in cold water in all seasons or running each morning before dawn, like the Tohono O’odham, a Sonoran Desert people. Improper behavior could be curbed through ridicule, as few young people could withstand ridicule from their peers. Rewards encouraged excellence: A pair of quilled moccasins or a deftly speared salmon earned high praise for any youth. Young men or women who had learned the skills of economic survival, followed the ethical code, and knew well the spiritual beliefs and practices of the people had proved their maturity. I nitial Con tact to th e Begi nni ngs of th e R e servat ion s The arrival of people from beyond the oceans forced Native Americans to craft “New Worlds,” cobbled together by melding portions of the outsiders’ culture and technology to the worlds they already knew. Compounding the difficulties of adjusting to foreigners who sought their land and resources, often aggressively, was the invaders’ presumption of lofty cultural superiority. Further, Native people faced another, more deadly enemy: diseases carried across the water. From earliest contact, smallpox and other scourges led to pandemics that often destroyed 90% of a tribe’s population. Since disease often targeted the old and the young, for Native children the results proved catastrophic. During the generations between initial contact and the completion of the reservation system in the late 19th century, Native children repeatedly witnessed the shattering of the secure worlds of their people. Although Native people

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fought back, as in the 1680 Pueblo Revolt against the Spaniards and their Roman Catholic faith, the net result required compromises. After the Spaniards reconquered New Mexico in 1696, the Pueblos gained freedom to practice their ancient faith, but they still remained Catholic. Hence, Pueblo children learned two religious traditions, a feat that required some balancing. Christian missionaries—Roman Catholic or one of many Protestant denominations—targeted Native children because they believed youth were more open to new ideas. Missionaries often wore two hats—one as religious leader and another as schoolmaster—and both led children to acculturate. Native families had their own reasons for investigating Christianity and foreign education. Some believed that new forms of religion promised additional spiritual insights, and these Natives adopted various Christian faiths, adding them to their older faiths and employing Christianity as a means of dealing with foreigners. Samson Occom, an 18th-century Mohegan Presbyterian minister of Connecticut, exemplified this position. Others remained vehemently opposed to Christianity. Similarly, Native families shared ambivalent feelings about the outsiders’ schooling. Some Natives, like Occom, saw the new schooling as imperative. They believed each group must send some of its children to school to gain the knowledge necessary to negotiate with whites. For Native children, the divisiveness caused by these polarized reactions established a pattern they would experience again and again: the splintering of their people as communities tried to reshape their lives. Disease, warfare, Christianity, and white schooling changed the lives of Native children, but their worlds were shattered even further when their people clashed with Americans over Native sovereignty and control of homelands. Few Native nations escaped permanent removal. During the infamous Trail of Tears, when President Andrew Jackson and Congress forced Cherokee removal to Indian Territory in the 1830s, Cherokee children suffered malnutrition and death; perhaps one-fourth of the people died en route. Nat i v e C h i l d r en i n S c ho o l : 1 8 0 0 – 1 9 6 0 Before the American Revolution, a small number of Native youth attended missionary schools, and a handful of them enrolled in Harvard, Princeton, and Dartmouth, but most Native youth adjusted to the presence of outsiders from within their own education systems. In the early decades of the young republic, additional Indian children were caught up in missionary schooling when Congress passed the Indian Civilization Act, which added federal funds for Indian education to those of the tribes and missionary societies. For the Southeast Indian nations removed to Indian Territory, however, schooling remained a tribal affair, reconfirming their sovereign status within the United States. For some 60 years, these indigenous nations directed schools

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for their own children. The Cherokee two-tiered school structure boasted both a male and a female seminary for the elite, largely acculturated youth and a system of common schools for the more traditional children. The quality of these schools meant that Cherokee children had access to an education superior to that of schools in the surrounding territories. Despite strong protest from these sovereign indigenous nations, in 1907, following Oklahoma statehood, the United States closed their national education systems, and the Native youth had to transfer to inferior public schools. Although these Indian children attended their own nations’ schools in the 19th century, other Native children faced an assimilative federal Indian school system introduced in 1879 with the opening of Carlisle Indian School in Pennsylvania. Enlarged in the ensuing decades, the federal Indian boarding school program eventually affected the lives of thousands of Native children. Poignant stories come down to people today from students of that era, recalling the trauma of haircuts and name changes, military drills and punishment, runaways, and mouths washed out with lye soap for speaking a Native language. Yet other former students remembered boarding school warmly, reminded of close friendships, athletic victories, adequate food, and the thrill of using Native languages and customs under the noses of teachers and matrons. The federal boarding schools left a mixed legacy, but the challenge they posed for language and other aspects of culture lingers in Native communities today. By the end of the 19th century, the federal government had begun to allot Indian lands under the auspices of the Dawes Act of 1887, a devastating measure that removed onethird of the remaining Indian land base by 1934. In theory, the Dawes Act would “individualize” Indians through land ownership. In reality, it separated thousands of Indians from their land when they leased it to other Americans or lost it outright for failure to pay taxes. The Dawes Act had a dual impact on Native children. The loss of land meant increasing poverty and its attenuating circumstances, such as alcoholism. The sale of land meant the influx of white children and the opening of public schools. By the 1930s, the majority of Indian schoolchildren attended public school. In this mixed environment, some retreated from widespread prejudice, returning to federal Indian schools, where everyone was Indian. Nativ e Amer ican C h i ldr en : 1 9 60s to th e Ear ly 2 0 0 0s World War II marked the great dividing line in many Native communities. Before the war, 1 in 10 American Indians lived in an urban setting. By 1950, the ratio was one in four, and by 2000 more than two-thirds of all Native Americans lived in urban areas of the United States. In 1940, Indian

life expectancy, general Indian health, and Indian economic status remained well below the national average. In the decades after the war, these increasingly resembled those of the rest of the population, especially as residents of the reservations moved, often permanently, to urban areas, drawn in part by military service, work in defense industries, and government relocation programs. But even to this day, health and mortality statistics continue to reflect marked disadvantage. By the 1950s, many Native American children grew up in the cities, visiting their reservation grandparents and cousins only during ceremonies or powwows. They attended urban public schools, painfully aware of their minority status and reaching out to youth from other tribes in an emerging urban, pan-Indian culture. Most often they did not speak their Native language, nor did they know much about their tribal culture. Although the pattern of extended families still common to the reservation did not always shift to the cities, urban parents always found room for new arrivals from the reservation. By the 1960s, both urban and rural Native youth had begun to participate in a society connected by electronic media. Interacting with this larger world, they played basketball, they formed Native rock bands, and they experimented with drugs. As urban Native children became teenagers in this decade, they reconfirmed civil rights activism when they demanded recognition of their rights as Native people. Urban Natives formed the nucleus for the Red Power movement of the 1960s and 1970s. In 1961, they formed the National Indian Youth Council in New Mexico, the pioneering activist organization of an era that included the “fish-ins” of the Pacific Northwest, the occupation of Alcatraz in 1969, and the formation of the American Indian Movement in 1968. Native youth had joined the modern United States, but on their own terms. In the last decades of the 20th century, Native American youth gained further awareness of their culture while, at the same time, they often knew less about their origins. Like children from other minority groups in the United States, they found themselves torn between the persuasive hype of mainstream media and technology—television, DVDs, video games, and cell phones—and the old question of identity. Their ancestors in early Native America learned who they were and where they came from through the storytellers. At the turn of the 21st century, the storytellers seemed to be embedded in modern media. Tribal schools and tribal colleges might draw them back into a Native identity, but the issues of a globalizing world have also become compelling. How opportunities for advanced education and professional employment might be reconciled with traditional education has by no means been settled. Contemporary childhood for Native Americans had become as challenging as it had been before 1492. Margaret Connell Szasz

n a t iv e a m e r ic a n c h il d r e n , l a w s go v e r n in g see also: American History, Childhood and Adolescence in; Ethnic Identity; Native American Children, Laws Governing; Native American Religious Traditions; Schooling, Inequalities in further reading: George A. Pettitt, Primitive Education in North America, 1946. • Margaret Connell Szasz, “Native American Children,” in N. Ray Hiner and Joseph M. Hawes, eds., American Childhood: A Research Guide and Historical Handbook, 1985, pp. 311–42. • Michael C. Coleman, American Indian Children at School: 1850–1930, 1993. • Patricia Riley, ed., Growing Up Native American: An Anthology, 1993.

native american children, laws governing. Before discussing the laws affecting Native American or American Indian children, it is important to define who is encompassed by the term, as it has two related, but legally distinct, meanings. Perhaps the most common popular meaning signifies the ethnicity of the descendants of the people indigenous to the United States before European Americans arrived. The more important legal meaning, however, signifies the people who are part of the Native governments that retain a measure of the sovereignty of those precontact governments. Individuals who fall within the second definition almost always also satisfy the first, because tribes typically include a descent requirement in their membership criteria. But ethnic heritage without political affiliation is not enough to trigger the special legal rights and restrictions that attach to Indian people. This article will therefore primarily focus on those who are Indian in the political, rather than solely in the racial, sense. (American Indian or Indian, rather than Native American, is the term more commonly used in the law and by U.S. Native peoples outside of Alaska and will be the primary term used in this entry. Alaska Natives will be used to refer specifically to the indigenous peoples of Alaska.) A further complication comes from the fact that only certain indigenous governments are legally recognized by the United States. If the federal government does not formally acknowledge a tribe, the laws discussed in this article generally will not apply. In addition, although the Kingdom of Hawaii was one of the largest indigenous governments at the time of European American settlement and its descendants retain a distinct cultural, legal, and linguistic heritage, Native Hawaiians are not recognized as a tribe and thus are not generally accorded the rights of Indian peoples. Members of Alaska Native villages, however, have the same legal status as members of Indian tribes. The U.S. census does not neatly track the political/ethnic distinction made previously. In addition, problems arise in interpreting the 2000 census, in which respondents of multiethnic heritage could record more than one race. As a result of the ability to indicate Native descent in addition to another race, the population reporting Native heritage more than doubled between 1990 and 2000. A better proxy

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for those individuals who are politically affiliated with an indigenous government is the population who identified American Indian or Alaska Native as their only race; although most of these individuals are likely also multiracial, this choice tends to track an Indian political affiliation. The population reporting American Indian or Alaska Native ethnicity alone is disproportionately young. Thirtythree percent of the Native population is younger than 18, compared to 24% of the non-Native population. About 36% of this population lives in an American Indian or Alaska Native area, which includes reservations, trust lands, and Alaska Native territories, and other areas designated as primarily tribal territories. The Native population is poorer than the American population as a whole, experiencing poverty rates more than twice those of other Americans. Similarly, education rates and life expectancy are lower and infant mortality higher than among the U.S. population as a whole. All of these statistics, however, have been improving steadily since the 1970s. The most distinctive aspect of the laws governing Indian children is not the substance of the laws but the source; that is, the question of which governments may extend authority over these children. Native governments have broad, almost exclusive, jurisdiction over the activities of their own members within their territory and limited jurisdiction over the activities of nonmembers. Tribal courts and governments are thus the source of most laws governing the lives of Indian children in Indian country. These laws are not uniform across the more than 500 Indian tribes and Alaska Native villages, and while many are similar to those of state governments, others reflect the unique political and cultural heritage of particular tribes. Absent federal laws authorizing state jurisdiction, states have no civil or criminal jurisdiction over tribes or their members for activities in tribal territories and minimal regulatory jurisdiction in the rare circumstances necessary to enforce permissible state jurisdiction against nonmembers of the tribe. Public Law 280 is the primary federal law providing states with criminal and adjudicatory authority over tribal members. Public Law 280 applies with full force in most of Alaska, California, Minnesota, Nebraska, Oregon, and Wisconsin; similar laws affect specific areas in other states. States have more authority with respect to nonmembers in Indian country, although jurisdiction over nonmembers may also be barred if it unduly interferes with federal and tribal interests or tribal self-government. The federal government, in contrast, has significant jurisdiction over both tribal members and nonmembers. In particular, the federal government has criminal jurisdiction over all felonies committed by Indians in other tribal territories and over all crimes between Indians and nonIndians. Thus, Native juveniles committing serious crimes in Indian country will often be subject to federal criminal

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jurisdiction, resulting in disproportionately high numbers of Indian youth in federal prisons and detention centers. Because tribes lack criminal jurisdiction over non-Indians, however, if the federal government declines to prosecute a crime by a non-Indian against an Indian child on a reservation, the crime will go unpunished. With the exception of the Indian Child Welfare Act, discussed in the following paragraphs, almost none of these special jurisdictional rules apply outside tribal territories. Beyond the borders of reservations and the other lands federally set aside for Indians, Indian children are subject to most of the same laws as all other children. In addition, although Indian children have unique political relationships to their tribal governments, they are also citizens of the United States and, by virtue of the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, of the states where they live. Whether Indians live on or off reservations, therefore, states must provide equal rights and services to Indian children to avoid running afoul of the Constitution and federal laws forbidding discrimination. The most significant federal law specifically affecting Native children is the Indian Child Welfare Act of 1978 (ICWA). Congress enacted the ICWA to safeguard the interest of tribes in their children and to respond to the alarming and disproportionate rates at which state social welfare systems removed Indian children from their families. The ICWA protects and enhances tribal jurisdiction in Indian child custody cases, places substantive and procedural requirements on states hearing such cases, and seeks to enhance tribal child welfare systems. The ICWA applies only to proceedings involving children who are members of federally recognized Indian tribes or Alaska Native villages or who are eligible for membership and have at least one biological parent who is a tribal member. The law governs voluntary and involuntary foster care placements, terminations of parental rights, preadoptive placements, and adoptions. It does not apply to divorce proceedings or other custody disputes between parents. If an Indian child is domiciled on a reservation or other tribal jurisdictional territory, the ICWA provides that the tribe has exclusive jurisdiction over the child’s custody. If the child is domiciled off reservation, a state commencing a child custody proceeding must notify the child’s tribe of the proceeding and permit the tribe to intervene. In addition, upon request of either the child’s parent or the tribe, the state must transfer the proceeding to tribal court absent good cause to the contrary or objection by either parent. When a state does adjudicate the custody of an Indian child, it must provide the parents with heightened procedural protections to ensure that they understand and can protect their rights. Before involuntarily removing a child, there must also be proof that the state has made active efforts to prevent familial breakup. In addition, when a state places a child in foster care or in an adoptive or preadop-

tive placement, the state must give preference, absent good cause to the contrary, to, first, a placement with the child’s extended family; second, a family from the child’s tribe; and, third, to an Indian family from another tribe. Although federal boarding schools have made a lasting mark on Indian education and history, today about 90% of Indian children attend state public schools. If the children reside on tax-exempt tribal lands, the states are entitled to federal impact aid to compensate for the local property taxes that typically make up a significant proportion of school funding. Only about 10% of Native children attend schools that receive their primary funding from the federal Bureau of Indian Affairs. Although some of these schools, like the federal boarding schools of old, are directly administered by the federal government, more than half are now administered by tribes or tribal organizations. Tribal colleges and universities are an increasing force in the education of Native students. Tribes first founded community colleges in the 1960s and 1970s to address the fact that only one in four Indian students enrolling in a traditional college completed his or her degree. The schools were successful, and the vast majority of students who went from a tribal two-year college to a four-year college received their degrees. Today, there are more than 30 tribal colleges; they are funded both by the federal government and tribes themselves. Indian and Alaska Native children are also eligible for federally funded health care from the Indian Health Service (IHS). The IHS funds hospitals, health clinics, and contract health services on and near reservations. There is little funding, however, to provide health care for the 64% of eligible Native people who live away from tribal territories. As with education, the trend is for tribes and tribal organizations to take over management of health care in tribal territories in order to tailor medical responses to the distinct needs of the population served. Bethany R. Berger see also: Federalism and Families; Native American Children further reading: B. J. Jones, Indian Child Welfare Act Handbook, 1995. • U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, A Quiet Crisis: Federal Funding and Unmet Needs in Indian Country, 2003. • Nell Jessup Newton, ed., Cohen’s Handbook of Federal Indian Law, 2005.

native american religious traditions. Indigenous peoples of North America have long inhabited culturally constructed realities that defy Western oppositions of the natural versus the supernatural or the secular versus the sacred. As a result, English-language terms such as religion, spirituality, and the supernatural inevitably misrepresent Native worldviews. Those worldviews typically recognize a much greater variety of intentional other-than-human persons throughout the cosmos and emphasize proper relations of respect and reciprocity between vulnerable humans and powerful other-than-humans (e.g., celestial beings, an-

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cestors, ghosts, animals, plants, mountains, and so on). Furthermore, these traditions introduce their knowledge over lifelong paths: The beliefs and practices of children are different from, yet anticipate, those held by adults and elders. The contours of Native American knowledge, self, and personhood through the life cycle are inextricably religious in nature, in the sense that they are shaped by sacred orders of space and time and homologous with cosmology, seasonality, landscape, and history. Of course, notions of childhood and its relationship to the sacred vary significantly across the several hundred indigenous cultural communities on the North American continent. Instead of theological and moral emphasis upon the afterlife, indigenous religions are generally focused on shaping and extending all forms of life in this world. Each stage of life involves its own knowledge of and relationship to powerful beings considered appropriate for that stage of life. Therefore, indigenous spirituality must be understood relative to stage of life rather than to dogma or belief, inculcated in total during childhood and then reproduced in subsequent actions or expressions. One persistent Western bias in approaches to Native religious traditions, then, is the assumption that faith in an ideologically closed and collectively accessible set of doctrines must precede all other aspects of religion in time, including the life trajectory. By contrast, the culturally constructed life cycles of Native peoples allow, encourage, or actively manifest both gradual and abrupt changes in personal orientation and sacred interpretation at several junctures in the life cycle. Transition rites, age grade ceremonies, forms of personal power acquisition, curing apprenticeships, society initiations, sacred arts instruction, and other experiences are just a few of the ritual practices maintained to mark or generate human development. Birth, naming, kinship recognition, society initiation, and thankful celebration of emergent abilities are observed throughout childhood by rites involving feasts, songs, speeches, prayers, dances, and dramas. Many indigenous religious traditions maintain a developmental pluralism in which each successive mode of sacred encounter and understanding was considered true and correct for the believers’ age, gender, and life stage. What was considered appropriate for one stage might be inappropriate or even dangerous in other stages of life. Spatial and temporal boundaries between children’s and adults’ sacred activities are thus maintained. In almost every case, at least some religious objects, activities, and narratives are considered appropriate only for adults and explicitly exclude children as participants. Most Native religious socialization during childhood involved instruction in social relationships and interpersonal exchanges with both human and other-than-human persons. Arapaho children, for example, learned that the respect, distance, and generosity they should show toward older relatives were the very same values they should extend to animals, celestial beings

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(e.g., the sun), and sacred objects. One primary function of childhood religious socialization involves training children in respectful behavior toward sacred objects, practices, and persons. For example, children learn to observe proscriptions and prescriptions pertaining to sacred items: expressions of respect to sacred objects, places, persons, and powers to which they might gain formal access only in later life. In most Native cultures, only through initiation to sacred societies, alternative states of consciousness, overcoming serious illness, or prolonged apprenticeship were older children or young adults instructed in the complex meanings and controlled uses of sacred forms. From early on in life, children were instructed in the obligations and taboos surrounding uses of common sacred forms, such as water, fire, the human body, animals, and utensils, and in normative behaviors required at different times of the ritual process or ceremonial calendar and in different places marked by seasonal rites and observances. Further, in most Native communities, not all boys or girls followed the same life path toward shared ritual experiences. By late childhood, young women’s and men’s religious lives began to be segregated, though usually remaining complementary and symmetrical throughout adulthood. Within and between genders, because of special experiences or personal characteristics others observed in their actions, children could become various types of shamans, herbal curers, ceremonial leaders, sacred artists, thirdgender persons, or other practitioners too numerous to list. In most communities, individuals, groups, or families thus had differential access to distinctive powerful beings, modes of knowledge, and power. While the majority of such variation was acquired in the transition to adulthood, children who showed unique abilities or proclivities or who experienced certain dreams, visions, or even illnesses might be identified for apprenticeships to shamans, initiation to religious societies, or encouragement toward other specialized roles in community life. Storytelling remains a primary introduction to the powerful beings, moral principles, and sacred mysteries of Native religious traditions. Told by specialized elderly persons or accomplished storytellers, these narratives typically relate the adventures of child-heroes or the misadventures of trickster beings, such as Spider, Coyote, or Raven. As in many cultures around the world, such tricksters typically act in foolish, playful, harmful, overly curious, or childish ways that are counter to human morality, natural laws, and sacred traditions. In these accounts, protagonists encounter tricksters and other dangerous beings such as cannibals, animal-human shape-shifters, little people, ghosts, weather beings, and many others. Little heroes and trickster beings generally do not heed the admonitions of relatives, animals, or persons with special powers, and they often transgress normal boundaries for action. Characters thus typically violate relational norms concerning respect and care for

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the sacred or powerful, but the outcomes are rarely simply punitive. Both good and bad things might happen as a result of young heroes’ or tricksters’ improprieties. As a result, characters are transformed temporarily or permanently, return to their families with new knowledge or power, or bring about some other significant change in the social or cosmological order. Another function of such stories is to introduce and explain animal abilities, natural phenomena, kinship relations, and cosmological principles. At one level, these stories are fables in that they teach lessons about proper relations among and between humans, animals, and other sacred beings. In addition, however, they instill and reinforce moral and affective orientations (e.g., generosity, mercy, respect, and courage) toward others, an orientation of ironic inquiry to a world in which appearances are not to be trusted, a recognition that there are multiple ways of seeing all things, an appreciation that tangible forms are never fixed and permanent, a belief that knowledge should always be open to mystery and discovery, and a faith that stepping beyond boundaries is often rewarded, though not without personal risk or cost. One of the challenges for Native communities throughout history, but especially since European colonization, has been to maintain childhood religious socialization rooted in tradition yet adapted to a changing world often interrupted by personal or collective crises. Beginning in the late 19th century, children from many Native communities were pressured or forced to obtain an assimilative boarding school education. Some communities and families hid children from the non-Indian world, others encouraged education as a form of empowerment to control Euro-American forces, and yet others sought to maintain a bicultural socialization for children. In most schools, Native language and culture were deliberately stigmatized and excluded. Furthermore, Christian religious socialization exported alien concepts that traditional religious socialization had to redefine, appropriate, or resist. In response to forced assimilation and loss of some traditional religious forms resulting from Euro-American colonization, Native peoples created many new revitalizing religions, some of which survive to the present, such as the Native American Church (or Peyote Road), Indian Shaker Religion, and Longhouse Religion. Despite current ecumenical efforts by many Christian missions among Native Americans today, there are still deep-seated historical contradictions for many communities surrounding doctrinal authoritarianism, punitive eschatology, and antitraditionalism. Today, most Native communities socialize children into a religious pluralism of tribally specific traditions, variations of Christianity, and multiple pan-Indian religious forms that emerged and spread throughout the 20th cen-

tury. Part of contemporary childhood socialization is an effort by families and religious leaders to keep all or some of these forms vital, balanced, and compartmentalized in young people’s experiences and understanding. Inundated by an increasingly global popular culture of materialism, violence, narcissism, and eroticism, Native children are prone to embracing national or cosmopolitan youth subcultures as bases for identity formation, peer group solidarity, and resistance to authority. In reservation communities, many children grow up with minimal direct access to lived EuroAmerican culture but with an overabundance of idealized images that greatly complicate the reproduction of vital but vulnerable religious traditions. Jeffrey D. Anderson and Joseph P. Gone see also: Child: Religious and Philosophical Perspectives; Religious Instruction further reading: Fred P. Gone, The Seven Visions of Bull Lodge as Told to His Daughter, Garter Snake, ed. George P. Horse Capture, 1980. • Raymond J. DeMallie, ed., The Sixth Grandfather: Black Elk’s Teachings Given to John G. Neihardt, 1984. • John H. Moore, “Truth and Tolerance in Native American Epistemology,” in Russell Thornton, ed., Studying Native America: Problems and Prospects, 1998, pp. 271–305. • Kenneth M. Morrison, “The Cosmos as Intersubjective: Native American Other-Than-Human Persons,” in Graham Harvey, ed., Indigenous Religions: A Companion, 2000, pp. 23–36.

nature, children and. In many cultures, children are associated with nature and childhood is considered a “natural” state. Cultures are divided, however, about whether this state is good or bad, and some cultures are divided within themselves. In Judeo-Christian tradition, the biblical book of Isaiah prophecies a savior who will introduce a “peaceable kingdom” where “the wolf shall dwell with the lamb, and the leopard shall lie down with the kid . . . and a little child shall lead them” (Isaiah 11:6). In this image, childhood is associated with a sanctified and redeemed nature. This redeemed nature stands in opposition to the fallen world into which Adam and Eve were expelled after they ate the forbidden fruit. In this fallen world, the wolf stalks the lamb and children are born with the stain of original sin. Thus Christ’s apostle Paul distinguished the “natural man” who is born into the corruptible world of nature and the flesh from the redeemed man who has received spiritual grace (1 Corinthians 2:14–16). In this corruptible earthly world, nature is harsh and fractured and children “naturally” tend to sin. These contradictory versions of the relationship between children and nature took secular forms at the beginning of Western modernity. According to the dominant assumptions of Protestantism and the emerging scientific worldview, nature is an unruly wilderness that requires rational control in order to turn it to useful production. Because children are not yet rational, they, too, must be controlled

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and disciplined in order to turn them into God-fearing adults and useful members of society. In the 17th century, this position was popularized by the British philosopher John Locke, who argued that because savages leave fields and forests as uncultivated wastelands, men of advanced societies have an obligation to turn these resources to profit; likewise, the minds of infants are an “empty slate” that parents and teachers need to fill with useful knowledge and moral habits. In opposition to this dominant view, some dissenting Protestant sects, the Metaphysical poets of the 17th century, and the Romantic authors of the late 18th and early 19th centuries resanctified nature and childhood by affirming that both are inherently good and therefore must be protected from the corrupting influences of adult society. The Romantics accepted the principle of Locke that childhood is predominantly a period of unreflecting sensation without rational analysis, but they transformed its value by claiming that children learn best through this unmediated experience of the natural world. Being directly created by God, and therefore an embodiment of divine wisdom, nature should serve as a child’s first teacher. Whereas the Lockean tradition held that children should be raised up as quickly as possible from their original animal-like condition (evident in an infant’s inarticulateness and crawling on all fours), the Romantics advocated that children should be encouraged to play as freely as young animals in the woods and fields. In some ways, this Romantic view of nature was a continuation of the pastoral tradition of classical and Renaissance poets and painters, who associated escape into nature with the simple life far from the stresses and struggles of cities and courts. The pastoral world, however, was populated by idealized shepherds and shepherdesses. The Romantics added the child to this idealized “natural” landscape. As discoverers’ tales of the New World and the Pacific islands fed a growing middle-class book market in Europe, aboriginal peoples were added to this landscape. Thus, the Swiss philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau drew a parallel between the child and the “noble savage,” in that both were innocent until they were corrupted by the worldliness of civilization. As evolutionary theory became a guiding idea of the 19th century, the concept that “ontogeny recapitulates phylogeny” became popular. According to this concept, the developmental stages of an individual reenact the evolutionary stages of its species. Children, therefore, are to be expected to act like little savages. They should be encouraged to play with bows and arrows, build tree houses, and hunt birds’ nests, as these are the inclinations through which they “naturally” progress before attaining the final status of an adult, rational man. Where were girls in these competing stories about the relationship between children and nature? In general, girls were considered even more “natural” than boys. Girls were

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expected to attain their fulfillment in the childbearing and child care of motherhood—a natural function—rather than the rational analysis and domination of nature expected of men. Even the Romantics, rebels as they were in other respects, failed to challenge this assumption. They saw women’s association with children as a special female virtue, believing that women remain childlike creatures of sensation and sentiment who preserve a special attunement with nature. With industrialization, the rapidly growing cities of Europe and North America began to present evident health threats in the form of polluted air and water, crowded living quarters, heavy traffic, and infectious diseases—not to mention crime, poverty, and bad company. Parents who could afford the cost took their children out of the cities on vacations into the healthier and purer environment of the countryside. The development of mass transportation and, after World War II, extensive highway systems made it possible for the affluent to escape cities altogether by moving to the suburbs, where domesticated nature was promoted as the ideal environment for raising children. In North America, suburbs became safe havens for upper- and middle-class women and children, while men commuted to the cities to manage the riskier work of business, industry, and government. By the early 20th century, the scouting and camping movements were taking children into wilder nature as a way to build strength and character, and nonprofit organizations, churches, and for-profit businesses continue to offer camping for children of different income levels. Across social classes, some fathers still initiate their sons into hunting, fishing, and wilderness sports associated with a manly control of nature, but they are less likely to teach their daughters the same skills. A new sense of the vulnerability of planet earth has led to new associations between children and nature, expressed in the concept of intergenerational equity. There is a sense that natural resources are being consumed and natural ecologies degraded at an unsustainable pace, robbing present and future generations of children of their rightful legacy. Motivated by their own alarm at this situation, some children are organizing as environmental activists, and environmental education is increasingly incorporated into school curricula with the aim that children will learn to understand and conserve nature wisely and avoid the mistakes of past generations. Recent research suggests that exposure to nature is indeed good for children. Play in natural areas or even just natural views outside home windows has been associated with children’s more focused attention, better self-control, more successful coping with stressful life events, better motor coordination, and more creative social play. Children diagnosed with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder show reduced symptoms after play in green spaces. Positive

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experiences of nature in childhood have also been related to the motivation to protect the environment in adulthood. When children themselves indicate their landscape preferences through choices of slides or actual places, they tend to rank natural areas highly, especially when they perceive them to be safe. These findings come as children’s declining access to nature is being documented in urban areas around the world, pointing to a need to restore nature to the fabric of children’s everyday lives through investments in neighborhood parks, nature centers, landscaping for outdoor play, and natural habitats and gardens in schoolyards. Louise Chawla see also: Locke, John; Parks, Playgrounds, and Open Spaces; Rousseau, Jean-Jacques; Universe of the Child further reading: Louise Chawla, In the First Country of Places: Nature, Poetry and Childhood Memory, 1994. • Peter Kahn Jr. and Stephen Kellert, eds., Children and Nature, 2002. • Richard Louv, Last Child in the Woods: Saving Our Children from Nature-Deficit Disorder, 2005. • Andrea Faber Taylor and Frances Kuo, “Is Contact with Nature Important for Healthy Child Development? State of the Evidence,” in Christopher Spencer and Mark Blades, eds., Children and Their Environments, 2006, pp. 124–40.

neglect, child. see Abuse and Neglect neill, a(lexander) s(utherland) (b. October 17, 1883; d. September 23, 1973), educational writer and pioneer of free and democratic education. A. S. Neill grew up in 19th-century Calvinist Scotland in Forfar, a small provincial town. The son of a schoolteacher, or dominie, Neill first started teaching as his father’s pupilteacher. He struggled to get his MA at the University of Edinburgh but at 31 managed to become headmaster of a tiny village school on Scotland’s rugged coast, in Gretna Green. From these unlikely beginnings came the 20th century’s most radical educational theorist. The Gretna Green experience was the basis for Neill’s first Dominie book, A Dominie’s Log (1915). From the start, Neill’s books were popular with the general public, being full of humor and incident and striking a blow for sanity and balance in the adult-child relationship. After World War I, Neill traveled to London to pursue his literary career. In these years, he met and argued with leaders of the burgeoning progressive education movement, but he was more interested in the heady ferment in psychological thought current at the time. Visiting Homer Lane at his coeducational community for teenage delinquents in Dorset, the Little Commonwealth, gave Neill both the impetus and a structural plan for setting up his own school. In 1921, Neill started his children’s community, which came to be called Summerhill, and took it from being an experimental school to being a demonstration school. From

the beginning, Summerhill School was a boarding school for normal children from 4 or 5 years old to 16 where there was no adult coercion but a strong democratic government of the children and staff. Lessons were available but optional. The school stressed the idea that children should be allowed to do whatever they want as long as it does not impinge on anyone else, the watchword being “Freedom not Licence.” In practice, this meant that the community governs itself democratically, with “one person one vote,” and that weekly meetings, special meetings, and tribunals make the laws for the school and mete out punishments when the laws are infracted. This structure later became the model for the free school and democratic school movements, which developed around the world from the 1960s. Neill, however, limited his democracy by keeping certain areas of decision making to himself. These included the hiring and firing of staff, the domestic arrangements, and certain safety issues. Neill’s books were popular in England in the 1930s and less so in the 1940s and 1950s. In 1960, his compilation book, Summerhill School: A New View of Childhood, was published in the United States and went on to sell more than 3 million copies around the world, being particularly successful in Germany and Japan. His legacy is more apparent in the child-rearing attitudes of modern parents than in public school systems. Summerhill itself survives and is now run by Neill’s daughter, Zoe Readhead. Albert Lamb see also: Education: Historical and Philosophical Perspectives; School Reform

neonate. The term neonate applies to the newborn infant from birth to 28 days of life. Accepted internationally, this definition allows for comparisons of neonatal conditions, including morbidity and mortality. There were 4,140,419 births in the United States in 2005. The majority of neonates enter the world after 37 to 42 weeks of gestation. But in 2005, 12.7% of them were premature (born prior to 37 weeks) and 8.2% were of low birth weight (less than 2,500 grams, or 5.5 pounds, at birth). Approximately 3.3 per 1,000 live births require specialized care in the neonatal period because of a variety of abnormalities, with prematurity, complications of birth, and congenital defects accounting for the majority of problems. As a consequence, neonatal intensive care units (NICUs) now exist in all major population centers in the developed world, and the number of neonatologists in the United States has grown to about 4,000. NICUs incur expenses of more than $10.2 billion per year in the United States and account for 32% of all hospital discharge costs. There are vast discrepancies in neonatal mortality rates between developed and undeveloped countries.

neonate

In the United States, the American Academy of Pediatrics regularly issues standards for hospital and home care of newborn infants as well as recommendations for practices ranging from circumcision to newborn screening. Attention to these standards and guidelines has steadily improved the lot of the neonate. Th e Fi r st Day of Li f e The transition to extrauterine life is one of the most remarkable events of nature. No normal event in subsequent life could be so hazardous, and it is a wonder there are not more perinatal misadventures. At birth, oxygen delivery through the umbilical cord ceases, and a new system of gas exchange must start up within a matter of seconds to prevent hypoxic brain injury. Major physiological changes occur over the next minutes to hours as part of adaptation to birth. Air must replace the liquid within the fetal lungs. The lung liquid is rapidly absorbed into the baby’s circulation, and surfactant (a detergent-like substance) is secreted within the lungs to prevent the distal air sacs (alveoli) from collapsing. The first few breaths, therefore, require a vigorous effort by the infant. A major change in the heart and circulatory system occurs subsequent to the first breath. The rise in oxygen stimulates the ductus arteriosus to close, now permitting blood from the right side of the heart to enter the lungs in search of oxygen. The ductus venosus, which shunts blood directly to the heart from the placenta, closes, as do the umbilical blood vessels. The infant generally manages all of this without too much assistance. It helps blood volume if the baby remains at the level of the vagina until the umbilical cord is clamped. Suctioning of the mouth and pharynx is not essential but may facilitate air entry. Gentle and immediate drying of the skin prevents evaporative heat loss, and the infant requires immediate warmth, swaddling in warm blankets, or skin-toskin (breast) contact with the mother. An assessment score of well-being was devised by Dr. Virginia Apgar in 1953. It is standard care for an infant to be assigned an Apgar score at 1 and 5 minutes of age. This score is based on a maximum of two points each for heart rate, respiratory effort, muscle tone, reflex irritability, and color. A persistent low score results if there is a need for resuscitative efforts and increases the risk for subsequent neurological sequelae. Ph ys ical C h ar acter istics The average birth weight of a full-term infant in North America is 7 pounds 11 ounces for males and 7 pounds 8 ounces for females (range from 6.5 to 10 lbs.) with a length of 20 inches and head circumference of 13.7 inches. Birth weights for the Caucasian, American Indian, Hispanic, and Asian and Pacific Islander populations in the United States are comparable, while the average birth weight for African Americans is approximately one-half pound less.

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Newborns have some unique anatomical features. The initial overall appearance is one of disproportionate body size with a relatively large head turned to one side, abundant hair, small chest, protuberant abdomen, bowed legs, in-turned feet, white coating of the skin, and long fingernails. The unfused cranial bones permit narrowing of the skull for the tight voyage through the birth canal, resulting in a misshapen head and face that return to normal in a few days. The eyes are often wide open with a look of wonderment or surprise. Breathing is abdominal, often irregular, obligatorily through the nose, and varies between 35 and 50 breaths per minute. Heart rate varies between 130 and 150 beats per minute. Core temperature will vary between 36.5º C and 37.4º C (97.7º F and 99.3º F) over a 24-hour period. The ribs and chest wall are very pliable, more cartilage than bone. Soft, fine hair (lanugo) covers the entire body until about 35 weeks of gestation and by term persists over the upper back and the back of the arms and legs. Vernix caseosa, a soft white, cheesy coating on most of the skin, begins to disappear after 37 weeks but remains in flexion creases such as the axilla and groin at birth. Neurological integrity is assessed by a lusty cry (no tears), maintenance of a flexion position of the limbs (mimicking the in utero position), muscle tone, and responsiveness to stimuli. A variety of neuromuscular reflexes provides general assurance of neurological function. These include the Moro response (startle reflex), palmar grasp, automatic “walking,” crossed extensor reflex, righting response, and deep tendon reflexes. A number of primitive reflexes have been described in the newborn but are not particularly useful in neurological assessment. Physical and anatomical characteristics change significantly with development over the last trimester, and an assessment of gestational age between 28 and 40 weeks can be made with a reliable degree of accuracy. Physical features used in the assessment of gestational age include such things as skin characteristics, posture, joint flexibility, genital development, ear cartilage, hair formation, and breast development as well as muscle tone. Ph ys io lo gical and Behav ior al C h ar acter istics The infant, as it is thrust from the dark, fluid, and relatively weightless environment of the constant-temperature womb, is faced with a number of challenges. The infant is soaking wet and subject to evaporative heat loss, and the surface area to body weight ratio is many times that of an adult and conducive to large radiant heat losses. Heat is generated through nonshivering thermogenesis (combustion of fat), and heat loss is minimized by vaso constriction. Deposits of brown fat unique to the newborn and important for heat production exist in the nape of the neck and surround the major blood vessels in the chest. Thyroid hormone levels

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abruptly increase. Energy metabolism comes largely from glucose, formerly passively supplied through the placenta, and since it is needed immediately for energy metabolism, its only source is the breakdown of glycogen stores from the liver, which have been laid down during the last trimester. Several hours to a few days are required for the liver enzymes to be able to synthesize glucose. Therefore, the risks of low blood sugar are greatest during the first hours of life. Similarly, liver enzymes necessary for metabolism of bilirubin, which comes from the normal breakdown of red blood cells, require about three days to become functional, accounting for the common occurrence of jaundice during the first week of life. The bone marrow production of red blood cells abruptly ceases with birth, and this manufacturing process will not start again until approximately 8 weeks of life. Red blood cell survival is shorter than that of an adult, and 1% of the red cells are normally broken down each day, resulting in physiological anemia. Antibodies from the mother are passively transferred to the infant in utero and provide protection from most bacterial and viral infections for the first 2 months of life. Colostrum and breast milk add further protection, particularly to enteric pathogens due to the presence of other types of immunoglobulins in breast milk. The body water compartments readjust during the first day, and the kidneys excrete excess water. This contributes to the normal 10% weight loss, with birth weight usually regained during the first week. Stool frequency is variable from one to several per day. The first stools are dark blackish green, odorless, sticky, and thick due to meconium, which contains bile contents, long resident in the quiescent fetal intestine, and will change to a seedy yellowish color over several days. Extensive scaling of the skin may also occur. The diurnal changes in maternal hormones result in a primitive circadian rhythm in the fetus; however, the establishment of a new, more sophisticated regulatory cycle of sleep-wake activity is critical to development over the first 3 months of life. Regulation of the circadian rhythm appears to depend on low-intensity lighting, although other factors such as feeding and physical contact undoubtedly play a role. Sleep patterns are evenly distributed over 24 hours during the first few weeks of life, and the majority of time is spent asleep. Rapid eye movement (REM) sleep occurs during 50% of the sleep time, and the commonly observed irregular breathing pattern of newborn infants is related to changes in sleep-wake activity. Hearing is relatively mature at the time of birth, with recognition of the mother’s voice from in utero exposure and an ability to turn head and eyes toward sound. Vision is poorly developed at birth, not due to any anatomical abnormality of the eye, but requires visual stimuli such as light, movement, and color, which is a prerequisite for developing the visual cortex at the back of the brain. The sense of smell is well developed at birth, allowing the infant to turn

away from some stimuli, while the odor of breast milk will initiate sucking and licking movements. Car e o f th e N ewb o r n Standards of hospital and pediatric care of the newborn have been established and are comparable within most developed countries, though no satisfactory system exists in the United States to ensure the safe out-of-hospital delivery of infants. Routine hospital nursery care consists of a number of preventative treatments: silver nitrate or antibiotic eye prophylaxis to prevent eye infection, intramuscular injection of vitamin K to prevent hemorrhagic disease of the newborn, hepatitis B vaccine immunization before 2 months of age, and hepatitis B immunoglobulin to mothers who are positive for hepatitis B antigen. The umbilical stump is cleansed with alcohol or soap and water to prevent infection. The cord will separate between 8 and 10 days after birth. Breast milk confers optimal nutrition with the added advantage, along with colostrum, of immunoglobulin protection against infection and is a powerful stimulus to maternal-infant bonding. An international effort to increase and facilitate breastfeeding has been undertaken by the World Health Organization (WHO) and UNICEF. This program, titled the Baby Friendly Hospital Initiative, encourages and endorses hospitals worldwide that comply with the statements’ 10 steps to successful breastfeeding. N ewb o r n S c r een i ng The goal of newborn screening, by testing a drop of blood placed on filter paper, is the early diagnosis and prevention of metabolic and developmental disorders such as phenylketonuria and congenital hypothyroidism, which could lead to intellectual disability, neurological deficits, and delay of growth. Initiated in the 1960s and supported by federal legislation in 1976 and the Children’s Health Act of 2000, newborn screening now involves 4 million infants each year in the United States. This program now represents the largest single application of genetic testing, and more than 40 disorders can be tested using tandem mass spectrometry. Newborns are also screened for hearing loss. C om mo n Pro b l e m s o f th e N ewb o r n Congenital malformations occur in 2% to 3% of all pregnancies and are the leading cause of both neonatal (babies less than 28 days old) and infant (babies up to 1 year) mortality. The incidence is slightly higher in African Americans and lower in Asian and Pacific Islanders. Premature birth, particularly prior to 34 weeks of gestation, is the major contributor to newborn illness. Common malformations include congenital heart disease, spine and brain defects, chromosomal anomalies, intestinal abnormalities, kidney abnormalities, and lung abnormalities. Other common problems include jaundice, usually lim-

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ited to the first week of life, and infection due to bacteria such as group B streptococcus and staphylococcus, which may be life threatening. Congenital viral infections such as cytomegalovirus (CMV), HIV, herpes, and toxoplasmosis are relatively rare. Another problem is intrauterine growth failure, in which infants fail to grow in utero because of fetal or maternal abnormalities. Depending on the severity of the growth restriction, infants will have ongoing or lifelong issues. Mortalit y The neonatal mortality rate (NMR) in the United States has fallen from 26 per 1,000 live births in 1960 to 4.8 per 1,000 in 2004. The NMR in sub-Saharan Africa is about 45 per 1,000, comparable to rates in the United States in 1915. Singapore boasts a neonatal mortality below 2.5 per 1,000. Japan and the Scandinavian countries vie for the lowest rates, and their greater success depends on demographic characteristics and a homogenous population. The major cause of death is congenital malformations, followed by prematurity. Other causes include complications of pregnancy and delivery, respiratory distress syndrome, infection, and asphyxia. While the United States ranks 27th in the world with approximately 23,000 deaths per year, 4.1 million neonatal deaths occur in the world each year, almost all in poor countries. Infection, asphyxia, and prematurity are the three major causes. Racial disparity exists in the United States. Non-Hispanic whites have an NMR of 3.8, blacks 9.1, American Indians 4.4, and Asian and Pacific Islanders 3.4. The vast majority of deaths occur in the first week, and the mortality rate is roughly doubled if infants are born between 26 and 32 weeks. Infants born to mothers of Chinese origin have the lowest infant (1 month to 1 year) mortality rates. Expensive, high-tech remedies are not necessary, and simple preventative measures could prevent 2 to 3 million neonatal deaths per year. These measures include outreach services, health education, better obstetric care in underdeveloped countries, tetanus vaccination of mothers, antibiotics, and skilled attendance at delivery. HIV, while not resulting in neonatal deaths, could be prevented by rapid screening of the mother and drug treatment of the newborn within 8 to 12 hours of birth. Improved vaccination of mothers is an inexpensive and effective solution to preventing some newborn infections. C o n t rov er si es Neonates have been the subject of several long-standing controversies, including those regarding circumcision, feeding, out-of-hospital deliveries, genetic screening, and the cause and treatment of colic. Complex bioethical debates have also focused on the neonate. They generally relate to questions of viability because of extreme prematurity or critically ill infants with extremely poor prognosis with a high burden of care. Whether to initiate, withhold, or withdraw

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life support measures and when to provide only palliative care are at the center of these ethical dilemmas. Defining futility, viability, and the burden of care is complex, has legal connotations, and requires strict adherence to the tenet of the infant’s best interests and consideration of the independent moral status of the infant. President Ronald Reagan’s “Baby Doe” law of 1984 attempted to address some of these issues. Congress enacted the Born Alive Infants Protection Act (BAIPA) in 2002. It has the unintended potential for inserting government oversight into extremely complex neonatal treatment decisions with possible harmful effects on families and physicians. Other less complex and important ethical issues pertain to the inclusion of the neonate in clinical research projects, oversight by institutional review boards, and ensuring appropriate informed consent. W. Alan Hodson see also: Circumcision, Male; Embryology and Fetal Development; Feeding, Infant; Labor and Delivery; Neurological and Brain Development; Newborn, Rituals for and Care of the; Physical Growth and Development; Prematurity further reading: T. Berry Brazelton, Neonatal Behavioral Assessment Scale, 1984. • Mary Ann Fletcher, Physical Diagnosis in Neonatology, 1998. • Richard A. Polin, William W. Fox, and Steven H. Abman, eds., Fetal and Neonatal Physiology, 2004. • H. William Taeusch, Roberta A. Ballard, and Christine A. Gleason, eds., Avery’s Diseases of the Newborn, 2005.

neurological and brain development. Normal neurological development progresses similarly in all children. Much is known about the sequence, timing, and possible variability of attainment of developmental milestones. There has been a recent expansion of understanding of the genetic mechanisms guiding development of the brain. Better neuroimaging techniques and histological studies have added to the understanding of postnatal maturation of the brain. There is also increasing knowledge of the links between the structural changes in the brain and the observable maturation in a child’s abilities. Neurodev elopmen tal Abi liti es of th e N ewb o r n The first fetal movements are detectable from 5 to 6 weeks postconception and increase in amount and complexity throughout gestation. At birth, the newborn has voluntary movements, but these are poorly controlled. Primitive reflexes, innate neural circuits that sustain life, mediate much of newborn behavior. Reflex behaviors occur without conscious thought and are generated by the lower parts of the brain and spinal cord. Examples include breathing, crying, swift withdrawal of a leg from a noxious stimulus, visual tracking of a moving stimulus, and the ability to rhythmically coordinate mouth, tongue, and jaw movements in order to coordinate sucking and swallowing with breathing. In addition, the newborn has some reflexes that have

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no clear purpose and may be thought of as vestigial, existing because of their importance to the survival of humans’ evolutionary ancestors. An example is the Moro reflex, in which a loud sound or dropping of the head slightly elicits generalized extension of all four limbs followed by flexion of the limbs. The fingers fan out and the infant cries. In nonhuman primates, this reflex would serve to rescue an infant from falling from its mother. Other primitive reflexes that are found in the normal neonate include the asymmetrical tonic neck reflex and palmar and plantar grasp reflexes. The absence of these may signify neurological dysfunction, particularly with neuromuscular disorders and with brain stem damage. Higher cognitive abilities in the newborn are harder to demonstrate and study. Neuropsychological testing demonstrates that from birth a newborn has learned to distinguish between its mother’s voice and other female voices and has an inborn visual preference for faces. Before 2 months of age, an infant will differentiate between patterns, colors, consonants, and different facial expressions. Th e Newb or n Br ai n Unlike other tissues, functioning neurons (the signaling, information-carrying brain cells) cannot replicate themselves; formation of new neurons has recently been demonstrated but remains the exception. Before birth, virtually all of the 100 billion neurons have already formed, migrated into position in the brain, and begun to form connections to other cells (synapses). All substructures of the brain are present: The shape of the brain, its folds and curves, and the connections between different areas of the brain are fairly fully formed. Neurons that signal muscle cells to contract are already functionally connected with the target muscle cell via a long projection (the axon), which has grown down from the mantle of the brain (cortex) through the deeper structures of the brain, down through the spinal cord to a synapse with motor neurons in the spinal cord. These motor neurons in turn send axons out of the spinal cord along a nerve to the muscle. By birth, circuitry to feel, hear, and see is in place and functional. Sensory input from the body (resulting from touch, sound, or visual input) travels through sensory nerves and is relayed along neurons, eventually arriving as an electrical impulse in the parietal lobe, or primary sensory cortex of the brain. The firing of these cells in response to the electrical impulse received permits perception of the sensation and can trigger responses in the infant. Synapses between sensory and motor pathways mediate reflex behaviors. For example, an impulse in a sensory nerve resulting from a painful stimulus to a limb is conducted through the spinal cord en route to the sensory cortex of the brain. In the spinal cord, synapses between the sensory nerve and motor neurons result in the automatic firing of

motor neurons that in turn lead to contraction of muscles that will move a limb away from the painful stimulus. Neurodev elopmen tal Mi lestones i n C h i ldhood and Adolesc enc e This section is somewhat artificially divided into four separate domains: gross motor, fine motor-visual, language, and social domains. Gross Motor Development. Over the first year of life, an orderly sequence of motor development is seen. The infant first attains head control, followed by control of arms and upper trunk. By 3 months, most infants can roll over. The primitive reflexes disappear as voluntary muscle control emerges. Commonly, the process of developing independent locomotion occurs in the following sequence: An infant will first creep, pushing or pulling his or her body along the ground without elevating the trunk from the ground, then crawl. Around 1 year of age, the infant will begin to pull to a stand and “cruise,” holding onto something to aid balance. By 15 months, most children are walking independently. Early motor milestones show remarkably little variance. For example, sitting independently is achieved on average at 6.3 months, and 95% of all children will achieve it between ages 3.9 and 8.7 months. By 2 years, the child can run well without falling and walk up and down stairs. Children can learn to ride a tricycle by 3 to 4 years of age. By age 4, a child can hop on one foot, throw a ball overhand, and climb. By 6, a child can skip. Maturational changes now make it feasible to teach higher-order skills such as dancing, playing the piano, or playing a sport. Fine Motor-Visual Development. The development of fine motor skills is intricately related to the development of visual and gross motor skills. Voluntary grasping requires visual fixation and tracking, depth perception, and control of body posture as well as hand movement. By 3 to 4 months of age, an infant has mastered visual fixation and tracking of a moving target through 180 degrees. Visually directed reaching emerges soon after, at 4 to 5 months. Infants begin to transfer objects from one hand to the other at the same age. Grasp is sequentially refined from a raking grasp, through a scissor grasp (using the sides of the thumb and forefinger), to a pincer grasp (using just the thumb and tip of the index finger) by about 10 months. Object permanence emerges at around 10 months. This cognitive milestone will lead a child to search for an object that has fallen out of sight. By 15 months, an infant can stack one cube on top of another. By 18 months, most children can scribble with a crayon and imitate vertical lines. Fine motor-visual skills are sufficiently developed by age 3 to permit the child to draw a circle. By 4 years of age, most children no longer demonstrate

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mirror movements, the phenomenon by which a conscious attempt to perform a fine motor task with one hand leads to involuntary mirroring of the movement by the other hand. Progressively complex shapes can be copied, with a square commonly mastered by the age of 4, a triangle by 5, and a diamond by 6 or 7 years. Language Development. At birth, an infant groups speech sounds based on natural boundaries in the spectral qualities of the sounds themselves. This swiftly changes as the child is exposed to a single language. The child comes to draw the boundaries between speech sounds as they exist in the language to which he or she is exposed, and by 8 to 10 months the child has lost the ability to hear the boundaries previously discerned that are not used in the learned language. A baby coos in vowel sounds and then adds consonant sounds and raspberries. Sounds produced are the same in infants of all nationalities and in nonhearing infants. At 6 months, the infant begins to produce repeated syllables (reduplicated babbling) and to produce more of the speech sounds heard in the native language and less of those that are not a part of that language. Between the ages of 9 and 12 months, babies begin to point at objects communicatively. Most will produce their first meaningful word (other than “mama” or “dada”) by 1 year of age. By 2 years of age, a child typically has a vocabulary of more than 200 words and produces two-word phrases. By 3, a child uses pronouns, produces three-word sentences, and has a large vocabulary. Speech should be intelligible all the time by age 4; the child begins to use adjectives and adverbs. All of the basic components of language are established by age 5, and children should be able to relate a story with a beginning, middle, and ending. School-age children learn to read and write, normally acquiring these fundamentals in the first two years of school. Receptive language begins to develop before infants are able to speak. Infants can understand simple commands such as “wave bye-bye” before 1 year of age. The 12-monthold can comply with simple requests (e.g., “May I have the cup?”) or commands (e.g., “Don’t touch!”) and can understand little questions (e.g., “Where’s your tummy?”). By 2 to 3 years of age, the child is typically able to follow two-part instructions. Social Development. Social interaction is critical not only for the child’s emotional development but also in facilitating all development. A newborn has a number of innate social behaviors. A newborn preferentially fixes on a face, has a reflex smile, and will imitate the facial expressions it sees, some experiments suggest. Almost from birth, the typically developing infant makes eye contact with others. Eye contact is extremely important for developing and maintaining effective social interactions. By 2 months of age, infants smile responsively, and by

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4 months they will laugh out loud when given attention. By the end of the first year of life, most will imitate waving bye-bye and reciprocate in playing peekaboo. In the second year of life, symbolic play emerges, play in which the child uses one object to stand for another. Initially, children engage in solo play or parallel play; by 3 or 4 years of age, cooperative play with greater peer interaction emerges. To establish and maintain peer friendships at school age requires mastery of the complex rules and nuances of language and social interaction. Neuroanatomical M atur ation dur i ng C h i ldhood and Adolesc enc e While all this is taking place before the parents’ eyes, a brain growth spurt is taking place as well. Although virtually all neurons were formed prior to birth (most by 25 weeks gestation), the weight of the brain at birth is only 25% of its adult weight. By 6 months of age, it has increased to 50% of its final size; by age 5, it is 90% of adult size. A limited amount of ongoing cell replication and migration contributes to this, particularly in the cerebellum, a part of the brain that plays a large role in coordination of movement as well as in motor learning and cognition. However, the vast majority of the increase in mass comes from a huge proliferation of the connections between cells (synapses) as well as continued proliferation of glial cells, the support cells of the brain. Cells send out axons toward other cells; these projections, by their inhibitory or excitatory influence on other cells, induce or inhibit the cell to fire an electrical impulse. Cells also send out thousands of dendrites toward other cells. Through dendrites, they receive the influences projected to them by the axons of other neurons. Synapses form where dendrites and axons meet. Each neuron forms synapses onto approximately 10,000 other neurons. Most of dendritic arborization and synaptogenesis in the cerebral cortex occurs during late gestation and infancy. During the period of rapid brain growth, many more synapses are formed than are ultimately needed. In the visual cortex, synapses increase in number from birth to peak at around 12 months of age. They then decline in number between 1 year and 10 years of age to reach adult values that are about 60% of those seen in infants. Synaptogenesis begins and peaks later in the frontal cortex, lagging the visual cortex by several months. It is thought that synaptogenesis initially creates mainly random connections between neurons but that refinement of synaptic connections, their strengthening or pruning, is driven by activity-dependent competition. Synapses between neurons that are synchronously active are strengthened; synapses between cells that are not synchronously active are eliminated. Those synapses that are used stay, while those not used are eliminated. In this way, the environment plays a role in shaping brain architecture.

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Peaks in synapse numbers in the developing nervous system correspond to peaks in metabolic activity, as demonstrated using PET scans to examine glucose metabolism in young children. These occurrences in turn coincide with the rapid acquisition of language (1 to 4 years of age) that takes place in the typically developing child. Functional magnetic resonance imaging (FMRI) measures changes in blood oxygenation levels in the brain, and this is assumed to reflect neuronal activity. FMRI developmental studies show that children use more widespread areas of the brain to perform a particular cognitive task and that, with increasing age and expertise, performing the same task is accomplished with activation of a more localized or fine-tuned increase in cortical activity. Glial cells are supporting cells that wrap an insulating membrane around axons, allowing the axon to conduct an impulse more swiftly. This process is known as myelination. Myelination is complete in most parts of the brain by 3 years, giving the 3-year-old brain an almost adultlike appearance on MRI scan. Certain tracts, however, have a more prolonged course of myelination. Myelination of the corpus callosum, a tract of nerve axons linking the two sides of the brain, continues through adolescence. Connections between the frontal cortex and temporal lobes continue to increase in myelination until well after adolescence. The peripheral nervous system, encompassing nerves outside the brain, is also maturing. Myelination of peripheral nerves begins at 15 weeks gestation but is not completed until between 3 and 5 years of age. The nerve axons are also enlarging in diameter, improving conduction velocity. Motor neurons degenerate if they fail to match with target muscle fibers or if their muscle targets are removed. Conduction velocities in motor nerves and muscle action potential amplitudes reach their peaks in the early teenage years. The processes of anatomical maturation—dendritic and axonal proliferation, synaptogenesis, and myelination— occur at different rates in different functional areas of the brain. Visual, auditory, and primary sensory cortices mature earlier than motor cortex and association cortex (areas of the brain that connect to other brain areas and permit more complex cognitive functions to develop). Cor r el ati ng Neuroanatomical and Functional Dev elopmen t It is possible to correlate observed developmental changes with events occurring in brain maturation. For example, the onset of reduplicated babbling at 6 months of age coincides with attainment of near maturity in the tract connecting areas of the cortex that mediate speech recognition and speech generation; from 6 months to 2 years, bursts in synaptogenesis in the speech perception and speech production areas are taking place, correlating with major milestones in the comprehension and production of words. Advancing motor strength and coordination occurs coincident with

increasing myelination and cerebellar growth. Inhibition of mirror movements becomes possible as increasing myelination of fibers in the corpus callosum allows for activity in the motor cortex of one hemisphere to suppress activation of the opposite hemisphere. Although such correlations greatly oversimplify the multiple processes of neurodevelopment that are taking place synchronously, they may lead to a better appreciation of the causes of abnormal development. C ro ss- Cultur al I nfluenc es on Neurodev elopmen t The developmental milestones of the first two to three years of life are remarkably universal. Children raised in different cultures and physical environments learn to walk, talk, reach and manipulate objects, and interact socially at a similar rate unless they are exposed to quite drastic detrimental influences. Severe or protracted malnutrition may cause permanently globally impaired development, and severe social deprivation may result in permanently impaired social and language development, even death. Prolonged visual deprivation results in a permanent inability to see. However, short of these, cross-cultural and environmental influences appear to have relatively minor impact on the acquisition of major early developmental milestones. Firstborn children do tend to perform slightly better on motor tasks in infancy. The average age at which independent walking is achieved has been shown to be slightly but significantly different in each of five different European countries. Infants from the Yucatan and sub-Saharan Africa have been shown to achieve independent walking between three and eight months earlier than U.S. norms. It has been speculated that this acceleration of development may result from constant carrying, with subsequent vestibular system stimulation. Infants placed on their backs to sleep in order to reduce sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS) show a small but significant delay in the attainment of rolling, sitting, crawling, and pulling to stand, but not in independent walking. Infants reared in bilingual homes do not acquire language at a significantly different rate from that of monolingual children. In fact, some studies suggest that bilingual children may have an advantage in certain aspects of linguistic development. While early developmental milestones seem to be determined by the innate wiring of the newborn interacting with what is universal in the human environment, in later childhood and adolescence the effect of cross-cultural differences, environmental emphasis, and formal training becomes more obvious. It is not a basic requirement of life to learn to read or to learn to ride a tricycle or play the piano. Whether a child acquires these skills depends upon the child’s environment.

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Brain maturation sets the stage for interacting with the world in specific ways. These interactions, in turn, become more culture specific with time. Cynthia M. Sharpe and Doris A. Trauner see also: Language: Language Development; Motor Development; Neurological Disorders; Physical Growth and Development; Social Development further reading: M. Cole and S. Cole, The Development of Children, 3rd ed., 1996. • J. H. Schwartz, T. M. Jessell, and E. R. Kandel, Principles of Neural Science, 4th ed., 2000. • P. R. Huttenlocher, Neural Plasticity: The Effects of Environment on the Development of the Cerebral Cortex, 2002.

neurological disorders. Neurological disorders can result from various causes, including congenital malformations, genetic disorders, perinatal injuries, malignancies, and neurodegenerative disorders; however, the causes of many are incompletely understood. The brain has tremendous reserve or plasticity during childhood, allowing it to compensate and at times recover from many insults. The outcome for children is usually better than for adults with similar conditions. Congenital Abnor m aliti es The brain’s development begins early in gestation and continues through life. It is vulnerable at every stage to toxins, injuries, and infections. The timing of exposure often determines the primary manifestation. In the first month of gestation, a plate of cells, the neural plate, undergoes infolding to form a neural tube from which the brain and spinal cord eventually evolve. Fusion of this tube takes place first in the middle of its length and then proceeds up and down. If there is failure of fusion—for example, caused by drugs, infections, irradiation, or folic acid deficiency—neural tube defects result. Failed development at the top results in anencephaly, affecting approximately 1 in 1,000 live births. The cerebral cortex of the brain does not develop, leaving only the spinal cord and lower parts of the brain. This severe malformation leaves no potential for cognitive development, with death usually within the first year of life. Spina bifida occurs when the lower aspect of the neural tube fails to close. Affecting approximately 1 in 1,000 live births, this condition affects lower spinal cord function. The most severe form, meningomyelocele, may cause paralysis of the legs and/or bladder and bowel incontinence. Meningomyelocele requires early surgical closure. Children with higher involvement (thoracic or high lumbar cord) often are unable to walk and have bowel and bladder incontinence. They require lifelong multidisciplinary care from a team of specialists. Microcephaly. Irradiation; infection with cytomegalovirus, rubella, or toxoplasmosis; chromosome abnormalities; or exposure to toxins such as phenylalanine or alcohol can

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result in decreased neurogenesis in early pregnancy. This results in a smaller than normal brain, microcephaly. The prognosis for children with microcephaly depends on individual cause and severity. Many affected individuals have intellectual disability (formerly known as mental retardation) and cerebral palsy. However, some familial forms have better outcomes. Neuronal Migration Disorders. Between 12 and 16 weeks gestation, newly formed neurons migrate from the central brain (the germinal matrix) out into the cortex, or outer brain. An insult at this time or a defect in a regulating gene interrupts this process, leading to abnormal brain architecture. Small focal areas of abnormal neuronal migration (e.g., heterotopias) may be clinically silent or cause focal epilepsy. However, when the entire brain is involved (e.g., lissencephaly), the child will be severely affected. Genetic abnormalities in the LIS1 gene are identified in 40% of such patients. Hydrocephalus. Hydrocephalus is an enlargement of the fluid-filled areas inside the brain (the ventricles). Cerebrospinal fluid (CSF) is continually produced and circulates through the various chambers of the ventricles and around the brain and spinal cord, sometimes through narrow openings (foramina). It is continually reabsorbed in the arachnoid villi on the brain’s outer surface. If an obstruction occurs in this pathway, more CSF is produced than is absorbed and the pressure builds. Malformations of the brain can lead to such obstructions. Hydrocephalus may also occur if there is blockage of the arachnoid villi from postinfection scarring or bleeding. In infancy before the skull is fused, the increased CSF volume leads to abnormally rapid head expansion. After the skull bones have fused, the increased fluid causes a rise in intracranial pressure. This commonly presents with severe headaches, vomiting, and paralysis of lateral eye movements. Hydrocephalus can be treated surgically by placing a mechanical tube from the brain’s ventricles to the abdominal cavity, bypassing the obstruction. If hydrocephalus is detected and treated promptly, normal neurological development can occur. Prolonged pressure will cause permanent damage. Per i natal Neurological I njur i es Many conditions have their onset before, during, or after delivery of the infant, with variable outcomes. Hypoxic Ischemic Encephalopathy. Many perinatal factors can compromise oxygen or blood flow to the brain and cause hypoxic ischemic encephalopathy (HIE). These include placental abnormalities, delivery difficulties, and complications of twin pregnancies. Approximately 4 in

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1,000 infants experience a mild form of HIE and may recover completely. Two per 1,000 develop severe HIE and are at high risk for intellectual disability, cerebral palsy, and seizure disorders. Acute treatment with hypothermia, lower body temperature, may improve the long-term outcomes for these children. Stroke. Interruptions in blood supply to a focal area of the brain (e.g., from a clot or other mechanical blockage) can produce a stroke in a child, as in adults. Pre- or perinatal stroke occurs in approximately 25 per 100,000 live births. Commonly, a newborn with stroke will develop seizures, and the diagnosis will be made on imaging study. Alternatively, perinatal stroke may be recognized later in infancy, when the infant is not moving the affected side of the body normally. Clotting disorders and infections in the mother or infant, congenital heart disease, anomalous vascular walls (fibromuscular dysplasia), and in utero exposure to certain drugs (e.g., cocaine) are known to increase risk for pre- or perinatal stroke. About one-third of children will recover completely, mild or moderate motor problems may be expected in about 45%, and in 20% the motor deficit will be severe. Postneonatal epilepsy occurs in about 30%. Hemorrhage. Maternal or infant bleeding disorders and low platelet counts increase the risk of brain hemorrhage. A small amount of blood on the brain surface may go undetected or may cause neonatal seizures but will usually resolve without sequelae. Large hemorrhages into or around the brain may lead to permanent damage. The germinal matrices are areas adjacent to the ventricles where neurons proliferate prior to migration out into the brain. These are richly supplied with immature and structurally fragile blood vessels, making them vulnerable to blood pressure change. These insults may lead to germinal matrix hemorrhage. This is the most common pattern of brain injury in the preterm infant, occurring in approximately 15% of premature infants. Minor hemorrhages may not cause major sequelae, but, when severe, there is a high risk of complications, including cerebral palsy, intellectual disability, epilepsy, and hydrocephalus. Periventricular Leukomalacia. Periventricular leukomalacia (PVL) is a common pattern of brain injury in preterm infants. The term refers to damage to the brain white matter surrounding the ventricles. This inner area of the brain, like the germinal matrix, is vulnerable to a fall in blood flow. PVL often is present prior to delivery in preterm infants. The mechanisms of injury are not well understood. The neuronal fibers to the legs course through this periventricular area and are most often affected by this injury, whereas descending fibers for the arms are more lateral and are often spared. Therefore, children with PVL frequently

have weakness and stiffness of both legs, termed diplegic cerebral palsy. Pediatr ic Br ai n Tumo r s Brain tumors are the most prevalent solid tumors of childhood and second only to leukemias overall. They occur at an incidence in 20 to 50 per 1 million children. Genetic abnormalities leading to overexpression of growthpromoting factors or loss of function in genes that would normally suppress abnormal growth are important in the pathogenesis of many pediatric brain tumors. Presenting symptoms depend on where the tumor develops: Most are in the posterior fossa, the back compartment of the brain, often in the midline. The two most common tumor types are medulloblastomas and cerebellar astrocytomas. These interfere with the functions of the cerebellum, presenting with balance and coordination problems or hydrocephalus if CSF flow is blocked. Less commonly tumors present with localized weakness or loss of sensation, change in personality, or seizures. Pediatric brain tumors may be of mature cell types such as astrocytoma, ependymoma, and glial cell tumors, but primitive undifferentiated cell types are frequently found. Prognosis is affected by tumor location and cell type. Surgical removal may be limited by the location or the extent of infiltration of the tumor. However, some can be completely removed with a greater than 90% five-year survival rate. Radiotherapy and chemotherapy are often used in addition to surgery. Radiotherapy is avoided in children younger than 3, as radiation may cause lowered IQ or growth and endocrine problems and increases the risks for developing a second malignancy. Neurodegener ativ e Disor der s A group of individually rare disorders in which a child initially appears healthy and develops normally but subsequently loses skills and regresses is termed neurodegenerative. Metabolic problems account for many but not all of these. Phenylketonuria (PKU) is one example. Untreated PKU results in severe intellectual disability and autism. Adrenoleukodystrophy is an X-linked disorder affecting 1 in 20,000 males. In affected children, very long chain fatty acids accumulate in brain tissue and adrenal glands. Although their development is initially normal, between 3 and 10 years of age these children develop mental deterioration, loss of vision, and progressive paralysis, with rapid progression to death in two to four years. Bone marrow transplantation may be an effective treatment if done early. Rett syndrome is a classic neurodegenerative disorder. This condition occurs almost exclusively in females, who develop normally until about 1 year of age. Then brain and head growth decelerates and the child develops intellectual

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disability, seizures, loss of purposeful hand movements, and repetitive hand wringing. Difficulty walking and a disorganized breathing pattern evolve. The gene for this condition (MeCP2) has been mapped to the X chromosome. Pathologically, there is an interruption in brain maturation. The brain is atrophied, and neurons are reduced in size and dendritic branching. Friedreich’s ataxia is another neurodegenerative problem caused by a genetic abnormality (frataxin gene on chromosome 9) that leads to iron overload in cell mitochondria and subsequently to death of peripheral nerves and neurons in the cerebellum and brain stem. Children who inherit this disorder develop progressive gait, speech, and hand movement problems, as well as cardiac dysfunction. The antioxidant coenzyme Q has been shown to improve cardiac function but not the neurological manifestations. Tay-Sachs disease results from an enzyme deficiency that causes storage of a compound (ganglioside) in brain cells, with subsequent loss of skills at about 6 months of age and progressive visual loss and seizures. Death occurs by 3 to 4 years of age. The gene for Tay-Sachs is particularly prevalent in Eastern European and Ashkenazi Jewish populations but is found in all racial and ethnic groups. Epi leps y A seizure is a transient interruption in the normal electrical activity in the brain, producing an alteration in consciousness or of sensory or motor activity. Between 3% and 5% of children have at least one seizure before the age of 5 years, most occurring with high fever; these do not constitute epilepsy. Epilepsy is present when a person has two or more seizures unprovoked by fever or other trigger such as an injury. Seizures are more common in children than in adults. Brief, infrequent seizures probably do not cause permanent sequelae; however, prolonged seizures can lead to permanent brain damage, and frequent seizures can interrupt learning and development. In a small percentage of cases, diagnostic investigations will find a cause for the seizures. About 20% of children with epilepsy have other preexisting conditions, such as cerebral palsy or intellectual disability. In 60% to 80% of children with epilepsy, no apparent cause is found. Epilepsy can usually be well controlled with medication. Most have a good chance of outgrowing their epilepsy. However, 20% of childhood seizures remain refractory to medications. Other treatments for epilepsy include the ketogenic diet, vagus nerve stimulator, and surgical brain resection in selected cases. C er ebr al Pals y Cerebral palsy (CP) affects approximately 2 in 1,000 children. CP is a descriptive term that refers to a nonprogressive motor deficit present in early infancy, with a prenatal onset in many. Many patients with cerebral palsy may have

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normal intelligence. Risk factors include low birth weight, preterm birth, intrauterine infection, congenital brain malformations, and multiple gestation. The motor problems with CP range from complete spastic paralysis (i.e., muscle tightness and weakness) to mild clumsiness. The distribution of the weakness may also vary. Diplegic CP refers to weakness affecting both arms or both legs. This is a common pattern in premature infants and in the presence of PVL. In hemiplegic CP, one side of the body is affected. This pattern of weakness may be seen when only one side of the brain is affected. Quadriplegia refers to weakness in all four extremities. An insult that affects mainly the deep brain areas, the basal ganglia, produces choreoathetoid or extrapyramidal CP. This is a movement disorder in which the child suffers from uncontrollable jerking and writhing and involuntary movements and has difficulty coordinating voluntary movements. Severe jaundice is one cause for this condition. IQ is often in the normal range in children with extrapyramidal CP, diplegia, and hemiplegia. Intellectual disability is more common in children with quadriplegic CP. Epilepsy is often associated with hemiplegic and quadriplegic forms of CP. Treatment for this condition involves physical, occupational, and speech therapy as well as provision of appropriate physical aids such as braces and chairs. Treatments for spasticity include stretching, medications, botulinum toxin injections, or surgical release and lengthening of tight muscles and tendons. Early recognition and treatment are associated with the best outcomes. C en tr al N ervou s S ys te m I n f ec tio n s A large number of bacterial, viral, fungal, and parasitic infections can invade the central nervous system and produce meningitis (inflammation of the coverings of the brain and spinal cord) or encephalitis (inflammation of the brain tissue itself ). Most bacterial and viral diseases produce acute onset of symptoms with fever, irritability, stiff neck and/or headache, and at times sleepiness or even coma in severe cases. Fungal and parasitic infections may have a slower onset, and symptoms may evolve over days or even weeks, with headache, low-grade fever, irritability, cranial nerve palsies, and seizures. C o nc lu s io n The neurological disorders of childhood demonstrate both the vulnerability of the developing nervous system to injury and its resilience and plasticity. The potential of the pediatric brain for recovery can be greatly enhanced by early recognition of problems and the provision of appropriate treatments. Even for those disorders with no specific treatments, early medical, behavioral, and educational interventions may improve outcome. Cynthia M. Sharpe and Doris A. Trauner

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see also: Autism Spectrum Disorders; Congenital Anomalies and Deformations; Developmental Delays; Headaches; Intellectual Disability; Metabolic Disorders; Neurological and Brain Development; Neuromuscular Disorders; Tics and Tourette Syndrome

neuromuscular disorders. Pediatric neuromuscular disorders comprise a large and varied group of disorders affecting nerve cells within the spinal cord, the nerves emanating from the spinal cord, as well as those extensions outward and all the connected paths to the muscle fibers. At each step along this motor unit, many disorders have been identified with genetic, infectious, and inflammatory causes. The incidence of these disorders varies significantly between developed and developing countries, where vaccination and sanitation practices play a significant role in disease prevention. The following describes the most common disorders, organized by anatomical areas within the neuromotor unit. D i s e as e s o f t h e S p i nal N erv e C el l s Spinal muscular atrophy (SMA) is one of the most common single-gene disorders in childhood, second only to cystic fibrosis. In this disorder, a gene on chromosome 5 is mutated on both chromosomes, one from each parent. One in 6,000 to 10,000 individuals have this disorder, with equal incidence across races, continents, and socioeconomic status. One in 40 individuals carries this gene abnormality on one chromosome. The hallmark of SMA is weakness from loss of nerve stimulation, with a predilection for specific muscle groups. Typically, eye musculature, facial, and diaphragmatic muscles are spared, giving the child a normal, bright facial appearance. Proximal limb muscles, such as shoulder musculature, are affected more than distal, such as lower arm, and the legs are affected more than arms. The tongue abnormalities include a scalloped appearance and quivering surface. In older children, a fine, rapid tremor of outstretched fingers can be seen. Clinically, patients are divided into five subgroups, depending on the severity of symptoms and age of onset. There is yet no cure for this disorder, and supportive care is the mainstay of treatment. Life expectancy is dramatically reduced for the severe forms of this disorder. Poliomyelitis is an infection that also involves the spinal nerve cells. In the past, polio was the most common viral infection affecting the nervous system worldwide. The poliovirus vaccines’ introduction in 1954 caused a sharp decline in developed countries. By the 21st century in the United States, only a very few cases are reported each year, all attributed to the oral live virus vaccine. Natural poliovirus infections continue to occur in Southeast Asia, central and western Africa (Nigeria especially), and the Middle East. The poliovirus, which lives within the gastrointestinal tract, is mainly transmitted by contact with fecal material. Infected individuals can be without symptoms; can show

a mild, brief illness with fever, headache, and diarrhea; or can have infection involving the brain or, in the worst cases, can progress to paralytic poliomyelitis, with involvement of spinal nerve cells (anterior horn cells) within the spinal column. This severe form accounts for less than 1% of all cases. These patients develop muscle spasms and then progress to muscle laxity. As there is no specific treatment, care is supportive, with attention to respiratory support in patients with weakness in the muscles used to breathe. Patients are often left with paralysis of one or more limbs and will benefit from rehabilitation services. Many years later, a postpolio syndrome characterized by pain and increasing fatigue may be experienced by those with polio in early life. D i s o r d er s o f t h e N erv e s ou t s i d e th e Br ai n and Spi nal Cor d Charcot-Marie-Tooth disease (CMT), also called hereditary motor and sensory neuropathy, is the most common nerve disorder in developed countries. This is a heterogeneous group of disorders, with both widespread genetic causes and varying manifestations. The typical clinical symptoms include slowly progressive distal limb weakness and loss of muscle tone and strength, high foot arches, ankle instability, gait difficulties, loss of reflexes, and hand muscle problems. One form, CMT 1, is an autosomal dominant condition (inherited from one parent or due to alteration on a single chromosome and always creating disease when present) with onset of symptoms in the first or second decade of life. One subtype is caused by an abnormality on chromosome 17. There is weakness and wasting of leg muscles, progressing slowly to involve upper limb and proximal muscles. Sensation is reduced in a similar distribution. Some develop scoliosis. Individuals affected usually remain ambulatory, with possible eventual need of assistive devices such as ankle foot braces. Another form, CMT X, is caused by a single mutation on the X chromosome. Dejerine Sottas syndrome is a rare disorder characterized by a severe loss of nerve support material along several nerves. Several genes have been identified as a cause. Recovery from minor trauma may be compromised in such patients. Patients with CMT 2 present in the second decade of life with distal leg weakness and wasting that is slowly progressive, rarely involving the upper extremity. CMT 4 is also rare, caused by point mutations in one of six genes. Treatment for CMT is largely conservative and supportive and may include muscle strengthening, stretching exercises, good foot care to prevent ulceration, splinting, and shoe insoles. Leprosy is the most common treatable nerve disorder worldwide. The prevalence has decreased since the implementation in 1982 by the World Health Organization of a shorter treatment with several drugs. The tuberculosis vaccine, BCG, used in many parts of the world, may offer limited protection against leprosy, as the causal agents of these

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diseases are similar. At the beginning of the 21st century, 700,000 individuals with newly acquired infections are identified each year. The disease is most prevalent in India, Brazil, Madagascar, Mozambique, Myanmar, and Tanzania, with India accounting for the majority of cases. Leprosy is rare in the United States, with most cases occurring in recent immigrants. Some leprosy is still in Texas, Louisiana, Florida, and Hawaii. Leprosy is caused by the bacteria Mycobacterium leprae. The route of transmission is presumed to be primarily through nasal secretions from person to person. Most infected patients never know they have the illness. Two forms exist: Tuberculoid leprosy occurs in individuals with a strong immune response and is a disease that is somewhat limited in scope and severity. Patients with lepromatous leprosy have a poor immune response, and the disease is more widespread and causes disfigurement. Loss of sensation, itching, burning, and loss of temperature, pain, and touch sensation are cardinal symptoms and can lead to painless injuries. Motor weakness develops eventually, with weakness of intrinsic hand muscles leading to a “claw hand” deformity. Diagnosis is based on clinical features and identification of the bacteria in skin. Treatment regimens consist of a combination of drugs given for months to years. Early detection, treatment, and rehabilitation improve outcome. D i s o r d er s o f t h e N erv e - Mu s c l e J u nc t io n Myasthenia gravis (MG) occurs in childhood in three forms: a brief form affecting neonates, congenital or inherited MG, and juvenile MG. This section focuses on the last of these, juvenile MG. This is an autoimmune disorder involving antibodies to one’s own nerve connection within the muscle, the neuromuscular junction (NMJ). The NMJ is the connection between the peripheral motor nerve and skeletal muscle. Binding of these autoantibodies not only blocks nerve signals to the muscle but also induces injury to the NMJ itself. The clinical hallmark of juvenile MG is fluctuating weakness that increases with fatigue. Symptoms are least apparent upon awakening and gradually increase during the day. Ptosis (drooping of eyelid) and diplopia (double vision) are present in 90% of patients, with 10% to 15% of patients having the disease limited to the eyes. Others go on to develop generalized weakness, usually in the first year of the illness. Difficulty chewing, swallowing, or dysarthria (difficulty in articulating words) is present in three-quarters of patients. Respiratory muscle weakness may cause respiratory failure, requiring intensive care support. Medications to enhance nerve impulse transmission and to suppress the harmful immune response are part of treatment. Botulism is caused by toxin from bacteria. Classic botulism follows ingestion of food contaminated with these soil-residing organisms, such as home-canned food. Infantile botulism also occurs following the ingestion of bacterial

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spores that colonize the large intestine with toxin-forming bacteria. In the United States, botulism spores are found in soil primarily in California, Utah, and Pennsylvania. Up to 10% of honey samples are also contaminated with these spores. In the developing world, infantile botulism may occur subsequent to minor surgical procedures conducted with dirty instruments, such as cutting of the umbilical cord with an unsterile knife, or injuries contaminated with dirt. The botulinum neurotoxin binds at the NMJ, producing dysfunction in nerve transmission, leading to muscle weakness and eventual paralysis as well as decreased sweating and dry mouth. Classical botulism develops within 2 to 36 hours after exposure to the neurotoxin. The first symptoms include blurred vision, ptosis (lid droop), diplopia (double vision), slurred speech, and difficulty swallowing. The pupils dilate, and slowing or stopping the passage of urine and stool may occur. This is followed by weakness of arm and then leg muscles, with paralysis of respiratory muscles in severe cases. Most infants with botulism have feeding difficulty, weak cry, low muscle tone, and constipation and eventually recover without residual effects in weeks to months with adequate supportive care. Mortality rates of hospitalized infants are 3% to 5%. Botulism immune globulin (Baby-BIG) has been approved for the treatment of infantile botulism. The mainstay of treatment for botulism for young and old is supportive care and respiratory support. Antitoxin administration neutralizes circulating toxins but does not reverse the paralysis; it has been beneficial in some patients. Mu s c l e D i s o r d er s Muscle disorders include inherited malfunction of muscles as well as acquired diseases affecting muscles. Duchenne muscular dystrophy (DMD) is the most common form of muscular dystrophy worldwide, affecting 1 in 3,300 boys. It is an X-linked disorder, with an abnormality inherited from the mother with a gene abnormality on the X chromosome. This abnormality is a large deletion on this chromosome in two-thirds of the cases. Abnormalities in the muscle are present at birth in this disorder, and the laboratory test of muscle function may be very high. However, boys with DMD are mostly without obvious abnormality in early infancy. The disorder appears as either delayed motor development or gait difficulties. Muscle weakness is greater in proximal limb muscles, affecting the legs more than the arms at onset. Marked calf enlargement is always present, as is a broad-based, waddling gait. When rising from the floor, affected boys use their hands to climb up on their legs to stand up; this is called Gower’s sign. There is progressive muscle weakness, and joints tighten. Wheelchair dependence typically occurs by 10 to 12 years of age. Back muscle weakness leads to spine curvature (scoliosis) and difficulties breathing. Heart muscle is affected by the end of adolescence. Boys with DMD

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often have an impairment of intellectual function, with a specific deficit in verbal working memory because of brain involvement in this disorder. Trichinosis is a parasitic infection that causes muscle inflammation. It results from eating inadequately cooked pork. Over the last half of the 20th century, the incidence has decreased significantly in North America and Europe, largely because of elimination of uncooked meat from hog feeds, standardization of handling meat in abattoirs, and education on proper cooking of pork. The prevalence of trichinosis remains high in South America, China, Japan, and Thailand. Domestic pigs and wild boars harbor the encysted larvae (immature forms) in their flesh. Once consumed, the larvae are released in the human intestinal tract and in 30% burrow into and grow in the intestinal lining and reproduce. During this phase, patients have diarrhea, abdominal pain, fever, or fatigue. Once the eggs mature into larvae, they enter the patient’s bloodstream to initiate the trichinellotic or muscle phase of the disease. The larvae invade muscles, especially the diaphragm, eye muscles, tongue, and the muscles of the neck, back, and limbs. This phase may continue for months and cause fever, headache, swelling around the eye, bleeding, rash, itching, along with muscle pain, swelling, and weakness. Bloody coughs come from lung infections, and heart muscle inflammation may lead to cardiac failure. Prognosis is excellent in most patients, although the disease carries a 5% to 10% mortality rate. C o nc lu sion The field of pediatric neuromuscular disorders continues to expand, with rapid scientific advances in recent years in understanding the origins and often the genetic mechanisms and molecular biology of these diseases. Improved supportive care and treatment of some disorders have allowed for a better outcome. Many neuromuscular disorders caused by infection, such as poliomyelitis, leprosy, and trichinosis, have declined to near eradication in industrialized countries but continue to be a challenge in developing countries, requiring a multimodal approach to disease prevention. With continued, sustained efforts in sanitization, education, and vaccination schedules, global eradication of these treatable and preventable disorders will hopefully be achieved. Maryam Oskoui and Michael Shevell see also: Metabolic Disorders; Neurological Disorders further reading: John R. Bach, Guide to the Evaluation and Management of Neuromuscular Disease, 1998. • H. Royden Jones, Basil T. Darras, and Darryl C. De Vivo, eds., Neuromuscular Disorders of Infancy, Childhood, and Adolescence: A Clinician’s Approach, 2002. • Muscular Dystrophy Association, http://www.mda.org/

newborn, rituals for and care of the. Around the world, newborns are almost always greeted with special

attention, and that attention is usually positive; indeed, what may appear negative attention may be seen otherwise by the caregivers. The seminomadic Fulani people in West Africa place a small knife next to the head of a sleeping newborn, intended to chase away witches and spirits that desire the child; what might appear to be a weapon against an infant is locally considered a source of protection, not danger. To understand such newborn care routines around the world, it is essential to first ask: What are the local meanings of each practice? Even more basically, what is a newborn? Surprisingly, the answer varies: Across the globe, groups define the nature of the newborn as a person (as well as the length of the newborn period) quite differently. In religions that posit a reincarnation cycle, newborns are said to return to this life from an afterlife in which they had been living after dying during a previous existence in this life. In such ideologies of reincarnation, the cyclical nature of the life cycle bears profound implications for how children in general, and newborns in particular, are treated. In Côte d’Ivoire, for example, the Beng people maintain that babies enter this world from a rich, social existence in an afterlife they call wrugbe, following death in a previous existence. Until the umbilical cord stump falls off, a newborn is not considered a “person” but, rather, a creature of the idyllic spirit world, to which the child is reportedly tempted to return. If a newborn dies during those first few days, no funeral is held, as the infant’s passing is not conceived as a death, just a return in bodily form to the space that the child was still psychically inhabiting. To prevent such an occurrence, next to every Beng newborn sits an older woman, dabbing a tiny bit of an herbal mixture on the baby’s dangling umbilical cord every few minutes around the clock to dry out the moist cord fragment and speed the process of it dropping off. Once the dangling piece of withered cord breaks off, the infant begins to leave wrugbe behind and join this life. To mark the beginning of this passage—believed to take several years to complete—the infant’s mother and some female relatives ritually administer an enema to the baby, the first in what will be a lifelong habit regulating the bowels. A few hours later, they sit inside the mother’s dark bedroom where, with a somewhat solemn tone, they ritually tie a grass necklace around the newborn’s neck. The mother or grandmother may add other items of protective jewelry with beads, shells, and other ornaments. The baby will wear these talismans night and day to promote general health and growth. With a concept of reincarnation—and the conviction that babies remember the afterlife—at the heart of Beng views of infancy, the newborn’s life is ringed with rituals intended to lure it away from the afterlife and into this life. Many other groups stress the connection between newborns and ancestors in a variety of ways. Among the Warlpiri, an indigenous group in Australia, a newborn tradition-

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ally wore a necklace made of hair and part of the umbilical cord. The goal was to connect the child with ancestors who lived in the time the Warlpiri call the Jukurrpa—the Ancestral Present, or Dreamtime. The Warlpiri took the baby’s necklace as a symbol of gendered implements—the boomerang for boys and the digging stick for girls—that were important to the ancestors during the Dreamtime both for gathering food and for rituals. Because of this association with the Dreamtime, adults claimed that a baby who wore such a necklace would remain calm and healthy. Such bonds to relatives also encompassed the living. Thus, when a Warlpiri woman was in labor, her husband traditionally painted stripes of red ochre on his body, and soon after the child was born, he painted the same design down the infant’s chest as a sign that he acknowledged paternity over the child. A spiritual view of babyhood may begin well before the birth. On the Indonesian island of Bali, pregnancy is defined in relation to spiritual entities called the “four siblings,” said to reside in the amniotic fluid, blood, vernix, and placenta, where they protect the child both in utero as well as after the birth. These deities receive offerings and prayers regularly, and this extraordinary ritual attention continues in many additional contexts because of the spiritual nature of the infant, for the neonate is considered a god for the first 210 days of its life (the length of a year in the traditional Balinese calendar). The attending midwife welcomes the newborn with words used to welcome a god, and for the first year a mother addresses her baby as she would speak to a high-ranking adult in the Balinese system of social class. Moreover, as is appropriate to a god, while breastfeeding, a mother should ensure that her baby’s head remains elevated, and she should always take care that the baby is carried (often in a sling) and never put on the ground, especially not to crawl. The spiritual influence on the child’s life does not end with the first year. A Balinese mother provides offerings to the four siblings to request that they protect her child with good health throughout the child’s life. As the Balinese case illustrates, the treatment of a newborn depends directly on how people postulate the nature of the newborn. If babies are seen as joining this life endowed with spiritual qualities from a previous existence elsewhere, they are treated accordingly. When babies are envisioned, by contrast, as overwhelmingly vulnerable, a different set of practices makes more sense. Thus, the island-dwelling Ifaluk people of Micronesia stress a newborn’s lack of physical and emotional resilience. A newly delivered mother covers her child with a cloth and provides as much quiet rest as possible. The Ifaluk discourage the startle reflex from being activated, because they say it might actually frighten the child. To suppress the reflex, the mother balls up a cloth and ties it around the baby’s stomach. New Ifaluk mothers traditionally remained for 10 days inside the house in which they gave birth, where day-

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time visitors were restricted to a few women and no men— not even babies’ fathers—because newborns are considered so fragile. During those first 10 days, people refrain from speaking about the infant; only after this initial period is the baby considered a complete person. Protective care of Ifaluk babies continues in many other contexts, further stressing their helplessness. Except for bathing them outside, Ifaluk mothers should keep their infants inside the house as much as possible, especially in the evening, when evil ghosts who can sicken infants are said to wander. When mothers must bring their babies outside, they should cover the little ones with a cloth to hide them from the ghosts. Moreover, Ifaluk mothers do everything possible to avoid their babies crying, since this might attract the attention of the malicious spirits. Such protective routines continue for three months, until the infant is no longer conceived as remaining extraordinarily vulnerable. Groups elsewhere engage in related practices for similar reasons. In villages in contemporary Turkey, for example, Muslim mothers swaddle their babies to protect them from the “evil eye” of others who may covet newborns. If such practices appear superstitious to the Westerner, one should be mindful that many Western parents observe analogous precautions that have equally little medical foundation. Thus, many middle-class North American parents seclude their newborns, in some cases following hospital regulations, in others simply following the habits and preferences of their friends and family, but in all cases acting from the Ifaluk-like belief that infants are fragile and should be restricted from experiencing excess stimuli in the early days and weeks. In some ways, this emphasis continues through the first year for families who insist that a baby’s best caretaker is one individual, generally the biological mother if she is available. Along with the focus on the mother-infant relationship comes a tendency for many middle-class American babies to spend most of their time with a narrow range of people. Sleep practices typically reinforce the sense that sociability is not a major priority for American parents to develop in their young children. In many middle-class North American families, babies sleep in a crib or cradle far from the parents’ bedroom, with an electronic rather than bodily connection via sophisticated surveillance equipment (audio or video “baby monitor”). Many such parents explicitly aim to promote independence in their children from the earliest days after birth by following this sleeping practice, in keeping with the broad American valuing of independence and individual responsibility for one’s life. By contrast, many other peoples instead aim to promote interdependence between infants and their relatives as well as a range of others. For such groups, sleeping practices look quite different from their normative North American counterparts. Rather than sleeping alone, babies in many other societies sleep with at least the mother for the first

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year; more often, cosleeping continues until the second or third year or beyond. In some groups, as widely divergent as the Beng of Côte d’Ivoire and many families in India and Japan, cosleeping traditionally has continued into the middle years, when newer, younger siblings may join in, and the bed remains a space promoting a sense of continued shared comfort and security. The Beng model of sleep as a time for social and bodily ties includes not only nighttime sleep but also daytime naps. Unlike the normative North American baby who regularly naps lying down for an hour or two in a stationery spot, often alone in a darkened room, the typical Beng baby rarely naps in such circumstances. Instead, Beng infants’ naps typically last less than 30 minutes, and they often occur while the baby is attached vertically to the back of someone who is walking around in a sunny and noisy courtyard. Such high levels of sociability extend to daytime waking periods. Among many West African peoples such as the Beng, babies are passed around frequently from one person to another in courtyards filled with many relatives and neighbors. Indeed, in one study, the commonest period Beng infants stayed with a particular caretaker was only five minutes. This pattern contrasts starkly with the lives of many North American babies, who often spend most of the day with only their mothers. Babies always receive names that reveal much about a society’s core values. In colonial America, the Puritans named some of their newborns after virtues they hoped the children would encapsulate: Faithful, Godly, Humble, Meek, even Dust and Ashes. Some of these names, such as Mercy, Chastity, or Grace, are still popular with some Americans today. Around the world, shared naming practices may unite far-flung practitioners of the same religious traditions. Thus, among Muslim communities from Central Asia to West Africa, naming rituals stress ties both to the father’s family and to Islam. For example, Turkish villagers name a newborn right after the birth in a ritual that resembles naming practices among many Muslim groups around the world. The baby’s paternal grandfather whispers verses from the Qur’an into the baby’s ear and announces the newborn’s name; typically, the child is named after a grandparent or an important person in the Qur’an. In these and other Muslim communities, the act of receiving a name is said to make the newborn a person. As with villagers of Turkey, Muslim Fulani groups of West Africa stress paternal connections during the naming ceremony. Moreover, to complement the formal, Muslimoriented name, Fulani mothers may informally bestow a derogatory nickname on their child—such as “Cow-turd” or “Horse-picket”—so as to make their child unattractive to witches or spirits who might otherwise jealously covet the newborn for themselves. Elsewhere, other groups likewise hold elaborate naming

rituals that aim to incorporate a newborn into a wider religious community. Thus, for their newborn sons, observant Jews combine naming with circumcision in a ritual that is officiated by a professional Jewish circumciser (mohel) who is also well trained in religious texts. These practices all assume parents who are eager to see their newborns thrive. Although this attitude prevails for most babies in most communities, it is not the case for all parents of all children in all circumstances. Religion, gender norms, and poverty may work separately or together to convince a woman—or a community—that a particular newborn must not be allowed to survive. In some cases, this difficult decision may be related to birth order or the nature of the birth. Certain types of birth defects or circumstances that are considered birth defects—such as twins in some communities—may require infanticide. In India, China, and other societies in which some patriarchal traditions combine with poverty and overpopulation, an unwanted daughter may be selectively aborted, neglected, or killed if the family—or government—judges that it is not in its interest to rear another girl. In the United States, class rather than gender is the most common factor that produces such tragic outcomes. Poverty, lack of education, and the unlikelihood of upward mobility may conspire to convince a girl or young woman who unexpectedly becomes pregnant to neglect, abandon, or kill her newborn. In the United States, some municipalities are now enacting laws to provide indemnity to such mothers who leave their newborns in designated places, such as police or fire stations, hospitals, or religious sanctuaries within a specified time period after delivery. These laws acknowledge the structural factors that may produce such tragedies and focus on providing a positive life chance for the baby rather than emphasizing punishment for the mother. Conversely, some unusual births elicit special care and ritual attention, according to how people define the nature of the child. Among the Yoruba of Nigeria, twins are considered a special blessing, and immediately following the birth the children’s father ritually expresses this attitude. The father tears in half whatever clothes he was wearing when the twins were born and gives the babies a piece of the cloth, which his wife puts on the babies’ sleeping mats as their first gift. Then the father kneels down to greet the newborns as a sign that they are a blessing. Seven days after their birth, the twins are the object of a special naming ceremony to which all twins and parents of twins in the neighborhood are invited. The newborn twins are dressed identically for the ceremony as a sign that they share a single spirit. The care accorded newborns varies enormously according to local values, mores, and ontological propositions as well as material opportunities and constraints. No matter what the circumstances, new parents as well as others involved in their lives—whether relatives, neighbors, fellow

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congregationalists, or friends—nearly always greet the arrival of a new, small person in their midst with special attention that is usually, but not always, supportive. Indeed, if the contours of such attention are remarkably diverse, they are anything but random. Alma Gottlieb see also: Naming Patterns; Neonate; Sleep: Sleeping Arrangements further reading: William Caudill and David W. Plath, “Who Sleeps by Whom? Parent-Child Involvement in Urban Japanese Families,” Psychiatry 29 (1966), pp. 344–66. • Nancy ScheperHughes, ed., Child Survival: Anthropological Approaches to the Treatment and Maltreatment of Children, 1987. • Meredith Small, Our

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Babies, Ourselves: How Biology and Culture Shape the Way We Parent, 1998. • Judy DeLoache and Alma Gottlieb, eds., A World of Babies: Imagined Childcare Guides for Seven Societies, 2000. • Alma Gottlieb, The Afterlife Is Where We Come From: The Culture of Infancy in West Africa, 2004. • Donna Cooper Graves, ed., Voices of Infanticide: Towards a Global Understanding, 2006.

nightmares. see Sleep nursing. see Breastfeeding nutrition. see Eating and Nutrition

o obedience. see Authority and Obedience obesity and dieting. Obesity is epidemic in U.S. children: Between 2003 and 2006, 31.9% of children had body mass index (BMI) values above the 85th percentile for their age and gender (previously considered “at risk for obesity” but now considered “overweight”); 16.3% were above the 95th percentile (previously considered “overweight” but now considered “obese”), and 11.7% above the 97th percentile. The new terminology was recommended by a U.S. Institute of Medicine report in 2005 and by the American Medical Association (AMA) expert committee in 2007 but remains controversial. Critics state that concern over the damage done by labeling children as obese may exceed the benefit of identifying the problem in clear language. A new classification of children with BMI values above the 99th percentile is proposed to differentiate those extreme cases who may experience more medical and psychological complications. It has been hypothesized, but not proved, that this generation of children is the first to have a life expectancy shorter than their parents, and this is largely attributable to the rise in obesity. The comorbidities of obesity in children are mostly the same as those found in obese adults. These include type 2 diabetes (previously called adult-onset diabetes), which is due to insulin resistance combined with inadequate insulin secretion, in children as young as 6 years old and, if untreated, is expected to lead to later heart disease and other types of vascular disease. Insulin resistance is also a component of the metabolic syndrome, now found in more

than 7% of adolescents, with individual components of the syndrome, including hypertension and abnormal levels of blood lipids such as cholesterol, found in a greater percentage. Other comorbidities include fatty liver (which can progress to fibrosis or cirrhosis), kidney disease, gallbladder disease, and orthopedic disease, including slipped capital femoral epiphyses (hip disease) and Blount’s disease. Respiratory complications of obesity include obstructive sleep apnea and the worsening of preexisting asthma, sometimes to the point of cardiac compromise. Psychological issues are prevalent in affected children, with quality-of-life scores reported to approximate those of cancer patients. Some ethnic populations are reportedly less concerned about the problem of obesity and hold that larger body sizes are more desirable. Depression is noted as a cause or an effect of obesity, and child abuse is considered a very high risk factor for the later development of obesity. Socioeconomic factors are of note, as the problem of obesity is generally more common in lower-income and lowereducated groups in most studies. Weight issues provide a prime example of health disparities, as all ethnic groups other than Caucasians tend to develop obesity and its consequences more commonly than Caucasians do. The problem is mutigenerational, beginning before birth. Large for gestational age infants (LGA babies), often born of mothers with gestational diabetes, have a high risk for obesity and insulin resistance themselves. Small for gestational age infants (SGA babies) are subject to all the comorbidities of insulin resistance and obesity. If the affected child is female, she may grow up to develop

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gestational diabetes herself, possibly leading to another generation of affected newborns. Breastfeeding for at least six months decreases the likelihood of childhood obesity. Early eating habits also shape dietary preferences. For example, most children initially refuse vegetables, but their acceptance increases if they are repeatedly introduced to vegetables in a positive manner. Without such persistence on caretakers’ part, children may prefer alternatives such as high-salt, easy-to-eat foods such as french fries. The etiology of obesity is genetically as well as environmentally determined, as the tendency in children is strongly related to parental size even when environmental issues are controlled. Ethnic disparities in susceptibilities are attributed to genetic traits. There are rare, specific causes of obesity, although a mutation of the MCR4 gene, as one example, is found in 3% to 5% of the most obese individuals. However, the current epidemic arose so quickly that it cannot be attributed to genetic change. Rather, environmental changes of modern, mostly Western, life are considered as the major influence. Cheap, highly caloric, processed food decreases starvation but makes overconsumption easy. Healthy foods such as fresh vegetables and fruit are often more expensive and may not be available in all neighborhoods. They also have a short usable life and require preparation, often by adults. Working families have less time for food preparation and fewer family meals, and children in such families may watch television and eat snack foods after school as unsafe neighborhoods limit their outside play. Television viewing, erratic eating times, and eating out of the home are all associated with obesity. Physical activity of children has decreased in school as well, and readily available transportation has decreased walking and bicycling. Even the architecture of buildings (elevators are easier to find than stairs and are used even for travel over one or two floors) and the plans of cities (schools and stores distant from homes; often no sidewalks) decrease the ability to burn calories in everyday life. The very definition of dieting varies between studies. “Healthy dieting” may consist of cutting down on fats and large portions, while “unhealthy dieting” may call for the elimination of meals, usually breakfast, and important nutrients, such as calcium in milk and fiber in whole grains. Many studies of the effects of diets do not differentiate these two general types. Most fad diets, besides not being sustainable and ultimately ineffective, lead to a deficiency of nutrients important to health. Fad diets are legion and often accessed by children and teenagers on the Internet, where even the “anorexia lifestyle” has its adherents and where advice on implementing it is available. While vegetarian diets hold the possibility of increased fruits and vegetables and decreased fats, teenagers choosing veg-

etarian diets may be using it as a means of differentiating themselves from their parents and may enter the project ill informed, leading to results such as vitamin, mineral, and essential amino acid deficiencies. While adolescent girls are known to diet frequently in the United States, the problem is found worldwide and appears to be increasing as the Western lifestyle spreads across the globe. In the United States, 44% to 59% of female and 15% of male adolescents have reported trying to lose weight, usually through unhealthy habits such as skipping meals. The percentages are similar in locations such as Europe and Australia. Males generally attempt dieting less often than females and have different goals; males wish to develop a muscular appearance, while females concentrate on thinness. However, unhealthy diets and other behaviors such as binge eating develop in males as well. The media exert powerful influence on obesity and dieting in children. Obese characters, if at all presented in film or television, are all too often clownish characters, while the majority of media stars, particularly female, are thin to an unhealthy degree. Reading fashion magazines or other publications that discuss diets can contribute to a development of a poor body image in girls, leading to unhealthy dieting. The message of the health consequences of obesity adds fuel to the push to unhealthy thinness. This trend often leads, on the one hand, average-weight girls to diet because of the mistaken impression that they are overweight and, on the other, overweight individuals to despair from ever reaching the thinness of media models. Television adds further to the problem, as multiple studies show that the amount of television (or other screen) viewing is related to obesity. Longitudinal studies reveal that girls who have dieted are more likely to gain than to lose weight over a five-year period. Extreme dieters are more likely to smoke as an aid to weight loss and are at risk for eating disorders as well as suicidal ideation. While individual and group weightmanagement programs for children generally focus on “healthy diets,” they probably should refer instead to “healthy habits,” including a healthy diet. A broader approach that includes exercise and improved self-image is now advocated for these intervention programs. The solutions to the problems of obesity and unhealthy diets lie outside medicine and include social, psychological, and policy approaches. Long-term, well-designed research into successful strategies for education and behavior change is sparse and complex because of the multiple factors in the life of human beings. The 2007 report of the AMA Committee on Childhood Obesity, which summarizes available evidence and provides guidance on prevention and treatment in most aspects, is available worldwide. In the absence of national policy changes, local advocacy with school boards (e.g., implementing healthy school meals and in-

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creased physical activity) and city councils (e.g., increasing safety in parks and allowing after-hour gym facility use) in combination with parental role modeling of healthy habits and limiting of screen time are approaches that hold promise of success in small steps. Dennis M. Styne see also: Eating and Nutrition; Eating Disorders; Exercise and Physical Activity; Food Aversions and Preferences further reading: Jeffrey P. Koplan, Catharyn T. Liverman, and Vivica I. Kraak, eds., Preventing Childhood Obesity: Health in the Balance, 2005. • Sandra G. Hassink and Richard Trubo, eds., A Parent’s Guide to Childhood Obesity: A Road Map to Health, 2006. • S. E. Barlow, ed., “Expert Committee Recommendations Regarding the Prevention, Assessment, and Treatment of Child and Adolescent Overweight and Obesity: Summary Report,” Pediatrics 120, no. 4 (December 2007), pp. S164–S192. • United States Department of Agriculture, “MyPyramid,” http://www.mypyramid.gov/

oedipus conflict. Sigmund Freud’s concept of the Oedipus confl ict (also called Oedipus complex) is at once one of the most fruitful and contested ideas in psychoanalysis. At issue is whether Oedipus confl ict is the result of human nature or of specific cultural and historical constellations or some amalgam. On the one hand, it is held to be universal and is used to explain much of family dynamics, religion, folklore, mythology, and political change. On the other hand, it is held to be narrowly Victorian, Viennese, Jewish, patriarchal, phallocentric, bourgeois, and/or capitalist and to explain little beyond these cultural and historical boundaries. Further, some scholars and clinicians contend that Freud’s undue attention to childhood fantasy distracted him and his followers from the reality of adult seduction of children, child rape, and child sacrifice. From the viewpoint of classical psychoanalysis, Oedipus confl ict is about sexual desire, wish, conscious and unconscious fantasy, anxiety, and defense. It rests upon a psychosexual model of human development and upon psychic, largely unconscious, determinism. That is, the mind of the infant and child is seen as an active agent and not a passive recipient of caregivers’ wishes and behavior. The model of Oedipal confl ict focuses on the male. Around age 4 or 5, a boy unconsciously wishes to sleep with his mother and eliminate his father, to possess her for himself. This causes him anxiety, including fear of retaliation and castration. If all else goes well in family relationships as he develops, the boy gradually resolves the Oedipus confl ict by repressing the desire to replace his father with himself and in its place identifies with his father; that is, the boy desires to become like his father and eventually have a female mate of his own. The superego is heir to the dissolution of the Oedipus complex. Freud found in Sophocles’ ancient Greek tragedy Oedipus Tyrannus a vivid metaphor for the enactment of this confl ict. Further, just because a rich metaphor was found

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in classical Greece does not mean that its applicability is limited to that age and place. Freud hypothesized a “feminine Oedipus attitude,” and Carl Jung further developed the idea that young girls have a parallel confl ict, which Jung named after Sophocles’ character and play Electra. In the Electra confl ict, the girl, like the boy, at first attaches to the mother. Later, discovering that she lacks a penis of her own, the girl becomes libidinally attached to her father, competes with her mother for the affection of her father, and seeks to compensate for her lack of a penis by the fantasy of having a baby with her father. In a fashion parallel to the boy’s resolution, the girl (ideally) substitutes the wish to be rid of her mother with the wish to be like her; that is, the girl identifies with her and seeks a sexual mate outside the family. Identification with the mother replaces the earlier attachment to the mother. Many contemporary clinicians, scholars, and feminists reject the “deficit” model and substitute for it a “difference” model and developmental line of female gender identity and sexuality. Freud also hypothesized a “negative” Oedipus complex, in which the boy, instead of identifying with his father, unconsciously wishes to become the passive sexual object choice of his father; that is, the boy wishes to adopt the feminine role, which becomes the hypothesized foundation for subsequent homosexuality. This model is also highly disputed among many clinicians, social scientists, and gay rights activists. Elaborating on his concept in The Interpretation of Dreams (1900), Freud argued for its universality as part of the psychosexual development of boys during the phallic stage, occurring around the fifth year. Later, based on her analyses of children, Melanie Klein (1928) traced the Oedipus confl ict back as early as the end of the first year and the early second year to frustration experienced at weaning and cleanliness training. As a concept, oedipality is inseparable from allied notions of infantile and childhood sexuality; unconscious as well as conscious fantasy; defense mechanisms such as projection, repression, and identification; and the incest taboo. Taken from the viewpoint of human evolution, oedipality is seen as a necessary outgrowth of human familiality (the triad of father, mother, and child), prolonged dependency, and neoteny (the retention of infantile, immature features into adulthood). Anthropologist Bronislaw Malinowski challenged Freud’s contention of the universality of the Oedipus complex in Sex and Repression in Savage Society (1927). From his pioneering fieldwork in the Trobriand Islands (off the east coast of New Guinea), Malinowski argued that based on the Trobrianders’ matrilineal family structure, theory of descent, and pattern of authority in the family, it was the mother’s brother rather than the biological father who is the authority figure and therefore the focus of Oedipal hostility. By extension of this model, Oedipal confl ict is entirely

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shaped by culture. Much later, in Oedipus in the Trobriands (1982), Melford Spiro analyzed Trobriand myth and religion and discovered the father-mother-son triad of desire and confl ict to be quite present after all. Formal patterns of power and authority do not vitiate unconscious patterns of desire, confl ict, defense, and symbolism. Subsequently, in Reinterpreting Freud from a Modern Psychoanalytic Anthropological Perspective, Dan Forsyth (2002) gave an evolutionary argument for the primacy and universality of fantasy, and of Oedipal fantasy in particular, in human life. Forsyth sees in oedipality a generative fantasy that lies at the foundation of much culture and language. He regards Oedipal fantasy, confl ict, and resolution as adaptive to growing up in a family. From a psychodynamic perspective, the core reason for the widespread diversity between cultures of Oedipal themes in family structure, folklore, religion, and art is that the Oedipal confl ict is unconscious and repressed and that conscious efforts to represent it involve unconscious defenses that both reveal and conceal the Oedipal content. Thus, one would expect a wide array of disguises across cultures and historical eras. There is additional variation in Oedipal experience and expression according to ethnicity or nationality, socioeconomic status, and so forth. Just as the Oedipus confl ict and its resolution are strong elements in all human development, they are not altogether “independent variables,” free of context, so to speak. How the boy or girl navigates Oedipus or Electra confl ict rests, in part, for instance, with how the child experienced his or her relationship with the “pre-Oedipal” mother (and other mothering figures) together with the emotional tone of the mother’s relationship with the father. A child’s relationship with an emotionally unavailable, abandoning, seductive, or physically abusive mother sets the stage for the experience of the father. Further, a boy’s unconscious confl ict and resolution can be influenced and intensified by his father’s abusive (sexual, violent) behavior and emotion. The son’s fantasies can be contaminated by those of his father, often taking the form of the intergenerational transmission of trauma. Murderous and sexual “counter-Oedipal” acts such as infanticide and seduction by the parents (in the case of Oedipus, Laius, and Jocasta) complicate a child’s development at least in part because a forbidden fantasy is enacted and realized. In the complex lineage of Greek mythology, King Pelops cursed Laius with the prediction that his son would kill him and then would marry his own mother. The curse is in retribution for Laius’s rape of Pelops’s son, Chryssipus. In short, even the classical Oedipus story is embedded in a long and tragic family history. The Oedipus confl ict is simultaneously a universal context in human development and is situated in familial and wider societal contexts that represent, serve as displacements for, and often complicate the resolution of Oedipal confl ict. Howard F. Stein

see also: Development, Theories of: Psychoanalytic Theories; Freud, Sigmund; Klein, Melanie (Reizes); Personality further reading: Weston La Barre, The Human Animal, 1954. • John Munder Ross, “Oedipus Revisited: Laius and the ‘Laius Complex,’ ” The Psychoanalytic Study of the Child 37 (1982), pp. 169–200. • Melford E. Spiro, Oedipus in the Trobriands, 1982. • Allen Johnson and Douglass Price-Williams, Oedipus Ubiquitous: The Family Complex in World Folk Literature, 1996. • Dan W. Forsyth, Reinterpreting Freud from a Modern Psychoanalytic Anthropological Perspective, 2002.

ogbu, john u(zo) (b. May 9, 1939; d. August 20, 2003), American anthropologist. Born in a small village in Nigeria, John Ogbu received his bachelor’s, master’s, and doctoral degrees from the University of California at Berkeley, where he taught as a professor of anthropology until his death. The 40 years spent at the University of California at Berkeley were dedicated to acquiring a deeper understanding of the causes of racial and ethnic gaps in academic achievement in the United States and to developing critical theories that guide the field of educational research today. Ogbu began his ethnographic work in 1974 with a study of low-income African American students in Stockton, California, that challenged existing theories on minority educational achievement. Existing theorists attributed the educational achievement gap to factors such as the lower expectations teachers had for black students due to prejudice and negative stereotypes, cultural deprivation, and genetic deficiency based on IQ differences. Ogbu disagreed with these explanations as he maintained they did not account for the negative impact of racial stratification in the United States directly upon African Americans. Ogbu developed a typology of minority groups, largely in response to his Stockton findings, to capture racial and ethnic variations in achievement. This typology included three types of American minorities: autonomous minorities, “voluntary” or immigrant minorities, and “involuntary” or castelike minorities. Autonomous minorities are groups of people that are relatively small in number, who are not excluded from economic and political opportunities. Ogbu uses Jews and Mormons as an example of autonomous minorities. Voluntary or immigrant minorities have come to the United States of their own will, typically in search of economic betterment. Castelike or involuntary minority persons have come to the United States as captives (African Americans) or as a result of the dominance of their country by the United States (Puerto Ricans and Mexicans). Ogbu linked immigration status to future economic opportunity and argued that involuntary minorities experienced a “job ceiling” and concomitant limited economic and political opportunity. In 1986, Ogbu and Signithia Fordham coauthored an article based on Fordham’s ethnographic study of African

o p p o s it io n a l d e f ia n t d is o r d e r

American students in the Washington, DC, area. They argued that as a result of being held in castelike disadvantage, African Americans develop a sense of identity, an “oppositional culture,” that stands in stark contrast to that of white Americans. This culture resists existing boundaries and forms a strong sense of group loyalty and identity. Along with this sense of identity comes a set of normative behaviors that distinguishes sharply between themselves and white society, a “fictive kinship” by which African American group members must live. African Americans who embrace academic success endure the burden of “acting white.” From this study, Fordham and Ogbu concluded that many African American and minority students do not achieve at high academic levels because of the fear of acting white and being distanced thereby from fictive kin. Ten years later, in 1996, Ogbu became a member of the Task Force on the Education of African American Children, which was primarily concerned with the teaching of Ebonics, a vernacular rare among white American youth and common among African Americans, in Oakland’s public schools. His theory of oppositional culture informed his opinions on the use of Ebonics in schools. He helped write the Ebonics resolution that was adopted by the Oakland Board of Education. Ogbu argued that Ebonics was incompatible with standard or traditional English taught in school and believed that using Ebonics in the classroom would help transition African American students from their home and informal vernacular to traditional English. Ogbu’s theories, ethnographic research, and intellectual contributions, partly as a result of the controversy they have aroused, have tremendously enhanced the field and will continue to shed light on issues surrounding minority educational achievement for years to come. Laura Porterfield and Erin McNamara Horvat see also: Affirmative Action, Children and; African American Children; Education, Discrimination in: Racial Discrimination; School Achievement; Sociolinguistic Diversity further reading: S. Fordham and J. U. Ogbu, Black Students’ School Success: Coping with the “Burden of Acting White,” 1986. • J. U. Ogbu, Black American Students in an Affluent Suburb: A Study of Academic Disengagement, 2003.

opie, peter (mason) (b. November 25, 1918; d. February 5, 1982), British folklorist, who, with his wife Iona Archibald (b. 1923), collected and published important volumes of British children’s folklore. Until Peter and Iona Opie began their work in 1944 (supposedly motivated by the birth of their first child), the only field collections of children’s folklore were by Alice Bertha Gomme (1853–1938) in England and by William Wells Newell (1839–1907) in the United States. Their collections, Gomme’s The Traditional Games of England, Scotland, and Ireland (2 vols., 1894, 1898) and Newell’s Games and Songs

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of American Children (1883), reflected the evolutionary view of the time that children’s games and other customs recapitulated the early history of the human race. Children’s games surviving to the present reflect, in this view, the earlier, savage nature of humans before civilization created the modern person. The Opies retained some of this evolutionary thinking in their collections and commentary on children’s folklore, but they also had a strong sense of the ways the traditional lore served contemporary children in their everyday lives. They argued that children used traditional oral, customary, and material lore to manage their psychological anxieties and social relations. The Opies acknowledged that some readers would find the details of children’s lore too trivial a topic, but they demonstrated how lore can address serious concerns while also being fun. Their first volume, I Saw Esau (1947), led to The Oxford Dictionary of Nursery Rhymes (1951). These early volumes relied heavily on published and manuscript sources as well as some oral sources. However, with the publication of The Lore and Language of Schoolchildren (1959), it was clear that the great strength of their work was that they collected most of their texts from living children in natural settings. For that book, the Opies collected rhymes, superstitions, games, riddles, taunts, curses, jokes, pranks, calendrical customs, and more from 5,000 children attending 70 schools throughout England. As in all their books, the Opies engaged in extensive historical research to trace the probable origins of the traditions, and they were alert to the important ways variants of traditions (changes across space and time) provide crucial evidence for the changing meanings of the traditions in different contexts. Even more remarkable for the period, the Opies were alert to the ways children’s folklore entered popular culture (such as Disney films) and popular culture entered children’s folklore. The Opies continued to publish collections of rhymes (e.g., The Oxford Book of Children’s Verse, 1973), but the great success of The Lore and Language of Schoolchildren led to the publication of Children’s Games in Street and Playground (1969) and The Singing Game (1985, completed by Iona after Peter’s death), both based largely on fieldwork with children in natural settings. After Peter’s death, Iona continued collecting lore and publishing books, including A Dictionary of Superstitions (1989) and Children’s Games with Things (1997). The Opies were also great collectors of children’s books (now housed in the Bodleian Library at Oxford University) and of the material culture of childhood. Jay Mechling see also: Folklore, Children’s further reading: Simon J. Bronner, Following Tradition: Folklore in the Discourse of American Culture, 1998.

oppositional defiant disorder. Oppositional defiant disorder (ODD) is a heterogeneous mental disorder

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of childhood that is characterized by a persistent pattern (lasting a minimum of six months) of negativistic, irritable, and/or oppositional behavior. Symptoms include being argumentative and defiant, easily set off, and short-tempered. Four symptoms are required to meet diagnostic criteria. According to the fourth edition of the American Psychiatric Association’s Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (1994; DSM-IV), ODD symptoms can be manifest in the context of the parent-child relationship or in multiple contexts. It is one of the few childhood disorders for which symptoms and impairment do not need to be evident in more than one context (e.g., school, family, peers). At any developmental period, however, determination of abnormality rests on establishing that the manifestation of the behavior is causing clinically significant distress or impairment in social, occupational, or other important areas of functioning. Within this framework, oppositional defiant behavior would be considered clinically significant if it interfered with normal developmental functioning. Since milder forms of oppositionality are frequent during some developmental periods, such as the preschool and adolescent periods, qualitative and quantitative aspects of the behavior, such as its pervasiveness, intensity, and intransigence, are critical to making the distinction between ODD and typical assertions of autonomy and expressions of frustration. The prevalence rate of ODD ranges widely from 2.0% to 15%. The varied ranges reported in studies reflect several important issues in determining rates of ODD. First, rates do appear to be higher in early childhood and then again during adolescence; thus the developmental period within which the symptoms are assessed will influence the rate or prevalence. Second, research has demonstrated that children tend to be less than optimal informants about symptoms of ODD (not so for conduct disorder); therefore, using children as informants may result in lower prevalence rates. Third, there appears to be a higher rate of ODD among children growing up in poverty; thus, the sociodemographics of the sample will influence prevalence rates. There do not appear to be significant variations across cultures. The prevalence rates of ODD in Taiwan, Britain, and the United States all hover around 2.0%. Race and ethnic differences within the United States are also fairly negligible, once sociodemographic factors are taken into account. There are fairly consistent sex differences, with a higher rate among boys than girls, ranging from 2:1 to 4:1, respectively. In DSM-IV, the disruptive behavior disorders consist of ODD and conduct disorder (CD). Historically, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) also was included within the broader rubric of disruptive behavior problems, with ADHD, ODD, and CD forming a triad of disruptive behavior problems that were thought to be linked both developmentally and hierarchically. In the DSM-IV, ODD

and CD are differentiated from ADHD. This distinction is supported by research showing different correlates, developmental pathways, and comorbidity for ODD and CD as compared with ADHD. Several studies have demonstrated a developmental ordering of ODD and CD, such that ODD typically precedes the onset of CD. The heterogeneity of ODD symptoms can be separated into two primary components: defiance and negative emotionality. Some researchers have hypothesized that ODD symptoms provide a gateway to the development of either mood and anxiety disorders or antisocial disorders such as CD. The symptoms reflecting defiance (e.g., arguing) may reflect a lack of respect for authority, lack of bonding to social agents, and unresponsiveness to punishment. These types of symptoms would be viewed as precursors to antisocial problems such as CD and antisocial personality disorder in adulthood. The symptoms reflecting negative emotionality (e.g., loses temper, easily annoyed) may indicate a core deficit in regulating negative emotions, hostile attribution bias, and inflexibility. These symptoms may be more likely to provide a foundation for the development of mood and anxiety disorders. Because ODD often co-occurs with other mental disorders, treatment recommendations must be based on a complete psychiatric and cognitive assessment. ODD symptoms that are evident in the context of anxiety will require different treatment strategies than ODD in the context of ADHD. The standard treatments for the disruptive behavior and attention deficit disorders include behavioral interventions, such as parent-management training, and, when ODD co-occurs with ADHD, psychopharmacology, primarily stimulant medications. A cognitive assessment is required in order to establish the child’s developmental level and to determine the level of receptive language. For example, children who are required to function at a level that is higher then their cognitive capacities may not understand commands or instructions from parents or teachers. Thus, what may appear to be defiance or noncompliance may be a lack of understanding of verbal communication. Kathryn Keenan see also: Aggression; Conduct Disorders; Mental Health Care; Mental Illness; Temperament further reading: J. D. Burke, R. Loeber, and Boris Birmaher, “Oppositional Defiant Disorder and Conduct Disorder: A Review of the Past 10 Years, Part II,” Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry 41 (2002), pp. 1275–93. • E. M. Z. Farmer, S. N. Compton, J. B. Burns, and E. Robertson, “Review of the Evidence Base for Treatment of Childhood Psychopathology: Externalizing Disorders,” Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology 70 (2002), pp. 1267–1302.

organ donation. see Medical Care and Procedures, Consent to

o r ga n iz a t io n s f o r y o u t h

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organizations for youth. Adults create formal, tion in need of “Americanizing,” in part through schooling voluntary organizations for youth to supplement the socialization of youth in the home and in school. Voluntary organizations are meant to be wholesome, safe alternatives to the other major site of the socialization of youth: the street corner. Since the middle of the 19th century in England and the United States, adults have regarded the informal peer group as a bad influence on children and youth. The formal youth organization is meant to counteract that influence. Organizations for youth began in the 1840s in England, largely in response to the perils industrialization seemed to pose to youth’s bodies, minds, and morals. The Sunday school movement was joined by the Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA), founded in London in 1844 and by 1851 spreading to Canada and the United States. Reformers in many cities embraced the organization, with its mix of physical recreation and moral instruction. Soon the YMCA added summer camps to its programs, still combining physical activity with moral education. This idea of “muscular Christianity”—in which the male youth’s body, mind, and moral character were treated as a whole—gained wide acceptance in youth work after the American Civil War. What is thought to be the first Boys’ Club (though not yet with that name) was founded in 1860 in Hartford, Connecticut, by reform-minded women concerned that the boys in the community needed an alternative to recreation in the streets. The first Boys’ Club under that name was founded in New York City in 1876, and the organization spread to many other cities. Also based in cities was the Big Brothers movement, founded in New York City in 1904 by a clerk of the Children’s Court, which represented a new, Progressive Era approach to juvenile justice. The Big Brother Association was created in 1915 and incorporated two years later. Like the YMCA, Big Brother provided urban youth with a safe place to play sports, develop their bodies, and learn arts and crafts, but Big Brother added a mentoring program in which a man became a boy’s “big brother,” often in the absence of a father. By the 1970s, the organization added a Big Sisters program. The Police Athletic League (PAL) was founded for urban youth in this same era in New York City in 1914. Rural youth had their own organization—the 4-H club, standing for “head, heart, hands, and health.” Various programs aimed at the agricultural education of rural youth had been created through cooperative extension programs based at land grant universities, and by 1907 the 4-H clubs had firm sponsorship from the U.S. Department of Agriculture. More organizations for youth arose in the latter decades of the 19th century as a response to the increasing perception of idle youth as a social problem. In the United States after the Civil War, some middle-class social reformers aimed to “save” children from factory labor, physical abuse, and dangerous streets. At the same time, reformers saw the increasing numbers of immigrant children as a popula-

but also through formal organizations aimed at taking them off the streets, taming them, and teaching them “the American way.” The rise of Darwinian social sciences in these same decades provided a set of ideas legitimating the social reformers’ creation of organizations for youth. Recapitulation theory held that humans reproduce the history of the evolving human race in their own social and psychological development, so that the stages of development—from child to youth to adult—have their own patterns of drives and instincts that need to be understood and respected in socializing young people. Evolutionary psychology mixed with religion in these decades, especially in the ideology of muscular Christianity. Most of the writing, speech making, and organizing during this time promoted the need to establish good character in American (and British) boys, a quality thought to be lost in the softening and “feminizing” of the boy by the comforts of modern civilization, by the dominance of women in the home and in schools, and even by the lack of a war to “make men.” Lord Robert Baden-Powell, a military hero from the Boer War (1899–1902), founded the Boy Scouts in England in 1908 out of his disappointment in the physical and mental readiness of young men in that war. He wrote a handbook, Scouting for Boys (1908), establishing many of the features of present-day Scouting, including the uniform, ranks, badges, and high standards of conduct. The Boy Scouts of America (BSA) was founded in 1910, bringing together youth workers from three existing movements. Some of the founders had experience with the YMCA, and they were joined by Ernest Thompson Seton (1860–1946) and Daniel Carter Beard (1850–1941), who had founded their own youth movements, with Seton’s based on Indian lore and Beard’s based on pioneers on the frontier. In the 1920s, a cultural fascination with Native American cultures helped fuel the revival of Seton’s Woodcraft Indians and a YMCA program called the Indian Guides (founded in 1925). Despite a general perception of a crisis in masculinity at the turn of the 20th century, some reformers insisted that girls and young women needed their own organizations, which would seek to empower young women beyond their lives in the domestic sphere. Maybelle Sloss founded the Young Women’s Christian Association (YWCA) in 1903 with the goal of providing safe recreation for city girls, many of whom worked in factories and offices. In England, Baden-Powell’s sister created the Girl Guides in 1910, the same year the Camp Fire Girls was founded in the United States by Mrs. Luther Gulick, wife of a longtime YMCA official. Meanwhile, Juliette Low met Baden-Powell in 1911 and brought back to the United States the idea of the Girl Guides movement. In 1912, she created in Savannah, Georgia, the first American Girl Guide troop, and in

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1915 the Girl Scouts of the USA was incorporated (as was the BSA). These organizations for girls and young women (the Boys’ Club became the Boys and Girls Clubs of America in 1990) still exist, and to a large extent they have pursued the goal of training women to take independent leadership roles in society. Depending on the social and historical time and place, these girls’ organizations have been more and less conventional in their programs. The programs were quite feminist in the 1920s, for example, but the 1950s programs stressed domestic duties and skills. In both cases, the organizations sought to give girls access to the same sorts of experiences as the boys’ movement, including camping, wilderness recreation, and skills at self-reliance. Most of these formal youth organizations have survived into the 21st century, but not without their share of controversies. Urban-based organizations (like PAL and Big Brother and Big Sister) have been more successful than the Boy Scouts, Girl Scouts, and Camp Fire in recruiting members across ethnic and social-class lines. The 1990s saw increased worry about a “crisis of character” in American youth, and organizations aimed at renewing character education (especially for boys) formed coalitions (such as Character Counts!) to sponsor character training in schools, religious organizations, and traditional youth groups. Although youth movement organizations began in Western societies, they have become a global phenomenon, often spawned by the same “child saving” motives and worries behind the 19th-century organizations in the West. Worldwide religions have had youth organizations for some time; the YMCA and YWCA are among the oldest of these international organizations. The Scouting movement, including Girl Guides, is international. Each year, the United Nations celebrates an International Youth Day, coordinating activities by youth organizations in dozens of countries. Many of these international organizations are concerned with youth at risk, while the Western organizations still serve mainly middle-class populations. Jay Mechling see also: Camps, Summer; Sports; Youth Movements further reading: David I. Macleod, Building Character in the American Boy: The Boy Scouts, YMCA, and Their Forerunners, 1870– 1920, 1983. • Milbrey W. McLaughlin, Merita A. Irby, and Juliet Langman, Urban Sanctuaries: Neighborhood Organizations in the Lives and Futures of Inner-City Youth, 1994. • Jay Mechling, On My Honor: Boy Scouts and the Making of American Youth, 2001.

original sin. see Child: Religious and Philosophical Perspectives

orphanages. The use of institutional care for abandoned or orphaned children dates back to the 1st century, when such children were often raised in monasteries until they were old enough to learn a trade. Because of urbaniza-

tion and the increase in poverty during the 18th and 19th centuries, economically advanced countries in Europe and North America began using foundling hospitals or orphan asylums to maintain the health and care for vulnerable children. The care these institutions provided varied greatly, and while there were reports of abuse and neglect, many homes had noble intentions. These institutions remained the primary method of care in England and the United States until the 1950s, when more emphasis was placed on using the foster care system. The care of children in institutions or group homes remains a common practice around the world. In 2005, UNICEF estimated that 1.5 million children in Europe and the former Soviet Republics, 10 million children in Latin America, 50 million children in sub-Saharan Africa, and 87 million children in Asia were living in public care. A large part of the responsibility of care for these children is often done through state-regulated nonprofit organizations. Not all children entering group care have been orphaned; some have been removed from their homes because of parental neglect or maltreatment, some require special medical care (i.e., for HIV), and some have been abandoned or placed in the institution by their parents for economic or social reasons. Most children placed in institutional care enter when they are younger than the age of 24 months and will likely remain in group care for many years. Similar to familial care, institutions vary in the quality of care they provide. This is dependent upon the availability of toys, child-to-caregiver ratios, and the training caregivers receive. Recent research has begun to examine the effects of the second of these aspects of care on children’s outcomes. One study of Greek institutions reported infant-to-caregiver ratios as low as 4–6:1 and found that caregivers were encouraged to promote development through a close relationship with one infant. In contrast, Charles Zeanah and his colleagues noted ratios of 12–15:1 in Romanian orphanages and reported that high caregiver turnover prevented the development of child-caregiver relationships. Zeanah and his colleagues measured the quality of caregiving the children received, including caregivers’ detachment and sensitivity toward a child, whether they made eye contact with the child, and if their interactions were merely mechanical, with little or no communication with the child. After taking into consideration the child’s cognitive abilities and socioemotional competence, as well as the caregiving environment, the quality of caregiving emerged as the strongest predictor of the child’s attachment classification. The benefits of high-quality caregiving extend to positive effects on the cognitive abilities, competence, and behaviors of institutionalized children. Using the same measure of caregiving quality as Zeanah, another study found that children who experienced better caregiving in the institution were more likely to have higher cognitive scores, better

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social competence, and fewer internalizing and externalizing behaviors. Romania offers an interesting extreme case of orphanage care in the contemporary world. It has one of the highest populations of institutionalized children younger than the age of 3 in Europe, partially a result of public policy enacted under the Nicolae Ceausescu regime (1965–89). In an effort to increase the Romanian workforce, Ceausescu banned the use of contraception and criminalized abortion, which were effective in increasing not only the birthrate but also the number of children abandoned by mothers who were too economically disadvantaged to raise them. Following the fall of the Ceauşescu regime in 1989 and the influx of humanitarian aid into the country, the appalling conditions of orphanages in Romania made global news. The conditions in Romania, not unlike those of institutions elsewhere in the world, were intensified by overcrowding. Infants and toddlers lay on their backs, confined to cribs for the majority of the day; they were fed at mealtimes by propped bottles, not when the children were hungry; they were changed on schedule, not when they were wet; and they received very little social interaction with caregivers. While the number of children in Romanian institutions has declined and conditions have improved, these orphanages continue to be environments of severe social deprivation. Early environmental deprivation caused by the absence of adequate nutrition, social interaction, and cognitive stimulation has profound effects on the health, behavior, and psychological development of children. The compounding of these effects in institutionalized children is studied in ongoing longitudinal studies examining the developmental progress of children removed from institutions. The data have helped explain the effects of early deprivation on children’s development as well as address the question of permanence if environmental conditions improve for the child, either through adoption or placement in foster care. At the time of adoption, children from institutions are usually underweight, shorter in height, and with smaller head circumferences than the average child. Deficits in these three measures of physical development have been consistently reported in children from Romanian, Russian, and Greek institutions. A study of 6-year-old children adopted into the United Kingdom found some recovery of height and weight, but only in children adopted before 24 months of age. Head circumference, however, remained below age norms in all adopted children. The lack of a personal relationship with a caregiver directly influences the development of attachment, and children raised in institutions often have abnormalities in their social behavior as a result. In early work with institutionalized children, Barbara Tizard and Judith Rees described a higher prevalence of restless behaviors and indiscriminate friendliness toward strangers in comparison to a community sample of children. Recently, this list has been

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expanded to include a lack of close, confiding relationships; a tendency to readily go off with strangers; and, in anxiety-provoking situations, a lack of social referencing with parents as disinhibited attachment. Disinhibited attachment appears to display a high degree of continuity, even when children are adopted out of institutional care. In a 2007 study, Michael Rutter and his colleagues measured disinhibited attachment behaviors in 6-year-old adopted U.K. and Romanian children who experienced institutional care and again five years later. They found a high degree of stability of disinhibited attachment behaviors between the 6- and 11-year time points. Much of the early research on institutionalized children focused on the effects of deprivation on children’s intelligence quotient (IQ). Early reports noted that most institutionalized children had severe intellectual disability and had concluded that the deprivation had permanent effects on IQ. Recently, more promising evidence has been presented suggesting that not all cognitive deficits are permanent. One study examined a nonrandom sample of children adopted before 6 months of age and found no difference between those who had been institutionalized and those who had not been. Another study that randomly assigned children to foster care or to remain in institutional care found a modest increase in IQ in the foster care group when compared to children who remained in institutions. As well, the authors of this study found that the age that the child was removed from the institution mattered. Children removed before 24 months of age showed greater IQ gains compared to those who were removed from institutions after 24 months of age. Ross E. Vanderwert and Nathan A. Fox see also: Abandonment and Infanticide; Adoption; Attachment Disturbances and Disorders; Foster and Kinship Care further reading: K. MacLean, “The Impact of Institutionalization on Child Development,” Development and Psychopathology 15 (2003), pp. 853–84. • C. H. Zeanah, A. T. Smyke, and L. D. Settles, “Orphanages as a Developmental Context for Early Childhood,” in K. McCartney and D. Phillips, eds., Blackwell Handbook on Early Childhood, 2006, pp. 424–54. • C. A. Nelson, “A Neurobiological Perspective on Early Human Deprivation,” Child Development Perspectives 1 (2007), pp. 1–63. • M. Dozier and M. Rutter, “Attachment Issues in Foster Care and Adoption,” in J. Cassidy and P. R. Shaver, eds., Handbook of Attachment Theory and Research, in press.

orthodontics. see Teeth orthopedic disorders. The term orthopedics (or orthopaedics) means “make straight the child.” The field now encompasses many conditions affecting the arms, legs, or spine. It includes the bones and the surrounding soft tissue (ligaments and joints), the muscles and tendons that move the body, and the nerves and associated blood vessels. The difference in orthopedic care between a child and an

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adult is the presence of growth plates, the cartilaginous structures that allow bones to grow. They are present before birth through adolescence, adding successive layers of bone toward the middle side and thereby moving away from the middle of the bone over time. At the end of growth, the growth plates become normal bone and the skeleton is mature. This can occur any time between age 12 in some girls and age 19 in boys. Girls stop growing an average of two years before boys. Pediatric orthopedics concentrates on conditions that occur while the growth plates are still present. Abnormal conditions are broadly classified as congenital, developmental, or the result of outside factors such as trauma, infection, or burns. Congenital problems are the result of failure of normal development in utero. A bone may fail to develop or a joint may be too stiff or parts of the spine may fail to separate during the early part of the pregnancy. These conditions are usually but not always apparent at birth. They may be associated with abnormalities in other organs. Developmental problems occur to children with skeletons that seem normal at birth. Spontaneous development of avascular necrosis in the hip (hip destruction due to interrupted blood supply) is one example. Bowlegs are a common condition in infants that spontaneously resolves with growth most of the time but sometimes progresses. Rickets is a disease of the growth plate caused by the body’s failure to assimilate and use calcium and/or phosphorus normally, resulting in progressive bowing of the bones. Severe diets or lack of enzymes to process vitamin D or kidney failure can cause this. Children can develop bone tumors, both benign and malignant. Some benign tumors can become large enough to be noticeable and can cause the legs to grow crooked. Children often break (or fracture) bones through the areas near the end of long bones called growth plates or physes. This area is not as strong as the rest of the bone or the ligaments, so children often fracture through this part of the bone. Adults do not get these types of fractures because they do not have growth plates. Trauma that would sprain a ligament in an adult will often fracture through the growth plate in children. Most of the time, these fractures heal uneventfully. Growth resumes normally or even faster than normal. But if the growth plate is damaged, growth may stop or there may be tethering on one side causing the bone to grow asymmetrically and become angled. If this occurs at a young age, the difference in leg lengths can be significant. Infections in the skeleton of children can cause serious damage to the joint or the growth plate. Joint infections may damage the joint surface and lead to stiffness and long-term arthritis if they are not treated quickly. Bone infections usually occur in the long part of the bone, next to the growth plate. If the growth plate cartilage is damaged, the growth will slow or stop at that location, resulting in an increasing discrepancy in leg length or angular deformity.

The infections can almost always be treated, but subsequent problems may remain. In addition to these problems, there are certain variations in development of a child that can cause concern. The most common concerns relate to feet. Most children are born with more internal rotation of the legs than adults have, but, with growth, the bones externally rotate distally. The malposition of the feet is a normal developmental pattern, provided there is full mobility of the joints. Some abnormalities can be detected at or before birth such as clubfeet, dislocated hips, and spinal formation conditions. Prenatal ultrasound can identify many of these conditions. Some problems develop over time as the child grows, either spontaneously or as a result of a condition that affects the growth of the skeleton. Shortness of the Achilles tendon excursion may be a sign of a chronic spasticity but can occur in isolation in children who are walking on their toes. Hip dislocations can present as limping, and the range of motion of the joint may be reduced compared to the other side. Another example is cerebral palsy, a neurological condition that changes the way the muscles are used. Cerebral palsy causes overstimulation of some muscles (spasticity), which in turn causes contractures of the joints and compounds the difficulty in moving normally. Treatments center on improving the motion and normal development of the joints so patients can use them more easily. Trauma or infection can damage joints or growth centers, which can lead to differences in leg length that are often several inches. Spi nal Abno r m aliti es Scoliosis is a condition in which the spine curves and may twist or rotate. The back becomes deformed, and breathing capacity can be decreased in severe cases. The cause of the most common form of this is unknown (idiopathic). It may be associated with other conditions, such as spinal cord abnormalities (tumors and congenital anomalies). Conditions such as muscular dystrophy and cerebral palsy are associated with progressive spine curvature. Spina bifida is a condition in which the lowest part of the spine does not completely form during the second month of gestation. Scoliosis occurs in the more severe cases of spina bifida. Spina bifida is strongly associated with a lack of the vitamin folate during the early gestational period, which can be before the pregnancy is recognized. Routine dietary intake of folate by any woman who could become pregnant is recommended to decrease the incidence of spina bifida and related conditions. Scoliosis screening during school physicals prior to adolescence has become common since the 1960s. The purpose is to identify curved spines at earlier stages so that treatment can be employed to stop progression of the curves and avoid surgical correction. There is some dispute as to

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whether this is really effective or necessary. Scoliosis usually becomes noticeable during this period, and rapid progression of the curve occurs during the adolescent growth spurt. Use of a 23-hour-a-day brace or sometimes a nighttime overcorrection brace has been shown to decrease the incidence of progression in some patients. If curves progress to a certain threshold, then they will progress in severity even after skeletal maturity. These curves are treated with surgery to straighten the spine and fuse several vertebral bodies so the curvature stops getting worse. Stainless steel or titanium rods and hooks or screws are used to hold the vertebral bodies in place in a straighter position while the fusion takes place. After this procedure and the subsequent healing period, children can return to nearly all normal activities. D e v elo pm en ta l P ro b l e m s Clubfoot is a condition that involves the foot in a toe-down or equinus position with inward turning of the foot. The foot cannot be repositioned to normal. This occurs throughout the world. It may be associated with neurological conditions such as spina bifida, but the cause is usually unknown. Treatment involves a series of casts (Ponsetti method) and perhaps a percutaneous lengthening of the Achilles tendon. This is followed by a four-year period of wearing a nighttime brace that holds the feet turned outward. Other surgery may be needed later. Efforts to improve the treatment of clubfoot around the world have centered on teaching paramedical personnel to do the serial casting and identifying local sources for producing the night brace. Developmental dislocated hip is a condition in which the normal relationship of the top of the femur to the hip socket does not develop or stops developing normally. The presence of the femoral head in the socket (acetabulum) normally stimulates the socket to develop stability as it deepens and grows to cover more of the surface of the femoral head. If this fails to occur, the femoral head slides in the more loosely fitting socket and the contact surface of the joint does not grow larger. This inevitably leads to arthritis in adulthood as well as limited range of motion and an abnormal walking pattern. Treatment is less invasive in infancy and may involve use of a harness or cast to put the femoral head back in the joint. If the problem is not treated in infancy, then surgery is usually needed. Neurological conditions (such as spinal cord abnormalities) associated with this must be addressed as well. Two interesting developmental problems that occur in children are Blount’s disease or tibia vara (bowlegs) and slipped capital femoral epiphysis. Both conditions can occur spontaneously. They are more common in overweight children, although the conditions do occur in normal-size children as well. In Blount’s disease, the inner side of the growth plate at the top of the tibia stops growing, while the lateral side continues to grow. This results in a progres-

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sive tilting of the knee joint, and the leg becomes more crooked. Pain usually brings the patient to medical attention. Blount’s disease can occur on one or both legs. Slipped capital femoral epiphysis is instability at the growth plate at the top of the femur (thigh bone). Instead of growing longitudinally, the top of the bone starts to slide sideways through the growth plate. The cause of this condition is unknown. Of the children who develop this condition, 90% are overweight. This condition causes pain and limited range of motion of the hip, with the leg turned outward and difficulty flexing the hip upward without externally rotating the leg. The onset of this condition can be gradual over weeks or months, or it can occur suddenly as the epiphysis displaces completely like a fracture. The treatment of slipped capital femoral epiphysis requires surgically putting a metal pin across the growth plate to prevent further movement between the two parts of the femur. I n jur i e s Fractures are common occurrences in childhood. Fractures occur through the middle of the bone as well as through the growth plates. The ligaments, which hold the bones together at the joints, are relatively stronger than the growth plates near the ends of the bone. This results in a higher incidence of fractures in children and fewer ligament injuries. This phenomenon lasts until the growth plates close at the end of adolescence, at which time the patterns of injury become the same as adults. Fractures tend to heal more readily in children than in adults. The most common fractures in children are forearm fractures resulting from falls. The fractures can be distal (near the wrist) or in the middle of the bones. The fractures near the wrist can be through the growth plates or through other parts of the bone called the metaphysis. These fractures can usually be treated by manipulation of the broken bones to reduce the fragments of bone back to their original position. Analgesia, either as sedation or even general anesthesia, is often required to set the bones. When a broken bone is associated with a skin wound, this is called an open fracture. These are associated with more soft-tissue damage, carry a risk of infection, and have a higher risk of not healing. Open fractures are less common in children than in adults and often indicate a more severe trauma. Surgical management is usually required. Fractures of the femur and pelvis are associated with greater degrees of trauma, such as motor vehicle accidents or falls from heights. Therefore, the presence of these harder-to-produce injuries leads to the search for other injuries, such as to the brain, the internal organs, or the spine. Treatment of femur fractures ranges from manipulation under anesthesia with casting, to internal fixation with flexible rods inside the bone, to plate-and-screw fixation. Fractures through a joint are a more severe problem. Damage to a joint surface can result in traumatic arthritis.

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These fractures often involve the growth plates and can damage both the growth plates and the joint surface. In a growing child, deformity may increase. Surgical restoration of the joint surfaces improves the alignment of the joint surface and gives the best chance of normal recovery, but damage to the cells is impossible to identify at the time of injury. The child must be followed over time to see if normal growth occurs. Six months of growth may be needed to determine if abnormalities have occurred. Gunshot wounds are a special case of fractures and occur frequently in children and adolescents in cities as well as in rural areas with hunting. Again, the biggest problems are joint damage and growth plate damage, which can occur from direct trauma or infection after the injury.

All injuries in children, including those to the skeletal system, must be evaluated to see if the circumstances described fit the injury. Child abuse must be suspected if the injuries do not fit the described circumstances or there are other suspicious factors. In those cases, hidden injuries must be looked for by physical exam and often using X-rays in a skeletal survey of all bones. Social services must be involved. Christopher M. Sullivan see also: Accidents and Injuries; Congenital Anomalies and Deformations; Sports Injuries further reading: Pediatric Orthopaedic Society of North America, http://www.posna.org • Wheeless’ Textbook of Orthopaedics, http://www.wheelessonline.com

p pacific island societies and cultures, childhood and adolescence in. Childhood in the islands of the South Pacific has shaped anthropological and psychological theory and fascinated the general public since Margaret Mead wrote about it in the 1920s. Pacific Islands cultures are conventionally (though somewhat arbitrarily) divided into three groups. First, the Melanesian cultures of the southwestern Pacific include (among others) Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, and New Caledonia and are characterized by extreme linguistic and cultural diversity and by small-scale, relatively egalitarian, political structures. Second, the Polynesian cultures of the eastern and central South Pacific include (among others) the Maori of New Zealand and the indigenous peoples of Hawaii, Tahiti, Tonga, Samoa, the Marquesas Islands, and the Cook Islands and have hierarchical political systems with powerful chiefs who, in some cases, united large areas. Finally, the islands of Micronesia lie scattered across the western Pacific, north of Melanesia, and have hierarchical social structures, but chiefdoms tended to be smaller than those of Polynesia. Virtually all Pacific Island societies were at one time colonies of European nations such as Britain, Germany, Spain, and France and most have now attained independence or compacts of free association. Christian missionary efforts in the Pacific were intense, and many Islanders today are Christian. Children are highly valued almost everywhere and considered “gifts from God” who ensure the survival of lineage and family and enrich the lives of parents and extended

family. Infants are generally treasured and kept in constant contact with caretakers. Children are often considered the responsibility of a bilateral extended family, and fosterage is common to make sure that no adult need live without a small child and that children grow up in an optimal environment. In contemporary times, children move between urban and rural relatives to take advantage of urban schools or to be insulated from the hardships of urban poverty. Children may also move across national boundaries, as when couples living in Britain, the United States, Australia, or New Zealand send young children to stay with Pacific Island relatives so that they can come to know their natal culture and language. Childhood in Pacific Island societies is molded by dominant political and cultural patterns. Polynesian children grow up as low-status members of ranked societies, while Melanesian children often undergo early training in selfassertion and reciprocity necessary to survive in a more egalitarian environment. In Polynesian societies, unsocialized, low-ranking children must accommodate and submit to higher-ranking elders. For example, Samoan mothers rarely talk directly to young infants or interpret the utterances of toddlers, instead putting the onus on the low-ranking child to accommodate to the needs of adults. Children also run errands, do household chores, and look after younger siblings. Physical punishment is often severe, particularly in Samoa and Tonga, where a strong Christian belief in original sin combines with an indigenous emphasis on the importance of low-ranking people obeying their elders.

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In the egalitarian societies of Melanesia, small children undergo early socialization to be assertive and to share with others. Kaluli mothers in Papua New Guinea, for instance, taunt and threaten older children on behalf of preverbal infants. Adults among the Murik of Papua New Guinea also threaten small children elaborately in order to toughen them up and teach them to assert themselves. As children grow older, adults respect their autonomy and are reluctant to force them to do things. Among the Gapun villagers of Papua New Guinea, for instance, adults want their children to learn the local language, Taiap Mer, but believe that their children prefer the lingua franca, Tok Pisin, so they generally address children in that language. As a result, children no longer speak Taiap Mer. Gender socialization also is shaped by broader social and cultural configurations. In Polynesian societies, boys and girls are both valued, and highest status is accorded the oldest child, regardless of gender. Girls are revered and valued and so are protected and kept inside the family group, often performing household chores and looking after younger children. Boys are considered rougher and are more often encouraged to play outside and form bonds with the local community. But both sexes are encouraged to be submissive, respectful, and obedient and to accommodate to adults. As brothers and sisters approach puberty in many Polynesian societies, they are expected to exhibit respect for one another through avoidance, even to the extent of not being able to utter common words that contain one another’s names. In Melanesia, parents work to turn small boys into hypermasculine warriors. Many Melanesian societies had elaborate multistage male initiation cults that a boy entered at around 8 and finally completed as an adult. Boys were subjected to ordeals such as penis bleeding, forced vomiting, oral ingestion of semen, and nose bleeding in order to remove “soft” maternal substance and replace them with “hard” masculine essence. Girls’ initiations were generally less elaborate and occurred on first menses in many societies. Much controversy has surrounded adolescence in the Pacific Islands ever since Mead claimed in Coming of Age in Samoa (1928) that adolescence was a happy time due to the relaxed attitude about premarital sexual relations and the absence of a sharp transition between childhood and adulthood. More than 50 years later in Margaret Mead and Samoa (1983), Derek Freeman countered that Samoan parents were stern disciplinarians who carefully guarded their daughters’ virginity. Samoan adolescents were not carefree but prone to suicide and outbursts of violence. The truth probably lies somewhere between, with Freeman’s account being a better portrait of high-ranking families and adult preferences and Mead’s views reflecting the views of girls from lower-ranking families. The lives of Pacific children have changed in many ways

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over the past two centuries. Pacific Island parenting is now strongly influenced by Christianity. Male initiations in Melanesia ceased with pacification. But both tribal warfare and male initiations have reappeared in Papua New Guinea and the Solomon Islands in the last few decades. Children all over the Pacific are less embedded in local village cultures than in the past. In some areas of Papua New Guinea, children no longer speak their local languages but instead grow up speaking one of the lingua francas Tok Pisin or Hiri Motu. In Fiji, some rural girls no longer speak the local dialects but instead use the standard version of Fijian, Bauan. Urban children in Fiji commonly speak only Bauan, and some middle-class children no longer speak Fijian at all. Childhood has become an international experience for some. Children who are sent back to relatives in the islands as teenagers, by parents living overseas, often have a hard time adjusting to village life. Pacific Islanders who grow up overseas experience confl ict between their own strict upbringing and the more permissive practices of Western families. Tongan girls in New Zealand and the United States, for instance, frequently complain about not being able to date and about being subjected to corporal punishment. Indigenous children in all areas of the Pacific now go to school, and concerns have been raised by governments and scholars about possible clashes between Western-style schools and indigenous ways of behaving and learning. In Hawaii, for instance, many Native Hawaiian children perform poorly in schools, partly because school requirements to display knowledge in front of the group confl ict with indigenous expectations that people be humble and avoid showing off in front of others. Karen J. Brison see also: Bateson, Gregory; Mead, Margaret further reading: Helen Morton, Becoming Tongan: An Ethnography of Childhood, 1996. • Helen Morton, Tongans Overseas: Between Two Shores, 2003. • Gilbert Herdt, The Sambia: Ritual, Sexuality, and Change in Papua New Guinea, 2005.

pain. Everyday aches and pains, major trauma, surgical pain, and unexplained, persistent pain may occur at any point in childhood. Pain is a highly individual and complex experience that has both a sensory and emotional component. This fact is reflected in the definition of pain that has been put forth by the International Association for the Study of Pain that pain is “an unpleasant sensory and emotional experience associated with actual or potential tissue damage, or described in terms of such damage.” This definition specifies the complex nature of pain-signaling pathways that do not require actual tissue damage for a person to feel a painful sensation. For example, neuropathic pain can persist long after tissue has healed. The most basic division of pain types is into acute versus chronic. Pain can also be classified according to its etiology, such as disease related or unknown etiology. Many terms have been used

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over the years to refer to pain of unknown etiology, including the terms functional or psychosomatic pain. Because it is widely recognized that all pain can be influenced by biological and psychological factors, most persistent pain is viewed from a similar perspective irrespective of its presumed etiology. Acute pain usually indicates some tissue injury, inflammation, or infection requiring immediate attention. This tissue injury or inflammation activates local afferent nerve fibers through the local release of neural activators, such as prostanoids, substance P, and other local neurotransmitters. In turn, afferent nociceptive fibers provide messages to connector neurons in the spinal cord, with the release of other local neurotransmitters, and the ascending transmission of nociception up to pain perception areas in the brain is initiated. In acute pain, typically the descending neural inhibitory system is rapidly activated, and the pain process becomes diminished and soon the pain goes away. Motor reflexes may also be activated, such as withdrawing a finger from a hot plate if the finger is experienced as too hot and painful. Phylogenetically, acute pain is protective and serves as a warning signal to “take action.” Typically brief, acute pain ends shortly after the inflammation subsides or the injury heals. Examples include a broken arm or postsurgery pain. Chronic pain, in contrast, may or may not imply underlying, ongoing tissue damage or chronic disease. Persisting long after an initial injury has healed (typically beyond three months), chronic or recurrent pain may be associated with underlying medical conditions, such as arthritis, Crohn disease, or sickle-cell disease. Pain related to cancer or other life-threatening medical conditions is another form of serious chronic pain. Chronic and recurrent pain may be the problem itself, without clearly identifiable cause, as in pain associated with irritable bowel syndrome or headaches. Current epidemiological data indicate that chronic and recurrent pain affects 15% to 25% of children and adolescents. Pai n Perc eptions and R e actions of C h i ldr en from Bi rth to Adolesc enc e Until recently, health care professionals did not believe that babies and young children could experience pain in the same way as older children or adults because they were immature neurologically. However, basic scientific research on the development of the pain-receptive system now clearly recognizes that newborn and premature babies are biologically equipped to experience and perceive pain. In fact, the pain inhibitory system is not fully developed at birth, potentially making identical noxious stimuli more painful for babies than for older children. All pain involves a neural signaling process that transmits noxious signals up to the brain and a downward pain inhibitory system that mutes these signals. In newborns, this pain inhibitory system is less developed

and may be less effective at muting these pain signals. The pain experience takes place through central pain perception areas of the brain, with differing areas for pain sensation and for distress related to pain. Emotions, beliefs, past experiences, learned behaviors, genetics, context, and other factors influence the experience of pain at this level. That is, the child’s perception and reaction to pain, especially in chronic pain, depend on many psychological and social factors, not just on the magnitude of noxious stimuli. For example, certain situations such as a lack of predictability and control, strong emotions such as fear and anxiety, and overanxious responses of caregivers to pain behaviors can intensify the child’s pain. As individuals, children respond in various ways to painful stimuli and to living with a chronic pain condition. Persistent pain can have a profound impact on many areas of child and family life, potentially leading to problems into adulthood. Although many children with pain conditions cope well, other children demonstrate pain-related disability at home and school, including significant school absenteeism, decreased participation in physical and social activities, sleep disturbance, and family disruption. Var i atio n i n th e Pai n E x per i enc e The identification of developmental, socioeconomic, and family factors impacting short- and long-term consequences of pain is an area of active research. Sex differences have emerged in children’s experience and perception of pain; girls generally report higher pain intensity and longerlasting, more frequent pain than do boys, especially during adolescence. This pattern of sex differences has been documented in North American and European countries. Prevalence of several pain problems in girls compared to boys is increased, especially postpuberty when girls are more likely to be treated for complex regional pain syndrome, fibromyalgia, and migraine headaches. Research also shows a family aggregation of pain complaints, finding that children with chronic pain often live in households where other family members also have chronic pain. Socioeconomic factors have been identified as risk factors where lower family income has been associated with more pain and disability in youth with chronic diseaserelated pain. Pai n As s e s s m en t a n d T r e atm en t Accurate assessment of children’s pain should include evaluation of quality, duration, frequency, intensity, and location of the pain, as well as environmental variables that may affect pain and the impact of pain on children’s functional status. When possible, asking children directly is the best way to learn about their pain. Self-report measures rely on children reporting their own subjective pain experience through words, numbers, colors, pictures, or manipulating objects. For example, faces pain scales, presenting a series

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of facial expressions depicting gradations of pain, are appealing and have become the most popular format to elicit children’s self-reported pain intensity. Behavioral measures, alternatively, rely on trained observers who document specific distress behaviors (e.g., motor movement, facial expression, vocalizations) associated with pain in infants and children. Pain assessment tools are being developed for understanding pain in cognitively impaired children. Treatment of acute pain has received considerable attention since the 1970s. There are now various effective pharmacological and psychological modalities for procedurerelated and postsurgical pain in children. Most extensive invasive procedures such as bone marrow biopsy are now routinely performed under local anesthesia and sedation or general anesthesia, a practice that has reduced children’s experience of pain and distress. Topical local anesthetics have been used to help prevent or alleviate skin pain associated with injections or blood drawing. Pharmacological agents have been studied in infants and children to manage procedural and surgical pain, with proven efficacy using different routes of drug delivery. Alongside improved sedation regimens, patient-controlled analgesia, and new pharmacological agents, clinicians have also designed developmentally appropriate psychological interventions to help children cope with invasive procedures. Hypnotherapy and cognitive-behavioral therapy (CBT) programs incorporating relaxation strategies, distraction, behavioral rehearsal, and contingent reinforcement are well-established approaches for treating acute procedure-related pain. Specific comfort measures (e.g., pacifier, oral sucrose, swaddling) also have proved useful for reducing behavioral signs of pain in infants. Treatments for children with persistent chronic pain, conversely, have received less research attention. Only a few treatment studies have been published on the treatment of nonheadache chronic pain. However, there is promising evidence that CBT is effective for decreasing chronic pain symptoms in children. In practice, children receiving care in a multidisciplinary pediatric pain clinic are typically offered a rehabilitation approach directed toward improvement of functioning. Such treatment may involve pharmacological strategies, physical or occupational therapy, CBT, family therapy, and group therapy, along with complementary and alternative approaches such as acupuncture, Iyengar yoga, hypnotherapy, and biofeedback, which are increasingly utilized in children with chronic pain problems. Pai n i n t h e C o n t e m po r ar y Wo r l d Historically, pain has not been well understood or managed in infants and children. The field of pediatric pain is still in its infancy, and the work conducted to increase attention and advocacy for the assessment and management of pain in children is recent. Until the 1970s, many medi-

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cal and surgical procedures, such as neonatal circumcision, were performed without any anesthesia or analgesia. In the 1970s, a pioneering study illustrated the significant discrepancy in how postsurgical pain was managed in children as compared with adults. This study demonstrated that fewer than half of the children received any analgesics despite undergoing major surgeries, whereas most adults received both narcotic and nonnarcotic medications. Over the years, children’s pain management has emerged as an important clinical specialty and research area. Currently, there are professional organizations in the United States (and around the world) devoted to the care of children with pain and multiple textbooks and published articles about childhood pain. In most industrialized countries, physical, psychological, and pharmacological methods of treating pain are available to hospitalized children. In stark contrast, such pain services are rarely available to children living in the developing world, where there are multiple barriers to care. Although pain incidence data are not available in developing countries, there is a general belief that these children experience similar rates of most types of pain. In fact, there are some diseases associated with significant pain that disproportionately affect children in developing countries, such as HIV/AIDS, sickle-cell disease, and specific traumas (e.g., land mines). Pain management, although considered to be a basic right for all children, remains an important global health problem. Tonya M. Palermo and Lonnie K. Zeltzer see also: Medicines and Children further reading: Tonya M. Palermo, “Impact of Recurrent and Chronic Pain on Child and Family Daily Functioning: A Critical Review of the Literature,” Journal of Developmental and Behavioral Pediatrics 21, no. 1 (February 2000), pp. 58–69. • Christopher Eccleston, Steven Morley, Amanda Williams, Louise Yorke, and Kiki Mastroyannopoulou, “Systematic Review of Randomised Controlled Trials of Psychological Therapy for Chronic Pain in Children and Adolescents, with a Subset Meta-Analysis of Pain Relief,” Pain 99, no. 1–2 (September 2002), pp. 157–65. • Lonnie K. Zeltzer and Christina B. Schlank, Conquering Your Child’s Chronic Pain: A Pediatrician’s Guide for Reclaiming a Normal Childhood, 2005. • Neil L. Schechter, Charles B. Berde, and Myron Yaster, Pain in Infants, Children and Adolescents, vol. 3, in press.

parasitic infections. Parasites are organisms that live on or within another living organism (host) for the purpose of obtaining food or shelter; by definition they cause some degree of harm to the host. A wide variety of parasites affect children, ranging from single-celled, microscopic organisms such as in malaria, to worms such as hookworm, to small animals such as scabies and varying in size from a fraction of a millimeter to several meters. Most parasites have complex life cycles, spending part of their time in other (nonhuman) hosts or in the environment. Parasites can be spread a variety of ways: directly from person to

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person, through ingestion of contaminated food or water, by insects or vectors, through contact with infectious water or soil, through blood products or organs, or from mother to baby. Some parasites can cause severe illness and death; others may lead to subtle, long-term problems such as poor growth, impaired learning ability, decreased school attendance, or limited work capacity. Certain parasitic diseases predominantly affect children. Children may be more likely to become infected because of age-specific behaviors, such as playing in contaminated water, ingestion of soil, poor toileting habits, and exposure to insect vectors. They may lack a sufficient immune response to prevent infection or severe disease manifestations. Furthermore, the rapid growth and development of young children makes them particularly susceptible to the detrimental effects of parasitic infections, such as malnutrition and anemia. Parasitic infections are a major cause of both acute and chronic illness among children throughout the world. It is estimated that more than 1.5 billion people are infected with parasites worldwide, the majority of whom are children. Parasitic diseases disproportionately affect children living in resource-poor countries. Inadequate sanitation, poor quality of housing, limited access to clean water, and greater exposure to vectors explain this disparity. In addition, the effects of parasitic infections may be magnified by underlying malnutrition, co-infection with other diseases, or limited access to medical care. Historically, diseases such as hookworm and malaria were major public health problems in the United States; however, improvements in sanitation and other public health measures have virtually eliminated those threats. Today, within industrialized countries, the children at greater risk for parasites are those who have immigrated from the tropics or subtropics, tourists returning from those areas, or children with compromised immune systems (such as children with AIDS or those receiving treatment for cancer). However, all children are at risk for some common parasites, such as lice. M ani fe stat ion s of Par as i t ic I n f ectio n s The illnesses produced by parasitic infections are almost as diverse as the organisms themselves. Many common symptoms among children—including fever, diarrhea, cough, rashes, and poor weight gain—can result from a parasitic infection. Specific symptoms depend not only on the type of parasite but also on the location, duration, and intensity of infection. Often children are infected with more than one parasite, which may cause more severe disease. For example, several parasites that cause anemia (including malaria, schistosomiasis, and hookworm) are present in the same areas of the world. Children living in those areas are at risk for more severe anemia as a result of multiple infections. The effects of parasitic infections on the health of chil-

dren may not be entirely harmful. Some research suggests that people infected with worms have fewer allergies and autoimmune diseases (such as inflammatory bowel disease) and are at lower risk for developing asthma. Nevertheless, this topic is controversial since worms can also impair a person’s immune response to vaccines and weaken his or her ability to fight bacterial or viral infections, like HIV. Further work is needed to understand how different parasites affect the immune system, particularly in people who are infected with multiple parasites. S el ec ted T y pe s o f Par as i tic I n f ec tio n s Following is a list of several of the more important parasitic infections in different parts of the world. This list is not exhaustive; it represents diseases that are of public health importance because of the severity of disease, the numbers of children affected, or the economic or social impact of the disease. Parasites That Live on the Skin or Hair. Head lice are common parasites worldwide. Often spread in schools or child care centers, head lice are not associated with poverty or poor hygiene. They live on hair and are spread through direct contact or through sharing personal belongings like combs or hats. Medicated shampoos can treat head lice. Scabies, caused by a mite that is spread through prolonged personal contact, is also common throughout the world, regardless of socioeconomic status or hygiene. The mite burrows under the skin and causes a streaky, red rash that itches. Scabies is treated with a lotion. Washing clothes and bed linens prevents reinfection. Norwegian scabies is a rare, more severe type of infection that usually affects immunocompromised or debilitated people. Worms. Pinworm, a common infection among preschool and school-age children worldwide, causes itching around the rectum. The small worm emerges from the anus at night to deposit eggs, which are then spread to the mouth by fingers that scratch to relieve the itching. Although easily treatable with medication, reinfection often occurs in schools or child care centers. Toxocara is a parasite of dogs and cats. Young children can become infected by ingestion of dirt or sand contaminated with animal feces. This small worm can cause abdominal pain or, rarely, eye problems. Baylisascaris is a rare disease acquired through ingestion of raccoon feces. If the infection spreads to the brain, it can cause severe neurological problems or death. Soil-transmitted helminths are a group of worms that are spread through soil contaminated with feces. Ascaris (roundworms) and trichuris are acquired through ingestion of food that contains fecally contaminated soil, while hookworm enters the skin (usually bare feet) directly from the soil. These worms are extremely common in tropical

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and subtropical areas with limited sanitation. While acute manifestations may include intestinal blockage or transient breathing difficulties due to migrating worms, the soiltransmitted helminths most commonly result in chronic infections, leading to poor growth, anemia, developmental delay, and impaired cognition. Soil-transmitted helminths are easily treatable with safe, inexpensive medications. Schistosomiasis is a small worm that spends part of its life in fresh water snails; after leaving the snail, it burrows through the skin of humans who are in contact with water. Once in the body, it migrates to blood vessels around the liver and intestine or bladder, causing inflammation, bleeding, and scarring. Long-term schistosomiasis leads to malnutrition, cognitive delay, and anemia. Infection is most common among school-age children. Urinary schistosomiasis is so common in some parts of Africa that the characteristic blood in the urine is considered “male menstruation.” Guinea worm is acquired through ingestion of contaminated water and causes debilitating pain as the adult worm emerges from the skin. It is close to being the first parasite to be eradicated globally. The number of cases worldwide has fallen from more than 3 million per year in 1986 to approximately 10,000 in 2007 (all in Africa) as a result of improved sanitation, water filtering and treatment, and active surveillance. Neurocysticercosis, a leading cause of epilepsy among children in resource-poor countries, is caused by ingestion of pig or cattle tapeworm eggs, which can develop into a form of the parasite that may migrate to the brain. The infection is acquired by ingesting material contaminated by human feces containing tapeworm eggs. Eating raw or undercooked meat can lead to intestinal tapeworm infection. Single-Celled Parasites. Malaria is the most deadly parasitic disease of children worldwide (1 million deaths per year in children younger than 5 years old). Spread by mosquitoes, malaria is found throughout most tropical countries. Children who live in these resource-poor countries and travelers to those regions are particularly at risk. Four different species of malaria infect red blood cells; Plasmodium falciparum accounts for most severe disease, including cerebral malaria. Some malaria parasites have become resistant to medications commonly used for treatment. Sleeping under insecticide-treated bed nets and using insect repellent are important ways to avoid acquiring malaria. Toxoplasmosis is acquired by ingestion of cat feces or through contaminated meat. If a woman is infected during pregnancy, the parasite may affect her child’s growth, neurological development, and/or eyesight. Infection can be prevented by avoiding cat litter and by thoroughly cooking meat. Chagas disease, found in Latin America, is primarily spread by a bug that deposits infectious feces after it bites. It

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is also spread through contaminated blood products or organs, from mother to baby, and rarely from ingesting food or drink that contain infectious bugs or bug feces. While most people with Chagas disease have no symptoms, children are more likely than adults to become ill with fever and sometimes acute inflammation of the heart and/or brain soon after infection. Chagas can also cause heart and/or gastrointestinal diseases years or decades after infection. Cryptosporidium and giardia are common infections transmitted when fecal particles enter the mouth (generally by contaminated food or water). While many cases are acquired while traveling in areas with poor sanitation, transmission also frequently occurs in child care centers, pools, or through contaminated drinking water. Both cause gastrointestinal disease—including diarrhea and abdominal pain—and can be treated with medications. Naegleria is a rare but tragic infection acquired when the amoeba, which thrives in warm freshwater (such as lakes in the summer), enters the brain through the nose. The infection is generally rapidly fatal. These parasites, in addition to numerous others, demonstrate the diversity of parasitic diseases and populations affected throughout the world. Parasites affect children of all racial, ethnic, and socioeconomic backgrounds and have a significant impact on the health and well-being of children worldwide. Jennifer Rabke Verani and LeAnne M. Fox see also: Blood Disorders; Gastrointestinal Disorders; Human Immunodeficiency Viral Syndrome; Malnutrition and Undernutrition The findings and conclusions in this report are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official position of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. further reading: M. E. Wilson, A World Guide to Infections: Diseases, Distribution, Diagnosis, 1991. • L. K. Pickering, C. J. Baker, S. S. Long, and J. A. McMillan, eds., Red Book: 2006 Report of the Committee on Infectious Diseases, 27th ed., 2006. • Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Parasitic Diseases, http://www.cdc .gov/ncidod/dpd

parens patriae. The doctrine of parens patriae denotes the state’s responsibility to protect people under a legal disability, including minors or the mentally disabled. The Latin term parens patriae means “the parent of one’s country” and, according to Black’s Law Dictionary, refers to the “state in its capacity as provider of protection to those unable to care for themselves.” When applied to children, the doctrine has justified state intervention in the family to protect a child’s welfare. Although parents have a fundamental right to raise their children as they see fit, the doctrine of parens patriae justifies some state limitations on this freedom as well as governmental intervention on the child’s behalf where warranted. Parens patriae authority over minors ends when the child reaches the age of majority, which is 18 in most states. The doctrine may, however,

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be used to protect adults whose lack of capacity for decision making renders them vulnerable. The doctrine of parens patriae derives from the jurisdictional authority of the English Court of Chancery, which originally exercised oversight of the property of wealthy orphans; this jurisdiction then expanded in the 17th century to include concerns about the child’s personal care and safety. In the United States, early 19th-century courts used the doctrine to justify state removal of poor children from their homes. As early as 1838, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court denied a father’s petition to release his daughter from the Philadelphia House of Refuge on the ground that parents may be “superceded by the parens patriae, or common guardian of the community” (Ex parte Crouse, p. 11). The court explained that “the public has a paramount interest in the virtue and knowledge of its members,” which, in that case, entitled the state to assume responsibility for the girl’s education (ibid.). This practice continued into the early 20th century as group homes and placement on family farms began to replace care in large asylums. These programs, under the rubric of parens patriae, contain the roots of the contemporary foster care system. The doctrine of parens patriae also justified the establishment of the juvenile court at the opening of the 20th century. Juvenile courts, which had jurisdiction over dependent and delinquent children, initially denied children many of the procedural protections to which adults are entitled, such as the right to an attorney, on the grounds that the state was stepping in for the parents as the child’s custodian, that the proceedings were not adversarial, and that children should be rehabilitated rather than punished. In In re Gault (1967), the U.S. Supreme Court held that in this instance the doctrine had led to unbridled discretion, and it restored many procedural protections for minors in the justice system. By the mid-20th century, the doctrine of parens patriae was used to justify many forms of state intervention on behalf of children. For example, today, when parents choose not to seek medical treatment for their children based on religious beliefs, the state will sometimes assert its parens patriae authority to seek a court order allowing the state to make decisions on behalf of the critically ill child. Similarly, parens patriae may support substituted judicial consent to medical treatment for incompetent adults. Where circumstances warrant, as in cases of extreme neglect and physical abuse, the state’s interest in the welfare of the child may justify removal of the child from the home and even termination of parental rights. In some countries, the doctrine supports laws that bar parents from using any form of corporal punishment on their children. In addition to protecting children as individuals, the doctrine serves the state’s compelling interests in ensuring the education, health, and welfare of the next generation of citizens. The U.S. Supreme Court has held that the state

may “restrict the parent’s control by requiring school attendance, regulating or prohibiting the child’s labor, and in many other ways” (Prince v. Massachusetts, 1944, p. 166), notwithstanding the parents’ constitutionally protected right to direct the upbringing of their children. In addition to requiring that children of certain ages attend school, the state may require proof that children have received vaccinations. Although parents may choose to send their children to private schools or home school them, the state is entitled to impose uniform curricular standards that apply to all educational settings deemed to satisfy the compulsory school laws. The government, as parens patriae, supersedes parental authority in this instance to ensure that children will grow up with sufficient skills to be self-supporting and to participate in democratic government. The doctrine of parens patriae is also enshrined in the international Convention on the Rights of the Child. The Convention states that the government of each signatory nation is ultimately responsible for taking care of the children within its borders. The Convention imposes affirmative obligations on signatory states to consider the best interests of the child in every decision affecting children, to “take into account the rights and duties of parents,” and to provide each child with a free, compulsory primary education, adequate health care, and protection from exploitation. Although the United States has not executed the Convention, the Supreme Court cited it when it held that states could not execute people for crimes they committed before they turned 18. Naomi Cahn and Catherine J. Ross see also: Abuse and Neglect; Child: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives; Family: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives; Rights, Parental; Rights, Termination of Parental

parenthood. Imagine a mother and father and a child and think about all the things that are going to influence them. What is the most important thing you could do that will influence those parents in accomplishing the tasks parents everywhere have to accomplish? Many very important things come to mind: the resources and wealth of the parents, the characteristics of the children that that parent has, how the parent was raised, the beliefs and values of the parents, the resources parents have available personally in their households and in their community, other caretakers (grandparents, siblings, child care workers) to assist them, the parents’ physical and mental health, and many others. However, it is worth considering that the single most important thing that you could do to influence those parents would be to decide where on earth the parents and children will grow up. In what local cultural community are the parents living? A focus on the cultural and community contexts of parenting does not diminish the importance of parents. Rather,

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it points to a useful way to think about parenting: Parents are important to how children develop, but parents’ contributions blend with genes, peers, and community context. Americans might first think of parenting as primarily direct interactions between parent and child: showing love and affection, disciplining, managing the day, solving relational problems, and providing material resources for children. However, in addition to thinking of parenting by beginning with the individual parent in relationship to his or her child, it is useful to think about the community context—the cultural learning environment—in which the parent and child live. These communities vary widely around the world. In Northeast Brazil, impoverished single mothers survive struggles of high child mortality, social oppression, and suffering by using their religious faith and kin to help. In rural western Kenya, mothers are concerned over the jealousy of others, the safety of their children, health and physical strength, and that they will have assistance with their heavy domestic and subsistence workloads. At the same time, they want their children to be bright and successful in school, diligent and hardworking, as well as socially competent and respectful. In northern India, modern ways of economic and family life blend with the moral virtues and caretaking support of the extended family. Women’s investments in their household’s success are often realized in their daughters’ (and sons’) achievement of education and improved jobs. Indeed, nonparental care of children, or alloparenting, as a complement to parental care is as important a proximal influence on children as direct parental care. (About 8% of U.S. children live with grandparents, for example, and grandparents provide care for many more children even when not living together). In Japan, parents seldom have more than one or two children, and they strive to find economic and academic success for their children in the face of intense competitive pressures and provide children with a deep sense of symbiotic harmony and empathy in social relationships, rather than generative tension from more autonomous, contractual social relations, as in the United States. Japanese parents strive to create this very close relationship early in life with the mother and then send their children to preschools and public schools, including extra tutoring schools later on, in hopes of ensuring both peer experience and educational success. In Germany, some parents will leave their young children alone at home for awhile when they go out and ensure the children have their own room from an early age, believing that this is important for child autonomy and independence as well as parents’ own clock-driven schedules. In parts of Holland, parents strive to create a calm, restful routine for babies and young children, and as a result they successfully have their young children sleeping longer than U.S. children. There are thousands more places in New

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Guinea, Sri Lanka, China, Los Angeles, New Orleans, and so forth with their own models for parenting and pathways available for parents and children. It is not only that it takes a village to support parents to raise a child; it takes an understanding of the parents’ and children’s place in their local community and in the world they face today to understand parenting. Every community, region, and nation has its ways of making a living; its levels of public health; its demographic and fertility patterns; its conventions about gender, race, ethnicity, and age ranking; its practices regarding child work and ideas about success; and its ways of marriage, partnerships, household formation, and so forth—all of which influence parenting. Very broadly, parents in nonurban communities with high fertility, greater mortality threats, more gender segregation, lower literacy, and less formal education emphasize greater child (and parent) heteronomy and social interdependence. Parents in the opposite circumstances, on average, emphasize greater child (and parent) autonomy and independence. But other combinations, such as autonomous-relatedness (closer family and ethnic ties that remain sustained even in the face of modern economies), are common as well. What accounts for this variability in parenting around the world? There are vast differences in material and economic resources that parents have available to sustain their households and provide for themselves and their children. Billions of parents around the world continue to have little or no access to good biomedical health care, are unable to send their children to school, and face threats from war, forced migration, and political and social oppression. Women still do most of the direct care and household management tasks of parenting; fathers are doing more such parenting today in industrialized nations and often provide more family resources, but the mothering role continues to be a task of women. This is due to a mix of evolved sexual dimorphism, gender preference, and social, cultural, and economic pressure. Along with these wide variations in community contexts and parenting beliefs and practices, there are tasks all parents worldwide are responsible for: the universal functions of parenting. These include providing for the safety of children; providing subsistence needs; directing and managing everyday care of the child, including monitoring the child’s daily routine of activities; providing emotional support, nurturance, and parental love; and providing for the socialization of the child—that is, ensuring that the child has acquired, through experience, training, and teaching, ways to be a socially and morally appropriate and competent person in that community. This last task of parenting can be thought of as the task of social replacement: preparing children as best as one can for a changing future. Parents provide direct care but convey very different information to their children about how to live in the world

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and what to believe. With so many people around her, whom can and should a child trust and why? People with kinship ties to her, those who live nearby, those with familiar names or appearance, those who act in a certain way toward her, those who share group membership with her? Should girls and boys grow up similarly or differently? Did the world come to be because of supernatural beings, and are those supernatural beings still influencing the world and people in it? Beyond interactions with the child, the meaning or content of what parents say to children about life matters deeply. The emotional context parents provide also matters. Parenting in a climate of fear, anger, and threat has very different—and negative—outcomes for children, even if the other tasks of parenting are being adequately met. It is useful to think of parenting as the many linked activities parents engage in with their children or place their children in when the parent is absent. All of these activities matter for development. Family sleeping arrangements, the morning routine, household tasks, transportation, watching TV, doing homework, dinnertime, visiting family and friends, going to a religious site, participating in games and sports, playing together—all are activities between parent and child that constitute parenting. These activities take resources; accomplish often vital tasks; have a “script” (the accepted, appropriate ways to do such things; there is a right way to eat dinner together, to visit grandparents, to go to church); have particular people and relationships present; have parental goals, values, and beliefs embedded in them; and are experienced with varying emotions and feelings of engagement. What activities do parents prefer or accept as appropriate for their children (TV, movies, digital games; playmates and playdates; kin care, stranger care, centerbased and after-school care)? To do all this reasonably well is the central accomplishment of parenting. A pervasive sense of stress, pressure, and loss of control may ring true for many contemporary U.S. parents. American parents today are busy. Busyness is not only a condition producing the stress of hectic work lives, produced by financial and family demands and pressures to provide for others (one’s children and one’s own parents); it is also sometimes perceived as a moral good. Dual-income couples and growing numbers of single mothers of necessity need to be organized, clock driven, productive, efficient, and engaged. As time for parenting grows scarcer and there are fewer kin to help, parenting tasks need to be purchased as commodities from others. Yet as parents are asked to do more, many today accept or are driven to the view that life is a race; the more done for children, the better; the earlier the process starts, the better! Not all parents share this view in the United States and certainly not around the world, yet many will recognize this cultural model of a good developmental pathway for parents. Many Western parents think the first mechanism for teaching children is through

didactic instruction, teaching, and directives from parents and others. But the great majority of what a child learns is acquired not through direct instruction using words but in other ways. The most common way to affect children is through imitation, observation, and mimicry of people, behavior, language, and affect in those everyday activities. Parents can provide opportunities for children to rehearse, practice, experiment, and be apprentices in learning without direct instruction, and children are prepared to learn in these ways. Today’s world is a globalizing world with fewer barriers to the flow of information, goods, and beliefs about how to be a parent. It is also an increasingly pluralistic world. With so many models possible, what should a parent do? There is no shortage of handbooks on parenting. What are the grounds for determining that parenting practices are good? Here are four criteria that, often in some combination, are offered by science and/or found in common use by parents and communities: achieving reproductive success, meeting basic needs, following religious authority, and engaging with cultural learning environments. If offspring survive to reproductive age and successfully reproduce, and those offspring in turn are good enough parents to raise their own children to successfully reproduce, then parenting was good enough (parental investment was sufficient for both survival and psychosocial competence in a culture) to have successfully transmitted parental genes into future generations. Parents in the developed world, where child mortality is very low, may not find this criterion very useful in deciding how best to parent, but they remain concerned about health nonetheless. Yet hundreds of millions of parents around the world are living on less than $2 a day, and millions more live in war zones or in places filled with risks to child and parental health and basic competence. Good-enough parenting meets the basic requirements for growth that all children need. These basic needs include essential physical care, sufficient nutritionally adequate food, protection and safety, physical touching and holding, parental responsiveness to the child and the child’s experience of responsiveness back from the environment, stimulation in the form of social participation, knowledge about how to become a competent and moral person, and perhaps some others. Specific standards for meeting basic needs vary among researchers, parents, and communities around the world, and so this criterion depends on establishing some blending of universal criteria and local contextual ones. However, all communities have core beliefs about the practices they expect from parents to meet basic needs. Nowhere are persistent parental violence, abuse, isolation, and exploitation accepted normal practices, and they are not good for children, although unfortunately parents and other caretakers do such things. The world’s religions have texts with commentaries on

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parenting and family life and descriptions of child-rearing practices, and indigenous religious beliefs offer parenting prescriptions and proscriptions. Some of these have become encoded in cultural group practices today. Many parents turn either to these texts or to their religious community’s interpretations and strive to adhere to the laws of good parenting codified there. Finally, parents are embedded in a local cultural learning environment with a daily routine of life of family and work, economic constraints, and opportunities. Most parents use some version of what is familiar in their local community as the standard of good parenting. This is not the same as relativism (the idea that an individual can only assess what parents do in another community by the local standards there), rather it is contextualism: What local context presents as good parenting becomes, far more often than not, the implicit standard of good parenting (though it may change or be contested). The purpose of parenting is in part to channel children’s emotions, needs, and behaviors into the paths parents and their community want for them. Frustration is always going to be the result for parents and children alike. Goodenough parenting is an achievement; optimal parenting without frustration and problems does not exist—nor, really, can it. Parents worry about scores of specific questions. What about cosleeping or bed sharing with my child? How and how much should I stimulate my child to do well in school? How much TV and video games is too much? Might my child have a learning disability or not be developing typically? Will my child do OK since I am a single parent? How can I deal with drugs, sexuality, teasing, and aggression in school; poor school success; and the added burdens of racial or ethnic minority identity? How do I best discipline children of different ages to engage appropriately in all these activities? Although there is useful advice to be found, there is no one answer that fits all. But if a practice fits with basic needs, does not threaten reproductive success, and meets moral criteria and the implicit standards in a local context, it will most likely also fit with how parents orchestrate their daily routine and so be good-enough parenting. Parenting is not only about children; it is also about parents’ own continuing development. Parenting means providing for a household, changing relationships with spouses and partners, growing up, and growing older. Becoming a parent has so many joys and rewards for the parent and brings the parent into maturity and recognition within their own families and communities. It brings anxiety, fears, material hardship, and many other challenges, along with privileges, status, deep satisfaction, and joy. Thomas S. Weisner see also: Adoption; Authority and Obedience; Discipline and Punishment; Family; Father-Child Relationship; Foster and Kinship

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Care; Gay and Lesbian Parents; Guardianship; Kinship and Child Rearing; Mother-Child Relationship; Rights, Parental; Rights, Termination of Parental; Single Parents further reading: R. LeVine, “Human Parental Care: Universal Goals, Cultural Strategies, Individual Behavior,” in R. A. LeVine, P. M. Miller, and M. M. West, eds., Parental Behavior in Diverse Societies, 1988, pp. 3–12. • B. Whiting and C. P. Edwards, Children of Different Worlds: The Formation of Social Behavior, 1988. • M. H. Bornstein, ed., Cultural Approaches to Parenting, 1991. • Cigdem Kagitcibasi, Family and Human Development across Cultures: A View from the Other Side, 1996. • M. E. Lamb, ed., Parenting and Child Development in “Nontraditional” Families, 1999. • J. DeLoache and A. Gottlieb, A World of Babies: Imagined Childcare Guides for Seven Societies, 2000. • M. Bornstein, ed., Handbook of Parenting, 2nd ed., 2002. • J. Waldfogel, What Children Need, 2006. • C. N. Darrah, James M. Freeman, and J. A. English-Lueck, Busier Than Ever: Why American Families Can’t Slow Down, 2007.

parks, playgrounds, and open spaces. Parks, playgrounds, greenways, and open spaces are public goods provided for community recreation and enjoyment, including children and their families. Together with streets, alleyways, school grounds, vacant land, commercial areas, and other childhood spaces beyond home, parks and playgrounds should offer safe and accessible neighborhood territories to support healthy, outdoor, active play, as called for by the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. Th e Bac kground to Con tempor ary Pl aygroun d Th eo r y The oldest playground tradition in Europe and North America is the standardized, brightly colored, industrially produced, multilevel composition of metal posts, platforms, plastic or plywood panels, overhead ladders, slides, and track rides, combined with to-and-fro swings and tire swings, jungle gyms, seesaws, and merry-go-rounds, together with sandboxes and water features. Early versions of this traditional form installed over hard, impervious surfaces began to appear in American cities in the mid-1800s and by the 1900s had become established as a feature of both educational and public spaces. The equipment-based model remained virtually unchanged until the 1970s, when high-profile lawsuits resulting from playground deaths and serious injury set in motion a playground safety movement, which remains to this day. Traditional-equipment playgrounds are often laid out and installed by manufacturers’ local sales representatives working directly with the client (child care center, school parent-teacher organization, parks system). Landscape architects are seldom involved, which increases the risk that key design decisions may be overlooked, such as effective drainage, appropriate pathways, and comfortable places for caregivers to gather and relax while children play.

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C u stom-D esign ed P l aygroun d s Manufactured-equipment playgrounds have become so commonplace that community leaders and the general public are unaware of the long, alternative tradition of playground design executed by landscape architects in collaboration with children’s play advocates and artists. Seeking regional or local distinctiveness, a growing number of municipal park systems are taking this more creative, comprehensive approach, which tends to be more expensive than the standardized model (still favored by most school systems when there is a lack of resources to implement educational models tied to curricular objectives). New Cultur al Roles for Ur ban Par ks, Pl ayground s, and Open Spac es Enormous changes in urban childhood have thrown into sharp relief the negative health consequences of children’s sedentary lifestyles and the corresponding rise in obesity. Until the 1980s, when not in school or at home for meals and bed, children in the United States spent most of their free time outside, playing. Outdoor play now has become restricted by the attractions of television and electronic games, school homework requirements, the real dangers of traffic, and the largely imagined parental “fear of strangers.” Many U.S. school systems have curtailed or even abandoned recess in an effort to devote more time to classroom academics. Consequently, parks systems are being urged to develop new preventive health strategies to attract children and families outdoors to expend daily calories through enjoyable, meaningful “active living.” Some would say that the dominant concern about playground safety dating from the 1970s has run its course because serious injury (death or permanent disability) is extremely rare and modern playground equipment is manufactured to high-quality specifications. Indeed, the exclusive emphasis on safety and disregard of play value have resulted in public playgrounds that are so sterile and boring that they no longer can compete with the excitement of video games and television. Thus arises a vexing safety paradox. Without taking risks, children cannot learn how to master their environment. This requires common sense in dealing with the minor knocks, scrapes, and bruises of an active childhood. Beyond playgrounds, children can extend their territory as they mature to explore green infrastructures and broader park landscapes. However, there is no generally accepted set of park design standards related to play value that might counteract the dominance of standardized, safety-centered design. Green infrastructure is a concept that embraces parkland; nature reserves; conservation easements; rivers, streams, and lakes; and transitional resources such as abandoned railroads that express the natural life of the land (drainage patterns, topography, and ecosystems of plants and animals). Green infrastructure can provide continuity

of access for both wildlife and young humans, each moving independently through the landscape, children on foot and bicycle away from home, ready to encounter worldly learning through challenging, hands-on experiences. Green infrastructure location, design, and management (trafficseparated, pedestrian-friendly greenways, trails, and sidewalks connecting parks, child care centers, and schools that incorporate parklike, active play spaces) have begun to spread, affecting the active routines of children’s daily lives in urban neighborhoods. Contemporary, customdesigned parks, the newest educational science parks, and children’s gardens offer a broadening range of urban family recreational destinations that augment and may supplant the passive, onlooker entertainment of traditional pleasure gardens and the still-dominant conventional children’s playground. Adv en t ur e Pl ayground s, Ur ban Far ms, and Pl ay Par k s Recognizing the developing child’s need to take risks and to learn by manipulating the environment, adventure playgrounds were developed in the 1940s in Scandinavia and Northern Europe to provide flexible, child-centered environments managed by professional play workers trained to facilitate or animate child-directed activities but not to instruct children. Adventure playgrounds assume that children develop their unique aptitudes as individuals if they can spend time in diverse environments that stimulate innate curiosity and offer freedom to learn through play and exploration. The first adventure playground was created at Emdrup in Copenhagen, Denmark, and supplied children with loose parts of scrap material, real saws, hammers, nails, and tape, with play leaders monitoring safety. From the beginning, farmyard animals and nature were a key component, which led to the development of urban farms beginning in the 1970s. The United Kingdom, for example, has an established network of approximately 60 city farms, 75 school farms, and nearly 1,000 community gardens offering community-based, playful learning opportunities to thousands of children and volunteer adolescents who help manage the programs. Play parks integrate adventure playground components into urban parks. There, children find trained play professionals and buildings that function as social centers and administrative bases where loose parts and mobile equipment are available for park use. Workshops and greenhouses are common additions. Adventure playgrounds, urban farms, and play parks have never really caught on in the United States. C h i ldr en ’s Museums, Pl ay Gar d ens, and Pl ay Zo o s As a strategy to expand audiences, a growing number of museums, botanical gardens, and zoos have developed

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play-and-learning facilities, representing a U.S. contribution to the evolving field of nonformal education through play. Children’s museums are the most common form, with historic roots in museum education. Although usually located outside of residential neighborhoods, these informal education destinations respond to the growing desire of contemporary families for places where they can take time off from the hectic daily round and enjoy hands-on, educationally rewarding, animated play experiences. Vital examples may also be found in Germany, France, Spain, Portugal, and several South American countries with established education-through-art traditions that reach out to schools and urban communities. The 20th-century international history of parks and playgrounds contains progressive models of playing and learning spaces that are continuing to evolve in response to changing cultural conditions, new realities of family life, and narrow public education curricula. However, many parks systems have yet to embrace new models and are experiencing nonuse of neighborhood parks because they no longer match user needs. Radically new design and management strategies are required to attract families and children and to integrate park use into health-enhancing weekly routines, especially in low-resource communities. Success will require political will, public resources, and new partnerships between government and nongovernmental organizations to bring new breeds of play work and animation into local communities where children live. Robin C. Moore see also: Built Environment, Children and the; Exercise and Physical Activity; Nature, Children and; Play; Sports further reading: Arlene Brett, Robin C. Moore, and Eugene F. Provenzo, The Complete Playground Book, 1993. • Robin C. Moore and Herbert Wong, Natural Learning: Creating Environments for Rediscovering Nature’s Way of Teaching, 1997. • Richard Louv, Last Child in the Woods: Saving Our Children from Nature-Deficit Disorder, 2005. • Robin C. Moore and Clare Cooper Marcus, “Healthy Planet, Healthy Children: Designing Nature into the Daily Spaces of Childhood,” in Stephen Kellert, Judith Heerwagen, and Martin Mador, eds., Biophilic Design: Theory, Science and Practice, in press.

paternity and maternity. Before the law can make any determinations about what rights and obligations children have with regard to their parents or what rights and obligations parents have with respect to their children, it has to confront the basic definitional question: Just what is it that makes someone the parent of a particular child? It is commonly assumed that parenthood is simply a biological fact, and the law does indeed make legal paternity track biological paternity while according the status of legal maternity to the biological mother. But the most arresting feature of the Anglo-American law of parenthood is the extent to which it departs from the facts of nature, assigning legal paternity (and, less frequently, maternity) on nonbiological grounds.

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The law’s ambiguous relationship to biology can be seen most clearly in the traditional laws of legitimacy and bastardy. Canon law, from which English and American family law evolved, prescribed that procreation take place through a religiously and legally sanctified lifelong monogamous, heterosexual union. The traditional laws of illegitimacy conferred the stigma of bastard on children born to unmarried women and denied them the entire panoply of rights and privileges possessed by legitimate children. Legally, the bastard was considered filius nullius, “the child of no one,” which meant that neither the biological father nor anyone else was recognized legally as the father. As a consequence, the illegitimate child had none of the rights—to economic support, property inheritance, the father’s last name, and other material and social benefits—that the common law and various statutes accorded to legitimate children. Since it was fathers who were legally obligated to provide these benefits, illegitimate children, bereft of legally recognized fathers, were left either entirely dependent on the goodwill of relatives or, more commonly, destined to live as paupers along with their mothers in addition to being stigmatized and ostracized for their parents’ sin. Throughout the “long 19th century” illegitimate children were consistently deemed to have no legal father and were subjected to numerous disadvantages. It was not until the 1960s and 1970s that the traditional laws of illegitimacy underwent serious reform. The fl ip side of the laws defining illegitimacy is the longstanding legal presumption of paternity (also known as the presumption of legitimacy or the marital presumption), according to which the husband of a married woman is the father of her children, as a matter of law. One of the oldest laws on the books, found continuously in canon law, English and American common law, and the statute books of every state in the United States, the presumption has been traced back to the Roman civil law maxim pater est quem nuptiae demonstrant (marriage demonstrates who the father is). Throughout most of its history, the presumption of paternity was formulated so strictly that no one but the husband could challenge his paternal status, and even he was limited to claiming a lack of access under the traditional “four seas” exception to the rule (which permitted a husband to deny paternity if he had been “beyond the four seas of England” during the period of the child’s conception and gestation); that the wife actually lived apart from the husband and cohabited with the putative father and the husband had no sexual access to his wife; or that illness or physical condition made sexual performance on the part of the husband impossible. As of 2007, the husband’s right to challenge the presumption was unrestricted, but neither the putative biological father nor the child had a right to challenge the presumption, and the wife’s ability to challenge the presumption and establish the biological father’s paternal status, rights, and obligations was contin-

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gent on receiving a supporting affidavit from the biological father—a legal regime effectively denying all parties other than the husband a unilateral right to challenge a presumption. The constitutionality of this regime was affirmed as recently as 1989. The conception of paternity enshrined in the traditional laws of legitimacy has a curiously ambiguous relationship to the biological conception. On the one hand, the laws of bastardy and the marital presumption clearly rest paternity on grounds other than biology (i.e., on a social role) and often result in departures from the biological facts, so much so that their characteristic pronouncements—“the bastard hath no legal father,” “the husband is the father,” regardless of whether he in fact sired the child in question—have long been regarded as legal fictions. Defenders of the traditional laws do not deny their fictive nature but claim that the legal fictions are useful rather than spurious. Not only did the marital presumption historically serve the purposes of sparing children the stigma of illegitimacy, limiting the claims of “fatherless children” on state coffers, promoting marriage, and protecting “marital harmony,” but the original purpose of the laws of legitimacy, like the institution of marriage on which they are based, was precisely to provide a mechanism for ascertaining the identity of the biological father in the absence of “facts that speak for themselves” or more scientific forms of proof. Both the presumption of paternity and the laws of bastardy thus reflect a deep commitment to the biological conception of parenthood even as they simultaneously authorize departures from the biological facts and generate an alternative conception of paternity based on participation in a social institution (marriage) and performance of a social role (husband). It might seem, therefore, that the recent development of scientific means of establishing biological paternity would have obviated the need for these ancient laws by solving the problem of proof that they could only partially solve. Indeed, there has been an increasing reliance on paternity tests since they were first introduced in the mid-20th century. Initially, courts were reluctant to base legal judgments of paternity on genetic testing or even to admit such tests as evidence, citing concerns ranging from the possibility of human error and the merely probabilistic nature of the proof to justifications for the traditional modes of “proving” paternity that stood wholly apart from the goal of establishing biological paternity (e.g., preventing children from being “bastardized,” protecting established [nonbiological] father-child relationships, ensuring that husbands act as economic providers, discouraging “immoral” sexual behavior). As scientists steadily refined the technology of DNA testing, courts and policy makers exhibited a growing willingness to use it. By the turn of the 21st century, scientific advances succeeded in lowering the costs and improving the statistical accuracy to the point where inexpensive tests are now available that

can prove or disprove an individual man’s biological paternity of a particular child with near certitude (i.e., a 99% level of probability). The availability of such highly accurate low-cost tests has led many lawmakers to promote their use in a number of settings, most commonly in the context of paternity suits. Among the various legal devices used to circumvent the presumption of paternity are a number of newly fashioned judicial doctrines as well as statutory laws that offer protection for psychological or de facto parent-child relationships. Focusing on the performance of caretaking responsibilities and/or the establishment of psychological bonds, the concept of psychological or de facto parenthood has been used by various categories of people, including stepparents, gay partners who participate in raising a child unrelated by blood, and other third parties, to gain parental prerogatives and legal recognition of their parental or quasi-parental status with respect to a particular child, notwithstanding their lack of a genetic relationship. These legal doctrines have also provided biological fathers with a tool for gaining legal recognition of their paternal status and rights and dethroning the presumption of the husband’s paternity. Awarding paternal rights to biological fathers because of their performance of a social or psychological role echoes the logic of the “unwed father” cases, a quartet of cases that reached the U.S. Supreme Court in the 1970s and 1980s as part of the broader movement to reform the discriminatory treatment of illegitimate children and unwed parents. These cases (Stanley v. Illinois, 1972; Quilloin v. Walcott, 1978; Caban v. Mohammed, 1979; and Lehr v. Robertson, 1983) all involved challenges to state laws that deprived biological fathers of the right to prevent their child’s adoption when they were not married to the mother. Taken together, these cases are commonly read as establishing the principle that “[paternal] rights do not spring full-blown from the biological connection,” as the Court stated in Lehr v. Robertson. Instead, they seem to rest paternal rights on the existence of an established relationship. Adoption is yet another instance where the law appears to have moved away from a biological conception of parenthood toward a social or psychological one. Yet it must be noted that adoption was not an officially authorized practice in American law until the mid-19th century, and even then it was a practice that remained shrouded in secrecy and shame, with the adoptive family forced to mimic the biological family. Like the presumption of paternity, the legal institution of adoption initially aspired to simulate biological paternity (and maternity), exalting genetic bonds as the ideal form of parent-child relationship even as it dispensed with them. It was only in the last few decades of the 20th century that the biological model of adoption was successfully challenged and replaced by more open forms of adoption in which the nonbiological nature of the parentchild relationships established could be openly acknowl-

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edged and ongoing connections with, or at least knowledge of the identity of, the birth parents maintained. New reproductive technologies exhibit the same basic tension between biological and nonbiological conceptions of parenthood. On the one hand, new reproductive technologies clearly reflect the continuing value placed on having biological progeny. Like the new technologies for proving biological paternity, the new technologies for reproducing biologically give people a greater ability to have children who are genetically related to them (and to know that their children are genetically related to them) than people have ever possessed before. These new technologies both reflect and fuel the desire to have genetically related children, and the laws that have developed to enable and legitimate their use likewise reflect the biological model of parenthood. On the other hand, new reproductive technologies are commonly used in situations where at least one of the would-be parents is not biologically related to the child. In the case where a mother uses artificial insemination to have and raise a baby without any partner, no social or psychological conception of parenthood is invoked, but the sperm donor’s paternity is legally effaced as it is in the cases where the birth mother has a partner. Thus, artificial insemination challenges the traditional biological conception of parenthood and helps promote the alternative social and psychological conceptions even as it also reinforces the biological model. Other new reproductive technologies pose an even more profound challenge to the biological conception of maternity and paternity. Surrogate motherhood and other methods of reproduction that involve having one woman supply the egg and another woman gestate and birth the child call into question the very meaning of a biological mother. Is the biological mother the genetic mother? Or is it the one who carries the child, nourishes and shapes it in the hormonal environment of her womb, and gives birth to it? Understandably, the law has generated no clear answers to such questions. And even the answers it has generated in response to new reproductive technologies, such as the seemingly stable principle that sperm donors are not fathers, have been called into question as new social forces arise challenging the current balance between biological and nonbiological conceptions of parenthood. While some social forces have diminished the strength of the biological model in the law, still others have strengthened it. Among the social forces that have weakened the traditional biological model are the rise of psychology, which promoted a conception of parenthood rooted in emotional attachment and fostering a child’s development (the psychological parent); the fields of anthropology and sociology, which articulated the notion of the social as opposed to the biological parent, rooted in performance of a social role; feminism, which challenged the traditional conception of the family and reinforced psychology’s call for valo-

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rizing the caretaking role; and other social movements that challenged traditional gender roles and call for the legal recognition of nontraditional families and alternative lifestyles, such as the gay rights movement. Among the social forces that have reinforced the biological model are the new reproductive technologies and the new technologies for ascertaining paternity; the fathers’ rights movement, which has sought greater protection for the rights of biological fathers; and to some degree the conservative family values movement, which calls on (biological) fathers to assume the economic and moral responsibilities traditionally ascribed to males. But all of these social forces—psychology, social science, feminism, gender deconstruction, biological science, fathers’ rights, and conservative morality—bear an ambivalent relationship to the biological conception of parenthood, as does the law itself. In every field of law that is called upon to make assignments of maternity and paternity, one sees an ongoing contest between the biological conception and alternative views. At the very moment when science has provided an unprecedented ability to overcome impediments to biological reproduction and ascertain biological paternity, it is less clear than ever whether biology is the appropriate basis for defining parenthood. Nomi M. Stolzenberg see also: Child Support; Genetics; Reproductive Technologies; Rights, Parental; Rights, Termination of Parental further reading: Jenny Teichman, Illegitimacy: A Philosophical Examination, 1982. • Martha A. Field, Surrogate Motherhood, 1988. • E. Donald Shapiro, Stewart Reifler, and Claudia L. Psome, “The DNA Paternity Test: Legislating the Future Paternity Action,” Journal of Law and Health 7 (1992–93) pp. 1–47. • Gail Reeke, Measuring Immorality: Social Inquiry and the Problem of Illegitimacy, 1998. • Barbara Katz Rothman, Recreating Motherhood, 2002. • David D. Meyer, “Parenthood in a Time of Transition: Tensions between Legal, Biological, and Social Conceptions of Parenthood,” American Journal of Comparative Law 54 (2006), pp. 125–44.

patriarchy. see Child: Historical and Cultural Perspectives; Family

pediatrics. Pediatrics is the specialty of medical science that encompasses the physical and social-emotional health of children from birth through young adulthood. Pediatric care includes a broad spectrum of health services ranging from preventive care to the diagnosis and treatment of acute and chronic illnesses. Pediatricians are aware of the unique nature of children, who must be approached with an appreciation for their stage of physical and mental development. They also recognize the importance of supporting nurturing environments for children, because their health and welfare are heavily dependent on their family and their community. In order to support children and families, pediatricians provide education about healthy life choices, they participate in their communities to solve problems

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that affect children, and they serve as advocates for children, adolescents, and families. Although the field of pediatrics as a medical subspecialty was not officially recognized until the late 19th century, there have been citations in historical literature related to childhood ailments since early biblical times. In 1550 BC, the Papyrus Ebers described mixing fly dung with seeds of shepen to soothe restless infants. Hippocrates (460–370 BC) supported the advancement of practical medicine in opposition to supernatural influences, referencing many pediatric ailments in the Hippocratic aphorisms. The Roman writer Celsus (30 BC–AD 50) noted that children required treatment different from that of adults, and, 150 years later, Soranus of Ephesus became the first known pediatric specialist, treating only diseases of women and children. Over the years, the inclusion of childhood disorders and diseases in the medical literature continued to expand, but it was not until the mid-19th century with the work of Abraham Jacobi and Job Lewis Smith, considered by many as the fathers of American pediatrics, that pediatric medicine was clearly established. Concomitant with the inception of pediatrics as a distinct field was the formation in 1888 of the first society unifying pediatric physicians in the Academic Pediatric Society (APS). Today, the APS remains an academic society fostering the advancement of the study of childhood diseases, the prevention of pediatric illness, and the promotion of health in childhood through education and research. The next major pediatric society to evolve was the Society for Pediatric Research (SPR) in 1929. The SPR promotes the science of pediatrics by providing a forum for the interchange of ideas and opportunities for younger investigators to present their work. In 1930, pediatricians created the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP), breaking away from the American Medical Association (AMA) because of a difference of opinion regarding the involvement of government in public health policy supporting disadvantaged women and children. The AAP, consisting of more than 60,000 board-certified primary care and subspecialty pediatricians, fosters optimal physical, mental, and social well-being for all infants, children, adolescents, and young adults through education and advocacy. The Ambulatory Pediatric Association (APA) advances the health of children, adolescents, and families by promoting generalism in academic pediatrics and academics in general pediatrics. Annually these four societies, the APS, SPR, APA, and AAP, jointly sponsor the largest pediatric research meeting in North America, the Pediatric Academic Societies’ (PAS) Meeting. Integrated into the PAS Meeting are annual meetings, sessions, and workshops sponsored by more than 20 additional alliance organizations. Each society has varying application processes, criteria, and fees with international options or separate international equivalents. Additional societies exist representing the majority of pediatric sub-

specialties as well. Internationally, pediatricians in Europe may be members in 1 of 33 national pediatric societies that collectively belong to the Union of National European Pediatric Societies and Associations (UNEPSA). Whether they practice in urban, hospital-based clinics, suburban practice, or specialty groups, pediatricians care for children from birth through 18 years of age. Many pediatricians opt to continue providing care for patients as they complete college and transition to adult care in their early 20s. Because of advances in medicine increasing survival, some continue to provide comprehensive care to adult patients with illnesses unfamiliar to adult physicians, such as cystic fibrosis, congenital heart disease, and developmental disabilities. In Europe, pediatric care varies not only between countries but also within countries. There are three patterns for administration of pediatric care: pediatrician centered, general practitioner centered, and combined service whereby both services deliver care to children. Which pattern any given country utilizes is multifactorial and may differ between regions within the country. In North America, pediatricians typically complete a three-year accredited residency program in general pediatrics. Other pathways exist for physicians who desire to combine pediatric training with another specialty, those seeking a physician-scientist track, those who have prior pediatric training, or those who have completed a nonaccredited program. In each track, new physicians will be exposed to primary care, intensive care (including neonatal), emergency medicine, surgery, developmental-behavioral pediatrics, adolescent medicine, and other subspecialties. Upon successful completion of a residency program accredited by the Accreditation Council for Graduate Medical Education (ACGME; in the United States) or the Royal College of Physicians and Surgeons (in Canada), pediatric physicians are eligible to take the certifying examination developed by the American Board of Pediatrics (ABP) to test knowledge of the content areas specified in general pediatrics. At this career juncture, two primary options exist: further subspecialty training or entry into the job market. Those who enter the job market have many options available to them, including primary care (military, urban, suburban, or rural), school health, academia, consulting, journalism, and advocacy. International opportunities in organizations, including the World Health Organization, Doctors without Borders, and the Clinton Foundation to name only a few, have become increasingly available. Those who opt for further training may enter a pediatric subspecialty fellowship program, 13 of which are currently certified by the ACGME. Fellowship consists of three additional years of training, including a full year of research, in an accredited program to gain eligibility for certification in one of these subspecialty fields. Pediatricians must be concurrently certified in general pediatrics in order to be eligible for certification in their subspecialty. Pediatricians must

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maintain their certification in cycles of seven years in either general or subspecialty areas. The topic of pediatric workforce is an important one that has led to many studies, articles, and policy statements attempting to forecast the health care needs of the pediatric population. Science has led to large reductions in many of the acute morbidities of the early 20th century, while the new morbidities of obesity, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, behavior disorders, adolescent risk taking, chronic illness, developmental disability, and depression have become more apparent in the 21st century. Accurately predicting the shifts in the pediatric workforce and then shaping a workforce to meet the needs of children and families have proved to be challenging. For example, in the early 1990s, an oversupply of specialists and a shortage of primary care physicians were projected, and students were encouraged to enter primary care fields. As the decade progressed, this increased emphasis on primary care resulted in an increase in entrants into primary care residencies, including pediatrics, internal medicine, medicine-pediatrics, and family medicine as well as a decrease in entrants into subspecialty pediatrics, from 33% of newly certified pediatricians in 1990 to 20% in 1998 (ABP data). This resulted in a shortage of the subspecialty workforce. Since this deficit in subspecialists was noted, there has been a reversal in this trend and a steady rise in the number of pediatric residents choosing subspecialty training with an almost 50% increase in the proportion entering fellowship, from 20% in 1998 to 29% in 2005. More women than men continue to choose to enter the pediatric workforce. In 2004, women held 69% of pediatric residency positions. Men in pediatrics are more likely, however, to choose to enter subspecialties. In 2004, 30% of male pediatricians, compared to 22% of women in pediatrics, chose subspecialty careers. According to the Association of Medical School Pediatric Department Chairs, the gender inequity also exists in pediatric leadership. Women represent only 21% of full professors in pediatrics and are responsible for leading 15 of 140 North American pediatric departments. Other significant shifts in the pediatric workforce include the addition of combined medicine-pediatric trained physicians and the partnering of nurse practitioners and physician assistants with pediatricians in practice. In 2000, the Future of Pediatric Education II (FOPE II) Project, a three-year initiative launched by the pediatric community, examined the ability of the pediatric workforce to meet children’s needs. FOPE II recommended that the number of pediatric residents be stabilized at the current level of 3,000 new residents annually and that residencies remain three years in duration. One guiding principle set forth was that every child deserves a “medical home,” which is an approach to providing continuous and comprehensive primary care from infancy through young adulthood with 24-hour-a-day availability of a pediatrician or a physician

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the family trusts. Also described was the need in the United States to continue to develop effective mechanisms to increase the pediatrician-to-child population ratio in underserved areas. It was recommended that extensive efforts be made to increase the percentage of underrepresented minority pediatricians in practice and in academic medicine. The cultural disparity between practitioners and patients continues to be a concern. The U.S. census now estimates that one in three U.S. residents identifies him- or herself as other than non-Hispanic white. In contrast, AMA data from 2007 estimates that 75% of U.S. physicians are white, 13% are Asian, only 5% are Hispanic, and a scarce 3.7% are African American. In the Institute of Medicine’s 2004 publication In the Nation’s Compelling Interest: Ensuring Diversity in the U.S. Health Care Workforce, physicians of underrepresented groups were found to predominantly practice in underserved communities caring for a large number of the nation’s minority and uninsured children. With an increasingly heterogeneous nation, diversity in the pediatric workforce is crucial for improving the quality and access to health care for underserved children. A recent AAP policy statement promotes ways of increasing minority access to medical education and expanding the definition of diversity to include religion, disability, and sexual orientation as well as language and national origin. The pediatric workforce exists in a complex system of social, economic, and political forces. UNICEF, whose global efforts to save, protect, and improve children’s lives through practice and policy, acknowledges that pediatricians are crucial to their efforts. In a 2007 report, UNICEF evaluated six dimensions as determinants of a nation’s wellbeing based on the belief that “the true measure of a nation’s standing is how well it attends to its children.” These six areas identified were material well-being, health and safety, educational well-being, peer and family relationships, behaviors and risks, and young people’s subjective sense of well-being. Report cards were given to 21 of the world’s most economically advanced countries. The United States ranked 20th out of 21 countries overall, with ranks on individual dimensions ranging from 12th to 21st. Though no single country led in all six areas, small northern European countries dominated the top half of the overall marks with child well-being at its highest in the Netherlands, Sweden, Denmark, and Finland. Financial wealth of an individual country did not guarantee a high position for any measurement of child well-being. This report card reinforces the need for continued work and focus on the health of American’s children, with emphasis on advocacy, diversity, and overall well-being. Heather A. Chapman and Pamela C. High see also: Health Care Systems for Children further reading: H. Bloch, “History of Pediatrics: Part I,” Southern Medical Journal 85, no. 12 (1992), pp. 1230–35. • Ameri-

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can Academy of Pediatrics, “The Future of Pediatric Education II: Organizing Pediatric Education to Meet the Needs of Infants, Children, Adolescents, and Young Adults in the 21st Century,” Pediatrics 105, supp. 2 (2000), pp. 163–212. • M. Katz et al., “Demography of Pediatric Primary Care in Europe: Delivery of Care and Training,” Pediatrics 109, no. 5 (2002), pp. 788–96. • Committee on Pediatric Workforce, “Enhancing the Diversity of the Pediatrician Workforce,” Pediatrics 119 (2007), pp. 883–37. • American Academy of Pediatrics, http://www.AAP.org • American Board of Pediatrics, http:// www.ABP.org

peers and peer culture. Peer culture has become an increasingly important vehicle for understanding the lives of children and adolescents in the United States and other Western countries. The interest in peer culture reflects a growing awareness that adults are not the sole or even the primary influence on the lives of most children. The term peer culture refers to a wide range of routine activities that children participate in, such as role-playing, teasing, gossiping, and storytelling. These activities provide opportunities for children to develop their own shared meanings and values. This acquisition of culture is generally a collective process in which children and adolescents incorporate their own unique concerns and interests as well as the norms and values of the adults around them. This article focuses on research in the United States and other Western countries where most of the empirical research on peer cultures has taken place. It will also focus primarily on interactive processes of peer culture as compared to the consumption of media and material products, although it is often the case that children appropriate elements of media and material culture as they engage in routine activities and other peer interaction. Peer culture is a vehicle for expressing confl ict, solidarity, and ranking among children and adolescents. Confl ict episodes have received considerable attention as they offer insight into how children deal with tensions related to childhood concerns as well as to tensions brought about by growing up in stratified and often ethnically diverse societies. Confl ict can in some cases be a playful form of expression, building solidarity among children. Through peer culture, youth often express social identities related to gender and race, sometimes leading to patterns of gender and racial segregation that reflect those of the larger society. The growth of research in the area of peers and peer culture reflects some changes in child-rearing practices by parents as well as use of innovative methods by researchers. As more and more American children attend some type of preschool, there are increasing opportunities for children to form strong peer cultures as young as the age of 2. Many other countries have even more comprehensive preschool programs as well as a stronger focus on the value of the communal aspect of child development. For example, preschools in Italy place as much importance on col-

lective activities like playing, eating, debating, and working together as they do on individual intellectual development. These activities provide children with opportunities to create a strong peer culture while also becoming part of the preschool community. Even in Asian preschools with their strong emphasis on respect for authority, there is evidence of children using wordplay and other aspects of peer culture to resist adult norms and express their own unique peer concerns. Researchers have joined the ranks of childhood groups of all ages—much like anthropologists joining other cultures—in order to study peer culture from insiders’ perspectives. Aided by audiotape and videotape recorders as well as new techniques for studying language patterns, they have been able to provide detailed and in-depth accounts of the conversations of children collectively negotiating social norms and values. Routine activities, such as role-playing, insulting, teasing, storytelling, and gossiping, are crucial for the production of culture since it is through verbal and nonverbal actions that children develop shared interpretations of whatever they are doing. Pl ay ful Fo r ms of Peer Cult ur e For very young children, play (both fantasy and role-play) is at the center of peer culture, developing mutually understood routines and repertoires. Preschool children may be the experts of fantasy play. When closely examined, their ability to be spontaneous and improvise while also connecting their comments to each other’s is similar to a jazz performance. Children tie their speech together and develop a shared reality by relying on their shared knowledge of things such as danger, being lost, and death. At the same time, the collective expressions of these themes help young children deal with their feelings and gain some control over potentially frightening events. Role-play is another common activity in the peer cultures of preschool children. Much role-play involves the carrying out of adults’ roles as children understand them, whether the roles be occupational roles or roles within a family setting (including pets). However, young children also like to “play” with role-play, introducing novel and fanciful elements to break traditional scripts; for example, in a study of preschool children, one boy came up with outrageous ice cream flavors in a role-play episode of ice cream shop owners and their customers. Young American children are, however, less willing to be playful about gender role deviations, such as in a scenario of having a wife with two husbands that developed during one family role-play episode in the same study. Not sure how to interact with two husbands, the “wife” in this skit decided to become a “kitty” instead. Slightly older children (kindergarten and young elementary age) often prefer a form of imaginative role-play, which is a blend of traditional role-play and fantasy play. Here

peers and peer culture

they create animal families or fantasy characters like royalty to increase the range and scope of possible acts. For example, in a study of an elementary school, children engaged in role-play involving baby animals and their parents, the “baby animals” showed more freedom of movement and aggression, allowing children to test limits of bodily and social aggression. Thus, peer culture provides children with a safe environment for expressing a range of feelings and seeing how others respond to these feelings. While role-play and fantasy play diminish as children get older, humor and playful talk continue to be important aspects of peer culture. Humor can take the form of playful debates and ritual insulting (as discussed in the following section) as well as the frequent telling of funny stories. Humor can be especially valuable when dealing with sensitive topics, such as discussions of the body and bodily changes. For example, when adolescents were given the opportunity to discuss menstruation in same-sex focus groups, the discourse frequently involved telling funny stories about their experiences with teachers and peers. The girls told stories in which they made ambiguous references to their periods (e.g., “I lost the string”) to embarrass male teachers when asking for hallway passes or explaining classes they had skipped. Conflict and Status H i er arc h i es Confl ict is expressed through a variety of peer routines. Among young children, it is clear that there are cultural and subcultural differences in confl ict routines. White, middleclass children tend to engage in shorter confl ict episodes, in part because adults in preschool settings are often quick to intervene. The message that children receive in these settings is that confl ict is frightening and highly emotional. Their own experience, however, often suggests that they can handle the confl ict without rupturing relations. African American children engage more often than white children in ritual exchanges of insults and teasing, which often are extended in length. Girls as well as boys engage in these exchanges, as young as preschool age. For example, in one exchange in a study of a Head Start center, a girl began with an exaggerated question (“What’s a matter with you girl?”) before criticizing a peer, while in another exchange a boy began with a rhetorical question (“My board’s right down on the floor?”) followed by a denial. These forms of predisagreements signal to peers the playful and nonserious nature of the disagreement. In the process of these types of oppositional talk, children build solidarity and peer group identity rather than create divisions in the peer group. Solidarity is strengthened in part because the talk serves to enliven the conversation and increase enjoyment. Also, their ability to stand up to one another and negotiate these ritual exchanges adds to their sense of group identity. Studies of Italian children indicate that children in this culture may engage in very complex disputes as early as pre-

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school, demanding great rhetorical skill and shared knowledge of the dispute’s rules. Here, the focus is more on one’s style of debate than on reaching a resolution, and children are adept at mastering complex chanting phrases to enhance the debates. Because adults are less quick to intervene in children’s disputes, they have opportunities to explore a range of creative resolutions. Among adolescents, subcultural differences continue to persist, especially in the use of ritual insulting. While this activity is more common among African American adolescents, it is also quite common among white males and working-class white females. As long as youth follow the rules of this language routine and respond with a playful or ritual insult rather than a denial, a sense of solidarity is developed based on a common understanding of the routine’s playful nature. This activity also helps adolescents learn to manage anger and maintain a cool pose when confronted with potentially upsetting insults. Ritual teasing is a common form of confl ict within the peer culture of American adolescents of all races. It is more loosely structured than ritual insulting, allowing for collaboration, which can further enhance solidarity in a group. Because interpretations of playful meaning are often quite subtle, it is not until early adolescence that most children come to view teasing as playful and as a way to mark and strengthen friendships. Older adolescents become quite sophisticated in adjusting their teasing remarks to their peers’ needs and sensitivities. However, even older adolescents do not always fully understand the nature of teasing remarks. For example, in a study of peer culture among female athletes, one basketball player who was the frequent target of teasing by her teammates told the researcher that even though she responded playfully she was uncertain about what feelings motivated her teammates’ frequent teasing. Confl ict may also be expressed indirectly, often in the form of gossiping. Among early adolescents, the structure of gossip makes it difficult to contradict the negative evaluations of peers. Once an initial negative evaluation has been supported by another peer, challenges do not occur, as this would mean disagreement with a group rather than an individual. This means that early adolescents are likely to experience peer pressure to engage in gossip because of the very structure of this language routine. While white adolescents seldom report negative gossip back to the target, African American children have been found to commonly tell the target about gossip in “he-said-she-said” routines, bringing the confl ict out into the open. While gossip is an indirect form of confl ict, it also serves to build group solidarity and compliance with social norms among early adolescents. In later adolescence, gossip can provide an entry into the exploration of the self as well as a means to clarify moral concerns and values. Among females, gossip often involves references to the physical appearance and dress of other girls, reflecting the emphasis

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on female appearance in media and other aspects of adult culture. This even was even found to occur in a study of female athletes, who tended to gossip about the appearance of members of other teams rather than about their athletic abilities. Adolescence is also a time when American students are faced with more salient and rigid status hierarchies, for most American middle and high school settings amass enough students that hierarchies based on who is known and who is not known emerge. Furthermore, since many middle schools offer a limited number of extracurricular activities, the most visible students tend to be male athletes and female cheerleaders. Some girls also gain visibility through their appearance (both those who are highly attractive and those able to purchase fashionable clothes because of their social class). The existence of rigid status hierarchies can lead to more serious forms of confl ict among middle school students. Some of these forms of confl ict stem from girls who are not in the top group being highly envious and critical of those who are more popular. Since girls often view status rankings as being less fair and meritocratic than do boys, they are more likely to direct hostility upward. At the same time, students who have lower status are often ridiculed for how they dress or act by both girls and boys. One study of middle school peer culture found that students who have no friends to sit with at lunch were most vulnerable to ridicule and often served as scapegoats for the social anxieties of their peers. In contrast, Korean secondary school students are less likely to completely disconnect themselves from unpleasant peers, since isolation of others upsets the social balance and is considered to be a great stigma. Although this tendency was stronger for Korean girls, it was found among Korean boys as well, reflecting a cultural value of maintaining collective harmony. Also, one study of a Mexican middle school found that, because the students were assigned to diverse (in terms of ability, social class, and ethnicity) classrooms in which group solidarity was stressed, few status hierarchies and friendship bonds crossed ethnic and social class boundaries. Gender and R ac i al Segr egat io n Peer culture is also a way to express gender and racial identities. Sometimes this can lead to racial and gender segregation, reflecting the divisions of race and gender in adult society. Preschool is a time in which children play frequently across gender and racial boundaries. Certain peer routines are aimed at maintaining clear gender categories, and boys are less likely to take on female roles in role-play, but children frequently unite around common interests. There is greater gender segregation among elementary-age children. This segregation reflects, and reinforces, somewhat different preferences for language routines and other activities,

especially among white children. Since African American girls and boys engage in similar language routines (such as the ritualized confl ict activities described earlier), there is less gender segregation among black children. African American children also practice less gender segregation in neighborhood play, where they are not as likely to be teased for having a boyfriend or girlfriend when they play with someone of the opposite sex. Studies done in European countries have also found gender segregation in both school and public playgrounds. At the same time, some girls participate in boys’ activities and some boys engage in gender-neutral play (tag, cycling, roller-skating) with girls. Much less gender segregation has been found in schools in Italy and Sweden, where students stay with the same group of students and the same teachers throughout the elementary years. Also, in a Swedish school where gender equality was stressed, both boys and girls were found to playfully mock traditional gender roles as well as to mock male dominance. Racial segregation generally does not become pronounced until the middle school years when increased concerns about ethnic identities begin to surface and curriculum tracking adds to segregation by social class and race. Peer culture differences between African Americans and whites (such as the use of ritual confl ict among African Americans) can lead to tensions. However, even in settings where racial tensions exist, students often adopt one another’s cultures. In some cases, whites view African Americans’ styles as being more sensual and “hip,” while African Americans see whites’ styles as being necessary for educational advancement. Some students become adept at embracing multiple styles, switching between standard English and Black English in their speech. Students are sometimes criticized by peers for “acting white” or “acting black” and may adjust their styles as a result. For example, in one study of adolescents in a Canadian high school, a white male decided to no longer adopt aspects of black culture because he felt doing so had become too trendy. A few schools now have programs that actively promote respect for diversity through peer culture activities. In one Canadian high school, students are able to enroll in positive peer culture discussion groups for social science credit where they respectfully explored peer issues stemming from gender, cultural, and racial issues. Also, some youth join nonschool organizations such as dance troupes, drama clubs, and athletic teams where the focus on the organization’s identity allows them to transcend racial and gender boundaries. C ro ss- Cult ur al Compar isons Some of the patterns found in the United States and other Western countries appear also to apply to children in nonWestern countries. For example, children in Sudan also engage in role-play, reflecting adult roles of food preparer,

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agricultural worker, and sales worker. Also, children in Egypt become adept at embracing multiple styles, creating hybrid Muslim and Western identities. In other cases, children in non-Western countries are similar to those in some European countries, as in the case of Korean and Mexican students placing a strong emphasis on communal and collective processes. At the same time, children in countries—or regions within countries—that continue to have a strong oral tradition are likely to place more emphasis on storytelling in their peer cultures than do children in most Western societies. For example, Inuit girls share traditional stories while carving mud with knives as a way to collectively express and release fears, and Navajo children share and laugh about fears brought up through the collective telling of Coyote stories. Also, children’s networks may vary depending on country or region of country, with some including a much wider age range and more kin. This can lead to specific roles for children of different ages, as in Polynesia where older children become leaders, younger children support one another and follow older ones, and the very youngest are interested observers. Children’s peer cultures are complex and just beginning to be understood. Clearly, these cultures serve many functions, such as the use of fantasy play to deal with anxieties and the use of humor to explore sensitive areas and soften confl ict. Children at all ages develop peer cultures that reflect their unique concerns as well as aspects of societal values. The more that is learned about the ways that children typically create social understandings and norms, the better their unique perspectives and approaches to social learning will be appreciated. Donna Eder see also: Friendship; Play; Romantic and Sexual Relationships; Social Development; Status; Subcultures, Youth further reading: Donna Eder, Catherine Evans, and Stephen Parker, School Talk: Gender and Adolescent Culture, 1995. • Beverly Tatum, “Why Are All the Black Kids Sitting Together in the Cafeteria?”: A Psychologist Explains the Development of Racial Identity, 1997. • Daniel Yon, Elusive Culture: Schooling, Race, and Identity in Global Times, 2000. • William Corsaro, “We’re Friends, Right?”: Inside Kids’ Culture, 2003.

perception. Perception begins human experience and interpretation of the world and so is crucial to the growth of thought, emotions, social relationships, and indeed to most aspects of development. Philosophy provided major impetus to study perceptual development. Epistemology, the branch of philosophy concerned with the origins and nature of knowledge, was traditionally dominated by a debate between two extreme viewpoints, sometimes called nature versus nurture. Empiricist philosophers asserted that all perceptual knowledge derives from the senses and grows by way of experience (nurture), whereas nativists reasoned that some kinds of knowledge cannot possibly rely

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on experience, and thus human beings enter the world with a sensory apparatus equipped (at the very least) to order and organize rudimentary perceptual knowledge (nature). The scientific study of perceptual development promised to speak to this philosophical debate. To separate experience from native abilities, scientists focused their research near the beginning of life before much experience had accrued. Thus, perceptual research became largely the province of developmental psychology. Developmentalists are concerned with the question of why development occurs. Developmental changes in perception can be attributable to neural, anatomical, or sensory maturation; changes in attention; alterations in motivation or improved task performance; learning and experience; or combinations and interactions of all of these. By the time human beings reach childhood, their basic perceptions of the world are thought to be reasonably mature, and after infancy cognitive factors (including language mediation) play increasingly significant roles in perceptual performance, and so distinguishing perceptual processes per se from associated mental acts becomes problematic. At the beginning of life, different senses tend to enter functional development in a specific sequence: touch, taste, smell, hearing, and finally vision. For touch, taste, and smell, much (but not all) of development appears to be complete by birth. Newborns are sensitive to touch; they will turn toward a stimulus touching near their mouth, and they show differential responses to invasive and noninvasive procedures after birth. Newborns respond to sweet, sour, or bitter tastes with specific and immediately identifiable reactions. A sweet stimulus evokes an expression of satisfaction, often accompanied by a slight smile and sucking movements. A sour stimulus evokes lip-pursing, often followed by wrinkling the nose and blinking the eyes. A bitter stimulus evokes an expression of disgust or rejection, often followed by spitting or even movements preparatory to vomiting. Newborns also respond differently to different odors; nice odors (butter or banana) elicit an approach response (turning the head toward the source of the smell), and bad odors (rotten eggs or fish) elicit avoidance. To hear a sound, infants appear to need the sound to be louder than what an adult needs. Infants also localize sounds in their environment. An important function of hearing for the infant involves perceiving speech. By the middle of the first year, infants discriminate most acoustic differences that signal relevant speech contrasts in their language. Visual development is more protracted compared to the other senses. Newborn acuity is estimated to be 20/450, making the newborns very nearsighted. Some objects are easier for the newborn to see because they contain key characteristics: high contrast (hairline), motion (a mobile), and high illumination. Within the first six months of life, development is rapid for acuity: 20/400 at 2 weeks, 20/100 by 5.5 months, and close to 20/20 by 8 months. Young in-

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fants perceive and discriminate color, objects (including faces), patterns (bull’s-eye vs. checkerboard), depth using a variety of cues, motion (e.g., rotary and biomechanical motion), and events. Moreover, they are able to integrate information from the various senses. For example, if they hear a noise, they will turn their head to look in the direction of the sound, and if they explore an object by mouth, they know what it should look like. The study of perceptual development after infancy is less motivated by age-old questions, such as the nature-nurture debate, and instead substitutes a practical emphasis. Notably, many investigators study perceptual development in childhood for its relation to school performance. The significance of developmental questions about visual and auditory abilities (beyond verbal capacities) is brought home when children begin to learn to read. A further practical side to the study of perceptual abilities is children’s attention to and awareness of environmental dangers and the potential influences of entertainment technology (video games) on children’s perceptual abilities. Perceptual development in childhood generally involves increasing efficiency, as in the abstraction of constant stimulus features from the everchanging environmental array. Perceptual life in many domains appears to begin as diffuse and, through experience, differentiates, becoming more selective and acute. As all human beings are endowed with the same genome and roughly the same perceptual anatomy and physiology, it is reasonable to expect that most perceptual structures and functions are essentially universal and that all human beings begin life on much the same perceptual footing. For example, infants in different cultures all can make certain categorizations of speech sounds, even ones not used in the language they will learn. (In the absences of pertinent experience, that ability is lost.) Of question is whether varying rearing circumstances influence perceptual development differently. Perceptual systems appear to be unperturbed by normal (if large) variation in environmental stimulation. Children and adults from rural villages in New Guinea, Ethiopia, and Ghana, where representational arts were unknown, reportedly identify and recognize immediately two-dimensional realistic representations of three-dimensional objects. Infant studies support this nativist view. Some perceptual functions are stable across the life span (such as visual search), and many cultures spontaneously categorize entities into recognizable life-form groups, such as mammals, fish, and birds, on the basis of their universal perceptual features. There can be little doubt, however, that experience and lack thereof play important roles in maintaining, facilitating, attuning, and inducing sight, hearing, smell, taste, and touch. Some of the most interesting examples of crosscultural research about nature-nurture influences on perception come from the auditory and speech perception literatures. One perceptual dimension along which certain

phonemes in many languages are distinguished is their voicing. Differences in voicing are perceived when a speaker produces different frequencies of sound waves at slightly different times. In voicing, a sound like /b/ (pronounced “ba”) is produced by vibrating the vocal cords and articulating higher frequencies before or at the time the lips are opened and low-frequency energy is released—/b/ is a voiced phoneme. By contrast, for sounds like /p/ (pronounced “pa”) the vocal cords do not begin to vibrate higher frequencies until some time after the lips release lower frequencies—/p/ is a voiceless phoneme. The relative onset times of low and high frequencies cue different phonemic perceptions. Physically, the relative onsets of low- and highfrequency components of a sound vary continuously with time; however, adults perceive differences in voicing more or less categorically. That is, although people can distinguish among many differences in relative onset times of low- and high-frequency sounds, they classify some different sounds as equivalent while discriminating others. English distinguishes voiced-voiceless /b/-/p/. Categorical perception means that, across a nearly infinite spectrum of minute discriminable possibilities, only a small number of tokens is functionally distinguished, and they are distinguished by nearly all peoples despite wide language differences. Some tokens are appreciated by infants in different cultures, even where adults in the culture neither use nor appreciate the distinction. If infants do not hear the distinction, it is soon lost. If they do, it may be maintained or even attuned as experience accrues and development proceeds. Marc H. Bornstein and Martha E. Arterberry see also: Attention; Cognitive Development; Concepts, Children’s: Concepts of the Physical World; Hearing; Learning; Taste and Smell, Development of; Vision further reading: Eleanor J. Gibson and Anne D. Pick, An Ecological Approach to Perceptual Learning and Development, 1999. • Philip J. Kellman and Martha E. Arterberry, The Cradle of Knowledge: The Development of Perception in Infancy, 2000. • Marc H. Bornstein, Martha E. Arterberry, and Clay Mash, “Perceptual Development,” in Marc H. Bornstein and Michael E. Lamb, eds., Developmental Psychology: An Advanced Textbook, 5th ed., 2005, pp. 283–325. • Philip J. Kellman and Martha E. Arterberry, “Perceptual Development,” in Deanna Kuhn and Robert Siegler, eds., The Handbook of Child Psychology: Cognition, Perception, and Language, 2006, pp. 109–60.

performance-enhancing drugs. Since the earliest times, drugs of one sort or another have been used and abused to enhance performance and to gain unfair athletic advantages, a practice currently known as doping. In recent years, the extent of doping has increased as new drugs have been developed and marketed. The categories of drugs used in sports are performance-enhancing drugs (used to gain athletic advantage), therapeutic drugs (used for specific medical indications), and “street” or “social” drugs (taken either illicitly or in excess quantities to alter mood).

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Performance-enhancing drugs are used to build muscle, increase oxygen delivery to muscles, mask pain, enhance recovery, reduce weight, stimulate or relax, and mask other drugs. These drugs include stimulants, anabolic steroids, human growth hormone (HGH), erythropoietin (to increase red blood cells), and diuretics. Among adolescent athletes, the performance-enhancing drugs of choice are anabolic steroids, which are used to increase lean body mass, strength, muscle definition, aggressiveness, and acceleration and to improve recovery time. These drugs can be taken by injections, orally, and though the skin (creams, patches, and gels). An array of adverse effects is associated with the abuse of anabolic steroids. Some are predictable, some are not; some are permanent, some are not; some are physical, others are psychological. Because anabolic steroids are derivatives of the male hormone, testosterone, their use affects the secondary sex characteristics. Because testosterone is metabolized to estrogen, males may develop a high-pitched voice, enlarged breasts, shrinkage of the testicles, acne, and decreased sperm production. Females become masculinized with clitoral enlargement, menstrual irregularities, breast atrophy, increased facial hair, enlarged Adam’s apple, deepened voice, and male-pattern baldness. Of particular concern to teenagers is the fact that they may never reach their genetically predetermined height because the abuse of anabolic steroids prematurely closes the growth centers in the long bones (epiphyses). Other side effects include abnormal cholesterol metabolism, increased risk of cardiovascular disease, and liver tumors. However, not all the side effects are physical. Anabolic steroid use can be associated with marked mood swings, paranoia, increased aggression, and, in the extreme, uncontrolled rage, referred to as “roid rage.” For some, a dependency syndrome can occur, in which it is difficult to stop using these drugs and their discontinuation may produce a deep depression, at times culminating in suicide. Anabolic steroids have been abused in sports for decades, by men and women alike. Even before Canadian sprinter Ben Johnson was famously exposed for his use of these drugs in the 1988 Olympics, anabolic steroids were surreptitiously administered to more than 10,000 East German athletes, many of whom had serious adverse effects, and to a large number of Chinese swimmers. Since 1988, their abuse by American athletes, both Olympic and professional, has been well documented, resulting in a number of congressional hearings and changes in federal laws. The problem of anabolic steroid abuse is not limited to elite athletes. An annual survey of high schools by the U.S. National Institute of Drug Abuse, “Monitoring the Future,” revealed that in 2002, 4.0% of 12th graders had used anabolic steroids at least once in their lifetimes, as had 2.5% of 8th graders. In 2007, in large measure due to education, those percentages had fallen to 2.2% and 1.5%, respectively.

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It is also noteworthy that approximately 50% of college athletes who reported steroid use in college are thought to have brought the habit with them from high school. Studies have revealed that anabolic steroids, as well as other performance-enhancing drugs, are marketed and purchased through the Internet. This is of particular concern as it relates to teenage steroid abuse because of the widespread use of computers by adolescents. Additionally, these drugs are smuggled into the United States from such countries as Mexico. Much of the reliance on non-prescription-controlled pills, potions, and powders to enhance athletic performance has its U.S. roots in the Dietary Supplement Health and Education Act of 1994, which gave statutory definition to dietary supplements. The act provided that as long as no medical claims are made—such as preventing, treating, curing, or ameliorating a disease—manufacturers of supplements are not required to prove the premarket safety, efficacy, or purity of their products. In stark contrast, the Food and Drug Administration requires manufacturers of prescription drugs to bear the premarket burden of assuring all three of these elements. With the passage of the 1994 act, the supplement industry mushroomed into a multibillion-dollar business. Teenagers and others have been lured by usually unsubstantiated claims of increased strength and endurance, weight control, enhanced energy utilization, delayed fatigue, and enhanced sexual performance made by supplement manufacturers and distributors. Under the act, supplements were defined as “vitamins, minerals, amino acids, concentrates, metabolites, constituents, extracts or combinations.” Supplements included creatine, HMB, L-carnitine, pyruvate, arginine, protein powders, and DHEA. While creatine and protein powders continue to be widely marketed and sold, another supplement, ephedra, was removed from the shelves following numerous reports of serious cardiovascular side effects and the heat stroke/ephedra–related death of baseball player Steve Bechler. In 1998, baseball player Mark McGwire’s record-breaking 70 home run season awakened the country, indeed the world, to issues related to both dietary supplements and anabolic steroids. McGwire admitted to using androstenedione, a precursor of testosterone, which at the time was classified as a dietary supplement. Although his use of androstenedione violated neither the rules of baseball nor the laws of the United States, both were eventually changed as a result. In 2004, Major League Baseball implemented a drug-testing program that banned androstenedione and the related substance 19 nor-androstenedione from the sport. That same year, both of these substances were reclassified under the Anabolic Steroid Control Act as anabolic steroids rather than as supplements and thereby became tightly regulated. While education is the key to preventing use of

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performance-enhancing drugs, drug testing is likely to be an increasing component of prevention, including at the high school level. The way was cleared when the United States Supreme Court ruled in 1995, and again in 2002, that it was legal to do such testing. In recent years, more and more states have been exploring this option of testing, and in 2006 Texas became the first state to implement an aggressive program of testing for anabolic steroids in its high schools. In the final analysis, the long-term solution to eliminating abuse of performance-enhancing drugs among all athletes is to rekindle the intrinsic values inherent in the spirit of sport: fun, fair play, teamwork, dedication and commitment, respect for rules, respect for oneself and for others, and the pursuit of excellence. Gary I. Wadler see also: Body Image and Modification; Drug Testing; Sports; Substance Abuse further reading: Taylor Hooton Foundation, http://www .taylorhooton.org • United States Anti-Doping Agency, http:// www.usantidoping.org • World Anti-Doping Agency, http://www .wada-ama.org

personal boundaries. The idea of personal boundaries is recent and has had its fullest explication in 20thcentury psychoanalytic and child development literature. A personal boundary is best defined as the physical and psychological “property line” around a child that asserts her subjective sense of where she begins and ends, what is hers and not hers, and what is private versus what is shared. That line, boundary, or definition helps create the child’s sense of identity, her capacity for bearable intimacy, and her liberty. Personal boundaries are part of a larger conceptualization of a human self that exceeds accidental or native endowment and whose full realization is facilitated by the environment. Across childhood, one becomes the possessor of such a self primarily through respectful, loving, and manageably challenging interactions with important intimate others. These gradually accrue to create a sense of aliveness, an emphatic “I.” Personal boundaries are thus experienced as membranes that enable the subject’s sense of physical and psychological privacy, and thus of basic control and agency. The notion of personal boundaries posits a separate individual whose autonomy, authenticity, and authority are predicated on inviolacy: on a basic right to control his- or herself and to assert reasonable control over his or her actions and environment. The idea is fundamentally humanistic and historically inseparable in its origins from late 18th-century Western ideas of freedom and equality. Awareness of the negative effect of personal boundary transgressions—from murder and rape to psychological violation or obliteration through extreme domination—has existed since time immemorial; witness in Homer’s Iliad Achilles’ fateful fury at Agamemnon for usurping “his” warwon concubine, Briseis. According to that narrative, King

Agamemnon exploited the entitlement of greater rank to transgress an interpersonal boundary between the two warriors. In turn, his action violated Achilles’ psychological boundary and, thus, his sense of control, power, and pride. (The violation of Briseis, whose husband and children are murdered by Achilles or his soldiers, is spoken about only obliquely because her narrative interest to Homer rests on her contested status as Achilles’ war prize. Her subjectivity is basically unconsidered.) Following the example of The Iliad, one can generalize that some idea of “me–not me” and of “mine–not mine” is universal, that most people living in most places have had a capacity to sense violation and to violate, and that most societies have attempted some regulation of extreme violation. John Boswell points out in The Kindness of Strangers (1988) that the ancient Romans warned men not to visit brothels lest they unknowingly have sex with their own abandoned children. This prohibition suggests awareness of the harm—to society if not to the child—of sexual boundary violations. Yet, through most of history, social hierarchies permitting dominance and submission, often favoring the assertion of power by a few over the many, have been one human norm. So vast is human variation across time, place, and culture that it is impossible to generalize about the attention paid to the boundaries of individual children in the past or present or to the degree of attention paid by diverse cultures to the importance of respecting personal boundaries in children. However, the fairly recent psychological discussion of personal boundaries can be seen as one formal attempt to articulate a style of parent-child or familial relationship that shifts the fulcrum point in the balance of value given to obedience versus autonomy and in the balance of individual versus familial sanctity. Enslavement and interpersonal oppression are recurrent, even pervasive, physical and psychological human phenomena. It is difficult to think of a complex culture—Egyptian, Mesopotamian, Maya, Greco-Roman, West African, European, North American—that has not created hierarchies of power and wealth distribution and maintained them through enforced systems of slavery, serfdom, indentured servitude, or wage slavery. While all these societies in various ways regulated interpersonal dominance and violation, these regulations have often been inadequate to offer real boundary protection to less powerful persons. In this sense, the emergence of the notion of personal boundaries accompanied modernism’s (generally) and psychology’s (specifically) interest in individual freedom, in autonomy, and in identity as well as its self-conscious emphasis on childhood as the source of adult psychological integrity. To wit, consider William Wordsworth’s famous poetic dictum, which would precisely anticipate later Freudian and psychological thought: “The child is father to the man.” The child had to be deemed worthy of reasonable

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respect before personal boundaries could become a popular cultural notion in Western culture. Thus, the concept of personal boundaries takes its place in a larger philosophical and political movement to create a social condition for citizens in which extreme domination and submission are minimized and in which the largest possible number of people are permitted the maximum amount of choice, or self-realization. (The obvious—but still often absent—prerequisites are food, shelter, physical safety, and health.) In order for such a condition to thrive, children must have some control over access to themselves. A child whose boundaries are respected is a child who is not repeatedly violated. Subjectivity plays a role, and age brings different requirements. (To exemplify variations of subjectivity, think of a young child who is mortified and agonized when his aunt pinches his cheeks and comments on his squeaky voice, versus one who is merely amused. For age differences, think of the adolescent who does not want his body seen by his parents when he bathes, as opposed to the 5-year-old who delights in such display.) In general, the absence of violation means that the child is not touched where and when she prefers not to be touched, is not unduly coerced through physical or emotional abuse or terror, is not overly scrutinized or denied appropriate privacy, and is not humiliated for displaying emotion or other productions of her mind: unformed ideas, opinions, and so forth. Particular ideas about personal boundaries are always in flux and subject to changing cultural conventions. For example, between the 1950s and the 1970s, American parents who took young children into bed with them were considered disturbingly boundaryless, even pathologically immature. By 2000 in the United States, some bed sharing was advocated by some parenting experts as part of a psychological effort to help a child feel securely comforted. Doubtless these pendulums will continue to swing. More significant is the beginning of an attitudinal shift in the United States about predatory sexuality and extreme boundary violation of children by adults, such as kin, coaches, teachers, and religious authorities. Sexual predation of unprotected children has probably been common in many eras. Recent efforts to describe and begin to prohibit this phenomenon, while very tentative, are a significant step for the protection of children and the real respect of their boundaries. Perhaps the most eloquent psychoanalytic articulation of the consequence of a child’s effective personal boundaries can be found in the pediatrician and psychoanalyst D. W. Winnicott’s classic paper “The Capacity to Be Alone.” In it, Winnicott postulates that the source of an individual’s capacity to tolerate an appropriate amount of aloneness—a tolerance necessary for the realization of an autonomous self—can be located in the child’s experience of being contentedly alone together with the mother (or, one assumes, any very significant adult). In other words, the child who can feel safe within a shared space—unendangered by po-

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tential violations—has permission to leave mentally to fully pursue his own imaginings. This achievement, of being alone with the other, is a significant source of human intimacy and creativity—of liberty. Janna Malamud Smith see also: Identity; Social Development; Training, Child further reading: Charles Taylor, Sources of the Self: The Making of the Modern Identity, 1989. • Judith Rich Harris, The Nurture Assumption, 1998. • Kevin Bales, Disposable People: New Slavery in the Global Economy, 1999/2000. • bell hooks, Where We Stand: Class Matters, 2000.

personality Personality Development Personality Traits Psychoanalytic Perspectives

personality development. The development of human personality differs from the development of many human qualities, such as language or stature, because there is no agreement across cultures or historical eras as to the specific personality traits that are most prevalent and provide the best explanation of behaviors and adaptation. The reason for the disagreement is that the concept personality refers to the stable profiles of beliefs, emotions, chronic moods, and the behaviors that differentiate children and adolescents within a society during a particular historical period. Thus, the major personality traits vary across culture and centuries because the most adaptive profiles vary with place and time. An essay on personality development written 300 years ago by a New England Puritan would have listed religious piety as a major psychological trait, a scholar from Confucian China would have named obedience and loyalty to the father, and an ancient Spartan would have named physical courage as a seminal personality characteristic. None of these traits is regarded as a primary component by contemporary psychologists. Because the scientific study of personality is young, and conducted primarily by scholars from North America and Europe, these scientists emphasize the qualities of individualism, internalized conscience, friendliness with strangers, control of strong emotions and their impulses, and personal achievement. There is considerable variation on these qualities in society. One reason for the immaturity that characterizes contemporary understanding of the development of personality is that most evidence comes from questionnaires that are filled out by parents of young children or by older children who can read and understand the questions. As is true in every branch of science, each source of evidence provides only a partial view of what people wish to know. Questionnaires cannot supply all the information necessary for a full understanding of personality development. If behavioral observations were the sole basis for inferring personalities, different traits would have prominence. For example, chil-

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dren and adults differ in the frequency of brief, involuntary smiles when they are interacting with another person but are unaware of this trait. Therefore, they cannot describe it on a questionnaire, even though it is a significant personal quality. Th eo r et ical Conc ep t ion s of Per s onalit y T y pes There are, at present, at least five different views regarding the origins of personality. Each awards significance to different qualities, and each is potent during different times of growth. Temperament. Many psychologists believe that a child’s inherited biology, called a temperamental bias, contributes to later personality. Variation in the ease of motor, vocal, and distressed arousal to unfamiliar events or intense stimulation, energy level, tendency to smile and laugh, activity level, and the ability to regulate behavior and emotion appears to be influenced by separate temperamental biases. For example, researchers have found that about 20% of healthy 4-month-old infants react to visual, auditory, and olfactory stimulation with extreme levels of motor activity and crying. These infants, called high-reactive, are biased to become subdued, shy, and fearful to unfamiliar situations during the preschool years. About 40% of infants show the opposite profile; they are physically relaxed and minimally distressed in the face of the same stimulus events. About one-half of these low-reactive infants develop into sociable, bold, and affectively spontaneous preschool children. These two temperamental biases, and others, place broad constraints on personality development but leave room for variations as well. An infant born with a high-reactive temperament can become any one of a variety of personality types depending on his or her later experiences. The social environment and culture shape the temperamental bias into a personality profile, as the varied ecologies on the islands in the Galapagos chain gave rise to different strains of finch, even though all forms originated in the same founder population millennia earlier. Because the human genome is always changing, due to migration and the mating of adults from formerly isolated populations, temperamental types in ancient Mesopotamia probably differ from those that exist today. Hence, new temperaments and, therefore, new personality types emerge as others vanish. Psychoanalytic Theory. Discussions of personality development during the first half of the 20th century were dominated by Sigmund Freud’s suggestion that variation in sexual and aggressive motives, regarded as biological in nature, combined with family experiences to explain personality development. Freud argued that differences in parental socialization produced variation in anxiety, which, in turn,

led to different types of personalities, which he called hysteria, obsessive-compulsive, and the famous oral, anal, and phallic types. Freud’s perspective placed emotions at the core of personality development. The child’s task was to develop and to maintain ways to control his or her desires and anxieties. The set of controls, which Freud called defenses, was an important component of each child’s personality. Freud’s view has a smaller number of loyal adherents today, but it was popular during the first half of the 20th century in Europe and North America. Attachment Theory. At the end of World War II, Americans and Europeans, tired of the horrors of the war, were eager for a more benevolent conception of the child that portrayed psychological growth as motivated by affectionate ties to others, rather than by the narcissism and hostility implied by Freudian writings. Erik H. Erikson made the mother a lover rather than a warden. A young child’s anxiety over the trust to be placed in adults was given more importance than anxiety over the control of anger and sexuality. John Bowlby contributed to the emphasis on the infant’s relationship with parents in his writings on attachment. Bowlby argued that the nature of the infant’s relationship to the caretakers, especially the mother, created emotional reactions toward adults that would last indefinitely. Self. A source of controversy among theorists in personality development centers on whether it is necessary to posit a concept of self that monitors, regulates, and initiates behavior and is influenced by the reactions of others toward the person. Two strands of thought support the utility of a concept of self. The oldest can be traced to the JudeoChristian assumption that all older children possess a will that allows society to hold them responsible for their behavior. A second reason for positing a self is that children with similar life experiences often develop different personality profiles because they constructed different conceptions of self from the same experiences. Children with extremely restrictive parents who interpret this regimen as motivated by the parents’ desire to create good character traits will develop a personality that differs from the profile acquired by the child who interprets the restriction as motivated by parental hostility or a need to maintain power. The idea that each child imposes a personal interpretation on experiences makes it difficult to predict a personality outcome from objective measures of the environment. Observed Behavior. A final source of ideas on personality development comes from direct observations of actual behavior. The behaviors given priority are acts that influence adaptation to the society, such as extreme shyness or extreme disobedience. A cluster defined by avoidance of strangers in unfamiliar places, fear of animals, caution, sensitivity to

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punishment, and excessive guilt is called an internalizing profile. A cluster characterized by disobedience, aggression to peers, dominance of others, compromised control, and impulsivity is called an externalizing profile. Each of these five perspectives on personality development emphasizes different sets of traits. An emphasis on temperament awards importance to ease of arousal, the capacity for regulation, energy level, and reaction to the unfamiliar. A psychoanalytic perspective awards salience to defense mechanisms, such as denial and projection. An emphasis on attachment awards importance to trust in others and a sense of inner security; an emphasis on behaviors gives priority to internalizing and externalizing profiles. Four M a jor I nfluenc es There are four important influences on the development of these and other personality profiles. They are identification with others, ordinal position among children in the family, social class, and the form of parental socialization as well as the developmental era in a person’s life span when each is most potent. Identification. All children wish to possess the qualities their culture regards as desirable. Once children become aware that actions and events can be classified as good or bad, usually by the third birthday, they begin to evaluate their personal qualities on this dimension. Some of these evaluations are the product of some form of identification with one or both parents, older siblings, and their class, religious, or ethnic group. A child is said to be identified with any one of these targets when he or she believes that the characteristics of the other person or group belong to self and the child experiences vicarious emotions when events occur to the target of identification. For example, a girl who has a competent mother the father treats with respect and affection comes to believe that she, too, possesses these desirable characteristics and, therefore, feels she is a person of potency and virtue. By contrast, a girl with an incompetent mother who is dominated by the father assumes she possesses less desirable characteristics and feels impotent and less virtuous. By school age, children are capable of identifying with their social class, religious, and ethnic group, especially if the group has distinctive features. One source of distinctiveness is being a statistical minority. Identification with a person or group is stronger when the features of that target are distinctive in some way. A girl who has her mother’s freckles and red hair will, other things equal, be more strongly identified with the mother than does a girl who shares her mother’s brunette hair and lack of freckles because the former features are less common and therefore more distinctive in society. Identification has relevance for personality development. Children fortunate enough to

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live with competent, affectionate, admired parents experience more pride and security than those living with parents perceived as incompetent and emotionally labile. The reason for major changes in personality after age 6 or 7 years is that the process of identification exerts its most important influence after this age. Ordinal Position. Ordinal position has its most important influence on the child’s receptivity to accept or reject the requests and ideas of legitimate authority. Firstborn children in most American and European families are more willing to conform to the demands of authority than are later-born children. As a result, firstborns are more strongly motivated for school achievement, more conscientious, more prone to guilt, and slightly less aggressive than later borns. Support for this claim is the disproportionate number of eminent scientists, scholars, physicians, and lawyers who are firstborn, rather than later born. The effect of ordinal position is maximal between 3 and 10 years of age, especially when the age difference between the child and his next older or younger sibling is less than five years. Social Class. The child’s social class has a profound effect on personality. It is a reliable fact that children from middleclass families obtain better grades in school than do children of working- and lower-class families. It is assumed that this outcome is due to the different value systems and practices of families differing in education and vocation. But children also identify with the social class of their family. Adolescents from upper-middle-class families perceive the greater potency of their class category and have an enhanced conception of their capacity to attain their goals. Lower-class children perceive that their families are less in command of the resources of the society. As a result, they are vulnerable to developing an implicit conception of self as less potent. The scientists who claim that African American youth who grew up in poverty have high self-esteem rely on questionnaires. This evidence awards a special meaning to the notion of self-esteem that differs from the meaning of “conception of self as potent in the society,” which has to be measured with indirect methods that reflect less conscious beliefs. Parental Socialization. The patterns of socialization used by parents influence personality development especially during the first six or seven years. This influence is mainly on the child’s values and motivations for school success and popularity with peers, the two primary goals of modern American and European youth. Middle-class children observed to be competent, autonomous, mature, and selfreliant more often have parents who are nurturant, make reasonable demands for maturity, and use reason rather than physical punishment in their socialization. Children

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who are only minimally self-reliant, and in less control of their behavior, more often have extremely permissive parents who are inconsistent in their discipline or parents who are extremely authoritarian and punish harshly and impulsively. I n ter ac t ion of Factor s The complex nature of personality development can be appreciated by recognizing that combinations of temperamental biases and family environments can generate a very large number of personality types. Soon after the second birthday, the profiles seen during infancy are altered by the appearance of a moral sense, self-consciousness, and symbolic interpretations of experience. By 7 years of age, the maturation of new cognitive talents, especially the ability to relate the past to the present and relate the present to the larger context in which it occurs, including comparing self with peers and identification, creates new personality types. Finally, the ascendance of sexuality and the abilities to consider hypothetical ideas, to detect inconsistency in self ’s beliefs, and to know when a solution to a problem is impossible, which emerge at puberty, produce additional changes in personality. Thus, the development of a personality is analogous to the changing profiles of a species in an ecology that is altered over time. Psychologists have been reluctant to award much power to chance events, such as the death of a parent, adoption by foster parents, frequent mobility from one city to another, a particularly nurturant and encouraging teacher, and the size of town or city in which development occurs. Nevertheless, such unpredictable events can produce profound changes in attitudes and moods. In sum, personality refers to the relatively stable sets of characteristics that differentiate among the members of a society. As a result, historical and cultural conditions influence the personality traits awarded priority, and there is no universal set of personality types. The most popular personality traits in contemporary North America and Europe center on variation in sociability; attitude toward authority; motivation for competence on socially desirable talents; vulnerability to anger, anxiety, and sadness; chronic mood; the ability to control anxiety, depression, and anger; and the amount of reflection that occurs when alternative actions are possible and the person must decide which one to implement. Both temperament and experience make a contribution to these personality characteristics, but the nature of these contributions and their interactions are not yet fully known. Jerome Kagan see also: Birth Order; Development, Theories of; Emotional Development; Erikson, Erik H(omburger); Social Development further reading: George H. Mead, Mind, Self, and Society, 1934. • John Bowlby, Attachment and Loss, vol. 1, 1969. • Alexander Thomas and Stella Chess, Temperament and Development,

1971. • Jerome Kagan and Nancy Snidman, The Long Shadow of Temperament, 2004.

personality traits. The contemporary concept of personality refers to a spectrum of psychological qualities involving motivation, emotion, thinking, and social behavior. A trait is an enduring, distinguishing characteristic of an entity. A personality trait, then, is any enduring, distinguishing aspect of a person’s motivational tendencies, thinking styles, emotional experiences, or social actions. The student of child development may inquire into the ways in which genetics, the prenatal environment, social experience, and their interactions contribute to the development of personality traits. Although most personality scientists embrace this general definition of personality trait, different investigators nonetheless use the term differently. Three distinctions are noteworthy. To some writers, personality trait variables are purely descriptive constructs; they describe typical aspects of persons’ observable behavior. To others, personality trait constructs refer to inner mental systems that causally contribute to behavior that is observed. These different meanings commonly are called phenotypic and genotypic uses, respectively, of the term personality trait. The second distinction involves levels of analyses. Some treat personality trait variables as statistical dimensions that summarize between-person variation in the population at large and make no strong assumption that the variables correspond to psychological features that exist at the level of the individual person. (An analogy illustrates this position: Handsomeness summarizes variation among persons while not corresponding to a feature that exists at the level of the individual; the individual does not possess “a handsome.”) Others presume that the trait variables do, in fact, correspond to attributes possessed by individual persons. The third distinction involves the question of social context. To many, a personality trait is, by definition, global or transcontextual; theorists posit trait constructs (e.g., agreeableness) that are defined without explicit reference to social contexts and that are indexed by averaging together psychological tendencies that persons display across varying contexts. Others note that individuals’ experiences and actions commonly vary across social contexts and that the patterns of variability may be both enduring—that is, a given individual recurringly displays that pattern of variability— and distinctive—that is, others display a different pattern. For example, one child may be an aggressive bully when with weak peers but display little aggression when provoked by stronger peers, whereas another may engage in no bullying but respond aggressively to provocation. The differential patterns of aggression would be distinguishing of personality. The notion of personality trait, then, could be broadened to include not only average tendencies but also patterns of variability across time and context.

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In practice, most writers who define their work as the study of personality traits embrace a population level of analysis and a global, decontextualized meaning of the term. Trait constructs, then, commonly refer to interindividual differences in average tendencies in experience and action. Because this meaning predominates in the professional literature, it is the primary focus in this article. Factor-Analy tic Approac h es Researchers commonly use a statistical technique called factor analysis to identify the primary traits of personality. In a typical investigation, large numbers of persons are rated with respect to a large number of specific personality features. Factor analysis is employed to determine whether some features intercorrelate so highly that they form a unitary statistical factor. Statistical factors identified are labeled with descriptive terms that refer to global psychological tendencies. It is these factor-analytic constructs that are the personality traits. For example, one may measure sociable, optimistic, and fun-loving tendencies, find that they intercorrelate such that they form a unitary statistical factor, and label the factor extraversion. The reader should bear in mind that this form of research possesses three qualities that may hide from view important aspects of the personality development of children. By focusing on differences among people, one may overlook aspects of personality development that are experienced so commonly that between-person differences are relatively insignificant. For example, in principle, all children may experience feelings of inferiority for which they strive to compensate (as the Austrian psychoanalyst Alfred Adler suggested). If so, this central feature of personality in childhood would not be revealed as a trait of childhood in factor-analytic methods; because of its universality, it would not form or contribute substantially to any statistical factor that summarizes interindividual differences. A second limitation stems from the data sources that are factor analyzed most commonly. Investigators generally analyze explicit reports of individuals’ personality characteristics; these may be either self-reports or reports from informed raters such as a peers, teachers, or parents. The limitation is that people may possess psychological features about which laypersons are unaware or are unable or unwilling to report explicitly. Finally, factor-analytic personality trait research has been conducted primarily with adults. All major models of personality trait structure have been established in adult populations. The major personality traits of adulthood, of course, may not correspond to the major traits of childhood. I ndiv i dual Di ffer enc es i n Global Tr aits Using factor-analytic methods, one can address the question: How many traits, and which ones, are needed to obtain a reasonably sufficient summary of major dimensions of interindividual differences in the population?

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Answers have varied over the years as researchers have employed slightly varying methods of factor analysis, pools of personality test items to be factor analyzed, and criteria for evaluating factor-analytic solutions. In the mid-20th century, popular trait models proposed as few as 2 and as many as 16 main trait dimensions. In the 1980s and 1990s, most investigators settled on a five-dimensional model known as the Big Five model of personality traits. The variables of this model are (1) Extraversion, which describes individual differences in the tendency to be sociable, talkative, and outgoing; (2) Agreeableness, a term that refers to qualities such as helpfulness, trust, and good-naturedness; (3) Conscientiousness, which refers to motivation and reliability in achievement-oriented settings and to capacities for self-control; (4) Neuroticism, which refers to a broad range of negative feeling states such as anxiety, sadness, and irritability; and (5) Openness to Experience, which refers to the complexity and degree of imagination of persons’ thinking styles. More recently, evidence has suggested that at least one more factor is required to capture primary dimensions of individual differences. Data sets in multiple languages identify a sixth factor; it includes qualities of honesty, humility, morality, and personal integrity that are not well represented in the five-factor model. Most investigators interpret the five or six primary trait dimensions phenotypically; they conceive of the constructs merely as descriptions of broad individual differences. However, some have posited that the constructs correspond also to psychological systems in the head of each individual. Adult Per s onalit y Tr aits and C h i ldhood Per s onalit y With the basic outlines of a model of personality traits in adulthood established, one can inquire into the relation between these traits and the personality qualities of infancy, childhood, and adolescence. This inquiry is made complex by two factors. One is that there cannot be a one-to-one mapping between adult personality traits and early childhood personality characteristics. This is because some of the traits of the adult Big Five model presuppose psychological qualities that are not possessed by the young child. For example, openness to experience encompasses cognitive abilities that young children do not possess. Conscientiousness includes the capacity to recognize oneself as an agent with moral responsibilities and to regulate one’s action in accord with this recognition, which, of course, the very young child cannot do. A second complication involves the role of context. Students of personality development note that early childhood is marked by psychological expressions of biologically based systems of temperament and that some temperament systems function contextually; that is, they are activated in some contexts but not others. For example, a temperament system underlying inhibited

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behavior may become active only in some contexts (e.g., circumstances involving novelty). It is difficult to map directly the gamut of temperament qualities to personality traits, then, because the personality traits refer to global psychological tendencies, whereas systems of temperament may be context linked. With these provisions in mind, one can ask: In longitudinal studies, do individual differences in temperament observed in childhood relate significantly to individual differences in adult personality traits? The answer commonly is yes; research documents continuities between measures of childhood temperament and adult personality. For example, the temperament dimension of positive affectivity is often found to relate substantially to the adult personality trait of extraversion, the temperament dimension of negative affectivity relates to adult neuroticism, and individual differences in the temperament quality of effortful control (a capacity intentionally to regulate impulsive actions) relates to the Big Five variable Conscientiousness. A significant question, however, is the exact nature of these relations between childhood and adult qualities. They, in part, may reflect inherited variations in neural or biochemical systems that contribute to measures of both temperament and adult personality and that are relatively stable across the life course; twin-study evidence indicates that genetic factors commonly account for at least 30% to 40% of the between-person variability in the relevant personality characteristics. Relations between childhood temperament and adult personality also may reflect interactions between personal qualities and the social environment. For example, evidence indicates that children who vary in their tendency to exhibit severe temper tantrums may experience different social outcomes that, in turn, directly influence the course of personality development. Another question is whether relations between childhood personality and adulthood personality are observed across particularly long time periods. A recent study of personality trait stability across a 40year period, from elementary school to middle adulthood, in a very large sample reported remarkably low correlations between teacher ratings of personality in childhood and self-ratings in adulthood. Correlations were less than 0.30 for all Big Five traits. The correlation between childhood and adulthood measures of neuroticism was 0.00. Limitat io n s of t h e P er s ona l i t y Tr ait Approac h There can be no doubt that individuals differ significantly in their average psychological tendencies and that there exist significant continuities between individual differences observed in childhood and those observed in adulthood. Nonetheless, some students of development find the trait approach limiting as a view of personality and its development. Four limitations stand out.

The trait approach says little about psychological processes through which people contribute to the course of their development. The core elements of personality, the traits, generally are construed either as abstract tendencies or in terms of psychologically simple physiological systems that vary in levels of activation from one person to another. There is little explicit discussion of higher-level psychological processes, such as the development of self-concept and the setting of personal goals, that underlie people’s capacity to contribute to their own personal development. A second limitation is that the trait approach says little about the coherent relations among distinct personality systems. The traits are statistically independent dimensions. There is no theory specifying how attributes represented in one dimension may relate functionally to attributes represented in another. A third limitation is that the trait approach does not draw a distinction that most theories of personality view as fundamental. It is a distinction between affect and cognition; in discussion of personality functioning, this distinction may be phrased as differentiating temperament from character. The Big Five variables combine attributes that primarily are affective processes with those that involve higher-level cognition. This fails to accord with a wealth of scholarship and research, both psychological and physiological, indicating that cognitive and affective systems are distinct (although they may influence each other reciprocally). The final limitation is that the trait approach may reflect, to an unwarranted degree, a conception of human nature that is peculiar to Western cultures. In the West, individuals commonly are thought to possess psychological qualities that are distinct from their social surround; the person is a kind of “container” filled with encapsulated psychological structures, such as traits. In many non-Western societies, however, people are construed in terms of their relations to other persons: family members, ancestors, communities to which they bear responsibilities, and so forth. If personality trait variables such as the Big Five are descriptive categories through which laypersons intuitively think about individual differences, it is possible that they capture intuitions held primarily by persons in the Western world. Daniel Cervone see also: Emotional Development; Social Development; Temperament further reading: Gian Vittorio Caprara and Daniel Cervone, Personality: Determinants, Dynamics, and Potentials, 2000. • Sarah E. Hampson and Lewis R. Goldberg, “A First Large Cohort Study of Personality Trait Stability over the 40 Years between Elementary School and Midlife,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 91, no. 4 (October 2006), pp. 763–99. • Gerard Saucier and Jennifer Simonds, “The Structure of Personality and Temperament,” in Dan K. Mroczek and Todd D. Little, eds., Handbook of Personality Development, 2006, pp. 109–28. • Michael C. Ashton and Kibeom Lee,

p e r s o n a l it y “Empirical, Theoretical, and Practical Advantages of the HEXACO Model of Personality Structure,” Personality and Social Psychology Review 11, no. 2 (2007), 150–66.

psychoanalytic perspectives. Psychoanalysis is espe-

cially concerned with how children identify with others and form mental models of how to relate to types of people in their social world. Psychoanalysis pays central attention to how such role-relationship models lead to repetitive and maladaptive patterns of interaction between self and others. The person schemas that organize the patterns often operate unconsciously. A central concern in psychoanalysis is the unconscious process of internalization of perceived social meanings and the general ideas about self and others that result. These general ideas, models for behavior or so-called person schemas, range from secure and loving attachments to insecure or hostile structures. Psychoanalytic treatment is a process that fosters harmonization or a balance between discordant elements of love and hate, trust and mistrust, and wishes for authority or total dependency. The point of view expressed in this article is a contemporary psychoanalytic one, which integrates cognitive and object relationship perspectives with still valid classical insights. Sigmund Freud couched his personality theory in terms of how id, ego, superego and reality, and forces and functions developed in childhood. Later theorists modified the theory to include the importance of self-efficacy and attachment to others as vital motives for growth. Bonding with others creates affiliations and evolving ways of emotional regulation and unconscious processing of information. The result is a biopsychosocial matrix of relevant theory. Biological Con tr i butions to Per s onalit y The infant has a temperament based on biological factors, including genetics. Hence, the child is prone to develop certain traits of personality. How it will do so depends on later developments, especially in adolescence when further biological substrates influence the process. One influence on development is the fit of the infant’s temperament with that of the parent. Highly active and energetic infants may not fit well with a passive, low-energy parent who likes quiet cuddling. They may fit very well with an energetic and very active parent. Higher or lower levels of feminizing and masculizing hormones also influence how the biological core of the self evolves. Neuronal structures may also limit the child’s capacity for recognizing and engaging with the emotional communications of others. This may limit a capacity for empathy and impair ability to develop relationship skills.

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S o c i a l C o n t r i b u t io n s Human babies are highly imitative. Within a few weeks after birth, infants imitate the facial expressions of adults. Infants also learn a great deal from social interaction, and a key issue is attunement between the infant and caregivers. Each culture may have different roles that are offered to its new members. Available roles may vary in a family according to birth order. How parents steer a child influences its traits. Social catastrophes, immigrations and dislocations, as well as strains and trauma within the family, or particularly to the individual, also influence developments of personality. P s yc ho lo gical C o n t r i b u t io n s Psychoanalytic theory recognizes such biological and social factors but studies mainly the important psychological contributions to the development of personality traits. The crux of the modern psychoanalytic view is that transaction between the developing child and caregivers leads to the establishment of internalized models. These, as already mentioned, are recorded as internalized relationship units, sometimes called role-relationship models. These person schemas operate as if they were unconscious maps of an individual’s expectations. They include road maps of how desires might be satisfied. In addition, these internalized models contain information about ways to avoid anticipated threats. The particulars of these person schemas lead to the recurrent states of mind and particular patterns seen by others as personality. The role-relationship models that are a part of person (self-other) schematization are the basis for the repeated transference or generalization of attitudes to new persons. Repeated transference patterns are an important emotional aspect of personality. Some patterns of transference are maladaptive, as when a child regards each new teacher with excessive suspicion. To recapitulate, it is because each child develops multiple self schemas and multiple role-relationship models that each child has a potential for different but recurrent states of mind. As these states of mind and their cycles become habitual, there is a recurrent pattern that interacts with temperament and is seen by others as “personality.” These traits and attitudes make each child unique and different from other children, which tend to become solidified during adolescence and early adulthood. The child projects on the world his or her own scenarios and schematizations. These patterns are quite familiar, and so the child does not recognize them in words. That quality of recognition is usually developed later, often in adolescence and young adulthood. By then, many people learn to observe their own personality in operation, to see how some of their attitudes do not accord with actual social realities or opportunities. Failure to learn may be associated with disorders of personality.

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The traits and attitudes of personality emerge from social connections having to do with the familiar themes of stories, plays, movies, and television scripts. These concern loving, hating, competing, and controlling relationships. Issues of envy, betrayal, revenge, self-worth, and self-disgust are embedded in personality-based beliefs. The patterns of personality involve gender identity, sexuality, and morality as well as interests and skills. The patterns also concern rules and what to do when people disobey the rules. Secur i t y and I nsecur i t y Having a secure relationship is very important to an infant. Evolution has prepared internal scripts for how to get and keep a caregiver in close and continuous connection to the self. When these scripts work poorly, the infant and child may develop an isolated and even hostile nature in regard to relationships. If there is a loss of the important other, then the child must attempt to repair the loss or strain. Different personality styles may evolve out of different efforts at repair and may relate to episodes and repairs of childhood neglect, inconsistencies, abuse, or trauma. Some aspects of personality are the goals one has of making the parents proud or proving that a parent was wrong in some early criticism or degrading remarks, such as, “You are such a stupid child.” Some aspects of personality are developed out of copying the parent, as mentioned earlier, or repairing a loss, as in taking on the traits of a lost loved one who has been lost through death, divorce, or other separations. An important aspect of psychoanalytic observation is that the child takes on both the child and the parental roles emulated in transactions. Children learn the roles taught to them by others and learn to occupy the roles of the other persons. In this way, the little child becomes a little parent in that it knows how to do what it sees the parents doing. This is not necessarily an accurate representation of the parent’s behavior, and the schemas the child records are not an accurate representation of the parents’ inner motives. The child then may take that role in play, as with dolls. Every parent has heard the child use the same parental tone of voice in giving a reproach to another! A takeaway message for parents is that it is well and good to say, “Do what I say and not what I do,” but they should know that the child will tend to do what they do. When the child does this and if the parent has acknowledged it to be “bad behavior,” then the child will feel bad, but he or she will still continue the behavior. In this way, parents and siblings are influencing personality characteristics. Psychoanalytic treatment processes relate to these theories. Early painful experiences that lead to current personality patterns of repetitive maladaptive relationships are examined as active but inappropriate person schemas. New aspects of identity and more realistic relationship scenarios

are contrasted with inappropriate views. New feelings and actions are then practiced, leading to a more harmonious personality structure. Mardi Horowitz see also: Development, Theories of: Psychoanalytic Theories; Erikson, Erik H(omburger); Freud, Sigmund; Oedipus Conflict further reading: J. Bowlby, A Secure Base, 1988. • P. Tyson and R. L. Tyson, Psychoanalytic Theories of Development: Integration, 1990. • M. Horowitz, Cognitive Psychodynamics: From Conflict to Character, 1998.

pets. Pets (also known as companion animals) are extremely important to people of all ages, but one could easily argue that they are most important to children. It has been said that children have an instinct, an intrinsic connectedness or a feeling of biophilia (a term coined by the biologist Edward O. Wilson to refer to an innate connection to nature) to be caring and mindful of animals, especially small ones. The word pets usually refers to animals who live in humans’ homes, but it also is used it to refer to animals whom children encounter outside of their homes, especially in schools but also in zoos, on farms, and in their community. Interactions with animals in all of these venues influence children’s development. Ownership per se is not important, but attachment and involvement with a pet is. Some researchers believe that children flexibly use their developing social abilities to relate to pets. Children’s attachment to pets is widespread and strong, and there is a substantial empirical database in this area. More than 75% of children in the United States live with pets, and children are more likely to grow up with a pet than with both parents. American boys are more likely to care for pets than for older relatives or younger siblings. A vast majority of children refer to their pets as “family” or “special friends” and confidants, and more than 80% refer to themselves as their pet’s mother or father. More than half would prefer their pet to family members if stranded on a desert island. Numerous people, especially children, refuse to leave their pets in the midst of natural disasters. Children also worry about homeless pets. Children form close and mutually beneficial relationships—healing and cherished partnerships—with their pets and other animals, domesticated and wild. Dynamic reciprocal interactions are important in fostering a connection with pets. According to some researchers, robotic pets are unlikely to replace family pets. Yet Japanese children, especially elementary school girls, find that virtual pets make for good companions when there is no space in which to keep real pets. Virtual pets have been shown to facilitate communication between shy children. Studies of children-pet interactions have been conducted in homes and occasionally in schools. Animals in the classroom are extremely important to children of all ages and

pets

are used as part of humane education programs in numerous countries. Pets bring innumerable behavioral and physiological benefits to the children (and adults) who share their homes with nonhuman companions. It is very difficult to find negative aspects of living with pets that outweigh the numerous positive aspects, other than that a pet might bite or otherwise harm a child, occasionally exacerbate an allergy, or cause disease when a child is bitten or scratched or has contact with a pet’s dander, urine or feces, or saliva. Of course, the loss of a pet also can be devastating, but there are also positive lessons, such as learning to deal with grief, anger, and denial. About 33% of all animal bites involve a child, but most are not serious and surely not life threatening. Biting can be reduced by lessons in appropriate behavior around animals provided by parents or older siblings. Pets can also cause allergic reactions. However, pets may also reduce risks for various allergies and asthma by channeling the immune system away from allergic pathways. It is known that multiple pets may decrease children’s allergy risk more than the presence of one pet. One 10-year study showed that children exposed to two or more cats or dogs during the first year of life were half as likely to develop common allergies at 6 or 7 years of age when compared to children not exposed to pets. Children who lived with pets had lower antibody levels and fewer positive skin test reactions to ragweed, grass, and dust mite allergens. Exposure to pets and the germs they carry appears to prompt the development of a normal immune response. Pets can also cause a variety of diseases, and with the increase in the popularity of exotic pets there is heightened concern about animal diseases that can be transmitted to humans (called zoonoses or zoonotic diseases). Zoonoses may be bacterial, viral, fungal, and parasitic and include salmonella, lymphatic choriomeningitis, tularemia, rabies, cat scratch disease, ringworm, toxoplasmosis, psittacosis, and monkeypox. However, instructing children to wash their hands after touching a pet, teaching them not to handle their pet’s urine or feces, telling them not to kiss their pet or to have contact with their pet’s saliva, and keeping the pet’s living area clean are very effective in reducing zoonoses. Thus, children learn to respect their pets and understand that there are boundaries in how they should interact with them. Caution is the best form of prevention. Rarely are there serious consequences, but they can occur. However, pets also help chronically ill children cope with their disease and foster recovery from illnesses. Pets also can provide exercise that is important for physical health. Benefits of interacting with pets usually significantly outweigh risks, and the positive effects are extensive, enduring (children who are raised with dogs tend to be dog lovers throughout their lives), and noncontroversial both for the child and most often for the animal.

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Most studies of the effects of pets on children and adolescents have been conducted in the United States, but a comparison of results across different cultures shows that the effects are robust and consistent with studies conducted in countries such as Switzerland, Germany, Poland, Canada, Croatia, and the United Kingdom. The effects also appear to be gender neutral and long term. A study in the United States of 394 university students showed that those who had lived with dogs or cats as a child were more selfconfident than those who did not. Psychologists who use dogs as cotherapists take the lead of Boris Levinson, an American child psychologist, who in the early 1960s used his dog, Jingles, in therapy sessions and found that many children who were withdrawn and uncommunicative would come out and interact positively with Jingles. In 1964, Levinson coined the phrase pet therapy. Many organizations such as Roots & Shoots focus on fostering and nurturing relationships between children and pets and animals in general. Much scientific research shows that the positive influence of pets on the lives of children in their homes and in schools is very broad. These include fostering social, emotional, moral, intellectual, spiritual, and personal development and a general sense of psychological well-being; encouraging laughter and joy; increasing self-esteem, self-reliance, self-worth, and self-confidence; increasing attendance in school and sustaining interest and attention; brightening lives; improving communication skills; fostering a sense of trust, independence, and responsibility; enhancing character formation; encouraging parents to interact with their children; decreasing loneliness and social isolation among children who live at home and also among homeless youth; and enhancing empathy for a pet that spills over to empathy for others, including family members and peers (compassion begets compassion). In a study in Croatia, children who lived with dogs were more empathic and prosocially oriented than children who did not live with dogs, and children with higher attachment to their pets rated their family climate significantly better than children who were less attached. Interactions with pets also help children learn that their pets have needs different from their own and foster the development of a child’s “theory of mind,” that their pet has its own beliefs and view of the world. Pets also are useful for calming anxiety, increasing loyalty, reducing bullying and manipulative behaviors, and increasing children’s involvement in sports, hobbies, clubs, and chores. Pets can be social catalysts and help “pull out” autistic and socially withdrawn children through an increase in prosocial behaviors. Pets also help victims of abuse by teaching them about unconditional love and buffering and overcoming trauma. For example, in one study pets were rated as more supportive than humans for sexually abused children. Pets also provide support for children who have to

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overcome divorce or the illness or loss of a family member or close friend. There are also broad educational benefits of interacting with pets. These include an increased interest in learning about science, wildlife, and nature; heightened problemsolving abilities and memory and recall; increased connections to nature leading to more respect for other living beings and a reverence for all life; and increased curiosity about the world at large. Children often generalize about nature and cycles of life from pets at home or in the classroom. They also learn about humane animal care by considering the animals’ needs rather than their own. While more research is needed on cultural diversity, the few data that are available show that there are numerous universal positive effects of pets on children and that the positive effects far outweigh the risks. Scientific research shows clearly that children and pets are a natural unit. Marc Bekoff see also: Death, Children’s Experience of further reading: Alan Beck and Aaron Katcher, Between Pets and People: The Importance of Animal Companionship, 2nd ed., 1996. • Gail Melson, Why the Wild Things Are: Animals in the Lives of Children, 2001. • Marty Becker, The Healing Power of Pets, 2002. • Jane Goodall and Marc Bekoff, The Ten Trusts: What We Must Do to Care for the Animals We Love, 2002. • Gene Myers, The Significance of Children and Animals: Social Development and Our Connections to Other Species, 2007. • Delta Society, Key References on Human-Animal Interactions for Children, http://www.deltasociety .org/AnimalsHealthChildrenReferences.htm

phobias. see Fears, Phobias, and Anxiety Disorders physical activity. see Exercise and Physical Activity physical disabilities and other health impairments, education of children with. Approximately 300,000 students in the United States fall under the two special education categories physical disabilities and other health impairments. With advances in medical technology, there has been an increase in the number of children who are surviving with these disabilities. Students with physical impairments can have a variety of medical conditions, which can be acute, chronic, episodic, or progressive. These conditions generally fall under three broad areas: neuromotor impairments, orthopedic and musculoskeletetal disorders, and other conditions. Neuromotor impairments are caused by an injury to the brain or spinal cord. The result is that the individual is unable to move certain body parts. Examples of neuromotor impairments include cerebral palsy, spina bifida and other spinal cord injuries, and seizure disorders. Students with cerebral palsy and seizure disorders generally have lower than average intelligence and may also have other educational and emotional issues. Students with spina bi-

fida and other spinal cord issues tend to have average intelligence, but the complications due to the surgeries and therapies related to their impairment complicate their education program. Some children are physically impaired due to disease or defects in their bones or even their muscles. These impairments fall under the category of orthopedic and musculoskeletal disorders. Examples include muscular dystrophy and juvenile rheumatoid arthritis. Generally speaking, the student’s intelligence is not affected, but special education is needed for posture. Other conditions that affect some children’s health or physical ability include diabetes, fetal alcohol syndrome, asthma, and AIDS. For these students, maintaining consistent treatment of their condition is essential. In addition, emergency plans and placement decisions need to be made. Students with physical impairments often require prosthetics, orthotics, or other adaptive devices to live their lives more easily. It is important to remember, however, that students with physical impairments are able to solve some of the problems of dealing with daily life on their own. What they often need are for nondisabled individuals to think about how the environment can be changed to make mobility more accessible. Students with physical impairments can have a wide range of educational achievement. Because of the nature of the specific condition, these students may need to miss school and can have educational gaps that may resemble learning disabilities. Therefore, early intervention is best for these students. Services can be provided in settings ranging from the home to the general education classroom. Although specific educational goals cannot be prescribed because of the range of educational needs, several issues are important to mention. These students may have difficulty manipulating the materials used in school, and they may not have the experiences that nondisabled students have. In developing countries, students with physical disabilities are often not included in schools. In India, for example, students with physical impairments are educated, but they are taught in special schools. One key component for these students’ educational success is the related services they receive: speech therapy, physical therapy, and occupational therapy. Speech therapy can assist the child in developing skills in language. Physical therapists and occupational therapists can assist the student in acquiring better use of motor skills and use of adaptive devices. They can also assist the teacher in how to aid the student in managing the classroom and the school environment. For students with physical impairments, assistive and adaptive devices allow them greater access to society at large. Teachers can use task analysis to break down skills to their component parts so that students can learn specific

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skills, such as how to open a door if they are using crutches or how to change their own diaper. Transition planning is very important for these students. In transition plans, teachers, parents or guardians, the student, and other professionals determine long-term goals. Once these goals are decided, the team can determine not only the short-term objectives to accomplish those goals but also which individuals or agencies can help in their completion. Another key issue for students with physical disabilities and other health impairments is self-determination. Self-determination is the ability of an individual to make decisions to solve problems. The goal for these students is to gain a high level of independence. This independence is contingent on the ease of gaining appropriate work, the limitations to work created by the particular condition, self-care issues, and social interaction with peers. Since the 1970s, individuals with physical and other health impairments have seen an increased awareness by society and increased opportunities; much improvement, however, is still needed. E. Stephen Byrd and Jennifer A. Gelman see also: Special Education further reading: D. K. Sing, “Families of Children with Spina Bifida: A Review,” Journal of Developmental and Physical Disabilities 15 (2003), pp. 37–55. • S. J. Best, K. W. Heller, and J. L. Bigge, Teaching Individuals with Physical or Multiple Disabilities, 5th ed., 2005. • D. P. Hallahan and J. M. Kauffman, Exceptional Learners: An Introduction to Special Education, 10th ed., 2006.

physical education. Physical education is an academic subject taught in schools. It is concerned primarily, but not exclusively, with the physical, or psychomotor, development of students. Physical education plays a critical role in educating the whole student. Research supports the importance of movement in educating both mind and body. Physical education contributes directly to development of physical competence and fitness. It also helps students make informed choices and understand the value of leading a physically active lifestyle. Physical education can have a positive effect on both academic learning and physical activity patterns of students. The healthy, physically active student is more likely to be academically motivated, alert, and successful. In the preschool and elementary years, active play may be positively related to motor abilities and cognitive development. As children grow older and enter adolescence, physical activity may enhance the development of a positive self-concept as well as the ability to pursue intellectual, social, and emotional challenges. Throughout the school years, quality physical education can promote a range of social, cooperative, and problemsolving competencies. Physical education is unique to the school curriculum as the only program that provides students with opportunities

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to learn motor skills, develop fitness, and gain understanding about physical activity. Physical benefits gained from physical activity include disease prevention, safety and injury avoidance, decreased morbidity and premature mortality, and increased mental health. The physical education program is the place where students learn about all of the benefits gained from being physically active as well as the skills and knowledge to incorporate safe, satisfying physical activity into their lives. Requirements for physical education vary. Different states have different requirements, and these requirements change with grade level and geographic location. Some school systems require daily physical education, and some offer physical education only as an elective in the school curriculum. Although concerned with helping students develop their physical potential, there are strongly supported claims that physical education can aid in the development of cognitive and affective characteristics. Research has demonstrated that children engaged in daily physical education show superior motor fitness, academic performance, and attitude toward school. Physical education learning experiences also offer a unique opportunity for problem solving, self-expression, socialization, and confl ict resolution. Physical competence builds self-esteem. Quality physical education programs enhance the development of both competence and confidence in performing motor skills. Attitudes, habits, and perceptions are critical prerequisites for persistent participation in physical activity. Appropriate levels of health-related fitness enhance feelings of wellbeing and efficacy. Children and adolescents learn motor skills in a variety of ways. These motor skills are the physical content of the subject; they allow students to play games and sports and take part in physical activities and recreation. Most experts agree that practicing a skill at an adequate level of success is necessary for skill learning. Constant failure is as unproductive as constant success in the learning of motor skills. Students also need positive and corrective feedback to assist in the process. The teacher’s role is to set the task at the appropriate level, provide feedback, and help the learners progress as they master the skills. In the early elementary years, students are taught fundamental motor skills such as jumping and running. Skills such as catching, kicking, and throwing also form part of the early curriculum. These are viewed as the building blocks of future activities. Later, students are taught to use these skills in real situations in sporting activities. Alongside these sport-related skills, most students may be taught certain gymnastic skills, some dance, and fitness concepts, and many states now include health education as part of physical education. Teaching methods vary from the discovery approach, more prevalent in the early years, where students experiment with movement concepts (educational gymnastics) and so learn how their bodies move and how they can

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control that movement, to a direct approach, where the teacher gives directions, demonstrates a skill, and assigns the students tasks that practice that skill. A range of teaching methods is commonly used in physical education and is dependant on the skill being taught, the age of the students, and the goals for the class. Some teachers are now using curriculum innovations such as Teaching Games for Understanding, where students learn tactical concepts as well as technical skills, and Sport Education, in which students are encouraged to adopt a number of roles prevalent in a sporting environment, such as statistician, reporter, and referee as well as being a participant. Research into the teaching of school physical education has evolved considerably in recent years and has produced a wealth of information for practitioners. It has been shown that student activity is key to enabling learning, maintaining a positive learning environment, producing health gains, and managing an effective, safe, and appropriate lesson. The teacher must engage the learners in authentic learning tasks while developing the content in a progressive way that enables skills to be learned sequentially based on previously mastered material (structural learning theory). Most Westernized societies include some form of physical education in the school curriculum. However, emphasis is dependent on the society and country. For example, the United States is currently placing major emphasis on using physical education and activity as a means of addressing the increased prevalence of adolescent obesity as well as promoting a healthy, active lifestyle. Many European countries view the health benefits of exercise as a positive by-product of effective physical education but not an end in themselves. Australia and New Zealand aim to educate students as future consumers of sport either as participants or as knowledgeable spectators through youth sport programs in which adult sports are adapted to accommodate the needs of younger learners. Non-Westernized countries also include physical education in the school curriculum. However, developing societies tend to place different emphasis on the importance of physical education. For example, some South American countries use the subject to replicate the popular sports of adult society, so soccer and volleyball are the most popular sports played in physical education lessons. The vast majority of countries provide physical education as a subject in their schools. School physical education in the United States originated from a 19th-century concern for health and the prevention of disease. Thus, physical education at that time was concerned with health promotion and concentrated on exercise in the form of gymnastics and calisthenics. Much of what was taught originated in Europe, and for a while the German and Swedish forms of gymnastics competed for dominance. As notions of health changed to include aspects of social behavior, so physical education changed to include play, games, and sports to address social interaction

and behavioral objectives. Physical education became a less competitive form of varsity athletics. This concentration on sports activities pertained for a long time, and it was only recently that physical education again adopted physical wellness and health as its prime objectives, although competitive team activities still tend to be predominant in many programs. This lingering prevalence of competitive team activities has led to the major controversies surrounding physical education. The criticism was that such activities were generally male oriented, elitist, and exclusive. A typical sportsdominated curriculum left little room for the artistic, individualist schoolgirl but privileged physically skilled males engaged in team sports. However, government regulation such as Title IX has done much to change the situation, and social change and evolving civil and human rights concerns have all contributed to a more equitable physical education in U.S. schools. Anthony Laker see also: Athletic Development; Camps, Summer; Exercise and Physical Activity; Sports further reading: G. S. Don Morris and Jim Stiehl, Changing Kids’ Games, 2nd ed., 1999. • Anthony Laker, Beyond the Boundaries of Physical Education and Sport: Educating Young People for Citizenship and Social Responsibility, 2000. • Daryl Siedentop and Deborah Tannehill, Developing Teaching Skills in Physical Education, 2000. • Stephen Silverman and Catherine Ennis, eds., Student Learning in Physical Education: Applying Research to Enhance Instruction, 2nd ed., 2003.

physical growth and development. Pediatricians monitor a child’s physical growth by means of three core measurements: length (height), weight, and head circumference (a measure of brain growth). Normal growth refers to the expected pattern of growth for these measurements over time based on established growth standards for age, gender, and genetic background. The current standard for growth measurements in the United States are the growth curves published by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Growth is expressed as weight-for-age, heightfor-age, and weight-for-height on growth curves from the 3rd to the 97th percentile (see figures 1A and 1B). Percentiles indicate an individual child’s growth in the context of a reference population. A child whose weight-for-age is at the 25th percentile weighs the same as or more than 25% of the reference population of children of the same age and gender; the child weighs less than 75% of the same group of children. Accounting for the spectrum of weight, height, and head circumference from the 5th to the 95th percentile, clinicians can evaluate an individual child’s growth in the context of a normal population of children. Clinicians use growth charts to monitor physical growth over time. A single measurement at one point in time reveals less about a child’s growth pattern than multiple measurements over time. Growth curves are useful clinical tools

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roids (such as estrogen and testosterone), growth hormone, and insulin-like growth factor. Growth during puberty accounts for about 15% of adult height. Girls experience their major pubertal growth spurt shortly before menarche (onset of menstrual periods), while the maximum growth spurt in boys occurs about two years later than girls. Growth and development change also occurs at the cellular level during childhood and adolescence. Just as weight and height increase over time, each internal organ has a predictable range of weight and size measurements throughout childhood. Clinicians can monitor the growth of internal organs by means of imaging studies as X-rays, computerized tomography (CT), and magnetic resonance imaging (MRI). The function of internal organs also matures during childhood. For example, cellular changes in the kidney’s filtration system, the muscle of the heart, and intestinal enzymes responsible for absorption of nutrients correlate with maturation in function of these organs. Th e Fetus and Newb or n

figure 1a. Standard growth chart, length-for-age and weight-forage percentiles: girls, birth to 36 months. Source: National Center for Health Statistics in collaboration with the National Center for Chronic Disease Prevention and Health Promotion, 2000.

when used to reassure a parent about a child’s growth or to identify a child in need of additional evaluation. The most rapid period of growth is during fetal life, when the rate of linear growth ranges from 0.5 to 2.5 centimeters per week. During the first year of life, the growth rate can reach 25 centimeters per year. During the first three years of life, the mean growth rate decreases to 15 centimeters per year, while during childhood it slows to an average of 6 centimeters per year. Growth hormone has a significant role in linear growth after the first year. Peak growth during puberty is 6 to 10 centimeters per year in girls and 7 to 12 centimeters per year in boys. Pubertal growth is dependant on sex ste-

Variation in fetal growth can be monitored during pregnancy and is reflected in birth weight at any given gestational age. An infant who has intrauterine growth restriction (IUGR) has a slower than normal rate of fetal growth. Infants who are small for gestational age (SGA) have birth weights that are less than the 10th percentile for gestational age; those who are large for gestational age (LGA) have birth weights that are greater than the 90th percentile. Other definitions that are commonly used include low birth weight (LBW), very low birth weight (VLBW), and extremely low birth weight (ELBW) for infants with birth weights less than 2,500, 1,500, and 1,000 grams, respectively. Infants whose growth patterns and birth weights fall outside the range of normal are at risk for both neonatal and long-term health and developmental problems. Premature infants, born before 37 weeks gestation, are usually LBW, but they, like their full-term peers, may be small, appropriate, or large for their gestational age. Infants with IUGR at any gestational age are at greater risk for physical and developmental concerns than their peers of the same degree of prematurity who are appropriately grown. Risk factors common to both prematurity and IUGR include multiple gestation (e.g., twins and triplets),

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figure 1b. Standard growth chart, stature-for-age and weightfor-age percentiles: boys, 2 to 20 years. Source: National Center for Health Statistics in collaboration with the National Center for Chronic Disease Prevention and Health Promotion, 2000.

placental dysfunction, maternal malnutrition or chronic disease, maternal drug use (both legal and illicit), and preeclampsia (high blood pressure, kidney dysfunction, and retention of fluid). Full-term infants may be IUGR as a result of a variety of conditions. IUGR is classified as symmetrical (equally affected weight, length, and head circumference) or asymmetrical (weight and length affected but head growth spared). Symmetrical IUGR begins earlier in gestation and may be the result of chromosomal abnormalities, genetic conditions, teratogen exposure, or infectious disease. A commonly seen chromosomal cause of prenatal growth deficiency is

trisomy 21 or Down syndrome. Teratogens that can cause growth retardation include drugs such as tobacco, alcohol, and cocaine; maternal medications such as anticonvulsants; and occupational or environmental exposure to agents such as toluene and herbicides. The most commonly recognized infectious agents to cause symmetrical IUGR are the cytomegalovirus and the rubella virus. Asymmetrical IUGR, in contrast, often occurs later in gestation and results primarily from disruption of fetal nutrient and oxygen supply. Common causes include placental insufficiency (inadequate blood flow in the placenta), maternal vascular disease, and preeclampsia. Infants with decreased fetal growth may experience a variety of problems after birth, including hypoglycemia (low blood glucose due to decreased tissue glycogen stores and increased glucose needs) and problems with temperature regulation (due to increased surface area and scant subcutaneous fat). In addition, these infants are at increased risk of adverse neurodevelopmental outcomes (cerebral palsy, developmental delay, hearing and visual deficits, learning problems, and intellectual disability). Recent research suggests deleterious long-term health effects of poor fetal growth, which may include increased rates of adult cardiovascular disease, hypertension, and type 2 diabetes. Infants who are LGA may result from maternal factors such as diabetes, obesity, and fetal factors such as genetic and chromosomal disorders. The most common genetic syndrome associated with increased fetal growth is Beckwith-Wiedemann syndrome, characterized by macroglossia (large tongue), omphalocele (a defect in the abdominal wall surrounding the umbilicus), and organomegaly (large internal organs). LGA infants may have a variety of perinatal and neonatal problems, including polycythemia (excess of circulating red blood cells), hyperbilirubinemia (increase in the chemical bilirubin that causes jaundice), and hypoglycemia. They are also at greater risk for birth trauma, especially infants of diabetic mothers, who have a disproportionate distribution of fat at the shoulders and trunk, which can lead to mechanical obstruction during birth. LGA infants appear to have higher rates of obesity and type 2 diabetes later in life.

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Short Stat ur e A child is considered to have short stature when he or she has a height that is below the third percentile on the standard growth charts, with consideration of ethnicity. It is important to ensure that a child’s height is compared to an appropriate growth chart that takes into consideration ethnicity. For example, a child from southern China may appear to be short when plotted on a U.S. growth chart but will be normal on a growth chart appropriate for children of his or her own ethnic background. In addition, standardized growth charts exist for many genetic syndromes with known altered linear growth, such as Down syndrome and achondroplasia (short-limbed dwarfism). Short stature may result from a wide variety of causes, some pathological and some benign, and in many cases represents a normal variant. Attention to several key factors, such as birth size, growth velocity, and weight-for-height, will help sort out the benign from the pathological. Besides the height measurement itself, one of the most important diagnostic tools is a radiographic bone age, in which skeletal maturity can be determined by a routine X-ray of the wrist and compared to the child’s chronological age and height. Also critical is calculation of the midparental height, done for boys by adding the parent’s heights plus 13 centimeters (minus 13 centimeters for girls), then dividing by 2. This allows for evaluating a child’s height in comparison to family norms. Two common forms of atypical growth patterns are children with either familial short stature or constitutional growth delay. Children with familial short stature have short but normal-size parents, a normal bone age, and a normal height velocity (the rate of growth is normal but at or below the third percentile on a standard growth chart) and are short throughout childhood. They can be expected to have a final adult height that is close to the midparental height. Short families occasionally have an inherited problem, such as skeletal dysplasias; careful family history and physical examination should exclude this possibility. Children with constitutional growth delay, on the other hand, will not appear to be on target to reach the midparental height. They have normal growth in infancy and early childhood, but by late childhood they have growth velocity that is slower than normal, with delayed bone age and delayed onset of puberty. There is often a positive family history of “late bloomers” where there is evidence of late menarche in the mother and late-onset puberty and growth spurt in the father. Final adult height is predicted to be close to the midparental height, as these children grow later in adolescence compared to their peers. Fetal growth plays a role in determining growth during childhood. Although most children with IUGR demonstrate postnatal “catch-up growth,” approximately 10% to 15% do not and remain below the normal percentiles for

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both weight and height. These children may be extremely short without medical intervention; treatment with growth hormone (GH) may improve their final adult height. Pathological causes of short stature are myriad, and attention to the weight velocity of the child can help differentiate some of these causes. If a short child also has low weight-for-height, then investigation should be focused on either malnutrition or chronic illness. If height velocity diminishes with or subsequent to excessive weight gain, this is suggestive of certain endocrine conditions such as Cushing syndrome (excess glucocorticoid secretion), hypothyroidism, and primary growth hormone deficiency. The recent approval by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration of the use of human GH for treatment of children with short stature that is idiopathic (of undetermined cause) adds another layer of complexity and controversy to the approach to treatment of the short child. Tall Statur e A child is considered to have tall stature if he or she has a height greater than the 97th percentile (greater than two standard deviations above the mean). Because of the social acceptability and desirability of tall stature, it is not a common complaint. Most children who are tall are normal children with tall parents; these children have familial or constitutional tall stature. Others, with atypical patterns of growth and other physical features, need further evaluation. Marfan syndrome, an autosomal-dominant connectivetissue disorder, results in tall stature, arachnodactyly (long, thin fingers), hypermobile joints, scoliosis, high arched palate, and pectus excavatum (sunken chest wall). Marfan syndrome is important to consider in tall children because of its medical complications, which include serious ocular and cardiac problems. Other genetic syndromes that can include tall stature are Klinefelter (XXY) syndrome (small testes, gynecomastia or enlarged breast tissue, and feminine habitus) and Sotos syndrome (cerebral gigantism, often evident at birth, large hands and feet, macrocrania, and developmental delay). Children with fragile X syndrome, another chromosomal abnormality (characteristic long face and prominent chin, large testes, and intellectual disability), may be tall in childhood but not as adults due to a decreased pubertal growth spurt. Another cause of tall stature is homocystinuria, an autosomal recessive inborn error of amino acid metabolism. Children with this disorder have intellectual disability if untreated, and they can have eye and blood clotting problems. Endocrine causes of tall stature exist as well. Excess GH secretion results in gigantism and usually results from a pituitary tumor. Either delayed or precocious puberty may result in tall stature. Precocious puberty, whether central

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(increased pituitary activity) or peripheral (increased androgen and/or estrogen secretion), results in accelerated linear growth. This produces a child who is tall for his age but who ultimately may be short during adulthood. Conversely, delayed puberty may be associated with short stature during childhood because the child does not experience the usual growth spurt of early puberty, but failure to close growth plates may result in sustained growth during late adolescence and adulthood, ultimately producing tall stature. Therefore, any child with tall stature and evidence of pubertal maturation that is either advanced or delayed merits close attention. Fai lur e to Th r iv e A child younger than 3 years of age is described as failing to thrive (FTT) when he or she has weight-for-age less than the 3rd percentile, weight-for-height less than the 5th to 10th percentile, or inadequate rate of weight gain (crossing of two major percentiles on standard growth charts; i.e., from the 75th to the 25th percentile). FTT is more a sign of another underlying condition and is often very complex. The medical evaluation includes meticulous measuring and plotting of growth on standard growth curves, dietary history, review of symptoms, and family history with particular attention to the child’s psychological and social environment. Laboratory tests and radiographic studies may be performed selectively. A child fails to thrive because of inadequate intake, a defect in intestinal absorption or utilization of nutrients, increased losses, increased nutritional requirements, or systemic disease. Dietary history may point toward problems with intake and should uncover not only how much food the child eats but also the types of foods and the circumstances surrounding eating. Children who have problems with nutrient absorption may have a history of abnormal stools or may have physical findings to suggest related medical problems. A child who cannot utilize nutrients normally or a child with increased metabolic demands may have historical or physical evidence of a chronic medical condition. In the past, psychosocial FTT was treated as a separate entity from organic FTT. The contemporary perspective is that organic and psychosocial issues often coexist for many children who fail to thrive. Kwashiorkor is an extreme form of protein-energy malnutrition that is primarily seen in developing countries. It is caused by a diet that is deficient in protein, with a very low protein-to-energy ratio. Low protein levels in the blood lead to fluid leakage, causing edema (swelling) of the feet, legs, arms, and face. Children with kwashiorkor typically have flaky skin, protuberant abdomens, fragile depigmented hair, and an apathetic or irritable appearance. Treatment involves very careful rehydration and nutrition with a highprotein diet.

Obesity The body mass index (BMI) is a determination of proportional growth. The BMI is calculated by dividing the child’s weight in kilograms by the height in meters, squared. Standardized gender- and age-specific BMI charts are available. A child is defined as obese when the BMI is greater than or equal to the 95th percentile for age. A BMI in the 85th to 95th percentile characterizes a child as being at risk of obesity or overweight. A BMI at less than the fifth percentile indicates serious underweight concerns. The rate of obesity in the United States has increased dramatically and appears to be increasing in other countries that move toward a U.S. lifestyle. Obese children are at higher risk for hypertension, high cholesterol, and diabetes, problems previously felt to be primarily adult in nature. In addition, obesity carries the risk of orthopedic, neurological, pulmonary, and gastrointestinal complications. Children who are obese face the possibility of serious psychosocial dysfunction. A very small fraction of cases of childhood obesity are due to an underlying medical cause. Several chromosomal disorders increase a child’s likelihood of becoming obese, such as Down syndrome and Prader-Willi syndrome. Endocrine disorders such as Cushing syndrome, hypothyroidism, polycystic ovarian syndrome, and growth hormone deficiency can be associated with obesity as well. A careful history and physical examination should allow children with these disorders to be easily distinguished from those with exogenous (externally caused) obesity. The characterization of a child’s growth in comparison to appropriate population norms and as measured repeatedly over time is the cornerstone of health appraisal and the identification of disease states. Lori Taylor and Martin T. Stein see also: Eating and Nutrition; Endocrine Disorders; Metabolic Disorders; Motor Development; Neonate; Obesity and Dieting further reading: W. G. Bithoney and J. Wright, eds., Pediatric Nutritional Challenge: From Undernutrition to Overnutrition, 1997. • D. B. Kessler and P. Dawson, eds., Failure to Thrive and Pediatric Undernutrition: A Transdisciplinary Approach, 1999. • Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2000 CDC Growth Charts: United States, http://www.cdc.gov/growthcharts/

piaget, jean (b. August 9, 1896; d. September 14, 1980), Swiss psychologist, epistemologist, biologist, and logician whose research on the development of cognition transformed psychology, epistemology, and educational sciences. Born in the mountain community of Neuchâtel, Switzerland, Jean Piaget was a scientific prodigy who began his career as a biologist at age 11 with the study of mollusks in the lakes around his home, and by the age of 14 he was publishing papers on the taxonomy of mollusks in scientific journals. Between ages 15 and 17, Piaget worked through a deep

p ia ge t , j e a n

identity crisis by writing his first book, Recherche (1918), a novel whose plot brought together his interests in biology and philosophy and prefigured much of his theorizing by formulating an evolutionary theory halfway between Lamarckism and Darwinism. According to this theory, an organism’s behavioral adaptations to its particular environment (phenotypical adaptations) can lead to further adaptations within the organism’s subsystems that ultimately can be inherited (what he eventually called phenocopy). Later, in his book Behavior and Evolution (1979), Piaget argued that phenocopy explains the “fine tuning” of evolutionary changes better than chance mutation and subsequent selection, thus anticipating the position of many contemporary developmental systems theorists. During this intense period, Piaget settled on his life goal: the development of a theory explaining the development of human knowledge through the process of biological adaptation, a theory he would come to call genetic epistemology. Crucially, however, Piaget now came to see psychology as the key to the relation between biology and knowledge. Just as biological adaptations lead to new forms of evolution, he realized, psychological adaptations lead to new forms of knowledge, an insight that led him toward the study of processes of psychological development. After receiving his doctorate in mollusk biology from the University of Neuchâtel in 1918, Piaget undertook his study of psychology with a trip to the then-mecca of psychology and psychoanalysis in Switzerland—Zurich—where he spent one semester at the university. After that, he moved to Paris at the request of Professor Theodore Simon, cooriginator of the Binet-Simon intelligence test. In the course of his work standardizing a French precursor to this test, Piaget discovered that rather than measuring intelligence simply by the number of right and wrong answers on standard tests, it was more interesting and revealing to engage children in a free conversation similar to a psychoanalytic interview, which he came to call the clinical method. During these interviews, Piaget observed that children’s errors seemed to reflect different types of logic, which he recognized as parallel to forms of logic that had evolved historically. This suggested to Piaget that children’s logical thinking develops from one form of thinking to another over the course of childhood. In 1921, Piaget was appointed to the Institut Jean-Jacques Rousseau in Geneva, Switzerland, where he undertook a systematic study of the development of children’s logical reasoning about space, time, chance, and causality. In these studies, which formed the core of his study of cognitive development, Piaget applied the clinical method to large numbers of children of different ages and documented a series of increasingly powerful forms of logic in children’s thinking about a wide range of problem-solving tasks. In an attempt to understand the mechanisms by which these logical changes come about, Piaget turned to obser-

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vational case studies of his own three infant children, which he published in his seminal work The Origins of Intelligence in Children (1936). Applying American psychologist James Mark Baldwin’s concept of the circular reaction or action feedback loop, Piaget argued that infants construct new forms of sensorimotor activity by reorganizing their own actions to adapt to problems they encounter in their environment. Beginning with simple reflexes, children organize increasingly complex systems of activity by coordinating two or more simple actions into a new type of action capable of overcoming a problem, such as circumnavigating an obstacle or retrieving a hidden object. Piaget advanced the theory that the sensorimotor systems infants generate are the basis for the later stages of logical thought he had observed in childhood and adolescence. Each new sensorimotor system, he argued, makes the infant more capable of anticipating problems in the environment. Thus, action patterns become increasingly “interiorized” until, around the age of 2 years, the child is able to anticipate mentally the entire solution to a simple problem, such as finding a hidden object. This achievement marks the beginning of representational thought and provides the basis for fundamental concepts such as the permanence of objects (the recognition that objects exist even when they are not being perceived by the child) and, correlatively, the permanence of the self as well as the construction of the basic categories of understanding: space, time, and causality in action. The acquisition of representation paves the road to the later construction of concepts such as logical classes and relations, number, and conservation of physical quantities. Piaget argued that children construct such concepts and logical skills by coordinating interiorized actions into systems of mental activities in the same way that sensorimotor activities are coordinated to create sensorimotor systems. Piaget called these systems of mental actions operations and described qualitative milestones or stages in their development. During the preoperational stage (approximately the preschool years), mental operations are only partially formed. During the period of concrete operations (roughly ages 7 to 12), mental operations become capable of reversibility, the ability to hold in mind an action and its opposite at the same time. This allows children to think logically about concrete situations because they can understand, for instance, that liquid poured from a tall, thin jar into a short, wide jar must necessarily remain constant in volume, since the process can be reversed. In the last period, called formal operations, logic moves beyond concrete situations as children become capable of mentally operating on abstractions, leading (around the onset of adolescence) to the beginning of hypotheticodeductive reasoning, the basis of scientific thinking. Having developed his psychological theory, Piaget used it to return to his philosophical quest of creating an evo-

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lutionary epistemology based on the notion of biological adaptation. Piaget called his epistemology constructivism, arguing that knowledge is constructed by the knower beginning with the earliest adaptations of infants to their environment and building though the scientific reasoning of adults. This placed Piaget at odds with the two traditional schools of epistemological thought: nativism and empiricism. Whereas nativists, such as Immanuel Kant, believed knowledge to be innate and empiricists, such as John Locke, believed knowledge to be environmentally determined, Piaget advanced a new position based on his observations of children: Knowledge is actively constructed by persons through the adaptation of their own actions to the world in which they live. Piaget’s theory has had widespread influence on both psychology and education. In psychology, his work helped launch the cognitive revolution in which the behaviorist denial of mental activity was supplanted with intensive investigations of human cognitive processes and their development. In education, Piaget’s constructivist model of knowledge and developmental approach to cognition strongly influenced child-centered approaches to teaching, constructivist models of learning, and curricula based on children’s developmental readiness to learn. The primary criticisms of Piaget’s theory have come from psychologists and educators in the sociocultural tradition, who argue that Piaget’s work tends to be overly focused on individual development without adequate accounting of the role of social and cultural processes in development. These theorists find that Piaget’s emphasis on the individual’s construction of universal concepts, such as time and space, and stages of logic tends to be Eurocentric and ignores the variation in development due to cultural differences. Contemporary neo-Piagetian theorists such as Kurt Fischer have attempted to address this criticism through the study of variation in the constructive processes of individuals in different environments and cultures. At the same time there has been a resurgence of interest among developmental psychologists in innate ideas, and experimentalists have discovered that very young children seem to grasp concepts of causality, time, and space at much earlier ages than Piaget suspected. Jacques Vonèche and Marylène Bennour see also: Development, Theories of: Cognitive Theories; Stages of Childhood

piercing. see Body Image and Modification planning. Planning, which is a form of problem solving, is a cognitive process that entails the anticipation and organization of a sequence of future actions oriented toward achieving a goal. Planning is cognitively demanding, requiring the ability to represent action sequences and to ma-

nipulate them mentally in relation to particular task goals. Planning is used often when activities are complex or novel in order to specify details and avoid errors when the activity occurs. Although much of planning occurs before an activity begins, planning also occurs during activities when action is suspended and alternative steps for future action are contemplated. An essential component of planning is the inhibition of action while future actions are decided. This requirement can make planning difficult for young children who are still developing skills at self-regulation. To be effective, a plan must be adapted to the circumstances. Good planners are sensitive to the constraints and opportunities of the task environment and are able to adapt a plan during execution if circumstances change or the plan proves ineffective. Competence at planning emerges over childhood and adolescence. Children improve in the allocation of cognitive resources to planning demands, sensitivity to task circumstances, ability to monitor the effectiveness of a plan and make needed adjustments during plan execution, and mastery of other cognitive skills important for planning, such as organizing task information and remembering the steps of a plan. Both biology and experience contribute to this development. Brain development in the frontal cortex between 5 and 7 years of age leads to improvements in executive functioning, including increased ability to regulate and suspend action and better short-term memory, which is the conscious component of the mind where information is processed and plans are made. Maturational changes at puberty related to brain organization and processing also contribute to changes in planning skills. Experience and practice influence the development of planning because they help children understand the various components, benefits, and trade-offs of planning actions in advance. Social experience seems particularly important to this development. Infants can make rudimentary, single-step “plans” as early as 9 months of age, such as bypassing a barrier to retrieve an object, visually anticipating an event, and controlling motor actions, like crawling, to reach a goal. These are planning-related behaviors, not plans, because they do not unequivocally involve the representational skills and control over action that are essential for planning. These behaviors do indicate an emerging understanding of the future, which is foundational to planning. By 2 to 3 years of age, children can plan a sequence of two or three actions that are not linked to perceptible objects or actions and therefore must be generated mentally, such as assembling a simple toy to play with it. By age 4, children can devise more elaborate and systematic plans, such as planning a route through a play area to retrieve several objects. They are also able to use knowledge of familiar routines or scripts to plan an event, like a birthday party, which helps alleviate the memory load associated with planning. By 5 years of age, children have a fairly good conceptual under-

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standing of planning and when it is needed, they consider more alternatives and correct planning errors more readily during plan execution, and they are able to plan four to five moves in advance as illustrated on tasks when children are asked to plan a series of errands in a model village scene. Over middle childhood, planning skills improve and children participate in increasingly complex activities that often rely on the ability to devise and execute a plan. Children can now generate effective plans to carry out a complicated series of tasks like accomplishing a long list of chores or studying for an examination. Children also become involved in activities outside the home that require planning with others, especially peers. As children approach adolescence, their plans include more awareness of contextual constraints, greater flexibility, more elaborate strategies, and more formal approaches, such as cost-benefit analysis, that reflect understanding of the hierarchical structure and relations of subgoals within a plan. The ability to plan activities that lie farther into the future appears and facilitates children’s participation in long-range planning at school, such as term projects, and home, such as next summer’s vacation. Planning that involves complex computation, the organization of a large number of actions or events, and elaborate social coordination does not appear until midadolescence or later. Even among adults, skill at planning varies and depends largely on experience. Because planning can be both time consuming and difficult, older children, adolescents, and adults often forgo planning in situations in which they would be able to plan and that might benefit from planning. Social interaction seems to play an important role in the development of planning. Much of children’s planning occurs in social contexts with adults and with peers, though what children learn from these encounters depends on their partner. Adults, relative to peers, provide children with more overt and explicit opportunities to learn about planning. Adults are also more likely to verbalize their strategies and decisions, such as the benefits or risks associated with alternative actions. Parent-child planning may be especially helpful because of the protracted nature of the development of planning and the long-term, regular, and emotionally significant contact between parents and children. The different cognitive status of family members also allows for the transmission of cognitive skills through processes like scaffolding and modeling, both of which are associated with the development of planning. Experience planning with peers provides children with opportunities to initiate plans and practice social-planning skills such as how to coordinate and negotiate plans with others. The development of planning is also informed by culture. What and how people plan may be organized around explicit cultural goals, such as cooperating with others or maximizing efficiency. For example, in many African cultures social responsibility is a preeminent concern, and children’s everyday plans reflect this value by including household respon-

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sibilities alongside personal goals. Children in cultures that value slow and deliberate performance, for instance Navajo culture, plan more before carrying out activities than children who live in cultures where speed of performance is considered important, such as European American culture. Changes in cultural values may reorganize how people plan. People living in recently industrialized nations shift their planning goals and become more concerned with time and efficiency. Plans may also be influenced by implicit cultural goals, such as what counts as a good plan, how much planning should occur, and how social concerns are integrated with planning. In cultures where social relations are of great importance, such as Native Hawaiians, children place social cooperation above individual performance when they plan with others. Cultures also provide external representations, such as maps, diagrams, and recipes, that store and communicate information about how to carry out certain plans. These representations facilitate planning by providing a sequence of actions to reach a goal. They also create commonality in the plans and actions of cultural members. Through these practices, children learn about and participate in culturally preferred ways of planning and conducting activities. Thus, cultural ways of thinking and acting are evident in children’s plans both when they plan with others and when they plan on their own and use cultural artifacts to support and guide them. The development of planning occurs over a long period of time, and the end result is a set of powerful and flexible skills that reflects the social and cultural processes that gave them shape. Mary Gauvain see also: Cognitive Development; Concepts, Children’s; Intelligence; Learning; Problem Solving further reading: Jack Goody, The Domestication of the Savage Mind, 1977. • Marshall M. Haith, Janette B. Benson, Ralph J. Roberts Jr., and Bruce F. Pennington, eds., The Development of Future-Oriented Processes, 1994. • Sarah L. Friedman and Ellin Kofsky Scholnick, eds., The Developmental Psychology of Planning: Why, How, and When Do We Plan?, 1997. • Mary Gauvain, “Bringing Culture into Relief: Cultural Contributions to the Development of Children’s Planning Skills,” in Robert V. Kail, ed., Advances in Child Development and Behavior, vol. 32, 2004, pp. 37–71. • Janis E. Jacobs and Paul A. Klaczynski, eds., The Development of Judgment and Decision Making in Children and Adolescents, 2005.

plato (b. 428 BC; d. 347 BC), Greek philosopher. Plato’s influence on the Western tradition of thought about childhood has been profound. He is credited with establishing the first school, called the Academy, sometime in the late 370s BC, and his vision of education—his view of what and how the school should teach—has commanded the attention of those concerned with the cognitive, social, and moral growth of children for more than 2,400 years. He left behind some 30 masterful dialogues, many of which take up educational questions. In Theaetetus, he asks: How is knowledge defined? In Meno, he asks: Can virtue be

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taught? In The Republic, he asks: How does learning take place? As a body of work, these dialogues, which were written after Plato was 50 years old, not only present his views about education but also frequently engage the reader in the method of learning that he espouses: the dialectical method. What are his views, and what is that method? To begin with some of his views, Plato says in The Republic that early childhood education should start with the study of music (defined broadly to include poetry and stories as well the study of musical instruments) and gymnastics (Book II). The stories children hear should tell truths about what is good so that they grow up preferring to learn what is true and to do what is good. Furthermore, the learning experienced by young children should feel like play (Book VII). Plato believed that women are equal to men in every respect except physical strength (Book V) and that, like men, they should be educated so as to develop and make use of the talents with which they are born. He believed that the goal of education is to develop those unique talents so that each person may make contributions of value to society. Hence, learning to be just means learning to mind one’s own business so as to spend life doing what one does well without distraction (Book IV). And what is Plato’s dialectical method? It is a method for learning what one does not know and wants to find out. It begins by identifying beliefs and then testing the truth of the beliefs by using them to explain evidence. The method proceeds through questioning. Again and again in the dialogues, Plato portrays his beloved teacher, Socrates, asking others what they believe, extracting statements from them, and then questioning them about both the meaning of what they say and whether their beliefs explain given facts or observations. Where the beliefs have explanatory value, they are tested further. So, Plato shows that learning—what he calls recollection—involves drawing out ideas and assumptions, not merely pouring more information in as though people are empty containers in need of filling (Meno; Republic, Book VII). Plato’s vision of teaching and learning has been heralded by scholars across the centuries, such as St. Augustine, St. Thomas Aquinas, John Stuart Mill, Søren Kierkegaard, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, and John Dewey. Perhaps that is because Plato, in portraying Socrates, shows that teaching is questioning rather than telling or lecturing—a message worth recalling. Sophie Haroutunian-Gordon see also: Child: Religious and Philosophical Perspectives; Education: Historical and Philosophical Perspectives further reading: Richard Robison, Plato’s Earlier Dialectic, 2nd ed., 1953. • Plato, Republic, trans. and ed. Allan Bloom, 1968.

play Historical and Cultural Perspectives Developmental Perspectives

historical and cultural perspectives. Play researcher Catherine Garvey once observed that play, like Proteus, keeps changing shape. This is a critical point to consider when discussing historical and cultural perspectives on play because play can only be understood in a particular time and place, and when these contexts change, so does play. However, the shape-shifting characteristic of play was not recognized until relatively late in the study of play. Prior to this, a naturalist framework prevailed.

Natu r al i z i ng Pl ay During the latter part of the 19th century, the idea that cultures evolved in a manner similar to biological organisms greatly influenced the study of social life. Ethnologists such as Lewis Henry Morgan and Edward Burnett Tylor became interested in the evolution of various aspects of culture (e.g., family and kinship systems), arguing that their course of development could be traced through a series of stages from savagery to civilization. The study of children’s play began during this era. Adopting the ideas of unilineal stages, cultural survivals, and recapitulation, which were fashionable at this time, a number of researchers began to examine the play and games of Western children. In his influential text Adolescence (1904), G. Stanley Hall (the father of modern child psychology) suggested that the play stages of children recapitulated the entire biocultural history of humans. In his view, “The best index and guide to the stated activities of adults in past ages is found in the instinctive, untaught and non-imitative plays of children.” As a so-called natural category of behavior, play has been difficult to define because it looks like other behaviors (such as mating or fighting), but it is characterized by motor patterns (such as exaggerating or repeating a particular action) that seem to make it distinct. It is assumed that play unfolds in individuals in a more or less uniform sequence of stages that is continuous and directional (progressing from simple to complex). The Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget is one of the most influential theorists to have tied specific forms of play to specific ages and stages of cognitive development, and he identified three important play periods (which continue to be used in most descriptions of children’s play): sensorimotor play (infancy through age 2), symbolic or representational play (age 2 through 6), and games with rules (age 6 through 12 and older). From this perspective, play may be used as evidence of how (or whether) a child is advancing in his or her development. There is good evidence to suggest that the development of the brain is related to the development of play. This means that play should be found not only in all human cultures and historical time periods but in other related species as well. In fact, play is most prevalent in mammals (and especially in primates) and in birds. As far as humans are concerned, there are several general forms of play that do appear in all societies, and this would include play with motion, object

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play, play with language, imaginative play, and games with specified rules. However, each of these play forms is shaped in important ways by the culture and time period in which it is found. In the West, for example, it is assumed that there is a competitive element to all games, and it is expected that the event will produce winners and losers. In contrast, in cultures where the importance of cooperation is stressed, such as the village of Tarong in the Philippines, children frequently take turns winning games. And, similarly, when Western games like soccer or rugby have been introduced into societies that stress equivalence in social relations, such as the Gahuka-Gama in Papua New Guinea, it has been reported that teams play until their scores are equal. The naturalist framework focuses researchers’ attention on the question: Why play? This has typically led to a search for the function of play because it is assumed that play must do something. Historically, there have been many answers to this question (e.g., play recapitulates ancestral activities or it is the result of surplus energy or the need for recuperation), but this framework offers two general answers that have received different emphases over time. The first response is that play is a form of preparation or rehearsal for adult life. Because children (as well as nonhuman animals) frequently appear to be imitating adult activities in their play, it has been assumed that the function of this activity is to provide players with an opportunity to learn and practice culturally appropriate adult roles. This is certainly the most common explanation for the function of play as it is expressed both in everyday interpretations as well as in the research literature. The second, and now equally common, answer may be traced to the work of Sigmund Freud, who believed that play was an instinctual behavior that provided children with a way to act out and repeat problematic life situations in order to master them. In Freud’s scheme, play facilitates mastery because it is a context where aggressive or anxious feelings can be displaced onto other individuals or objects (and so the child takes the baby doll and “roasts” it in the oven). The naturalist framework has shaped and been shaped by folk and scientific theories of play that may be associated with particular historical and cultural contexts. This is evident in the previous discussion of the development and use of rehearsal and mastery explanations for play. However, the mutual shaping process that has occurred is generally not recognized because play is presented as a recognizable (and generally unproblematic) behavior with clear psychological, social, and evolutionary functions. This view has come to dominate popular discourse as well as scientific research in a way that makes it seem almost nonsensical to describe it as a view or perspective, but this is not the end of the story. I n ter pr eti ng and Communicati ng Pl ay In the 1950s, the anthropologist Gregory Bateson began asking new questions about play, especially about how it

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could occur between individuals in interaction. Instead of asking “why” questions, Bateson began by asking a more basic question: What is play, and how is it communicated? He became intrigued with this question while conducting research on animal communication at the Fleishhacker Zoo in San Francisco. In order to make sense of what he was observing (specifically, the play of monkeys and otters), he turned to the work of Norbert Weiner on cybernetics and Bertrand Russell and A. N. Whitehead on the theory of logical types. This unusual juxtaposition of theory and observation led Bateson to develop a theoretical approach that linked such seemingly diverse phenomena as play, fantasy, psychotherapy, schizophrenia, and humor. This theory of play and fantasy stressed the importance of examining the subtleties of human interaction and suggested that a phenomenon like play could occur only among organisms able to metacommunicate and, therefore, able to distinguish messages of different logical types. In Bateson’s view, metacommunicative messages provide a context for understanding how other messages should be interpreted. Therefore, in order for an organism to understand an action as play, it must be framed by the message “This is play.” What is significant about this particular message is that it generates a logical paradox where one level of communication is contradicted at another metalevel. For example, in a play fight, the actions that signal a “real bite” are disqualified by actions at another level so that the message becomes “this nip is not a bite.” The way that social life is produced and reproduced in everyday communication is the focus of this perspective. This approach calls attention to the ambiguous, contingent, contested, and contradictory characteristics of interaction, and by arguing that play should be viewed as a mode and not a category of behavior, Bateson resisted the temptation to take the appearance of a play event for granted. Instead, he made this appearance the focus of his research by examining the processes of interaction, negotiation, and interpretation that needed to occur for a play event to be accomplished. When combined with the research by Dell Hymes and John Gumperz that began in the 1960s and 1970s on the ethnography of communication and later on language socialization and children’s communicative competencies, this perspective has been influential in challenging some of the basic assumptions of the naturalist perspective. Instead of looking at how play provides practice for the development of competencies that will be important in the future, this approach shifts attention to the complexities and competencies that children already display in the present as they actively construct play worlds for themselves in particular contexts. In the 1970s, this was the focus of Helen Schwartzman’s research in a Chicago child care center and of Catherine Garvey’s study of how paired agemates of nursery school children interacted with each other in the absence of adults. The more recent work of Marjorie

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Harness Goodwin illustrates in even greater detail the important ways that children constitute their social worlds via talk. Instead of looking for the continuities that exist across settings, cultures, and time periods, the communication approach examines how play varies depending upon where and when it occurs and who is involved in the production of the event. The importance of taking these factors into account may be illustrated by research on the topic of gender play. A great deal of research on American children’s play has been conducted in school settings where children typically interact in same-age and often in same-gender groupings. Given the context of this research, it is easy to see how the idea that American children play almost entirely in gender-segregated worlds was developed. However, when research is conducted in neighborhoods, like Goodwin’s study of the “Maple Street” children in Southwest Philadelphia (He-Said-She-Said, 1990), where children are more likely to play in mixed-age and mixed-gender groupings, the “ecology of the street” facilitates more relaxed as well as longer play interactions between boys and girls, thus challenging the view (perpetuated by the school studies) that girls and boys have completely different play styles and almost never play with one another. The naturalist’s focus on socialization explanations for play was important for questioning earlier folk views that saw play as a completely frivolous and useless activity. However, by stressing the role of play in socialization, it has been difficult for researchers to see how play may also be used to comment on and criticize the current social order. Adults, as authority figures, are frequently the target of these commentaries, and a particularly revealing example of this practice appears in an early ethnography by Otto Raum on Chaga Childhood (1940). In this case, the children, living in what was at the time Tanganyika, were reported to be particularly adept at satirizing the mannerisms and sermons of the missionaries in this area (including Raum) who were attempting to convert them. It has also been difficult for some investigators to understand the role of cultural and class differences in the manifestation of certain forms of play (particularly imaginative play) in particular contexts. In the 1980s, this led to the development of a number of studies that claimed to document the existence of play deprivation in disadvantaged children, and this, in turn, supported the development of a number of play training programs designed to teach these children how to engage in imaginative play. The problem with this approach was that the studies that presumably demonstrated the existence of play deprivation in nonmajority children were flawed in a variety of ways, especially because the experimental situation itself may have suppressed the expression of play by specific groups of children and because when the researchers were confronted with differing play styles they could see them only as deficient.

Globalizi ng Pl ay In the 1990s, a number of researchers, such as Sharon Stephens and Nancy Scheper-Hughes, began to call attention to the importance of considering children and childhood within the context of global political economic transformations. How children are affected by shifting labor markets, migration and immigration, wars and political turmoil, health crises and natural disasters, as well as global media and technologies such as the Internet have all become major topics for research on children in the 21st century. In this context, the anthropology of children that is developing is characterized by views of children as active (not passive) participants in social life and as actors who shape and are shaped by the opportunities and constraints they confront (which are themselves shaped by gender, age, class, and race and ethnicity differences). Instead of viewing socialization processes as hierarchical and centered on the ways that adults train children, socialization is seen as a process of give-and-take (negotiation and interpretation) between children and adults as well as children and children. Instead of looking toward psychology for theoretical models, researchers are more likely to turn to social theorists such as Pierre Bourdieu and Michel Foucault. It is assumed that children can only be understood in relation to the broader social, political, and economic contexts that impinge on their lives, but now researchers are concerned not only with the effects of these global forces on children but also with how children understand, adapt to, challenge, and even change these processes. As reported in one book, young people in Africa are now the major players in the creation of new informal economies as well as in the development of innovative forms of popular culture (in theater, arts, music, dance, and dress) that draw on, merge, and transform global forms and local practices. Researchers, at last, have turned their attention to the activities of children and youth around the world, and they are struck by the creativity, inventiveness, and imagination they demonstrate, often in the face of extreme marginalization, chronic instability, and crushing poverty. And so it turns out that the ability to play may be the most important “tool” that children have to cope with the economic, political, social, and psychological turbulence that is already so characteristic of the 21st century. Understanding all of the ways that children use this “tool” will be the next challenge for researchers who choose to become students of play. Helen B. Schwartzman see also: Bateson, Gregory; Froebel, Friedrich (Wilhelm August); Play, Pretend; Play and Gender further reading: Helen B. Schwartzman, Transformations: The Anthropology of Children’s Play, 1978. • Catherine Garvey, Play, 1990. • Helen B. Schwartzman, ed., Children and Anthropology: Perspectives for the 21st Century, 2001. • Marjorie Harness Goodwin, The Hidden Life of Girls: Games of Status, Stance and Exclusion, 2006.

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developmental perspectives. Play is an important ac-

tivity that defines childhood in many parts of the world. Children engage in play out of their own desire and often structure it by themselves. They play in a free-flowing manner with a wide variety of materials, including objects, language, symbols, motions, and rules. Psychologists have been fascinated by play as an activity in which children exercise initiative, creativity, and expressiveness; play can propel development and enrich education. C l assic T h eor i es With rare exceptions, the major 20th-century European and American theorists of child development and education regarded play as a significant activity that enables young children’s adaptation to their worlds. The definitional feature of play shared by such theorists as Erik H. Erikson, Sigmund Freud, Jean Piaget, and L. S. Vygotsky is that play is an activity of sense making through construction and interpretation of experiences that are of interest to children. For some theorists such as Piaget, who conceptualized play as an activity in which children assimilate reality to their own perspective, children play to reinterpret past experiences and test their mastery over them. In contrast, Vygotsky and Alexei Nikolaevich Leont’ev conceptualized play as a leading activity that enables children to imagine possible future experiences, such as motherhood, that evoke their curiosity. In such constructions, children test their developing understandings of social roles, events, and objects. Finally, for psychoanalytic theorists such as Freud, Erikson, and D. W. Winnicott who conceptualized play as a defense against anxiety, play enables children to cope with past and current experiences of affective significance. Thus, according to dominant theorists, by creating possible renditions of past, current, and future experiences, children try to make sense of their material and symbolic world through play. Pl ay i n th e Ear ly Y e ar s of Li fe These classic theories influenced subsequent research in both productive and prohibitive ways. On the positive side, they focused explicitly on object play (e.g., manipulation of a toy truck) and symbolic play (e.g., using one object to represent the meaning of another, as when a child covers herself with a dish towel and pretends to go to sleep) as significant activities with important contributions to young children’s development. This focus led to a considerable amount of research focused on the development and correlates of play during infancy and early childhood in the middle-class worlds of Europe and North America. This work revealed that infants’ play includes solitary and social activities involving objects and other people such as peers and caregivers. During the first two years, infants’ play becomes increasingly complex in object manipulations, so-

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cial interactions, and incorporation of fantasy elements, as when a child pretends to go to sleep saying “baby sleep.” Infants’ socialization into the world of play is guided mostly by their mothers in middle-class homes. The first playful experiences emerge in face-to-face interactions between mothers and infants in which pleasent affect accompanies manipulations of facial expressions and features of language. The play interactions that are first initiated and governed by the mothers become increasingly reciprocal in the second year of life. The interactional support established in caregiver child play enables children to peform at more complex levels than they exhibit in their solitary activities, suggesting that mother-child play serves as a learning context for the advancement of infants’ play. During the preschool years, middle-class youngsters’ play is dominated by pretense, although examples of other types of play such as constructive play are also seen. Constructive play involves the use of blocks and other materials to create novel structures. Mothers continue to support pretend play by making time for it, by providing toys and other props, and by continuing to participate in children’s play. Preschool teachers and middle-class European American mothers see play as a developmentally beneficial and approprite activity through which children are introduced to the tools of their society, such as literacy and numeracy. Preschoolers’ play becomes increasingly complex with age. Cognitively, children’s symbolic representations become more inclusive (incorporating others as well as self ) with age, as evidenced by one child’s invitation to her friend that they pretend to be mothers: “I am the mother, you’re the mother.” Also, with development, children rely less on concrete props, such as replica objects, and more on language and ideas. For example, instead of putting a toy cell phone to his ear to represent talking on the phone, a child who is playing “detectives” with his friend, might say, “Let’s pretend I call you on my cell phone,” to which the friend might reply, “OK, let’s talk about the bad guys.” Socially, children’s attention shifts from parents to peers. Children begin to construct explicitly shared pretend communities around 3 years of age. What may have been initially personal and idiosyncratic play becomes explicitly public and shared in children’s pretend play negotiations. In keeping with the emphasis of developmental theorists, research has prioritized the correlates and consequences of play during infancy and early childhood years. Studies sought to establish relations between children’s play and their problem-solving skills, creative thinking, perspective taking, language and literacy, understanding of the physical world, understanding of other people’s minds (called theory of mind), and relationships with their caregivers and peers. Although no negative effect of play on children’s development has been found, the positive associations are modest and patchy. However, emerging research provides support for the affective and therapeutic functions

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of play. For example, in her 2003 book In Sickness and in Play: Children Coping with Chronic Illness, Cindy Dell Clark found that imaginative play leads to a greater degree of selfregulation as children use imaginative play to cope with asthma and diabetes and the kind of painful treatments these illnesses require. P r et en d P l ay C o n t i n u e s i n t h e S c ho o l Y e ar s and Beyond Play theorists’ emphasis on the object and symbolic play of young children, combined with the values of middleclass Western families and researchers, has led to significant misconceptions about play. However, research since the 1990s has begun to rectify these misconceptions. One misconception is that pretend play occurs exclusively in the early years of life. According to Piaget, such play gives way to games with rules, competitive activities of having fun with publicly acknowledged codes such as turn taking, as evidenced in board games. According to Vygotsky, pretend play is replaced by schoolwork as a leading activity. Both perspectives reinforced the work ethic and suppressed the exploration of pretend play as a viable activity of older children and adolescents. However, there now exist conceptual and empirical illustrations that pretend play does not simply disappear around 7 years of age. Indeed, research in anthropology and philosophy illustrates that pretend play goes on across the life span. Examples of pretend play during middle childhood and adolesence include actual staged performances as well as improvisation. Further, pretending continues in the form of daydreaming and in children’s continuing relationships with their imaginary companions. Just as pretend play is not confined to the early years, games are not confined to older children. Games, such as peekaboo between infant and caregiver, can occur very early in some rudimentary form. Further, toddlers and preschool children engage in a wide variety of games, such as duck duck goose and Candy Land, in which they exhibit an emerging, shared understanding that games are governed by rules. In keeping with the developmental theories, games do become more common during middle childhood. Middle-childhood and adolescent games include a wide variety, ranging from board, computer, and video games to organized competitive sports and games involving sexual behavior. R isk y P l ay Another misconception that has dominated developmental research is that play and games are risk-free activities. However, cultural research and evolutionary research reveal that children’s play and games include more than objects, symbols, and rules. Indeed, children are socialized into playing with potentially risky matters at an early age in life. The prime examples are rough-and-tumble play and teasing that can escalate into malace and aggression.

Teasing is a complex form of verbal play that flourishes in a variety of far-flung cultures. In some communities, including low-income urban communities in the United States, caregivers socialize children into teasing as early as 2 years of age. In one such community, mothers believed that teasing provides vital lessons in survival, equipping children with the skills they need to defend themselves in a harsh world. Mothers assumed the role of playful adversary, issuing mock insults or challenges to children, provoking them to respond with clever retorts, and teaching them to interpret the subtle shifts in word choice and tone of voice that signal that the dispute is playful. Not surprisingly, youngsters from such neighborhoods enjoy teasing with their peers in Head Start and other preschool contexts. By middle childhood and adolescence, some children have become virtuoso teasers, displaying a sure command of oppositional language and manipulating the distinction between malacious and prosocial teasing. Rough-and-tumble play refers to having fun with what is otherwise aggressive behavior in friendly interaction, as in play fighting. This type of play first emerges in caregiverchild play in the form of sensory stimulation provided by the caregiver for the child, as when a caregiver bounces the baby up and down in the air. Although caregivers and teachers may not encourage it, rough-and-tumble play occurs during preschool years, reaches its peak during middle childhood, and then declines during adulthood. In parallel with teasing, children make distinctions between roughand-tumble play and aggressive behaviors. This activity is more common among boys and serves as a means to establish affiliations with the peer group during middle childhood, while during adolesence it may be used for dominance and heterosexual contact. Pr etend Pl ay Is Not Univ er sally Valued Yet another misconception that has characterized the field of play research has been that pretend play is a universal activity that is promoted by caregivers. This has been so pervasive that when children were found not to demonstrate the expected kind and frequency of pretend play, they were considered in need of play intervention. Low-income children and children from rural and traditional communities were often the subject of such labeling and intervention. However, the universality assumption and its implications have been questioned by scholars who work with such groups. These researchers advanced an alternative to the deficit-intervention approach, arguing that the lower frequency of pretend play in some communities may be the extension of cultural values and opportunities provided for children rather than their lack of interest or ability. This led to the examination of caregivers’ values about children’s play as well as inquiry into the routine activities of adults and children. Important findings emerged from this line of work. For

play, pretend

example, it is now well established that in many rural communities caregivers are too busy with their work to make provisions for children’s play. Further, some parents regard play as contributing little or nothing to children’s development and believe that it is inappropriate and undignified for parents to enter into play with children. Rather, they think of play as children’s exclusive realm, expecting children to play with friends and siblings. Also, in some rural communities children are expected to participate in the workforce at a young age, taking responsibilities both inside and outside the home and thus not having surplus time for play. Another important insight that has emerged from research that moved beyond the middle-class worlds of Europe and North America is that children play everywhere, but play can be expressed in many different ways, using many different resources. Researchers are only beginning to appreciate some forms of play, such as those that involve use of cultural myths, metaphors, rhyming, proverbs, and parables. As the full variety of children’s play becomes known, it will become even clearer that the contributions of play to children’s development vary as a function of children’s cultural heritage and developmental level. Artin Göncü see also: Cognitive Development; Play, Pretend; Play and Gender; Toys and Games further reading: M. Spariosu, Dionysus Reborn: Play and the Aesthetic Dimension in Modern Philosophical and Scientific Discourse, 1989. • T. Power, Play and Exploration in Children and Animals, 2000. • A. Göncü and S. Gaskins, eds., Play and Development: Evolutionary, Sociocultural and Functional Perspectives, 2007.

play, pretend. In pretend play, children intentionally produce transformations of reality according to their own specifications, mentally transcending their current time, place, and surroundings. Current research with middleclass children from North America and Europe presents a very positive picture of this type of play, emphasizing its facilitating role in social, emotional, and cognitive development. This view contrasts in some respects with earlier accounts, such as Jean Piaget’s description of pretend play in his classic text Play Dreams and Imitation (1962). For Piaget, pretending was a fascinating but incoherent type of thought that children outgrew as they entered middle childhood and their thinking became better adapted to reality. Not only is the current view more positive, pretend play is also believed to have greater continuity with later development. While pretend play might be most prominent during the preschool years, some forms of pretense extend into middle childhood and beyond. In addition, an early interest in pretend play is related to creative activities in adult life. The first acts of pretend play are simple actions directed toward the self: The 12-month-old raises an empty cup to

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his or her lips and makes drinking noises. By 2 years of age, children are able to perform pretend actions directed toward another individual (e.g., the child pretends to feed a doll) and then to act out scenarios in which the other is the initiator of the action (e.g., the child animates a doll who feeds a stuffed animal). Over the preschool years, pretend play shows increasing evidence of integration of single discrete actions into multischeme combinations, and children require increasingly less physical support for the objects involved in their pretend play. For example, a toddler might require a realistic-looking toy phone in order to generate a pretend phone conversation, but soon a neutral object such as a block can serve equally well. By 3 years of age, children have no difficulty using substitute objects in their pretend play that have contrasting real-life functions (e.g., a hairbrush as a pretend phone). In addition, the capacity to perform pretend actions that involve invisible objects shows a regular developmental sequence. Initially, children tend to use body parts to represent the objects involved in the pretend actions (e.g., when pretending to brush their teeth, they use a finger as the imaginary toothbrush), but by 8 years of age, children are able to integrate imagined objects with the pretend actions (e.g., they pretend to hold an invisible toothbrush). From the beginning, much of pretend play occurs in a social context. This point was emphasized by L. S. Vygotsky in his book Thought and Language (1934/1986). In episodes of joint play, adults in Western cultures scaffold the pretense of young children, providing a supportive and instructional environment for the elaboration of pretend-play themes and the coordination of pretend actions and utterances. According to Vygotsky, pretend play is a domain of special competence in early development. Young children quickly develop the capacity to comprehend the pretend actions of others and to respond appropriately. With increasing age, children become better able to negotiate the roles, rules, and themes of the pretense. By the time they are 5 or 6, children are capable of engaging in elaborate social pretending games with their peers, in which they build collaborative pretend-play scripts and step in and out of their roles to give stage directions to the other players or to deal with the interruptions of everyday life. Gender differences in the themes of these pretend-play episodes are observed from an early age. Girls are more likely than boys to take on family roles, whereas boys tend to prefer roles that are action oriented and fantastic (e.g., superhero). For both boys and girls, the capacity to coordinate shared pretend play with other children is a core feature of their early friendships. In addition to social games of pretending, many children also engage in pretend play when they are alone. For example, by 7 years of age, as many as 65% of U.S. middleclass children have played with imaginary companions, characters that children typically invent on their own without suggestions from parents or other children. Imaginary

to as paracosms, comes from the work of Robert Silvey and Stephen MacKeith, which is most fully described in The Development of Imagination: The Private Worlds of Childhood by David Cohen and Stephen MacKeith (1991). They found that paracosms vary considerably in the amount of structure and artifacts associated with them. Some were equipped with government systems, documents, maps, cultures, religions, histories, public transportation systems, currency, national anthems, magazines, and languages. One child created a special script for his imaginary world that was based on a Tamil primer brought back from India by his father. The inhabitants of paracosms are diverse. One world known as Branmail was populated entirely by cats. In another, two sisters shared an imaginary world in which hot water bottles were used as husbands and a variety of toys were the children. Friskyland, a paracosm shared by an 8-year-old girl and a 10-year-old boy, was populated by children called Friskies, good-natured hedgehog-like animals called Big Dears and Little Dears, and nasty creatures called Naughts. Other paracosms included an imaginary village with a list of 282 residents; a place named Coneland, with hollowed-out giant cones in which the inhabitants could live and fly; Possumbul, whose population spoke Possumbulese; and a world inhabited by a tiny race of people called the Minaturians. There are also biographical accounts of paracosms. For example, the four Brontë children (Charlotte, Branwell, Emily, and Anne) created two imaginary worlds that lasted into their adult years and may well have contributed to their development as novelists. Charlotte and Branwell invented the country of Angria, including descriptions of the geography, politics, community leaders, writers, and ordinary citizens. They wrote a literature of poems, stories, and history for Angria and worked out the personalities of its leaders. Anne and Emily created Gondal, which was a simpler place, with a greater emphasis on emotional life than Angria. Other examples of paracosms include a fairy world based on toy soldiers, porcelain figures, and miniature paintings (Friedrich Wilhelm Nietzsche), the rival kingdoms of Nosingtonia and Encyclopedia (Robert Louis Stevenson), and Animal-Land (C. S. Lewis). Sometimes, paracosms focus more on geography or culture than imaginary others. For example, the paracosm created by W. H. Auden at age 6—a limestone moor landscape equipped with the machines required for lead mining—had no inhabitants other than himself. To what extent is the creation of imaginary companions and paracosms linked to particular circumstances in children’s lives? The forms and functions of these imaginings and their developmental course are likely to be influenced by many factors, including the family environment and cultural context. However, it is possible that the invention of imaginary others reflects a fundamental and universal creative capacity of the human mind. Marjorie Taylor further reading: Mary Watkins, Invisible Guests, 1990. • Marjorie Taylor, Imaginary Companions and the Children Who Create Them, 1999.

imagining each other

imagining each other

Some Prodigious Pretenders Human beings have a fascinating capacity to love, share our lives, model our behavior, and even bare our souls to imaginary others. The development of attachments to imaginary others does not require a lengthy history of social relationships or extensive experience with interpersonal interactions. In Western middle-class populations, it is not unusual for children younger than 3 years of age to have imaginary companions, and by 4 or 5 years this type of pretending is quite common. Some of these invisible friends are everyday sorts of girls and boys who function as loyal companions (e.g., “We always know what the other one is going to say”). Other imaginary companions have characteristics that take them out of the realm of what might be expected of real-life playmates. They have special capabilities (e.g., a girl who can fly and perform magic) or unusual physical characteristics (e.g., a tiny, invisible boy named “Baintor” who lives in the white light of a lamp). Some are infants who require caretaking (e.g., “Cream,” an invisible baby who lives on the child’s hand), and some are very old (e.g., “Nobby,” a 160-year-old businessman who visits the child between business trips to Portland and Seattle, whenever the child wants to “talk things over”). When the imaginary companion is an animal, it often has the ability to talk or otherwise communicate with the child, and some are further embellished with magical powers or special characteristics. For example, one 5-year-old girl described “Dipper” as an invisible flying dolphin who lived on a star, never slept, and was “very very very very fast.” He was “about the size of a regular dolphin, but covered with stars and all kinds of shiny stuff.” Imaginary companions also include ghosts, angels, twin siblings, Cyclopes, and other unique creatures. In addition to accounts from empirical research with children, descriptions of imaginary companions are sometimes found in biographies documenting the childhoods of individuals who achieved fame as adults for their creative works. For example, in her autobiography, Agatha Christie (1890–1976) describes in detail and with great fondness a series of imaginary friends she invented at various times in her life. As a young child, she enjoyed the company of Mrs. Green and her 100 children, individuals who were not quite human beings and not quite dogs. Later, Christie developed a set of girl friends—Ethel, Annie, Isabella, and Elsie—who were still part of her life at age 75. Some adult authors develop relationships with the characters in their novels that are similar in some respects to the experience of having imaginary companions. For a year while writing her novel The Color Purple, Alice Walker lived with the presences of Celie and Shug, characters who advised Walker not only about events in the world of the novel but also about matters concerning her real life. Similar experiences appear in the accounts of many fiction writers, suggesting that the capacity to experience imaginary others as autonomous beings is not limited to young children. For most imaginary companions, the focus of the pretense is on an imaginary other who is integrated into the child’s own everyday activities. However, in some cases, children imagine entire worlds for imaginary characters to inhabit. The bulk of what is known about imaginary worlds, referred

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companions come in all sizes, ages, genders, and species, including Martians, ghosts, angels, superheroes, and monsters as well as girls and boys. Some are invisible and some are based on stuffed animals or dolls. Sometimes imaginary companions are integrated into play with other children or with family routines (e.g., setting a place at the table for an imaginary companion), but they are designed according to the child’s own specifications and, as such, reflect children’s concerns, understanding, and emotions in a way that is potentially of great value to those who want to understand children’s experiences. Although in the past children’s capacity to distinguish fantasy from reality has sometimes been questioned, children clearly understand the fantasy status of their pretend friends. More generally, pretend play is currently believed to help children develop a clear sense of the distinction between fantasy and reality rather than to reflect any confusion about it. In both social and private contexts, there are individual differences in the extent that children are interested, absorbed by, or inclined to engage in pretend-play activities. At one extreme, children with autism rarely engage spontaneously in pretend play, whereas for some preschoolers, pretend play is the dominant activity of their waking hours. In normally developing children, individual differences in pretend play correlate with a range of positive characteristics, including comprehension of language, divergent thinking, creativity, perspective taking, inhibitory control, cooperation in group settings, understanding of mind, problem-solving ability, and the capacity to get along well with others. In The Work of the Imagination (2000), Paul Harris attached special developmental significance to pretend play in which children imagine and act out the part of another person, either by taking on the role themselves or by projecting it onto a toy or an invisible imaginary companion. The exploration of alternatives to one’s own social reality via role-play is believed to help children work through and make sense of events happening to them and gain a sense of mastery and understanding of their own experiences. The frequency, forms, and themes of children’s pretend play are shaped by the broader cultural and socioeconomic context. The pretend play of children from lower socioeconomic backgrounds and from cultures that are less technologically advanced has sometimes been characterized as less creative or less resourceful or even as nonexistent; however, these findings have been criticized on both methodological and conceptual grounds. Differences rather than deficits are a more accurate way of framing children’s pretend-play activities in different contexts. In addition, it is important to consider differences in parental beliefs about the value of play and how these beliefs are communicated to children when one accounts for cultural and socioeconomic differences in children’s pretend-play behaviors. In many middle-class families of European descent, pretend play is believed to have an important role in learning and devel-

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opment. Thus, parents provide children with time to play, space for play, some simple toys or props, and frequently serve as play partners. However, in some cultural and socioeconomic contexts, parents do not place a high value on pretend play, do not consider adults to be appropriate play partners, or are explicitly negative about pretend play (e.g., they consider it to be a waste of time or a form of deceit). Parental attitudes affect the opportunities for pretend play that are available to children within a culture and are likely to influence both the frequency and form of children’s pretend-play behaviors. Marjorie Taylor see also: Cognitive Development; Play; Play Therapy; Toys and Games further reading: Dorothy G. Singer and Jerome J. Singer, The House of Make-Believe: Children’s Play and the Developing Imagination, 1990. • Artin Göncü and Suzanne S. Gaskins, eds., Play and Development: Evolutionary, Sociocultural and Functional Perspectives, 2007.

play and gender. Gender differences in play are observed very early in life, perhaps as early as play can be measured. By 12 months of age, girls are already more likely than boys to play with dolls. As children grow older, sex-typed toy preferences become more obvious, with boys tending to prefer toys like vehicles and weapons and girls tending to prefer toys like dolls and tea sets. Children also sex segregate from an early age. By the age of 2 years, girls tend to play with other girls, and by age 3, boys are gravitating toward other boys. At 4 1/2 years of age, children spend about three times as much time with children of the same than with children of the other sex, and this increases to tenfold by age 6 1/2 years. Play styles of girls and boys also differ. Boys spend more time than girls in rough, active play, and girls spend more time than boys in cooperative play. These differences are seen in children by 3 years of age. Sex differences in play are a matter of degree rather than kind, and some children engage in a great deal of play that is atypical for their gender. The term tomboy is used to describe girls with cross-gendered interests, and as many as one-third of girls describe themselves as tomboys. Being a tomboy is not considered disadvantageous, although the comparable situation for boys may be. Indeed, crossgendered behavior is more common and more tolerated in girls than in boys. Although much of the research on sex differences in children’s play comes from the United States, some sex differences are seen cross-culturally. Sex segregation in play is a worldwide phenomenon, as are boys’ preferences for vehicles and weapons and girls’ preferences for dolls. Even in societies where manufactured toys are not available, boys use sticks as weapons and girls use rags as dolls. However, some sex differences in children’s interests are

The girls’ social organization consists largely of shifting coalitions of triads rather than structures where explicit ranking in terms of skill in games and contests occurs, as happens among the boys, and gossip can be used to rearrange the social organization of the moment. In the previous example, Bea and Annette, who had been friends, end up being estranged, at least temporarily. For a month and a half, Annette was subject to the taunts of others who attempted pranks on her and her family; girls were jealous of Annette because her mom provided her with a more extensive wardrobe than anyone else could afford. Gossip functions to constrain those who in various ways display they “think they cute” or are perceived as trying to show that they are “better than” others. Gossip events provide an exemplar of female verbal virtuosity in exercising and orchestrating power. Indeed, full appreciation of such virtuosity as it is enacted requires attending to the events leading up to the confrontation. The girls use the term instigator to refer to the party who engineers the confrontation by reporting what was said about the offended party in her absence. In the previous example, Kerry is the instigator. Through selective reporting of events, Kerry carefully structures stories about an absent party’s actions—in this case Annette—and animates characters within them. The Instigator relates how she herself confronted the absent party when she was involved in similar interactions with that person. Stories present models for how recipients of the story (Bea) should react to the reports about the nonpresent party’s offenses toward them. Through storytelling, the teller attempts to engender in a story recipient a feeling of righteous indignation and elicit a promise to confront the offending absent party in the future in statements such as, “I better not see Annette today. I’m a say ‘Annette I heard you was talking ‘bout me.’ ” While it has been argued that girls avoid direct competition and are little concerned with negotiational involvements, an idea popularized in publications such as In a Different Voice (1982) by Carol Gilligan, within the he-said-she-said event girls react with righteous indignation when they learn that their character has been maligned. Instead of mitigating disagreement, they display an intense interest in initiating and elaborating disputes about their rights. Nothing of the complexity of the he-said-she-said embedded accusation statements, nor of the scale of the girls’ political event, was observed among the boys I studied. Perhaps if we pay more attention to girls in the contexts of everyday life and move beyond reliance on mostly white, middle-class participants as targets of study, we can begin to explore the diverse and intricate ways in which girls structure their social worlds. Marjorie Harness Goodwin further reading: Marjorie Harness Goodwin, He-Said-SheSaid: Talk as Social Organization among Black Children, 1990.

imagining each other

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Girls as Adversarial Virtuosos Since the 1980s, many researchers have believed that boys and girls evolve different communicative styles as a result of separate peer play. Scholars have argued that boys are more adversarial while girls are more collaborative. However, research I conducted in an African American working-class neighborhood of Philadelphia during 1970–71 among a peer group of preadolescent children showed that girls and boys are frequently in one another’s presence and engage in similar types of opposition as well as playful disputing. Ritual insult, pejorative statements about someone that are known not to be literally true, is a genre generally associated with African American males. However, I found that girls were equally as artful as boys in their verbal retorts. In response to Ruby’s quoting what roaches were saying as they went in and out of Malcolm’s house, Malcolm responded, “You understand their language. You must be one of ’em.” Ruby’s quick retort—”I know you are. You was born from the roach family.”—ended the round of ritual insults, effectively topping Malcolm’s move. In the midst of cross-sex disputes as well as during same-sex pretend play, girls utilized direct imperatives, language forms that unambiguously displayed differences in power. For example, while playing house, girls assuming the pretend role of mother kept the play on track with utterances such as “Brenda play right. That’s why nobody want you for a child!” By issuing commands to Brenda, playing a young child, the pretend mother showed she can control who has rights to play what roles as well as how the play should proceed. Gossip is another speech genre in which girls display their adversarial skill. Gossip is generally considered a form of resistance to women’s powerlessness, a speech form that arises in the private sphere. In my research, however, I found that gossip events culminate in a public confrontation between two girls in a scene of high drama that the rest of the children in the neighborhood not only watch but also eagerly anticipate, with statements such as, “Can’t wait to see this action!” A key component of these extraordinarily complex confrontations is the “he-said-she-said” sequence, in which one girl accuses another girl of talking about her behind her back. In one of many such events that I witnessed, Annette (age 10) walked down the street to a shade tree where girls were sitting. Bea (age 12) greeted Annette with “Kerry said you said that I wasn’t gonna go around Poplar no more.” By accusing Annette in this way, Bea portrays Kerry (age 12) as having committed an offense against her: having talked behind her back. In these events, girls demonstrate their willingness to display their character as someone who is strong enough to stand up for herself. At the same time, these confrontations are political in the most basic sense: Girls exercise their power within their peer groups by taking action against those whom they cast as offenders.

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influenced by culture. For instance, although the color pink is currently associated strongly with girls, during Victorian times it was thought suitable for boys. Another example comes from working-class African American, Latino, and white communities in the United States, where girls and boys seem to be similar in their enjoyment of oppositional and competitive play, aspects of play that are associated more closely with boys than girls in other communities. Sex differences in toy, playmate, and activity preferences are strongest between the ages of 5 and 8 years but persist through elementary school. At adolescence, most children develop romantic and sexual attractions to the other sex. However, leisure activities still differ for girls and boys, with boys showing more interest in computer games and girls in reading and with different sports associated with girls versus boys. Boys and girls also still tend to sex segregate, and when they interact with the other sex, they generally do so in mixed-sex groups. Two major theoretical perspectives, the genetic/hormonal and the social/cognitive, have been proposed to explain sex differences in children’s play, and both have received empirical support. According to the genetic/hormonal perspective, predispositions to sex-typical play begin at conception. If the embryo is XY, genetic information on the Y chromosome causes the rudimentary gonads to develop as testes. These testes then produce hormones, particularly the androgen testosterone, beginning by week 8 of gestation. If the embryo is XX, the gonads become ovaries and produce very little testosterone prenatally. The resulting sex difference in the early hormone milieu contributes to sex differences in children’s play behavior. Girls exposed to elevated levels of testosterone prenatally show increased male-typical behavior postnatally, including increased preferences for toys usually chosen by boys, for boys as playmates, and for male-typical play styles, and decreased preferences for toys usually chosen by girls. These results have been reported for children in the United States, Sweden, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Germany, and Canada. In addition, evidence linking prenatal testosterone to postnatal play has come not only from research on girls exposed to abnormally high levels of testosterone but also from research relating normal variability in testosterone prenatally to postnatal play. Sex differences in toy choices and play styles also are not limited to humans but are seen in other mammals, including nonhuman primates. Male rhesus monkeys show more rough, active play than females, and rough, active play can be increased in females by treating them with testosterone prenatally. In addition, vervet monkeys have been found to show sex-typical interests in human toys, with male monkeys gravitating toward toy cars and female monkeys gravitating toward dolls. Postnatally, the social environment can further enhance

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or otherwise modify sex-typed predispositions created by prenatal events. Parents, teachers, peers, and strangers treat girls and boys differently, value different characteristics in them, and expect them to differ psychologically and behaviorally. More specifically, parents, teachers, and peers give positive responses to children when they play with toys viewed as appropriate for their sex and actively discourage boys from playing with toys, like dolls, that are considered appropriate for girls. On the other hand, some parents and teachers who espouse gender equality may deliberately expose children to cross-gender toys and activities in attempts to encourage cross-gender play. During the first five years of life, children are also developing a cognitive gender identity. Between the ages of 2 and 3 years, most children come to realize that they are boys or girls. By the age of 3 years, most children also know which other people are the same sex as themselves. However, the knowledge that sex does not change with superficial changes in appearance, such as wearing the clothes or hairstyle of the other sex, and that a person’s sex is constant over the lifetime may not be present until children are 6 or 7 years of age. The acquisition of gender identity fosters the development of sex-typed play, such as through responses to gender labels and to same-sex models. For instance, labeling a toy or activity as for children of a particular sex increases preferences for the toy or activity among children of that sex. Also, children show increased interest in toys or other objects that they have seen other individuals of their own sex use or express interest in. In some cases, inborn predisposition may outweigh postnatal socialization. Among children generally, parental encouragement of sex-typical toy choices correlates positively with a child’s amount of play with these toys. However, this relationship is reversed in girls who show increased maletypical play caused by prenatal androgen exposure. Among these girls, those with the most sex-atypical toy choices receive the strongest parental encouragement to play with feminine toys, suggesting that their parents are trying, without complete success, to modify the hormone-related alterations in their daughters’ toy choices. Despite converging genetic/hormonal and social/cognitive influences directing children to play as a typical girl or boy, some children, even without apparent prenatal hormone abnormality or atypical socialization, do not do so. Children who do not conform to sex-typed behavioral expectations can encounter difficulties with peers, who are often more intolerant of cross-sex behavior than are adults, as well as with parents, particularly those who disapprove of cross-sex behavior. Both peer and family problems tend to be more severe for gender-nonconforming boys than for gender-nonconforming girls. Sex differences in childhood play may promote development of sex differences in other areas. It has been suggested that boys’ play with weapons and vehicles could foster

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physical aggression and promote the development of visuospatial skills. Similarly, girls’ play with dolls could promote empathy or language skills or promote interest or competence in child care. However, these suggestions about the function of sex differences in play have either not been examined systematically or not received consistent empirical support. Melissa Hines see also: Gender; Play; Play, Pretend further reading: Barrie Thorne, Gender Play: Girls and Boys in School, 1993. • Eleanor E. Maccoby, The Two Sexes: Growing Up Apart, Coming Together, 1998. • Carol L. Martin, Diane N. Ruble, and J. Szkrybalo, “Cognitive Theories of Early Gender Development,” Psychological Bulletin 128 (2002), pp. 903–33. • Melissa Hines, Brain Gender, 2004.

play therapy. Many young children engage in pretend play as part of their everyday lives. They use toys or other props to create imaginary scenarios and to take on pretend roles. Play therapy rests on the insight that this kind of play can be used therapeutically, enabling disturbed children who are too young to do talk therapy to act out the anxieties, fears, or traumas that have led to distress or maladjustment. It is most widely used with preschoolers or early elementary school children. Play therapy originated in Western Europe as an offshoot of the psychoanalytic movement of the early 20th century. Sigmund Freud’s approach paved the way for modern play therapy through his emphasis on early childhood confl icts, misunderstandings, and disturbing fantasies that accompany the emerging personality. H isto r y Hermine Hug-Helmuth, a German psychoanalyst who did much of her therapeutic work in children’s homes, first described the use of play therapy in 1921. However, psychotherapists Melanie Klein, in Berlin, and Anna Freud, in Austria and later in England, are generally recognized as the pioneers of play therapy. They regarded play as similar to the free associations of adults, incorporating the oral, anal, phallic, and Oedipal drives and transference as outlined by Sigmund Freud. Klein made direct interpretations based on these drives as she observed children play, and she focused on primitive defenses and transference. Anna Freud modified this psychoanalytic approach. Her goal was not to interpret unconscious intent directly but to emphasize the positive role of treatment and to establish rapport with the child in order to uncover confl icts and self-defeating defenses. She also used drawings and dream interpretation with her young clients and recognized the role of parents and other caretakers in the therapeutic process. In the 1930s, and 1940s, there was a shift away from drive theory toward an emphasis on the cognitive and psychosocial needs of the child. Play therapists began to take into

account the child’s developmental level and cultural background. The influence of school demands on the child and social policy considerations such as the reporting of sexual abuse, neglect, and custody issues played a role in creating a context that went well beyond the more narrowly focused traditional psychoanalytic model. The work of Otto Rank and his belief in the importance of expressing human individuality and in fostering intimate social relationships influenced Frederick Allen, a psychiatrist in Philadelphia. Allen’s book Psychotherapy with Children, published in 1942, is a clear presentation of play therapy. His client-centered approach to therapy with children was adapted later by American psychologist Carl Rogers. He in turn stimulated other play therapists, Virginia Axline and Clark Moustakas, who believed that the effective therapist is an accepting adult, attentive but nonintrusive. The treatment goal included helping children identify the influences of the social environment, such as peer group attitudes and electronic media; encouraging them to find ways of expressing and implementing their own potential; and expressing feelings naturally. All of these are facets of self-actualization, meaning attaining one’s fullest capacities in the physical, cognitive, and social areas. They became the critical features of play therapy and continue to characterize play therapy in the early 21st century. C o n t e m po r ar y T r en d s The main emphasis in play therapy continues to be on allowing children to choose toys or games to play with while the therapist observes and makes appropriate comments and interpretations to the child to elicit feelings and attitudes. The array of materials offered to the child typically includes a doll’s house, dress-up clothes, puppets, water and sand, arts and crafts material, blocks, puzzles, miniature figures and vehicles, board games, and music. In addition, therapists work directly with significant others in the child’s life. Parents are contacted at the beginning of a child’s therapy in order to obtain a thorough case history of the child. They then may be seen at least once a month to bring them up to date on the child’s progress, to uncover any family issues that impact the child, and, if needed, to make referrals for the parents themselves if signs of disturbance or dysfunction are noted by the child’s therapist. The child’s school may be involved in terms of conferences with the child’s teacher or counselors to determine if there are any problems in that setting that may be causing distress for the child. When appropriate, a plan to benefit the child in school may be suggested. Careful research reported by Alan Kazdin in his 2005 book Parent Management Training indicates the importance of training parents to serve as intermediate therapists in conjunction with the child’s play experience. This approach has been shown to be the most effective with many severe child problems. The actual training procedures for both parents and children

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make extensive use of play-therapy techniques, such as roleplaying and envisioning different outcomes. Play therapy continues to be practiced in countries with strong cultural and historical ties to the European contexts in which it originated. Many of the same methods are used, including incorporating the family as an integral part of the therapy. A notable example is the work of Shlomo Ariel in Israel. Play therapy has also spread to Austria, Canada, Germany, and the Netherlands. Through the influence of UNESCO, play therapy has also extended to some 30 countries in Africa and Asia. Play therapists are responding to the need for short-term approaches and to more efficient methods of treatment. Some therapists are becoming more specialized and may only work with children with attention deficit hyperactivity disorders or with children whose parents are involved in a contentious divorce leading to child custody issues. In addition, there is an increasing emphasis on treating babies through modeling techniques with the mother when either the baby or the mother displays flat affect or inappropriate emotions. Many play therapists are also integrating various treatment approaches rather than relying solely on the classical play-therapy approach. For example, some therapists model behavior through role-playing. The child and therapist take turns becoming a sibling, parent, or teacher, enabling the child to imitate more appropriate responses to conflict situations. Following the influential work of Hans Leuner in the 1960s, some therapists use imagery techniques. The child is encouraged to relax thorough simple exercises and then, without the use of props, is asked to imagine people, events, moods, confl icts, and resolutions. Cognitive-behavioral therapy has become a popular adjunct to play therapy. Techniques employed are modeling, role-playing, real-life exposure to the potentially frightening settings, relaxation training, and reinforcement. The child is taught how to recognize physiological symptoms of anxiety, to problem solve, and to generate alternatives to lessen anxiety. Children are exposed to imaginary and minor anxiety-provoking situations and gradually to more stressful situations. The therapist helps the child evaluate the steps involved in coping with fear and anxiety and gives the child homework using the steps: feeling frightened, expecting what will happen, generating actions and attitudes to overcome the unwanted arousal, evaluating progress, and administering self-rewards. Behavior modification is yet another approach that has been incorporated into play therapy. Positive behaviors are reinforced through external rewards such as stars and stickers, leading ultimately to self-reward and intrinsic satisfaction. The parent may keep charts to track the positive behaviors. Increasingly, child therapists are relying on empirically supported forms of play therapy. The combination of more

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sophisticated theory, empirical research, and clinical experience in child treatment makes it clear that play therapy alone should not be viewed as a sufficient form of intervention with troubled children. Play techniques such as those described previously have a variety of valuable uses within a wide range of treatments and are effective for externalizing problems, such as antisocial or aggressive behavior, and internalizing problems, such as depression, withdrawal, selfdoubt, fears, worries, or preoccupations. Dorothy G. Singer see also: Emotional Development; Mental Health Care; Narrative; Play; Play, Pretend further reading: Dorothy G. Singer, Playing for Their Lives: Helping Troubled Children through Play Therapy, 1993. • Kevin J. O’Connor, Play Therapy: Theory and Practice, 1997. • Sandra W. Russ, Play in Child Development and Psychotherapy, 2004. • Linda A. Reddy, Tara M. Files-Hall, and Charles E. Schaefer, Empirically Based Play Interventions for Children, 2005.

playgrounds. see Parks, Playgrounds, and Open Spaces poisoning. Childhood poisoning continues to be an important public health problem despite advances in preventive measures such as product reformulation and childresistant packaging. Common over-the-counter medicines and home products (e.g., cough and cold products, analgesics and fever-control medicines containing aspirin or acetaminophen, and household and garden plants) are ingested by thousands of children each year. Of the 2.4 million potential poisonings reported annually to poison control centers in the United States, more than 50% involve children younger than 6 years of age, with the ages of highest risk at 2 to 3 years old. Young children are developmentally at high risk for poisoning because they start walking (and running) during the second year of life, the same time at which they acquire the fine motor skills needed to open containers, the curiosity of endless exploration, and the oral exploratory habits of putting toys and everyday home products in their mouth. They also lack the cognitive skills and judgment to determine food versus nonfood items and so developmentally engage in pica, ingesting nonfood items such as dirt or pebbles. They must rely on the vigilance of parents both to monitor their activities constantly and to safeguard their environment. Predictably, then, most childhood poisonings occur around mealtimes, when parents are preoccupied with meal preparation and distracted from the normal supervisory activities of monitoring their toddler. Of those poisoning events that do not occur in a toddler’s own home, grandparents’ homes are a common alternative site, since grandparents may not be accustomed to taking such preventive measures, particularly making environments child safe. Thus, most childhood poisonings are unintentional, although some studies suggest that children who repeatedly poison themselves are often from families that are socially

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isolated and dysfunctional, where the children are engaged in power struggles with parents. In rare circumstances, childhood poisoning can be an intentional act of so-called chemical abuse perpetrated by mentally ill parents who are engaged in Munchausen syndrome by proxy (i.e., introducing fictitious illness in their child) or in homicidal behaviors. Thankfully, most potentially toxic ingestions in young children are medically trivial and can be managed at home by a period of observation for symptoms. While exposures to plants and over-the-counter medicines, such as cough and cold remedies, are among the most frequent toddler exposures, they are rarely serious. There are notable exceptions to this rule, such as exposures to highly caustic compounds (such as acid-containing oven or cement cleaners or alkali-containing drain cleaners); volatile hydrocarbons (such as some household furniture polishes, kerosene, paint thinners, lamp oil, and gasoline); pesticides (such as the pyrethroids, organophosphates, or carbamates found in many lawn and garden products); some chemicals like cyanide and arsenic (cyanide is found in some silver polishes; arsenic can contaminate well water); toxic alcohols such as ethanol, ethylene glycol, or methanol; and some prescription medications. Examples of prescription medications that, even in small doses (as little as one or two pills for an infant or a toddler), can result in significant toxicity in a young child include cardiovascular agents (e.g., calcium channel blockers, beta blockers, procainamide), psychopharmacological agents (e.g., tricyclic antidepressants, monoamine oxidase inhibitors, lithium), oral hypoglycemic agents (e.g., glyburide, glypizide, metformin), and opiates (e.g., oxycodone, hydrocodone, methadone, atropine-loperamide combinations, buprenorphine). Adolescent poisonings differ from those among young children in many ways. Adolescent toxic exposures are less frequent but more medically serious, often involving the necessity of hospitalization for observation and treatment. Whereas the genders are equally affected in early childhood poisoning, females are three to four times as likely as males to be poisoned in adolescence. And whereas poisonings in young children are unintentional, most adolescent exposures are intentional, involving either suicide attempts or the adverse effects of substances of abuse. Typical toxic agents involved in suicide attempts include prescription medications, such as psychiatric medications (e.g., cyclic antidepressants, selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors), and analgesics (e.g., acetaminophen, ibuprofen, or aspirin). Adolescents may experience serious toxicity from substances of abuse, including ethanol, amphetamines, cocaine, opiates, benzodiazepines, the inhalation of volatile substances, and a variety of other chemicals, including, more recently, dextromethorphan, gamma hydroxybutyrate, and ketamine. Adolescents in entry-level, part-time jobs can suffer toxic exposures (often eye or skin splashes

or inhalation exposures) to solvents, cleansers, caustics, pesticides, and hydrocarbons used in cleaning, painting, or outdoor work. U.S. poison control centers record more than 1,200 poisoning fatalities annually; less than 1% to 2% of these involve young children. This reduction in childhood poisoning fatalities is attributable at least in part to advances in poisoning prevention. To protect young children, a combination of public health strategies—improved technology, enlightened legislation and regulation, access to immediate medical consultation, and education—has played an important role. The development of tamper-proof, childresistant packaging was encouraged by passage of the Poison Prevention Packaging Act of 1970 and subsequent regulation of the composition, packaging, and labeling of products intended for use in the home under the auspices of the Consumer Product Safety Commission and the Food and Drug Administration. It has been estimated that the use of child-resistant containers saves several hundred lives per year in the United States. Other technological advances have included limitations in the concentrations of some chemicals in those products intended for household use. For example, the regulation of maximal ethanol concentrations in mouthwashes has led to safer non-ethanolcontaining products for use in homes with small children. The coordination of telephone accessibility of poisoning information was facilitated by the creation of poison control centers in the United States in the 1950s. In the 1960s, as many as 660 poison control centers flourished in the United States. However, as the science of clinical toxicology matured into a specialized area of medical knowledge, poison control resources were regionalized to the current 60 or so facilities in the country. Poison control centers now have computerized repositories of specialized toxicological information on thousands of drugs, chemicals, household products, plants, biological agents, and other potential toxins. Their staffs comprise physicians, nurses, and pharmacists with 24-hour telephone availability through a single, toll-free number to both consumers and health professionals who seek information about poisoning episodes. They have the expertise to determine whether an exposure is likely to have adverse effects and what triage of the child may be necessary. Poison control centers can identify sources of exotic antidotes (e.g., snake antivenins, oximes for organophosphate pesticide poisoning), appropriate emergency medical procedures such as hemodialysis (e.g., for methanol poisoning), or hyperbaric oxygen (e.g., for carbon monoxide poisoning). They also perform both public and professional education outreach functions as lead public health agencies for poisoning prevention. They gather population-wide postmarketing surveillance data of importance for defining new hazards within a child’s environment. Finally, they collaborate with other public health agencies in their unique

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capacity to identify, in real time, new microepidemics of chemical or biological exposures, serving as a vital component linked to and integrated into other emergency preparedness agencies at regional, state, and local levels. Medical management of childhood poisoning rests on four basic tenets of care: prompt decontamination; stabilization and supportive care; enhanced elimination of the toxin, if possible; and administration of an antidote, if one exists. For skin or eye exposures, decontamination entails cleansing with soap and water (skin) or an eye wash solution. For inhalations, the prompt evacuation of victims to a source of oxygen or fresh air is advisable. While ipecac syrup to make the child vomit was formerly recommended for home use in the case of a childhood poisoning ingestion, this step was unnecessary in most cases and occasionally contributed to the worsening of a child’s condition. Thus, the use of ipecac syrup in the treatment of childhood poisoning has largely been abandoned. The strategy of orogastric lavage, of pumping the stomach, as a part of decontamination after an ingestion is still undertaken in the controlled setting of a health care facility in selected cases but has also been discouraged in favor of the use of the toxin adsorbent, activated charcoal, which is given orally to the patient. Poisoning victims may also require cardiopulmonary or fluid resuscitation, anticonvulsants, antishock measures, antiarrhythmic agents, oxygen, or other supportive measures in life-threatening situations. Selected toxins (e.g., methanol, theophylline, and salicylates) can be safely removed from the blood by medical methods of enhancing excretion, such as hemodialysis or hemoperfusion. These advanced techniques wash the blood as it passes through external filtering machines. Hyperbaric oxygen is effective in reducing blood and tissue concentrations of carbon monoxide. A few specific antidotes exist to counteract the actions of selected toxins. For example, 4-methyl pyrazole can reduce the toxicity of ethylene glycol or methanol by interfering with the production of toxic metabolites; naloxone can reverse opiate toxicity by its opiate receptor-level actions; pyridoxine can terminate seizures in a child who ingests large amounts of isoniazid by supplying the essential cofactor for gamma amino butyric acid synthesis, and prompt administration of N-acetylcysteine can avert the liver damage associated with acetaminophen poisoning by supplying sulfur compounds needed to metabolize the drug to nontoxic metabolites. Finally, the education of parents and caretakers can successfully avert many potential poisonings. The so-called four R’s of poisoning prevention can be practiced by all care providers: recognition of what is toxic in the household, removal of such toxins from the toddler’s reach by their placement in locked cabinets at shoulder level or higher, readiness for a poisoning emergency by having the poison control center emergency telephone number close at hand,

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and the correct first response to a poisoning event in a timely and organized manner to minimize the risk of injury. Poison Prevention Week is celebrated the third week in March annually in the United States to remind parents to be alert to the potential dangers in the home. Poisonings are a public health issue worldwide. There are an estimated 350,000 deaths worldwide each year from unintentional poisonings, 94% of which occur in low- and middle-income countries. Childhood exposures to pesticides (including some, such as thallium, DDT, and paraquat, that are banned in the United States), hydrocarbons, potent prescription medications, and caustics are common in developing countries and can be life threatening. Most countries have access to their own poison control centers, although the World Health Organization and other international agencies continue to work to marshal the resources to foster them in developing nations, most recently in Senegal, Ghana, Trinidad, the Bahamas, Myanmar, and Lebanon. Alan D. Woolf see also: Accidents and Injuries; Lead Poisoning further reading: American Academy of Pediatrics, “Policy Statement: Poison Treatment in the Home,” Pediatrics 112 (2003), pp. 1182–85. • M. W. Lai, W. Klein-Schwartz, G. C. Rodgers, J. Y. Abrams, D. A. Haber, A. C. Bronstein, and K. M. Wruk, “2005 Annual Report of the American Association of Poison Control Centers’ National Poisoning and Exposure Database,” Clinical Toxicology 6–7 (2006), pp. 803–932. • American Association of Poison Control Centers, http://www.aapcc.org • International Programme on Chemical Safety, http://www.who.int/ipcs/poisons/en/

political activism, children and. Civic educators would like to know more about the experiences in childhood and adolescence that lead to political commitment in adulthood. The more they learn, the better they may help raise the level of civic participation in democratic societies. At one time, it was thought that formal education and its correlate, knowledge of history and government, were key elements in engagement. But the idea does not fit the fact that, although years of schooling in the United States rose steadily between 1950 and 1990, the proportion of adult voters declined. There has been no lack of searching for factors that might determine developmental pathways to adult participation. Findings, however, have been inconsistent. For example, at the height of student activism during the 1960s and 1970s, researchers probed whether early experiences in the family were the key. One study reported that student leaders of antiwar protests mainly came from families whose parents were social activists, such as involved in union organizing. Called the “red baby” phenomenon, this result was not supported by other findings, such as that campus activists at the University of California at Berkeley came from no particular kind of family background, at least in terms of childrearing style. More recently, another group of researchers re-

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ported still another kind of result. They looked at measures of children’s responses to rearing as predictors of voluntary community service in adolescence 8 to 10 years later. They identified, first, adolescents with resilient personalities, as measured by mothers’ assessments of children’s responses to their rearing practices. They found that resilient adolescents were more likely to volunteer—an incipient form of activism—than were other adolescents who were judged by their mothers to be over- or undercontrolled. The relationship between adult political commitment and adolescent experiences is much clearer. Both prospective and retrospective longitudinal data form a consistent literature. Engagement in political activity during youth, a period roughly between ages 16 and 24, predicts future engagement even 30 years later in adulthood. Compelling studies have tracked through time youth who participated in the civil rights protests, sit-ins, voter registration, or freedom schools during the 1950s and 1960s in the South. One study compared college students who had been screened and accepted but failed to participate in Freedom Summer in Mississippi (1964) for various reasons with their peers who actually participated. Twenty-five years later, the participants in this physically risky and psychologically tense project differed markedly from nonparticipants on several measures of political engagement, including voting and membership in voluntary associations. Similar findings have been reported for white students who attended Florida State University in Tallahassee during the civil rights era. Students who participated in sitins and demonstrations differed in political commitment 20 years later from their peers who did not participate in these activities. At the largely black Florida A & M University, sit-in participants and demonstrators were especially likely to become “ideal citizens” who voted, were politically involved in their local communities, and belonged to voluntary associations. Further evidence of a lasting effect of youth engagement comes from a longitudinal study that was begun in 1967 with high school seniors who were studied for the next 30 years. The threshold moment of political engagement occurred during college when part of the sample chose to participate in antiwar protests. This group of activists had been similar to their nonactivist peers as high school seniors on measures of political orientation, attitudes, and party affiliation. This was not so after 1973 and still not true in 1997, as the activists remained distinct from their nonactivist age peers on measures of civic engagement. Another kind of result is especially intriguing. It has come from retrospective studies of adults who have led exemplary adult lives as political and moral activists. These individuals devoted their energies to, for example, organizing the poor, seeking justice in racial matters, working for environmental conservation, and the like. Over time, their engagement was sustained by a sense of self that was so in-

tegrated with activity in the community that, broadly understood, their persistence and commitment were viewed by outsiders as unusual. They themselves, however, viewed their sustained engagement as “normal.” These individuals denied that what they did was heroic, claiming that anyone else in their position would have done the same. By the time they were interviewed, their activism had become central to their very identity: “This is who I am”; “This is just what I do.” Any further explanation of their commitment would have been redundant. Political scientists who seek to understand why and how political engagement takes shape have recently shifted their focus from more or less permanent features in individuals’ psychological makeup to opportunities that come to individuals by way of resources or direct invitation. For example, although wealth and education give people more expendable time to do civic service, one study found that having been persuaded by the occasion or by other participants predicts volunteerism better than does economic standing or educational level. It showed that invitations to participate can come from membership in organizations that seek to promote interests, such as environmental conservation, or stances founded on religious principles. Individuals who belong to such organizations are likely to participate in civic affairs, irrespective of their socioeconomic status, if only because they have opportunities and incentives to do so, while gaining support from their social networks. These examples demonstrate the power of opportunity and membership in networks to encourage activism within the political realm. These same factors, however, can also push individuals into positions that most Americans would find abhorrent. For example, when the Cold War ended, several youth from the former German Democratic Republic (East Germany) found themselves unprepared for the competitive employment market and saw their economic future in bleak terms. They coalesced around a neo-Nazi philosophy, took stances against democracy’s idealism, and physically attacked new immigrants to Germany. It is not known whether these individuals will persist in this antinormative form of political activism, will eventually integrate into the social system, or will devolve into long-term anomie. Turning back to the positive side of opportunity and resource mobilization, one can see how it accounts for variations in political behavior over time. In general, for example, voting rates for black adults in the United States rose during the Reconstruction era, dipped in the period between World Wars I and II, increased sharply after passage of the 1965 Civil Rights Act, then waned in recent years. From a psychological perspective, the motivation to vote should have been constant, because blacks as a minority group have had a constant grievance concerning racial prejudice. Nevertheless, voting rates followed an up-down-up-down

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cycle, which seems better explained by shifts in opportunity and resource availability than in psychological terms. This is not to argue that there is no developmental path leading to lifelong commitment. On the contrary, there is a path, and the argument might be that, because youth is a special moment for establishing identities, resources ought to be focused on this development era when active participation is known to have lasting effects. There is probably no critical period for creating such a political, moral, or civic identity. However, the evidence is strong that youth activism leads to lasting engagement and that individuals who are so engaged construct a self that is intertwined with taking purposeful political action that is more or less spontaneous, requires no special motivation, and is nondeliberative in the sense of needing explicit cognitive justification. When activists say “This is who I am,” they mean that their actions express their political identity in the same sense that artists, professional athletes, financial experts, or religious leaders believe that their work represents their very being. James Youniss see also: Rights, Children’s; Youth Movements further reading: J. M. Fendrich, Ideal Citizens: The Legacy of the Civil Rights Movement, 1993. • S. J. Rosenstone and J. M. Hansen, Mobilization, Participation, and Democracy in America, 1993. • N. Teske, Political Activists in America: The Identity Construction Model of Political Participation, 1997. • J. Youniss and M. Yates, “Youth Service and Moral-Civic Identity,” Educational Psychology Review 11, no. 4 (December 1999), pp. 361–76. • M. K. Jennings, “Generation Units and the Student Protest Movement in the United States: An Intra- and Inter-generational Analysis,” Political Psychology 23 (2002), pp. 303–24.

popular culture. Children’s relation to popular culture is multilayered and continuously negotiated. It begins even before birth, when expectant parents explore magazines, self-help books, and Web sites on pregnancy, birthing, and breastfeeding; watch film and television representations of children and family life; and receive advice based on beliefs and practices passed down within particular cultural traditions. Here, and for some time, it is necessarily mediated by adults, whose understandings and expectations about what is age and gender appropriate are at least in part shaped by popular culture. As children move from infancy through different stages of childhood to adolescence, the extent to which their relation to popular culture can be controlled and monitored by adults diminishes and their capacity for independent participation, as consumers and creators, increases. At the same time, insofar as they depend on parents to provide them with necessary infrastructure (television sets, computers, electronic games, musical instruments, sporting equipment) and pay for lessons, children’s participation continues to be constrained by parental capacity and willingness to spend money. This makes for variation based on economic and cultural capi-

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tal, religious beliefs, race, ethnicity, region, and, increasingly, environmental politics. Generalization about the role of popular culture in the lives of children and adolescents must therefore be qualified; much depends on which children and where. Much also depends on which meaning of popular culture is invoked. Understood in terms of wide appeal or popularity, children’s popular culture includes commercial vehicles like television programs, films, and video games. Understood as culture expressive of and produced by the people, or folk, children’s popular culture is restricted to the games, rhymes, songs, and stories made by children themselves and passed from one generation to the next in playgrounds, families, and neighborhoods. By implication, this positions much that children enjoy in the way of reading, viewing, listening, and game playing as commercial or mass culture, terms that in much of the social science (and journalistic) literature carry negative connotations about the motives of producers (profit over quality) and passivity of young consumers. A third view of popular culture as shared or common culture makes distinctions based on how culture is produced and distributed irrelevant once commercial culture became embedded, historically, as part of daily life. This began to occur as early as the 18th century for English middle-class children with access to books of fairy tales and nursery rhymes (drawn from oral folk traditions) and novels like Little Goody Two Shoes, published in 1765. There was a mass market for books and magazines designed to be read by children in England and North America by the end of the 19th century. Penetration of daily life by commercial culture intensified with the early 20th-century advent of radio and motion pictures, television in the 1950s, and computers, electronic games, and portable audio devices from the 1980s. In a media-saturated world, children’s active engagement with and appropriation of media content into games and peer-group interaction make a line between culture produced by and for children not only difficult to draw but also counterproductive to understanding the role of popular culture in children’s lives. The culturally loaded distinction between folk culture embedded in people’s lives and mass culture produced as a commodity emerged with 19th-century industrialization. New technology and mass migration of rural workers to the work-time discipline of urban industry created the conditions for large-scale publication of popular magazines and novels for leisure consumption. This, in turn, generated an anxious moral discourse about the degrading effects of mass culture on public taste, morals, and intelligence. A line between childhood and adulthood was drawn as part of the same historical process, which separated paid work from family life, sentimentalizing the home as the site of maternal love and childhood innocence—a sanctuary from the heartless instrumentalism of commerce and indus-

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try. By the end of the 19th century, children were further segregated by public education, which defined them as in need of instruction and protection from exploitation as cheap labor. Children’s relation to popular culture was thus framed by two discourses that developed in tandem. One sacralized children as innocents whose moral, physical, and intellectual development was a public responsibility; the other demonized popular culture as a threat to public taste and moral standards, especially to those young innocents. This established a pattern of endemic anxiety and intermittent panic about everything from comics, radio, television, and rock music to computer games and the Internet. Moralizing about children’s culture did not, of course, begin with industrialization. In the 4th century BC, Plato argued for censorship and control of literary materials lest children emulate bad behavior and be unable to distinguish fact from fiction; Aristotle cautioned against vulgarizing children through exposure to arts and occupations that made them less fit for the exercise of virtue. Seventeenthcentury English philosopher John Locke argued that impressionable young minds should be protected from supernatural stories, advised against encouraging children to write poetry, and discouraged the teaching of music on the grounds that time was better spent on useful pursuits. In other words, while industrialization generated new cultural products, restructured family life, and ushered in new understandings of children as innocents in need of protection and instruction, an already existing corrective discourse was available to critics of children’s popular culture in the Industrial Age. In North America, the question of whether adults should be worried about children’s use of popular culture has been posed and debated for more than a century. Between the 1890s and the 1920s, the freedom of urban working-class, black, and immigrant children to play in the streets at night and frequent penny arcades, vaudeville theaters, and movie houses worried Progressives and conservatives alike. Then—and this has continued to this day— sports and adult-organized activities were positioned as positive alternatives, and civic authorities joined forces with social reformers to provide children with healthy recreational outlets in playgrounds, settlement houses, and organizations like the Boy Scouts of America. The presence of children and adolescents in the growing urban audience for commercial entertainment alarmed middle-class moralists like William T. Foster, president of the Pacific Coast Federation for Sex Hygiene. His book The Social Emergency (1914) warned that picture postcards, penny-in-the-slot machines, and motion pictures were fraught with moral danger for adolescent boys and girls. In the same year, the book Morals and Manners among Negro Americans reported that children were on the streets, in vaudeville theaters, and at the movies in cities across

the United States, to their moral harm and educational detriment. By the end of the 1920s, the influence of movies and mass media in general on children and adolescents had become a serious research question, most famously addressed in the Payne Fund Studies of Motion Pictures and Youth conducted between 1929 and 1933. These set a pattern for the dissemination of academic research on popular culture, with nuanced scholarly findings simplified and sensationalized for the general public in a summary volume, Our Movie-Made Children, by Henry James Forman (1933), which used quotations out of context to support an alarmist argument positioning children as unmarked slates whose exposure to movies set them on a path to sexual immorality, delinquency, and crime. Popular culture’s role in the informal education of immigrant children about American life was also of concern in the 1930s, as in Reginald Robinson’s 1936 study, which lamented the fact that so little of the radio, movies, books, magazines, and newspapers that occupied the leisure time of his urban immigrant sample of junior high school students was educational, informational, or uplifting. While there were radio programs like The Children’s Club Hour by the late 1920s, much of children’s radio listening and movie viewing in the early decades of the 20th century was as part of a general audience. Anxiety about the implications for children’s moral and civic education brought pressure for more programs and movies made for children and classification of films’ suitability for juvenile viewing. Combined with growing awareness of children’s potential as a market, this pressure gave rise to the emergence of a children’s audience constituted by the popular culture produced specifically for them, particularly by Walt Disney Productions. The importance of Disney as iconic flagship of children’s popular culture—from the early cartoons, comics, and movies of the 1920s and 1930s to the 21stcentury corporate giant with a global television channel, theme parks in the United States, Europe, and Asia, Disney stores around the world, and a continuous stream of films generating spin-off products—is indisputable. A shift in the role of popular culture from providing informal education on adult life to marking boundaries between children and adults can be documented over the course of the 20th century. Increase in the number of programs and movies made specifically for children in the 1930s was a response to pressure mobilized by reformers and moralists, but recognition of children’s potential as a culturally specific market was no less important. The constitution of teenagers as consumers of an age-specific culture separating them from adults and children generally associated with rock and roll in the 1950s can be seen as a continuation of trends evident in Hollywood movies of the 1930s (Mickey Rooney’s Andy Hardy character, for example) and the swooning fans of Frank Sinatra (bobby

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soxers) in the 1940s. Similarly, while commercial targeting of children and segmentation of the children’s market into age-specific categories accelerated and intensified in the 1980s, the constitution of children as an age-specific market for popular culture can be seen as early as the 1920s and 1930s, when cereal companies began sponsoring children’s radio. Broad distinctions can be made between industrial and postindustrial stages in children’s popular culture. Although it is difficult to define a clear-cut point in time differentiating the two (sometime between the end of World War II and the 1970s), in general it is recognized that production that rejected the ideal of the assembly line and new communication technologies supported a shift from mass audiences within national boundaries to specialized audiences in a global cultural economy. But the idea of an undifferentiated mass audience is itself too crude; children’s popular culture was always gendered, and audiences were segmented according to preference for particular comics, cartoons, characters, and movie stars. So, too, with national boundaries; the audience for American popular music, radio serials, movies, and television was always international, and English publications like Boys Own Paper, Girls Own Paper, and Magnet Comics were read throughout the British Empire. How children relate to and use popular culture varies in ways that make generalization difficult, particularly from the beginning of the 1980s, when digital media generated by electronic and microchip inventions of the 1960s and 1970s—personal computers, video recorders, portable audio players, video games—brought new forms of popular culture and new ways of consuming it into children’s lives. The acceleration of production and the shift from mass to more specialized markets permitted by this technology expanded the universe of options available for children’s cultural consumption. Baseball, for example, is no longer just a sport to be played and watched or cards to be collected but an interactive Web site (MLB.com Kids Club) and electronic games, some simulating real-life baseball and others, like Mario Superstar Baseball, grafting baseball onto gaming culture. Toys come with Web sites, like Barbie .com and HotWheels.com, that offer interactive games and “advertainment.” At the same time, the recycling of narratives and characters from children’s literature and film gives continuity across the digital divide. Peter Pan, for example, who first appeared as a character in J. M. Barrie’s 1904 play and 1911 novel and Disney’s animated film in 1953, made his 21st-century appearance in Disney’s 2002 film Return to Never Land, in an interactive game based on the film in 2003, and in continuously downloadable wallpaper from Disney.com. While digital and electronic technologies carry potential for change in the dynamics of production and consumption, this recycling of characters, narratives, and anxious debates gives continuity to children’s relation

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to popular culture across the industrial and postindustrial divide. Beryl Langer see also: Advertising; Consumers, Children as; Films; Marketplace, Children and the; Media, Children and the; Popular Music; Socialization of the Child; Sports; Television further reading: Steven Kline, Out of the Garden: Toys and Children’s Culture in the Age of TV Marketing, 1993. • Shirley R. Steinberg and Joe L. Kincheloe, eds., Kinderculture: The Corporate Construction of Childhood, 1997. • Marsha Kinder, ed., Kids’ Media Culture, 1999. • Gary Cross, The Cute and the Cool: Wondrous Innocence and Modern American Children’s Culture, 2004. • Jyotsna Kapur, Coining for Capital: Movies, Marketing, and the Transformation of Childhood, 2005.

popular music. Many young people in the United States and around the world build intense affective investments with popular music, investments that help them define themselves and their place in society. Indeed, youth’s affinity for popular music has been going on for generations— from rhythm and blues to rock and roll to disco, punk, hip-hop, and beyond. Yet, the term popular music—like the broader term popular culture—is a slippery one. For example, popular can refer to the ways music is rooted in longstanding community traditions. According to this definition, many of the folk musics from around the world can be called popular musics. This is often referred to as culture from below, or from the bottom up. However, popular can also refer to the ways music is mass commodified for a general public. According to this definition, anything on Top 40 radio can be called popular music as well. This is often referred to as culture from above, or from the top down. In fact, a 2005 issue of the journal Popular Music drew together its esteemed editorial board to reflect on whether the term is worth preserving at all. If nothing else, it seems, the term takes on specific meaning in context. Popular music is dynamic, often defined by what it is not: elite. Scholarship on youth and popular music is relatively recent. It has tended to be dispersed, with no clear disciplinary home, but with a multitude of disciplines contributing (communication, cultural studies, education). The work of Italian theorist Antonio Gramsci has been quite useful for navigating the dynamic terrain of popular music. Best known for his work on hegemony, Gramsci has addressed the ways dominant groups are able to draw in and build accords with subordinate groups. His ideas have allowed theorists to get beyond the idea that popular culture comes from either above (corporations) or below (the people). In this view, popular culture is a terrain of struggle, where meanings are fought over and alliances are negotiated. Likewise, popular music texts are open and mutable, their meanings not dictated in advance. All this underscores the difficulty of reading meanings off of music lyrics in predictable ways. In other words, it is difficult to decode song lyrics for some final and definitive

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imagining each other

Using Rap to Re-create a Southern Heritage For the years I spent working with African American youth in the urban Midwest, no issue emerged as more important than survival. Life was lived at the edge. Resources were always scarce. The everyday had a largely improvisatory feel. One had always to look to others for help; though in the end, one was always on one’s own. In the immediacies of their lives, many of the youth in my study turned to rap music. Indeed, much of the most popular rap music embodied these themes and tensions: the radical individual who must always (paradoxically) rely on the group for everyday survival. In rap, artists like Tupac Shakur and Master P foreground complex personal biographies that young people respond to and against, often fatalistic narratives that register unique tensions around betrayal and trust, vulnerability and invulnerability. Though these texts are often derided as negative, the young people in my study turned to them to deal with the concerns most pressing in their lives. The Midwest city where this study took place has a population of more than 60,000. It is equidistant from a handful of major northern cities and is readily accessible via a number of interstate highways from Mississippi, Alabama, and Tennessee. In addition, the Amtrak railroad runs through this hub city, connecting Chicago and a number of key southern towns and cities. This is a starkly segregated town. The site of a major Midwest university, the town is divided, quite literally, by the railroad tracks. In addition, there are very strict class divisions. Economic promise (real or not) attracted many African Americans to the city. Up through the 1970s, this was a manufacturing town, with a number of major factories. These jobs have largely disappeared, the victims of corporate downsizing. Fear is also another reason that African Americans

meaning. Take, for example, the case of so-called gangsta rap, which rose to prominence and popularity in the late 1980s. Largely rooted in blighted West Coast cities like Compton and Long Beach, California, this music typically featured first-person narratives of young men, graphically detailing their everyday lives. This often meant profaneladen lyrics, which were often highly violent and misogynistic. Key early examples include “Boyz N the Hood” by Eazy-E and “Colors” by Ice-T. The broader social meaning of these songs, however, was open to highly charged debate. These songs were “sites of struggle,” taking on different meaning and significance depending upon how one looked at them. For example, many felt that these texts were oppressive and degrading. Cultural conservatives like William Bennett argued that this music signaled a general decline in mainstream American values. Though for different reasons, radical feminists like bell hooks also criticized the music, arguing that its sexist content served to reinforce dominant patriarchal currents. Others, however, argued that gangsta

have migrated to this city. Traditionally, many left the South fearing racism and racial terrorism. More recently, many have expressed a general fear of crime, a fear encouraged by popular media forms that often construct cities as irredeemably violent. Many children from larger cities have been sent here to avoid violence, especially gang violence. I met the two African American teens discussed here when conducting my research on rap music and youth in the local community center. While similar in many ways, Rufus (age 17) and Tony (age 18) followed very different life courses. Rufus stayed clear of trouble, forming close relationships with the club and its staff members. While he did not do particularly well in school, he participated in many extracurricular activities such as football. Very well liked, Rufus received a number of awards at the club, including Youth of the Year, and at school. Tony, however, had a considerably more conflictridden life. He had numerous problems at school with his teachers and with the law throughout his life. He spent nearly all his teen years on probation and was involved with gangs from age 13 onward. The teens, however, were close friends—they called each other “cousins” even though they were not related by blood— and came from the same hometown in Mississippi. These claimed familial ties were crucial for both teens, as was their friendship generally. Indeed, these youths constructed a particular notion of the South, one mediated and realized by key figures in their lives. This included Tony’s maternal grandfather, Phil, who served as a father figure for both teens. Phil was a strong male figure who demanded and earned individual respect while remaining committed to his community. The themes that both teens used to sustain this notion—themes

rap represented a laudable effort to document marginalized areas and its inhabitants. In this respect, gangsta rap cast light on areas and peoples blighted by an unfair, racist society. In sum, the same songs and videos were open both to critique and support from different people for different reasons. The anxiety around gangsta rap is only one example of the so-called moral panics often connected to popular music. Moral panics occur when a person or event becomes defined as a threat to social values and interests. Such panics have a long history in popular music: from early anxieties around rock and roll (for example, the gyrations of Elvis Presley were linked to sexual promiscuity) up through the previous debates about gangsta rap. Often these fears cluster around the supposed dangers to young people. The music of Marilyn Manson, for example, was feared to have influenced the shooters at Columbine High School in Colorado in 1999. Throughout, the social effects of music have been linked to the lyric and musical content of songs and albums.

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Using Rap to Re-create a Southern Heritage (continued)

Other scholarly work has looked more closely at the processes by which young people interpret music and understand it in the context of their lives. (Most of this work has focused on teens and young adults; relatively little attention has been paid to preadolescent children’s engagement with popular music.) An important premise here is that popular music provides a key context in which young people create meaning for themselves. They are not unwitting pawns of record companies; rather, they make their own judgments of taste, talk passionately about their interests, and use commodities for their own imaginative purposes. At times, they may use popular music texts in concert with—and in counterdistinction to—school texts. One fascinating study in this vein looked at how young people at a high school in South Africa (“Fernwood High”) negotiated ideas about race in the aftermath of apartheid. Here, music and fashion became ways to carve out ideas about being white, black, and colored, at a moment when a priori racial categories were called into question. These popular symbols circulated and were ascribed different

They don’t even know, remember they neighborhood.” Rufus thus saw certain kinds of allegiances in the so-called crew system of southern rap and prized them. These values included staying close to one’s neighborhood and helping others from the neighborhood when possible, both of which were marked as particularly “southern.” Tony mirrored Rufus’s sentiments about friendship and community. But he also added the crucial dimension of respect, which played so pivotal a role in his life. Tony said, “You got to have somebody look out for you at all times. Like I said, society rough out there now.” He continued, drawing on southern rap to inform his conviction, “Like Eightball [a southern rap artist] said, ‘I trust no man, ‘cause man will put you down every time.’ ” When I asked if he trusted people in the clique, he responded: “Can’t trust nobody. But like I said, I got respect for my boys. Like I said, when it comes down to it, I’ma ride out with them before I ride out with anybody.” This point is crucial: Both the egalitarian clique ethic and the kind of radical autonomy indexed by respect were implicated in personal survival in a world that’s “rough out there now.” In sum, these young people created a kind of traditionalized discourse about southern rap, one entirely linked to dayto-day survival. Like generations before them in the North, these young people used available discursive resources to re-create the sense of a caring and stable community, one that mitigated a profoundly precarious social, material, and cultural reality. Greg Dimitriadis

imagining each other

of respect and community—were claimed by both as unique in southern rap. Indeed, while these themes were available in rap in general, these teens posited southern rap as distinct here. They used this popular form as a way to access and make new and relevant this constructed tradition, a tradition that has helped African American communities survive in the past and in the present. During one of our very first discussions about rap, Rufus noted that his favorite rap artists were southern artists 666 Mafia, Kingpin Skinny Pimp, and others associated with the Prophet Posse record label. He also said he liked Eightball and MJG, Tela, and others on the Suave House record label. Both are Memphis-based companies. During a later discussion, Tony said that he liked all of these groups, but he also added Master P and related artists on No Limit records, based in Louisiana. Both teens thus spoke more of record labels and localized (explicitly southern) sounds than of individual artists. Rufus and Tony valued the perceived egalitarian ethic these southern rap artists had with one another and within their neighborhoods. Notably, artists who become famous have an obligation to put other rappers on their records to promote their fledgling careers. The teens were highly critical of artists who violated the egalitarian ethic. For example, Rufus brought up a conflict between rapper Player Fly (who has received little public attention) and his former group mates in 666 Mafia (who have received more). 666 Mafia, he noted, did not help him out once they got famous: “Player Fly was once with them, right? So uh, I guess they got up, and they made so much money, since they on a worldwide tip. Player Fly still underground. But yet, I guess he said they forgot all about him.

further reading: Greg Dimitriadis, Performing Identity/ Performing Culture: Hiphop as Text, Pedagogy, and Lived Practice, 2001.

meanings at different times. Rave music, for example, was considered white music and seen as a threat to colored identity. Another important recent study was conducted at a multiethnic high school in Toronto (“Maple Heights”), focusing on the ways in which young people negotiate their day-to-day identities. This study offers portraits of different young people and the creation of complicated identities through their investments in popular culture. These include a Canadian-born black youth, a white youth who identifies with black culture, as well as a black immigrant from the Caribbean, all of whom used popular music to negotiate and stake out particular senses of self. This study showed that many of the signs and symbols of popular culture, like dress codes and musical tastes, were racialized. But these signifiers of race can change with the shifting signs of culture and identity. The foregoing ethnographic studies underscore another important point: that it is very difficult to treat popular music texts as isolated from other kinds of popular culture re-

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sources. While many in the field tend to focus on such texts alone, these studies highlight the ways that texts are linked to other representational media. This is also apparent in a study of African American teens at a community center in a small midwestern city. These young people linked the filmic representations of Panther—a film about the Black Panther Party for Self Defense—to hip-hop culture more broadly. The highly stylized displays of group unity and hypermasculine aggression in the film found parallel in contemporary rap music. In addition, many linked the film roles of rapper Tupac Shakur—for example, Bishop from the film Juice—to discussions of his music. The close relationship between popular music and visual representations is most apparent in the rise of music videos. Music videos rose in prominence in the mid-1980s as short promotional tools for songs. However, since then, these music videos have becomes more technically elaborate and important to the success of album sales. This has been the case for multiple genres of music, from mainstream pop music to alternative rock. In fact, many young people today experience popular music primarily through the consumption of videos on television networks such as MTV and BET. Sometimes the narrative lines of these videos closely follow those of the songs. This occurred, for example, in many early hip-hop videos that reinforced the song’s meaning through visual reference points. Other times, however, the link between the narrative line and the song theme is more suggestive or evocative. This raises important questions around what is meant in referring to popular music and its meanings. The increasing convergence of the visual and the aural has also opened up new roles for fashion in popular music. While fashion has always been a part of popular music, in recent years artists have found new ways to be involved in branding particular products and labels. Also, they increasingly develop their own clothing lines. For example, popular rappers including Jay-Z, Puff Daddy, and 50 Cent have all developed their own clothing lines. Pop artists like Gwen Stefani have been involved in similar such endeavors. For many, popular music has come to index a broad constellation of representational practices. The connections between popular music and technology have also become increasingly complex and dispersed. While the preceding discussion stressed the role of video and other visual media, it is important to point out that other new media converge in popular music today. The most obvious example is the rise of the Internet and peerto-peer systems of transferring music. One recalls here the role of Napster in opening up new—and to some illegal— ways to share and download music. Such services allow individuals to post and download music online for free. In the past, the music industry tightly controlled the production and dissemination of popular music. In the early 21st century, these peer-to-peer network systems allowed users

around the world to share and disseminate music outside of these networks. While some artists have fought against such practices, arguing that they break copyright laws and hurt record sales, others have used them to open up their music to new audiences in ways previously impossible. All this underscores changing ways in which young people consume music. While this discussion would imply that the music industry has had its role and importance somewhat diminished, some would say it has been open to new kinds of centralizations. More recently, there have been consolidations of multinational channels of music production and distribution. This is evidenced by the so-called Big Five multinational record companies: Universal Music Group, Sony Music Entertainment, EMI Group, Warner Brothers Music, and BMG Entertainment. What this means is that virtually all major-label music releases come through one of these companies. In addition, many independent labels have acquired distribution deals with these companies. Thus, the music industry has been increasingly dominated by fewer and fewer players. Moreover, the consolidation of the recording industry has important implications for the globalization of U.S. culture. While these companies are international in ownership and scope, they are culturally dominated by artists from the United States. As many have pointed out, U.S. popular culture now dominates the world stage. For example, hip-hop and rap music are now the musics of choice for young people around the world, from Korean youth in Japan to the Maori in New Zealand. As some have argued, the United States is affecting a new kind of cultural imperialism through popular music as well as other kinds of popular culture. This has led some countries—most famously, Canada—to develop laws that regulate how much broadcast music content must be by artists indigenous to the country. Here, too, there are countervailing tendencies. While there is a clear dominance of U.S. products around the world, these are used in new and unpredictable ways by people in local contexts around the globe. Recall the study done in South Africa. When these youth were figuring out what race meant in a new, postapartheid context, they turned to U.S. popular culture. In addition, much recent work on hiphop has looked at the ways young people around the world use hip-hop to navigate the specificity of their lives. Greg Dimitriadis see also: Dance; Media, Children and the; Music; Popular Culture further reading: P. Willis, Common Culture, 1990. • D. Yon, Elusive Culture: Schooling, Race, and Identity in Global Times, 2000. • N. Dolby, Constructing Race: Youth, Identity, and Popular Culture in South Africa, 2001. • R. Shuker, Understanding Popular Music, 2nd ed., 2001. • T. Mitchell, Global Noise, 2002. • International Advisory Board, “Can We Get Rid of the ‘Popular’ in Popular Music? A Virtual Symposium with Contributions from the Interna-

p o r n o gr a p h y , c h il d tional Advisory Editors of Popular Music,” Popular Music 24, no. 1 (2005), pp. 133–45.

pornography, child. Child pornography is legally defined as visual depictions of children younger than age 18 engaging in sexual conduct. The American legal system approaches child pornography as a form of child sexual abuse. A pornographic picture of a minor documents the sexual exploitation of a child and thus begins with an act of child sexual abuse. In addition to this underlying harm, the recording of the act becomes a collateral violation against the child’s dignity. As the U.S. Supreme Court reasoned in 1982, the circulation of pictures may “haunt” the child. In this way, the initial act of abuse takes on a life of its own, exposing the child to perpetual reinjury. Many consider child pornography to be one of the most harmful forms of child sexual abuse. Because of the special harm caused by this material, the Supreme Court has held that child pornography is not protected expression under the First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution. H isto r y a n d Scop e of t h e P roblem It was not until the late 1970s that child pornography became a subject of widespread social concern in the United States. Beginning in 1977, prevalent media exposure of the problem captured national attention and spurred the initiative of federal and state laws against child pornography. The 1982 case of New York v. Ferber marked the start of the U.S. Supreme Court’s child pornography jurisprudence. In that case, a unanimous Court created a previously unknown exception to the First Amendment, proclaiming that “child pornography” was a new category of expression without constitutional protection. In response to Ferber, Congress quickly passed legislation modeled on the state statute upheld in that case. By the mid-1980s, it appeared that the new federal and state laws had significantly reduced the production and availability of child pornography. Unfortunately, the success did not last. The rise of the Internet and other developments in technology such as digital cameras, Internet relay chats, and peer-to-peer networking revolutionized the crime, making it dramatically easier and cheaper to produce and disseminate child pornography. In 2003, for example, a deputy assistant attorney general testified before Congress that perhaps as many as 20,000 images of child pornography are posted on the Internet every week. U.S. Attorney General Alberto Gonzales commented in 2006 that the United States is “in the midst of an epidemic in the production and trafficking of movies and images depicting the sexual abuse of children.” Prosecution rates for child pornography crimes reflect both the rising incidence and the increased effort being made to combat the problem. The number of federal convictions for child pornography more than tripled from 1997 to 2004.

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International law has also responded to the increased availability of child pornography brought about by technological change. While individual nations vary in their domestic legal approaches to child pornography, the international legal system has created a uniform approach to child pornography law, primarily through the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child and the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the sale of children, child prostitution, and child pornography (Optional Protocol), which went into effect in 2002. Addressing international concern about “the growing availability of child pornography on the Internet and other evolving technologies,” the Optional Protocol requires state parties to criminalize the production, dissemination, importing, and exporting of child pornography. The Optional Protocol was ratified by the U.S. Senate in 2002, with some reservations. The Council of Europe’s Convention on Cybercrime, another international convention that addresses child pornography, requires state parties to criminalize the production, distribution, or possession of child pornography on a computer system. The U.S. Senate ratified this convention in 2006. D ef i n i tio n The Child Protection Act of 1984 and subsequent U.S. federal legislation define child pornography as the visual depiction of a child engaged in “sexually explicit conduct.” Most state laws governing child pornography follow the same principles as federal law. For purposes of federal law, a child is defined as anyone younger than age 18. There is no formal legal distinction between child pornography involving very young children and that involving postpubescent teenagers. No child younger than 18 can consent to being used in child pornography, even if state law defines the age of consent for sexual activity to be lower than 18. “Sexually explicit conduct” for purposes of the federal law means intercourse, bestiality, masturbation, “sadistic or masochistic abuse,” or “lascivious exhibition of the genitals or pubic area.” This latter phrase has been the subject of considerable attention from lower courts, which have interpreted it quite broadly. Almost all state and federal courts follow a set of six factors, established by a California federal district court in United States v. Dost (1986), to determine whether material might be a “lascivious exhibition of the genitals” and thus child pornography. The so-called Dost test includes such questions as “whether the visual depiction suggests coyness or willingness to engage in sexual activity” and “whether the visual depiction is intended or designed to elicit a sexual response in the viewer.” Notably, in 1994, a federal appeals court held a picture can be a “lascivious exhibition of the genitals” even if the child is not nude and his genitals are not discernible (United States v. Knox, 1994). Child pornography law governs only visual depictions

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of actual children. Nonvisual materials, such as textual accounts of sexually explicit conduct involving a child, are not child pornography but may still be prosecuted if they meet the legal definition of obscenity. This American approach differs from international law, which, in the Optional Protocol, defines child pornography as “any representation, by whatever means, of a child engaged in real or simulated explicit sexual activities or any representation of the sexual parts of a child for primarily sexual purposes.” In 1996, Congress attempted to extend the reach of child pornography law to cover “virtual child pornography”: computer-generated images that appeared to be child pornography but were not produced using real children. The Supreme Court ruled in Ashcroft v. Free Speech Coalition (2002) that this extension of the law was unconstitutional because real children are not used to produce wholly virtual images, and thus their production does not entail the kind of sexual abuse of children on which child pornography law is premised. In response to the Supreme Court’s decision, Congress passed the PROTECT Act of 2003, which clarified that virtual child pornography could be prohibited under the rubric of obscenity law. Under federal law, it is illegal to produce, distribute, receive, or possess child pornography. Illegal possession of child pornography extends to images that have been downloaded on a computer. In fact, some federal courts have held that looking at images online without downloading them may still constitute illegal possession of child pornography. R ationale for Proh i biti ng C h i ld Po r no gr ap h y The U.S. Supreme Court has articulated several reasons that support the exclusion of child pornography from constitutional protection under the free speech clause of the First Amendment; the primary thrust of these rationales is that child pornography must be prohibited because of the harm done to children in its production. The Supreme Court observed that “the use of children as subjects of pornographic material is harmful to the physiological, emotional and mental health of the child” (Ferber, 1982). A further rationale for excluding child pornography from the protection of the First Amendment was the need to protect future victims by drying up the market for such material. This notion that the production of child pornography entails an act of child abuse is the key to unique features of child pornography law. The emphasis on harm to children in the production of pornography explains, for example, the Court’s dramatic departure from the strictures of obscenity law in the child pornography cases: its decision not to make an exception for works of “serious literary, artistic, political or scientific value,” which is a central concern in obscenity cases, or to consider works as whole rather than isolated passages. The Court reasoned that if the point of the law is to protect children from abuse in the

production of pornography, then it is irrelevant whether the resulting work has artistic value. Also in contrast to obscenity law, the Court in its child pornography cases has held that it is constitutional to criminalize possession of such material. L aw En fo rc e m en t The Child Exploitation and Obscenity Unit of the U.S. Department of Justice coordinates the national strategy for prosecuting child pornography. A variety of law enforcement agencies actively investigate child pornography crimes; these include the FBI, the U.S. Postal Service, Immigration and Customs Enforcement, and state and local Internet Crimes against Children task forces. Some nongovernmental organizations also contribute to law enforcement; most prominent among these is the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children, which operates the Cyber Tipline, a congressionally mandated mechanism for reporting child pornography. Law enforcement investigations are often global in scope. For example, the FBI’s Innocent Images International Task Force, in operation since 2004, includes law enforcement officers from a variety of countries, including the United Kingdom, Norway, Ukraine, Belarus, Australia, Thailand, the Philippines, Croatia, Latvia, Germany, and New Zealand. Amy Adler see also: Computers: The Internet; Films; Sexual Abuse; Street and Runaway Children further reading: Mas Taylor and Ethel Quayle, Child Pornography: An Internet Crime, 2003.

postpartum depression. Postpartum depression is a serious mental health problem that affects more than 500,000 women in the United States every year. This impact reflects a prevalence rate of approximately 13%, which is similar to the prevalence worldwide. Depression is recognized as a leading cause of disability around the world for childbearing-age women, and the impact extends to a woman’s family and children. Postpartum depression manifests itself in much the same way as depressions in other contexts. It is common for women to experience significantly depressed mood, loss of pleasure, and an array of other symptoms, including sleep and appetite disturbance, diminished energy and ability to concentrate, feelings of worthlessness, and suicidal thoughts. Anxiety also is common and may include excessive worry about the baby. These symptoms often lead to disturbances in the woman’s ability to carry out expected responsibilities and in her relationships with her baby, partner, and others in her social environment. These impairments cut across cultures and racial and ethnic groups. However, women with few economic or social resources may be relatively more susceptible to depression because they may lack buffers such as help with household chores

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and baby care, attentive family members, and a strong social network. Postpartum depression may include episodes of depression that begin before delivery and up to a year after delivery. These episodes last for as little as a few weeks or as long as many months. Because depression is a recurrent disorder, women who have experienced postpartum depression have at least a twofold increased risk of depression with a subsequent delivery. Depression also is likely to occur at other times unassociated with childbirth. Postpartum depressions range in severity from mild to severe but are distinguished from a mild and common phenomenon called the postpartum blues and from a severe and disabling disorder called postpartum psychosis. The postpartum blues occur within the first week postpartum, last several hours to a few days, and affl ict approximately 40% of women. Common symptoms include irritability, anxiety, and mood swings. Postpartum psychosis entails the experience of severe depression or mania and is characterized by hallucinations and delusions that may include the newborn. Postpartum psychosis is uncommon, with a prevalence of about 0.1% to 0.2%, but is considered a psychiatric emergency requiring immediate treatment, often in a psychiatric facility. Effects of maternal depression on the newborn can begin during pregnancy because depressed women may delay prenatal care, have poor nutrition, and have an increased likelihood of use of tobacco, alcohol, and other harmful substances. In addition, there is increasing evidence that high anxiety levels that often accompany depression may have untoward effects on the developing fetus with increased exposure to the hormone cortisol. The infant’s adrenal system may be “reset” by this experience. Relative to new mothers who are well, mothers who are experiencing postpartum depression express more negative and less positive affect and are less sensitive and responsive in interactions with their newborns. Infants often reciprocate these negative interaction patterns. Because depression is a chronic and recurring disorder, infants of mothers with postpartum depression will continue to be exposed to maternal depression throughout childhood in many cases. Across all ages, exposure to maternal depression has negative implications in the domains of social-emotional and cognitive development. These effects seem most pronounced in families in which there are other social and economic stressors. Although there continues to be some controversy, the major factors that lead to depression in women outside of childbearing seem to operate in the case of postpartum depression as well. The most significant risk factor for postpartum depression is a past history of depression, leading to at least a doubling of risk. Depression during pregnancy may continue into the postpartum period or herald a new episode of depression sometime after delivery. Marital confl ict and low levels of practical (e.g., help with child care) and emotional (availability of a confidant) support from

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family members and friends are social risk factors for depression. Disturbances in social relationships also may be a consequence of depression; that is, a depressed woman may create confl ict in her marital relationship and alienate her social network because of persistent negative interactions driven by the depressive symptoms. Negative and stressful life events are contributors to postpartum depression. These events may be unrelated to childbearing, such as a partner’s loss of employment or an unrelated serious illness or death of a loved one. Some life stresses are related to childbearing, such as a bad experience in the hospital (traumatic delivery) or the loss of personal employment due to pregnancy. Finally, there is good evidence that women who occupy the lowest social strata are at increased risk of postpartum depression. Low socioeconomic status is often associated with many of the other known risk factors for postpartum depression, but it does seem to be a risk factor in its own right as well. Treatments for postpartum depression include conventional psychological interventions, antidepressant medications, and many other interventions that might be considered alternative or complementary treatments, such as meditation, light therapy, enhanced nutrition, and exercise. Much of the research on effective treatments has been done in the United Kingdom and the United States. In the United Kingdom, public health nurses, called health visitors, deliver brief therapy (about six sessions) in the homes of postpartum depressed women. This approach to treating postpartum depression is effective, as shown in several studies. Interpersonal psychotherapy has been helpful in the United States for postpartum depression. It is relatively brief (usually 12 sessions) but must be delivered by trained mental health professionals such as psychologists, psychiatrists, and social workers. Other psychological interventions, particularly cognitive-behavioral therapy, that have been validated for depression in other contexts are likely to be efficacious with postpartum depression as well. What is probably crucial is that the clinicians appreciate the particular circumstances of the woman and adjust their intervention accordingly. Although there have been few controlled studies of antidepressant medication for postpartum depression, the available literature does suggest that medication is probably effective. Medication given to the breastfeeding woman does transfer in small doses to the infant; however, the available evidence does not indicate that the small degree of medication exposure experienced by the infant is harmful. Long-term follow-up studies to definitively address this question have not been conducted. The breastfeeding woman and her clinician must weigh the benefits of pharmacological treatments against the relatively small risk to the infant. Prevention efforts have been designed for the general population of pregnant women and for women who have one or more specific risk factors for postpartum depression

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(e.g., past history of depression). There is no strong evidence that brief preventive interventions for postpartum depression targeted to the general population of pregnant women, similar to childbirth education classes, reduce overall rates of postpartum depression. More targeted preventive interventions have shown some promise. These approaches usually entail providing a brief form of an established depression intervention during pregnancy or the postpartum period prior to the onset of a depressive episode. Some clinicians and researchers have found success in giving antidepressant medications to women with a history of recurrent depression soon after childbirth in order to prevent a new episode of depression in the postpartum period. Current public-policy issues include the merits of universal screening for postpartum depression, the cost and benefits of universal and selective prevention efforts, the need to conduct large-scale trials of antidepressant medications that already have established efficacy for depression outside of childbearing, and the need to conduct long-term follow-up studies of children of postpartum depressed mothers to elucidate the exact role of maternal depression in social-emotional and cognitive development. Michael W. O’Hara see also: Pregnancy; Psychiatric Illness, Parental further reading: Meir Steiner, Kimberly A. Yonkers, and Elias Eriksson, eds., Mood Disorders in Women, 2000. • Sherryl H. Goodman and Ian H. Gotlib, eds., Children of Depressed Parents: Mechanisms of Risk and Implications for Treatment, 2002. • National Women’s Health Information Center, http://www.4woman.org/faq/ postpartum.htm

posttraumatic stress disorder. Traumatic events that occur during childhood can have serious longterm psychological consequences, including the development of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). PTSD was recognized as a discrete psychiatric disorder upon the publication in 1980 of the third edition of the American Psychiatric Association’s Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-III). It is an unusual diagnostic category because its etiology specifies the occurrence of an external event as the primary trigger. Previously, psychological disorders that appeared to have been caused or influenced by traumatic events had been descriptively referred to as railway spine, shell shock, or combat fatigue. PTSD was conceptualized with the return of Vietnam veterans. Initially, there was little work done on the relation between trauma and child and adolescent development. Recently, there has been an explosion of work exploring aspects of PTSD in children. The fourth edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (1994; DSM-IV) states two requirements: that the person has experienced an event that threatened serious injury or death to oneself or to others and that the response be intense. Precipitating

events can include natural disasters, such as floods or earthquakes; man-made disasters, such as car accidents; witnessing or being the victim of violent crime; acts of terrorism or war; community-based violence; and domestically based trauma in the form of sexual or physical abuse. PTSD in children has three generalized components: the reenactment of the traumatic event in play, dreams, or behaviors; the avoidance of cues, situations, persons, or events associated with the event or general withdrawal; and physiological hyperreactivity manifesting as hypervigilance, sleep problems, anxiety, and cardiovascular reactivity. Other behavioral problems can follow from such an event, such as aggression and impulse control problems, anxiety and mood disorders, relational disturbances such as separation difficulties, self-mutilative behaviors, and disorders of attention and dissociation (a kind of emotional numbing to deaden or block the pain and trauma). PTSD can arise from a single incident (e.g., witnessing a murder, being involved in an automobile accident) or from ongoing forms of trauma (e.g., domestic or child abuse, involvement in ongoing state terror or warfare). The results differ significantly between these in terms of complexity of pathology, length of course, and outcome. The fear response to a single catastrophic event is understood as part of an acute fear reaction: Even horrific events are manageable over time. However, chronic forms of trauma have more pervasive developmental impacts, and alterations in views of the self, emotion, and identity are common. A sense of a foreshortened future, survivor guilt, and chronic anxiety and depression are frequent accompaniments to chronic PTSD. Prevalence rates range widely. In the United States, most trauma occurs in domestic settings where the large majority of perpetrators are known to the child. There is relatively little cross-cultural data on domestic trauma’s effects on children. Societal forms of traumatic events have been the focus of research on PTSD rates in much of the developing world. Since pretraumatic or posttraumatic cognitive framing of traumatic experience significantly affects the rate of occurrence of this disorder, outcome in this literature is strongly tied to sociocultural, political, and historical factors. Temperamental factors also play a significant role in outcome of PTSD. For example, the widely studied temperamental trait of behavioral inhibition, found in roughly 15% of the U.S. population, is seen as a risk factor for PTSD. Research suggests that preexisting anxiety tendencies and emotional reactivity can predict outcome more than the degree of exposure itself. Animal and human studies suggest that early life events influence behavioral and emotional response to stress throughout life and that these behaviors can be transmitted across generations. In short, genes, temperament, environmental factors including social support, and social contact interact with one another and mutually

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influence the ability of children to survive psychological trauma and any long-term outcome. The literature on gender and trauma in children supports the finding that, although boys were more often the victims of community-based and peer violence, girls self-report higher on measures of anxiety, depression, and other emotional responses to trauma. Little work has been done on gender and culture in relation to trauma in children. Epidemiological research on ethnicity and trauma in the United States has yielded confl icting results, with some showing significantly higher rates of PTSD in African American and Hispanic American youth and others downplaying the significance of race and ethnicity. Treatment for childhood PTSD can include psychoeducation, critical incident stress debriefing, group psychotherapy, and individualized forms of psychotherapy such as cognitive-behavioral therapy (CBT) and psychodynamic approaches. Little research exists on the efficacy of medication; a variety of treatments may be used in clinical settings. Most children are quite resilient and resistant to trauma’s negative effects. It is important to remember that, at least in terms of single-incident traumas, most children recover over time with few long-term psychiatric consequences. Robert Lemelson see also: Childhood Resilience; Crime Victims, Children as; Death, Children’s Experience of; Fears, Phobias, and Anxiety Disorders; Illness and Injury, Children’s Experience of; Mental Health Care; Mental Illness; Stress; Violence, Children and; War, Children and further reading: R. S. Pynoos, A. M. Steinberg, and J. C. Piacentini, “A Developmental Psychopathology Model of Childhood Traumatic Stress and Intersection with Anxiety Disorders,” Biological Psychiatry 46 (1999), pp. 1542–54. • D. Bremner, Does Stress Damage the Brain? Understanding Trauma-Related Disorders from a MindBody Perspective, 2005. • L. Kirmayer, R. Lemelson, and M. Barad, Understanding Trauma: Integrating Biological, Clinical, and Cultural Perspectives, 2007.

poverty, children in Historical and Cultural Perspectives Effects on the Child

historical and cultural perspectives. Although chil-

dren have lived in what is now called poverty throughout human history, only in the past two centuries has the poverty of children been worried about by social observers independent of those addressing the economic well-being of families more broadly. This has occurred because of the cultural redefinition of children as existing outside of the productive economy during the 19th century. Then, as the 19th century came to a close, the expansion of capitalist labor relations highlighted poverty—defined as an inadequate capacity to consume—among working-class families. Child poverty, then, represented a paradox: a social group that

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suffered from the inadequate earnings of its parents but had no role in alleviating that distress. This cultural icon, however, covers a reality that has been a great deal more complicated. On the one hand, well after the supposed shift of children into so-called unproductive pursuits (now seen as uniquely appropriate to childhood), children’s work continued to be an important source of income for many low-income families. At the same time, the expansion of teen childbearing resulted in many parents who themselves were children. Thus, children in poverty complicate both contemporary cultural images of children and the social processes that have produced persistent poverty in the United States. Until the late 19th century, poverty was rarely used as a term to describe deprivation. For most of that century, social policy focused on the problem of dependency and a moral definition of pauperism that was associated with it. The presumed “viciousness” of paupers motivated a variety of efforts to separate poor children from their undeserving parents. In 1853, Charles Loring Brace founded the Children’s Aid Society of New York with the purpose of separating poor children—especially those found working in the streets—and sending them to live with and work for farm families in the West. Later in the century, efforts to end outdoor relief—charitable support for poor families in their own homes—led to concern about the effect of the poorhouse on children. Ultimately, this generated efforts to remove children from the poorhouse and to create separate institutions for dependent children. This, in turn, was part of a larger child-saving effort that sparked the creation of a variety of specialized institutions for poor children who were separated from their parents. At the turn of the 20th century, the social surveys of R. S. Rowntree in the United Kingdom and Robert Hunter in the United States established the idea that poverty was defined as a gap between the resources necessary to maintain a minimum level of adequacy and the actual income of a domestic unit. Hunter’s sensational claim that there were more than 10 million Americans living in poverty in 1904 established poverty as an important element of the social question in the Progressive Era. The changing understanding of need during the Progressive Era had a decisive impact on social policies relating to children’s poverty. Social attitudes that had favored the removal of children from dependent parents were slowly eclipsed by those that supported and sought to strengthen the family life of the poor. In particular, what has been called the maternalist perspective most associated with the United States Children’s Bureau and its first director, Julia Clifford Lathrop, viewed the education and training of mothers as the key to improving the opportunities available to children. No program better exemplified this new approach to children and poverty than the mothers’ pensions adopted by most states after 1911. These as-

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sistance programs established an entitlement to aid for dependent children that would endure for most of the 20th century. Although the Great Depression of the 1930s was decisive in the creation of the American welfare state, the innovations of the New Deal affected other populations more than it did children. The only income support program of the period specifically targeted to children was Aid to Dependent Children. Yet, in reality, this program simply provided federal funding and oversight for the mothers’ pensions that most states had been providing since the 1910s. Only as the New Deal entered decline, in 1939, did Congress enact survivors’ insurance that entitled the spouses and children of covered workers to cash payments in the event of the worker’s death. Using an adaptation of the official poverty line, poverty fell rapidly between 1940 and 1980, falling from 43% to 12% of the population. Children’s poverty fell as well, from 52% in 1940 to 16% in 1980. Two factors contributed to this rapid decline. First, changes in the economy and social structure—including the shift of a large proportion of workers out of agriculture—reduced the ranks of the working poor during these years. Between 1940 and 1980, the percentage of workers living in poverty fell from 33% to 6%. Second, survivors’ insurance was decisive in redefining the problem of children’s poverty during these years. Among single-parent households that qualified for survivors’ insurance because the deceased spouse had worked enough to be eligible for the program, poverty became a rare occurrence. Other single-parent families, however, did not share in the decline of poverty; increasingly after the 1960s, children’s poverty was tied to status of these uncovered single-parent families. Changes in the structure of the economy and social welfare programs led to rapid declines in poverty during the 1950s and 1960s. Yet the very conditions that stimulated these declines increasingly isolated the remaining poor both socially and culturally. First, as Social Security protected orphans, poor single-parent families were increasingly the result of divorce or parenthood outside of marriage. Second, because poor one-parent families were increasingly African American and Latin American, racial stigmatization accentuated their political isolation. The rapidly changing character of postwar poverty occurred at the same time that the dynamics of American family life were also transforming. In 1960, about half of all households were married-couple families with children. Increases in marriage age and proportions of marriage ending in divorce caused a seismic shift in the composition of households. By 2000, married-couple households made up only 30% of all households. Over the same time period, parenthood and marriage became much less closely linked. First, the spread of effective contraceptives broke the iron, culturally enforced link of marriage and parenthood. Sec-

ond, women were increasingly willing to have children outside of marriage. These trends were particularly evident among African Americans. Even before the postwar revolution in family structure, African Americans were more at risk of poverty. African Americans had less education, were more likely to suffer from joblessness, and earned lower wages than whites. Although black women were more likely to work than white women, low wages meant that their risk of poverty was nevertheless greater than whites. Furthermore, virtually every social welfare program passed by the federal government immediately before and after World War II was deeply etched with racial exclusion. Social Security originally did not cover the major black occupational groups. African Americans were less able to take advantage of the economic benefits provided to veterans. Finally, public assistance programs were left to the states to administer, which assured that southern black women found it difficult to secure benefits to which they were legally entitled. In the 1950s, relatively few black women collected welfare, not because they were affluent but because discriminatory administration denied them needed help. The convergence of policy decisions, changes in family life, and discrimination created a combustible mixture during the 1960s. The civil rights movement, the migration of black Americans to northern cities, civil unrest, and the efforts of sympathetic welfare officials dramatically changed single mothers’ and children’s access to public assistance. Between the early 1960s and the early 1970s, the number of children who received Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) increased from 2.8 million in 1962 to 8.0 million in 1973. In an era of benefit liberalization, the average benefit level for a brief period actually approached the official poverty line. Indeed, for a few years, average welfare payments for mothers with one child exceeded the average earnings of black women without a high school education. Yet the political fortunes of programs for poor children reversed rapidly during the late 1960s and early 1970s in the face of a backlash against the social changes of the era. Poor children paid a disproportionate share of the cost of white resentment against the civil rights movement and the War on Poverty. As early as 1967, the U.S. Congress sought to impose a welfare freeze to slow the growth of AFDC. Although President Richard Nixon proposed a Family Assistance Program that would have significantly increased the income of poor families in the southern states, by the early 1970s Nixon and others sensed the change in the public mood, leading the president to abandon welfare reform. Federal efforts to professionalize and fund child care came within a hair’s breadth of passage before President Nixon decided to veto the Comprehensive Childcare Act of 1971, denouncing it as an effort to “Sovietize” child rearing. Over the next quarter of a century, federal policy toward

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poor children was characterized by the steady erosion of benefits, occasionally interrupted by political theater intended to get tough with welfare recipients. As a result, as other public programs (some of them, like support for education, assisting poor children) expanded—usually as a result of costof-living adjustments—AFDC’s real benefits were whittled away by inflation. By the 1990s, welfare benefits were onethird less in real terms than they had been in the 1970s. The attack on public assistance that would culminate in the elimination of the federal entitlement in 1996 had a predictable impact on child poverty. After a rapid fall during the 1960s, child poverty began a steady rise in the late 1970s. Between 1982 and 1997, child poverty rates remained for the most part above 20%. The child poverty rate would have gone higher if not for the substantial progress of African American and Latin American women in the labor force. Over the last two decades of the 20th century, the median income of women workers in these two groups increased sharply. These increases, combined with the low unemployment rates of the 1990s, drove down the child poverty rate to 16% by the end of the decade. Still, children remained the demographic group most at risk of poverty at the beginning of the new millennium. Although child poverty declined in the 1990s in the United States, the country’s child poverty rate remained the highest in the developed world. Using 40% of median adjusted disposable personal income as a standard, 15% of U.S. children remained in poverty in 1997. Except for Italy, no other county in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (30 democratic, marketeconomy countries) had a child poverty rate that was even two-thirds as high. Again excluding Italy, English-speaking countries led the world in child poverty; Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom ranked third, fourth, and fifth, respectively, in this dubious distinction. These countries, however, had rates between 7% and 9%, well below the American standard. The international comparison is useful because it suggests the extent to which the problem of child poverty has been naturalized. It is often said that changes in family composition, particularly the spread of one-parent families, are the cause of high child poverty. Certainly, single parents face strains in both the labor market and at home. But the key point of the international comparison is that the spread of one-parent families leads to increased child poverty when public policy does nothing to compensate for it. The story of child poverty in the United States is not one about family breakdown; it is a story about public policy failure, the decision of government and citizens to keep directing a blind eye toward the economic plight of the nation’s most vulnerable members. The costs of this neglect are well known. Children growing up in poverty begin life with poorer health and less opportunity, and their disadvantages only increase as they

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grow older. The continuing high child poverty rate in the United States stands as one of its greatest failures: a policy and a moral failure. Mark J. Stern see also: Homelessness; Street and Runaway Children; Welfare further reading: Gilbert Y. Steiner, The Children’s Cause, 1976. • Viviana Zelizer, Pricing the Priceless Child: The Changing Social Value of Children, 1985. • Linda Gordon, Pitied but Not Entitled: Single Mothers and the History of Welfare 1890–1935, 1998. • Timothy M. Smeeding, Lee Rainwater, and Gary Burtless, “United States Poverty in a Cross-National Context,” Luxembourg Income Study, working paper no. 244, 2000. • Michael B. Katz and Mark J. Stern, One Nation Indivisible: What America Was and What It Is Becoming, 2006.

effects on the child. At the turn of the 21st century, rates of childhood poverty and related indicators of child well-being varied widely around the globe. In the Scandinavian nations of Denmark, Finland, and Norway, for example, fewer than 5% of children lived in poverty; in these countries, fewer than 4 infants per 1,000 births died before the age of 1 year. On the other hand, in sub-Sahara African and South Asian nations, more than 80% of children lived in dire poverty; in these regions, between 80 and 100 infants per 1,000 died before the age of 1 year. In the United States, the rate of childhood poverty worsened. In 2006, 17.4% of children were estimated to be poor, or about one out of every six children. Some children more than others, however, are at risk to grow up poor. Young children experience poverty more than any other age group in the United States. According to the U.S. Census Bureau, the poverty rate for children younger than the age of 5 was 20.7% in 2006, compared to 16.1% for children ages 5 to 17. Moreover, young children are almost twice as likely to be poor than adults older than the age of 75. For young African American and Hispanic children, this risk is exceptionally high. For example, 39.9% of African American children and 29.9% of Hispanic children younger than the age of 5 lived in poor families in 2006. Children living in single-parent families are also at greater risk to grow up poor than are children in two-parent families. Among poor children younger than the age of 18, approximately 67% lived in single-parent families in 2006, for example. In addition, poor children are more likely to live in either urban or rural residential areas than in suburban areas. Approximately 24% of children in urban areas and 22% of children in rural areas live in poor families, compared to 12% of children in suburban areas. Nonetheless, relative to extreme poverty in other parts of the world, poverty in the United States is less severe across all ages, ethnicities, family structures, and regions. By federal standards in the United States, a family of four with less than $20,650 in annual income would be defined as poor in 2007. In comparison, the World Bank’s poverty measures are based on an international poverty line of ap-

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proximately $1 a day. Although the number of people living on $1 a day worldwide declined between 1981 and 2004, the most recent estimates indicate that nearly 970 million people still live in extreme poverty. Estimates project that 800 million people will be living on less than $1 a day by 2015. In some of the world’s poorest regions, however, poverty rates are expected to increase over the coming years. In sub-Saharan Africa, for example, the number of people living on less than $1 per day is expected to reach nearly 40% by 2015. Compared with this extreme poverty, the United States is, on average, a very wealthy nation. Yet there is considerable income inequality in the country. In 2005, the U.S. Census Bureau estimated that the wealthiest 20% of the country had more than a 50% share of the nation’s income; while the median income for the wealthiest one-fifth of the country’s households was more than $159,000 per year, the median income for the poorest one-fifth of the country was less than $11,000 per year. Children living in this poorest one-fifth of the nation’s families experience many developmental problems relative to those living in families with more money. D e v elo pm en ta l Ou tc om e s o f C h i l d r en i n Pov ert y The development of children who grow up poor is often characterized by delay, dysfunction, and underachievement. In the poorest nations of the world, child illness, physical growth, and mortality are the principal concerns. In subSaharan Africa, for example, more than 25% of children are moderately or severely underweight, and more than 25% of children die before the age of 5. These problems are due primarily to inadequate nutrition and health care. In this region, for example, fewer than 50% of children suspected of having pneumonia are seen by a health care provider, and nearly two-thirds of those needing antimalaria drugs fail to receive them. Moreover, approximately 200,000 children younger than age 14 are living with HIV/AIDS in this area of the world. In wealthier nations such as the United States, the consequences of poverty for children’s physical health are also evident, albeit less extreme. In the United States, for example, poverty is associated with an increased probability of injury from accidents as well as increased mortality rates, with poor children more than four times as likely to die from unintentional, non-motor-vehicle injuries compared with wealthier children. Moreover, poverty increases children’s risk of acquiring diseases and illnesses such as AIDS, asthma, bacterial meningitis, and ear infections as well as their likelihood of displaying cardiovascular risks such as elevated blood pressure and heart rate during daily living. In addition, recent estimates indicate that nearly 20% of children in poverty in the United States lack health insurance.

Beyond physical health, considerable evidence exists that poverty also has consequences for children’s achievement and emotional well-being. As early as 3 to 4 years of age, children who have been poor since birth score much lower on intelligence tests and other measures of cognitive and language ability than do children who live in families that were never poor during this developmental phase. By adolescence, youth growing up in families with very little income may be as much as 12 times less likely to graduate from high school than youth whose families are middle class. In addition, children’s behavior and emotional wellbeing can be negatively affected by poverty from early childhood through adolescence. Children growing up poor are, for example, more likely than middle-class children to display externalizing (e.g., aggression and hyperactivity) and internalizing (e.g., anxiety and depression) problems, although some evidence suggests that very affluent youth have some of the same social-emotional vulnerabilities as their very poor peers. Yet beginning in early adolescence, poor children are more likely to display patterns of delinquency and criminality than are middle-class and more affluent children. Why are poor children at greater risk for developmental problems than other children? To answer this question, researchers and theorists have often proposed arguments aligned with one of two perspectives: social causation or social selection. Put simply, social causation arguments are centered on the notion that poverty and accompanying problems (e.g., violent neighborhoods) cause developmental problems. On the other hand, social selection arguments are centered on the notion that poverty is the result of preexisting characteristics of families, and these preexisting characteristics are at the root of the delay and dysfunction that poor children display. Nuanced perspectives on the ways that both social causation and social selection may be at work in the lives of poor children have also been advanced recently, following closely from more general theory on the ways that biology and experience interact. Keeping in mind the potential role of social selection, there is considerable evidence that at least some of the differences between poor and wealthier children can be explained by the deprived and risky environments in which poor children live. En v i ro n m en t s i n Wh ic h Po o r C h i l d r en Grow Up In their homes, poor children experience less cognitive stimulation and enrichment than their wealthier counterparts. On average, for example, poor children have fewer books available to them in their homes and are read to less often, compared with children who are not poor. Poor children are also more likely than their nonpoor counterparts to live in homes that are structurally unsafe. The school environments of poor youth are also exceptionally likely to be characterized by unsafe construction as well as

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teacher shortages, high teacher turnover rates, and teachers assigned to topics they are not qualified to teach. Furthermore, poor youth are less likely to encounter empirically informed instruction such as the use of cooperative learning strategies. Poverty may also affect the emotional climate of children’s homes and schools. In the home, economic stress may harm parent mental health, increasing depressive symptoms. In turn, these negative effects that economic stress has on parent mental health may impair parent-child interactions, decreasing the use of warm parenting practices and increasing the use of harsh and inconsistent parenting practices. Similarly, in their schools, poor children have fewer positive interactions with their teachers than do children who are not poor. Differences in parenting styles between poor and more affluent families, however, may also reflect adaptive responses to the communities in which these families live. Consider that neighborhoods with high concentrations of poor families generally have few retail stores, restricted access to municipal services, and high levels of violence. Indeed, violence is the leading cause of death for poor children living in urban areas. Faced with this level of danger and impoverishment, parents may be exceptionally firm and restrictive to help guard their children from harm. On the other hand, despite the fact that nurturing parenting predicts positive development in both poor and more affluent neighborhoods, neighborhood poverty may undermine the efficacy of social support processes that foster nurturing parenting in more affluent neighborhoods. Importantly, this multitude of risks in their lives helps explain many of the developmental problems experienced by children in poverty. The differences in cognitive and language abilities between poor and wealthier children, for example, are accounted for in large part by the limited learning materials and developmental stimulation that poor children receive. In addition, differences in social and emotional functioning between poor and wealthier children are accounted for in large part by a chain of events whereby poverty and economic losses predict parent mental health problems and, in turn, less nurturing parenting. Overwhelmingly, however, this work is based on nonexperimental comparisons of children raised in families with relatively less money and children raised in families with relatively more money. As such, questions of causality and the role of social selection remain. Put simply, most studies leave open the possibility that the developmental problems of children growing up poor may be due to unmeasured characteristics of children and/or families that are correlated with poverty rather than due to poverty per se. However, the results of randomized income experiments, natural experiments, and studies of changes in income within families support the hypothesis that social causation plays at least some role in determining the developmental outcomes of children who

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grow up poor. In several states during the 1970s, for example, poor youth whose families were randomly selected to be “negatively taxed” (i.e., provided an income allowance) had better school attendance, classroom conduct, and achievement test scores as well as more years of completed schooling than did control groups of poor youth whose families did not receive the extra income. Furthermore, when poor families’ income increases children’s social-emotional problems decrease. International comparisons of wealthy nations also highlight the importance of the more general policy context in which poor children live. In a recent comparison of 40 countries, for example, the United States had one of the largest differences in mathematics achievement for children who were poor compared with those who were not poor. In comparison, countries such as Denmark, Finland, and Norway that have more comprehensive social policies aimed at children and their families—including health insurance, paid parental leave, and child care assistance—had higher average levels of mathematics achievement than the United States and smaller differences in achievement between children who were poor and not poor. In summary, there is good evidence that the developmental harm of poverty is largely preventable. Terese J. Lund and Eric Dearing see also: Childhood Resilience; Health, Disparities in; Homelessness; Schooling, Inequalities in; Welfare further reading: Betty Hart and Todd R. Risley, Meaningful Differences in the Everyday Experiences of Young American Children, 1995. • Susan E. Mayer, What Money Can’t Buy: Family Income and Children’s Life Chances, 1997. • Eric Dearing, Daniel Berry, and Martha Zazlow, “Poverty and Early Child Development,” in Kathleen McCartney and Deborah Phillips, eds., Handbook of Early Childhood Development, 2006, pp. 400–423. • UNICEF, The State of the World’s Children 2008, http://www.unicef.org/sowc08

pregnancy. Human pregnancy has a duration of 280 days, or 40 weeks. The gestational age of a fetus is often calculated during a woman’s first visit to her health care provider—in the United States, usually an obstetrician or an obstetrician-gynecologist—and is based on the first day of her last menstrual period (LMP), not on the day of conception. This practice, called Naegele’s rule, is used to calculate the estimated date of confinement by subtracting three months and adding one week to the first day of the LMP. If the LMP is unknown, an ultrasound is then used to date the pregnancy. The first trimester of pregnancy, from conception to 14 weeks, is characterized by various symptoms that include, most commonly, nausea, vomiting, fatigue, and breast tenderness. These symptoms tend to resolve spontaneously as one completes the first trimester. The second trimester, from 14 to 28 weeks, is a thrilling and exciting time. First-time mothers often start feeling the baby move at 20 to 22 weeks. This initially starts as a fluttering, almost

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mimicking the “butterfl ies” in the stomach one gets when nervous. Those who have had a previous pregnancy may feel fetal movement earlier, at 18 to 20 weeks. Constipation, round ligament (a pulling sensation in the groin), and lower backaches are common. The third trimester runs from 28 weeks until delivery. Assessment of fetal well-being often occurs following the 28th week and may include “kick counts” of the number of distinct fetal movements. Perception of 10 distinct movements in a two-hour period is considered reassuring. Braxton Hicks contractions—a tightening of the uterine muscles for 30 to 60 seconds that is normally not painful—may be experienced during this time. Hemorrhoids are also common, secondary to constipation. As the birth approaches, early labor signs, pain management during labor, and postnatal birth control options become important issues to a mother and her health care provider. Asse ssi ng R i sk Pregnancy health and well-being begins prior to conception. Ideally, all women of childbearing age should have access to health care that addresses risk conditions and counsels healthy living practices. Personal and family histories of diabetes, hypertension, seizures, multiple pregnancies, birth defects, and recurrent miscarriages are important in identifying pregnancy risk. Individuals with ongoing medical problems should be seen, evaluated, and counseled prior to pregnancy in order to plan for the pregnancy, including a review of medications. Prior obstetric histories are essential in providing care for subsequent pregnancies. For example, a history of preterm delivery is associated with increased preterm delivery in subsequent pregnancies. Women with medical conditions such as diabetes or hypertension or with fetal issues (such as intrauterine growth restriction) require antenatal testing. The gestational age at which testing begins depends on how controlled the medical problems are or how severely affected the fetus is. This testing can involve a nonstress test (obtaining a tracing of the fetal heart rate as well as assessing for contractions), a biophysical profile (an ultrasound assessing for fetal breathing, tone, movement, and amniotic fluid), and a contraction stress test (providing contractions and assessing the fetal heart rate in relation to the contractions). Birth defects affect approximately 3% of infants born in the United States. Such defects can result from exposure to medicines or chemicals (e.g., alcohol), from infections, or, in most cases, from unknown causes. Alcohol use before or during pregnancy can result in fetal alcohol syndrome, birth defects, and developmental disabilities. Tobacco use is associated with increased risk of preterm premature rupture of membranes, preterm delivery, and low birth weights. Infection disease risk, including immunization status,

should be assessed prior to conception or early pregnancy. German measles (rubella) and chicken pox (varicella) titers may cause fetal problems and are almost completely avoidable with immunization. Pregnant patients should avoid exposure to individuals with these active diseases or other viral infections. Exposure to cats, particularly unfamiliar cats or cat litter, places a pregnant woman at risk for toxoplasmosis. Some birth defects can be prevented. Up to 50% to 70% of neural tube defects, an opening in the spinal cord or brain that occurs very early in human development, can be prevented by consuming adequate folic acid. Women of childbearing age capable of becoming pregnant are currently advised to consume 0.4 milligrams of folic acid daily. Individuals with a previous child born with a neural tube defect should increase this intake. Given that many pregnancies are unplanned and most women are unaware that they are pregnant at the time that the spinal cord is forming, folic acid supplementation should begin at least one month prior to conception and may be of benefit to all women of childbearing age. Extremes of reproductive age add to obstetric risk. Adolescents have particular nutritional and emotional demands that can interfere with pregnancy. Immaturity and lack of appreciation for regular care may result in adolescents missing prenatal visits. Teenage pregnancies may be associated with increased incidence of promiscuity, sexually transmitted diseases, premature labor, smoking, drug usage and addiction, and preeclampsia (i.e., toxemia of pregnancy). Older women also have specific risks in pregnancy. Women older than the age of 35 are at increased risk for having a child with a chromosomal abnormality. The risk of Down syndrome at age 35 is 1 in 378, and the risk for any chromosomal abnormality is 1 in 192. Decreased quality of eggs in women of advanced maternal age is thought to be responsible for the decline in fertility and increased risk for chromosomal abnormalities. Advanced paternal age, 55 years or older, has been associated with an increase in neurofibromatosis, achondroplasia, Marfan syndrome, and schizophrenia. Certain diseases are associated with specific populations, and an individual’s risk for passing along the genes for these diseases can be determined through screening. Sub-Saharan Africans and African Americans should be screened for sickle-cell disease. Individuals of Jewish and French Canadian heritage should be screened for TaySachs disease, Canavan’s disease, and cystic fibrosis. Those of Mediterranean and Southeast Asian descent should be screened for thalassemia. The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG) recommends that cystic fibrosis screening be offered to Caucasian couples who are planning or considering pregnancy in order to identify couples at risk for having a child with cystic fibrosis, a ge-

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netic disorder that requires both parents to carry that gene abnormality. H e alth M ai n tenanc e Health maintenance is especially important for women during pregnancy. The optimal time for dietary changes that will improve maternal and fetal health is prior to conception. Substance abuse, use of supplements (vitamin, mineral, or herbal), special diets, eating disorders, and limitations on food resources are factors that need consideration. Early in pregnancy, some women find that their appetites wax and wane. Frequent small meals with healthy snacks in between may be needed at this stage to provide the extra nutrients and calories required during pregnancy and may also help with nausea. Adequate protein consumption is important, particularly in mid- to late pregnancy. The fetal and placental unit requires protein, with the majority of this requirement in the last six months. Animal proteins contain all nine essential amino acids, whereas plant proteins are incomplete, so vegetarians may also need to take supplements such as vitamin B12 and vitamin D to consume all the nutrients needed for the mother and baby. Excessive vitamin A (greater than 10,000 international units per day) is associated with fetal malformations. Research on specific foods that may pose risks during pregnancy continues to evolve, but, in general, foods that may carry infection—such as raw meats and fishes as well as unpasteurized cheeses—and fish known to have elevated mercury levels should be avoided. The average weight gain for most healthy women in industrialized nations is between 25 and 35 pounds. The fetus, placenta, uterine growth, breast engorgement, and retention of water account for 23 pounds, and maternal brown fat storage accounts for the remainder. Pregnant women should average a gain of approximately 2 to 4 pounds in the first three months and 3 to 4 pounds per month thereafter. Underweight women should gain more during pregnancy, and overweight women should gain less. There is a higher incidence of pregnancy complications at the upper and lower extremes of weight gain. Low weight gain during pregnancy is associated with low birth weight, perinatal mortality, and possibly preterm birth. Individuals who exceed the weight gain recommendations are at risk for large infants, birth injuries, and Cesarean delivery as well as increased maternal and neonatal adverse outcomes. Individuals who are obese prior to conception are at increased risk for having a child with birth defects and other pregnancy complications, such as gestational diabetes, preeclampsia, or stillbirth. Pregnant women benefit from maintaining an active lifestyle, including sexual intercourse. Regular exercise recommendations of 30 minutes or more on most days can be adapted to pregnant women without specific medical or obstetric complications. It has been suggested that regular

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exercise may be of benefit in the prevention of gestational diabetes, most notably in morbidly obese women. However, the physiological changes of pregnancy can limit the type of exercise that is safe. Those that place a woman at risk for abdominal trauma or falling need to be avoided. Cardiovascular changes in pregnancy must be taken into consideration at rest as well as during exercise. Following the first trimester, lying on one’s back can decrease blood flow to the heart, resulting in decreased cardiac output and low blood pressure. Thus, exercises associated with this position should be avoided. All pregnant women should expect a decline in overall activity and fitness levels as the pregnancy continues. Pr enatal V isits The primary goal of prenatal care is to ensure the birth of a healthy baby with minimal risk to the mother. This is achieved with early estimation of gestational age, identification of patients at risk for complications, continuing evaluation of both maternal and fetal health, and patient education and communication. Normally, prenatal visits in the United States are every four to five weeks up to 28 weeks gestation, every two to three weeks from 28 to 36 weeks gestation, and then weekly until delivery. The initial prenatal visit involves a thorough patient history. A complete physical exam is also performed, with an emphasis on the pelvic exam. Subsequent prenatal visits consist of measurements of blood pressure, weight, uterine fundus (to assess fetal growth), heart tones, and fetal activity as well as determination of fetal position. Routine prenatal laboratory assessments done in the United States include tests for blood type and screens to detect antibodies that could possibly cause hemolytic disease of the newborn (incompatibility between the blood types of the mother and baby). Rhogam (anti d-immune globulin) is administered to women with Rh-negative blood type at 28 weeks. Screening for gestational diabetes usually occurs between 24 and 28 weeks. The mother is also tested for hepatitis B, syphilis, and HIV, which might be transmitted to the fetus, and for anemia, rubella (German measles), and infections of the cervix and urinary tract. Screening for birth defects can be performed in either the first or second trimester. Between 18 and 21 weeks, an ultrasound is obtained to assess, from head to toe, the anatomy of the growing fetus. Women in the United States are screened for group B beta-hemolytic streptococcus (GBS) colonization of the genital area, a bacterium that can cause a serious infection in newborns, at 35 to 37 weeks. Those who test positive receive antibiotics in labor to reduce the incidence of GBS infection in the infant. Most prenatal care in industrialized countries is similar to that received in the United States. What may differ among countries is the use of ultrasound (used commonly at each

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visit, or monthly in North America) as well as the use of various delivering providers. Many women in Europe with low-risk pregnancies are delivered by midwives. In developing countries, prenatal care can be sporadic and limited, and deliveries may be attended by skilled attendants such as doctors, midwives, nurses, and providers with equivalent levels of skills. The World Health Organization’s model of prenatal care divides women into two groups: those who require routine care and those with specific health conditions who require specialist care. For the routine group, standardized care involves four prenatal visits with specific timing to gestational age. The tests performed on these women are those that serve an immediate purpose and have been shown to be beneficial, such as blood pressure measurements, urine testing for bacteria and protein, and blood tests to detect syphilis and anemia. Even a limited number of prenatal visits provides an opportunity to enhance the health of women and, ultimately, of their infants. Susan Tsai see also: Childbearing, Adolescent; Embryology and Fetal Development; Labor and Delivery; Multiple Births; Pregnancy and Childbirth, Legal Regulation of; Prematurity; Reproductive Technologies further reading: Heidi Murkoff, Arlene Eisenberg, and Sandee Hathaway, What to Expect When You’re Expecting, 2002. • American College of Obstetrics and Gynecology and Larry Erickson, Your Pregnancy and Birth: Information You Can Trust from the Leading Experts in Women’s Health Care, 2005. • Pampers, http://www.pampers .com • WebMD, http://www.webmd.com

pregnancy and childbirth, legal regulation of. The United States Constitution provides individuals with a number of core rights and protections. The due process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment has been held to establish a right to privacy that protects, among other things, decisions about procreation and family creation, including a woman’s right to terminate a pregnancy. The due process clause and the Fourth and Fifth Amendments also protect individuals from unjustified bodily invasions, including the right to refuse unwanted medical treatment and a right to be free from physical restraint. An issue that courts and legislatures have grappled with over the past several decades is whether a woman’s rights to privacy and to bodily autonomy and integrity are diminished when she is pregnant. Stated another way, the question is whether the state can force pregnant women to undergo unwanted medical treatments or can physically restrain or punish pregnant women for engaging in otherwise legal conduct when the state believes that these interventions are necessary to protect the fetus from potential harm. Regulation of pregnant women occurs through both direct and indirect means. Means that directly regulate pregnant women’s conduct include forcing pregnant women to have unwanted medical treatments, including blood

transfusions and Cesarean sections; forcing women to give birth in hospitals; and incarcerating or civilly committing or detaining pregnant women to prevent them from engaging in conduct that is believed to be harmful or potentially harmful to the fetus. Officials also have sought to regulate pregnant women indirectly, by punishing them after the fact under civil and criminal statutes for otherwise legal conduct engaged in during their pregnancies. Courts and commentators on both sides of the issue have looked to the Supreme Court’s abortion jurisprudence for support. In Roe v. Wade (1973), the United States Supreme Court held that a woman has a constitutionally protected right to terminate a pregnancy prior to viability. The Court began its inquiry by rejecting the claim that a fetus is a person within the meaning of the Constitution. Having rejected this claim, the Court held that assessing the constitutionality of a woman’s right to abortion required the Court to balance the interests of the woman in her privacy and autonomy against the state’s interest in protecting the woman’s health and in the potential life of the fetus. According to Roe, prior to viability, the interests of the woman outweigh the state’s interests. After viability, however, the state’s interest in the potential life of the fetus becomes compelling, and the balance of interests shifts such that the state is permitted to prohibit all abortions except for those necessary to preserve the life and health of the woman. All of the published case law from the 1960s and 1970s concluded that it was permissible to force pregnant women to undergo unwanted medical treatments when it was believed that the treatment was necessary to protect the fetus from potential harm. Some courts looked explicitly to Roe to support this conclusion. For example, in Pemberton v. Tallahassee Memorial Regional Medical Center (1999), a Florida federal district court relied on Roe in holding that an order compelling a pregnant woman to undergo a Cesarean section did not violate the woman’s constitutional rights. The court stated that in Roe, the Supreme Court held that the state’s interest in the potential life of the fetus became compelling after viability. Therefore, some courts have reasoned, at least after viability, the state’s compelling interest in the potential life of the fetus outweighed the woman’s otherwise protected interests in privacy, bodily integrity, and autonomy. Since the early 1980s, however, a number of courts have reached the opposite conclusion, holding that even after the point of viability, a woman’s rights to privacy, bodily integrity, and autonomy are not lost or diminished during pregnancy. An Illinois appellate court explained in In re Fetus Brown (1997) that because the fetus is not a person for constitutional purposes, the state cannot override a competent pregnant woman’s decision to refuse invasive medical treatment, even if that medical treatment is considered necessary to protect the fetus from potential harm. Other courts and commentators also have emphasized Roe’s hold-

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ing that the state’s interest in the potential life of the fetus must always give way where necessary to protect the life or health of the mother. Therefore, the argument continues, the state’s interest in the potential life of the fetus does not justify forcing a woman to submit to a medical procedure that poses a risk to her health. While much of the early litigation focused on the issue of the permissibility of forced medical treatment, as noted previously, women’s conduct and decisions during pregnancy have been regulated in other ways. In a number of states, pregnant women have been placed into state custody when it was believed that their conduct might harm their fetuses. For example, Massachusetts officials placed a pregnant woman into state custody because the state believed she would fail to seek appropriate prenatal care. As of 2007, at least three states had statutes authorizing the civil commitment or detention of women who abuse alcohol during their pregnancies. Officials in a number of states have charged women under civil child abuse and neglect statutes for otherwise legal conduct they engaged in during their pregnancies. In New Jersey, officials filed an abuse and neglect petition against an HIV-positive woman who refused to take the drug AZT during her pregnancy. Other women have had civil child abuse and neglect charges brought against them for consuming alcohol during their pregnancies. In addition, although no state explicitly criminalizes consuming or abusing alcohol during pregnancy, news reports document women who have faced criminal charges for such conduct. In Whitner v. State (1997), the South Carolina Supreme Court held that a woman can be criminally prosecuted for conduct engaged in during her pregnancy— whether such conduct is otherwise legal or illegal—that endangers or is likely to endanger her fetus. As of 2007, however, courts in 14 of the 15 states that had considered the issue reached the opposite conclusion, holding that a woman cannot be criminally prosecuted for conduct during pregnancy that is or may be harmful to her fetus. In reaching this conclusion, many of these courts relied on Roe’s holding that a fetus is not a person within the meaning of the Constitution. Moreover, a number of these decisions raised concerns about the potential scope of policies regulating women’s pregnancies. If criminal statutes apply to conduct that harms or potentially harms a fetus, these statutes could permit prosecutions against women for a wide range of otherwise legal conduct they engaged in during their pregnancies, including smoking, having poor eating habits, or failing to take prenatal vitamins. In addition to arguing that such policies violate women’s privacy and personal autonomy rights, courts, commentators, and health care professionals have raised a number of other policy and public health concerns about direct and indirect regulation of pregnant women. Some commentators have argued that caution is particularly warranted

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given the inability of medical professionals to predict with certainty the outcome of a particular medical treatment decision. A 1987 study analyzing court-ordered medical interventions of pregnant women found that in approximately one-third of the cases in which orders to require Cesarean sections were sought, the medical prediction with respect to the harm to the fetus was inaccurate. It is also difficult to predict with a high degree of accuracy the potential that any particular conduct during pregnancy—such as drinking alcohol or smoking—will result in harm to the fetus. Others have argued that caution is further warranted by evidence suggesting that policies regulating women’s pregnancies have been disproportionately applied to poor women and women of color. The 1987 study noted previously found that in the overwhelming percentage of cases (81%) in which court orders were obtained to require a woman to submit to a Cesarean section, the women were black, Asian, or Hispanic. A 1989 study of alcohol and drug use by pregnant women in Pinellas County, Florida, found that while white women were slightly more likely than black women to use drugs and alcohol during their pregnancies, black women were 10 times more likely to be reported to public officials. Health organizations, including the American Medical Association (AMA) and the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG), have commented that policies regulating pregnant women may actually harm women and their fetuses by discouraging women from obtaining prenatal care or from sharing important information with their treating physicians. For these and other reasons, both the AMA and ACOG have taken positions opposing coercive and punitive regulation of women’s pregnancies in all or almost all circumstances. The U.S. Supreme Court’s decision in Gonzales v. Carhart (2007) may impact whether and to what extent the state can regulate women’s pregnancies in the future. For the first time, the Court in Carhart upheld an abortion restriction that did not include an exception for the woman’s health. As noted previously, prior to Carhart, one could argue that it would not be constitutionally permissible to force a woman to risk harm to herself to protect the fetus from potential harm. It remains to be seen how the Court’s apparent elimination of the health exception for women will impact policies regulating women’s pregnancies. Second, in Carhart, the Court held that it is permissible to deny women the right to utilize a safer form of abortion because the decision to have an abortion is one that women may later come to regret. A state could try to make a similar argument in this context: that the state should be permitted to prevent or discourage pregnant women from making decisions or engaging in conduct that the state thinks they may later come to regret. At the state level, a number of states have or currently are considering provisions that would extend the status of

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imagining each other

An African American Grandmother Combats Racial Hatred The impact of racial hatred on children’s development is profound. For African American children and many other children of color, racism limits opportunities and undermines aspirations, motivation, and confidence. For European American children, racism limits empathy, self-understanding, and awareness of the detrimental effects of privilege. Traditionally, African American parents have turned to elders for guidance in raising healthy children within a racist society. I turned to Edith V. P. Hudley, an African American grandmother and master storyteller, for help in raising my biracial children. Eventually, Mrs. Hudley collaborated with me and my colleague Peggy J. Miller to write Raise Up a Child: Human Development in an African-American Family (2003), in which Mrs. Hudley tells her life story. Born in 1920 in the rural South, young Edith began raising children at the age of 10 after her mother died. Throughout her life, she has been actively involved with children as a sister, mother, stepmother, grandmother, mother of her church, mentor, and informal foster mother. Mrs. Hudley raised children while working in the shipyards during World War II, owning and operating a small country store, working in the civil rights movement, and enjoying retirement. Mrs. Hudley’s perspectives on child rearing have been fundamentally shaped by these and other experiences, as interpreted through the lens of her African American Christianity. A common theme in Mrs. Hudley’s stories is truth telling: the obligation of parents to forewarn their children about racism and equip them with strategies for success. As a child, Edith benefited especially from her father’s honesty. My daddy sat down and started explainin to me about it [racism] and he told me, he said, “Baby, you might live here ‘till you die, and you still won’t be considered as a regu-

personhood and the constitutional rights associated with that status to fertilized ova. If such provisions were held to be constitutional, they could place pregnant women and fetuses on equal constitutional footing and could dramatically impact the ability of states to regulate pregnant women’s conduct and decisions. Courtney G. Joslin see also: Abortion; Fetus, Legal Status of the; Labor and Delivery; Pregnancy; Procreate, Right to; Reproductive Technologies; Rights, Parental; Substance Abuse, Parental further reading: Helene M. Cole, “Legal Interventions during Pregnancy,” Journal of the American Medical Association 264, no. 20 (1990), pp. 2663–70. • Veronika Kolder, Janet Gallagher, and Michael T. Parsons, “Court-Ordered Obstetrical Interventions,” New England Journal of Medicine 316, no. 19 ([1987] 1992), p. 1192. • American College of Obstetrics and Gynecology, “Patient Choice in the Maternal-Fetal Relationship,” in Ethics in Obstetrics and Gynecology, 2nd ed., 2004. • April L. Cherry, “Roe’s Legacy: The Nonconsensual Medical Treatment of Pregnant Women and

lar person.” He said, “But don’t you forget that the man above, God, sees and knows all things and you be good to those that be bad to you and you’ll get repaid for it.” He said, “You might live here in Hell, but you don’t want to die and go to Hell.” . . . So, that made me have more courage and more determination to overcome the bad. Her father’s candor encouraged Edith to develop a critical consciousness of racism. Throughout her narrative, she describes her active rejection of the notion that she is not as capable or entitled as others. In the following excerpt, she describes her growing awareness, as an adolescent, of her employer’s racism and her decision to quit this relatively wellpaying job. So when I got up into my womanhood—I thought I was a woman, I wasn’t. [I was] in my teens [15 years old], and I went to Houston to go to work. I was tryin to go to school. . . . I wanted to be a nurse, and I had to help myself. . . . So, they had opened up a night school, and that’s where I said, “Now I can go!” I was workin for some people. I’d be nursing their babies and doing for the child what the mother couldn’t do. I thought this would be great, if I told them what my plan was. I wanted to work and go to school at night. . . . Her father [the baby’s grandfather] was an ex-minister. Now this is what hurt me. And she [Miz A.] told another lady, one of her friends, I’ll never forget. I overheard them. . . . I’m serving them. . . . And she’s telling this lady what I had told her. She said, “Well if that happen, you’re gonna lose your good maid. . . . No, you don’t want that to happen.” . . . And so they fixed it. . . . If I could have got off at seven o’clock, I coulda got to school. . . .

Implications for Female Citizenship,” University of Pennsylvania Journal of Constitutional Law 6 (2004), p. 723. • American College of Obstetrics and Gynecology, “Maternal Decision Making, Ethics, and the Law,” Committee Opinion no. 321, November 2005. • Lynn M. Paltrow, “Governmental Responses to Pregnant Women Who Use Alcohol and Other Drugs,” DePaul Journal of Health Care Law 8 (2005), p. 461.

prejudice and stereotyping. Most people are familiar with the terms prejudice and stereotype and recognize ethnic prejudice and gender stereotypes in social life. However, adults are often unaware that children also possess prejudice and stereotypes. One common definition of prejudice is the holding of derogatory social attitudes or cognitive beliefs, the expression of negative affect, or the display of hostile or discriminatory behavior toward members of a group on account of their membership in that group. Stereotyping refers to characterizing someone in terms of a set

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An African American Grandmother Combats Racial Hatred (continued) That old man, her father, was the ex-minister, and he said, “No!” He didn’t want to have his dinner till six o’clock. He would sit at that table, and I couldn’t take everything off the table until he moved. And one night, I guess the devil got in me too, that was in him. I says, “I’m gonna pull those dishes off this table and wash ’em, and I’m gonna walk out the door! If I come back tomorrow and don’t have a job, I’ll just go look for another one.”

The whites would be walkin one way, and we’d be walkin the other. They’d yell at us, “You dirty black niggers! We hate you! We hate you!” I’d go to Mama and ask her, “Why do they hate us?” She’d always take me to the Bible. She taught me that God loves us all. God is the judge. She taught me not to take hate inside of myself. Mrs. Hudley went on to explain that when people hate, they destroy that part of God that he left inside each person when

of traits and abilities that one believes apply uniformly to members of a group. Adolescent and adult stereotypes about the traits possessed by men and women, ethnic and national groups, religious groups, and occupations are often shared by a society to the point that many believe the stereotypes are based in real differences. Whether they are or not, it is generally acknowledged that generalizing to all members of a group is unrealistic and unfair. Although children’s prejudice and stereotypes may not appear as strong or emotionally articulated as adolescents’, their biases may intentionally or unintentionally hurt others if they manifest as exclusion or name-calling. There is also a debate about the extent to which prejudice and stereotyping are inevitable, normal, pragmatic, and adaptive. One argument is that they are pervasive because they help organize the multitude of information people must sift through and act on each day. The counterargument is that humans have no shortage of brain

Segregation—bad, bad, bad. But, it was still some good, good, good white people. . . . So everybody wasn’t the bad ones. . . . I had some that treated me bad, but I had lots that treated us good. And like my mother and my daddy used to say, “The good can overcome the bad.” So that was how we was brought up. . . . Now, in that day and time, we had relatives that was murdered. Some was hung. . . . But as times changed, why hold that against the new ones that’s comin along, those that didn’t have anything to do with it? . . . Those that did that, they have to give an account of what they did, and meet God for it. But those that didn’t and reached out and said, “I love you”? In this passage Mrs. Hudley alludes to the tremendous changes, including integration and civil rights, that she witnessed during her long life. Yet racism remains alive in American society. Today, a black child—regardless of personal attributes, income level, education, or family status—may experience degrading images of African Americans projected by pop culture icons, endure rude personal comments from peers, and be passed over for educational programs for the gifted. Today, as much as ever, parents need the farsightedness of luminaries such as Mrs. Hudley. Wendy Haight

imagining each other

Although Edith ultimately was forced to return home without her education, her critical awareness of the role of racism within this churchgoing family allowed her to do so with her self-esteem and self-confidence intact. The “ex-minister” story also illustrates another persistent thread in Mrs. Hudley’s life story: resistance to racism. Adults have a range of strategies for resisting racism, from simply living a personally meaningful life to political activism. Children have many fewer options. As a child, Mrs. Hudley’s parents helped her resist racism by nurturing internal strengths. Such antidotes included self-esteem and a hopeful, loving outlook rooted in her African American Christianity. The following excerpt is part of a longer narrative Mrs. Hudley recounted about her experiences as a 7-year-old walking to a segregated school.

he created them. Thus, the moral of this story was that she was not the victim; rather, her taunters were. Mrs. Hudley’s stories suggest that she not only resisted but also resisted reducing others to stereotypes. Responding to hatred with hatred is to become like the oppressor.

Excerpts reprinted by permission of the publisher from Edith V. P. Hudley, Wendy Haight, and Peggy J. Miller, Raise Up a Child: Human Development in an African-American Family, Chicago: Lyceum Books, 2003.

power and develop quite elaborate and flexible mental constructs of events and people in their lives. Gender stereotypes are very pervasive in most societies, and children are near perfect by 7 years of age in matching males and females to the society’s conventional symbols for each sex—for example, occupational objects such as a hammer and a broom—or traits such as caring and adventurous. Children of 4 or 5 years may not know the stereotype, in which case they claim that their sex has all the positive traits (e.g., caring and adventurous) and the other sex has the negative traits (e.g., weak and messy). So even when children lack knowledge about the stereotype, they express favoritism toward their own sex and prejudice toward the other. Behavior of young children in the school yard often mirrors these divisions: When boys play with boys, their play exemplifies stereotypical rough and active male behavior, and girls who play with girls are more sedentary and remain close to an adult. Children are subject to peer

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pressures at this young age to play with their own sex. Although preference for the activities and peers of one’s own sex remains high until adolescence, many children do play in mixed-sex groups and in nonstereotypical ways. As children mature cognitively, they also begin to recognize that though people usually act according to unwritten rules for their gender, people could be and perhaps are different from the stereotype. So, on the one hand, while children can identify boys and girls early in their first year, they may use an evaluative frame (good-bad) to organize information about the sexes until such time as they learn the stereotype. Once learned, they may alter their own behavior to engage in stereotypical activities with same-sex peers, but not necessarily. Beyond 7 years of age, they are able to think outside of the stereotype even though they act within it. Acting within the stereotype may become even more important during adolescence as boys and girls interact on a more mature level. However, for many young people, being known and liked for their individual qualities is more important than conforming to the gender stereotype. Social variations exist in what constitutes the male and female stereotype and how constrained people are to fit the stereotype. In some societies, it is difficult for a female mathematician or a househusband to be taken seriously. In others, women’s roles are narrow and uniform, thereby constraining their access to education and control over the major decisions in their lives, such as whom to marry. Boys and girls learn by observing what is done in their own society, without much explicit instruction; however, though infrequent, reprimands for counterstereotype actions are effective. When they lead to gender segregation and constrain opportunities to develop one’s capabilities, gender stereotypes are harmful to both boys and girls in youth and adulthood. Prejudice and stereotyping of visible ethnic minorities within countries share common themes with gender biases, as previously described. However, prejudice rather than stereotyping dominates in the early years. Children of 4 and 5 years express strongly positive views of their own group. Subsequently, they develop prejudice toward those who look different in terms of skin color, hair texture, or other observable features such as clothing and speech. Their prejudice, while not strongly negative or hostile, is nonetheless significantly less positive than attitudes toward their own group. In some children older than 7 years, the same cognitive maturity that allowed for flexibility in gender typing provides children with the ability to acknowledge both positive and negative qualities of their own and other ethnic groups. This permits a more balanced, realistic, and unprejudiced view of ethnic groups. For a variety of reasons, children may not take advantage of this ability. There may be pressures from their own peers and parents to espouse a prejudiced attitude, or there may be a competitive need

to feel superior in a context of confl ict. Some experts feel that once prejudiced, children continue to be prejudiced throughout childhood and only appear tolerant to please tolerant-minded adults. However, evidence for the strength of their commitment comes from studies showing that tolerant children manage to convince their prejudiced friends to adopt a tolerant attitude in the absence of an adult. Despite the mental capacity for tolerant attitudes, many children and adolescents remain prejudiced. Their attitudes may be bolstered by what they hear from others. For example, Romanian children who have never met a Romani person may overhear parents, teachers, or peers associate derogatory traits with the Roma. The most negative prejudice is reserved for ethnic groups who have a distinguishing feature, for example, in appearance, religion, or speech, and who possess several overlapping low-status features, such as being a minority and lower class. Although children’s prejudice and stereotyping of lower-class people is not well documented, they likely infer that children who are poor and have few toys did something bad to deserve that. Consequently, their two negative views converge on the one group. On the other hand, when children age 6 years from different European countries were asked to evaluate one another on the basis of a national label but no contact, some were clearly more prejudiced than others, but none was prejudiced to all nationalities. Most were favorable to their own nationality and less so to the others. Children from minority groups who are often the targets of prejudice and stereotyping commonly express less of these biases. In fact, once they enter the school system, some start to express a very positive evaluation of the dominant majority group and a less positive view of their own. Other children are very positive toward only their own or to all groups. They generally become more favorable toward their own group during middle childhood and adolescence but rarely ever display a strongly prejudiced view. This is unrelated to their ethnic identification or self-esteem. Children living in countries that were colonized by Europeans, such as Jamaica, appear to have little prejudice toward black-skinned or white-skinned people until they become exposed to the color correlation, namely the overlap between skin color and occupational status. This exposure starts around 10 years of age, when children become aware of the wider societal hierarchy, or younger in city children with access to the media. There are also hierarchies in other countries such as Singapore; here and in China and Japan, children begin by being favorable to their own group and less so to others, though they may develop a positive appreciation of other nationalities through media exposure. Do all children display prejudice and stereotyping? No. It requires a convergence of forces, some internal to the child, such as the natural and developing need to understand the rules and regularities of their social world, and some external, such as a social hierarchy that is palpable and/or

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discussed explicitly by peers or parents. Consequently, variation in prejudice and stereotyping exists across the age range and in different cultures and societies; less variation exists according to one’s sex and socioeconomic status. Although children start to form ideas about social regularities at 5 years of age and may exaggerate the positive qualities of their own and the negative qualities of others, they are cognitively and emotionally able at 8 years of age to create a more balanced view and use individual as opposed to group information. However, if parents and peers explicitly disapprove of a balanced view or if social confl ict is expressed through other media, then children and especially adolescents might conform by adopting the prevailing prejudice and stereotypes. The United States went through a long historical period when prejudice and stereotypes were commonly held and accepted. Stereotypes about gender, ethnic, and occupational groups even formed the basis of entertaining jokes. Many feel that while overt forms of bias are being scrutinized in public institutions such as schools and television, less explicit biases are pervasive in the way children and adolescents are treated. Between 8 and 10 years of age, as children become aware of others’ stereotypes that girls are not good at math or African Americans are not academically talented, classroom cues may cause children from stereotyped groups to feel judged stereotypically, which in turn interferes with their performance. Similarly, young people often select courses of study and career opportunities based on occupational stereotypes for their gender and ethnicity. In some countries, males, females, and certain ethnic or status groups are confined to specific adult occupations; neglect or violence might be directed to people who act outside the rule. In these cases, concepts of equality, tolerance, and fairness are subsumed within the virtues of obedience and respect for status and traditions. In other countries, youth who want to break the mold have more opportunities but require stronger credentials in order to disconfirm the expectations of teachers, coaches, police, and recruiters. Forms of discrimination or unfair treatment are not confined to adolescents and adults; they are common in the school yard where children are publicly ridiculed, excluded, or bullied because of their differentness. Most recognize this as unfair and hurtful but feel powerless to stop it. To children and adolescents, it is a fearful reminder that school and play contexts are not physically and mentally safe for everyone. For these and other reasons, adolescents often segregate themselves by ethnicity when selecting their friends. Nonetheless, contact of a close and friendly nature is the single most successful recipe for reducing prejudice and stereotyping. Token contacts through exchange programs and simplistic information about lifestyles are not effective and may create a stereotype. Parents often assume that children will automatically adopt their tolerant values, but values are not always apparent to children unless ex-

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plicitly and concretely described. Parents of some minority ethnic and religious groups actively inoculate their children against the dispiriting consequences of prejudice and stereotyping by bolstering self-esteem and faith in their traditions. While identification with and pride in one’s group and knowing about other groups are precursors to prejudice and stereotypes, they do not in themselves necessarily lead to prejudice. Prejudice and stereotyping become detrimental when they are negative, applied unthinkingly to all members of a group, prevent one from having friends or promoting colleagues from that group, and interfere with the development of one’s own potential to live cooperatively with others. Frances E. Aboud see also: Bullying; Moral Development; Race and Children’s Development further reading: F. E. Aboud and S. R. Levy, “Interventions to Reduce Prejudice and Discrimination in Children and Adolescents,” in S. Oskamp, ed., Reducing Prejudice and Discrimination, 2000, pp. 269–93. • F. E. Aboud and M. Amato, “Developmental and Socialization Influences on Intergroup Bias,” in R. Brown and S. Gaertner, eds., Blackwell Handbook in Social Psychology, 2001, pp. 65–85. • C. S. Brown and R. S. Bigler, “Children’s Perceptions of Discrimination: A Developmental Model,” Child Development 76 (2005), pp. 533–761. • R. Brown and M. Hewstone, “An Integrative Theory of Intergroup Contact,” in M. P Zanna, ed., Advances in Experimental Social Psychology 37 (2005), pp. 255–343.

prematurity. In 2007, one in every eight infants in the United States was born prematurely, before 37 weeks gestation. The majority (75%) of preterm infants are born 3 to 6 weeks early at 34 to 36 weeks gestation and are called late preterm. Moderately preterm infants are born at 29 to 33 weeks, and extremely preterm infants are born at 28 weeks gestation or less. The borderline of viability is about 23 weeks gestation. Prior to this gestation, the fetus is too small and the organ systems too undeveloped to survive. An accurate gestational age is best determined by a fetal ultrasound exam performed in the first 12 weeks of the pregnancy. Obstetric causes of preterm delivery include spontaneous preterm labor (45%), premature rupture of the membranes surrounding the fetus (25%), or circumstances that place either the mother (e.g., preeclampsia, diabetes) or fetus (e.g., intrauterine growth restriction, fetal distress) at high risk for illness or death if the pregnancy continues (30%). Maternal infection, usually involving the fetal membranes, may precipitate with both preterm labor and premature rupture of the membranes. Other factors associated with an increased risk of prematurity include African American race, older maternal age, lower socioeconomic status, single marital status, geographic residence in the southeastern United States, chronic physical or social stress, cigarette smoking, and street drug use. The risk of preterm delivery is twice as high in black women compared

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to white, Hispanic, or Asian women. This disparity has persisted unchanged over many years and is not explained by differences in any demographic factors such as socioeconomic status or maternal education. Prior preterm delivery, multiple pregnancy losses, infertility, uterine abnormalities, conception using assisted reproductive technologies (ART), and multiple gestation also increase the risk of prematurity. However, approximately 50% of preterm labor remains unexplained by any identifiable risk factor. When preterm delivery threatens, obstetric intervention can often delay delivery for days to weeks, resulting in a more mature preterm infant with fewer and less serious neonatal and long-term problems. The incidence of preterm delivery has steadily increased, rising 30% since the 1980s and reaching 12.7% in 2007. The preterm delivery rates reported from other industrialized countries are lower (5% to 9%) but have also increased. Most of the increase in the United States has been in infants born at 34 to 36 weeks gestation. In large part, this reflects improved obstetric care with intentional early delivery in order to reduce both maternal and fetal complications. Delayed childbearing has also contributed, because older mothers have a higher risk of maternal illness necessitating early delivery (e.g., diabetes, hypertension) and are more likely to have multiple gestation that deliver prematurely. The increased incidence of multiple gestation reflects the increased likelihood of older mothers spontaneously conceiving twins and the increased risk of multiples associated with fertility treatments such as ovulation induction and multiple embryo transfer following in vitro fertilization. The process of ART itself is also associated with a higher chance of monozygotic (identical) twinning in the transferred embryo. Consequently, about 30% of all deliveries following ART are multiples, most often twins and triplets. Almost all of these multiples deliver prematurely, with both immediate and long-term consequences. When infants are born prematurely, all their organ systems are immature. The lungs may lack surfactant, the chemical compound needed to keep the lungs inflated during breathing, resulting in respiratory distress syndrome (RDS) and the need for mechanical ventilation. Immature lungs are more susceptible to damage from mechanical ventilation, oxygen, and infection, resulting in chronic respiratory problems (bronchopulmonary dysplasia or BPD). Fragile blood vessels in the brain are susceptible to bleeding, resulting in intraventricular hemorrhage (IVH). Immature white matter in the brain may be injured by lack of oxygen and blood flow or by toxic chemicals. The ductus arteriosus, a blood vessel that normally closes at birth, may remain open, flooding the lungs with too much blood flow. Due to neurological immaturity and inability to maintain an open airway, breathing is often irregular with long pauses (apnea) and associated with low heart rate (bradycardia) and decreased oxygen in the bloodstream (desatu-

ration). Reduced defenses against bacterial invasion increase the risk of blood stream infection (sepsis). Abnormal development of the immature retina of the eye may lead to visual loss due to retinopathy of prematurity (ROP). Insufficient oxygen and blood flow may result in damage to the intestine (necrotizing entercolitis or NEC). In general, the more preterm the infant, the higher the risk of any or all of these problems. However, even preterm infants born at 34 to 36 weeks gestation are at substantially higher risk of significant or serious neonatal illness, including respiratory distress, sepsis, and jaundice. Virtually all infants less than 35 weeks gestation will require specialized care in a neonatal intensive care unit (NICU). Following discharge home, preterm infants continue to be at increased medical risk for respiratory problems, including apnea, asthma, and pneumonia, as well as gastroesophageal reflux, sudden infant death, and poor growth. Approximately 50% of infants born at less than 1,500 grams will be rehospitalized within the first year. Survival of preterm infants has improved dramatically in the developed world since the 1970s due to the partnership between obstetric (perinatologists) and pediatric (neonatologists) specialists and the development of regional centers with expertise in high-risk maternal and newborn care. The two most important therapeutic advances have been administration of steroids to the mother before delivery to mature the fetal lungs and reduce the risk of surfactant deficiency and administration of surfactant directly into the lungs after birth to treat surfactant deficiency when it occurs. At the present time, almost all (more than 90%) preterm infants born in the United States now survive if born at 26 weeks gestation or 750 grams birth weight. Even at 23 weeks, the borderline of viability, survival is about 40%. Despite marked improvement in survival, there has been very little change in the overall risk of neurological and developmental problems associated with preterm birth since the 1950s. In general, the more immature the preterm infant, the higher the risk of neurodevelopmental deficit. Approximately 10% to 15% of preterm infants born at less than 1,500 grams will develop cerebral palsy, a neuromotor disorder that affects the ability to control movement. The chance of developing cerebral palsy is much higher when there is evidence of severe bleeding in the brain or cystic injury brain injury in the neonatal period, but it can occur without neonatal brain injury being evident. Other problems, particularly in infants weighing less than 1,500 grams at birth, include vision (10% to 30%) and hearing (5% to 10%) impairment, cognitive impairment (10% to 30%), speech and language delay (30%), attention deficit disorder (20% to 30%), anxiety and depression (10%), perceptual–motor processing dysfunction (20%), learning disabilities (40% to 50%), and low academic achievement (30% to 50%). Approximately 30% to 40% will require some special educational resources and 20% will repeat a

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grade. Academic difficulties are frequent even with quantitatively normal intelligence. School problems may not be evident until later childhood when higher-order cognitive, organizational, or processing skills are required. Approximately 65% to 85% of all preterm infants weighing less than 1,500 grams at birth will have at least one functional limitation related to prematurity. It is usually not possible to predict at the time of birth which children will develop significant neurodevelopmental sequelae. Fortunately, many neurodevelopmental problems are amenable to intervention and neurological maturation. Comprehensive neurodevelopmental assessment throughout childhood is recommended to identify problems and institute appropriate intervention as soon as possible, thereby helping ensure an optimal outcome. In the long term, the quality of the home environment is particularly important: Factors such as higher socioeconomic status and maternal education consistently predict a better outcome. Fortunately, despite their higher risk of neurological and developmental sequelae, most preterm children will become successful participants within their families, school, and society. Yvonne E. Vaucher

or two years of ECE (often combined with child care services) for children age 4 and younger. Although accredited college- and university-based training programs are available for ECE specialists nationwide, in most states there are few requirements regarding the training and licensure for staff employed in private preschools. Staff training and licensure requirements in public preschools vary by state and may include a child development associate credential or similar certification by a nationally recognized ECE authority or an associate’s or bachelor’s degree. The development of U.S. kindergarten and preschool education has been heavily influenced by pedagogical and institutional innovations from other countries. However, while institutions called kindergartens exist in many other countries, they do not necessarily match the U.S. kindergarten in its educational function or age range. For example, a Kindergarten in today’s Germany is a fee-paying institution for the part-time care of children age 3 to 6. Unlike today’s U.S. kindergartens, today’s German Kindergarten is play oriented, is run by staff with limited professional training and qualifications, and places relatively little emphasis on pedagogy or the achievement of specific skills.

see also: Embryology and Fetal Development; Multiple Births; Neurological Disorders; Reproductive Technologies; Vision

I nfan t Sc hools and K i ndergartens

further reading: Dana Wechsler Linden, Emma Trenti Paroli, and Mia Wechsler Doron, Preemies: The Essential Guide for Parents of Premature Babies, 2000. • M. Hack, D. J. Flannery, M. Schluchter, L. Cartar, E. Borawski, and N. Klein, “Outcomes in Young Adulthood for Very-Low-Birth-Weight Infants,” New England Journal of Medicine 346, no. 3 (January 17, 2002), pp. 149–57. • Suzanne D. Dixon and Yvonne E. Vaucher, “Neonatal Intensive Care Unit: Special Issues for the At-Risk Infant and Family,” in Suzanne D. Dixon and Martin T. Stein, eds., Encounters with Children, 2006, pp. 171–97. • S. Saigal, B. Stoskopf, D. Streiner, M. Boyle, J. Pinelli, N. Paneth, and J. Goddeeris, “Transition of Extremely Low-Birth-Weight Infants from Adolescence to Young Adulthood: Comparison with Normal Birth-Weight Controls,” Journal of the American Medical Association 295, no. 6 (February 2006), pp. 667–75. • Institute of Medicine, Preterm Birth: Causes, Consequences, and Prevention, 2007.

preschool and kindergarten. Kindergarten and preschool are forms of extrafamilial early childhood education (ECE) for children younger than compulsory school age. Although many countries have ECE programs, the preschool and kindergarten system in the United States is the most extensive and therefore will provide the main focus of this article. Although compulsory school age varies among the states in the United States, generally speaking kindergarten is a year of schooling offered by public and private institutions for children age 5. In the U.S. context, preschool describes a range of educational and care institutions attended by children younger than kindergarten age, including those called prekindergartens (or pre-K) and nursery schools. In the United States today, preschool normally includes one

ECE has a long history in the United States. The earliest American schools explicitly for children younger than age 6 or 7 appeared in the early 19th century in the form of infant schools. These were based upon British models of infant schooling and the ideas of the Swiss educational innovator Johann Pestalozzi (1746–1827) and his intellectual predecessors, who believed that young children required different forms of academic and moral training than did older children. Many were private ventures intended for children of the poor and working class, but some wealthier parents also found them attractive, and cities such as New York and Philadelphia soon integrated infant classes into their public schools. These faced a backlash in the 1830s, however, and the academic training of young children was decried by medical authorities as unhealthy. Parents continued to send their young children to school, however, and the introduction of the kindergarten made this easier. Originating in Germany in the late 1830s, the Kindergarten (children’s garden) was initially designed by Friedrich Froebel (1792–1852) as a form of extrafamilial education for young children without the pressures of academic or rote learning that were common to schools at that time. Like Pestalozzi before him, Froebel believed that young children should be educated differently from older children, and he believed it should be based on sensory and experiential learning. The Kindergarten relied upon highly educated, specially trained female teachers to serve as motherly observers and guides to the children’s development. Rejecting academic lessons, Froebel wanted his Kindergarten to offer a setting in which children’s innate qualities could unfold

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Young Japanese children before the 1960s spent much of their day in mixed-age groups of children, roaming around their rural village or their urban neighborhood with their siblings, cousins, and neighbors. By the 1980s, this older form of childhood had disappeared: A rapid decline in the birthrate meant that children were much less likely than before to have siblings, and urbanization meant that young families increasingly lived away from relatives in large apartment complexes. Parents, not knowing their neighbors well and perceiving the neighborhood as dangerous or uninviting, increasingly kept their young, single children indoors. In this changing social world, the preschool became the solution, a site for cultural preservation. It was charged with providing young children with experiences of social complexity lacking in their (post)modern lives. Japanese early childhood education since the 1980s has received a good deal of attention from scholars outside Japan. The controversial features of Japanese early childhood education that outside scholars have studied and attempted to explain include high student-teacher ratios, the hesitancy of teachers to intervene quickly in children’s disputes, the lack of emphasis on academic preparation, and the emphasis on children learning to be a member of the group rather than on the encouragement of self-expression and individualism. Classes for 3- and 4-year-old children in both hoikuen (child care centers) and yochien (preschools, kindergartens) typically have one teacher in charge of 25 or more children. This is well above the U.S. maximum student-teacher ratio of about 8:1 and maximum class size of 20. In these classes, Japanese teachers tend to hesitate far longer than would their American counterparts to intervene in altercations among children. For example, in Preschool in Three Cultures (1989), my colleagues and I describe and analyze a scene in which one 4-year-old boy steps on a classmate’s hand, making him cry, while his teacher, nearby, does nothing. A female classmate then appears, leading the crying boy away, comforting him, and advising him on how to handle such situations in the future. In most Japanese yochien and hoikuen, there is little explicit teaching of reading or mathematics. A subset of Japanese preschools does emphasize academic instruction, an approach that appeals especially to anxious “education mamas.” But the majority of yochien and hoikuen describe themselves as “free-play” preschools in which social development is emphasized over academic preparation.

freely through play, handwork, experience of nature, and interaction with three-dimensional symbols that he believed had a mystical significance. In the second half of the 19th century, Froebel’s German songs and games were translated for American children, and educators eventually rejected his mysticism in favor of newer, scientific understandings of child development. Early kindergartens in the United States were private, but from the 1870s public schools began to experiment with

While there are ample opportunities for free, unstructured play in Japanese preschools, they typically do not echo the emphasis on individual choice or self-expression in European and North American early childhood education. Instead, the focus is on children learning to function in a large group. Similarly, while the learning centers typical of North American preschools allow children to select among a set of activities, Japanese preschools emphasize whole-class lessons and art activities. Preschool teachers strive to provide the children with activities designed to promote intellectual development (chiteki hattatsu). But many believe that the activities they design cannot be as intellectually and socially challenging as the spontaneous interactions that arise among children when the teacher holds back. Each of these features of Japanese preschools that appear exotic and counterintuitive to outsiders can be seen as strategies for supporting the development in young children of cultural values that are widely believed to be threatened by social change. The large student-teacher ratios preclude teachers from intervening too easily or often in children’s interactions and encourage children to relate to their peers rather than to the teacher. When asked why they hesitate to intervene in children’s disputes, these teachers explain that children need to have opportunities to experience the give-and-take of life among peers and to practice taking responsibility for managing their own behavior and mediating disputes among members of their group. Such opportunities are believed to be crucial for developing omoiyari, empathy, the ability to figure out what others are thinking and feeling. In our study, Principal Yoshizawa, the director of Komatsudani Hoikuen, explained to us, “When I was a child, my siblings and I spent the day with our cousins and the other children in our village while our parents worked in the fields. We handled disagreements on our own. But now, most children don’t have siblings, and they live in city neighborhoods where their parents don’t let them out on their own to play. The world of the contemporary Japanese child has grown narrow.” Joseph Tobin

imagining each other

imagining each other

Early Childhood Education in Japan

further reading: J. D. Tobin, D. Wu, and D. Davidson, Preschool in Three Cultures: Japan, China, and the United States, 1989. • Joseph Tobin, Yeh Hsueh, and Mayumi Karasawa, Preschool in Three Cultures Revisited: Japan, China, and the United States, 2009.

them and charitable organizations began to open kindergartens for all children, with special attention paid to enrolling (and socializing) children from poor and immigrant families. During the course of the 20th century, kindergartens were gradually added to public school systems throughout the United States. Public kindergarten classes today are normally held in the same building as primary (elementary) school classes, while private kindergartens may be attached to private

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primary schools, be housed with preschool programs for younger children, or exist as stand-alone entities. Kindergarten teachers in public schools normally possess the same degrees and teaching credentials as those who teach other primary grades, although some have specialist training in ECE as well. In the private sector, kindergarten teachers may or may not possess college degrees or other specialist training. N u r s er y S c ho o l s As kindergartens increasingly became part of public schooling in the 20th century, other forms of preschool appeared and gained in popularity among the middle classes. These new institutions were spurred in part by the child welfare laboratories and parent guidance centers that were founded in the 1920s at numerous American universities to experiment with modern pedagogy for children age 2 to 4. Like the laboratories, private-sector nursery schools and kindergartens most often focused on normative child development and combined free and organized play, creative activities such as painting and modeling clay, and songs and stories. Nursery schools’ pedagogical orientation, part-time scheduling (daily or weekly three-hour sessions), and relatively wealthy clientele differentiated them from day nurseries, which were institutions for the full-time care of children of women employed outside the home. Private-sector nursery schools ultimately grew to accommodate large numbers of children in the second half of the 20th century. H e ad Start and Pr ek i ndergartens Based upon a growing realization that children raised in poverty were academically and socially disadvantaged compared to others upon reaching kindergarten, sociologists and child development experts in the 1960s began to experiment with forms of ECE designed to compensate for these disadvantages. Much of their work was based upon the relatively new idea that IQ was not fixed and could be improved through early social and educational intervention. In 1965, the U.S. Office of Economic Opportunity launched Head Start, part of a nationwide program for compensatory ECE serving 4- and 5-year-olds from lowincome households. Through Head Start, the federal government provides grants to public and private nonprofit agencies for education, health, nutritional, and social services that promote children’s cognitive development and school readiness. Head Start preschools, which are administered locally, have been the locus of pedagogical and curricular experimentation. Although their effectiveness has been the subject of significant debate, Head Start preschools now serve approximately 900,000 children each year. In addition to the continuation of Head Start’s compensatory mission, the 21st century has also seen Americans’ attention increasingly focused on the expansion of mainstream precompulsory schooling, especially in connection

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with the extant structure of kindergarten-to-12th-grade education. Massive national and local campaigns for prekindergarten education, most notably those coordinated by Pre-K Now, have succeeded in getting many states to expand or at least to consider expanding their education systems to encompass all 3- and 4-year-olds. Cur r iculum and Pedagogy There is a broad spectrum of curricula and pedagogies to be found in public and private kindergartens and preschools in the United States. These range from almost wholly childcentered, developmental pedagogies on the one hand to academic skills–focused and content- or teacher-centered pedagogies. Most programs are eclectic in orientation and fall somewhere in the middle of the spectrum, depending partly upon whether they target disadvantaged or mainstream populations and partly upon the academic and other requirements of primary schools with which they may be associated. For much of the 20th century, the curricula and pedagogy used in a majority of kindergartens and preschools were heavily influenced by the teachings of educational philosopher John Dewey (1859–1952), psychologist G. Stanley Hall (1844–1924), physician and educator Maria Montessori (1870–1952), and, eventually, psychologist Jean Piaget (1896–1980). Although their ideas were based on different understandings of child development and of the significance of the social and the individual in that development, each of these had much in common with Froebel’s ideas about play and on children’s creative self-development, including experiences with movement and music, nature, stories, and games. The result was that most preschools and kindergartens were based at least in part on so-called childcentered, developmental curricula that emphasized children’s participation in experiential learning or creative activities under the supervision of one or more teachers. However, the years since the 1980s have seen an increased emphasis on academic achievement in the kindergarten. This change, which has been repeatedly decried by many ECE experts, is the result of a combination of factors, including an increase in high-stakes testing farther up the academic ladder, international comparisons of pupil achievement, and parental demands for measurable results. Although some experts have found that socially and economically disadvantaged children particularly benefit from early academic training, these policy-driven curriculum changes have not been universally welcomed by ECE professionals. Indeed, the National Association for the Education of Young Children’s professional guidelines for developmentally appropriate practice (DAP), first published in 1987, were designed to counteract the trend toward overly academic content in kindergartens and preschools. Research on the educational outcomes of DAP and other, more academic approaches has been difficult to apply across the

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board, as evidence suggests that there is no single pedagogy or curriculum that uniformly benefits all children from diverse social and educational backgrounds. Outside of the state sector, laboratory and privatesector nursery schools have long been sites of curricular and pedagogical innovation in ECE. Private-sector schools with distinctive curricular and pedagogical programs, such as the Rudolf Steiner (Waldorf ) Schools, often include preschool classes for children age 2 or 3 to 5 as part of their larger range of (in the case of Steiner schools, anthroposophyinspired holistic) educational services. Perhaps the best known of private-sector ECE providers are Montessori schools, which were introduced to the United States in the second decade of the 20th century by Maria Montessori and her appointed agents. Montessori education was rejected by the U.S. educational establishment in the 1910s because of its focus on the individual’s attainment of academic skills and its strictly regulated and copyrighted materials and curriculum. It was not until Montessori education was reintroduced in the United States in the late 1950s that it began to achieve significant popularity as a distinctive addition to the burgeoning middle-class private preschool and primary school markets. So-called orthodox Montessori schools, both at preschool level and beyond, are accredited worldwide by the International Montessori Association (AMI). In addition, there are in the United States institutions that follow a revised version of Montessori education, incorporating opportunities for open-ended and creative play that were not part of Maria Montessori’s vision. These are accredited by a separate organization, the American Montessori Society (AMS). It is important to note, however, that not all institutions calling themselves “Montessori” are necessarily affiliated with AMI or AMS. In addition, aspects of Montessori education, including the materials and activities devised by Maria Montessori herself, may be found in schools in the public and private sectors that do not subscribe to the Montessori method in a wholesale way. En ro l l m en t T r en d s U.S. enrollment in prekindergarten (including all preschool settings) and kindergarten has continued to rise in recent years. As of the 2000 census, about half of 3- and 4-year-olds were enrolled in some sort of preschool setting. In 2006, 38 states provided public prekindergartens for at least some children. Kindergarten is now attended by more than 93% of U.S. 5-year-olds, whether full day (more than 60%) or part day (about 40%), public (86%) or private (14%). Almost twothirds of kindergarten pupils are now enrolled in full-day programs between four-and-a-half and six hours long. The proportion of schools offering full-day kindergarten programs has steadily increased from 1 out of 10 in 1969 to 6 out of 10 in 2001 and continues to rise, mostly due to in-

creases in support from state budgets. On average, children in full-day kindergartens spend their extra time on selfselected activities and on academic instruction. Although much of the research is inconclusive, it seems that children in full-day kindergartens do at least slightly better academically than their half-day counterparts. The positive effects of full-day kindergarten appear to be stronger for children from disadvantaged backgrounds, but questions remain about the relative importance of program quality over number of program hours in creating those effects. Kristen D. Nawrotzki see also: Child Care; Froebel, Friedrich (Wilhelm August); Head Start; Montessori, Maria; School Readiness further reading: Barbara Beatty, Preschool Education in America: The Culture of Young Children from the Colonial Era to the Present, 1995. • National Association for the Education of Young Children, http://www.naeyc.org/ • National Institute for Early Education Research, http://nieer.org/

prisons for youth. The juvenile and criminal justice systems in the United States distinguish between prisons and other settings in which children and adolescents are held in custody situations, although many regard young people being held against their will as “imprisoned” regardless of the facility. Within the justice system, children and adolescents are placed in publicly and privately operated juvenile residential facilities under state or local authority, federal facilities, residential programs exclusively for drug or mental health treatment and for abused or neglected youth, adult prisons, and jails. No one data source reports census information for all the settings, and there is a lack of uniformity across the different data sources in the extent and nature of the information reported. States even vary in the age of majority, which refers to the minimum age an individual is handled by criminal adult courts and adult corrections. S c o p e a n d Nat u r e o f I m p r i s o n m en t The number of children and adolescents imprisoned in juvenile and adult facilities, for reasons noted previously, is difficult to pin down precisely. According to one national survey, based on a one-day count in 1999, there were about 134,000 youth younger than age 21 held in both publicly and privately operated juvenile residential facilities (13% were female, 39% were African American, and 18% were Hispanic). In the same year, an estimated 5,600 youth younger than age 18 were committed to state adult prisons (57% were African American). In a similar survey of jails, based on a one-day count in 2000, there were an estimated 7,600 youth younger than age 18 held in adult jails. These approximately 146,000 imprisoned young people likely understate the number of children and adolescents actually imprisoned during the course of a year because different

p r is o n s f o r y o u t h

individuals are admitted and released with varying lengths of stay. Although the number of young people imprisoned pales in comparison to the approximately 677,000 who received either formal or informal probation or the 71 million Americans younger than age 18, the imprisonment of children and adolescents clearly raises important publicpolicy, economic, social, and humanitarian issues. Moreover, the data over time show an increase in the imprisonment of children and adolescents, including an increase in their confinement in adult prisons. The increase has been greater among certain groups, notably African American and female children. The reasons for this increase are the subject of continuing discussion, debate, and research. Prominent among those factors discussed are the severity of the charged offenses, chronic offense histories, demonstrated lack of amenability to community-based treatment, race or ethnic discrimination, and paternalism toward girls as well as availability of government funding, private insurance coverage, and accessibility, suitability, and availability of rehabilitative services. The imprisonment of children is not without controversy and widely divergent perspectives on its acceptability, rationale, and ultimate impact on public safety. While one aspect of the debate centers on the overuse of imprisonment generally, another aspect is the imprisonment of adolescents specifically in adult prisons. Over the years, the corrections policy pendulum has swung between a “gettough” mode and a rehabilitation focus. Since the 1980s, the former has been ascendant, a trend reflected in the greater use of incarceration, longer terms of imprisonment and correctional supervision, handling more adolescents in the criminal adult justice system, and reshaping the juvenile justice system in the image of the arguably more punitive, deterrence-oriented criminal justice system. G oa l s o f I m p r i s o n m en t The traditional goals of imprisonment are multiple: to punish, to deter future criminality, and to rehabilitate. In practice, it has proved difficult to accomplish all three goals in equal measure because each goal has the potential to undermine the others. Moreover, in the debate over the specific goals of imprisonment, it is easy to lose sight of the broader goal of public safety. These issues are highlighted in the context of young people for whom an assumption of malleability and lessened culpability often exists. Imprisonment strictly as punishment and retributive justice refers mainly to incarceration as a response that is deserved, oftentimes quite separate from whether it has a deterrent impact. It may be of little to no consequence that the imprisonment might later make it more difficult for a young person to assume a law-abiding, productive role in society. In contrast, imprisonment as an individualized deterrence strategy assumes that “doing time” can ensure public safety because the deprivation of liberty will inhibit the individ-

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ual from future criminality. Imprisonment may also inhibit other potential offenders (general deterrence) who remain law abiding to avoid imprisonment. While imprisonment as a deterrence strategy utilizes punishment as a means to achieve public safety, punishment need not always serve that end. Supporters of rehabilitation, treatment, and advocacy, much like those who espouse deterrence, are fundamentally interested in public safety but pursue it by very different means. If imprisonment makes children and adolescents more likely to offend again (i.e., recidivate), those who champion deterrence and rehabilitation are likely to question its use, whereas those who endorse imprisonment purely as punishment may not care. A central question, then, regarding the imprisonment of children and adolescents is the effect of imprisonment on their future criminality. Since virtually all imprisoned children and adolescents eventually return to the community from imprisonment, it is important to know what the evidence suggests regarding its impact on public safety. I m pac t o f I m p r i s o n m en t Data on the effect of imprisonment on youth recidivism rates are not uniform. Some research suggests that time spent in prison or jail actually increases a youthful offender’s risk of reoffending. Other research indicates that the most effective treatment programs are found outside custodial institutions and the juvenile justice system, which suggests that imprisonment even in juvenile facilities disadvantages children and adolescents. Still other research has shown that imprisonment does not affect youth recidivism rates either way. In sum, the evidence supporting a deterrent effect of incarceration is largely lacking. To the extent that rehabilitative treatment and services are provided or at least started during imprisonment (but not followed up after release), the evidence here fails to show success in reducing recidivism rates as well. There are a variety of possible reasons why imprisonment has not in general yielded positive public safety results, but one certainly relevant to imprisoned children and adolescents is the typical absence of continuity of care. The lack of continuity of care presents a dual problem with developmental consequences for children and adolescents. Inconsistency between what happens while imprisoned and what happens back in the community can counteract any gains exhibited during imprisonment. Also, integrating rehabilitative treatment and services into a prison environment has proved difficult, largely because adult and even some juvenile correction systems tend to emphasize punishment and not age-specific, developmentally appropriate services for children and adolescents. David M. Altschuler see also: Crime, Juvenile; Punishment, Legal; Reform Institutions for Youth; Rehabilitative Services for Youth

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further reading: Jeffrey Arnett, “Reckless Behavior in Adolescence: A Developmental Perspective,” Developmental Review 12, no. 4 (December 1992), pp. 339–73. • National Research Council and Institute of Medicine, Juvenile Crime, Juvenile Justice, 2001. • David M. Altschuler and Rachel Brash, “Adolescent and Teenage Offenders Confronting the Challenges and Opportunities of Reentry,” Youth Violence and Juvenile Justice 2, no. 1 (January 2004), pp. 72–87. • He Len Chung, Michelle Little, and Laurence Steinberg, “The Transition to Adulthood for Adolescents in the Juvenile Justice System: A Developmental Perspective,” in Wayne Osgood, Michael Foster, and Connie Flannagan, eds., On Your Own without a Net: The Transition to Adulthood for Vulnerable Populations, 2005, pp. 68–92.

privacy, family. The U.S. Supreme Court has repeatedly insisted that there is a “private realm of family life which the state cannot enter.” In part, this respect for family privacy operates outside the courts by shaping political judgment in the initial formation of government policy. Michigan Governor Jennifer Granholm, for example, in 2004 cited concern for family privacy in vetoing legislation that would have mandated counseling for divorcing parents. Respect for family privacy has similarly influenced the development of the common law, leading judges to limit legal scrutiny of conduct within the family. Significantly, however, the Supreme Court has interpreted the U.S. Constitution to mandate such restraint by imposing special limits on government power to intervene in matters relating to the family. O r igi ns o f Con st i t u t iona l P rot ectio n fo r Fam i ly P r i vac y Constitutional protection for family privacy traces its origin to a pair of cases in which the U.S. Supreme Court struck down state laws limiting parental control over the education of children. Meyer v. Nebraska (1923) invalidated a law that forbade the instruction of children in a foreign language, and Pierce v. Society of Sisters (1925) overturned a law that prohibited sending children to a private school. At the time, these decisions fit comfortably within a broader constitutional doctrine limiting government power to regulate labor and economic transactions and were understood in part to vindicate the freedom of teachers to pursue their chosen calling. After the Supreme Court reversed course and abandoned strong constitutional protection for economic liberties in the 1930s, the Meyer and Pierce decisions came to be seen as resting on a new ground: the fundamental liberty of parents to make basic decisions concerning the education and upbringing of their children. In subsequent years, the Supreme Court has developed and expanded constitutional protection for family privacy and sought to defend its actions against critics who charge that the Court exceeded its authority in interpreting a Constitution that contains no explicit reference either to family or to privacy. In Griswold v. Connecticut (1965), the Court

held that a state could not make it a crime for a married couple to use contraceptives. The “right of privacy,” the Court explained, “emanate[es]” from the “penumbras” of various articles in the Bill of Rights, including the Fourth Amendment’s protection of the home against unreasonable searches and the Fifth Amendment’s provision against selfincrimination. Justice Arthur J. Goldberg, concurring in Griswold, contended that the right was appropriately protected even without clear textual support because respect for marital privacy is deeply rooted in “the ‘traditions and (collective) conscience of our people.’ ” Seven years later, the Supreme Court extended the boundaries of constitutional privacy beyond marriage and the traditional family. In Eisenstadt v. Baird (1972), the Court struck down a law banning contraceptive use by unmarried persons, reasoning that “[i]f the right of privacy means anything, it is the right of the individual, married or single, to be free from unwarranted governmental intrusion into matters so fundamentally affecting a person as the decision whether to bear or beget a child.” The following year, the Court relied on the same principle to recognize a fundamental right of women to elect abortion in Roe v. Wade (1973). Today, the term family privacy encompasses the fundamental liberty to make certain profoundly personal decisions, such as those relating to marriage, family living arrangements, procreation, and parenting, as well as to protect important family relationships against governmental disruption. This fundamental liberty imposes substantive limitations on government power to intervene in the sphere of personal relationships. For instance, states are not permitted to enact antimiscegenation laws or to order grandparent visitation without considering a parent’s objections. The fundamental liberty of family privacy also requires additional procedural safeguards against error even when state intervention is substantively permissible. Thus, the Constitution requires a heightened standard of proof in actions to terminate parental rights and the waiver of appellate fees for indigent parents. Increasingly, other nations have come to recognize similar rights to family integrity and autonomy, either as part of their own constitutions or as part of international human rights law, as in the case of the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child. The European Convention on Human Rights, for instance, recognizes that “[e]veryone has the right to respect for his private and family life” (article 8) and guarantees “the right to marry and to found a family” (article 12). Bal anc i ng Pr ivate and Public I n ter ests In recognizing special protection for the rights to marry, procreate, cohabit with family members, and raise children, the U.S. Supreme Court has also made clear that these rights are not absolute. Limitations on these rights are constitu-

p r o b l e m s o l v in g

tional if justified by an exceptionally strong public interest. Thus, laws prohibiting child labor or abuse are constitutional despite their limitation on the child-rearing liberty of parents because the public has an overriding interest in protecting children from serious harm. The precise balance between private and public interests is a matter that courts decide in each case, but the burden is always on the government to prove the facts supporting its intervention. In other contexts, government is ordinarily required to prove that restrictions on fundamental constitutional rights are narrowly tailored to serve compelling state interests. Government actions challenged under this strictscrutiny standard very rarely survive. In family privacy cases, however, the Supreme Court has often seemed to apply a somewhat murkier test, and challenged incursions on family liberties more often are upheld. For example, in Troxel v. Granville (2000), the Supreme Court recognized that visitation orders significantly burden the fundamental privacy rights of parents but suggested that courts may continue to order visitation on behalf of grandparents or others with exceptionally close ties to a child so long as they give special weight to a parent’s reasons for objecting. In the context of abortion, the Supreme Court formally abandoned the strict-scrutiny approach of Roe in 1992 and adopted instead a rule that abortion restrictions will be upheld if they do not impose an undue burden on a woman’s choice. C o n t e m po r ar y F ro n t i er s i n t h e L aw o f Fa m i ly P r i vac y Predicting the outcome of many contemporary family privacy controversies—such as the constitutionality of laws banning same-sex marriage or granting child custody to nonparents—is made more difficult by two related uncertainties. The first concerns the definition of the families entitled to claim privacy protection, and the second concerns the need to balance the potentially confl icting rights of different family members. In Troxel, the justices observed that “[t]he demographic changes of the past century make it difficult to speak of an average American family.” As family life has become more fluid and diverse, courts are increasingly called upon to decide whether nontraditional family relationships warrant equivalent legal status and constitutional protection. In many cases, courts have drawn the boundary of privacy protection with reference to tradition, holding that less-conventional family intimates—such as stepparents or same-sex partners—lack any claim to family privacy. Recently, however, some decisions have opened the door to broader privacy protection. In 2003, in striking down a Texas law criminalizing same-sex sodomy, the Supreme Court in Lawrence v. Texas recounted its past privacy decisions relating to marriage, procreation, and child rearing and then suggested that “[p]ersons in a homosexual relationship may seek autonomy for these purposes, just as heterosexual persons do.”

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Family privacy cases are also complicated by the potential for confl icting claims. If all family members are unified in resisting government intervention, the balance of interests may appear relatively clear. But if family members disagree, courts face a quandary. A parent’s claim of a constitutional right to control a child’s upbringing or contact with others implicates the substantial interests—and possibly even the constitutional rights—of other family members. At times, courts have overlooked this dilemma by rigidly presuming a unity of family interests, assuming that the privacy rights asserted by husbands encompassed those of their wives and that the privacy rights of parents and children were naturally aligned. Indeed, for decades, efforts to counter domestic violence were thwarted on the ground that police intervention would invade family privacy. In recent years, however, judges and other officials have been far more willing to recognize that family members may have conflicting interests relating to state intervention. It is partly for this reason that the justices in Troxel declined to adopt a brightline constitutional rule honoring parents’ preferences in all visitation disputes. Today, constitutional protection for family privacy remains controversial, both because of its uncertain foundation in the Constitution’s text and because of its contested application in highly charged contexts, such as abortion. Yet the Supreme Court continues to reaffirm the core idea that the Constitution gives special protection to “personal decisions relating to marriage, procreation, contraception, family relationships, child rearing, and education.” And, in defining that protection, the Court appears determined to take a cautious, flexible approach that balances legitimate public interests in regulating domestic conduct with respect for the growing diversity and complexity of modern family life. David D. Meyer see also: Family; Family Court; Parenthood; Rights, Parental; Visitation further reading: Anne C. Dailey, “Constitutional Privacy and the Just Family,” Tulane Law Review 67 (1993), p. 955. • Barbara Bennett Woodhouse, “The Dark Side of Family Privacy,” George Washington Law Review 67 (1999), p. 1247. • David D. Meyer, “The Paradox of Family Privacy,” Vanderbilt Law Review 53 (2000), p. 527. • Janet L. Dolgin, “The Constitution as Family Arbiter: A Moral in the Mess?,” Columbia Law Review 102 (2002), p. 337. • Linda C. McClain, The Place of Families: Fostering Capacity, Equality, and Responsibility, 2005. • Laura A. Rosenbury, “Between Home and School,” University of Pennsylvania Law Review 155 (2007), p. 833.

problem solving. Problem solving is the cognitive process that involves identifying a goal and carrying out the means to reach this goal. It is a higher-level cognitive skill, relying on many different capabilities, including attention, perception, memory, concepts, and usually symbolic processes such as language or mathematics. A key aspect of

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problem solving is overcoming obstacles that interfere with reaching a goal. Because of the complexity and vast array of problems humans confront, problem-solving skills develop over a long period of time. Rudimentary abilities are evident in infancy; for example, 8-month-olds will deliberately grab a cloth to pull it closer to play with the toy resting on it. As children get older, the activities in which they engage get more complex and problem-solving skills improve; for example, children encode more features of a problem and allocate their attention more effectively during encoding. With development, children also acquire more strategies, conscious cognitive or behavioral activities that enhance performance, and they use strategies more effectively to solve problems. Content knowledge also expands, and children increasingly rely on their knowledge to solve problems in particular domains. During development, problem-solving skills are further honed as children incorporate powerful thinking techniques such as rule-based reasoning, analogies, and other cognitive tools. In the 1976 article “Three Aspects of Cognitive Development,” published in Cognitive Development, Robert S. Siegler described age-related changes in how rulebased thinking helps children identify and use underlying features to solve balance-scale problems. Three-year-olds do not use rules and can solve only a small portion of such problems; 4- to 5-year-olds include one problem dimension (number of weights per side) in their rule and are able to solve problems for which this dimension is most relevant; by 9 years of age, children include two dimensions (weight and distance from the fulcrum), which enables them to solve more problems; and among 13- to 17-year-olds, some children include torque (weight × distance) in their rule and are able to solve all types of balance-scale problems. Analogical reasoning, the inference that if two or more items resemble each other in some respects they are likely to resemble each other in other respects, is also a powerful problem-solving approach. This type of thinking, which is often tested by presenting problems in the form “A is to B as C is to what?” supports the development of problemsolving skills by deepening children’s understanding of relations across objects and, thereby, providing a way of generalizing across problems. This ability emerges early; even preschoolers can recognize relations across objects if the content is familiar and solution choices are presented, such as chocolate (A) is to melted chocolate (B) as snowman (C) is to which of five pictures in a set of pictures that includes a melted snowman. With development, children increasingly use information about routine behaviors and features of the environment to solve problems. Such information functions as a cognitive tool because, like a manual tool, it can help a person solve a problem in ways that would not be possible without the tool. As discussed in the book Mind in Soci-

ety (1978) by L. S. Vygotsky, cognitive tools are products of culture, and they mediate intelligent action and are passed onto children by social means through the direct efforts of more experienced cultural members and the formal and informal cultural institutions in which children participate. The use of cognitive tools such as scripts, cognitive maps, and symbolic representations to solve problems increases with age. Scripts, the basic outlines of what one can expect and should do in a routine situation, such as eating in a restaurant, facilitate problem solving by providing information about progress toward a goal and by freeing up space in the cognitive system so an individual can attend to new or unexpected information. Children as young as 20 months of age rely on the sequences of activities in routines such as meals and bedtime to guide action and solve problems during these events. Cognitive maps, mental representations of spatial relations within a physical place such as a room or town, enable people to use large-scale space. As children mature, they become more skillful at constructing cognitive maps, which enhances their use of space. For instance, as adolescence nears, children scan the environment more effectively and attend to landmarks and decision points along routes, information that is then incorporated into their cognitive maps. The use of symbolic representations such as pictures and scale models to solve problems also develops. These tools help children envision features and relations in the world that would otherwise be difficult to understand. The type of symbolic representations children use in problem solving changes with age; at 2 1/2 years of age, children can find an object in a room after seeing a toy replica hidden in a scale model of the room, and by adolescence children can use complex representations, like architectural drawings, to support problem solving. The ability to solve logical problems by formal reasoning, inferences that go beyond the information given, is important because of its role in scientific thinking. For children, problems that require deductive reasoning, reaching a necessary and valid conclusion based on a set of premises, are difficult. School-age children are often unable to evaluate the logic or truth of a syllogism, in which evaluation is based on information in the statement alone, when the statement is presented in abstract terms (e.g., If there is a P there is a Q; there is a P; therefore, there is a Q). However, when more concrete versions of syllogisms are used (e.g., All bears are hungry; Cubby is a bear; therefore, Cubby is hungry), 4- to 5-year-old children perform well, which suggests that some of the basic skills needed for deductive reasoning are present before children enter school. Hierarchical classification, or the organization of concepts into levels of abstraction, is also useful for solving logical problems. From childhood to adolescence, the knowledge base expands, which enhances understanding of hierarchical classifications. However, even 1- to 2-year-old children show

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some understanding of categories based on hierarchical relationships, such as by touching sequentially toy objects that belong to the same hierarchical category (e.g., all dogs before cars). Cross-cultural comparisons of the types of reasoning that underlie logical problem solving have found associations between this reasoning form and experience with formal schooling, a setting in which these skills are emphasized. People in non-Western cultures are able to use these reasoning techniques; however, their skill at using them on novel problems is related to experience. For instance, 9- to 15-year-old Brazilian children who sell food items on the streets have limited experience with formal mathematics instruction, yet they are able to solve mathematics problems successfully when the problems are presented in a familiar form such as selling fruit. When these same problems are presented in more abstract or school-like form, these children are less successful. Similarly, children reared in agricultural communities are able to solve problems involving weight, quantity, and volume earlier than children reared in nomadic groups, and children who live in cultures where extensive spatial exploration occurs, such as children in the Logoli community in Kenya who herd animals and run errands to neighboring villages, exhibit high-level skill at solving spatial problems. The relation between everyday experiences organized by culture and the development and use of problem-solving skills underscores the inherently social and cultural nature of this important cognitive ability. Mary Gauvain see also: Cognitive Development; Concepts, Children’s; Learning; Logical Thinking; Planning further reading: David F. Bjorklund, Children’s Strategies: Contemporary Views of Cognitive Development, 1990. • John D. Bransford, Ann L. Brown, and Rodney R. Cocking, eds., How People Learn: Brain, Mind, Experience, and School, 1999. • David Klahr, Exploring Science: The Cognition and Development of Discovery Processes, 2000. • Mary Gauvain, The Social Context of Cognitive Development, 2001. • Barbara Rogoff, The Cultural Nature of Human Development, 2003.

procreate, right to. The right to procreate is an important liberty interest in many countries and is increasingly considered an international human right. It is a negative right, protecting individuals making procreative decisions against interference from state actors. Procreative decisions include decisions to procreate and decisions not to procreate. Such decisions may encompass coital reproduction, contraception, abortion, sterilization, and the disposition of frozen embryos. The right to procreate extends to minors but in that context may clash with the right of parents to rear their children. Although the right to procreate figures prominently in international human rights instruments, there currently is no global consensus on the scope of the right to procreate.

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National laws and cultural and religious perspectives on the matter vary widely. One concern is that states might label certain forms of reproduction as irresponsible and interfere with procreative decision making in order to advance economic, social, or political aims. For example, compelling or denying contraception to further governmental population policies or in exchange for more lenient criminal sentences or welfare benefits is arguably a denial of the right to procreate. Ab ortion and Con tr ac eption In the United States, constitutional law provides that the state may not deny minors access to birth control. In addition, 27 states and the District of Columbia have laws that give minors the authority to consent to contraceptive services. Nonetheless, private purveyors of contraceptives may refuse to dispense them. As with abortion, the issue is complicated by claims that parental autonomy is violated by actions of the state to, for example, provide condoms directly to adolescents. In a minority of states, minors may terminate their pregnancies on the same terms as adult women. But in most states, mandatory parental involvement laws affect minors’ ability to obtain abortions. Constitutional law dictates that a minor must be given the opportunity to avoid parental involvement via a judicial bypass proceeding that allows her to demonstrate sufficient maturity to make the abortion decision or that parental involvement places her at risk of abuse. Where parental consent is required and is refused, a minor will be forced to give birth; by contrast, a parent may not force her minor child to have an abortion. S t er i l i z at io n Constitutional protection of procreative liberty raises serious questions about whether involuntary sterilization is ever justifiable. Involuntary sterilization of individuals branded social undesirables was once a vigorous effort of a now-discredited eugenics movement and resulted in the sterilization of 65,000 persons in the United States alone, sometimes of children as young as 10. It is today disapproved in many areas of the world as a violation of the medical ethics principle of informed consent. Nonetheless, although federal funding is unavailable for the sterilization of the cognitively disabled or minors, statutes in many states, though they forbid the voluntary sterilization of competent minors, authorize the sterilization of cognitively disabled persons in accordance with certain safeguards. Some courts declare themselves to be without jurisdiction to approve a sterilization in the absence of such legislation. Where a parent wishes his cognitively disabled child to be sterilized, it is of primary importance that the capacity of the individual to make decisions regarding reproduction be evaluated. Where the individual is not competent, appli-

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cation is made to a court for consideration of a multiplicity of factors under a substituted judgment, a best interests or a least restrictive alternative test. In the past, voluntary consent to sterilization was disapproved as a legal and a policy matter. Attitudes have changed to reflect the view that voluntary sterilization is a matter of individual choice. Today, voluntary sexual sterilization is a popular and safe form of contraception that has gained social acceptance as a family planning measure. It is legal in all 50 states. Its availability in many states is governed by statutes providing that sterilization must occur in a licensed health facility or require spousal consent. The principle of informed consent applies awkwardly in the context of minors and their procreative liberty. As a general matter, a minor cannot consent to medical or surgical treatment. The mature minor doctrine may empower minors to make their own decisions about such matters, but more typically in this area statutes provide that any minor may consent to the treatment of sexually transmitted diseases, substance abuse, or pregnancy. Although unemancipated persons younger than the age of 18 may thus consent to any number of medical treatments, consent to voluntary sterilization by even mature minors or immature minors with parental consent is largely prohibited by law. Richard F. Storrow see also: Abortion; Conduct, Legal Regulation of Children’s; Contraception; Pregnancy and Childbirth, Legal Regulation of

prodigies. see Giftedness profanity. see Slang and Offensive Language property, children as. The legal status of children has evolved over the course of American history, reflecting changes in the balance of rights among state, parents, and child in response to social and economic transitions. Over time, the state has taken an increasingly active role in protecting and educating children, thereby diminishing the rights of parents. Nonetheless, the concept of children’s rights as a full-blown independent legal doctrine has not matured. Although children are no longer considered legally the property of their father or master, only pockets of contemporary law confer or distinguish children’s rights separately from those of their parents. During the colonial period and early republic, Americans viewed the child as an economic asset whose labor was valuable to his parents and other adults. In this early era, the father as the head of the household had complete rights to the custody and control of his children both during marriage and in the rare event of divorce. A father could, without the mother’s consent, hire out his child for wages or apprentice a child to another family. Education, vocational training, and moral development were also the father’s do-

main. While fathers could not dispose of children as they could of cattle, fathers’ rights had few restrictions. In addition to natural children, three other large classes of children labored in colonial America: indentured servants, children born out of wedlock, and slave children. More than half of all persons who came to the colonies south of New England were indentured servants, and most servants were younger than 19 years old. These children had little protection from their masters and had no right to education. A child born out of wedlock was known as filius nullius or “child of no family,” and the town’s poor-law official was authorized to “place out” the child with a family for his labor value. The family’s father became the child’s master. Slave children, about one-fifth of all children by the time of the American Revolution, were subjected to a form of property ownership most closely akin to chattel. Short only of murder, the master could use, abuse, and sell a slave child as he could a horse. During the 19th century, as the child’s perceived value as a laborer gradually decreased, more emphasis was placed on child nurture and education. Slavery ended, as did indentured servitude, and mothers gained custody of children born out of wedlock. Orphanages were introduced as a more child-centered approach than placing out children whose parents were dead or unable to care for them. The legal concept of the best interests of the child was initiated— the first recognition that children had rights independent of their parents—but it was applied only in custody disputes. At the beginning of the 20th century, a coalition of civicminded adults, popularly known as child-savers, fought for a variety of legal reforms designed to protect children. These included child labor laws, compulsory school attendance laws, and juvenile courts that adjudicated children who were neglected by their parents or delinquent in their own behavior. With these new initiatives, the state took a decisively more active role, irrevocably reducing parental authority and laying the basis for modern child welfare and educational structures. However, not until the civil rights movement of the 1960s did children gain some civil rights of their own, apart from their parents. The U.S. Supreme Court has recognized some limited rights for children with regard to schools, courts, and other governmental institutions, particularly in the arena of juvenile offenders; however, it has granted few rights to children that might impinge on those of their parents. Much attention has focused on abortion. Soon after Roe v. Wade (1973), the Court conceded that an adult woman’s right to abortion extended to adolescent girls, but it also retained significant room for parents’ control. In some important respects, the United Nations has exceeded the U.S. legal system in expanding and clarifying the rights of the child. The framework of principles articulated in the 1989 UN Convention on the Rights of the Child provides that children have a right to a nurturing environment

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in accordance with their developmental needs, the right to have their voices heard in accordance with their ages, the right to legal representation, and the right to economic and emotional support from their parents and from the state. At this writing, the United States and Somalia are the only nonsignatories to the convention. Mary Ann Mason see also: Abuse and Neglect; Child: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives; Custody; Dependency, Legal; Parens Patriae; Parenthood; Rights, Children’s; Rights, Parental further reading: Mary Ann Mason, From Fathers’ Property to Children’s Rights: A History of Child Custody in America, 1994. • Rosalind Ekman Ladd, Children’s Rights Revisioned: Philosophical Readings, 1996.

property and contract, children’s rights to. Unemancipated minors can own but not manage property, and contracts can be made for their benefit, but they cannot enter into enforceable contracts themselves. These rules, which are of very old common-law origin, are based on the assumption that children lack the abilities to make sound decisions about property management and to engage in the sophisticated give-and-take of the business world. The rules also promote commerce by protecting the interests of third parties who deal honestly with children. The common-law rules about property management and contract are not always rigidly enforced. Even fairly young children make agreements to babysit and mow lawns for neighbors, and they make small purchases all the time. Speaking of older teens in 1920, the Oregon Supreme Court in Pettit v. Liston (1920) observed: Here [in the far West] minors are permitted to and do in fact transact a great deal of business for themselves, long before that have reached the age of legal majority. Most young men have their own time long before reaching that age. They work and earn money and collect it and spend it oftentimes without any oversight or restriction. No business man questions their right to buy, if they have the money to pay for their purchases. They not only buy for themselves, but they often are intrusted with the making of purchases for their parents and guardians. It would be intolerably burdensome for everyone concerned if merchants and other business men could not deal with them safely, in a fair and reasonable way, in cash transactions of this kind.

These observations still hold true. Moreover, even though parents or guardians have no automatic authority to handle their children’s money, they regularly manage modest amounts on behalf of children. Some states by statute explicitly authorize parents or other designated adults to manage modest sums for their children. The legal rules that prohibit children from managing property and engaging in commerce are much more likely to be invoked when significant sums or more sophisticated deals are involved.

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A minor may disaffirm a contract and receive his or her money back, though the minor must return any goods that he or she received. If the goods are damaged, the minor will receive the purchase price less the amount by which the goods decreased in value. A minor who receives goods or services considered to be “necessaries” that cannot be returned must pay the fair market value. If a minor manifests a willingness to let the contract stand after he or she attains the age of majority or is emancipated, the contract is enforceable. A child most commonly becomes the owner of a substantial amount of property by gift or inheritance. The children of a person who dies without a will usually share in the estate, depending on state law. Children may also be heirs of more distant relatives who die without wills. Children do not have a right to inherit from their parents and may be disinherited by a parent’s giving his or her estate away to others. However, children are protected against accidental disinheritance by statutes, the specific terms of which vary from state to state. Typically, such a statute provides that if a child was born after a parent executed a will, the child takes the share of the parent’s estate that he or she would have received had the parent died without a will. However, even under these circumstances, if the will indicates that the parent did not want a child born after the will to take this share, that intent will be honored. A fiduciary arrangement must be established to give an adult authority to manage a child’s property. These arrangements vary in their complexity and in the protection they provide to a child. The most complex and protective are conservatorships, known in some places as guardianships of property, which are established by court order and subject to judicial supervision. They are more expensive than other arrangements and should be used only when the child has a substantial estate. A conservatorship, which deals with only the management of the child’s property, terminates when the child reaches age 18. The powers of a conservator should be contrasted with those of a guardian, another court-appointed fiduciary, who has parentlike authority to make personal decisions for the child, such as where the child lives, attends school, and so on. A guardian manages the child’s finances on a day-to-day basis but does not automatically have the power to make major management decisions. If a child needs both a guardian and a conservator, the court may appoint the same or different people. A trust for a child’s benefit can avoid the restrictions and expenses of a conservatorship. Trusts are commonly established for children who are given or inherit substantial amounts, and they can be written to provide management for a child’s property long after he or she attains the age of majority. The terms of the trust determine the point when the trust’s beneficiary comes into authority to manage the trust assets, if ever. Until that point, the only recourse of a beneficiary who is unhappy with the decisions of the deci-

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sion maker, the trustee, is to bring a judicial action claiming that the trustee has violated the terms of the trust or is acting dishonestly. Trusts are the most flexible device for providing management of a minor’s property, and in some circumstances a trust may be structured to provide for a child who is disabled while maintaining the child’s eligibility for public benefits. Trusts may be established during the donor’s lifetime, usually without a court order, or by a will along with provisions that leave property to a child. Trusts are not subject to judicial oversight to the same extent as guardianships and custodianships. Often, trusts are relatively expensive and complicated to establish and maintain. Because an individualized trust is often unnecessary, most states have enacted a version of the Uniform Transfers to Minors Act (UTMA), which authorizes the creation of a simple, statutory trust to manage a child’s property. A custodianship under the UTMA can be created without the help of an attorney by a lifetime transfer or by a gift under a will. The terms of custodianships are fixed by statute and so cannot be tailored to individual circumstances. A custodianship that was funded with proceeds from the estate of a person who died without a will or from a liquidated debt terminates when the child reaches the age of 18. A custodianship that was voluntarily created ends when the child reaches age 21 unless the grantor provides for termination when the child reaches age 25. However, a transfer to a custodianship that extends past the age of 21 is a gift that may trigger an obligation for the donor to pay federal gift tax. In contrast, outright gifts to minors and gifts to custodianships for minors that end when the children reach age 21 may be exempt from the gift tax. Income from a custodianship account is taxed to the minor. If the donor is also the custodian, the assets in the account are likely to be included in the donor’s estate if the donor dies while serving as custodian. An even more simple arrangement is available for managing a child’s Social Security or Supplemental Security Income (SSI) benefits. The parent, guardian, or other appropriate adult may petition to be the representative payee for the benefits. A representative payee is a person, organization, or institution who receives and manages benefits for the benefit of a beneficiary who is incapacitated from managing them. The Social Security Administration appoints the representative payee and provides information about the proper disbursement and investment of funds. This process is inexpensive but provides very little legal protection against the representative payee’s misuse of the money. Leslie Joan Harris see also: Taxation, Children and further reading: Donald Kramer, Legal Rights of Children, 2nd ed., 3 vols., 1994.

prostitution, child. According to a landmark study by Richard Estes and Neil A. Weiner entitled The Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children in the U.S., Canada and Mexico (2001), 300,000 or more children may be engaged in sex work in the United States. The young people performing this work are a diverse population in every sense. Children of every racial group, undocumented immigrants as well as citizens, boys, girls, transgender youth, gays and lesbians, homeless children, children living with their parents, children living in poverty, and children living with some measure of material comfort can be found selling sex across the country. The data on the relative propensities of boys and girls to sell sex vary. One small study of homeless youth found that slightly more boys than girls had engaged in “survival sex,” or “the selling of sex to meet subsistence needs.” According to the Estes and Weiner report, however, girls are marginally more likely than boys to sell sex. In 1996, boys were more likely to be arrested for prostitution, though one writer maintains that prostitution is one of only two offenses (along with running away) for which more girls than boys are arrested. Girls in gangs are overrepresented. They are bringing income to the gang or providing a service to the alpha male gang members. Transgender kids, especially male to female, are disproportionately represented. Often, they are trying to earn the money for sex-reassignment surgery, and many are buying street-quality hormones. Gay, lesbian, and bisexual kids are overrepresented as well. While boy prostitutes typically serve adult male consumers, they do not necessarily identify as gay themselves, though disproportionately they do. Boys who sell sex to men typically refer to themselves as “hustlers.” Kids living with their original families might be prostituted to contribute to the household, or they might be prostituting themselves at school for extra cash. Some even live a life of relative material privilege, exchanging sex for CDs, video games, drugs, or jewelry. Homeless kids, however, constitute the majority of the overall prostituting population of youth. In addition to possessing little else with which to bargain for life’s basic necessities, homeless youth may be drug addicted or in some other way totally beholden to an exploitative adult. Kids who sell sex have a broad consumer base, ranging from other kids at school or in their gang to transients, truckers, military personnel, sex tourists, and customers who are less consistent and more opportunistic. Some prostitution involves international trafficking or organized crime, some occurs in the context of small-scale organization (such as a pimp managing up to three prostitutes), and some is totally unorganized. Girls are more likely to affiliate with pimps than boys, and in one instance a group of transgender kids was found working for the benefit of a “queen mother.”

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L aw R efo r m Po ss i bi li t i es

ment of existing criminal laws against adults, stiffer penalties for sex crimes against children, and the establishment of a national clearinghouse for intelligence on trends in child sexual exploitation. Laws other than those that deal explicitly with child prostitution have garnered less attention, even though these laws may help address the problem of prostitution for survival. For example, U.S. constitutional law maintains a clear preference for children to be under the control of their parents. When parents have been found unfit to carry out their duties, the foster care system provides alternatives, including removal of kids from their original homes and placement in foster care, though it is not always a matter of consensus when the state is justified in taking on this role. For example, family and juvenile courts have differed on whether aggressively homophobic or transphobic parenting of gay or transgender youth, including seeking treatment of the child’s “gender identity disorder” to avoid the “onset” of homo- or transsexuality, amounts to emotional abuse, with some courts deferring to parental judgment on such matters. Under these conditions, a disproportionate number of gay and transgender youth run away from home but soon find that they have limited options. Sleeping in parks is generally prohibited. Runaway shelters may be available in some areas, but those that receive federal funds must report the whereabouts of youth to their parents within 72 hours. The law also erects obstacles for youth living on their own who attempt to find employment and housing. Federal and state statutes restrict the hours and conditions under which kids younger than the age of 16 are permitted to work. Moreover, while minors can enter contracts, a common-law doctrine called the power of disaffirmance permits minors to void their contracts, which can result in unwillingness on the part of adults (such as landlords) to enter into contracts with them. If a minor lives in a state with an emancipation statute, he or she may be able to obtain a declaration that vests him or her with certain adult capacities, including the full capacity to contract. This, however, comes with costs for the minor, who will no longer be entitled to return home or receive financial support from his or her parents. To address the problem of survival sex, reformers will need to consider the full range of laws that affect where kids end up living. It is important to recall, however, that not all youth who prostitute themselves do so to survive. Estes and Weiner identified kids who sell sex for pleasure or to purchase luxury items. An exclusive focus on prosecuting the adults involved on the ground that kids are always innocent victims neglects the complexity of youth prostitution and of youth sex more generally. Libby Adler

Current reformist thinking favors a shift in law enforcement focus toward adults, including both the johns and the pimps. Estes and Weiner have recommended fuller enforce-

see also: Pornography, Child; Slavery, Child; Street and Runaway Children

Sometimes, kids turn tricks, but they might also maintain longer-term relationships with adults who take them in and provide food, clothes, a place to shower, and even affection. Kids might regard their trade as prostitution, hustling, a relationship with a loving caretaker, hanging out where the party is, or just doing something adventurous. E x ist i ng L aw In Massachusetts, in a single instance of child prostitution, each party might have committed multiple criminal offenses, though the offenses are by no means equally pursued by law enforcement. The minor has violated the basic prohibition against prostitution, or “engag[ing] in sexual conduct . . . for a fee.” He or she might also have committed the offense of being a “common night walker,” or “common street walker,” or have engaged in “lewd” or “lascivious . . . speech or behavior,” or “open and gross lewdness.” Depending on the services provided, the minor might have violated the law against fornication. If the customer is married, the minor participated in adultery. The customer would have been complicit in several of these transgressions, but he also might have solicited a prostitute and contributed to the delinquency of a minor. Depending on the age of the minor, he might have committed rape and abuse of a child younger than the age of 16 or indecent assault and battery on a child younger than 14. These are the Massachusetts age of consent or statutory rape provisions, according to which consent is not a defense to any sexual touching of a minor younger than the age of 14 or to sexual intercourse with a minor younger than the age of 16. If the minor can be shown to have been “chaste” prior to the incident, the customer may be liable for “induc[ing] any person under 18 years of age of chaste life to have unlawful sexual intercourse.” If a pimp recruited the minor and facilitated the transaction, in addition to his shared guilt for some of the previously listed offenses, he might have “entice[d the minor] . . . from the house of his parent . . . for the purpose of prostitution,” “induce[d the] minor to become a prostitute,” and “derive[d] support or maintenance . . . from the earnings or proceeds of prostitution committed by a minor.” The pimp might also be “keep[ing] a house of ill fame.” Other states’ statutes contain analogues. Fewer than half of the states prohibit fornication, but most prohibit adultery. All states have age of consent laws prohibiting various sexual acts with minors of varying ages, and all states prohibit prostitution as well as a cluster of related crimes (e.g., soliciting). Again, enforcement varies.

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Updated and adapted from Libby Adler, “An Essay on the Production of Youth Prostitution,” Maine Law Review 55 (2002), pp. 191–209. further reading: Gabe Kruks, “Gay and Lesbian Homeless/ Street Youth: Special Issues and Concerns,” Journal of Adolescent Health 12, no. 7 (November 1991). • Sonia Renee Martin, Note, “A Child’s Right to Be Gay: Addressing the Emotional Maltreatment of Queer Youth,” Hastings Law Journal 48 (1996), pp. 167–96. • Richard A. Posner and Katharine B. Silbaugh, A Guide to America’s Sex Laws, 1996. • Elvia R. Arriola, “The Penalties for Puppy Love: Institutionalized Violence against Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgendered Youth,” Journal of Gender, Race and Justice 1 (1998). • J. M. Greene, S. T. Ennett, and C. L. Ringwalt, “Prevalence and Correlates of Survival Sex among Runaway and Homeless Youth,” American Journal of Public Health 89, no. 9 (September 1999), pp. 1406–9. • Laurie Schaffner, “Violence and Female Delinquency: Gender Transgressions and Gender Invisibility,” Berkeley Women’s Law Journal 14 (1999). • Meda Chesney-Lind, “Are Girls Closing the Gender Gap in Violence?” Criminal Justice 16 (Spring 2001). • Colette L. Auerswald and Stephan L. Eyre, “Youth Homelessness in San Francisco: A Life Cycle Approach,” Social Science and Medicine 54, no. 10 (May 2002). • Sharon W. Cooper, Richard J. Estes, Angelo P. Giardino, Nancy D. Kellogg, and Victor I. Vieth, Medical, Legal and Social Science Aspects of Child Sexual Exploitation: A Comprehensive Review of Pornography, Prostitution, and Internet Crimes, 2 vols., 2005. • Janet Halley, Prabha Kotiswaran, Hila Shamir, and Chantal Thomas, “From the International to the Local in Feminist Legal Responses to Rape, Prostitution/Sex Work, and Sex Trafficking: Four Studies in Contemporary Governance Feminism,” Harvard Journal of Law and Gender 29 (2006), pp. 335–400.

protestantism. Since its beginning, Protestantism has held children in high regard. This regard draws into tension several divergent convictions about children: They are gifts from God, models of faith, fallen and vulnerable humans, moral and spiritual agents, and future guardians of the Christian Gospel or “good news” about God’s redeeming love. They are welcomed into the church through two sacraments: baptism and communion. The word or Gospel as preached and heard through scripture has particular significance in defining and nurturing children. In contrast to many other traditions, however, there is no unified voice, official position, or body of laws on children. Instead, beliefs about and practices with children are sustained by particular confessional communities and take diverse forms. Since the 16th-century Reformation, Protestantism has spawned a large number of denominations, not only in the United States but also worldwide, each with variations on basic principles about what adults should think about children, what children should believe, and how parents should raise children in Christian faith. These variations are shaped by many factors, including historical context, geographic location, ethnicity, and politics. Ethnicity has played a particularly powerful role in the United States. German Lutherans in Minnesota, African American Baptists in Georgia, Dutch Reform Christians in

Michigan, and Mennonites in Indiana are among the many groups that follow typical Protestant beliefs but with distinctive aims. Mennonites, for example, strive to teach children practices of peace unique to their pacifist history. African Americans recognize insidious racism and emphasize children’s inherent worth as created in God’s image, lavishing love and admiration on children when they sing in worship, for example, and bearing responsibility for them beyond strict biological ties. In other words, Protestants draw on common history but reshape what they receive to fit the perceived needs of children in particular contexts. High regard for children is, however, a common thread. When Martin Luther—a former monk—married a former nun, Katherine von Bora, and raised 10 boisterous children (6 of their own and 4 adopted) during the Protestant Reformation, they altered children’s status. As part of the effort to reform the Catholic Church, Luther questioned religious celibacy as the highest model of faithfulness and argued instead for the “priesthood of all believers” in all walks of life, including the home. When one of Luther’s friends told him that he had put a cherry bough in his dining room to remind him of God, Luther replied, “Why don’t you think of your children? They are in front of you all the time, and you will learn from them more than from a cherry bough.” Marriage, children, and domestic work are as much a school for character as the monastery. Luther himself said he found God in an infant’s stinky diapers, adorned as if with jewels! Here Luther lays groundwork for a Protestant revitalization of a long-held biblical view of children as blessing that other Reformation theologians such as John Calvin and later theologians such as Friedrich Schleiermacher adopt and develop. All adults in the church in fact have a sacred obligation—even a religious vocation—to raise children in faith. And adults grow spiritually from doing so. As Luther, Calvin, and others worked toward a fuller inclusion of the adult laity, they had to consider new ways to include children as full participating members among the laity as well. They had heightened expectations about children’s ability to understand faith and participate in worship. The home also acquired an enhanced role in religious nurture, with the father as pastor and the hearth a place where children learned the fundamentals. Seventeenth-century Puritans called the family a “little church.” Two centuries later, Congregationalist minister and theologian Horace Bushnell gave the home almost celestial standing, emphasizing the daily routine of care as much as family devotions. A child’s faith develops naturally when nurtured within a Christian family. Even a newborn has seeds of faith waiting cultivation. This idea still shapes contemporary understandings of Christian education. Modern theories of faith development suggest that loved and gently guided children move gradually from the prelinguistic and imagistic faith of infants to the concrete, sensible, and anthropomorphic beliefs of elementary age to the conformist commitments

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of young adults and to more universal, self-transcending ideals in later life. Early Protestants also believed that children need supportive communities. Their well-being depends on the network of social institutions surrounding the family. Under Calvin’s leadership, for example, Protestants built schools and hospitals for orphans and poor children. Two centuries later, Methodist leader John Wesley made aid to poor children a primary cause and created schools that crossed conventional boundaries of social and economic class. After emancipation, African American churches in the South also established schools that embodied their high appraisal of children’s value. Even the Sunday school movement that arose in the 1800s initially focused not on children of baptized members but on working-class children with little access to basic skills of reading and writing. Over the next century, churches continued to serve as a primary provider of social welfare for children, often through missionary societies staffed by churchwomen. Some denominations today have special programs, such as the United Methodist Church’s 1996 Initiative on Children and Poverty, dedicated to consciousness raising and relief of children in need worldwide. Children in poverty deserve special dispensation and should not have to suffer for the failures and sins of parents and society at large, even if this means confronting social structures and economic mores, such as those of industrialization and capitalism. Protestants today still hold several other tenets on children in common. Most denominations see scripture as the inspired word of God and a key resource in comprehending children. They differ, however, over which passages are central. In the 20th century, for example, liberal Protestants in the United States gravitated toward Jesus’s welcome of children (Mark 10:13–16, Matt. 19:13–15, and Luke 18:15–17) and his invitation to his disciples to become like children in the Synoptic Gospels (Mark 9:33–37, Matt. 18:1–5, Luke 9:46–48). Those who receive children “receive me,” Jesus says, and the one “who sent me.” Such Protestants stress children’s unique spiritual perspective. Entire curricula, such as Jerome Berryman’s Godly Play, are based on the premise that children have the capacity to ask their own theological questions and attain insight when provided space and encouragement. Protestants in this stream of the tradition give children a significant place in worship and education. Children have a unique understanding of God, and adults should attend to them with care. This approach extends early Reformation claims about religious freedom of conscience and the importance of individual confession to children. This conviction also shapes discipline, authority, and prescribed gender roles. Adults often strive for a less authoritarian, more democratic style of authority that invites children into covenantal relationship. They seek to nurture internal agency that allows children to choose the good

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rather than be forced to submit to it. In the last few decades, liberal Protestants have grown increasingly concerned about children’s vulnerability and the misuse of doctrines of original sin to justify abuse. They also gravitate to scriptures that proclaim a powerful warrant for justice in gender roles for boys and girls, such as the creation of male and female in God’s image (Gen. 1:27) and the oneness of all in Christ, whether Jew or Greek, slave or free, male or female (e.g., Gal. 3:28). Conservative Protestants often turn instead to scriptures that prescribe a hierarchy of power of parent over child and husband over wife (e.g., Eph. 5:22–23, 6:1) and the use of corporal punishment in training children (e.g., Prov. 13:24; Heb. 12:5–11). Children are to honor and obey their parents under threat of divine judgment. Some evangelicals spell out in detail when, where, and how to administer discipline, urging a calm and measured response, the use of a rod instead of the hand, a sound smack delivered to the bottom, and a response of affection and reconciliation to visible signs of a child’s remorse. Helping children conform to parental discipline plays a significant role in shaping a faith obedient to God’s ultimate authority. This view rests on a particular understanding of God as Lord and Father and presumes the essential nature of men as head of the household, endowed to lead, and women as subordinate partner, created to care for the needs of others. Girls and boys are expected to assume these roles. The encouragement of physical discipline among conservatives also flows from a broader emphasis on the sinful nature of persons, including children. The Protestant tradition as a whole has struggled to hold together the view of children as indelibly tainted with sin and fully capable of genuine faith. Conservative Christians attempt to combine affection and parental involvement with carefully administered reprimand, sometimes erring on the side of rigid control and punitive dictates. Liberal Protestants confess human nature as fallen but accept Enlightenment views of children’s full humanity, sometimes erring on the side of permissive freedom and neglect of moral and religious guidance. Most people in both groups agree nevertheless that the aim of Christian parenting today, contrary to early Protestant and some current conservative advice, is to bend rather than break a child’s will. Still pivotal for Protestants today in forming children in faith are the acts of hearing God’s word and receiving the sacraments of baptism and communion. Protestant theologians, such as 18th-century Puritan preacher Jonathan Edwards, actually delivered full and sometimes frightening sermons to children calling them to Christ and away from the devil. The threat of hellfire and damnation has disappeared, but many contemporary Protestant congregations still host a children’s sermon, a special time during worship when children gather at the front to hear a message designed for them. Some churches have youth Sundays or

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worship services in which young people themselves lead, preach, and pray. Protestants observe important rituals that mark and celebrate the birth of children and their growth and inclusion in the church. Most denominations (e.g., Anglicans, Lutherans, Reformed, Methodists, Presbyterians) follow the ancient custom of baptizing or sprinkling infants with water as a sign of God’s grace, spirit, and adoption into the covenant of the church. In these settings, children on the verge of adolescence, generally between the ages of 12 and 14, participate in confirmation or further instruction and a rite of public confession. Other movements (e.g., Baptists, Anabaptists, Seventh-Day Adventists, Church of Christ, and Christian Churches) believe in baptism by immersion later in childhood or young adulthood when the child or youth makes a decision to confess Christ. Such churches often hold “baby dedication” services to bless children and promise their nurture in Christian faith through the parents and wider church community. Considerable debate arises in both streams about when children become official members of a church (e.g., at infant baptism, confirmation, or believer’s baptism) and when they are able to receive communion or Eucharist. Some argue that they must be old enough to comprehend its meaning, while others believe this wrongly excludes younger children who are part of the church and deserve a place at the table. Like all traditions, Protestantism has struggled to embody its ideals. Infants, children, and youth know sin. They also manifest God’s glory and serve as exemplary models of faith. Protestants have struggled to sustain the inevitable tension between these beliefs. Religious differences in interpretation mark major divisions. Moreover, all streams of the tradition, regardless of how sectarian or assimilated, have given into broader cultural pressures, such as materialistic definitions of success or the promotion of personal fulfillment. It is not uncommon for people to lose sight of distinctive Protestant views and simply take children to church as a means to promote good behavior and middleclass values. Nonetheless, the Protestant mandate to respect children as gifts and full participants in Christian community and to reach out to secure the welfare of all children outside the church remains a mainstay of the tradition. In a society inclined to turn children into consumers, products, and burdens, the belief in the inherent worth of children is ultimately one of Protestantism’s most important contributions. Bonnie J. Miller-McLemore see also: Catholicism; Child: Religious and Philosophical Perspectives; Eastern Orthodoxy; Judaism; Religious Instruction further reading: Marcia Bunge, The Child in Christian Thought, 2001. • Margaret Bendroth, Growing Up Protestant: Parents, Children and Mainline Churches, 2002. • Sally K. Gallagher, Evangelical Identity and Gendered Family Life, 2003. • Bonnie J. Miller-McLemore,

Let the Children Come: Reimagining Childhood from a Christian Perspective, 2003.

psychiatric illness, parental. According to the World Health Organization’s (WHO’s) 2001 Report on Mental Health, one in every four persons develops a mental disorder at some stage of their life. This finding applies to relatively affluent and poor countries alike, although there appears to be an even greater prevalence of severe mental illness under conditions of poverty and powerlessness. Further, the 2004 WHO World Mental Health Survey suggests that various mental health–related problems are on the rise worldwide. Among illness conditions that confer substantial disability, psychiatric and substance abuse disorders now occupy the most prominent position. This trend is even more striking when considering younger populations of adolescent females and males. Among the psychiatric and substance abuse illnesses, the most common on a global scale are unipolar depression, alcohol disorders (more typically for men), schizophrenia, bipolar affective illness, and panic disorder (more typically for women). In light of decades of anthropological research on culture and mental illness, along with the first-ever 1999 report by the U.S. surgeon general on culture, ethnicity, and mental health, it has been established empirically that “culture counts” in virtually every aspect of the developmental trajectory of mental disorder for children and adults alike: Culture counts in the identification and definition of mental disorder, in symptom content, in the triggering events associated with mental disorder, in medication and treatment utilization, in social support and stigma, in the meaning of illness, and in the course and outcome of mental disorders. There is an urgent need for in-depth studies of families and mental illness to ascertain how children of all ages deal with parental mental illness: How do they conceptualize and understand the problem? Thus far, children’s perspectives are notably missing from the research record, despite a few small, qualitative studies of children living with a mentally ill parent and some retrospective studies that gather reports from adult children. In addition, there are an increasing number of memoirs by individuals who were raised by a mentally ill parent that provide a rich sense of both the objective and subjective burdens experienced by children with parents with mental illness. Ef f ec t s o n Fa m i ly a n d t h e Weigh t o f Car e While to date there has been little ethnographic study of the ways in which parental psychiatric illness affects children, it stands to reason that such effects would be significant across a variety of cultural contexts. This process would likely differ in relation to household composition and in particular with respect to whether the child resides

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with the ill parent. Even in cases where the child resides separately, the economic, social, and psychological impact of a disturbed parent will shape the well-being of the child. Within the United States, for example, the surgeon general reports that more than two-thirds of adults suffering from mental disorders do not receive any sort of treatment for their disorders. These findings, combined with trends of deinstitutionalization over the last few decades, mean that mental illness (treated and untreated) is now more likely to be a part of the everyday lives of families and children than in the past. Additional contextual factors that make a difference in shaping the impact of parental mental illness on a child include homelessness, since a large segment of the homeless are mentally ill and some of these persons live on the streets with their children. Because older siblings, especially girls, are likely to provide a high proportion of caretaking, it might be expected that these children (in homes or on the streets) will take on the role of primary caretaker if a parent or other adult is unable to perform such care. In addition, the severity of the effects on children of living with these disorders cannot be appreciated without taking into account the typical array of additional cooccurring parental disorders. Personality disorders (as described in Axis II of the American Psychiatric Association’s Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, fourth edition, 1994) are particularly hard to diagnose and receive little attention in the literature on parental mental illness, either as primary diagnoses, as comorbid with other psychiatric disorders, or when combined with other subclinical psychiatric conditions. The extent to which such care constitutes a burden for children of the mentally ill must be assessed not only in relation to possibly abnormal kin relations but also with respect to the problem of cultural validity. For example, while care for an ill relative may be perceived and experienced as a burden in many family settings, others may experience care as an obligation that, while difficult, may not be as inherently distressing. The size and quality of the social network involved in the care is at issue, as are economic resources for treatment and assistance. Child and adolescent caretaking of an ill parent may not only entail a heavier load of household chores, sibling care, and management of the illness (e.g., dispensing medication regularly) but also effects on subjectivity. What do children and adolescents think about the problem their parent has? Do they conceive it as one of mental illness? Do they worry about their parent’s behavior and how to manage it? Do they worry about the safety and security of their family? Do they think that although their parent may be “different” that this difference is not necessarily negative? A child’s sense of what is normal will be shaped significantly by input from others, and (especially at early ages) they

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may not view the parent as “crazy” unless there are severely disruptive or violent episodes. If a manic mother stays up all night painting and drawing, does that not make her a “fun person,” even to an adolescent child? If she shops and spends a lot of money on toys or cool clothes, does that mean that she is an enjoyable playmate or peer, or is she a disappointing or even embarrassing parent? In considering such questions, it is clear that a child’s developmental level and age as well as the type of illness from which the parent suffers must be recognized as important variables affecting experiential context. Social stigma is something children whose parents are affl icted with mental illness are highly likely to face on a routine basis. Although explicit public discrimination against those suffering from mental illness has diminished in recent decades, there is no doubt that substantial social stigma persists across a variety of situations in daily life. Children, especially preteens and adolescents, can learn that mental illness is something to be quiet about and not to draw attention to, leading to feelings of embarrassment and shame as well as complex guilt for having these feelings about their parent. Children may also be cautious about bringing friends into the home and, in adulthood, about speaking about their upbringings. R i s k s to C h i l d r en o f M en ta l ly I l l Par en t s Recent work from childhood studies scholars has offered a warning against the presumption of harmful and damaging effects of parental psychiatric disorders on children rather than focusing on empirical determination of children’s risk and resilience. The danger is in perpetuating the image of the vulnerable (and incompetent) child rather than in recognizing children’s unique sense of complex situations. That being said, at least four types of risk can be identified for children of parents with psychiatric disorder. First is the risk of experiencing stigma, as noted previously. Children may fear being socially contaminated by the mental illness of their parent or may worry about inheriting such conditions. Second is the risk of abuse or neglect. In this area, it is critical to differentiate disorders and circumstances that may or may not have a negative effect on parent-child intimacy, caregiving, or perceptions of the parent-child relationship. Disorders involving extreme emotional withdrawal and/or alcohol and substance abuse will most likely create this type of risk. Third is the risk of distress within daily life with an affl icted parent. The subjectivity of children is affected by factors such as ability to recognize signs of illness, to understand it and manage it, and to deal with a parent’s hospitalization. Children experience a high degree of insecurity, struggling to explain the illness in terms of general models

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like stress and exhibiting a great need for concrete information about how to behave toward the affl icted parent. The experience varies with respect to family context, the child’s developmental stage and resilience, and the availability of support and intervention resources. The fourth and most studied type of risk is that of children developing psychiatric disorder themselves. In this literature, the most widely cited finding is that children with a mentally ill parent are more likely to develop emotional and behavioral problems. This appears particularly relevant with respect to affective disorders, and substantially more of the literature addresses situations in which the mentally ill parent is a mother. For instance, in a 1998 review of the literature, William Beardslee, Eve Versage, and Tracy Gladstone report estimates that children with an affectively ill parent have a 40% chance of experiencing an episode of major depression by the age of 20. Other studies have found that one-third of children whose mothers had a current major depressive disorder had some form of psychiatric disorder themselves, and the studies further specified correlations between maternal comorbid panic disorder with agoraphobia and child depressive and anxiety disorders, maternal irritable depression and child disruptive behavior disorders, and maternal substance abuse disorder and some type of child disorder. Researchers have proposed various explanations for such findings, including genetic predisposition, an erratic family environment, separation anxiety (if the child is taken away from a parent over the course of an illness), as well as theories that recognize the complex interaction of multiple variables. Surely, the quality of daily life and the emotional milieu of these families are not infrequently defined by distress, confusion, anger, and despair. Those stressing the environment as the key factor in putting children of mentally ill parents at higher risk for psychological and psychiatric problems have noted that it is often the side effects of a mental illness, rather than the illness itself, that may disturb healthy development. Thus, it may be the friction within a marriage or separation or divorce of parents that may be the key variable determining a child’s well-being. Other research has focused on children who grow up with a mentally ill parent and yet do not seem to suffer from behavioral and emotional disturbance. Internal and external sources of social support, individual personality, coping skills, and the ability to adapt have all been cited has potential mediating factors in such children’s resilience. However, it is important to observe that many children growing up in a home with an ill parent do not develop serious mental illness. The extraordinary strain of living with such a parent might produce symptoms of anxiety or depression in the child, on the one hand, or, alternatively, extraordinary vitality and resilience in the face of distress. Despite these considerations, it is likely that a discourse

based primarily on notions of risk and resilience is not in itself adequate to deal with the issues outlined here. In addition to the extant literature on parenting with a mental illness, further attention should be devoted to children’s own competencies as complex young persons characterized by resourcefulness and agency as well as vulnerability. Janis H. Jenkins and Megan Nordquest Schwallie see also: Abuse and Neglect; Domestic Violence; Homelessness; Mental Illness; Postpartum Depression; Substance Abuse, Parental further reading: Robert Desjarlais, Leon Eisenberg, Byron Good, and Arthur Kleinman, eds., World Mental Health: Problems and Priorities in Low-Income Countries, 1995. • Jacki Lyden, Daughter of the Queen of Sheba, 1997. • Greg Duncan, Aletha Huston, and Thomas S. Weisner, Higher Ground: New Hope for the Working Poor and their Children, 2007.

puberty. see Adolescence; Sexual Development punishment, corporal. see Corporal Punishment; Discipline and Punishment

punishment, legal. The history of institutions that serve the juvenile justice system is one of competing values and goals. Treatment, rehabilitation, and supervision compete with accountability, punishment, and retribution; as in music, it is often hard for listeners to know which of the competitive chords is dominant. For policy makers and practitioners, the notion of justice is an elusive concept, since it applies to youths who, because of their developmental status, are not as culpable as adults but whose behavior may cause great harm. How should a system hold youths accountable, in developmentally appropriate ways, while giving them room to reform? Answering that question, the juvenile justice system rarely uses the term punishment, yet, because of public responses to the worst offenses, punishment is often a subtext of the system’s work. From the early 19th century until today, juvenile justice institutions have been expected to fulfill the goals of criminal law sanctions (general and specific deterrence, incapacitation, retribution, and rehabilitation), reform young offenders through a medical model that “cures” them of their wayward ways, and instill in them notions of accountability. For almost 200 years, these competing themes have vied for control. They have been part of the history of state systems in the United States and in the systems of other countries that have used a justice, rather than a child welfare, model to respond to youths who are in confl ict with the law. Scandinavian countries, for example, have historically used a pure child welfare approach to youth offenders who are younger than 15. Those youth have received the same responses to their misbehavior as youth who are neglected

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or abused. A justice model, in contrast, would be more punitive, seeking to hold the youth accountable. Inherent in any system that relies on institutional care is the idea that time, distance, and difference will lead its inmates to change their ways. In juvenile justice, institutional care is premised on an assumption that youths will reform if the state separates them from their home communities for a long enough time and places them with adults who are different from those who raised them. Beginning in the late 18th century, this idea was at the heart of the first Quaker penitentiaries for adults in the United States, and they formed the seeds of institutions that later housed juveniles. The earliest interventions into youth misbehavior emphasized reform and punishment in highly structured institutions. Indeed, while many people associate the beginning of juvenile justice in the United States with the establishment of the juvenile court in Chicago in 1899, the rise of institutional care actually began decades earlier. Concerns about poor immigrant children running amok led to the creation of institutional care for children. In New York City, the Society for Prevention of Pauperism in 1824 became the Society for the Reformation of Juvenile Delinquents and in 1825 opened the nation’s first House of Refuge. Boston followed in 1826 and Philadelphia two years later. The concept of parens patriae provided the legal underpinning for the Houses of Refuge many years before it also provided a legal framework for the juvenile court. In Ex parte Crouse, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court in 1838 affirmed the state’s accepting Mary Ann Crouse from her mother and putting her into Philadelphia’s House of Refuge. Mary Ann’s father brought a writ of habeas corpus, rejected by the state supreme court. In now-famous language, the court declared: “The object of the charity is reformation, by training its inmates to industry; by imbuing their minds with principles of morality and religion; by furnishing them with means to earn a living; and, above all, by separating them from the corrupting influence of improper associates. To this end, may not the natural parents, when unequal to the task of education, or unworthy of it, be superseded by the parens patriae, or common guardian of the community?” For the first time, parens patriae—a 15thcentury concept for orphans—was applied to a poor child whose parents were still alive. By 1890, almost every state had some version of a reform school that was built on a parens patriae foundation. Interestingly, while the progeny of the first Quaker penitentiaries were essentially similar—adult criminals everywhere were incarcerated in roughly the same way everywhere—juvenile institutions were as different as children themselves. In combination, courts and institutions applied an inchoate notion that children were both less blameworthy and more capable of reform than adults.

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When juvenile courts arose in the early 20th century, they sought to ensure that youths received treatment and rehabilitation. The court was created to make sure that youths would no longer be punished like adults or placed in prisons with hardened criminals. Institutional responses thus ranged from group homes to residential treatment centers, open campuses to locked buildings. Their names showed that they housed children: The 20th century saw reform schools, industrial schools, training schools, youth development centers, and the like. Although these residential delinquency institutions purported to reform, their performances were uneven. There were excellent programs, but by the late 1960s a visitor would still find, according to one chronicler, “forced haircuts, . . . demeaning silence and marching, . . . occasional beatings, . . . planned, ritualized violence of discipline cottages, and . . . restraint to beds.” The U.S. Supreme Court, when it examined the constitutionality of juvenile court procedures in 1967, observed, “It is of no constitutional consequence—and of limited practical meaning—that the institution to which he is committed is called an Industrial School. The fact of the matter is that, however euphemistic the title, a ‘receiving home’ or an ‘industrial school’ for juveniles is an institution of confinement in which the child is incarcerated for a greater or lesser time” (In re Gault, 27). When Jerry Miller took over the Massachusetts juvenile justice system in 1969, he found juvenile justice “warehouses” that he soon closed. Miller’s actions were at the forefront of a deinstitutionalization movement that also encompassed facilities for the mentally ill and intellectually disabled. The downsizing and improvement of institutional conditions also coincided with a decade of civil rights litigation, based on U.S. constitutional law, over conditions of confinement in those facilities. The numbers of teens placed in juvenile facilities fluctuated from the mid-20th century to its end. Teens in reform schools almost doubled between 1950 and 1970 as daily populations rose to more than 60,000 children. After a brief period of deinstitutionalization in the 1970s, there was a trend reversal, with an explosion in the use of institutional care. African American youths soon made up half the population of state training schools. Changes in immigration trends have led to large increases in institutional care of Latino youths. In the 1980s, U.S. law required states to address disproportionate minority confinement, but decades later the problem appears intractable. Hidden behind these data were two other trends: the rising number of female offenders and the small but growing use of group homes and private custodial facilities to replace or augment state training schools. By the early 21st century, females accounted for almost 30% of juvenile arrests in the United States, and their proportion of youths in institutional care was more than 10%. States struggled

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to adapt, for female populations, institutions that were designed for boys. Seven of 10 youths who are incarcerated in juvenile facilities are in public institutions. The rest are in privately run facilities that vary from group homes to large, campuslike facilities. Some states, like Pennsylvania, use small, private facilities much more than their own training schools. Many of the privately operated programs are specialized, such as focusing on youths with mental health disorders or in need of drug treatment, but most are general treatment programs that rely on an array of treatment models. Models of treatment are as varied as the programs themselves. Conditions of confinement in public and private institutions also vary. Indeed, states appear to go through cycles of reform and relapse, as do their institutions. To improve conditions or to promote either the punitive or the rehabilitative face of juvenile justice, states have also experimented with reorganization. Florida, for example, created a state juvenile justice agency in the early 1990s, separating it from an umbrella child welfare agency; New Jersey, around the same time, carved a juvenile justice agency out of its adult corrections system. Illinois in 2006 also created a new juvenile corrections agency, but it is operated by former adult corrections officials. State changes in organizational structure reflect the ongoing tension over whether children in confl ict with the law should be treated more like children or more like adults. Some state systems are centralized youth authorities with enormous control over the web of state-operated institutions that house juvenile offenders. These state systems grew in the 1940s when California, Texas, and other states created the first centralized youth authorities to run juvenile institutions. Those systems’ cycles of failure and success suggest the difficulty of sustaining institutional reforms. In the early 1970s, for example, conditions in the Texas system were so poor that the system was taken over by a federal court. A 2004 report issued by a juvenile justice expert appointed by the state’s governor found the California Youth Authority (CYA) to be dangerous systemwide. The report led to closing of facilities and a large reduction in the number of CYA residents. Texas and California, home to more than 20% of U.S. youth, offer competing trend lines. From 1995 to 2006, both states saw youth crime decline enormously and at the same rate. Yet Texas increased the number of incarcerated youth by almost 50%, while California reduced its youth population by 75%, partly in response to scandals in violence-plagued institutions. Although many youths have emerged from large youth authorities and succeeded as adults, so many have not that a growing number of states are turning to a “small is better” approach. The most visible of those state approaches comes from Missouri, where Republican and Democratic governors have endorsed downsizing the system. By 2005, many states had sent delegations to look at what Missouri

accomplished. Missouri’s use of small, child-centered programs led to a recidivism rate of8%, compared with roughly 10 times that rate in California. Missouri’s programs were also half the cost of California’s. The Missouri experience is part of a trend that has led many states to increase their reliance on community care. Large numbers of state and local juvenile justice systems are turning to evidence-based practices that reduce violence without unnecessarily segregating youths from their communities. A parallel trend has been the introduction of balanced and restorative justice models, which have emerged in many states as a middle ground between rehabilitation, which seemed too child-centered and fuzzy during times of rising juvenile crime in the early 1990s, and retribution, which few justice experts endorsed after a failed “just desserts” model was promoted by the American Legislative Exchange Council in the early 1980s. Restorative justice emerged from Maori traditions in New Zealand. The United States has absorbed portions of other countries’ juvenile justice approaches, while other nations have gravitated toward some version of the U.S. model. Community courts have sprouted in the United States as jurisdictions have adopted the Scottish children’s hearing system to divert youths from institutional care. Countries like the Netherlands and the Scandinavian countries have historically used a child welfare approach to juvenile offending, particularly for younger teens, but after the fall of the Soviet bloc and the influx of Eastern European families, many of these countries struggled to maintain their childcentered systems in the face of demands for more punitive approaches. Systems for older youth look much more like the U.S. approach. In the early 21st century, Western European countries have retained the core of their child welfare approaches to juvenile justice, while emerging justice systems in Africa, Asia, and the former Soviet bloc are struggling to determine the kind of juvenile justice systems that will meet their needs. Unique to the United States is the incarceration of youths who are tried as adults. Almost 10,000 American inmates in adult prisons were younger than age 18—some in early adolescence—at the time of their crimes. More than 2,200 are serving life sentences without the possibility of parole. Those who emerge from prison are more likely than similar youths who go through the juvenile justice system to commit more serious offenses. They are also more likely to be physically or sexually abused while in prison. Children in adult prisons are generally treated no differently than adults, although younger inmates have rights to education, and litigation has led to classification systems that try to protect them. Advocacy efforts at the start of the 21st century have led many states to rethink the way they treat youths as adults, including where and how they are incarcerated. Emerging knowledge of adolescent development, elo-

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quently explained by the U.S. Supreme Court when in 2005 it ended the juvenile death penalty in the United States in Roper v. Simmons, has muted the notes of punishment that carried the tune in the mid-1990s. At the start of the 21st century, the United States and the world speak less of punishing juvenile offenders than in holding them accountable in developmentally appropriate ways. Robert G. Schwartz

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see also: Adult Criminal Justice System, Children in the; Corporal Punishment; Crime, Juvenile; Criminal Procedure, Children and; Death Penalty, Children and the; Discipline and Punishment; Juvenile Court; Parens Patriae; Prisons for Youth; Reform Institutions for Youth; Rehabilitative Services for Youth further reading: Jerome G. Miller, Last One over the Wall: The Massachusetts Experiment in Closing Reform Schools, 1991.

r race and children’s development. In the 21st century, scientists acknowledge that the concept of race has no biogenetic basis. Human biological diversity is occasioned by culture and ethnicity, not by race. There is as much or more variability within the groups designated as “racial” groups more than 100 years ago as there is between those groups. Th e Legac y of R ac i al S t r at i f icat io n Nonetheless, race, racial stratification, and racism continue today as enduring macrosocietal realities in the lives of children, their families, and peers. The legacy is particularly strong in nations, such as the United States and South Africa, that have historically used race as an important, longterm principle of cultural and social organization. In such environments, children learn from caregivers and significant others how to cope with hostile racial environments while continuing to develop fully and to experience normal, rich lives. The challenge of this paradox remains a touchstone of scholarship on race and children’s development. Historically, both the United States and South Africa have experienced organized resistance to racism, specifically to the use of race as a major legal organizing societal principle (apartheid). As a result, legal evidence of racial discrimination has been minimized and even largely eliminated. However, the residue of earlier racial stratification endures, and, therefore, racial socialization is considered integral to the lives of all children in these cultures. Skin color/tone, or the presence of melanin, has been the most consistently used indicator of racial status in the United States. Hair texture, linguistic surface features, and evidence of prior racial blood lines have also been used. Preschool-age children first learn to distinguish black from white skin (racial awareness) and later to project or display certain attitudes toward the identified skin color or other race-related phenotypes. These racial attitudes are learned

initially from family members. Deeper and more cognitively sophisticated understandings of race and racism develop during the later years of childhood, culminating in racial identity development in adolescence and continuing throughout adulthood. H i s to r y o f S c hol ar sh i p Most early research (1940–70) on race and the development of African American children adopted an assimilation paradigm. This paradigm stressed the goal of no psychological difference between black and white people. In this model, African American youth considered most sensitive to barriers stemming from color/race contacts were youth who were upwardly or downwardly mobile in the American class/caste system, as contrasted with African American youth located at the extreme upper or lower ends of the American social system. For example, openly expressed hostility toward the behaviors and attitudes of white people was perceived to be a projection in the service of emotional issues pertaining to upward or downward social mobility within the African American castelike social community. Kenneth Clark and Mamie Clark’s famous doll studies, cited by the U.S. Supreme Court in the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision, arose from this paradigm. In several studies conducted in the late 1930s through the mid-1940s, researchers individually interviewed African American and white preschool and kindergarten-age children. First, the children were asked to discriminate between two dolls, one lighter skinned and the other darker skinned, by pointing to which doll was the prettiest, the smartest, the nicest, and so forth. After all positive and negative attributions were made to one of the two experimenter-presented dolls, each child was then asked to point to the doll that looked most like herself. The Clarks found that young African American children were less likely than their white counterparts to attribute favorable

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traits to the doll whose skin color most closely resembled their own. In other words, African American children were more likely to favor the white doll. Some of these children were even visibly upset when confronted with having to acknowledge that the darker doll was most like them. In contrast, white children almost never favored the darker doll and always chose the lighter-skinned doll as being most like them. These results were used to buttress the hypothesis that African American children develop self-hatred. The assimilation paradigm prevailed for 30 years. Before turning to later work that challenged the Clarks’ methods, results, and interpretations, it is worth mentioning another important study that was done in this early period. Personality psychologist Gordon Allport wrote a classic paper on intergroup prejudice in 1954. Allport noted that by age 8 white American children began to verbalize their racial prejudices but that they learned to quit voicing them by 12, while simultaneously becoming increasingly undemocratic toward those who were perceptibly different, including those who were racially different. These findings were supported in later studies. Allport thought intergroup contact was a remedy for prejudice, a view substantiated in a recent meta-analysis. In general, however, little research has been done on the development of racial prejudice in white children. After 1970, studies of race and children’s development usually focused on African American children and primarily addressed the assumption of the assimilation paradigm that these children hated themselves because they were black. William Curtis Banks, founder and first editor of the Journal of Black Psychology, argued that the research supposedly demonstrating a prowhite bias among black children actually demonstrated no statistically significant evaluative preferences beyond chance expectation when children were compelled to choose between favoring black or white dolls. Comparing the children’s responses to those of white children was inappropriate and led to the myth of perceptible “black self-hatred.” In Shades of Black: Diversity in African American Identity (1991), William Cross argued that studies of attitudes and preferences toward one’s racial group (i.e., reference group orientation) should be distinguished from studies of personal identity. Personal identity studies use racial stimuli neither in experimental conditions nor in reference to behavioral outcomes. Believing that the reference group orientation studies tapped the early emergence of the sense of dual consciousness that W. E. B. Du Bois earlier attributed to the “souls of black folk,” Cross argued that having a problack orientation predicts individual potential for collective networking and communal action within African American communities. Of itself, personal identity does not predict such engagement in political and social action, regardless of favorable personal identity or esteem. Recent research also dispels the myth of black self-

hatred, although researchers still disagree about how to interpret children’s racial attitudes from studies of reference group orientation. Beginning in the 1980s, researchers became aware that cognition plays a role in children’s achievement of racial constancy. For example, one study showed that between ages 4 and 7, children gradually learn that being black or white is not subject to their own perceptual observations (e.g., skin color or hair texture) but has an objective social reality that adults and peers routinely acknowledge. Among African Americans, age 4 to 7, this was associated with an increasingly problack bias on measures of racial preference; however, between ages 8 and 11, racial constancy became increasingly associated with a reduction in problack preference and an increase in the frequency of “no preference” responses. Another study taking a cognitive perspective revealed that children demonstrated an adultlike concept of race around age 9 to 10. Prior to early adolescence, there is no strong support for a consistently positive or negative racial identity. Therefore, preschool and primary grade children’s emergent attitudes about race probably reflect increased cognizance of experiences within their social worlds. Before early adolescence, they do not have a coherent concept of race that they can reflexively apply to themselves. Margaret Beale Spencer’s research, begun in the early 1980s and spanning nearly 30 years, demonstrated that social status was implicated in the development of racial attitudes. She found that middle-income African American children were more likely to demonstrate favorable patterns of problack bias in racial attitudes and preferences than lower-income African American children. However, between ages 3 and 9, reference group orientation primarily developed from a prowhite to a “no preference” category in both income groups. Predictably, measures of racial awareness, racial attitudes, and racial preferences were correlated with measures of social cognition but not with measures of self-esteem. To summarize, the outcome of these studies has been to refute the inference that the Clarks and other earlier scholars had drawn from the results of the doll studies, namely that African American children suffer from personal self-hatred because they are not white. Further, the most accepted contemporary interpretation of reference group orientation studies is that they predict a preference for intraracial collective networking and intraracial group action. R ac ism and C h i ldr en ’s Dev elopmen t Kenneth Clark perceived racism as a societal disease infecting Americans. A major context for remedy of this disease has historically been the first social institution children encounter beyond the family: schools as educational and, therefore, cultural institutions. Thus, Brown v. Board of Education I (1954) and II (1955) proposed school desegrega-

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tion as an important and essential remedy for both identified racial groups, blacks and whites. Conversely, perceptions of racism as a form of institutional social control necessitate that African American families and communities prepare children to confront and struggle against white supremacy and institutional racism. The earlier emphasis on race and the reduction of racial prejudice have refocused on racial socialization practices in families and communities that enable children to cope effectively with racism. In the United States, racism is perceived to be so institutionally embedded, so pervasive a form of social stratification that short-term proposed strategies like school desegregation are unlikely remedies, an acknowledgment that even Kenneth Clark made before his death. Theorizing that from a social psychological perspective racism includes stereotypes (beliefs), prejudices (attitudes), and discriminations (behaviors) that denigrate individuals on the basis of racial phenotypes, Clark McKown reports age and ethnic variation in children’s thinking about racism. In his influential study, “Age and Ethnic Variation in Children’s Thinking about the Nature of Racism,” published in the Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology (2004), he found that more African American and Latino children showed early awareness of racism in comparison to white and Asian American children. Furthermore, African American children of better-educated parents showed particularly textured knowledge, including greater elaboration, differentiation, and an emphasis on causality in their spontaneous comments to interviewers. The findings support the view that selected African American parents and communities are particularly proactive in attempting to buffer children from the effects of racism. Generally, this type of research, appreciating children’s cognitive development, posits that children become aware of racism as their social perspective-taking skills elaborate and mature, typically between ages 6 and 10. Therefore, McKown argued that although from age 2 1/2 and beyond, preschool and primary grade children are aware of race and hold racial attitudes and beliefs, there is less evidence that these young children are aware of racism. In other words, it is not clear whether they are aware that others, including significant others, hold racist attitudes, beliefs, or behavioral tendencies. Studies of children’s intergroup behaviors in school playgrounds and experimental settings suggest a continuing need for more research into the origins and development of race-related attitudes identified with white privilege and of African American, Latino, and Asian American perceptions of that racial privilege. Obviously, in future studies of race and children’s development, it would be especially illuminating to undertake cross-cultural and cross-national comparisons of nations with a history of legalized racial, rather than ethnic or cultural, stratification (e.g., the United States, South Africa, and Australia).

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R ac i a l I d en t i t y D e v elo pm en t A number of scholars—Signithia Fordham, Claude Steele, Stephanie Rowley, and Robert Sellers and colleagues—have addressed some of the critical issues facing monoracial youth during adolescence, including how African American youths’ perceptions of their racial group membership could affect their academic achievement. Building upon Erik H. Erikson’s theory, Spencer and her colleagues have brought a developmental perspective, inclusive of both theory and research, to these educational concerns. Erikson’s theorizing makes clear that identity development is a major developmental task for adolescents and includes trying on a variety of roles and lifestyles as a strategy for determining the best fit. The process of identity search entails significant confl icts requiring resolution for achieving the desired outcome: a healthy identity. Spencer and her colleagues assert that this already complex process is made more challenging for youth of color, given burgeoning changes in cognitive processes, self-conscious emotional processes, and their increased access to varied social networks and settings. Given that the youths’ social unit is socially and physically identifiable and cognitive changes are unavoidable, those facts increase youths’ awareness of the social pressures around them. There are few settings as important or inferred pressure more profound than are experiences in school. Youths’ search for identity includes normative self-consciousness along with a significant desire to fit in with others. The cognition-associated coping responses defensively used by adolescents are different from the ego-centered and perceptually self-centered type that characterizes the thinking and responses of young children. In fact, the strategies used by adolescents may alleviate feelings of selfconsciousness and alienation. However, some coping efforts may have adverse implications for academic outcomes, school attendance, and more general school engagement. Spencer’s analyses point out specific social and cultural influences with significant implications for coping and increased marginalization. Bi r ac ial C h i ldr en ’s Dev elopmen t Labels for mixed-race individuals have emerged in many times and places. For example, World War II Germany, the pre- and postslavery South, pre- and postindependence South Africa, and contemporary Central America and the Southwest United States have all created categories for mixed-race peoples. These categories were meant to assist the dominant power structure in creating caste systems for social and economic control. For biracial or multiracial people at various points in history, if these imposed categories were embraced, it was to access the ascribed statuses and resources in order to enhance life chances, though always at the price of severing family ties or at the risk of future discovery of true heritage. What emerges most strongly in

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recent years is the acceptance of biracial heritage or multiracial heritage as a unique experience warranting its own social category and fostering the connections of common experience. Children identified as biracial in empirical psychological studies are children of parents who are from different races. However, in recent work, the terms mixed parentage, multiracial, and even triracial are also used to depict a child of dual racial parentage in the present generation or of more complex racial heritage across multiple generations. Several scholars have acknowledged unique experiences among biracial people. Situated in early historical experience, biracial status was described as leading to imbalance and psychological problems, identities that could never be resolved. However, in portrayals of the late 1980s and early 1990s, scholars described biracialism primarily as a subcategory of African American or other monoracial groups of color where ties are both strained yet inextricable from one another. Biracial writer Elliott Lewis presents the argument for “biracial” or “multiracial” as a separate and singular racial category. In his book Fade: My Journeys through Multiracial America (2006), Lewis proposes the “7 Habits of Highly Multiracial People.” He outlines a number of core experiences common to many interracial children and adults. Many of these experiences have been described quite well in research and scholarship since the 1970s. For instance, researchers describe the chameleon effect in which biracial and interracial people adapt to different contexts and are sometimes mistaken for many other ethnicities and races of peoples. Other experiences often underscored in the literature include being attacked for perceived lack of allegiance to one’s heritage of color or lacking the cultural authenticity ascribed to one’s appearance. Lewis addresses two other relatively unexplored experiences that are being currently researched: temporary identity confusion and interracial mixed-race comfort zone. Largely guided by clinical perspectives on development, the view emerged that biracial children’s path of identity development most assuredly ends in identity confusion. However, research indicates that social adjustment is either more positive or no different by comparison to monoracial children. Furthermore, when so-called identity confusion does occur, it is usually short lived, according to Lewis, an assertion that has been supported by a number of studies. Deborah Johnson found that black/white biracial children of preschool age expressed fewer monoracial preferences, compared to monoracial African American children, and maintained higher rates of no preferences. Across several studies, the presence of single European American mothers was found to slow the child’s preference development more than white mothers with black fathers present or black mothers with white fathers present. Thus, although biracial children have additional interpersonal and contex-

tual factors to process as they develop their identities, most are able to successfully conclude this complex process. The other issue that Lewis explored is the biracial comfort zone. Some authors call for an understanding of biracialism that goes beyond monorace or dual-race categorization. For example, Kerry Ann Rockquemore and David Brunsma argue in their book Beyond Black (2001) that this is a further evolution of an intelligent discussion of race. Lewis’s notion of a multiracial peoples’ “comfort zone” again underscores the movement of biracial from a subcategory to a category that is parallel to a monorace category. The suggestion is that a biracial person would now be comfortable in the presence of other biracial people given a common set of unique experiences. This commonality essentially makes this group of individuals “one’s people.” The preceding is a 21st-century perspective on biracialism as not simply an identity but a unique racial group similar to that effected in South Africa, where the African European individuals were pushed into separate communities. Children of biracial or multiracial parents were sometimes taken and placed into these communities to be reared by other biracial people rather than their biological parents. In 1992, a study of biracial children indicated that 50% of those documented as African Americans were using the biracial label for themselves and about 17% were using the monoracial label, whereas 60% of their parents were indicating that their socialization efforts were toward a monoracial label and identity. Currently, many scholars are defining healthy development to include acceptance of a biracial label. There is also increasing awareness that gender must be taken into account. There is some recent evidence that, among African Americans, biracial girls must negotiate the border of race embracing monoracial and social issues at the boundaries in order to emerge as biracial women. Biracial boys in adolescence have the “chameleon” perception and experience this working in their favor, particularly around dating, and therefore postpone acceptance of any particular identity until absolutely necessary. They are likely to resist embracing a stable identity that limits who they can be, but later maturity brings stability. In summary, current scholarship on biracial children shows that awareness and affect toward race inform children’s initial perspectives on racial self-perceptions early in life. Parental messages defining identity have some influence, as do obvious racial features. Challenge, confusion, and then clarity are likely to be at the core of many cycles in the identity development of biracial children, particularly those who are of African American and European American descent. Developmental period and context are significant in determining what the challenges will be. Assessing the pathways to a comfortable identity will appear as confusion while youth weigh friendship, loyalty, family messages, and social cognitions about their race. Clarity occurs when the

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important aspects of context, experience with race, and negotiating borders as well as parental messages about race emerge as central. Clarity will reign for a time and then new challenges will bring forth new cycles. Color ism and R ac ial Str ati fication i n th e 2 1st C en tury According to a very diverse body of scholars who study the impact of racial/color stratification for educational and occupational concerns, both in the United States and abroad, skin color matters in the 21st century. Issues raised by children’s skin color and race and addressed by members of the Black Caucus of the Society for Research in Child Development continue to be addressed by the profession today. Indeed, a special issue devoted to race, ethnicity, and culture in child development was published in a 2006 volume of Child Development, the premier journal in this field. Also, as Beverly Tatum has observed, it continues to be difficult to talk about race or racism in schools and classrooms, and strong evidence of racial in-group preferential attitudes and behavior, particularly in the middle school years and beyond, endures, as do parental and extended African American family members’ attempts to buffer their children from racism. Recent research suggests that all of this is made more complex by the predilections of children and youth to choose their own multiracial paths. Emphasis on black and white skin color as a symbol of racial identity in the 20th century has led to some contemporary confusion about African American designation and identity in the 21st century. Not all persons who are in possession of darker skin are black American natives whose ancestors experienced racial injustice in the United States that extends back to the time prior to President Abraham Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation. Further, biracial persons may or may not be able to claim this distinction. For example, President Barack Obama cannot make this claim, but former U.S. Representative Harold Ford Jr. of Memphis, Tennessee, who is light-skinned enough to appear biracial, can. According to a 2007 article written by Douglas Massey and colleagues, increased immigration to the United States of darker-skinned peoples is likely to further confound distinctions between the children of more recent black or darker-skinned immigrants and those who can claim to be the children of black or darker-skinned natives. Obviously, intergenerational transmission of ideas and attitudes regarding race and racism differs for these two broad cultural groups. Colorism, focusing as it does on darker-skinned, nonwhite people of color, is thought by some to be a “disease” created by global racism. According to the “affliction,” usually the lighter (closer to white) the skin’s color, the more highly valued is the wearer of the skin. Scholars like Eduardo Bonilla-Silva believe that the waning of racial

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boundaries generated by apartheid policies is leading to heightened discrimination based on skin color. Therefore, not race but its most enduring proxy, skin color within race, continues to pose the challenges originally described in 1941 by William Lloyd Warner and colleagues. However, colorism theorists believe the phenomenon is an outgrowth of racism. Emphasizing the personal-social construction of race, these scholars prefer to study how children become racialized and the contributions of political processes to the accompanying psychological development. Thus, racialization is construed as a situated process: The developing child is perceived as light or dark skinned according to the immediate cultural or political environment in which he or she participates. A very light-skinned biracial child, for example, may simultaneously be the favored child in a family home environment but be a truly black child in a desegregated suburban classroom. Therefore, colorism references the various social practices used to filter and allocate people into different racial locations in the racial order, that is, social practices used to racially stratify people informally. By definition, such stratification dictates cultural capital and resource allocation. For persons interested in race and children’s development, these fledging efforts to address the cultural/racial contexts of 21st-century children and youth are both troubling and promising to the human development field. In 1903, W. E. B. Du Bois predicted race would be the problem of the 20th century, but, clearly, race and color endure as challenges in the 21st century. Diana T. Slaughter-Defoe, Deborah J. Johnson, and Margaret Beale Spencer see also: Affirmative Action, Children and; African American Children; Clark, Kenneth B(ancroft); Education, Discrimination in: Racial Discrimination; Ethnic Identity; Prejudice and Stereotyping; Schooling, Inequalities in further reading: Diana T. Slaughter and Gerald A. McWorter, “Social Origins and Early Features of the Scientific Study of Black American Children and Families,” in Margaret Spencer, Geraldine Brookins, and Walter Allen, eds., Beginnings: The Social and Affective Development of Minority Status Children, 1985, pp. 5–18. • Margaret Beale Spencer and C. Markstrom-Adams, “Identity Processes among Racial and Ethnic Minority Children in America,” Child Development 61, no. 2 (1990), pp. 290–311. • Deborah J. Johnson, “Developmental Pathways: Toward an Ecological Theoretical Formulation of Race Identity in Black/White Biracial Children,” in Maria Root, ed., Racially Mixed People in America: Within, Between and Beyond, 1992, pp. 37–49. • Deborah J. Johnson, “Racial Preference and Biculturality in Biracial Preschoolers,” Merrill-Palmer Quarterly 38 (1992), pp. 233–44. • Diana T. Slaughter and Deborah J. Johnson, “Visible Now: Blacks in Private Schools,” Contributions in Afro-American and African Studies, vol. 116, 1998. • Kenneth Bancroft Clark and Woody Klein, Toward Humanity and Justice: The Writings of Kenneth B. Clark, Scholar of the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education Decision, 2004. • Diane Hughes, James Rodriguez, Emilie P. Smith, Deborah J. Johnson, Howard C. Stevenson, and Paul Spicer, “Parents’ Ethnic-

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Racial Socialization Practices: A Review of Research and Directions for Future Study,” Developmental Psychology 42, no. 5 (September 2006), pp. 747–70. • Diana T. Slaughter-Defoe, Aline M. Garrett, and Algea O. Harrison-Hale, eds., Our Children Too: A History of the First 25 Years of the Black Caucus of the Society for Research in Child Development, 1973–1997, Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, vol. 71, no. 1, 2006. • Margaret Beale Spencer, “Phenomenology and Ecological Systems Theory: Development of Diverse Groups,” in W. Damon and R. Lerner, eds., Handbook of Child Psychology, 6th ed., vol. 15, 2006, pp. 829–93. • Margaret Beale Spencer, “Revisiting the 1990 Special Issue on Minority Children: An Editorial Perspective 15 Years Later,” Child Development 77, no. 5 (September 2006), pp. 1149–54. • Stephen M. Quintana and Clark McKown, Handbook of Race, Racism, and the Developing Child, 2008.

rape. There is great variation across place and time in the way cultures define both children and rape. The topic of childhood rape can be divided into three categories: sexual contact between a stranger and a child younger than 12 years old, sexual contact between a relative or quasi relative and a child younger than 12 years old, and sexual penetration by anyone of a child between the ages of 12 and 18. The age limits have varied over time, but the distinctions among the categories reflect the law’s historical tendency to classify these crimes according to the relationship of the perpetrator to the victim. Str anger R ape Between 5% and 20% of all children in the United States are abused sexually; girls are two to three times more likely to be abused than boys. The great majority of this abuse happens within families or between close friends, but it is the smaller class of stranger abuse that tends to generate the most public fear and outrage. Most of the sexual predator laws in the United States were adopted in response to specific incidents involving a stranger abusing a small child. These laws usually impose long prison sentences, mandatory counseling after prison, and lifelong registration as a sex offender. As a group, strangers who abuse small children have particularly high recidivism rates and may indeed be “sick” in a psychological sense. Some psychologists theorize that many pedophiles crave youthfulness generally rather than a specific gender or body shape. These molesters often prey on both boys and girls. Thus, the impulse to view pedophiles as sick and in need of treatment is not necessarily misplaced. To date, however, studies suggest that the treatments available are only moderately successful. In contrast, child victims of this type of sexual abuse often recover fairly well. The more isolated the abuse and the more supportive and open family members can be about helping the child get treatment, the less likely the abuse is going to cause significant long-term damage to the child.

Still, like all those who are exposed to sexual conduct in childhood, survivors of stranger sexual abuse tend to have higher rates of sexual dysfunction as adults. I n tr afami lial R ape The most damaging psychological injuries from childhood rape occur to victims in the second category: intrafamilial abuse of children. Studies suggest that approximately 80% of childhood rape victims are raped by a parent, a stepparent, or a parent’s intimate partner and that approximately 80% of this abuse happens in the child’s home. This abuse, particularly when it is repetitive, violates a child’s sense of trust and safety, corrupting not only her physical but also her long-term emotional development. The negative consequences of incest tend to be lifelong and deeply harmful. Ironically, throughout history society has either ignored or downplayed the significance of such abuse. Accurate figures regarding the prevalence of incest are extremely difficult to ascertain, because much, possibly most, of this abuse does not get reported or gets reported long after the children are grown. Reasons for this are not surprising. The abuser often threatens the child in order to ensure secrecy. Even when the child does tell a nonabusing parent about the abuse, that parent often refuses to believe it or blames the child. Sometimes nonabusing parents themselves are embarrassed by the stigma associated with childhood sexual abuse and therefore resist acknowledging it. In addition to the reluctance of victims to disclose their abuse, there is an equally powerful reluctance on the part of the law to punish the perpetrators. Incest prohibitions have existed for some time, but, at least in England and the United States, incest laws primarily were intended to regulate marital relations rather than to protect children. Both participants in the sexual activity, regardless of the age of the victim, were punished for incest. Not until the late 20th century did the law start acknowledging that children, as victims, deserved special protection from sexual abuse by family members. Unfortunately, acknowledging the problem has not yielded easy solutions. The criminal law has been a particularly ineffective tool in fighting intrafamily abuse. As those familiar with efforts at rape reform know, in order to be effective, laws protecting against sexual violence must be consistent with society’s perceptions of justice or victims will not report the incident, prosecutors will resist bringing charges, and juries will refuse to convict. Many factors shape society’s perception that intrafamily abuse is not a serious crime. First, those who abuse only family members or close friends are not a particularly big risk to the community as a whole, only to the children with whom they live or share a close relationship. Second, people tend to see children as part of a private family unit rather than as individuals in their own right. Third, because this sort of abusive relationship typically oc-

rape

curs over an extended period of time, an adolescent victim may come to be seen as complicit, as somehow voluntarily choosing to continue the sexual relationship. Fourth, the practical effect of punishment in these cases often creates a new set of problems for the victim and her family, particularly to the extent that the perpetrator is also the household breadwinner. It may be in part for these sociopolitical reasons that legal actors resist criminal enforcement of intrafamily abuse. For instance, legislators routinely craft a family exception to sexual predator laws. Prior to reform movements in the 1980s, some judges also created incest exceptions to statutory rape laws, deeming the behavior less egregious and sometimes even blaming the children for encouraging the abuse. Perhaps the best evidence that the criminal law has not been an effective vehicle for addressing the problem is found in the fact that, when noncriminal reporting options are available, reporting rates are much higher. For instance, reporting rates rose significantly in both the Netherlands and Germany when these countries instituted confidential “doctor reporting systems” that bypass the criminal law. (Most states, on the other hand, have mandatory reporting laws that facilitate criminal prosecution.) In Israel, the number of incidents reported to youth organizations is 10 times higher than those reported to the police. To the extent that the goal of intervention in these cases is to reach the victims and put an end to their exploitation, it is quite evident that the criminal law offers less protection to victims of incest than does the option of a noncriminal reporting system. This could explain why the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child emphasizes the need for states to establish social programs for victims of child sexual abuse more than it requires states to take judicial action against perpetrators. S tatu to r y R ap e Since ancient times, societies have endeavored to protect young people, and particularly young women, from the predatory sexual advances of their elders. Often, the goal of such laws was to protect a family’s interest in a girl’s chastity rather than to protect the girl herself from unwanted sexual encounters. Thus, these laws varied dramatically in scope, typically protecting young women younger than the legal age of marriage, which, until the early 19th century, was as young as 10 or 12 years of age. Over the course of the 20th century, the age of marriage rose and with it the age of the population “protected” by statutory rape laws. During the latter decades of the 20th century, premarital sex became increasingly commonplace, and prosecutors, along with state legislatures, balked at the notion of prosecuting “consensual” sexual relationships. The result was that statutory rape laws, whether as enacted by state legislatures or as interpreted and enforced by prosecutors and judges, came to be seen as a means of protecting

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“innocent” young women from the sexual ploys of sophisticated men. The law attempted to differentiate between deserving and undeserving victims and between culpable and innocent “perpetrators.” Thus, various proof requirements were added to statutory rape laws. Most of these proof requirements involved evidence of a victim’s sexual purity and good character. Judges also created a “mistake of fact” defense that allowed defendants to argue that they did not know the victim was underage. The great advantage of this defense to defendants was that it allowed them to introduce evidence of the girl’s seductive behavior because, they would claim, it was that behavior that led them to believe she was older. This tendency to treat teen rape victims as instigators of their own abuse is particularly troubling because children who have been abused—or had any sexual experience at a young age—tend to act out sexually. Increased sexual activity and overtly sexual behavior is one of the most common signs of sexual abuse. This means that the more someone has been a victim of abuse, the more likely she is to behave in a way that will negate people’s ability to see her as a victim. In the 1990s, federal and state governments found a new reason to reinvigorate the prosecution of statutory rape: Statistics showed that a large majority of children born to teen mothers were fathered by adult men. These children and their mothers were disproportionately poor and generated high costs for the state. Thus, the evidentiary requirements of chastity were abandoned, and an effort was made to encourage the prosecution of this crime. Although it is too soon to be certain about the impact of this push toward law enforcement, it seems that prosecutors, judges, and juries are wary of taking on many of the cases that are covered by these laws. Despite the fact that statutory rape laws typically criminalize all sexual contact with underage victims, prosecutions tend to focus on cases involving wide age disparities between the victim and the perpetrators, particularly if these unions resulted in the birth of a child. The result of this new configuration of statutory rape laws is to subject most teen rape victims to the same kind of scrutiny that adult rape victims receive. In determining how to proceed with a case, prosecutors will look for the same evidence of force that they need to persuade juries in cases involving adult victims. Teenagers, who are neither children nor adults, are particularly ill served by this treatment. Young girls’ vulnerability makes it easier for men to coerce them into sex without using violence. Indeed, among teens, there is just as much incapacitated rape (due to drugs or alcohol) as there is forcible rape. In addition, young people often conflate sex with love and caregiving. In an effort to secure the latter, they give the former without having the maturity to understand the meaning of love or the ramifications of sex.

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The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child is mindful of how vulnerable teenage children can be to sexual abuse and requires states to prevent any kind of sexual coercion of children, including exploitative use of children in prostitution and pornography. Recent reports of sexual tourism in Southeast Asia and teenage prostitution rings in Eastern Europe cast doubt on the power of the UN’s mandates. C o nc lu sion The problem of childhood rape implicates many of the core questions that permeate modern societies. Who qualifies as a child under the law, and what significance does that category have in cultures that believe in the importance of sexual expression and honor freedom of sexual thought? To what extent must the state respect the choices that people make in their own lives? When is one old enough to make choices in sexual expression? Discerning answers to these questions is essential to the task of addressing the sad, but routine, sexual victimization of children. Katharine Baker and Michelle Oberman see also: Adolescent Decision Making, Legal Perspectives on; Crime Victims, Children as; Incest; Sexual Abuse further reading: Jane E. Larson, “Even a Worm Will Turn at Last: Rape Reform in Late 19th Century America,” Yale Journal of Law and the Humanities 9 (1997), pp. 1–71. • “Symposium: Throwing Away the Keys: Social and Legal Responses to Child Molesters,” Northwestern Law Review 92, no. 4 (1998). • Rekha Wazir and Nico Van Oude, Child Sexual Abuse: What Can Governments Do?, 1998. • Diana Russel and Rebecca Bolen, The Epidemic of Rape and Sexual Abuse, 2000.

reading. Reading is considered an essential skill to full participation in society according to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), an intergovernmental organization of 30 countries. Accordingly, reading is assessed in two international assessments every three years in the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) conducted by OECD and every five years in the Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (PIRLS) assessment by the International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement. Individual countries administer their own reading assessments as well. Indicative of its prominence in educational policy, the reading report from the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) in the United States is called “the nation’s report card.” To better understand this prominence, it is important to understand how children learn to read, how reading is taught, and what national policies are in place to ensure that all children learn to read. How C h i ldr en Lear n to R e ad A child’s skills in the components of oral language— semantics, syntax, and phonology—are a critical foundation upon which reading develops. If a child grows up in a

household where the adults engage the child in language rich in vocabulary and complex sentence structure and read books to the child written in similarly challenging language, skills in written language are highly likely to emerge. Children with good representations of the phonology (system of speech sounds) of their language will be ready to learn the intentional and conventional system for relating minimal units of sound (phonemes) to letter patterns (graphemic units). The mapping of phonology to orthography (printed words) varies across writing systems (orthographies) and determines the ease with which children learn to read. For example, Finnish, Italian, Spanish, German, and Greek have alphabetic orthographies that are highly consistent in the mapping of graphemes to phonemes so that each letter usually stands for just one sound. In English, however, the mapping of phonology to orthography is much less consistent, with approximately 50% of grapheme-phoneme correspondences being consistent, another 36% or so being somewhat consistent, and about 14% being highly irregular. Mapping phonology to orthography in English requires three levels: grapheme-phoneme, onset-rime, and whole words. The onset-rime involves initial phoneme(s) and the medial vowel and remaining consonant (i.e., the rime). Thus, the word strand can be divided into “str-and.” The complex mapping of phonology to orthography in English means that the English alphabetic system is more difficult to learn to decode than the more transparent alphabetic orthographies of Finnish, Italian, Spanish, German, and Greek. Nonalphabetic orthographies present different challenges in learning to read. Chinese characters map onto syllabic units that are usually morphemes, or the smallest units of meaning, as opposed to phonemes, the smallest unit of sound. An alphabetic orthography called pin yan, with marks to indicate tones, is used in China to help children in first grade learn to pronounce the characters. The large number of homophones (words that sound the same) in Chinese, however, makes it essential to master thousands of characters to distinguish homophones in speech. In Japan, the number of characters (kanji) required at the end of secondary school has been reduced to approximately 2,000. Two syllabic orthographies are also used in Japan: hiragana, developed in the 9th century to grammatically relate spoken Japanese to the borrowed Chinese characters, and katakana, a modified hiragana syllabary that has been restricted since the 19th century to representing foreign words. Japanese first graders are aided in the pronunciation of characters with hiragana written alongside, just as Chinese first graders are aided with pin yan. But in both countries, these efficient alphabetic and syllabic orthographies are insufficient to distinguish homophones in speech. Consequently, formal instruction in the writing and reading of the essential characters for literacy continues throughout elementary and secondary schooling. Children typically go through qualitative changes re-

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ferred to as phases or stages as they learn to read alphabetic orthographies: prealphabetic, partial alphabetic, full alphabetic, and consolidated alphabetic phases. However, there are also nonstage, incremental processes in which a child’s encounter with printed words weights the connections between orthography, phonology, and semantics. Thus, upon seeing the word great and learning its pronunciation, the child is likely to pronounce meat as if it were “mate.” Once the pronunciation is corrected, the child will realize that there are at least two pronunciations of the -eat rime. This process of phonological recoding can also be corrected by accessing a word’s meaning. For example, if the pronunciation “mate” is not in the child’s vocabulary, he or she may use semantic context to access another pronunciation of meat and, thus, arrive at the correct one. In transparent orthographies, phonological recoding quickly becomes a rapid, efficient process so that memory and attention can be devoted to understanding the meaning of what is being read. In such orthographies, reading disabilities or dyslexia typically manifests as a difficulty in the efficiency of phonological recoding or problems in cognitive or linguistic processing. Cognitive difficulties mean memory or attention impairments or problems representing the story grammar or situation model of the text. Linguistic difficulties mean problems accessing the word meanings or the syntax of the text’s discourse. Children learning to read in the less transparent orthography of English tend to have difficulties accurately and/or fluently reading single words and/or comprehending what they read. Adolescents with difficulties in all three areas may be many years behind their classmates in reading achievement, requiring intensive remediation. How R e a d i ng I s Taugh t i n S c ho o l s In literate societies around the world, formal reading instruction typically begins when children are between the ages of 5 and 7. In countries with transparent orthographies, reading instruction per se will be complete after a year or two, and the focus will shift to comprehension of literature and writing. Reading instruction in complex alphabetic orthographies, such as English, requires longer periods of instruction to master the alphabetic system. Phonemic awareness skills of blending and segmenting phonemes and grapheme-phoneme correspondence rules (i.e., phonics) are typically taught in kindergarten, first, and second grades. Spelling instruction, however, typically extends beyond elementary school because of the need to master phoneme-to-grapheme patterns, morphological units (e.g., plurals, inflections), spelling conventions (e.g., contractions; the doubling of consonants at the end of words, such as the s in floss), derivations, and etymologies. Even among the transparent orthographies for reading, the spelling system may not be transparent and, therefore, may require further instruction. An exception is Finnish, which is highly

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consistent in grapheme-to-phoneme correspondences as well as in phoneme-to-grapheme correspondences. The major controversy in the teaching of reading in English was characterized by Jean Chall in her book Learning to Read (1967) as the “Great Debate” about whether to emphasize the alphabetic code (i.e., teach phonic rules) or to emphasize meaning (i.e., use a whole-word approach) when teaching children to read. Beginning reading programs typically teach about 90 phonic rules, but the number of sound-spelling rules needed to program a computer to read is estimated to be more than 500. These 90 rules, therefore, only skim the surface of the complexity of the English alphabetic system and have been criticized by some as having low utility. For example, one study concluded that only 18 of the 45 most common phonic generalizations met his criteria of usefulness, defined as producing correct pronunciations at least 75% of the time. The low utility of many phonic rules has encouraged reading methods that focus on the whole word rather than on sublexical parts of words such as grapheme-phoneme relations. In the 1970s, Ken Goodman and Frank Smith transformed the whole-word method popular in the United States from the 1920s until the 1955 publication of Rudolph Flesch’s Why Johnny Can’t Read into the whole-language approach in which learning to read was as natural as learning to speak and decoding was what Goodman called a “psycholinguistic guessing game” using tacit knowledge of syntax and semantics to figure out the meaning of unknown words. The “guessing game” metaphor continued during the 1980s in the three cueing systems for reading: syntactic, semantic, and graphophonic. In techniques for coding reading errors developed by Goodman and his colleague Carolyn Burke and later developed by Marie Clay, teachers were taught that the syntactic and semantic systems were primary cues to word meanings in text and that graphophonic errors that preserved word meaning should be counted as correct (e.g., reading house as “home”). The risk in not providing struggling readers with immediate, corrective feedback is that they are likely to persist in a guessing strategy and not develop the complete orthographic representation of a word needed to become fluent in word recognition. Context cues, in fact, are used more by children who are skilled readers than by children who read with difficulty. Debates about teaching reading in a complex alphabetic orthography like English should be understandable, given that phonology maps to orthography at the three different levels of whole word, onset-rime, and phoneme. For children with poor phonological representation, explicit instruction in the mapping of graphemes to phonemes leads to greater chances of reading success. Thus, learning to read is, in some ways, “an unnatural act,” and mastering the alphabetic system is a necessary but not sufficient condition for the goal of reading, which is understanding what is read.

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To achieve this goal, it is essential that reading instruction consist of an integration or balance of emphasis on the alphabetic code and on meaning and that opportunities to practice reading in an engaging learning environment are provided for all children. National Polic i es Conc er ni ng R e adi ng The 58 countries participating in the PISA assessment in 2006 and the 35 countries participating in the PIRLS assessment in 2006 all have national policies concerning reading. For example, within the last decade the United Kingdom launched the National Literacy Strategy to target early literacy and the National Reading Campaign to promote reading for pleasure. Scandinavian countries have used their PISA results to spur a campaign to reduce the gender gap by promoting activities that engage boys in reading. Other countries have responded to their literacy needs by promoting instruction first in the home language and then transitioning to reading instruction in official languages. For example, South Africa is encouraging instruction in the nine African languages and transition to the two official languages of Afrikaans and English. A challenge is the lack of available reading materials in some of the African languages. In the United States, there are three policy strands affecting reading instruction. The first strand is the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA), passed in 1965 as part of President Lyndon Johnson’s War on Poverty to ensure that all students, regardless of ethnicity or income, have access to education. The second strand is the emphasis on educational quality. This right to educational excellence was first articulated in 1983 in the National Commission on Excellence in Education’s report A Nation at Risk and is the assumption underlying the standards-based reform initiatives in the United States. The No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 is the most recent reauthorization of the ESEA and has as its goal “to ensure that all children have a fair, equal, and significant opportunity to obtain a high-quality education and reach, at a minimum, proficiency on challenging State academic achievement standards and State academic assessments.” These rights to educational access and excellence for children living in poverty are reinforced by the third strand of federal policy affecting reading instruction: the right-to-education movement for individuals with disabilities. The reauthorization of the Individuals with Disabilities Education Improvement Act (IDEIA) in 2004 has had a major impact on reading instruction in the United States by encouraging a response-to-intervention approach to the identification of children with learning disabilities rather than the IQ-achievement approach used for more than three decades. Response-to-intervention approaches identify children for specialized services on the basis of their actual reading performance. In addition, by allowing school districts to use up to 15% of special education fund-

ing on prevention and early intervention, the IDEIA has provided a major funding source for reading tutorials. Barbara R. Foorman see also: Language; Literacy; Literature; School Achievement; Testing and Evaluation, Educational; Writing further reading: RAND Reading Study Group, Reading for Understanding, 2002. • Margaret J. Snowling and Charles Hulme, eds., The Science of Reading: A Handbook, 2005. • Joseph K. Torgesen, Debra D. Houston, Lila M. Rissman, Susan M. Decker, Greg Roberts, Sharon Vaughn, Jade Wexler, David J. Francis, Mabel O. Rivera, and Nonie Lesaux, Academic Literacy Instruction for Adolescents: A Guidance Document from the Center on Instruction, 2007. • Barbara R. Foorman and Carol M. Connor, “Primary Reading,” in Michael Kamil, P. David Pearson, Elizabeth B. Moje, and Peter Afflerbach, eds., Handbook of Reading Research, vol. 4, 2009.

reasoning. see Logical Thinking rebellion. see Independence, Dependence, and Interdependence

reform institutions for youth. Religious philanthropists in New York City established the first American correctional facility for minors. Founded in 1825, the New York House of Refuge was an alternative to housing wayward youngsters with adults in jails and workhouses. These reformers believed that commingling children with adult criminals would lead to abuses and increase the odds that the child would graduate to a life of crime. The House of Refuge was envisioned as a combination prison, school, and workhouse in which out-of-control youngsters would be taught discipline, Bible study, good work habits, and respect for authority. The House of Refuge founders believed that a child needed protection and apprehended minors at their own discretion. Even though some parents challenged the right of the refuge operators to round up their children, the courts generally held that the need to control these youngsters superseded the property rights of inadequate parents. The House of Refuge contracted with private businesses that used the labor of the incarcerated children and paid the House of Refuge a fee for this privilege. The refuge movement gained political support and spread rapidly to the urban centers of the East Coast. However, the refuges were often very troubled institutions plagued with riots, arson, and runaways. There were reports of physical abuse of the young inmates by the refuge staff or by the contractors that bought their labor. Catholics objected that the refuges indoctrinated the youngsters in the Protestant faith and denied them access to their chosen religious practices. Even in the northern cities, the refuges were racially segregated and reportedly abusive. Criticism of the refuges grew, leading many government bodies to investigate claims of harsh treatment, corruption, and violence. By the mid-19th century, the refuges were

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taken over by government agencies. In 1846, Massachusetts established the Lyman School as the first state-run juvenile correctional facility, then referred to as reform schools. By 1876, there were 51 reform schools nationwide, threequarters of which were operated by the public sector. Concurrently, a group of concerned citizens launched a major philosophical attack against juvenile training schools. Leaders such as Charles Loring Brace, founder of the New York Children’s Aid Society, asserted that the existing juvenile facilities were little more than “schools for crime.” These critics, called “the child savers,” sought to rescue vulnerable youth from horrid conditions of confinement. The child savers urged a very different policy in which wayward urban youth would be placed with farm families in the Midwest. They believed that the strong rural family and the healthy aspects of agriculture would be beneficial to at-risk youth. Thousands of children were sent to farming communities, and local residents were encouraged to take them in using the legal mechanism of apprenticeship. Unfortunately, some families exploited the labor of their young residents. Further, the Children’s Aid Societies often separated siblings, who spent years in later life trying to find one another. As with the Houses of Refuge, children were often apprehended by the agents of the Children’s Aid Societies with no regard for the rights of the young people or their parents. One final important historical development occurred at New York’s Elmira Reformatory in the 1890s. Its superintendent, Zebulon Brockway, championed the value of military drill and physical exercise to rehabilitate youthful offenders. The residents of Elmira wore mock military dress, carried wooden rifles, and marched in military formation. Brockway’s methods would later emerge in the late 20th century with the enormous popularity of correctional boot camps. Tr end s i n Con tempor ary Ju v eni le Cor r ectional Fac i liti es The category of juvenile corrections covers a very wide range of concepts and settings. For example, detention centers are primarily intended to hold youth who are awaiting the final disposition of their court cases. These facilities are meant for very short lengths of stay and thus have minimal programmatic resources. In reality, detention centers often house youth for longer periods of time for probation violations or while they await other placements or trials in criminal court. Another major type of juvenile correctional facility is often referred to as training or reform schools—larger, physically secure facilities intended to hold youth for relatively long stays. Training schools are more likely than detention centers to have a range of programs. They vary widely in size from state to state. California operates facilities that hold up to 600 youth; Missouri’s facilities hold 50.

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There are other juvenile facilities—camps and ranches— that tend to be smaller and less secure. In addition, there are group homes, independent living situations, wilderness programs, inpatient drug treatment facilities, and boot camps. Although most of these are operated by public agencies, recently a growing number are contracted with private nonprofit and for-profit agencies. The U.S. Children’s Bureau began tracking these facilities in 1947. By 1971, the Bureau of the Census collected biannual data for the U.S. Department of Justice on juvenile corrections through the Children in Custody Survey. This survey continued until 1995, when the Department of Justice dropped much of the data collection on juvenile corrections. They still conduct one-day snapshots of the youth corrections population but not most of the descriptive information about facilities. The Children in Custody Survey reported that there were some 1,989 privately operated and 1,059 governmentoperated juvenile facilities in 1995. From 1975 to 1995, there was a significant increase in public and private facilities that were secure as opposed to open campuses. These same data revealed that, in 1995, juvenile corrections facilities were becoming more crowded, with 68% of the residents of public facilities living in overcrowded conditions. The number of young men in juvenile facilities grew from 57,078 to 89,271 in 2001. For young women, the number in custody declined from 17,192 to 15,142 during this period. The proportion of African American youngsters in juvenile correctional facilities rose from 28% in 1979 to 40% in 2001; the proportion of Latino youth increased from 9% to 17% during the same period. Th e Futur e of Ju v eni le Cor r ectional Fac i l i ti e s Beginning in 1970, Massachusetts decided to close its traditional large training schools in favor of very small, community-based programs. This decision was a response to a series of exposés about the maltreatment of young people in state facilities. Symbolically, the first facility to be closed was the Lyman School, the first state training school. Many states, such as Utah, Missouri, Vermont, Maryland, Colorado, New Jersey, and Florida, embraced many aspects of the Massachusetts approach to juvenile corrections. For a while, it looked like the large-scale, congregate training school would go out of existence. However, fear of rising juvenile crime rates in the early 1990s led to the survival of traditional large juvenile correctional programs, and a new wave of juvenile boot camps received millions in federal and state funding, despite ample evidence that these programs produced very high recidivism rates. Further, new federal and state laws made it easier to place juveniles in adult prisons. And so the cycle of juvenile corrections continues, with the current generation of child savers trying to publicize the severe abuses of youth in both

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adult and juvenile facilities and to promote more humane and enlightened responses to youth crime. Barry Krisberg see also: Crime, Juvenile; Juvenile Delinquency; Prisons for Youth; Punishment, Legal; Rehabilitative Services for Youth further reading: Robert Mennel, Thorns and Thistles, 1973. • Jerome Miller, Last One over the Wall: The Massachusetts Experiment in Closing Reform Schools, 1992. • Bradford Smith, “Children in Custody: Twenty-Year Trends in Juvenile Correctional, Detention, and Shelter Facilities,” Crime and Delinquency 44 (1998), pp. 526–43. • Barry Krisberg, Juvenile Justice: Redeeming Our Children, 2005.

refugee children. According to the 1951 United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, a refugee is defined as anyone who “owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, or membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality and is unable, or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country.” Although the numbers vary from year to year, it is estimated by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees that there are currently some 14 million refugees and asylum seekers (i.e., those seeking formal refugee status) in the world today, at least 50% of whom are children younger than the age of 18. In addition to those formally recognized as either refugees or asylum seekers, there are a much greater number of people displaced by violence and persecution who are either unable or unwilling to seek refugee status outside of their homeland. These internally displaced persons (IDPs) have been estimated by the Global IDP Project to number at least 25 million, with children again constituting at least 50% of the IDP population. Both sets of children shall be treated here and called, simply, refugees. The mass displacement of civilians in today’s world reflects a major shift in the conduct of armed confl ict during the 20th century. Whereas, historically, political violence has been carried out by groups of armed combatants against one another, World War II witnessed a dramatic shift, as civilian populations became primary targets of military attack. In the more than 150 interstate armed confl icts since the end of World War II, this pattern of targeting civilian populations has continued unabated. Civil wars and repressive states have similarly targeted unarmed civilian populations, with the violence reaching the extreme of genocide in several instances. In all cases, children have experienced the destruction of their homes and communities, the murder or disappearance of parents and other relatives, beatings and sexual assaults by armed combatants, prolonged separation from family members, abduction by military or paramilitary groups, forced participation in armed confl ict, and imprisonment in concentration camps or detention centers where starvation, illness, and torture are common. Given the striking levels of violence and loss to which

refugee youth are so often exposed, it is perhaps not surprising that research on their mental health has focused primarily on the assessment of psychological trauma and depression and on the identification of factors that either moderate (lessen or intensify) or mediate (explain) the psychological impact of war-related traumatic experiences. In nearly all studies, trauma has been conceptualized in terms of terms posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), a constellation of 17 symptoms that include reexperiencing traumatic events (e.g., through nightmares and flashbacks), insomnia and other symptoms of hyperarousal, the avoidance of trauma-related stimuli, and a general emotional numbing. Studies of refugee children have found highly varying levels of PTSD symptoms, corresponding in general to the harshness and duration of the disruption to their lives. On the one extreme is the oft-cited 1989 research by David Kinzie and his colleagues, who studied 40 Cambodian refugee youth in the United States, survivors of Khmer Rouge concentration camps who had endured numerous brutalities, including starvation, beatings, and the deaths of multiple family members. Symptoms of trauma and depression were highly prevalent in this group of young people, with 50% of them meeting diagnostic criteria for PTSD at both four and seven years postdeparture from Cambodia. It is noteworthy, however, that the psychosocial functioning of many of these children—their capacity to function well socially and academically—was remarkably intact, despite their symptoms of trauma and depression. This fact suggests the importance of assessing children’s functioning as well as their symptomatology. Other studies, using samples of refugee children exposed to less severe trauma than the youth studied by Kinzie and his colleagues, have found significantly lower levels of PTSD. Moreover, the widespread reliance on cross-section studies has failed to consider the longitudinal course of children’s distress reactions and may have led to overestimates of the adverse impact of exposure to violence. While Kinzie’s studies found that symptoms of PTSD and depression persisted over time, other studies have found that once children are no longer exposed to political violence, their high levels of symptomatology may abate quite dramatically, suggesting that initial symptomatic reactions may be transient for many children (as they are for the majority of adults exposed to any sort of traumatic event). Apart from the “dose” of traumatic violence to which children have been exposed, numerous factors influence the relationship between traumatic stress and refugee children’s mental health. Such factors include the absence of family members, the unavailability of other (i.e., nonfamilial) sources of social support, ongoing structural violence (e.g., poverty, malnutrition, and lack of access to schooling), and the conditions of life in the resettlement context. Importantly, children’s age also plays a critical role in shaping their reaction to traumatic stress and displacement, with younger

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children more adversely affected by separation from their parents and by parental incapacitation due to physical injury or psychological distress. To date, mental health research with refugee children has been conducted almost exclusively within a Western psychiatric framework, using measures of psychopathology developed in research with Western populations. The narrow focus on PTSD assumes that the construct is culturally meaningful with refugee children from non-Western societies, PTSD symptomatology is the most pressing mental health concern that refugee parents have regarding the emotional well-being of their children, and PTSD, rather than children’s psychosocial functioning and ongoing personality development, should be the primary focus of mental health research with refugee youth. In response to these criticisms, a growing number of researchers are seeking to provide a more holistic and culturally grounded understanding of the complex ways in which children react to and are affected by their experiences of violence, displacement, and adjustment to life in exile. Studies have begun to document culturally specific idioms of distress among refugee youth from non-Western societies (such as jigar khun among Afghans or nervios among Central Americans); to explore parents’ own concerns about their children’s mental health, which generally center on children’s social functioning and moral behavior; to employ a developmental framework that examines the impact of violence and displacement-related stressors on children’s ongoing developmental capacities; and to explore sources of resilience and recovery among refugee youth and identify the linkages between refugee children’s psychosocial well-being and the functioning of their families and broader social networks. It is by now well established that experiences of political violence and forced migration represent profound disruptions to children’s lives that may significantly endanger their mental health and psychosocial well-being. Future research must enhance contemporary understanding of the mental health needs and challenges of refugee children by continuing to transcend Western psychiatric constructs, while deepening the understanding of factors that promote resilience among displaced children, and of the diverse pathways to psychological recovery that refugee youth follow in the wake of violence and displacement. Kenneth E. Miller see also: Homelessness; Immigration, Children and; Street and Runaway Children; War, Children and further reading: Everett Ressler, Neil Boothby, and Daniel Steinbock, Unaccompanied Children, 1988. • Australian Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission, A Last Resort: The Report of the National Inquiry into Children in Immigration Detention, 2003. • National Child Traumatic Stress Network, Review of Child and Adolescent Refugee Mental Health, 2003. • Kenneth E. Miller

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and Lisa M. Rasco, eds., The Mental Health of Refugees: Ecological Approaches to Healing and Adaptation, 2004.

rehabilitative services for youth. Every state maintains juvenile courts, which are specialized trial courts with the power to hear and decide charges that a youth has committed “delinquent” acts. Delinquent misconduct is behavior that would be a felony or misdemeanor if committed by an adult. Illinois created the nation’s first juvenile court in 1899, culminating decades of reform efforts to remove children from the austere prisons that confined adult criminals. The juvenile court’s new delinquency jurisdiction reflected a view of children as less responsible than adults for criminal behavior and as more amenable to rehabilitation. The court’s disposition (i.e., sentence) depends not on the acts charged but on the youth’s amenability to treatment based on such individual factors as attitude, school performance, family circumstance, prior court record, and willingness to cooperate with the probation department. The juvenile justice system ranks among the nation’s major influences on world law to the extent most industrialized nations have followed the United States in creating specialized courts for children. The juvenile court’s rehabilitative model departed dramatically from 19th-century penology, which had exposed children as young as 7 to imprisonment with adult felons following conviction in the same courts that tried adults. The 19th-century United States did not yet perceive rehabilitation as a central goal of criminal punishment, except insofar as adults or children might change their ways to avoid further harsh confinement. The emerging rehabilitative model comported with what historian Philippe Ariès has called the “discovery of childhood” in the early 20th century, a time when society no longer perceived children as miniature adults but as individuals with developing cognitive faculties, moral sensibilities, and distinct emotional needs. The rehabilitative model continues to dominate juvenile court decision making in delinquency cases. The model has faced unprecedented challenges, however. Public impatience with perceptions of violent juvenile crime has led to calls for a return to a more punitive approach resembling the adult criminal justice system. The rehabilitative model coexists today with “get tough” legislation mandating that delinquency dispositions also hold youths accountable for their conduct and promote community safety. The juvenile courts adjudicate most accused youths, though some youths charged with particularly serious crimes may be transferred or certified to criminal court for trial and sentencing as an adult. The criminal court may sentence a guilty youth to adult prison, where the youth receives rehabilitative services available in the juvenile justice system only if the state chooses to provide them. Most youths

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charged with crimes, however, are processed as delinquents in juvenile court and remain eligible for these services. Where an accused youth remains in juvenile court, the youth may acknowledge culpability and (usually with his or her parents) reach a written agreement with the court staff prescribing a disposition. The agreement, which usually imposes at least probation on the youth, obviates a hearing before the juvenile court judge. Where the court staff does not offer an agreement or where none is reached with the youth and parents, the juvenile court hears evidence to determine culpability. When the court finds delinquency, the court orders the least restrictive alternative, in other words, the disposition that would best balance rehabilitation, accountability, and community safety while placing the least restraint on the youth’s liberty and freedom of choice. The least restrictive delinquency dispositions—for example, placing the youth on probation or dismissing the charges after the youth or the parents pay restitution or reparation to the victim—normally do not remove the youth from the home. More restrictive dispositions may result in out-of-home placement in foster care or in a public or private institution. In either event, juvenile justice personnel or court-supervised private providers deliver rehabilitative services such as mentoring, life skills and employment counseling, drug or alcohol treatment, and mental health care. The juvenile justice system’s record for rehabilitation remains mixed. On the positive side, most youths charged with delinquency nationwide do not reoffend. Studies have also shown that even when controls allow for the seriousness of the crime charged, recidivism rates are considerably lower for youths processed as delinquents in juvenile court than for transferred youths sentenced in criminal court. At least, where the juvenile court does not remove delinquent youths from their homes, these differentials suggest the general effectiveness of adequately funded rehabilitative services available in the juvenile justice system. Similar success, however, does not mark conditions in the nation’s juvenile institutions, which are sometimes called juvenile prisons, reformatories, or training schools. Since the early 1980s, the U.S. Department of Justice has chronicled the disintegrating living conditions and pervasive sexual abuse and other violence that continue to compromise rehabilitation of youths confined in many of these state institutions. Federal law requires the state to provide confined youths adequate medical and mental health care, adequate education, and safe conditions free from abuse and excessive force by staff. The federal Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) and section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973 require the state to provide a free, appropriate public education to confined youths with disabilities. The Civil Rights of Institutionalized Persons Act of 1980 (CRIPA), which Congress passed after finding national conditions of juvenile confinement “barbaric,” authorizes the Justice Department to inspect juvenile institutions

and file suit against the state, if necessary, for an order correcting constitutional and statutory violations. Since the mid-1990s, the Justice Department has inspected juvenile institutions in more than a dozen states, has found serious violations in most, has reached agreements with some states promising improvements, and has sued other states that have resisted improvements. The Justice Department has found that several states still lock up nonviolent youths or youths with mental illness who could be treated more effectively in community-based alternative settings. Mentally ill and otherwise fragile youths are beaten by guards, physically and sexually assaulted by more vicious youths while guards turn their backs, and left in fear for their lives. Youths are denied needed mental health and medical treatment and deprived of adequate education. Overcrowded prison cells abound. In 2005, the Justice Department also found that sexual violence is reported in the nation’s juvenile prisons at rates 10 times higher than in adult lockups. In some states, recidivism rates for delinquent youths released following periods of out-of-home confinement exceed 50%. Minorities, girls, and youths with disabilities often bear the brunt when out-of-home placements compromise rehabilitation in the juvenile justice system. Minority youths are committed to juvenile detention facilities at rates nearly twice their proportion of the juvenile population, rates that researchers find cannot be explained by the rates at which minority youths commit offenses. Before the mid-1990s, most delinquents were boys, and states developed most rehabilitation programs with boys in mind. Now, girls are the fastest-growing segment of the delinquency population. States did not anticipate the dramatic turnaround and have struggled to fashion rehabilitative programs that meet girls’ often distinctive physical, emotional, and developmental needs. A sizable percentage of delinquents confined in secure facilities nationwide suffer from mental disabilities, including mental illness and intellectual disability. Depending on the definition of mental disability used in a particular study, estimates range from about 30% to as high as 65%. The Justice Department’s CRIPA investigations demonstrate that mental health treatment in juvenile institutions is often substandard, virtually nonexistent, or marked by persistent violence. Youths with mental disabilities frequently deteriorate during confinement and then are released without effective rehabilitation. The juvenile justice system’s record for rehabilitation thus remains a work in progress, with much yet to be accomplished to achieve the vision that marked creation of the juvenile courts more than a century ago. Douglas E. Abrams see also: Crime, Juvenile; Juvenile Delinquency; Prisons for Youth; Punishment, Legal; Reform Institutions for Youth

r e l igio n in p u b l ic s c h o o l s further reading: Barry C. Feld, Bad Kids: Race and the Transformation of the Juvenile Court, 1999. • Kenneth Wooden, Weeping in the Playtime of Others: America’s Incarcerated Children, 2000. • Franklin E. Zimring, American Juvenile Justice, 2005. • Douglas E. Abrams and Sarah H. Ramsey, Children and the Law: Doctrine, Policy and Practice, 3rd ed., 2007.

religion in public schools. Public education in its secularized form is a relatively new phenomenon. In the early years of the American republic, most education was privately provided and religious in nature. By the mid-19th century, many schools were publicly financed, but these schools were by no means secular. Horace Mann’s publicly funded “common schools” sought to promote a nonsectarian Protestantism by excluding controversial doctrine not adhered to by all Protestant sects and by encouraging the reading of the King James Bible without commentary. Catholics objected to these schools and sought public funding for their own religious schools, provoking hostility, legal retaliation, and violence. Partly as a result of developments in constitutional law, public education by the end of the 20th century had become, at least in theory, secular in nature. The First Amendment provides that “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.” The first half of the amendment is known as the establishment clause, while the second half is commonly referred to as the free exercise clause. Although the amendment appears to speak strictly in terms of limiting the power of Congress, the U.S. Supreme Court has held that its prohibitions also apply to state and local governments. Often at the urging of nongovernmental advocacy groups like the American Civil Liberties Union, the Supreme Court has prohibited many forms of government sponsorship of religion in the public schools. The Court’s school prayer decisions are probably the best known of these cases. In two decisions from the 1960s, Engel v. Vitale (1962) and Abington School District v. Schempp (1965), the Court held that public schools may neither lead students in prayer nor require the recitation of Bible passages in the classroom. In reaching these decisions, the Court held that government action must have a secular purpose and may not have the primary effect of advancing religion. School prayer, the Court found, violated both of these requirements. In its controversial Lee v. Weisman decision in 1992, the Court extended this reasoning to prohibit a middle school from inviting a rabbi to deliver a nonsectarian prayer at its graduation ceremony. Finding that the school had involved itself deeply in choosing both the type of prayer to be delivered and who would deliver it, the Court thought that the prayers “bore the imprint of the State and thus put school-age children who objected in an untenable position” (p. 590). The Court has had somewhat less to say regarding

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the constitutional propriety of so-called moment of silence policies in the public schools. Although the Court did strike down one such policy in Wallace v. Jaffree (1985), the statute under review there was anomalous; the Alabama legislature had substituted the phrase “for meditation or voluntary prayer” in the place of “for meditation” in its general statute requiring a one-minute period of silence in the public schools. The Court found that the addition of the relevant language could only be explained by a religious purpose, a conclusion finding strong support in the bill sponsor’s testimony that he had “no other purpose in mind” but returning prayer to the public schools (p. 57). The Court’s decision is therefore narrow, and it does not prohibit a school from adopting a general policy of allowing students a moment of silence at the beginning of the day. Indeed, many schools across the country have adopted such policies. One of the more persistent and divisive controversies regarding religion and the public schools concerns the teaching of evolution in science classrooms. Because many religious believers find evolution inconsistent with their religious beliefs, attempts have been made throughout the past century either to water down or eliminate the teaching of Darwinian theory or to teach alternative theories along with evolution. The U.S. Supreme Court has twice sided with defenders of evolution, first in Epperson v. Arkansas (1966), which invalidated an Arkansas law prohibiting the teaching of evolution, and then in Edwards v. Aguillard (1987), which struck down Louisiana’s equal-time law that required schools to teach so-called creation science whenever presenting evolution. In both cases, the Court found that the legislatures had acted with the improper purpose of promoting religious belief. Recently, evolution foes have adopted new strategies to undermine the teaching of evolution, including placing disclaimers into biology textbooks that say evolution is a mere theory as well as encouraging schools to teach the purportedly scientific theory of intelligent design as an alternative to evolution in science classes. Both of these tactics are of questionable constitutional validity. The debate over evolution is only one of many divisive curricular issues involving religion. Proponents of religious teaching in public school have long pointed out that schools generally fail to teach students objectively about religion, partly because they lack adequately trained teachers and appropriate materials and partly for fear of inviting controversy and litigation. The U.S. Supreme Court has stated repeatedly that schools can and even should teach about religious viewpoints, and it would seem that supporters of teaching about religion have a strong argument that students who know nothing about religion have little chance of fully understanding the world in which they live. Other curricular disputes center, like the evolution de-

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bate, on whether schools should promote normative views of the world that confl ict with the religious beliefs of some students and parents and, if they do, whether individual objectors should have any right to opt out of those controversial lessons. Education is inherently value laden, and since religious beliefs constitute the primary source of many peoples’ values, confl icts will inevitably arise between what some students are taught at home and what they are taught in school. The case of Mozert v. Hawkins County Board of Education (1987) illustrates the problem. There, a federal court of appeals decided that a group of conservative Christian parents did not have a free exercise right to have their children excused from using a series of readers that allegedly promoted such objectionable themes as “ ‘futuristic supernaturalism,’ pacifism, magic and false views of death” as well as religious tolerance (p. 1062). This case was decided under the U.S. Supreme Court’s restrictive free exercise clause jurisprudence, which allows the government to burden religious believers, so long as it does so through laws or policies of general application. On the other hand, the Supreme Court has also held that the state enjoys wide latitude to exempt religious believers from these laws and policies at its own discretion, and schools can take advantage of that freedom by excusing students who object to lessons on religious grounds. Any evaluation of the effects of public education on the religious beliefs of children in the United States must take into account the fact that many families with financial means send their children to private religious schools, which are under no First Amendment obligation to be secular or religiously neutral. Thus, to the extent that public education may make religious belief or practice more difficult, this burden is shouldered disproportionately by the poor, many of whom are also members of racial or ethnic minorities. This particular distributive problem is perhaps more acute in the United States than in some other Western democracies, many of which do not prohibit religious education in the public schools to the extent prohibited in the United States. In Germany, for example, the constitution requires most public schools to offer religious instruction. Other European countries likewise allow public schools to teach religion, although the details concerning which religions are taught, whether the teaching is integrated into the regular curriculum, and how the courses are graded differ from country to country. Jay D. Wexler see also: Curriculum; Education: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives; Religious Rights, Children’s; Religious Schools; School Funding further reading: Stephen Bates, Battleground: One Mother’s Crusade, The Religious Right, and the Struggle for Control of Our Classrooms, 1993. • Lawrence C. Becker and W. Kymlicka, eds., “Symposium on Citizenship, Democracy, and Education,” Ethics 105, no. 3 (April 1995), pp. 465–580. • Warren A. Nord, Religion and American Education: Rethinking a National Dilemma, 1995.

religious instruction. The purpose of religious instruction in contemporary society continues to follow principles outlined in two classic works. In his 1962 article “On the Study of Religious Commitment,” Charles Glock defined five aspects of religiosity: ideology or religious belief, ritual or religious practice, experience or religious feeling, cognitions or religious knowledge, and consequences or religious effects. In a complementary analysis, Marcel Van Caster in 1958 outlined three determinants of religiosity: instruction, leading to knowledge or understanding; formation, shaping values, attitudes, and feelings; and initiation, leading to participation in community. While Glock stresses the outcomes of religious instruction, Van Caster focuses on the developmental processes that occur during religious education. In the three major world religions, Christianity, Islam, and Judaism, Glock and Van Caster’s goals are pursued both within the family and in the larger community. Typically, families belonging to a religious tradition conduct some religious instruction at home. Parents teach children the tenets of their religion and socialize them to live in a manner consistent with their religious beliefs. In Jewish homes, children are an integral part of holiday observances, with children often playing a special role. In Christian homes, families attend church services together, parents help children get ready for the sacraments, and children join parents in preparation for Christmas and Easter. In the Islamic tradition, children join parents in praying five times a day and fasting during the month of Ramadan. As children grow, much of their religious instruction occurs in religious schools or other church, mosque, or temple programs. Formal instruction in the Jewish religion occurs in schools that devote all or part of the school day to religious studies. Jewish day schools combine Jewish and general studies, with some schools offering more intensive religious instruction than others. In most Christian schools, religion classes and attendance at religious services are required. Some Christian denominations offer Sunday school to provide religious instruction for children who attend nonreligious schools. In Muslim countries, students attend a madrassa. Characteristics of madrassas can differ. In Pakistan and Bangladesh, a madrassa is an Islamic religious school, while in Egypt and Lebanon, it is any educational institution, secular or religious. In a religious madrassa, students learn the Qur’an and the teachings of the Prophet Muhammad. In many countries, students may opt for advanced religious studies in a divinity school for Christian theology, a yeshiva for Jewish studies, or a university for Islamic studies. Regardless of whether religious instruction occurs at home or in the community, the goal is the same, namely, to prepare youth to live committed religious lives. Home instruction usually is informal and involves shared religious activities in the family, such as Bible reading, praying, or

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attending church services. Religious education outside the home is more formal and stresses the transmission of religious knowledge more than Glock’s other dimensions of religiosity. The emphasis that schools place on formal religious education is not meant to elevate the transmission of knowledge above other components of religious instruction. Rather, it provides students with an intellectual grounding in their religious tradition (curriculum) presented in an effective way (pedagogy). Religious educators see cognitive learning as a necessary component of the many outcomes of religious education. Moreover, the transmission of knowledge is consistent with the teaching mission of a school. The cognitive content of religious education provides a student with an understanding of the world and an explanation of its mysteries while unleashing a student’s memory, imagination, creativity, logic, and intellect. A distinction between theology and religion is relevant here. Theology is the rational inquiry into religious questions. It seeks to answer questions about the existence and nature of a deity and the meaning of life. As such, it is principally an intellectual endeavor. In contrast, religious instruction socializes a student to a way of living based on beliefs and teachings about the nature of God and religious truth found in theology. A religion curriculum provides the tools needed to have religious experiences. A religion teacher acts as a type of mediator between God and the learner by bridging theology and practical living. The content of religious instruction includes not only dogma and doctrine but also ritual, ceremony, symbolization, liturgy, private and communal prayer, and various forms of worship and faith-based practice. Pedagogy is an important component of religious instruction. While scholars debate whether religious instruction is a theological or a social science, most educators find that social science models of the learning process are helpful in preparing religious instruction. Many religion teachers work to understand the multiple dimensions of learning, including the role of context, peer influence, teacher-student interaction, and parental involvement. They aim to incorporate the best practices for effective teaching and learning and give thoughtful reflection to lesson preparations. They try to implement technology as a teaching tool, strive for optimal allocation of instructional time, and make efforts to provide support for students with different learning needs. They also schedule periodic assessments of pedagogical techniques to determine the most effective methods of instructing students. In addition, religion teachers try to model the faith-based behaviors they teach in the classroom, keeping in mind that the goal of religious instruction is knowledge that leads to religious commitment. An example of successful adherence to a broad definition of religious instruction can be seen in the School of Education at Bar-Ilan University in Israel. They recently

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released a new courseware package entitled “Laws and Customs IT.” This software familiarizes students with practical aspects of Jewish religious law in order to motivate them to implement this knowledge in their daily lives. Most children in the world have access to religious instruction in one of the three major religions either in private religious schools or in church programs. Those who are not raised in one of these religions are usually socialized at home into a religious, cultural, national, or ethnic set of beliefs. For example, Indian children learn Hinduism, Japanese children are exposed to Shintoism, and Chinese children typically are raised as Buddhists. These belief systems tend to be more philosophical and cultural than theological. Buddhism, for example, requires no deity. What these traditions share with the major world religions is a prescribed set of actions, some rigid, some casual, that serve as a model for human behavior. Regardless of religious tradition or belief system, religious instruction has commonalities across the world. Most religious educators see religious training as primarily a parental responsibility supplemented by formal instruction outside the home. They view religious instruction as providing an intellectual grounding in a religious tradition and a way to socialize youth in the practice of religion throughout their lives. On the other hand, social, historical, and political factors create cross-national differences in the transmission of religious instruction to youth. For example, in many countries that practice Islam, girls have fewer opportunities than boys to study their religion and are subjected to more rigid standards of behavior. Maureen T. Hallinan see also: Religion in Public Schools; Religious Schools further reading: James Michael Lee, The Shape of Religious Instruction: A Social Science Approach, 1971. • James Michael Lee, The Flow of Religious Instruction: A Social Science Approach, 1973. • R. C. Zaehner, ed., Encyclopedia of the World’s Religions, 1997.

religious rights, children’s. In 1941, the 9-yearold child of a Jehovah’s Witness family went out with her aunt to distribute religious literature. Her aunt was convicted of violating state child labor laws. When the U.S. Supreme Court dealt with the problem several years later in Prince v. Massachusetts, it analyzed the case largely in terms of the rights of the legal custodian or parent. Probably the most famous language in the case relates to parents: “Parents may be free to become martyrs themselves. But it does not follow they are free, in identical circumstances, to make martyrs of their children before they have reached the age of full and legal discretion when they can make that choice for themselves.” Justice Frank Murphy, dissenting, argued that there was a clear violation of the religious rights of the child, the “constitutional right to practice her religion on the public streets.” There may have been a right of the child

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Mu s l i m Gi r l s ’ D r e s s an d I d en t i t i e s i n F r enc h Pub l ic S c ho o l s

In early 2004, the French government passed a law prohibiting from public schools any clothing that clearly indicated a pupil’s religious affiliation. Everyone understood the law to be aimed at keeping Muslim girls from wearing head scarves in school. For several years, journalists and politicians had denounced the head scarf as the sign of political Islam’s inroads into French society and of male domination within Islam. The public school became the focus of these fears. One might see the uproar that led to the law as out of proportion to the small number of disputes arising each year over girls’ dress. Very few schoolteachers ever had encountered a girl wearing a head scarf in their classrooms, and very few scarves produced disputes. Before the law, and when wearing a scarf was supposed to be protected by law as an expression of religious belief, many teachers discouraged girls from wearing head scarves on grounds that they were asserting a separatist identity in a place where all pupils should treat one another as the same. Sometimes school authorities negotiated a compromise: A girl would adopt a bandanna that did not cover the entire head, perceived by teachers to be “less Islamic.” Other girls persisted in wearing full head coverings. One evening in 2004, three young Muslim women met with me to discuss their decision to wear the head scarf, which they traced to a new sense of religious obligation, arrived at through reading and listening to others. For Souad, born in France just weeks after her parents arrived from Algeria in 1976, when she entered high school, “my friends told me about my religion. I discovered an aspect I did not know;

protected in Prince, but it was not an autonomy right. It was rather a kind of welfare right, a right to be protected by the state against the parent (guardian) and contrary to the views of the child. Considered as autonomy rights, the religious rights of children may confl ict with the rights of their parents since, in general, parents are said to have the right to decide questions relating to their children, including education and health care. But the idea that children have such rights that, at least in some cases, ought to be acknowledged through specific inquiry (not simply through a general statement about children’s rights or through the idea that children’s rights are protected by protecting parents’ rights) came to the table explicitly in Wisconsin v. Yoder (1972). In this case, Amish parents were convicted of failure to comply with the state compulsory education statute. The U.S. Supreme Court found that the Amish refusal to send their children to school for the final years of high school was protected by the First Amendment to the federal Constitution. Justice William O. Douglas, dissenting in part, urged that the courts should consult the children as to their views on whether they wanted to stay in high school. The

I studied, I read books, I found that enriching. It was clear to me that the head scarf was an obligation, and I felt the need to please our Creator. It was in that spirit that I wanted to wear it, but the social conditions at high school presented problems. I had to prepare to be rejected by others. I studied for my baccalaureate and practiced my religion, but the head scarf was another thing. I always did my prayer, that’s something very important for Muslims, and I am proud of myself there. But there was always that desire to go higher in faith, to go closer to the Creator, to please him. So I put on a small bandanna so that people would get used to it, because before I wore miniskirts, long hair, but never drank alcohol.” In notable contrast with popular perceptions that scarves indicate estrangement, this religious orientation came at the same time that she began to think of herself as French, not Algerian. All through her middle school, teachers would ask students to write down their nationality, and she would always write “Algerian.” Social life in school reinforced this identity. “At middle and high school people sort themselves by group, as North Africans or as French. Already in the sixième [11 years old] we felt the difference between those whose parents had money and the others. They put me in the advanced section because I had received a ‘20’ in math the previous year [an unusually high grade]; they thought they perhaps had an intellectual. It traumatized me that they put me with the others [French]. There was one girl who said: ‘You, you’re Arab, don’t get close to me’. I was the ‘Arab of the classroom.’ It was really a shock.” This identity only changed in high school. “Not before high school did a teacher ever say: ‘You were born in

Douglas opinion was cited in a well-known neglect case (In re Green, 1972) involving the child of a Jehovah’s Witness who would not consent to the blood transfusions involved in an operation on her 16-year-old son, Ricky. The court said, invoking Douglas, that it was necessary to ask the minor whether he wanted the surgery. But Ricky’s religious beliefs were not in the record before the court, and when he ultimately rejected the surgery, he did so because of doubts about the efficacy of the medical procedure. The case focused, therefore, either on parents’ religious rights against the state or on the rights of the mature minor. It did not seem to be addressed primarily to the religious rights of children. The emphasis on parental rights is evident in the familiar context of education—for example, where lawsuits arise over children’s participation in the flag salute ceremony or the Pledge of Allegiance. Courts are often talking as much about the rights of parents to direct the religious education of their children as anything relating to the children’s autonomy rights. In some major litigation (e.g., school prayer and Bible reading cases), the legal issue is formulated in terms of the First Amendment’s establishment clause and

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the question of whether certain state behavior is constitutional at all. Another difficulty concerns the definition and identification of the rights bearers. The teenage children in Yoder and Ricky Green were presumably mature enough to be asked for their views. But there is no fixed age. Not only will each state (subject to constitutional rulings) have different approaches to the question of the age of capacity, but in the United States there are also different ages of capacity for different activities. If the religious rights of children are considered autonomy rights, rights to free exercise independent of parental decisions, the question is not easily explored in cases in which the children’s religion and the parents’ religion are or are presumed to be identical. It comes to the fore when the child challenges the religious position of the parents (as would have been the case if the children had chosen to go to school in Yoder). There are many issues on which children disagree with their parents, and as to religion children can chose to commit their loyalties to unpopular eccentric and even dangerous religions as much as to mainstream religions. They can choose to accept or reject the religion

In some schools, the principal continued to admit girls on a case-by-case basis. Ghislaine Hudson, principal in Melun, south of Paris, prohibited the head scarf in the classroom but responded case by case to other events. When a pupil collected donations for earthquake victims in Morocco on the school grounds wearing a head scarf, Hudson told her to remove it lest the school’s action of charity be misinterpreted as having a religious dimension. But she did allow pupils to wear other head coverings, and some girls did wear bandannas in fall 2004. “We have to decide whether or not a scarf has religious meaning. First we see if the girl wears it everyday or just sometimes. If she always wears it and it might be religious, then I might talk with her; teachers are instructed not do so lest they differ in what they say. I ask the pupil whether the scarf is a religious sign or not. Some say it does have religious meaning and then they have to remove it, but we allow her to substitute a bandanna.” But the debates continue: Should women be allowed to come to school to fetch their children wearing head scarves, and should Muslim women be required to take off their scarves when entering public buildings? No laws forbid these acts of scarf wearing; the debates arise because of a vague and general sense that “public space,” whatever that might be, should be free of religious signs. Girls who continue to wear head scarves outside the schoolroom will continue to face challenges. John R. Bowen

imagining each other

France, you have a French identity card, so you are French.’ So it was in high school that I discovered that I was French, and it changed my life!” All three young women emphasized that the scarf was not an expression of an identity but part of a religious selforientation. They pointed to the mistake encapsulated in the law against scarves in schools: the assumption that the scarf is primarily a sign of something. One of them, Fariba, mentioned people who came to her mosque and asked her why she wore a scarf. “And I asked them: ‘Why do you ask that question? Do I ask you why you wear that sweater or those jeans? Why is it I and not you who has to justify my choice?’ They said, ‘Well, but jeans are not a religious sign’. I said: ‘The head scarf is not a religious sign either.’ I do not wear it to make evident my religious leanings. If I could wear the head scarf while hiding it, I would do it, because in religion you should do things for God, not for people.” In schools, the head scarf remains prohibited precisely as a sign. Since 2004, few conflicts have occurred at the schools. Officially, 639 “religious signs” were detected at the beginning of the 2004 school year, and in most of those cases the pupils agreed, after discussion, to remove their scarves. The number of cases that were not resolved through discussion declined each year after the law, such that only 12 were reported in September 2005 and 5 in September 2006. Nevertheless, pressures have risen to create Islamic private schools where Muslims girls would be able to wear head scarves, equivalent to the Jewish private schools that allow boys to wear the skullcap (also prohibited in public school).

further reading: John R. Bowen, Why the French Don’t Like Headscarves: Islam, the State, and Public Space, 2006.

of their parents. They may accept the religion in general and reject a particular practice, or they may move to either highly traditional or liberal versions of the religion that they hold in common with their parents. A girl may refuse a head scarf as well as insist on the head scarf. She may be following the wishes of the parents or rejecting those wishes. When the theory is that one limit of parental authority is in the law of child abuse, the question is opened of how to classify certain rituals (e.g., infant male circumcision) practiced by religions for many centuries. Ultimately, a decision must be made as to whether these practices are to be protected under ideas of religious freedom or condemned as child abuse. If a religious practice is considered abusive, the child’s right is being treated not as an autonomy right but as a kind of protective or welfare right, so that children are thought to be free of the abuse rather than free to choose or reject the abuse. Practices may be considered that some find objectionable but others simply classify as traditional— including rejection of higher education and insistence on particular gender and social roles—and some that are ordinarily not permitted (e.g., underage marriage, drug use). The issue of religious rights of children arises in several

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contexts in the field of family law. In the context of adoption, states sometimes attempted religious matching. The difficulty here is that such matching requires knowing the religion both of the adults and the children. If the religion of an adult is known (not always a simple question), the religion of a child may still not be known, and it is difficult even to know how to think about the question. Coming at the question from a certain point of view (secular and heavily influenced by Protestant ideas), one might say that a child does not have a religion until that child somehow signals a choice to affiliate. A child too young to choose might be seen as having only a likelihood of future affiliation. Or, in some instances, definitions based on being born into the group, or on choices made by parents, might be adopted. And occasionally the system permits recognition of a group right, as in the Indian Child Welfare Act of 1978. Foster care involves problems like the problems raised previously concerning the religious rights of children and their parents, complicated by the fact that the foster parents will not have true parental rights, since these are retained by the legal parents until by some mechanism they lose parental rights. Thus in the foster care situation, the rights of children, parents, and foster parents are being balanced. But the foster parents are not always best understood as individuals who have religious identities and have taken in foster children. Foster care is still often institutional, involving group residences run by religiously affiliated child care agencies. Religious rights issues in custody cases have taken a number of forms. One is the problem of religion and a best interests test when parents disagree about the religious questions. The American Law Institute’s Principles of the Law of Family Dissolution take the position that the religion of the parents should not be relevant in a child custody decision unless to protect the child from “severe and almost certain harm” or to protect a child’s capacity to practice a religion that has been a “significant” part of the child’s life. In the international context, issues relating to the religious rights of the child arise with varying results. The idea of the religious rights of children will be given different meaning and application in different national contexts. A Danish court upheld a ban on a Sikh kirpan (ceremonial dagger) when an American court permitted the kirpan, at least under certain conditions (e.g., sheathed, worn under clothing). Head scarves for Muslim students in state schools are forbidden in France, while they seem to create less of a problem in the United States. But decisions on the religious rights of children are made in national contexts that are very different from one another, on issues ranging from church-state relations to definitions of national identity and cultural and religious pluralism and minority rights. These contexts are not only different, but they also change, influenced by cultural and political discussions and events. The abstract language of rights—as in the United

Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child—may not say much about the details of how those rights are or may be viewed. Carol Weisbrod see also: Medical Care and Procedures, Consent to; Religion in Public Schools further reading: Lee Teitelbaum, “Foreword: the Meanings of Rights of Children,” New Mexico Law Review 10 (Summer 1980), pp. 235. • Martha Minow, “Rights for the Next Generation: A Feminist Approach to Children’s Rights,” Harvard Women’s Law Journal 9 (1986), pp. 1–24. • Nina Bernstein, The Lost Children of Wilder, 2001.

religious schools. The three world religions, Christianity, Judaism, and Islam, have a long history of establishing schools to instruct children in their faith tradition. Formal education provided in these schools supplements the religious education given at home by the family. Religious schools may be found at the preschool, elementary, secondary, and collegiate levels as well as at the graduate level in schools of theology. Religious groups outside the dominant world religions are less likely to establish religious schools because they have fewer requirements for belief and behavior. These groups rely primarily on the family to transmit theological, philosophical, and cultural traditions to their children. Dramatic differences are found in the relationship between state and religious education throughout the world. The constitutions of some countries, including China, Russia, and North Korea, forbid the establishment of religious schools. In China, some Muslim schools may be found where classes in the Qur’an and Hadith (a narrative about the life of the Prophet Muhammad) are taught, but from a cultural rather than a religious perspective. The government closely monitors Chinese schools and will not issue diplomas to students if a religious orientation is found. In Russia, where atheism continues to be the state policy, religious schools have not been allowed since the Russian Revolution. Recently, however, the government has agreed, in principle, that the secular character of Russia’s state school system should not exclude education based on a religious outlook, including the teaching of various historical-religious systems of knowledge. In North Korea, the government controls all schools and mandates a strictly secular curriculum. In contrast to countries that forbid the establishment of religious schools, some countries require that religion be taught in state schools. In Saudi Arabia, all schools must teach Islamic studies. In predominantly Catholic Ireland, nearly all schools supported by the state teach religion. While most of these schools are Catholic, a small number of Protestant schools may be found as well as some multidenominational Irish-language schools. Some pluralistic countries allow religion to be taught in public schools upon demand. In Germany, most public schools offer Protestant and Catholic religious instruc-

r e l igio u s s c h o o l s

tion to students who request these courses. Recently, a German federal court decision mandated that the Islamic Federation, an umbrella organization of 25 Turkish Muslim groups, may provide religious instruction in state-run schools. This decision terminated a legal battle that raged since the early 1980s over permitting Islam to be offered alongside Protestant, Catholic, and secular studies. A number of societies that allow the establishment of religious schools forbid religious instruction in public schools. In the United States, the First Amendment to the Constitution, known as the establishment clause, is interpreted as prohibiting religious instruction in public schools. Roman Catholic, Protestant, and Jewish schools offer a secular education in addition to religious instruction. The curriculum of religious schools in the United States is similar to that of public schools with the exception of religion classes. Whether the United States should provide support for religious schools is a topic of ongoing debate. Proponents of school choice plans that include religious schools are in confl ict with those who view such plans as violating the separation of church and state. Ninety percent of American children attend tuition-free public elementary and secondary schools. The remaining 10% are enrolled in religious or private secular schools. These schools are funded by tuition and other private sources. Roman Catholic schools represent the largest segment of the nonpublic school sector, enrolling about 6% of the total school population. The remaining 4% is divided across the remaining religious and private schools. Most Roman Catholic schools are associated with parish churches. These schools are under the control of the bishop of the diocese or a superintendent of education appointed by the bishop. The pastor of the parish oversees the daily operation of the school. A smaller number of Catholic schools are not attached to a parish and report directly to the bishop. The secular courses taught in many Catholic schools are given a Catholic orientation. For example, in science classes, teachers might discuss whether Darwinian evolution is consistent with belief in God. The majority of Protestant schools in the United States are run by Lutherans who educate about 200,000 students a year. Other Protestant denominations, including SeventhDay Adventists, Episcopalians, Methodists, Quakers, Mennonites, and Baptists, have smaller enrollments. A board of education named by the congregation typically controls Protestant schools. Teachers are required to satisfy general teaching requirements and must have special training in Bible and doctrine. Like Roman Catholic schools, Protestant schools offer a secular curriculum but, in addition, attempt to make Christianity a unifying factor in the educational program. In addition, many Protestant churches and some Roman Catholic parishes staff Sunday schools that provide religious training for children who do not attend religious schools.

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Jewish and Islamic schools in the United States are fewer in number than Christian schools. Four kinds of Jewish day schools exist. Talmudic day schools place considerable emphasis on instruction in the Talmud as well as teaching the Hebrew texts of the Pentateuch and the writings of the prophets and other scripture. Modern day schools teach the Hebrew language and offer instruction in Hebrew on the Bible, Jewish history, prayers, and the Talmud. Integrated day schools blend instruction in Judaism and secular subjects. Hebrew-English private schools concentrate on general subjects and offer Jewish learning for only five hours a week. Approximately 85% of Jewish day schools are sponsored by Orthodox Jews, with the remaining run by Conservative Jews. In addition to the Jewish day schools, some children attend a Talmud Torah, an elementary school under Jewish auspices that places special emphasis on religious education. In much of the Muslim world, religious education takes place in schools known as madrassas. Both literally and colloquially, the term madrassa simply means “school.” Historically, madrassas were primarily institutions of higher studies, but today a madrassa denotes any primary, secondary, or advanced school that promotes an Islamicbased curriculum. Madrassas instruct students in Islamic subjects, including the Qur’an, the sayings of the Prophet Muhammad, jurisprudence, religious law, classic logic, and literature. Some also teach mathematics and the works of Muslim astronomers. A number of Central Asian states are encouraging madrassas to broaden their curriculum to include modern science and to offer educational opportunities to girls. In many Muslim countries, the madrassas are part of a broader educational system. The private educational sector in these countries provides a quality Western-style education for students who can afford high tuition costs. Some countries support state schools that attract students with low tuition. However, steadily rising costs and a shortage of public schools are leading parents to send their children to madrassas for free education, room, and board. Madrassas are found extensively in the Middle East, but their numbers are growing in Central Asian states as well. Yet some countries, such as Turkmenistan, actively discourage madrassas in an effort to control Islam. However, many Westerners agree that most of these religious schools play an important role in educating students in countries where large numbers of Muslims live in poverty and have no other educational options for their children. For several decades, researchers in the United States and elsewhere have studied the effects of religious schools on student outcomes. Of considerable interest have been the effects of religious schools on student achievement. A number of studies show that students attending Catholic schools on average attain higher achievement than those in public schools. A number of other studies demonstrate

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that religious schools increase student civic participation, decrease disciplinary problems, lead to greater voluntary involvement, improve race relations, and increase student engagement in school. Maureen T. Hallinan see also: Religion in Public Schools; Religious Instruction; Schools further reading: James Michael Lee, The Content of Religious Instruction: A Social Science Approach, 1985. • Melinda Bollar Wagnar, God’s Schools: Choice and Compromise in American Society, 1990. • Stephen P. Broughman and Kathleen W. Pugh, Characteristics of Private Schools in the United States: Results from the 2001–2002 Private School Universe Survey, 2004. • Maureen T. Hallinan, ed., School Sector and Student Outcomes, 2006.

religious traditions, children and. see Buddhism; Catholicism; Confucianism and Taoism; Eastern Orthodoxy; Hinduism; Islam; Judaism; Mormonism; Native American Religious Traditions; Protestantism remarriage and the blended family. The phenomenon of blended family formation is not new to the 21st century. In past centuries, blended families most often resulted from remarriage after the death of a parent. Since the 1970s, the formation of a blended family in the United States has most frequently occurred through the remarriage of a divorced parent; marriage of a never-married parent (typically a mother) is the second most common way by which blended families are formed in the United States today. Second marriages, especially those with children, are more vulnerable to dissolution than first marriages; about one in four remarriages with children will dissolve within the first two to three years. A recent comparison of data from 15 European nations and the United States demonstrates that the United States has the highest proportion of children who will live in a blended family by the time they are 10 years old. Today, one in three U.S. children will live some portion of their life in a blended family, twice as much time in a blended family as their European peers. Black and Hispanic families are less likely to be blended than are white families. Blended families that occur after a divorce are more common among white families; blended black families are more commonly formed from marriage of a never-married parent. Trends in the United States indicate an increase in the number of blended families formed through the cohabitation of adults. In fact, national survey data suggest that about half of blended families will cohabit before the parents legally marry. This cohabitation is fairly short term, with most of these remarriages occurring within two years. Cohabiting parents who do not legally remarry tend to have lower socioeconomic status, to be younger parents, and to have children younger than 5. The presence of children influences parents’ decisions to remarry or cohabit. Fathers

who have custody of their children are more likely to partner with a woman who also has custody of her children than to remain single, and about one in three single fathers (32%) remarry after living with their new partner. By comparison, mothers who have custody of their children are less likely than custodial fathers to marry at all. When they do marry, custodial mothers are most likely to marry or cohabit with a man who does not live with his biological children. Reflecting societal trends toward awarding mothers child custody, stepfathers more commonly live with their stepchildren than do stepmothers. As a result, most of what is known about stepparenting is from research conducted with families having a stepfather, biological mother, and stepchildren who are the product of one or both parents’ prior union. The living arrangements of blended families are often very fluid, with children moving between their parents’ homes regardless of legal custody arrangements. National data indicate that 47% of stepparents lived less than half-time with their stepchild (e.g., the child visits on holidays or the summer). The stepparenting experience in these families presents a different set of challenges from those faced by full-time residential stepparents. Furthermore, it is estimated that half of remarriages will result in the birth of a child from that union within two years of marriage. Although only a small percentage of blended families (5%) include children from both parents’ prior unions and a new child, the addition of a new child into a blended family is sure to add complexity to the biological, emotional, and legal ties between family members. Cult ur al Per spectiv es The makeup of contemporary families today is varied and will continue to reflect diversity. Based on past and current marriage trends, it is predicted that by the mid-21st century 12.6% of all U.S. households will be blended families, a threefold increase since 1970. Despite trends that reflect remarriage as a common experience for families in the United States, blended families are often burdened with social stigma of being dissimilar to or less well functioning than families made up of two original-married parents with biological or adopted children. Popular cultural representations of blended families often present negative stereotypes. Consider, for example, classic stories such as “Snow White” and “Cinderella” that feature the wicked stepmother as a prominent character. Although these story characters’ blended family situation resulted from widowhood rather than divorce, the characterization of the stepmother as callous and evil is explicit. Unrealistic representations can set up blended families for failure if family members form expectations of one another based on these negative models. Surely a child is unlikely to respond warmly to a stepparent he or she expects to be uncaring and controlling. Some scholars argue that blended families place children

r e m a r r ia ge a n d t h e b l e n d e d f a m il y

at risk for suboptimal development and that the increasing trend of remarriage among divorced parents will contribute to a society of young people who are emotionally detached and who may view family relationships as temporary rather than permanent. These scholars believe that stepparents will invest less time, love, and energy in their parenting of stepchildren because it is the biological tie that is presumed to promote parental love and a feeling of intrinsic motivation for good parenting. Other scholars argue that the degree to which children in blended families are disadvantaged is not as severe as once was believed, and research has shown that stepparents and stepchildren are able to form long-lasting and rewarding relationships. Nevertheless, the transition into a blended family creates stress that can influence children’s well-being and impede positive parenting practices, and these together influence the adjustment of children and adolescents. Effec t s o n C h i l d r en In considering blended family effects on children, it should be noted that research on family interaction and child wellbeing has largely been done with middle-class white families. Thus, knowledge of specific family processes that occur within blended ethnic minority families is limited. Research comparing blended families with two-parent neverdivorced families consistently demonstrates that children in blended families experience higher levels of depression and emotional difficulties. Adolescents in blended families are more likely to use alcohol or other drugs, be sexually active, experience feelings of depression and low self-esteem, have poorer social and emotional adjustment, and do more poorly in school than their peers in never-divorced families. Research that has followed families over several years, however, shows that adolescent problem behaviors among stepchildren become nearly equivalent to those observed in never-divorced families. Thus, over time, as family roles and rules in blended families become routine and less stressful, blended families appear to behave in ways that are similar to never-divorced families. Steppar en ti ng and Fami ly Proc esses Processes within families, such as how well they communicate, their level of stress and confl ict, the clarity of roles and obligations, and how well parents monitor their children’s whereabouts and activities, contribute to the adjustment and well-being of children who have experienced a marital transition. When compared with never-divorced families, blended families on average have higher levels of confl ict, less parental monitoring, and less closeness as viewed from the children’s perspectives. Major family transitions such as creating a blended family can bring stress and strain roles as members negotiate their new place within the family. Stress in families is associated with increased confl ict and distanc-

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ing among family members. Adolescents in particular have difficulty adjusting to their parent’s remarriage when it occurs during their teen years. Not all blended families, however, experience confl ict and poor parenting, even initially, and as the strains from initial marital adjustment decline, most blended families develop comfortable practices and an emotional climate that facilitate positive outcomes in children. The adjustment to life in a blended family appears to be most difficult in the first two years of remarriage, but often with renewed challenges as stepchildren reach the adolescent years. Adolescents in blended families are also especially vulnerable to engaging in risky behaviors when parents fail to monitor them. After remarriage, mothers tend to know less about what their teen is doing, and stepfathers who enter a family with an adolescent generally do not know or become involved in asking about stepchildren’s activities. This may be because newly married parents are focused on their relationship and the daily maintenance of the new family. Stepchildren may also resist attempts by stepfathers to actively parent because they do not view the stepparent as having legitimate parental authority. If an adolescent disengages from the family (as is often the case), it may be difficult for parents to monitor their teen’s whereabouts or activities because the teen may feel no obligation to report to parents their activities. Parental attempts to solicit information from teens may be rebuffed, and so parents may simply give up trying to monitor. Even though diligence in monitoring an adolescent may be challenging, research suggests that adolescents benefit when both the parent and the stepparent set clear rules and expectations for behavior in the first few months of a newly formed blended family. In one study, adolescents in blended families were less likely to engage in problem behaviors two years after remarriage when their mother and stepfather were diligent about knowing their behaviors and activities. Surprisingly little research has been conducted on stepmother-stepchild relationships, perhaps because mothers most often retain custody of their children. The limited research suggests that stepmothers commonly form a friendship-type relationship with their stepchild, especially if they are a nonresidential stepparent. Nonresidential stepparenting may be more complex for stepmothers than for stepfathers because assuming the role of a stepmother and knowing how to act in that role are often ambiguous. Nonresidential stepmothers may regularly see stepchildren on weekends and often provide motherlike tasks such as cooking, nurturing, and general caretaking, but they typically do not hold the authority of a parent figure. To avoid fulfilling the stereotype of the wicked stepmother, nonresidential stepmothers may opt not to discipline their stepchildren, leaving that task to their father. Stepmothers are often careful not to assert themselves as a replacement for the bio-

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logical mother but, rather, let the child determine how close their relationship will be. Like stepmothers, stepfathers and stepchildren also participate in a complex relational dance that requires balance and flexibility for the relationship to develop over time. Some stepfathers assume the role of a parent, whereas others take on more of a friendship role, especially when the stepchild does not live within the household. Stepparenting is generally easier when stepchildren are younger, because adolescents tend to resist parenting attempts made by stepparents, especially stepfathers. Cultural stereotypes about stepparents in combination with adolescents’ push for independence may predispose teens to resist or test stepparent overtures to develop a positive relationship. Unfortunately, some stepfathers make no attempt to establish a relationship with their stepchild, and others resign themselves to a peripheral parenting role after repeated rebuffs from stepchildren. With gentle persistence in trying to establish a relationship, stepchildren are likely to reciprocate behaviors toward developing and maintaining a close stepparent-stepchild relationship. Research is inconclusive about the impact of the nonresidential biological father on child well-being. Some research indicates that children’s continued interaction with their nonresidential father can undermine the legitimacy of residential stepparent authority in the mind of the stepchild. A child will benefit most when the nonresidential biological father and residential stepfather cooperate rather than compete for the child’s allegiance, thereby allowing the child to develop an independent relationship with each. When stepchildren have a close relationship with their residential stepfather, they have fewer behavioral problems and more positive psychological health; having a close relationship with both fathers can have an additive effect on child well-being. Legal Issues The clarity of roles and obligations within blended families is complicated by legal ambiguities for stepparents. Stepparents are not legally bound to provide financial support for their stepchildren, and they have no legal authority to sign forms such as schools permission slips or medical consent forms. As such, institutions such as schools or the medical profession do not recognize stepparents as adults with assumed responsibility for their stepchildren. If a stepparent does not legally adopt a stepchild, work-related medical insurance benefits may not cover their stepchildren. Similarly, nonadopted stepchildren may not benefit from life insurance or other inheritance benefits when a stepparent dies, even when the relationship has been lifelong for the stepchild. In the event of divorce, many stepparents want to maintain contact with their stepchild, but stepparents have little legal standing to do so. Laws do not directly address stepparent visitation rights “in the case of subsequent di-

vorce of parent from stepparent,” and states vary in the statutes that may allow stepparents visitation after a divorce. R esi li enc e of R em ar r i ed and Blended Fa m i l i e s Despite the unique challenges that blended families face, the vast majority of children from blended families are well functioning, attesting to the resilience of blended families to successfully negotiate the transition to a new family form. Research indicates that when mothers and children in blended families feel close to one another and mothers and stepfathers feel satisfied with their relationship, the stepchild-stepfather relationship tends to be more positive and stepfathers are more easily able to actively parent. Furthermore, when stepfathers and remarried mothers are clear about roles and expectations for the stepparent, they are more likely to be satisfied with their relationship, stepfathers feel more confident in their parenting abilities, and interactions within the family are more positive. Role clarity provides a conceptual map for how blended family members should act with one another and reduces vagueness of expectations that mothers may have of the stepfather or that he may have of himself. Clarifying the stepfamily role is one way that blended families can reduce the strain of the marital transition, especially in the first two years. Role clarity emerges through continuous and open communication among spouses, children, and stepchildren as they negotiate their place and relationships with one another. Interestingly, research suggests that stepparents tend to clarify their role based on their own perceptions rather than openly discussing expectations with family members. Blended families might benefit from parent education or support materials that help clarify expectations for roles and responsibilities and that facilitate positive parenting. Kathleen Boyce Rodgers see also: Adoption; Custody; Family; Gay and Lesbian Parents; Marital and Nonmarital Unions; Parenthood; Separation and Divorce; Single Parents; Visitation further reading: Patricia L. Papernow, Becoming a Stepfamily, 1993. • James H. Bray and John Kelly, Stepfamilies: Love, Marriage, and Parenting in the First Decade, 1999. • National Stepfamily Resource Center, http://www.stepfamilies.info/about.php

reproductive technologies Medical Perspectives Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

medical perspectives. In 1978, Louise Brown became the

first child born after in vitro fertilization (IVF); since then, more then 1 million children have been born worldwide using similar techniques. Reproduction is a fundamental human instinct, so it is not surprising that the failure to conceive, affecting approximately 13% to 14% of the

r e p r o d u c t iv e t e c h n o l o gie s

reproductive-age population, has fueled both scientific advancements and the availability of services at an explosive rate. It is now possible to find hundreds of clinics in large metropolitan centers in wealthy countries as well as in cities and towns in poorer nations. Most patients come for assistance after failing to conceive, but some now also come to request sex selection or to prevent the conception of a child with a specific genetic condition. Current technology permits the creation of embryos from eggs (oocytes) and sperm derived from donors and the transfer of embryos into gestational surrogates. Indeed, it is also possible to retrieve sperm from testes of men with no sperm in the ejaculate. A wide range of possibilities has become available in a short time and is likely to expand in the future. At the start of the 21st century, if a couple or an individual trying to conceive comes to an infertility clinic, there are several available options. Sexual orientation, age, infirmity, and marital status are not insurmountable hurdles. Importantly, this does not mean that any problem can be overcome or that all individuals will have a successful outcome. Quite the contrary. In 2002, for example, 115,392 IVF procedures were initiated; only 45,751 (39%) resulted in a live birth. The most common indications for using assisted reproductive technologies are to bypass blocked fallopian tubes or to increase chances of fertilization when the sperm count is markedly diminished. It may also be employed, however, if one partner has gonadal failure and cannot produce a viable gamete (egg or sperm) or to try to avoid a specific genetic abnormality. It is clear that access to this service is growing and its uses are becoming tailored to unique needs and desires of specific communities, influenced by local social and political traditions. Regardless of the indication, several common pathways are used. In order to maximize success of IVF, it is optimal to retrieve as many oocytes (eggs) as possible. Normally, a woman produces one mature, fertilizable oocyte each month, but this number can be increased by using hormones injected under the skin. In fact, in a standard IVF cycle, the woman receives daily injections for approximately three weeks in order to mature as many oocytes as possible. During this time, close monitoring of the ovaries’ response to hormones is performed using blood testing and transvaginal ultrasound. Next, if stimulation of the ovaries has been successful, a second hormone is injected to initiate the ovulatory process 36 hours in advance of the surgical aspiration of the oocytes. Each egg that is successfully aspirated from the ovary into the lab dish is then assessed, cultured, and fertilized with sperm and then grown in an incubator for several days before transfer into the uterus. It is during this period of time, prior to transfer of the embryo, that genetic diagnosis, if indicated, can be performed. In all attempts at egg retrieval, monitoring is required, as is the successful retrieval of oocytes. What varies is the type of stimulation used to prompt egg growth and release, how

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oocytes are fertilized, the number of embryos transferred back into the uterus, and the performance of preimplantation diagnostic testing. Recently, because of the expense and risk of stimulating the ovaries, Canadian investigators have successfully retrieved immature eggs and matured them in the laboratory prior to IVF. Perhaps what has changed most in the recent past is the use of this technology to build families in less traditional situations; for example, an oocyte donor can offer the chance of a family to a perimenopausal woman and a gestational surrogate can carry a pregnancy for a male homosexual couple. These techniques can also be used to preserve fertility in individuals facing chemotherapy or radiation that might otherwise result in sterility. They can even be used to salvage genetic material from an individual facing death (e.g., from cancer) or from a man who has recently died. What follows is not a discussion of techniques but rather of controversies and approaches of different countries and religious bodies to some of these issues. Cultur al Di ffer enc es In the United States, there are no specific laws governing reproductive options, so each clinic must decide on its own ethical guidelines. This is sometimes not clear-cut, and some large programs employ an ethicist or convene ethics boards to help ensure that fundamental ethical principles are upheld. In many other countries, particularly those with socialized health care systems, the state is directly involved and imposes guidelines. For instance, freezing embryos is prohibited in Italy, and no more than three embryos can be transferred back into the uterus. In the United Kingdom, it has been illegal to buy and sell gametes since 1990. Specifically, the law stipulates that no money can be exchanged as compensation for gamete donation except as relates directly to expenses. Since April 2005, it has not been legal in the United Kingdom, as it is in the United States, to donate eggs or sperm anonymously. Surrogacy is not permitted in many countries, so patients frequently travel to find more permissive jurisdictions. Religious interpretations differ between groups as well. A review of Catholic, Jewish, Islamic, Coptic, and Presbyterian opinions demonstrates emphasis on different fundamental principles that guide written doctrines. Catholicism stresses the importance of the conjugal act as inseparable from the creation of life. It follows, therefore, that the religion does not permit assisted reproductive technologies (ART). Interestingly, the Presbyterian faith is also not permissive of ART but focuses instead on the concerns of destroying unused embryos and the potential meaning of a couple’s infertility being a calling to raise an adopted child in a Christian home. Intellectual scrutiny in Judaism has led to emphasis of the commandment to be fruitful and multiply as the fundamental tenet guiding behavior. In this religion, therefore, ART is considered obligatory when

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medically indicated. Similarly, in Islam, ART is considered essential if it treats infertility in a married couple. Orthodox Judaism and Islam do not permit donor gametes. Finally, Coptic precepts are similar: It is permissible to use ART but only using gametes from the married couple; donor gametes are not permitted. C o n t rov er si es It follows from the previous discussion that there are differing opinions about ART. Obviously, not all differences are religious. Ethical dilemmas about sex selection, preimplantation genetic diagnostics, and surrogacy raise concerns about what limits should be placed upon these technologies and who should pay for them. Who should impose limits and what criteria should be used to describe the limits; in effect, who should decide what is best for society and should there be universal policies, or should each society create its own guidelines? Economic considerations are often the force that resolves controversy. In several countries with socialized medical systems, for example, the government regulates the number of embryos that are permitted to be transferred into the uterus. Society agrees to pay for infertility treatment but, by limiting the number of embryos transferred, diminishes the expense of caring for premature infants, a major consequence of multiple gestations. There are concerns about the reproductive outcomes after conception by ART. A recent review of meta-analyses and controlled studies demonstrated higher maternal and perinatal risks in IVF pregnancies. Specifically, there is a 27-fold increased risk of multiple gestations, a 4- to 6-fold increased risk of abnormal placentation, and a higher rate of spontaneous miscarriage. Additionally, there is a twofold increased chance of Cesarean delivery. There is no question that multiple gestations, resulting from ART, lead to preterm deliveries and may be responsible for as many as 75% of neonatal deaths. No clear association between ART and chromosomal abnormalities or congenital malformations has been published, but some studies have identified worrisome trends. The most commonly raised concern involves a purported association between genomic imprinting, a phenomenon in which the observed findings (phenotype) depend on which parent passes on the diseased gene, and ART. To date, however, the biological basis of such a link is unclear. As existing questions are answered, new ones continue to be raised. A Canadian woman recently froze her eggs so that her daughter, a 7-year-old with a genetic disease rendering her infertile, could use these eggs to have a child, who would be her biological half-sister rather than her daughter. This multigenerational ART raises a whole new set of questions. Will the now 7-year-old girl feel pressured to use eggs her mother froze for her? As well, to quote Margaret Somerville, who leads McGill University’s Centre for Medicine, Ethics, and Law, “What are the rights of a child not to

be brought into existence in this way? Can we reasonably anticipate that a child would consent to having its sister be its gestational mother, and to be a sister to the woman who gives birth to it?” Assisted reproductive technologies have allowed countless people to have children they would not otherwise have had. However, as the technology continues to advance, so do the ethical, moral, and religious questions. Investigation of medical, social, economic, and cultural influences will continue to be required in order to unravel the confounding factors that affect the success and risks of ART and guide individualized counseling to optimize safety of both mother and child. David Cohen see also: Embryology and Fetal Development; Fertility; Pregnancy further reading: Nancy Gibbs, “Making Time for a Baby,” Time Magazine, April 15, 2002. • Peggy Orenstein, “You Gamete, Myself,” The New York Times, July 15, 2007. • Leslie Berger, “Racing to Beat the Maternal Clock,” The New York Times, December 12, 2007.

legal and public-policy perspectives. Assisted reproduction permits the creation of a child without sexual intercourse. The techniques include artificial insemination (artificial insertion of sperm into an intended mother’s uterus), in vitro fertilization (creation of an embryo by mixing sperm and eggs outside the body), traditional surrogacy (artificially inseminating a woman who will carry a child to term to be raised by another), and gestational surrogacy (using in vitro fertilization to impregnate a woman with an embryo to which she is not genetically related to be raised by another). As the average age of first birth—and corresponding infertility rates—has risen, assisted reproduction has become increasingly important to the ability to produce genetic descendants. In addition, with greater access to artificial reproduction, single parents and gay and lesbian couples find it easier to reproduce within families of choice. Nonetheless, assisted reproduction may be expensive, rarely covered by insurance, and beyond the reach of many infertile couples. Legal regulation of assisted production has two components: regulation of the use of the technology and determination of the parental status of the resulting child. In the United States, artificial insemination and in vitro fertilization are lightly regulated if at all. Many other jurisdictions ban payment for gametes, restrict use of donated eggs and sperm, require identification of sperm and egg donors when the child comes of age, or limit the number of embryos that can be implanted. The United States requires only that fertility clinics report success rates. As a result, donated eggs and sperm are relatively easier to obtain (with egg prices sometimes tied to the SAT scores and physical attractiveness of the donor) than in the countries that restrict payment. Moreover, even without formal regulation,

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the number of embryos implanted has fallen as techniques have improved. Concern remains, however, about the ability of profit-making clinics to balance the risk of birth defects against greater success in conception. Surrogacy is more controversial. Some jurisdictions prohibit it. Others ban payment. Israel and a small number of U.S. states explicitly authorize gestational surrogacy, though in some states only for married couples. The majority of U.S. states have not addressed the issue. In addition, promising new techniques such as the use of nuclear cell transfer (the transfer of the nucleus of an egg containing DNA from the intended parents to a donor egg containing the donor’s mitochondrial DNA) to treat mitochondrial disease or the unstable cytoplasm of aging eggs may be prohibited. Nonetheless, the most pervasive legal oversight of assisted reproduction involves the determination of parentage. All states provide some recognition of the consenting husband of a woman who uses artificial insemination by donor as the child’s father, though a third do so through commonlaw estoppel principles. Legislation in the other two-thirds terminates the parental status of the donor in some states if a doctor performs the insemination or in other states if the mother is married and her husband consents. In surrogacy cases, most states continue to recognize traditional surrogates as legal mothers absent adoption. In contrast, the few litigated cases involving gestational surrogates confer legal status on the intended parent who contributes an egg or sperm rather than on the surrogate. Nonetheless, the Uniform Parentage Act of 2002 would recognize the woman giving birth as a legal parent in all cases except those in which the commissioning parents obtain a preconception decree. The majority of states, however, have no relevant legislation or case law, creating a gray area in the determination of parentage. The states with same-sex marriage, civil unions, and domestic partnerships appear ready to recognize both partners as the legal parents of children born within such unions without any further legal action, but these provisions may not be able to secure interstate recognition. About half the states permit same-sex partners to establish their parental status through adoption. States vary considerably, however, in the extent to which they permit donors who contribute to the creation of a child to be raised by a single parent or same-sex couple to terminate their parental status. And the parental status of sperm donors who contribute sperm to lesbian couples with the intention that all three adults will participate in the child’s upbringing remains uncertain. Assisted reproduction has remade the possibilities for reproduction. Considerable controversy remains, however, with respect to safety, access, the commodification of reproduction, and the right to information about donors’ identity. According to the American Society of Reproductive Medicine, the average cost of an in vitro fertilization cycle is $12,400, and the number of cycles is limited only

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by patients’ willingness to endure the physical discomfort and ability to pay. In other countries, state health plans, if they cover fertility at all, restrict the number of cycles. In the United States, public subsidization does not exist, and private health plans rarely provide coverage. As a result, in vitro fertilization—and even more expensive surrogacy procedures—are limited to the well-off. High prices and restrictive legislation have prompted fertility tourism. Clinics in Eastern Europe advertise for patients through the British Broadcasting Corporation, promising lower prices and higher success rates. South Africa targets gays and lesbians seeking a gay-friendly environment for fertility services. Wealthy clients circumvent surrogacy restrictions abroad by coming to the United States, and less wealthy Americans search for better prices by employing surrogates elsewhere. The separation of the genetic and gestational components of motherhood not only has won greater acceptance for the practice but also has increased the prospects for commodification and exploitation. Contractual protections are meaningless, for example, if a surrogate has no way to sue an unscrupulous middleman in another country. Contractual provisions may even be of limited utility in the United States. A gestational surrogate may successfully sue for payment in many states, but custody is subject to the child’s best interests, and provisions that compel or restrict activities like abortion are unlikely to be specifically enforced. Moreover, with respect to controversial issues such as the disposition of embryos, public policy limits enforcement. In the United States, the courts have refused to allow implantation of fertilized eggs over the objection of a prospective parent who has changed his mind. The pronatalist Israeli Supreme Court, in contrast, concluded that a woman’s right to reproduce includes access to fertilized eggs over the prospective father’s objection where she could not otherwise bear children. Changing attitudes are also prompting reconsideration of principles of confidentiality. In the early days of assisted reproduction, infertile couples were eager to present the resulting children as their own. As the stigma of infertility has declined, parents have become more willing to tell their children the truth, and the increased importance of genetic testing had made it more likely the children will find out in any event. Moreover, the children of single parents and gays and lesbians know from an early age that someone else contributed to their conception. Children often hunger for information about their origins, and some countries guarantee access to that information. While the United States does not, clinics have begun to facilitate voluntary disclosure for those who are willing to provide identifying information. In addition, some would like to see more donor information designed to prevent the possibility of accidental intermarriage between siblings and genetically transmitted birth defects.

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Assisted reproduction, especially in the United States, takes place within a private market framework that has the potential to aggravate existing inequalities. Its success nonetheless rests on the ability to assuage concerns about safety, potential exploitation, and the needs of the resulting children. June Carbone see also: Adoption; Fetus, Legal Status of the; Paternity and Maternity; Pregnancy and Childbirth, Legal Regulation of; Procreate, Right to further reading: Janet L. Dolgin, Defining the Family: Law, Technology, and Reproduction in an Uneasy Age, 1999. • Dorothy Roberts, Killing the Black Body: Race, Reproduction, and the Meaning of Liberty, 1999. • Mary L. Shanley, Making Babies, Making Families: What Matters Most in an Age of Reproductive Technologies, Surrogacy, Adoption, and Same-Sex and Unwed Parents’ Rights, 2002. • D. Kelly Weisberg, The Birth of Surrogacy in Israel, 2005.

research on child development Historical Perspectives The Practice of Child Development Research

historical perspectives. In the early 1980s, and through much of the 20th century, there would have been a fairly straightforward story to tell about the origins and directions of research in child development. At the beginning of the 21st century, it is also possible to tell a more complex and critical historical version of this story, one that is more pluralistic in spirit and recognizes the significance of culture and context for child development research. This article tells both of these stories.

Th e Str aightforwar d Story Though the issue of when research in child development began is less than straightforward, most mainstream accounts begin toward the end of the 19th century. The scholars cited as precursors and pioneers vary. For example, in a 1983 chapter on “The Emergence of Developmental Psychology” in the Handbook of Child Psychology, Robert Cairns recognizes the prolific writings of Alfred Binet in the 1880s and 1890s but points to Wilhelm Preyer’s 1882 book Die Seele des Kindes (The Mind of the Child) as a powerful catalyst for the study of development in both psychology and biology. As another example, in a 1962 collection of writings William Kessen highlights Charles Darwin’s 1877 Biographical Sketch of an Infant as containing characteristically fine-grained observations of his son, Doddy, under headings such as “anger,” “association of ideas, reason,” “unconsciousness, shyness,” and “moral sense”; others have pointed to the writings of James Mark Baldwin as seminal. There is, however, general agreement that G. Stanley Hall was the major force in the founding of the child study movement, the first of what are generally regarded as three major phases of child development research. As described by Cairns, Hall’s accomplishments and

contributions were considerable: the first U.S. PhD in psychology (1878), the first U.S. student in Wilhelm Wundt’s pioneering German laboratory for experimental psychological research (1879), and the founder and first editor (1887) of a major psychological journal in the United States (American Journal of Psychology). More relevant here, he was the first American researcher to employ the questionnaire method with children (1880), the founder and first editor (1891) of a child development journal in English (Pedagogical Seminary), and the founder of a child study institute at Clark University (1891), also serving as its first president. Moreover, around the turn of the century, Hall sought to bring his information and ideas to the widest possible audience—mothers, teachers, school administrators—in the form of “topical syllabi” that described what adults could expect from an “average” child. For a number of years, that effort succeeded; in 1897, for example, Hall was elected by the National Congress of Mothers to be its spokesman. But over the next decade, many child welfare leaders mistrusted what they judged to be his conservative political agenda, and the questionnaire work was widely criticized by both philosophically inclined psychologists such as Baldwin and experimentalists such as Hugo Münsterberg. As a result, despite an enormous output of organizational energy (including bringing Sigmund Freud, Carl Jung, and others to Clark University in 1909) and continued, copious writing until close to his death in 1924, no one explicitly carried forward Hall’s initiatives (although it is worth noting that some recent papers have placed some of his views, notably the vision of a socially relevant study of child development, in a positive light). The diminishing of Hall’s standing, particularly in the academy, was paralleled by several significant initiatives aimed at placing child development research on a firmer scientific footing. At the instigation of Carl Seashore at the State University of Iowa and Cora Bussey Hillis from the Iowa Child Study Society, that state’s legislature established the Iowa Child Welfare Research Station in 1917. In the ensuing decade, the Laura Spellman Rockefeller Memorial Fund (LSRM), guided by economist Lawrence Frank, provided foundational support for a network of university research institutes at Columbia, Iowa, Minnesota, Toronto, Yale, and Berkeley. The collaborative efforts of these centers became known as the child development movement and with significant philanthropic, government, and university support formed the institutional nucleus of research efforts expressly dedicated to basic science rather than general child welfare. A number of forces shaped such an orientation. For example, the director of the LSRM, Beardsley Ruml, moved the organization away from an earlier focus on social amelioration toward basic social science that would, it was assumed, prove to be useful to society. But that orientation, and the associated definition of what constitutes basic sci-

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ence, was primarily determined from 1924 onward by the Committee on Child Development (CCD) of the National Research Council (NRC). The origins and influence of the CCD have been chronicled in the 1985 SRCD monograph History and Research in Child Development, edited by Alice Smuts and John Hagen; by Smuts in her 2006 book Science in the Service of Children, 1893–1935; and in various writings by historian Emily Cahan. Two key elements of that story are especially germane here. First, Columbia University psychologist Robert Woodworth played a leading role in impressing on the CCD the overall scientific mandate of the NRC (itself part of the National Academy of Sciences) in the form of experimental child psychology. Second, although Frank from LSRM and others on the committee argued for a broader-based form of science, the experimental paradigm largely prevailed. Thus, although the final, formative CCD conference was held, in 1933, in concert with the Social Science Research Council (SSRC) Committee on Personality and Culture, that group’s emphasis on social and cultural influences on child development had little impact on the emerging research tradition. Most significant, that meeting resulted in the founding of the Society for Research in Child Development (SRCD) and its formal adoption of Child Development Abstracts and Bibliography (first published under the aegis of the CCD in 1927) and what soon became the flagship journal of the field, Child Development (first published in 1930). Given the institutional impetus provided by the CCD, research in child development expanded from the 1930s onward. The early issues of Child Development reflect a descriptive concern about normal sequences and stages in areas such as psychomotor, perceptual, cognitive, linguistic, and social development. And though they, too, contained chapters of that ilk, the successive Handbooks of Child Psychology (published under slightly varying titles) were characterized by more explicitly theoretical perspectives. Indeed, intended as encyclopedic reference works, the editions of the Handbook provide the single most illuminating picture of how, primarily determined by psychologists, the contours of the field emerged and changed over the decades, from the single-volume first edition prepared by Carl Murchison in 1931 to the four-volume sixth edition overseen by William Damon and coedited with Richard Lerner in 2006. Damon’s history of these editions (in his preface) offers many insights about how child development research emerged over the decades. For example, for the first edition of the Handbook, Murchison sought contributions from researchers at the new American study centers and from various Europeans, including Charlotte Bühler, Anna Freud, Kurt Lewin, and young “genetic epistemologist” Jean Piaget. In the second edition (1933), Murchison introduced a stronger biological theme, which Damon finds “in keeping with [Murchison’s] long-standing desire to display the

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hard-science backbone of the emerging field.” In a similar spirit, although he retained several chapters on psychological, social, and cultural analyses in the 1946 and 1954 editions, editor Leonard Carmichael leaned toward the physiological and biological and dropped Piaget. The initial inclusion and later exclusion of Piaget is both emblematic and ironic because, by the time Paul Mussen’s edition appeared in 1970, the “cognitive revolution” prompted by Piaget had helped energize and redirect the field after a period into the 1950s that had led some to view the field as showing little vigor. No surprise, then, that Piaget himself was invited to provide an account of his entire theory in that edition, an account complemented by chapters on aspects of cognitive development by John Flavell, William Kessen, and others. How the field was reinvigorated in the 1960s is a complex story. In part, the initiatives of the SSRC Committee on Intellective Processes served as a major catalyst. In place from 1959 to 1964, the committee held five conferences, four of which resulted in SRCD monographs that symbolized and stimulated rich areas of theory and research that would be reflected in later editions of the Handbook and, as a corollary, in the field’s journals and professional meetings. Edited by Kessen and Clementina Kuhlman, the 1962 monograph Thought in the Young Child not only carried the subtitle With Particular Attention to the Work of Jean Piaget but also contained a chapter previewing Flavell’s highly influential volume on Piaget published the next year. Basic Cognitive Processes, edited by John Wright and Jerome Kagan, appeared in 1963. The Acquisition of Language (1964), edited by Ursula Bellugi and Roger Brown, signaled both the looming influence of Noam Chomsky’s paradigm-shifting ideas on language and the related explosion of interest in language acquisition. And European Research in Cognitive Development (1965), edited by Mussen, presaged a significant expansion of the field beyond the boundaries of North America. That expansion took institutional form in 1969 via the establishment of the International Society for the Study of Behavioral Development (ISSBD). And although U.S. researchers such as Willard Hartup and Harold Stevenson played a primary role in charting the ISSBD’s disciplinary course, over time Europeans put their own stamp on the organization. Paul Baltes served as a notable example of this trend, shaping the life-span perspective on development and leading the Max Planck Institute for Development in Berlin from the 1980s until his death in 2006. Thus, as represented by the two-volume 1970 Handbook and building on the foundations laid by the child development movement some three decades earlier, the third stage of research in child development can be seen as producing a picture of significant progress and as providing proof of the value of the model of science established by the CCD in the late

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1920s and early 1930s and subsequently institutionalized primarily by the SRCD. Th e C r it ical Stor y Nevertheless, a variety of contextual and cultural complexities has always been at work in the field of child development research, complicating the straightforward version of the historical story. As one indicator, the SSRC committee’s fifth conference—published as a section of the 1964 American Anthropologist under the title “Transcultural Studies in Cognition”—was largely ignored. More generally, it is significant that many of those instrumental in the deliberations and actions of the CCD, and thus in the founding of the SRCD, were dedicated to the proposition that the study of child development is inherently interdisciplinary. Yet from the outset, and increasingly over the decades, one discipline—psychology—and one conception of that discipline—as an experimental laboratory endeavor seeking universal generalizations and principles along the lines of the physical and biological sciences—came to dominate. Thus, by the late 1950s, as Charles Super has observed, “child study” was linguistically marked as a subdiscipline of psychology (perhaps more accurately, U.S. psychology) and transformed into “developmental psychology.” And by the late 1970s, when the first four-volume edition of the Handbook was being planned (to be published in 1983), the predominance and productivity of that disciplinary paradigm seemed indisputable. The range of domains and topics presented in that edition of the Handbook was indeed impressive and unprecedented. But precisely then, in the late 1970s, a series of critiques of developmental psychology emerged. Reflecting a broad current of postpositivist reflections critical of the idea of a value-neutral scientific method and of culture-free universal generalization as royal roads to truth, these views implied a reconstruction of child development research and its history. This involved, among other things, recognition that the disciplinary profile of child development research was not only a subject of early debate but also shaped by a complex interaction of funding, individual leaders, interpersonal dynamics, and assumptions about the appropriate production of knowledge. Not coincidentally, this critical current included a new wave of writings on the history of psychology as a whole. Such writings highlighted, for example, the long-ignored fact that Wundt—never intending his experimental psychology to be all encompassing—had produced 10 volumes of a Völkerpsychologie, a cultural psychology. And as significant, the most compelling of the late 1970s critiques of developmental psychology came from scholars who had earned great standing as exemplars of established scientific practice. In 1979, Urie Bronfenbrenner introduced The Ecology of Human Development and its indelible image of the child located in a series of nested settings: the microsystem of

family, peers, and school; the mesosystem of the neighborhood and home-school-community connections; the exosystem of extended family members, parental workplace, and health and social service agencies; and the macrosystem of political institutions, social and economic policy, and associated, often implicit, beliefs and values. Arguing that any understanding of children and child development over time (the chronosystem) has to take into account dynamic interactions among all these contexts and levels, Bronfenbrenner challenged psychology’s relatively asocial, acultural, and ahistorical view of development. Also, memorably describing much of experimental child development research as “the science of the strange behavior of children in strange situations with strange adults for the briefest possible periods of time,” he brought into focus the issue of ecological validity—that is, the degree of congruence between the research setting (often the laboratory) and the central features of the phenomenon’s natural context (say, the child in the family or the child at school). In an American Psychologist article also published in 1979, William Kessen introduced the idea of the American child as a cultural invention, obviously echoing Philippe Ariès’s social historical commentary on the discovery and transformation of childhood in Centuries of Childhood (1962). Amplifying the argument a few years later—in a 1983 volume on The Child and Other Cultural Inventions, edited by Frank Kessel and Alexander Siegel—Kessen offered four basic propositions: Child psychologists have invented different children (“the major theorists in child psychology have gathered an assembly of vastly different children”); different cultures have invented different children; child psychology, like the child, is a cultural invention; and the child, and child psychology, are defined by larger forces in the culture. More specifically, celebrating cultural variation and echoing his intellectual hero, John Dewey, Kessen asserted that researchers have to confront the issue of providing self-critical justification for their normative, valueladen claims about more and less “normal,” better and worse “development.” During this same period, parallel to and sometimes intersecting with Kessen, Sheldon White vigorously voiced his own critique of developmental psychology’s core commitments. He deepened an analysis of why and how the phenomena of human development call for a different kind of research endeavor, notably because “values are a necessary and important part of the mission of disciplines like developmental psychology” and because “the idea of development arrived at in a systematic analysis becomes the idea of the Good in practical affairs . . . very likely to be treated as an ethical ideal.” White proposed and exemplified a perspective that he saw as “approaching ever more closely the forefront of scientific inquiry—a culturalhistorical perspective on both human development and the scientific work of developmental psychology.” In a related

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vein, he argued for “a second psychology” that transcends the distinction between pure and applied research. Though not alone in their views and not in complete accord on the implications of their critiques, Bronfenbrenner, Kessen, and White represented a widening wave of thought and research that placed context and culture close to the center of child development research. Much of the energy and direction of that trend can be seen in the several complementary forms of cultural psychology that have since emerged. The forms championed by three scholars merit mention here. Standing explicitly on the shoulders of the Russian psychologists Alexander Luria and L. S. Vygotsky, Michael Cole has helped shape the reorientation of child development research in several ways. For example, more than any other single initiative, his 1979 coedited collection of Vygotsky’s writings on Mind in Society brought concepts such as scaffolding and zone of proximal development (ZPD) into the center of developmental and educational discourse. Even earlier, his 1971 American Psychologist article with Jerome Bruner anticipated important and sometimes intense debates about “cultural differences and inferences about psychological processes.” Published that same year, his coauthored volume The Cultural Context of Learning and Thinking laid groundwork for several key intellectual developments: the 1978 establishment of the Laboratory for Comparative Human Cognition (LCHC) at the University of California at San Diego; collective LCHC chapters on culture and cognitive development in successive editions of the Handbook; the journal Mind, Culture, and Activity; and, most notably, the 1996 publication of Cultural Psychology: A Once and Future Discipline. Especially worth noting here is Cole’s analysis of how, around the end of the 19th century, the anthropologist Franz Boas’s views of culture and mind anticipated several major contemporary themes: Mind and culture are considered intimately related, neither minds nor societies can be treated as unitary phenomena to be ranked in terms of a single criterion of development, and the acquisition and application of knowledge are primarily context specific. Beginning with her 1990 volume Apprenticeship in Thinking: Cognitive Development in Social Context, Barbara Rogoff has been similarly instrumental in putting Vygotskian ideas such as scaffolding into research practice, thereby placing them closer to the center of the field. Working on topics as seemingly diverse as Girl Scout cookie sales in Salt Lake City and firsthand learning of weaving in rural Guatemalan villages, she has identified differences and similarities among cultural communities in dimensions of learning, such as children’s opportunities to engage in mature activities of their community or in specialized child-focused activities. More generally, and as articulated in The Cultural Nature of Human Development (2003), Rogoff has viewed classic aspects of development such as child rearing, interdepen-

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dence and autonomy, and developmental transitions from a fresh cultural angle. In particular, she has strengthened the thesis that individuals’ efforts and sociocultural institutions and practices are constituted by and constitute one another, and she has added depth to the notion of development as a process of transformation through children’s (and adults’) participation in culturally framed activities. Complementing the perspectives of Cole and Rogoff, and with intellectual roots in Boasian cultural and psychological anthropology, Richard A. Shweder has extended the interdisciplinary tradition of the University of Chicago’s Department of Comparative Human Development (formerly the Committee on Human Development) and has mapped another part of the cultural psychology terrain. A 1984 volume, Culture Theory (coedited with Robert LeVine), and a 1991 collection of essays, Thinking Through Cultures, serve as engaging introductions to his perspective. The subtitle of a collaborative chapter in the 1998 and 2006 editions of the Handbook conveys clearly the essential feature of this perspective: “One Mind, Many Mentalities.” The product of an SSRC Committee on Culture, Health, and Human Development comprising Shweder, Jacqueline Goodnow, Giyoo Hatano, LeVine, Hazel Markus, and Peggy Miller, the chapter draws on research in a range of developmental domains (social intelligence, language, self, cognition) to illustrate a view of cultural psychology as “the study of the way culture and psyche make each other up [and] the way ‘multiple, diverse psychologies’ emerge out of the abstract potentialities of a human mind.” In the Handbook chapter and elsewhere, and in the course of expanding on such a culturally grounded, meaning-centered, and, hence, pluralistic perspective on mind and its development, Shweder traces its roots back to 18th- and 19th-century scholars, including Wundt. In addition, along with other writers such as Joan Miller, Shweder has articulated the philosophical and, hence, practical, methodological differences between cultural psychology and cross-cultural psychology. While much of the evidence in cross-cultural psychology is drawn from procedures, tests, and inventories that are standardized in university-based research and minimally adjusted for use with children and students in other social and cultural settings, cultural psychology seeks to reveal patterns of meaning (e.g., in different child-rearing practices) via more context-sensitive naturalistic observation, ethnographies, and other qualitative, interpretive methods. In fact, the (re)emergence of such research approaches, stimulated and legitimized by Shweder and others, may be one of the more significant features of the cultural psychology movement. As in any intellectual movement, Cole, Rogoff, and Shweder are joined as leading proponents of this paradigm by others (Jerome Bruner, for example, has written challengingly about cultural psychology), and they are also self-acknowledged followers. Thus, LeVine’s chapter in the

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1970 version of the Handbook carried forward the tradition of Boas and Margaret Mead and, more explicitly, expressed the ethnographic spirit of Beatrice and John Whiting’s decades-long study of Children of Six Cultures (ultimately published in 1976). And the Whitings’ perspective is currently exemplified by the comparative research of Charles Super and Sara Harkness, guided by the ecological niche as a conceptualization of the interface of child and culture, as well as by Shweder’s extension of the notion of the custom complex. Finally, one feature of the emerging paradigm and of the overall child development landscape merits mention: the observation that a cultural-historical perspective does not stand in unalterable opposition to the biopsychological view of development. From Neurons to Neighborhoods, the highly influential 1990 volume edited by Jack Shonkoff and Deborah Phillips and the product of a National Research Council committee chaired by White, was only one early indication of how researchers are attempting to meet Bronfenbrenner’s challenge to find the conceptual and empirical tools to work both systematically and sensitively across many contexts. As Richard Lerner and others have noted, a developmental systems perspective—one that reflects the recognition of dynamic biosocial-cultural-historical interactions—is now widely recognized, even though different researchers view the workings of such complex systems differently. H istor i es Past, Pr esen t, and Futur e What, then, might a future critical historian make of the current moment? Recognizing that, over the five decades between the 1930s and the 1980s, the predominant paradigm of child development research left little space for the perspective of those interested in cultural and social group diversity and concerned about the limits to presumed universal generalizations about “normal” development, a future historian will surely point to signs that some of the critiques mentioned earlier began to be heeded during the latter part of the 20th century and into the first decade of the 21st. As a small but nontrivial example, in the early 1990s, the SRCD instituted an editorial policy requiring the reporting of basic contextual details (race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status) regarding the subjects of research. (Why, a critical historian may ask, was it ever the case that such information was regarded as irrelevant and under what sorts of assumptions about scientific research?) And two special issues of Child Development have served as significant expressions of the same reorientation, the first edited by Vonnie McLoyd and Margaret Spencer in 1990 and devoted to “Minority Children,” the second edited by Stephen Quintana in 2006 devoted to “Race, Ethnicity, and Culture in Child Development.” In complementary fashion, U.S.-based researchers such as Marc Bornstein and Patricia Greenfield have been responsible for a generative array of

collaborative cross-cultural studies, exemplifying the trend toward the study of a greater variety of children in a wider range of sociocultural contexts. Similarly, the ISSBD’s International Journal of Behavioral Development now serves as a forum for research conducted in an increasingly wide range of countries by scholars located outside North America and Europe (notably China, India, and Japan). And the journal Human Development has long served as an avenue for views of development emphasizing context and culture. Yet in addition to the perennially important issue of fundamental differences between cultural and cross-cultural research, there are several less than sanguine signs. For example, in the April 2007 SRCD Newsletter, John Hagen reported that roughly 25% of Child Development articles over the previous two years involved children from countries outside the United States. The breakdown of that minority is telling: 17% involved children from Europe, 4% from Canada, and only 4% from elsewhere. This parallels Super’s earlier analysis of the contents of both Child Development and Developmental Psychology from roughly 1970 to 2000, in which he found an increase in the number of studies by researchers outside the United States and a trend toward wider international sampling but a still small number involving children not embedded in a predominantly “European” cultural context (meaning Western Europe, Canada, the United States, and Australia). Hagen also noted that African American children are disproportionately represented in articles dealing with “at-risk” children—32%, as compared with 8% in studies of “normal” children—whereas white children make up 60% of the “normal” samples and 33% of the “at-risk” samples. Such patterns serve to reinforce Cole’s observation in his review of the fifth edition of the Handbook: “The field has only taken the barest beginnings of the long and difficult task of incorporating the full diversity of human developmental processes as a core task.” Finally, what of the diversity of disciplines and associated modes of research that Frank and others regarded, in the 1930s, as essential to the intellectual vitality and social value of the field of child development? Since the 1980s, there has been an encouraging expansion of conversations across some conventional disciplinary boundaries, as notably exemplified and stimulated by several of the MacArthur Foundation’s Research Networks (e.g., on Early Experience and Brain Development, Successful Pathways through Middle Childhood, and Adolescent Development and Juvenile Justice). And yet, with a critical eye on the institutionalized practices of professional meeting programs, research journals, and funding support, it seems fair to wonder: What modes of child development research are still considered acceptable; what forms of inquiry have been, and still are, treated as canonical? How, for example, can perspectives on children’s lives grounded in the humanities and expressed in

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the movement known as childhood studies be generatively incorporated into research on development? And do the expanding considerations of context and culture encompass commitments beyond treating them de facto as variables, notably a consistently searching examination of ecological validity? Will the historian of child development research in the early 21st century conclude that researchers were mindful of the manifold ways in which their work and associated views of development are reciprocally embedded in social, cultural, and political contexts? How will a more pluralistic endeavor reflect Cole’s humble perspective on the present and future in light of the past: “We have a long way to go to achieve the goal of a developmental science that promotes the welfare of all the world’s children. Some of the barriers are intellectual and technical; we need better ways to study development over time and both across and within ‘levels of context.’ But the really pervasive difficulties of improving the lives of children are economic and political, giving a whole new meaning to ‘taking context seriously.’ ” Frank Kessel see also: Books on Child Development, Landmark; Development, Theories of; Hall, G(ranville) Stanley; Piaget, Jean; Vygotsky, L(ev) S(emenovich); Wundt, Wilhelm further reading: Glen H. Elder Jr., John Modell, and Ross D. Parke, eds., Children in Time and Place: Developmental and Historical Insights, 1993. • Willem Koops and Michael Zuckerman, eds., Beyond the Century of the Child: Cultural History and Developmental Psychology, 2003. • Steven Mintz, Huck’s Raft: A History of American Childhood, 2004. • Peter B. Pufall and Richard P. Unsworth, eds., Rethinking Childhood, 2004. • David B. Pillemer and Sheldon H. White, eds., Developmental Psychology and Social Change: Research, History, and Policy, 2005. • Emily D. Cahan, “Towards a Socially Relevant Science: Notes on the History of Child Development Research,” in Barbara Beatty, Emily D. Cahan, and Julia Grant, eds., When Science Encounters the Child: Education, Parenting, and Child Welfare in 20th-Century America, 2006.

the practice of child development research. The scientific study of change and development across the life span is an interdisciplinary field that concerns itself with all domains of capabilities and proclivities in human beings within and across different periods of life. It concerns itself with understanding all the types of factors that contribute to stability and change in human capabilities and proclivities. Research of this sort in developmental science is motivated by human curiosity, by progress in scientific methods, and by social and political desires to improve human life. Increasingly, research in developmental science has application to parenting, health, education, and policy. The research goals of developmental science are to describe what human beings are like at different ages and the ways in which they stay the same or change from age to age as a function of their experiences, to explain influences on development, to predict what individuals will be

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like at later points in development based on what is known about past and present characteristics, and to intervene to enhance development and prevent or remediate problems. Contemporary developmental research seeks to identify influential factors that are both proximal and distal to the child. Proximal factors impinge on the child in his or her immediate environment, like mother and father; distal factors, like social class and culture, have their influence via proximal ones. Developmental science attempts to discern which experiences affect what aspects of development, when, and how; how individual differences moderate those influences; and how individual children affect caregiving and their own development. Developmental scientists assess children in contrasting social and cultural contexts to evaluate the contributions of direct and indirect, independent and interdependent influences and emphasize simultaneous and multiple sources of influence in predicting development. Developmental scientists define human growth with reference to two dimensions. First, researchers generally partition the early part of the life span into roughly agerelated periods, including the prenatal period, infancy, toddlerhood, early and middle childhood, adolescence, and young adulthood. Second, researchers typically divide the field into three broad domains: physical development (genetic endowment, size, shape, and appearance of the body and its systems; psychomotor), cognitive development (sensation, perception, intellectual abilities, memory, conceptualization, reasoning, communication, problem solving), and emotional and social development (temperament and personality; feelings, motivations, and relationships). Of course, these divisions are in many ways arbitrary and serve scientific investigation. The child is a whole and intergraded organism. Developmental science is concerned with individual variation as well as group differences, with stability and continuity over time, with the nature of change (gradual, incremental, and quantitative or saltatory, stagelike, and qualitative), with motives and mechanisms of change, with which domains of development are malleable and which refractory to experience, and with which interventions are effective in promoting positive development and which in preventing atypical or problematic development. P r i nc i p l e s i n D e v elo pm en ta l S c i enc e Developmental science recognizes certain basic principles. First, normal development coexists with a wide range of individual differences. Second, development normally proceeds from relatively simpler states to relatively more complex ones and from less to more adaptive forms. Third, development includes stability and change, and developmental change is usually permanent and not easily reversed. Fourth, development results from the constant interaction over time of endowed genetic influences and individual

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experiences. Fifth, development is a dynamic, reciprocal process in that individuals actively shape their own development by selecting which contexts in which to participate, by imposing their subjective appraisals onto objective contexts, and by affecting what takes place in those contexts. Sixth, development is a dynamic system in that physical, mental, emotional, and social development affect one another, and change in any part of the system usually alters other parts. Seventh, developmental change may be linear (gradual, steady, and predictable) or nonlinear (showing gains and losses as well as unexpected transformations). Eighth, development occurs in many contexts (interpersonal, social, cultural, and historical) and cannot be understood outside of the contexts in which it occurs. Ninth, development is usually integrative and cumulative, in that the development at one life stage incorporates development at an earlier stage or stages. Tenth, human characteristics are malleable, plastic, and flexible in the sense that people can and do develop in response to genetic influences and environmental experiences. Finally, development is lifelong in the sense that change is almost always possible throughout infancy, childhood, adolescence, and adulthood. T h eo r i e s i n D e v elo pm en tal S c i enc e Theories lead to testable propositions that can be examined through scientific study. The study of child development today is not dominated by one theoretical orientation. Rather, the field encompasses many theories to explain specific domains of development usually during circumscribed periods (e.g., how infants acquire language, how preschoolers develop gender roles, or why adolescents exhibit problematic behaviors). Nonetheless, developmental science has been occupied historically with the one overarching theoretical issue of nature and nurture. It has been said that there are only two kinds of information: genetic and cultural. One of the central occupations of developmental science concerns the ways in which biological (nature) and environmental (nurture) forces coinfluence development. Is development predetermined by biological inheritance (preformationism), or are people the complete products of their experiences (tabula rasa)? Two grand theoretical orientations in developmental science have posited different views of the relative contributions of biology and experience to the course of development. Within the organismic model of development, biological maturation is seen to play the key role, albeit in interaction with the environment. Within the mechanistic model of development, learning and experience are central, although mechanistic models acknowledge that the learning organism has certain biological features that affect the learning process. The role of biology in development has been studied in several ways. Some developmentalists have attempted to estimate the quantitative degree to which development is influenced by genetic factors (heritability), such as by study-

ing if identical twins are more similar than fraternal twins, whether adopted children are more like their biological parents than like their adoptive parents, and how familial similarities vary with biological relatedness. On these accounts, the understanding of genetic and biological influences on development has increased. Others have taken a more evolutionary view, in which the focus is on the common genetic heritage that all humans share, and the evolutionary perspective is used to explain universals in human development. Evolutionary developmental psychology asks why the appearance of certain patterns of behavior at certain points in development was adaptive for the human species during the course of its evolution. Some features of infancy and childhood prepare the organism for later life, but other features have been selected in evolution to serve an adaptive function at that point in development only. For example, some aspects of infancy may foster attachment between infant and mother to improve the chances of survival in early ontogeny and not only to prepare the child for later relationships. Evolution has endowed children with many characteristics that adapt them to their immediate environments and not solely to prepare them for future ones. Other developmentalists have been more concerned with the environment and its role in development. Within this framework, change over time is gradual, and behavior does not develop so much as it is learned or shaped. Behaviorism focuses on events that accompany or follow specific stimuli or behaviors and the learning or conditioning that takes place as a result. According to social learning theory, some behaviors are initiated because children observe and then imitate them. Reinforcement, punishment, and modeling are concepts that are frequently invoked to explain how child development is influenced by parents, peers, teachers, and the mass media. Although they are not strictly mechanistic models of development, other schools of thought have focused specifically on the ways in which contexts affect development. The sociocultural perspective places special importance on culture: The child is seen as an active and adaptive change agent, but the focus is primarily on the child’s adaptation to the particular tasks and demands of the culture in which the child develops. The ecological perspective acknowledges that the child lives in a family, which resides in a neighborhood, which exists in a society, which is part of a culture, all at a particular point in history, and maintains that development is best understood by taking into account all of the nested contexts in which it occurs. These views notwithstanding, biology and experience are inextricably intertwined, as context is both objective and subjective, for example, and the experienced context is affected by genetic factors. Brothers in the same family can construe identical experiences in different ways. Parents’ behaviors are affected by children’s behaviors. What happens at one level of the context affects what takes place

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at others in a dynamic interplay of contextual systems over time. Moreover, contexts of development are not static; they change. Thus, all human development is the product of both biological and environmental factors. Genes are always expressed in a context, and the context can alter gene expression. Environmental factors are always experienced by a biological organism, and the very same contextual factors may have very different effects on people with different genetic endowments. There are genetic constraints on how much the environment can change certain aspects of development, and, reciprocally, there are environmental constraints on how much genes can determine development. Genetic and environmental influences are often also correlated: A child who inherits certain genes from his or her parents is frequently reared in an environment that shapes development in the same direction. Children select contexts in which to participate that tend to strengthen the traits that led them to select those contexts in the first place. Recognition that development is multivariate, or multiply determined, and the product of continuous reciprocal interactions between the person and the environment has led to the ascendance of a dynamic systems perspective in attempts to examine development as an adaptive process involving a complex, ever-changing web of multiple levels of human functioning (e.g., genes, cells, organs, systems, whole persons), multiple domains (e.g., physical, cognitive, social, emotional), and multiple contexts (e.g., interpersonal, institutional, social, cultural). It is impossible to understand one aspect of development in isolation from the others or one level of context in isolation from the others. Contemporary developmental scientists attempt to adopt a balanced and embracing view of these issues.

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(which the researcher has structured for a specific purpose), where every participant has an equal opportunity to display the behaviors of interest. The first type of observational method views behavior as it unfolds in the actual context in which people live; the second controls the situation to minimize the effects of other factors and to render the behavior more likely. Report methods include (unstructured or structured) diaries, questionnaires, and interviews. Tests include psychobiological, intellectual, and psychosocial standardized and evaluative administrations. Each research method has strengths and weaknesses.

The study of child development is a science, and developmental scientists use systematic scientific approaches, methods, and designs to study human development. The scientific study of development is used to test theories, to gather information, and to guide policy and practice. Developmental scientists employ the scientific method to formulate research questions based on theory, past research, or application; to develop hypotheses related to those questions; to test hypotheses by conducting empirical investigation; and to decide the value of hypotheses based on rigorous analysis of data.

Research Approaches. Developmental scientists take three basic approaches to study development (each research method can be used with each research approach): case study, correlation, and experiment. The case study or clinical approach is used when scientists seek an in-depth understanding of a single child or a small number of children. This approach can yield a rich picture, but because the number of people studied is usually small, findings may not generalize to other populations. A correlational study investigates the relation between two variables, say child height and popularity. Findings from correlational studies describe associations, but they cannot be used to determine cause and effect. (When two variables are correlated, it could be because the first variable causes the second; because the second variable causes the first; or because of the influence of a third, unmeasured, variable.) An experiment (randomly) assigns individuals to groups that have different experiences (treatments) and compares the groups to see if they differ on some outcome of interest. (A group that gets no treatment is called a control group.) The experience that is manipulated is called the independent variable; the outcome is called the dependent variable. Experiments are the only certain way to determine cause and effect. A natural experiment is one in which the treatment group is naturally (not randomly) exposed to some experience and is compared with a control group, such as a comparison between children whose parents have, versus have not, divorced; because a natural experiment does not allow for random assignment, however, it is not possible to conclude with certainty that any differences between the groups are caused by differences in the independent variable. In natural experiments, therefore, researchers try to measure factors that might distinguish the groups apart from the treatment so as to be able to take those factors into account in interpreting the results.

Research Methods. Developmental scientists use three basic methods to gather information about development: observations, reports, and tests. Naturalistic observations, conducted in everyday environments, permit researchers to see directly the spontaneous behaviors they wish to explain. In contrast, structured observations take place in laboratories

Research Designs. Developmental scientists employ three basic research designs with different research methods and research approaches: longitudinal, cross-sectional, and cross-sequential. The only way to study stability and change over time—vital concepts in developmental science—is to study the same people repeatedly in a longitudinal design.

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Longitudinal research permits the study of patterns of development as well as individual differences in development and the relation between early and later behaviors and events. Among the problems researchers face in conducting longitudinal research, however, are biased samples (perhaps only the most committed people stay in a study a long time), the duration of the study (longitudinal investigations sometime run from infancy to adolescence or beyond), and practice and cohort effects (the participants in repeated study may improve based on their experiences in or outside the study proper). All these factors limit the generalizations researchers can make about development. The cross-sectional design involves comparing different people of different ages. This design is faster to complete and does not suffer potential effects of repeated testing. However, it employs people of different ages who grow up during different times, and it is impossible to separate developmental effects from historical ones (say older children are more anxious than younger children: is that because of age or exposure to some event early in life that was experienced by the older but not the younger children, such as a natural disaster or a major economic depression?). This design is also limited to comparisons of age-group averages, and it is always possible that age differences depend on some other variable that confounds the age-group comparison. The cross-sequential design groups people of different ages and follows each group over time. This design charts development over a long period but in a shorter amount of time, and by combining the two approaches researchers can test for any systematic effects between groups. Ethics and Research. Because of their immaturity, children are especially vulnerable to harm and often cannot evaluate the risks and benefits of research. Ethical considerations are therefore crucial in developmental research where children are involved. Boards at all institutions that receive federal funding are mandated to review proposed developmental research for its ethics. Guidelines of the American Psychological Association and the Society for Research in Child Development address a number of ethical issues. Researchers must ensure informed consent when participants (and/or their parents or legal guardians) have been told what participation will entail and any risks that might be involved. Participants must agree to take part in a study voluntarily, must be competent to give consent, must be fully aware of the risks as well as the potential benefits, and must not be exploited. Besides obtaining consent from parents and others who act on children’s behalf, researchers must seek informed consent from children age 7 years and older. Researchers must ensure that any deception will not harm participants and that participants will be told the complete nature of the study as soon as possible after the study is completed. Ethical guidelines call for withholding information only when it is essential to the study.

Researchers must protect participants from harm and loss of dignity and correct any undesirable effects. Researchers must avoid methods that could cause pain, anxiety, or harm. Researchers must guarantee privacy and confidentiality of participants. Participants have the right to decline or withdraw from study at any time. In resolving ethical questions, researchers are guided by three general principles: beneficence, the obligation to maximize potential benefits to participants and minimize possible harm; respect, for participants’ autonomy and protection of those who are unable to exercise their own judgment; and justice, the inclusion of diverse groups combined with sensitivity to any special impact the research may have on them. In this connection, a special ethical concern is bias based on gender or ethnicity or culture. Developmental scientists need to know and understand their ethical responsibilities. Marc H. Bornstein and Laurence Steinberg see also: Development, Concept of; Development, Theories of further reading: R. L. Lerner and L. Steinberg, Handbook of Adolescent Psychology, 2nd ed., 2004. • M. H. Bornstein and M. E. Lamb, Development in Infancy: An Introduction, 5th ed., 2008. • L. Steinberg, D. Vandell, and M. H. Bornstein, Development: Infancy through Adolescence, 2008. • M. H. Bornstein and R. L. Lerner, “The Development of Human Behaviour,” Encyclopaedia Britannica Online, http://www.britannica.com

resilience. see Childhood Resilience respiratory diseases. Diseases of the respiratory tract, particularly infections, are the most common illnesses affecting children and are the most common reason for seeking health care for children in the United States. The majority of these infections involve the upper respiratory tract, which is the portion of the respiratory tract above the larynx (voice box). However, infections of the lower respiratory tract (that portion below the larynx) have a much greater impact. The mortality of lower respiratory tract disease is highest in underdeveloped countries and represents 20% of the childhood mortality in many of those countries, causing around 2 million deaths annually in children younger than 5 years old. Much of that disease burden represents infection with pertussis, measles, tuberculosis, and HIVassociated respiratory infection. Improved immunization rates against measles and pertussis have led to decreased mortality from these infections. There is an increase in severe respiratory infections in certain geographic areas due to the HIV pandemic. C om mo n C o l d The common cold is the most frequent of the respiratory infections, occurring several times each year. Preschool children are likely to acquire four to six colds per year. This number decreases with age; however, some children have

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10 to 12 colds per year. There have been more than 150 different viruses identified as causes of colds. The incubation period is 1 to 6 days, and the symptoms last 7 to 14 days. Symptoms start with nasal discharge and sore throat and then progress to nasal obstruction, sneezing, coughing, watery eyes, and headache. The nasal discharge is generally watery but may become thick and yellow colored. There may be fever, malaise, and muscle aches associated with the respiratory symptoms. Treatment is limited to control of symptoms. There are numerous cold medicines available but none with proved efficacy. That leaves rest and intake of liquids as the best option. There is no place for antibiotics in treatment unless a secondary bacterial infection is present, such as middle ear infection or sinusitis. Prevention is by avoidance of contact with individuals with colds but is not a practical measure in general. Frequent hand washing may prevent the spread. There are no vaccines currently available for the cold viruses. Si nu sit is The paranasal sinuses are spaces in the bones adjacent to the nose and connected to the nasal passages. When the openings of the sinuses become obstructed, bacteria can enter the sinuses and an infection may occur. This may happen as a consequence of viral infections, allergies, or conditions that swell the tissues lining the nasal passages. Most often, the infection presents with a plugged nose and thick nasal secretions that persists for days and weeks following a cold. There may be a feeling of pressure or pain over the sinuses, persistent cough, and fever. Sometimes the infection comes on rapidly with fever, pain, headache, and pressure; sometimes it develops slowly with minimal symptoms, perhaps only a cough or nasal obstruction. The infection is caused by bacteria that inhabit the nasal passages and get into the sinuses, much the same as with middle ear infections. The diagnosis is suggested by the symptoms and only rarely requires X-rays or other tests. Treatment is primarily with antibiotics against those bacteria, with the addition of decongestant medication in some circumstances, and irrigation of the secretions from the nose and sinuses. C roup Croup is a cluster of symptoms characterized by obstruction or narrowing of the larynx (voice box), trachea (windpipe), and large bronchi. These symptoms include stridor (noise from breathing through the narrow airway), barking cough, hoarse voice, and fever. Croup occurs most commonly in spring and autumn in children younger than 5. It is usually caused by the parainfluenza virus. Most cases are mild, but it can lead to total occlusion of the upper respiratory tract. Croup begins with cold symptoms, progresses to the typical symptoms over a day or two, reaches a peak in three or

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four days, and resolves in about a week. The mortality rate is very low when appropriate treatment is available. Treatment consists of cool air and humidity for the airway swelling and the addition of inhaled epinephrine and steroids for more severe cases. Placing an artificial airway is rarely necessary, and deaths are very rare when medical care is available. There is no vaccine for the parainfluenza virus, but a few cases are caused by influenza virus, which does have a vaccine available. A bacterial cause of croup, called epiglottitis (inflammation of the tissue flap above the larynx), is much less common and can be prevented by Haemophilus influenzae immunization. Treatment is with antibiotics and placement of an artificial airway. Immunization is not universally available, so epiglottitis persists in some areas of the world. Allergic reactions, abscesses, and foreign bodies in the upper airway can mimic the symptoms of croup and have different treatments. B ro nc h i ti s Bronchitis is an infection of the large- and medium-size air passages below the windpipe. It is usually caused by one of the respiratory viruses or Mycoplasma pneumoniae, a bacteria-like organism. The symptoms are cough, sometimes producing mucus that can be expectorated, along with fever, noisy breathing (wheezing), but rarely severe distress. It lasts one to two weeks and rarely is shortened with any treatment. It occurs in the autumn, winter, or spring and is spread by direct contact with infected individuals and their secretions. The hospitalization rate is low, and the mortality rate is very low where appropriate treatment is available. Like other respiratory syndromes, there may be infection in other areas of the respiratory tract causing a compilation of symptoms. Bronchitis occurs in children of any age, but mycoplasma is more frequently the cause in the older child and adolescent. Treatment is directed toward the cough and any airway narrowing. It may include medications to open up the airways, such as used in asthma, and antibiotics against the mycoplasma organism. Bronchitis can be difficult to distinguish from asthma. If bronchitis is recurrent, it usually means asthma is the basic disease. Environmental smoke exposure, either from tobacco or cooking or heating, may predispose the child to chronic bronchitis or the development of asthma. Prevention is possible by immunization only for the cases caused by influenza virus. B ro nc h io l i ti s Bronchiolitis is an infection of the smallest airways, known as bronchioles. It is most commonly caused by the respiratory syncytial virus (RSV) and occurs in epidemic fashion in the winter months in children younger than 2 years of age. When RSV infects older children and adults, it usually produces cold symptoms only. Bronchiolitis begins with cold

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symptoms that rapidly progress to rapid breathing, coughing, and wheezing. It can become very severe and lead to cessation of breathing, respiratory failure, and death. It results in approximately 100,000 hospitalizations annually in the United States. It is most severe in infants younger than 3 months of age, premature infants, and infants with chronic lung or heart disease. It is spread by contact with nasal secretions from an infected individual. Treatment involves providing additional oxygen and adequate fluids when needed. Medications to open the airways, such as used in asthma, are frequently used but may have little effect. Antibiotics are not given unless a secondary bacterial infection is suspected. Close monitoring to detect worsening is necessary. It can be difficult to differentiate bronchiolitis from asthma. Detection of the presence of RSV is helpful. There is an association between bronchiolitis and recurrent wheezing illnesses, particularly in the two or three years following the original infection, and some association with asthma in later childhood. Prevention of bronchiolitis is currently not possible with immunization, but isolation of infected infants is important. For high-risk infants, there is an immune globulin preparation that is given by injection monthly during the winter months to help prevent RSV infection. Pneumonia Pneumonia is an infection in the lung that is caused by bacteria or viruses. There are 1.5 million cases of pneumonia in the United States yearly acquired outside of hospitals and about 1,000 deaths. In underdeveloped countries, most of the 2 million deaths are caused by pneumonia. Malnutrition, insufficient resources, and limited access to care contribute to this high mortality rate. Typical pneumonia (bacterial pneumonia) presents with a more rapid onset of symptoms, beginning with fever, listlessness, poor feeding, and irritability and followed by cough, rapid breathing, chest retractions (indrawing), and chest pain. The most common cause worldwide is Streptococcus pneumoniae. Treatment requires antibiotics and often hospitalization and supplemental oxygen. Most of the deaths in underdeveloped countries are due to this type of pneumonia. Recognizing the illness early is important in reducing mortality. Complications of typical pneumonia include fluid or pus around the lung and abscess in the lung. Prevention is specifically by vaccination against the bacteria and generally by improving nutrition and access to care. Atypical pneumonia is caused by viruses and certain bacteria (Mycoplasma pneumoniae and Chlamydia pneumoniae). It is insidious in onset, and symptoms include fever, malaise, listlessness, irritability, headache, and cough. The child may be only mildly ill, and the disease tends to last several days to weeks without treatment. Measles and

varicella pneumonias tend to be more severe than other viral pneumonias, especially in underdeveloped countries. The bacterial cases are treated with antibiotics. Certain viral causes, particularly influenza, may be treated with antiviral agents. Treatment does not always shorten the length of the illness but may reduce the contagiousness. Prevention by immunization is possible in measles, varicella, influenza, and pertussis. I nfluenza Influenza is a highly contagious respiratory infection caused by the influenza virus. It occurs in epidemic fashion, mostly in the winter months. The severity of the epidemic depends on change of the virus subtypes (antigenic drift). It can spread rapidly throughout the world in a pandemic if a new viral type emerges. It spreads rapidly in schools and then to other children and adults in their homes. The incubation period lasts from one to four days. It is spread by droplets from coughing and sneezing and from contact with contaminated surfaces. Influenza typically starts with rapid onset of fever, chills, headache, malaise, myalgia (muscle aches), and cough. Subsequently, the cough predominates along with sore throat, nasal obstruction, and nasal discharge. It usually lasts one to two weeks but is most contagious in the first week of illness. It may produce viral croup, bronchitis, bronchiolitis, or pneumonia or a secondary bacterial pneumonia, which can be fatal. Severe, sometimes fatal illness with influenza can occur in any child but is more likely in children with chronic conditions. Prevention is by immunization with influenza vaccine. It is recommended annually for children from 6 to 59 months of age and anyone with chronic conditions or in the household of another with a chronic disease. Healthy children from age 2 and older can receive a live virus vaccine by nasal spray. The inactivated vaccine is given by injection to those with chronic diseases and immunodeficiency and their household contacts. Because the virus changes each year, the vaccine is not always completely protective. Preventive antiviral medications can be useful in certain circumstances with the onset of epidemics, such as in long-term care facilities or households of people with high-risk conditions. Treatment of influenza is supportive with maintaining adequate fluid intake, fever and pain control (but aspirin should not be used), and managing hypoxia (low oxygen levels) when necessary. Treatment with specific antiviral medications is helpful only if begun very early in the illness. Sometimes antibiotics are necessary when secondary bacterial infections are present. Pertu s s i s Pertussis (whooping cough) is a serious contagious disease caused by the bacterium Bordetella pertussis. It is a devastating respiratory infection in infants but affects all ages. It has

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an incubation period of 6 to 21 days. It begins with mild upper respiratory tract symptoms (such as with the common cold) and then progresses to cough, which becomes more frequent and severe, coming in waves (paroxysms) with the typical “whoop.” It reaches a peak two to four weeks after onset and gradually subsides over several more weeks. Pertussis is most severe in the first six months of life, where mortality is highest because of complications of pneumonia and encephalopathy (neurological injury from lack of oxygen). Pertussis vaccine protects most children from the illness and makes it less severe in those who do get infected. Newer vaccines are also effective in adults. In countries without universal pertussis immunization or the availability of intensive care, mortality is significant. Treatment is supportive and consists of managing hypoxia (low oxygen levels), assisting breathing when necessary, providing adequate fluids and nutrition, and often providing intensive care in infants. Certain antibiotics are used to kill the causative organism but do not modify the course of the disease. Pertussis is difficult to eradicate because adults do not have the typical illness and frequently do not seek medical care when it is mild. Jerrold Eichner see also: Allergic Diseases; Ear Infections; Infectious Diseases; Tobacco further reading: Samuel L. Katz, Anne A. Gershon, and Peter J. Hotez, eds., Krugman’s Infectious Diseases of Children, 11th ed., 2003. • Larry K. Pickering, ed., Red Book 2006: Report of the Committee on Infectious Diseases of the American Academy of Pediatrics, 27th ed., 2006. • Richard E. Behrman, Robert Kliegman, Hal Jenson, and Bonita F. Stanton, eds., Nelson’s Textbook of Pediatrics, 18th ed., 2007.

rights, children’s. Recognition of children’s rights is a relatively modern development. Under Roman law, children were regarded as a form of property or family asset. Fathers had the right to kill their children or sell them into slavery, and children had no separate legal existence. Under English common law, children had rights only in the limited sense of legally enforceable claims to parental care and support. However, these rights were not inherent in the child but simply the mirror image of the parents’ responsibilities. Because parents gave children life, children owed a duty to obey their parents. Parents had a reciprocal obligation to support and educate their children and a right to chastise them. Working children’s wages belonged to their parents, and children could be indentured or apprenticed to third parties. If a child was injured, the parent had the right to claim compensation. The notion of American children as rights bearers may be relatively new, but the basic human rights they claim are deeply rooted in American history. The rights to be free of government oppression, to free expression, to religious freedom, to have a voice in courts, and to equal and fair treatment under the law are basic to the constitutional scheme.

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Repeatedly over the centuries, these principles, originally benefiting white male landowners, have been extended to new classes of persons formerly excluded. Like women and people of color, American children and their advocates had to fight for recognition of their rights. Recognition of children’s rights is even broader internationally than in the United States. The 1989 United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) has been ratified by almost every nation except the United States. The CRC sets forth a broad array of children’s rights to survival, development, protection, and participation. Resistance to children’s rights in the United States is based in part on a misplaced concern that according rights to children will threaten the constitutionally protected rights of parents. In addition, many Americans view the positive or welfare rights set forth in the CRC, such as rights to housing, medical care, education, and a decent standard of living, as contrary to conservative American traditions of individualism. Supporters of children’s rights view them as a form of basic human rights against state oppression and in favor of state protection, adapted to children’s special situation. Parental authority plays an important role in the scheme of children’s rights. While some radical children’s liberation schemes have been proposed, no feasible scheme for children’s rights imagines children as fully autonomous persons. Children are born dependent on parental care, and parents’ role as guardians of their children is essential to the overarching scheme. In settings outside the home, because of their immaturity, children are required to obey the lawful commands of teachers and other adults responsible for their welfare. As children mature, they gain greater capacity to exercise rights for themselves. The concept of children’s rights simply acknowledges that children are born with the same rights as adults, although their freedom to make choices and decisions without guidance and direction from their parents and guardians emerges only as they mature into adult citizens. Because of children’s dependency and need for guidance, children’s rights are often qualified or limited when compared to those of adults. For example, children born in the United States are citizens of the United States but have no right to vote until they reach age 18. Unlike adults, children do not have the unqualified right to marry, to work, to engage in sexual relations, to enter into contracts, or to bring legal cases in their own name. State laws determine the minimum age at which these activities may be undertaken independent of parental supervision. State laws also set out various ages at which children are allowed to engage in conduct that, while not a protected right, is open to qualified adults. Driving, working, and hunting are examples of activities forbidden to young children but permitted to older minors. When children reach the age of majority, now age 18 in all states, they become free to exercise all of their rights

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without parental control. Certain rights are deemed sufficiently fundamental that minors may assert them even without parental permission. Examples include a pregnant minor seeking an abortion or a child seeking essential medical care that the parent refuses to authorize. Children who can demonstrate that they are mature and self-supporting may seek a court order declaring that they are emancipated from parental control even if they are chronologically still minors. Marriage and military service also emancipate children from parental control. The United States Constitution protects a wide array of rights against state oppression, discrimination, and intervention. The rights set forth in the first 10 amendments to the U.S. Constitution, known as the Bill of Rights, include rights to freedom of religion, freedom of speech, and freedom of the press; the right to be free of unreasonable searches and seizures; the right to a fair trial; the right against self-incrimination; and the right to be free of cruel or unusual punishment. Subsequent constitutional amendments also protect rights to equal protection of the laws and prevent the state from depriving individuals of life, liberty, or property without due process of law. The U.S. Supreme Court has interpreted the Constitution as encompassing certain fundamental rights not explicitly enumerated in the Bill of Rights or subsequent amendments, such as rights to marry, to work, to raise one’s children, to reproductive choice, and to personal and familial privacy. Each of these rights applies to children, but often in modified forms. Since the mid–20th century, the Supreme Court has decided numerous cases involving children’s constitutional rights. Because children spend so much time in school, many children’s rights cases involve claims that public schoolteachers or school administrators (who are state agents and thus bound by constitutional limits on state action) have violated the child’s rights. Overwhelmingly, these cases involve students whose parents support their claims. While many state constitutions guarantee children a free public education, no such guarantees exist in the federal Constitution. However, if states create schools or other institutions where children are housed or educated, they must respect the children’s constitutional rights. In the landmark case of Brown v. Board of Education (1954), African American children and their parents claimed that the children’s rights to equal treatment under the law were violated by Jim Crow policies in southern states that required children of different races to attend separate schools. The Supreme Court overruled long-standing precedents that permitted racial segregation, holding that racially segregated schools were inherently unequal. Other landmark education cases balance the interests of schools in maintaining order and educating children against the rights of the individual student. These cases include Tinker v. Des Moines Independent Community School District (1969), holding school authorities could not ban the

peaceful wearing of black armbands in protest of the Vietnam War; Goss v. Lopez (1975), requiring fair procedures in school suspensions; and New Jersey v. T.L.O. (1985), holding that a child may not be singled out for a search without reasonable suspicion that the child is infringing school rules. On the other hand, in other cases the Court has upheld reasonable censorship of school newspapers and drug testing of all students participating in extracurricular activities regardless of whether the child is suspected of drug use. In sum, while children do not shed their rights when they enter the schoolhouse door, their rights must be balanced against legitimate pedagogical and safety interests. The justice system is another setting in which children come face-to-face with state power. At the turn of the 20th century, advocates for children’s rights pushed for separate juvenile courts for minors committing crimes. These new juvenile courts emphasized rehabilitation rather than retribution and generally released children when they reached the age of majority. Procedures in these paternalistic courts were more informal than in adult criminal courts. In re Gault (1967) and the line of Supreme Court cases that followed established that juveniles tried in juvenile courts are entitled to many but not all of the due process protections guaranteed to adults. Minors in juvenile courts are entitled to be represented by counsel, to notice of the charges and an opportunity to be heard, to be confronted by witnesses against them, to invoke the right against self-incrimination, and to appeal the court’s decision. They are not entitled, however, to trial by jury, and certain evidentiary protections are attenuated. Under certain circumstances, juveniles’ cases may be tried in adult courts. When tried as adults, children are treated identically with adult defendants and may be sentenced to long terms in prison. In 2005, in Roper v. Simmons, the Supreme Court, recognizing children’s diminished culpability, held that execution of persons for crimes committed when they are younger than 18 violated the Eighth Amendment prohibition against cruel or unusual punishment. While children may be treated differently because of their age, they have rights to be free from discrimination based on race, gender, religion, or ethnicity. Discrimination based on illegitimacy was long accepted as normal. But in a series of cases following Gomez v. Perez (1973), the U.S. Supreme Court invalidated many laws that treated children differently based on whether their parents were married at the time of their birth. Children have also successfully challenged laws that treat boys and girls differently, giving greater support rights or earlier emancipation based on gender. While states must show an exceedingly persuasive justification for such differential treatment, the Court has upheld statutory rape laws that treat males and females differently. Among the most controversial of rights accorded to minors is the right of a pregnant minor to seek an abortion.

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Bellotti v. Baird (1979) held that a mature minor may end a pregnancy without parental consent. Statutes providing for parental notice have also been challenged as placing an undue burden on the minor’s access to abortion unless they empower a judge to bypass parental notice and/or consent when in the child’s best interest. This litany of rights of the child under U.S. constitutional law tells only part of the story. Many rights accepted in other legal systems remain unrecognized in the United States. Most of the rights listed previously involve due process, equal protection, and freedom from state oppression. Missing from this list are children’s affirmative rights to state protection and economic support recognized in the CRC and in the domestic laws of many developed and developing nations. Other developed nations, as parties to the CRC, recognize all the rights of the child enumerated in the CRC, including protections against maltreatment, racial and religious discrimination, rights to education and an adequate standard of living, rights to parental care and reunification, and rights to access to health care and housing. Other wealthy countries provide far more economic and social supports for children and their parents. Other nations devote 10% to 15% of gross domestic product to social programs such as paid maternity and parenting leaves, universal health care, income supports, family allowances, disability and sickness benefits, child care, unemployment insurance, employment promotion, and other forms of social assistance to poor families. The United States devotes less than 4% of its gross domestic product to social programs, by far the lowest investment in children among wealthy industrialized nations. Predictably, the United States ranks at the bottom of developed nations with a child poverty rate of 21.7%. While children in the United States may benefit from state and federal laws aimed at protecting poor or sick children, children with disabilities, or abused and neglected children, the legislatures are free to reduce or eliminate such programs at will. Children in the United States, unless they are actually in state custody, have no recognized rights to government-funded housing, medical care, education, or other government support. Children in the United States have fewer rights than those in CRC nations to participation in the political and civil judicial process. The halfmillion children in foster care have no constitutional right to a lawyer, even though they may spend their entire childhoods in state custody. Finally, shocking gaps exist between the ideals of equality and the reality of children’s lives. While disparities in the life chances of girls and boys are growing less marked, racial disparity in numbers of children suffering poverty, living in dangerous neighborhoods, removed from their homes because of poor housing, denied adequate education, placed in juvenile justice facilities, and tried in the criminal justice system is striking evidence of historic and persistent race

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discrimination and class stratification. For many children who lack adequate resources, the promises of Brown, Gault, and other landmark cases remain empty ones. Barbara Bennett Woodhouse see also: Abortion; Adolescent Decision Making, Legal Perspectives on; Child: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives; International Rights of the Child; Property, Children as; Religious Rights, Children’s; Rights, Parental; Welfare further reading: Geraldine Van Bueren, The International Law on the Rights of the Child, 1995. • Sharon Detrick, A Commentary on the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, 1999. • Barbara Bennett Woodhouse, “Revisioning Rights for Children,” in Peter B. Pufall and Richard P. Unsworth, eds., Rethinking Childhood, 2004. • Barbara Bennett Woodhouse, Hidden In Plain Sight: The Tragedy of Children’s Rights from Ben Franklin to Lionel Tate, 2008.

rights, parental. The U.S. legal system has always afforded parents strong rights to control the upbringing of their children. What these rights entail and who can assert them, however, have changed considerably over the past century, reflecting changes in social norms, technology, the role of the state, and the rights of others. Parental rights can be roughly divided into two categories: rights of parental identity and rights of parental authority. Identity rights concern who can claim parentage, particularly against other contenders. Authority rights concern the extent and nature of the control parents can exercise over their children. In past centuries, the common law defined rights of identity and authority in relatively simple terms. Identity rights were conferred on mothers by giving birth and on fathers generally by marriage to birth mothers, events that were easy to prove. Parental rights of authority gave parents near complete control over their children’s upbringing. Parents’ control over children’s upbringing was viewed as a corollary to parents’ extensive duties toward their children. It was the parents’ responsibility to prepare their children for independent, socially responsible, and economically productive adulthood through nurturance, discipline, and education. Unlike the property rights to which they are sometimes compared, parental rights did not include the right to relinquish authority over children to another through adoption, nor did fathers have the authority to kill disobedient children, as was sometimes permitted under more ancient regimes, such as those of Greece and Rome. At the turn of the 20th century, states began to assert more control over the upbringing of children. States enacted laws that required children to attend schools, prohibited them from working, and established special juvenile courts to address problems of juvenile delinquency and child abuse and neglect. Through a series of legal challenges to these laws, the Supreme Court determined that the United States Constitution afforded considerable protection to parents’ right to control the education and upbringing of their children.

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Parents’ protection against state intervention is particularly great where their child-rearing decisions are religiously motivated, because child-rearing practices are treated as a form of religious exercise under the First Amendment. Although the constitutional protection afforded parental control over children’s upbringing is strong, it is not absolute and leaves states considerable authority to set educational standards and curriculum, to require vaccinations and other measures to protect the public’s health and welfare, and to intervene in specific families to prevent harm to children from abuse and neglect. Conversely, the state has considerable authority to extend parental rights beyond the protection afforded by the U.S. Constitution, an authority only limited by the constitutional rights of others, including children. Thus, for example, many states have enacted exemptions from abuse and neglect statutes for parents’ religiously based refusals to authorize medical treatment for their children, and some states allow parents to sign their children into psychiatric facilities without their children’s consent. At the national level, Congress has enacted a number of laws, including laws governing states’ response to abuse and neglect and to child-support enforcement that detail the scope and limitations of parental rights in these contexts. Today, the common law, state and federal statutes, and state and federal constitutions all play some role in defining the scope of parental authority. Who may claim parental authority is a separate question, and the answer has become increasingly complicated in recent years. Shifting social norms and advances in reproductive technology have vastly expanded the number of individuals asserting the right to be recognized as a child’s parent. Least controversially, all states now recognize adoption: the legal transfer of full parental identity to a new, genetically unrelated parent or set of parents. All states also now recognize the parentage claims of some genetic fathers unmarried to genetic mothers, although the circumstances entitling these men to claim paternity vary from state to state and are still evolving. More unsettled are claims to parentage derived from assisted reproductive procedures, including egg donation and surrogacy arrangements, which have increased the number of potential claimants to parentage of a child. States are currently in the process of clarifying the factors to be used to determine parentage in these contexts, including the role to be assigned to the parties’ initial intent and to the parties’ biological relationship to the child. Some of the most controversial cases pressing these claims are those that grow out of same-sex relationships, where only one of two parental claimants has a genetic relationship to the child but both acted or intended to act as parents to the child. In some states, same-sex couples have succeeded in getting legal recognition for both members of the parenting couple through second-parent adoption procedures, modeled after stepparent adoption procedures, which allow a stepparent

to adopt without terminating the parental rights of the biological parent of the same gender. Assignment of parentage has traditionally been the prerogative of the states, but, as with parental authority, claimants denied recognition of their parental identity by the states have asserted a right to parentage under the U.S. Constitution. Unmarried fathers have had mixed success with these claims in the Supreme Court, and one such claim brought by foster parents was rejected by the Court. The extent to which the Constitution protects rights of parental identity as well as parental authority will likely be clarified through litigation in future years. Related to parental identity claims are claims by third parties, such as grandparents, seeking to have some sort of contact with a child that the parent opposes. Like some of the more recent disputes over parental identity, cases seeking to compel parents to allow visits with their children are highly contested, calling into question how the law defines family in a society where the nuclear family headed by a married couple is decreasingly the norm. The Supreme Court recently struck down one state’s third-party visitation law as a violation of a parent’s constitutional rights but suggested that a narrower law that showed greater deference to parental judgment might be constitutional. Parental rights of identity can be conceived of as rights against other private parental claimants, and parental rights of authority can be conceived of as rights against the state. What complicates this framework is consideration of the potential legal interests of the children themselves. It is common to see parental rights juxtaposed with children’s rights in a manner that suggests that parental rights come at the expense of children’s interests. Because children do not, in most instances, define their own interests, a more accurate characterization of such confl icts is as disputes among adults about where a child’s interests lie. Affording parents rights is commonly justified as the best means of serving children’s interests, and qualification of those rights is generally recognized where parents and children’s interests are most clearly at odds. When the courts have faced controversies between the rights claims of parents and the rights claims of older minors, such as in the abortion context, they have compromised both rights: affording the minor some autonomy while providing some protection for the parents’ interest in involvement. Although adults are given considerable authority over the children they raise in a broad range of societies throughout the world, the combination of identity and authority rights conferred on parents in the United States reflects a particular blend of nuclear family tradition and individual rights orientation. In cultures where the responsibilities of child rearing are more widely shared among members of a family or tribe, as they are in many regions of Africa, for example, assigning parental identity rights may be less important. Even within the United States, the Indian Child

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Welfare Act extends certain parental rights to extended family and other members of the family’s tribe, in recognition of the role they have played and the special interest they have, in the raising of the tribe’s children. Similarly, in societies where the state plays a greater role in securing social welfare, parental authority rights are more likely to be restricted. As one example of this, Sweden now prohibits all forms of corporal punishment, a prohibition likely to be resisted in the United States as a violation of parental rights. Emily Buss see also: Adolescent Decision Making, Legal Perspectives on; Custody; Dependency, Legal; Emancipation; Family Court; Gay and Lesbian Parents; Parens Patriae; Parenthood; Paternity and Maternity; Rights, Children’s; Rights, Termination of Parental; Single Parents; Visitation further reading: Barbara Bennett Woodhouse, “ ‘Who Owns the Child?’: Meyer and Pierce and the Child as Property,” William and Mary Law Review 33 (1992), pp. 995–1122. • Chris Barton and Gillian Douglas, Law and Parenthood, 1995. • Elizabeth S. Scott and Robert E. Scott, “Parents as Fiduciaries,” Virginia Law Review 81 (1995), pp. 2401–76. • Emily Buss, “ ‘Parental’ Rights,” Virginia Law Review 88 (2002), pp. 635–83. • Martin Guggenheim, What’s Wrong with Children’s Rights, 2005.

rights, termination of parental. Termination of parental rights is one of law’s most drastic measures. Under U.S. constitutional principles of due process, it may not be ordered without a weighty justification, and that justification must be proved clearly and convincingly. These constitutional protections for parental status are afforded by the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, one of the amendments by which government was reconstituted on antislavery principles after the Civil War. This is appropriate, for the end of slavery required legal protection of the parent-child bond. A child born in slavery was owned by its mother’s owner. The law made its custody and guardianship the right of the slaveholder, denying competing parental claims. Freedom and citizenship in the reconstructed union began, then, with universal legal recognition of the natal bond. To understand this relationship between civic freedom and family integrity is to begin to understand the enormity of an order to terminate parental rights. Law’s decrees are performative. A court sentences, and the machinery of the state imposes confinement or death. A judge pronounces judgment, and the state stands ready to force the payment of damages or obedience to a judicial command. A legally designated official speaks, and two people are legally married or divorced. The dramatic performative uttered when a United States court orders termination of parental rights is the erasure of parental status. In a stroke of legal magic, people who were parent and child become official strangers. Although they may continue to hold a subjective sense of belonging, the law denies, and may thwart, their familial connection. The former parent

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has no right of custody; no right to supervise or control the child’s development and behavior; no say with regard to the child’s education, medical treatment, living conditions, or place of residence; no right to visit or contact the child; no right to contractual benefits (like parental leaves or family medical coverage) or government benefits (like tax credits or family assistance) that are conditioned on parental status; no legal remedy if the child is wrongfully harmed; and no standing to object should another person seek to adopt the child. The child has no right of support, nurture, or shelter; no duty of obedience vis-à-vis the former parent; and no entitlement to private or public benefits (like health insurance or survivor’s benefits) conditioned on being the former parent’s child. The child’s right of inheritance from the former parent may cease. Legal recognition of extended family relationships also ceases, so siblings, grandparents, aunts, uncles, and cousins become legally estranged from the child. If the child is left with no officially recognized parent, the state becomes its custodian and legal guardian. In many jurisdictions, the law seeks to enforce the stranger status between the child and its former family by concealing from each the identity of the other. Parental rights are almost always terminated with the expectation or hope that the child will be adopted, and so the need for termination is linked in any given culture to the social functions of adoption. In Japan, adoptions are more often of adults than of children and serve such functions as placing a son as head of a family or a family business. Within Native American tribal cultures, children may be so routinely cared for by extended family and other community members that the incapacity of a parent is unlikely to prompt tribal authorities to consider a change in parental status. In these settings, terminations are unnecessary or rare. In the U.S. legal system, adoption is often with the consent of a parent who feels unable to care for an expected infant and is willing to surrender parental rights to a family willing—and often eager—to adopt. These transactions are fraught with emotion, and courts sometimes struggle to protect birth parents against coerced or ill-considered surrender and to protect the security of adoptive ties. Still, adoptions of surrendered children typically proceed without a contested termination of either birth parent’s rights. But there is also in every state a child protective system designed to identify and prosecute cases of neglect and abuse and to address them by providing support and guidance to the family or, if that fails, by removing the child to safety and proper care in a temporary or adoptive home. It is in these cases (less frequent, although not absent in the Japanese and the Native American tribal context) that termination of parental rights is most often sought. U.S. child welfare systems are more vigilant, and more needed, in disadvantaged communities. As a result, a child welfare bureaucracy is always vulnerable, as the U.S. Su-

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preme Court has noted, to the opposite—and sometimes simultaneously accurate—charges that it is a destructive, “class-based intrusion into the family life of the poor” or too feeble a bulwark against parental neglect and violence. Unwarranted intrusiveness by child welfare systems is most likely when differences of class or culture (or both) cause child welfare professionals to mistake the familiar for the necessary in child rearing and therefore to work for assimilation rather than protection. This pattern is apparent in 19th- and 20th-century programs for mass removals of Native American children in the United States and of Aboriginal children in Australia for long-term residence in boarding schools or adoption by dominant-culture families, all to the end of civilizing them to dominant-culture norms. When assimilation is the goal for children, family support is rejected in favor of family substitution through termination and adoption. Inadequate protection of children at risk for neglect or abuse is at times a matter of failing to see that familiar kinds of family settings can be lethal. It is at other times a matter of giving too scrupulous protection to parents’ rights to autonomy and family integrity. But it is more often a result of inadequate funding and training for the work of child protection. In some countries, child protection is a constitutional right. The South African constitution gives children the right to family or substitute care, protection, and basic welfare. By contrast, the U.S. Supreme Court has interpreted the U.S. Constitution to afford children no right to the state’s protection against violence, neglect, or want. Child welfare systems must therefore compete, often in scarcity, for discretionary public funds. Federal laws indirectly control child welfare policies across the states, and those policies have swung over the years between emphasizing family support and emphasizing termination. Laws enacted in the early 1980s provided federal funding for services to families of children in foster care and made state efforts toward family reunification a condition of federal support. But laws enacted in the late 1990s weakened the requirement of family support and mandated swift terminations when reunification seemed undesirable or unlikely or did not occur after 15 months of foster care. Which is the better course? Those in support of policies that favor child protection through termination cite children’s psychological need for continuity of care and applaud prompt termination of parental rights as a necessary response to parental pathology. Those in support of policies that favor family support focus on the social, cultural, and psychological harms of terminations that family support could have prevented and on the numbers of legal orphans for whom termination does not lead to adoption. The pendulum shifts with political winds. Peggy Cooper Davis see also: Abuse and Neglect; Adoption; Best Interests of the Child; Custody; Dependency, Legal; Emancipation; Family Court;

Foster and Kinship Care; Parens Patriae; Parenthood; Paternity and Maternity; Rights, Children’s; Rights, Parental; Substance Abuse, Parental further reading: Peggy Cooper Davis, Neglected Stories: The Constitution and Family Values, 1997. • Elizabeth Bartholet, Nobody’s Children: Abuse and Neglect, Foster Care Drift, and the Adoption Alternative, 2000. • Nina Bernstein, The Lost Children of Wilder: The Epic Struggle to Change Foster Care, 2001. • Dorothy Roberts, Shattered Bonds: The Color of Child Welfare, 2002.

rites of passage Religious Rites of Passage Secular Rites of Passage

religious rites of passage. Common theories of children’s development in Western social science and religious study often overlook the role of religious rites of passage. All religions ground their central beliefs in rituals that impact children. Although there is much cultural and local variation, rituals typically occur at two pivotal points in a child’s life: after birth and at puberty. Religious groups also create a variety of lesser rites to mark spiritual growth and incorporation into the community. Religions differ over when spiritual life begins. Traditions that believe in reincarnation or transmigration of the soul, such as some Eastern, African, and Latin American religions, often see newborns as the most spiritual of all beings. They bring into life religious powers inherited from ancestors, the deceased, and prior experience. Birth rituals, therefore, are designed to protect the spiritual potential and vulnerabilities of the unborn and the neonate. Haitian shamans, for example, perform cleansing rituals, bathing the infant and feeding it leaves that make its blood bitter and less appetizing to evil spirits. Hindus ward off evil through bathing the mother and child and tying a black string around the baby’s wrist or putting a dot of kajal (black ointment) on its forehead and around its eyes as part of a naming rite 10 or 12 days after birth. West Africans, such as the Igbo of Nigeria and the Beng of Côte d’Ivoire, perform rituals involving the burial of the umbilical cord or the naming of children after ancestors to preserve their connection to the spiritual world. Other religions believe spiritual life begins after birth. In the three Abrahamic traditions of Judaism, Islam, and Christianity, children are seen as a blessing and an obligation. They affirm God’s covenant of salvation but are vulnerable before good and evil and in need of incorporation into the community. Each tradition, therefore, has a central rite of passage to initiate infants into a preexisting religious body. Jews perform a bris, a ritual of male circumcision or surgical removal of the foreskin from the penis performed by a mohel or specialist eight days after birth. As the only Jewish rite of passage derived explicitly from a scriptural text

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mandating that “every male” be circumcised (Genesis 17), it seals into the flesh a generational covenant of faith extending back to Abraham. As the ceremony became formalized in the Middle Ages, it took place in the synagogue and was restricted to men, with designated roles for the father and the person (often a grandfather) holding the child and a special chair reserved for the prophet Elijah, who witnesses the covenant and protects the child. Today, the readings, prayers, surgery, and naming often occur in a home crowded with relatives and friends, followed by a festive meal. It still requires a quorum of 10 men, and women remain peripheral, except in delivering the child to the service and overseeing the celebration. People have questioned the exclusion of girls and developed naming rituals for daughters that include Torah reading, prayers, and blessing, often called simhat bat (joy of a daughter) or brit banot (daughters’ covenant). Muslims also practice circumcision but not as a rite of initiation in quite the same way. Not mandated in the Qur’an but linked to Abraham through Muhammad, its timing varies from after birth to adolescence. It shares a place with other practices that signal entrance into the faith, such as mastering Qur’anic recitation or attending Friday prayers and fasting for Ramadan for the first time. Another rite, simple in execution, occurs immediately after birth and conveys core Islamic beliefs. The father or an invited imam whispers the shahadah—the central conviction that “there is no God but God”—first in the newborn’s right and then its left ear. A second ritual, perhaps the most important, occurs seven days later. Following the example of Muhammad, the family holds a naming ceremony, accompanied by the first cutting of a child’s hair, sacrifice of an animal (more likely for boys than girls and often replaced in the United States by a charitable gift), and a midday feast for the wider community. For Christians, baptism replaced circumcision as the “sign of the covenant” marking entrance into the community. Liturgical use of water for purification and initiation is common, but in Christianity it acquires a central role in children’s lives. It is the most fundamental rite of passage, although Christians have debated its meaning for centuries and differ markedly over its mode and timing. Whether a child is baptized by sprinkling or pouring water after birth or by full immersion later in childhood depends in part on how people interpret baptism. Although most churches no longer see baptism as a means to save infants from damnation, historically the debate centered on their salvation. Children viewed as spiritually lost from birth were baptized as infants. Children seen as innocent or sinful but protected by grace and the religious community until the age of discretion were baptized when old enough to confess faith. Baptism still functions today as a rite of passage either after birth or at adolescence. Traditions that baptize infants have other rites of initiation later in childhood and adolescence

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that reaffirm baptism. Traditions that baptize older children often hold a service of baby dedication or blessing that welcomes infants into the community. Catholics, Eastern Orthodox, and several Protestant denominations (e.g., Lutherans, Episcopalians, Methodists, and Presbyterians) practice infant baptism. Although the emphasis varies, baptism is seen as absolving sin, uniting the child with Christ’s death and resurrection, and incorporating the child into the church. As a sacrament conveying God’s grace, it is closely linked with two other rites of initiation: confirmation (conferral of the Holy Spirit, sometimes following catechesis) and first Communion (receiving the elements of the Lord’s Supper). Although most Western churches now postpone these two rites until later, they were practiced together in the early church, as is still true in the Eastern churches. Eastern churches retain a centuries-old practice of immersing naked infants three times in the name of the Trinity. Most Western churches sprinkle newborns clothed in white christening gowns. Catholic reforms of Vatican II in the 1960s changed the ritual from a private to a public act, celebrated in a fashion similar to many Protestant congregations in the sanctuary during worship around a baptismal basin or pool with parents and community agreeing to raise the child in faith. Other Protestant denominations (e.g., Baptists, Mennonites, Church of Christ, Disciples of Christ, Latter-day Saints) understand baptism as an outward mark of inner transformation by those conscious of its meaning and capable of repentance. Believers’ baptism by immersion after a public testimony of faith is seen as the common practice of the early church, granting forgiveness and the gift of the Holy Spirit. Some congregations require a period of instruction, bringing baptism more in line with confirmation, although many churches encourage a more spontaneous conversion and baptism for children and people of all ages. Most churches construct indoor baptisteries at the front of the sanctuary, although some perform baptisms in rivers and lakes. All religions have practices that build on birth rituals and signal maturation in faith and movement toward adulthood. Confirmation and the Eucharist, originally performed with infant baptism, have gradually become full-blown rites later in childhood and adolescence, although Christians differ over their order and import. Protestants and the Orthodox believe confirmation precedes the conferral of the Eucharist. By contrast, many Catholics celebrate first Communion at age 7, the point at which a 1910 papal decree said children have sufficient knowledge to partake. Despite such practical differences, most churches still see both rites as a fruition of baptism and include similar elements, such as a careful process of preparation, special attire, and community celebration. Neither confirmation nor first Communion are as dra-

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matic or clear a passage into adulthood as the Jewish practice of bar mitzvah (Hebrew for the “son of the covenant”). Developed in the late 16th century, a bar mitzvah ends a lengthy period of instruction and entails a ceremony in which boys demonstrate skill reciting and in some cases interpreting the Torah during synagogue worship, often followed by an elaborate party. Today, both boys and girls participate (bat mitzvah or “daughter of the covenant” is the female equivalent), although the extent to which the girl’s service imitates the boy’s differs in Orthodox, Conservative, and Reform contexts. The words and actions of the rite denote a handing on of the tradition from one generation to another and a shift in responsibility from parent to child. The vision quest among Native Americans is another example of a powerful rite of passage into adulthood. Practiced by nearly all Indian groups, it involves a several-day vigil, abstinence from food and water, and prayer until a dream or waking vision. The vision connects the individual with the immaterial spiritual world and bequeaths powers to be shared with the wider community. Many tribal communities require every adolescent male to undergo this rite, although it is not reserved for youth and males alone. Most communities have special rites for girls at their first menses. Some scholars argue that contemporary U.S. society lacks vivid rituals capable of affecting genuine change. Religious rites sometimes seem peripheral to the fast-paced demythologized world. They often focus more on cognitive proclamation and external adherence to dogma than on an embodied transformative experience. Other practices, such as earning a license to drive or getting the first body piercing or tattoo, threaten to displace religion as powerful experiences and symbols of change in social status and selfidentity. Nonetheless, religious rites of passage still have a significant place. Although affected by consumer culture, many rituals have withstood the pressure. They still convey important meanings for individuals and communities and, in some cases, create a genuine sense of the numinous. As anthropologists have demonstrated, each religious rite of passage involves a change in the child’s social status and, to varying degrees, a threefold movement of separation, transition, and reengagement. Religious rites of passage carry a variety of additional meanings. They often recapitulate a sacred history (e.g., bar or bat mitzvah repeats the reception of the Torah in Judaism and baptism repeats the dying and rising of Christ). They award membership and sustain the tradition across generations, connecting participants to the remembered revelations of their common past and their shared future. They introduce children to the religion’s mysteries and provide avenues to experience its understanding of the numinous. Some believe the rite itself mediates or contains divine presence and assures rebirth and renewal.

On all accounts, religion is more than any one rite alone, and its practice is a lifelong process that stretches beyond or cannot be contained by its particular ritual practices. Rites of passage have no independent meaning apart from their religious context and are difficult to explain or understand outside their place in the ongoing development of the believing community. Of additional note, religious rites of passage often reflect, legitimate, reinforce, and institutionalize gender divisions, with baptism a possible exception. Baptism’s practice is still colored by gender assumptions, however. Both baptism and circumcision, in fact, mimic biological birth, fashioning a second birth controlled by men that displaces or surpasses the original birth managed largely by women. Changes in rites of passage over history reflect changing attitudes toward children. Scholars are only now asking fresh questions about what rituals actually mean for children as they participate in them. New approaches in childhood studies that value children’s perspectives will alter and complicate scholarly and doctrinal claims. As a recent study of first Communion among Catholic children demonstrates, children have their own interpretation of the rituals in which they join. Whereas the church sees first Communion as an initiation into the Catholic Church, children see it as a means to know Jesus and connect to their local parish. They use their corporeal senses as much or more than church teachings to form these views. In short, children actively enter into religious rites of passage and there is still much to learn about what they experience and think. Bonnie J. Miller-McLemore see also: Rituals, Family; Sacramental Family Life further reading: Jean Holm, ed., with John Bowker, Rites of Passage, 1994. • Elizabeth Francis Caldwell, Come unto Me: Rethinking the Sacraments for Children, 1999. • Ivan G. Marcus, The Jewish Life Cycle: Rites of Passage from Biblical to Modern Times, 2004. • Karen Marie Yust, Aostre N. Johnson, Sandy Eisenberg Sasso, and Eugene C. Roehlkepartain, Nurturing Child and Adolescent Spirituality: Perspectives from the World’s Religious Traditions, 2006.

secular rites of passage. The rituals that accompany the progression from birth to adulthood mark the steps to full membership in a community. While religious beliefs define the community of sacred rituals, secular rituals are those of the larger social community. It may be impossible to separate these, for often there is no distinction between the sacred community of worshippers and the secular community of social, economic, and political life. This is commonly the case for traditional societies, those without a modern industrial economy. The rituals under discussion here signal the passage from one social stage to another and are public or have public consequences: They either occur in public or, if not, result in significant changes in personal appearance (like dress or hairstyle) or in the way the child behaves and is treated.

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Rituals of childhood are most often timed to coincide with biological changes in the child’s development. Biological changes are usually processes, such as puberty, rather than events like birth, and rituals may occur sometime during these processes to mark the child’s progression to adulthood. Biological processes of change encompass changes in physiology and in cognitive capacity, bringing the child closer to adult capabilities in physical and cognitive tasks and in the ability to reproduce. With these increases in capability go changes in the way children behave and are treated by others. Secular rituals of childhood mark these changes in social identity. The rituals of the Hopi Indians of northern Arizona illustrate the dynamics of this process. Accounts of Hopi rituals describe those that may not still be extant but were universally practiced (except by the small number of Christian Hopis) until at least the 1930s. R i t ua l s o f E ar ly C h i l d ho o d Being named establishes the child as a person in the eyes of the community, and many cultures hold naming ceremonies for newborns. The Hopi baby was welcomed into the world with small rites performed in the room where the birth occurred. Later, the women of the father’s clan came to a feast, prepared by the maternal kin, to give the baby a name. Since the child was a member of the mother’s clan, naming by the father’s clan socially recognized the child’s paternity and relation to this clan. By about 2 years of age, children are walking and talking and in most cultures are fully weaned. Any rituals that occur, such as celebrating the first haircut or a birthday, generally take place at home. One exception to this was the bird-killing rite of little Afikpo Ibo boys. These people of southeastern Nigeria anticipated later training for war when the boy was about 3 to 5. Helped by older boys, he shot a young bird stolen from the nest by his father or older brother. He presented it to the men of the local men’s clubhouse as if it were a military coup, which the men found highly amusing. R i t ua l s o f M i d d l e C h i l d ho o d By about age 6 to 8, children begin to take part in public life. In most cultures, boys of this age stop associating closely with women and girls and spend more time with older boys and men. Children of both sexes often appear in public without adults, playing or running errands. A biological change is adrenarche, the increase in the secretion of adrenal androgen hormones. This produces a growth spurt, with rapid gains in height, weight, and energy. It is possible that these hormones, by acting on the brain, trigger behavior typical of this age stage. Little children prefer the company of other children of their own sex, but they freely play with children of the opposite sex. At around age 7, however, a strong social attraction to children

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of their own sex emerges. Cognitive changes occur at this age as the brain achieves its full growth in weight (although not in cognitive capacity). Children at this age are usually given new responsibilities. Where there is formal education, they begin school at about age 6 or later, as they are now ready to learn relatively abstract ideas and to cooperate with older children and adults. They form strong boys’ and girls’ peer groups—groups of children of about the same age or level of development—and can learn and act as a group. Ceremonies for children in middle childhood may be public and involve a group of children. Some cultures with formal sodalities (associations for religious or social purposes, like brotherhoods and sisterhoods) may initiate children this young. Public rituals of childhood tend to involve children around age 8 to 10, after the growth spurt. Hopis, for example, initiated all girls and boys of about 8 to 10 into the sodalities that performed certain kinds of public ceremonies. In modern societies, the first school day may be celebrated with little rituals, like formally presenting gifts to the teacher. Puberty is a process that begins sometime before the teen years with increasing secretions of the gonadal hormones and lasts until menarche (first menstruation) and spermarche (production of viable sperm). The data on spermarche do not establish concrete ages, but menarche seems to occur anywhere from about age 12 (in some very well-nourished groups) to as late as 17 (in nutritionally deprived groups). Age 14 seems to be a reasonable estimate for relatively well-nourished populations, like most traditional societies. The age of menarche has dropped in modern societies with a diet high in calories, as menstruation is sensitive to the fat content of the body. Adolescent rituals (formerly called puberty rituals) generally involve children past puberty or late in its process. Adolesc en t I nitiation C er emoni es Adolescent ceremonies mark the transition from social child to social adolescent. All known cultures recognize a stage between childhood and adulthood, but not all cultures perform ceremonies to signal this change. As they reported in the article “Adolescent Initiation Ceremonies: Cross-Cultural Codes” published in Ethnology (1979), Alice Schlegel and Herbert Barry found that 56% of 182 traditional societies held these ceremonies, for one sex or both sexes. The new capabilities and responsibilities of adolescents in modern societies may be ceremonially recognized within their religious community, such as the bar mitzvah and confirmation, but these have no social meaning to the larger public. Puberty is a process that transforms individuals from a nonreproductive to a reproductive state. Sexual response is heightened, and children show an active interest in those

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of the opposite sex (unless they have homosexual preferences). At the same time, their close companions, aside from romantic or sexual partners where permitted, are of the same sex. Girls take on more adultlike activities in the company of women, and boys begin to do adult work with men. Changes in the cerebral cortex allow for more planning and foresight, and adolescent children are able to envision their adult futures. They generally spend more time than younger children do with adults outside the family, girls with women and boys with men. Girls’ bodies mature more rapidly than boys’ bodies. These differences in the developmental timetable are reflected in adolescent ceremonies. Menarche is an unmistakable signal of future fertility, and it is not surprising that most girls’ ceremonies are held within a year or so after this event. The timing of boys’ ceremonies is variable. Girls’ ceremonies are usually held for one or a few girls, while boys’ ceremonies may be held for either a single initiate or a group of initiates, who may be several years apart in age. More societies hold adolescent ceremonies for girls than for boys. A survey of traditional societies around the world shows that different types of societies hold different kinds of ceremonies. Of those that depend on foraging—hunting, fishing, and gathering wild plants—more hold ceremonies for girls than for boys. This may be because in these small groups, each girl as a future mother is important for the survival of the community. Ceremonies are generally held for a single initiate: for girls around menarche; for boys after they have achieved some goal such as killing their first large animal. The themes of these ceremonies for both sexes stress responsibility in performing their adult male or female duties. This description is characteristic of initiation ceremonies in Native North America, a world region of foragers. This is true even in those cultures, like the Hopi, where people farmed as well as foraged. Sometime after menarche, the Hopi girl went through a domestic ceremony that included grinding corn, a major task of Hopi women. When this ended, her mother put her hair into a distinctive style that indicated she had new responsibilities and was or soon would be ready for courtship. Hopi boys had a much smaller ritual, in which they presented a rabbit they had killed to an “aunt,” a close female relative of the father’s clan. (This often occurred when the boy was younger, age 6 to 10.) In somewhat larger communities, which depend on cultivated plants and domesticated animals, ceremonies for both boys and girls are common. Sexuality and fertility emerge as prominent themes for both sexes, with responsibility a secondary theme in boys’ ceremonies. Major concerns in such cultures are the reproduction of plants and animals for food. Human reproduction is also of central importance. The economic success of the family depends on its home-

grown labor force. The success of the community in armed confl ict depends on the size of its local fighting force and that of its allies. These concerns with reproduction are reflected as themes in adolescent ceremonies. It is also in such communities that boys, and sometimes girls, are initiated in groups. This creates strong bonds of loyalty to peers. Groups organized for work, worship, and civic activities are commonly divided by gender, and boys and girls begin at this time to learn such adult social roles. Among world regions, African cultures stand out as initiating boys, and sometimes girls, in same-sex groups. This prepares them for later participation in the organized men’s groups and women’s groups that take on the civic duties of many African communities. Large traditional societies of urban and peasant communities tend not to have public adolescent initiation ceremonies, although they may have home-based ones like boys’ circumcision ceremonies in Muslim cultures. Men’s and women’s groups are not major sectors of the community. They are replaced by sectors defined by social class, ethnicity, religion, region, and other forms of social identity. While the wedding is the event, sacred or secular in nature, that moves adolescents into adulthood in most traditional cultures, a few recognize this transition with other kinds of ritual. Hopi girls became women at marriage, but Hopi boys went through a second initiation, preceding marriage, that made them men. Passage into the warrior stage turned boys into young adults in ancient Athens and Sparta. Graduation from secondary school or induction into the military often serves that purpose for adolescents in modern society. D i s c u s s io n Ceremonies that focus on children recognize them as members of the group that holds the ceremony. By occurring at natural developmental transitions in children’s lives, they emphasize the new ways of acting and the new responsibilities expected of children in that next stage. Secular rituals encourage children to define themselves as belonging to a larger group, which expects loyalty and confers safety and benefits. Thus, while providing reassurance, these rituals aid in curbing self-interest and promoting cooperation and mature behavior. Group rituals add peer pressure to this aspect of education. Step-by-step, secular rituals take children closer to adult responsibilities and freedoms. Alice Schlegel see also: Rituals, Family; Universe of the Child further reading: Alice Schlegel and Herbert Barry III, “The Evolutionary Significance of Adolescent Initiation Ceremonies,” American Ethnologist 7, no. 7 (November 1980), pp. 696–715. • Simon Ottenberg, Boyhood Rituals in an African Society: An Interpretation, 1989. • Alice Schlegel and Herbert Barry III, Adolescence: An Anthropological Inquiry, 1991. • Barry Bogin, Patterns of Human Growth, 2nd ed., 1999.

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rituals, family. When Tony, 11, and Joseph, 13, lost their single-parent mother to AIDS, their grieving was compromised because of a lack of ritual. Latino and Catholic, the boys approached the first anniversary of their mother’s death with profound sadness and confusion. Their mother had been cremated, and the ashes were missing. There was no grave to visit. The boys were in family therapy with their custodial aunt, and the therapist suggested that the boys design their own ritual. Asked the simple question, “What do you think this ritual should include?” Tony and Joseph grew excited. “We need to make a cross, like at the cemetery,” Joseph declared. “We’ll decorate it with flowers our mom loved and family photos,” chimed Tony. In the span of 40 minutes, the boys designed a meaningful ritual to mark the anniversary of their mother’s death. The cross lovingly placed in their living room, their mom’s favorite foods, the music she loved, fl ickering candles, and sharing her cherished stories constituted the ritual. When the ritual was over, they put the cross away, bringing it out again on their mother’s birthday and the anniversary of her death. Elemen ts of R ituals Children are natural ritual makers. As members of a family and participants in religious, secular, or ethnic communities, children absorb rituals. In their earliest interactions with others, babies and young children experience a range of rituals that organizes their daily and seasonal life. Without any instructions or definitions, Tony and Joseph knew their ritual, like all rituals, should include symbols, symbolic actions, special time, special space, structured parts, and open parts. Symbols, the items in a ritual capable of holding and expressing multiple meanings, enable diversity in families and relationships. Symbols may carry disparate beliefs, unspoken feelings, relational meanings, and spirituality. In memory, a symbol can evoke an entire ritual. Contradictions and polarities, so much a part of family life, can be cradled in a powerful symbol. The cross Tony and Joseph created connected them to their mother, faith, family history, and the absent cemetery. Symbolic actions make up the behavior in a ritual. Where people sit at the dinner table every evening, whether they wildly throw or carefully place tinsel on a Christmas tree, the repetitive order of family members lighting Hanukkah candles, a graduation procession, or a ring exchange, all are examples of symbolic actions. Symbolic actions may be rich with historical meanings in a family, culture, or religion. When young children hear the blowing of the shofar on the Jewish New Year, this symbolic action connects them with more than 5,000 years of history. When Muslims participate in the hajj, the procession links them to the birth of Muhammad. When Tony and Joseph cooked and ate their mother’s favorite dishes and listened to the

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music she adored, these symbolic actions linked them to their mother’s life. Rituals occur in special time, distinguished from ordinary time, enabling children to experience reliability and boundaries. A bedtime ritual that occurs around 8:00 p.m. every evening helps a developing child know certainty. The time dimension of rituals provides the emotional safety of a prescribed beginning and ending, especially important for healing rituals. Tony and Joseph knew the anniversary of their mother’s death was a special time. Initially, they were bereft of an appropriate ritual. Once they designed the ritual, they added her birthday as another special time. Rituals take place in a special space. Whether in a religious institution, a school auditorium, a living room, kitchen, bedroom, or out in nature, the place of a ritual helps invoke it. Simply entering the special space lets children know without words, “ritual place.” Young children learn quickly that Thanksgiving is at Grandma’s, for instance, and if Grandma dies, choosing a new place for the ritual is laden with relational and emotional meaning. Children in divorced families need to adapt to the changing space of particular rituals as they move from one parent’s home to the other. Utilizing candles, music, food, and stories, Tony and Joseph transformed their living room into a temporary sacred space, flexibly replacing the unavailable cemetery. Rituals enable continuity and change. They connect people to their past while simultaneously allowing them to alter the present and envision the future. They do this through familiar and repeating parts and open or new and spontaneous parts. A family meal ritual with a toddler will be short and filled with parental caretaking. That same meal ritual with an adolescent may involve conversation, argument, and scheduling dilemmas. The ritual remains, altered by each family member’s development. When families insist on the structure of a ritual remaining unchanged, they will be unable to meet the developmental challenges of children and adolescents. Such demand for structure at the expense of required alteration is often a reflection of other interactional rigidities. Families who abandon all familiar aspects of a ritual, such as some remarried couples totally altering the rituals of their prior marriages, may find children rebelling against the new rituals. Tony and Joseph used the structured part of what they knew to be a cemetery visiting ritual in their religion: a cross. As people do in grieving rituals, they told stories of their mother. To deal with their own special circumstances, they created new parts: a homemade decorated cross, their mother’s favorite foods and music, and a unique location. Categor i es of R ituals The opportunities for involving children in rituals occur daily, weekly, seasonally, annually, and at key developmental life-cycle transitions. Daily rituals include simple

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exchanges of saying good-bye in the morning, perhaps including a special kind of hug or hand signal, greeting after school with a talk and a snack, meals, and bedtime. The importance of such daily rituals cannot be overestimated. They provide a sense of coherence and stability for growing children. When a family is in crisis due to illness, unemployment, separation, or death, among the first things that disappear are daily rituals. Helping families reestablish these is critical to everyone’s well-being. Inside-calendar rituals are all of those rituals that occur in a given family at a particular time, such as birthdays, anniversaries, family reunions, or special days such as Adoption Day for families with adopted children. Since these rituals do not occur at the same time in the culture at large, families have a lot of flexibility to alter these rituals as needed. When one family whose 8-year-old son, Ryan, was diagnosed with type 1 diabetes stopped making birthday parties, Ryan secretly bought and ate an entire birthday cake, provoking a diabetic crisis. While in the hospital, they met a family whose solution was to create a different birthday ritual by placing candles on their son’s favorite food: chili. Ryan’s family followed this example, creating a new birthday ritual, complete with candles on chicken wings. Holiday celebration rituals include both religious and secular holidays. These rituals connect children to extended family, ethnicity, and religion. In contemporary culture, many of these rituals have become saturated with commercialism, requiring families to put forth special effort to teach children their deeper meanings. Bicultural families require a range of holiday rituals capable of holding and expressing two legacies, eschewing the popular “half this” and “half that” notion and enabling children to belong fully to each heritage. Holidays in the United States pose special challenges for immigrant families who must find ways to help their children navigate a transnational life, holding both the traditions of their home country and partaking in new and unfamiliar aspects of rituals as well as previously unknown rituals. Families experiencing divorce, remarriage, or a loss through death are especially challenged to create holiday rituals that honor both familiar and comforting aspects for children while involving children in conversations before the holiday about ways that the ritual will now be different and transformed in ways that reflect new relational realities. Life-cycle rituals make and mark transitions across the life cycle. Those marking birth, adolescence, marriage, and death are the rituals studied by anthropologists, as these occur in all cultures. Such rituals celebrate and make safe the profound transitions across the life cycle: life and death, emerging sexuality, and relationship commitments. For children, these may include nursery, elementary, and high school graduations, bar or bat mitzvah, confirmation, sweet 16, or newly invented life-cycle rituals. Children may

also experience other family life-cycle rituals, such as a wedding of an older sibling, a parent’s remarriage, or a funeral. More than any other category, life-cycle rituals involve a lengthy period of preparation, the ritual itself, and a period of reflection. Conversations with children, especially during the preparation and reflection phases, can offer new knowledge about the requirements involved in individual and family change. Rituals have the power to connect people with what is universal in human existence while bringing forth individual, family, and cultural uniqueness. Meaningful rituals make life safer, richer, connected across generations, more anchored, and more joyful for children. Evan Imber-Black see also: Death, Children’s Experience of; Family; Myths, Childhood; Narrative; Rites of Passage further reading: David Cohen and David Van Biema, The Circle of Life: Rituals from the Human Family Album, 1991. • Evan ImberBlack and Janine Roberts, Rituals for Our Times: Celebrating, Healing and Changing Our Lives and Our Relationships, 1998. • Lascelles Black, “Rituals for Bicultural Couples and Families,” in Evan ImberBlack, Janine Roberts, and Richard Whiting, eds., Rituals in Families and Family Therapy, rev. ed., 2003, pp. 146–58.

romantic and sexual relationships. Love is a universal concept, but the expression of romantic love in adolescence differs markedly across different countries, cultures, and times. Romantic relationships and dating are discouraged, even prohibited, in more traditional societies in the Middle East and Asia. Historically, dating and courtship practices in Western cultures were formal and largely monitored by adults; today, however, many romantic encounters and dates are relatively informal and unplanned. The scientific research in this area has focused primarily on these contemporary experiences in U.S. and Western cultures. Today, adolescents in American high schools spend between five and eight hours per week thinking about actual or potential romantic partners and interact more frequently with romantic partners than they do with parents, siblings, or friends. They typically start dating around the seventh grade. National surveys find that the percentage of adolescents who report having a “special” romantic relationship in the last 18 months increases from about 36% at age 13 to 73% at age 18. By the 12th grade, approximately 80% of adolescents report having dated someone; the median number of individuals an adolescent has dated by this time is six. The median length of adolescent relationships ranges from four to eight months. By late adolescence and young adulthood, about 80% of individuals report having been in love at least once. These statistics vary somewhat across different cultural groups; Asian American adolescents, for example, are less likely to have had a recent romantic relationship than most other ethnic groups. Also, the duration of romantic rela-

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tionships is greater for African American adolescents than for youth of other ethnicities. Little is known as yet about variation in romantic experience for adolescents from different social classes or religious groups. Whereas the timing, nature, and sequence of heterosexual romantic experiences can be quite varied, certain common developmental changes occur from late childhood and early adolescence into adulthood. During the elementary school years, there is little interaction between boys and girls, and often such interaction is actively avoided. By early adolescence, however, individuals are beginning to interact more with the other sex. At this stage, boys and girls tend to belong to unisexual friend groups that then socialize together. Thus, early dating experiences tend to happen in a group context. Dyadic dating becomes more common in middle adolescence, and, over time, couple relationships develop that are eventually relatively independent of the peer group. Romantic partners gradually become part of a hierarchy of important figures in adolescents’ social networks that also include parents and friends. As adolescents gain more experience in romantic relationships, romantic partners gain ascendance in the hierarchy, and by young adulthood the romantic partner is likely to be at or near the top. In early and middle adolescence, individuals turn to their partners primarily for companionship, fun, sexual experimentation, or status attainment among peers. In middle and late adolescence, they begin to seek support from and extend support to the partner and to rely more on the romantic partner for emotional intimacy. By age 19, romantic relationships are the most supportive relationship for males and are among the most supportive relationships for females. The developmental nature of romantic experiences for nonheterosexual youth has not been examined as extensively. The vast majority of lesbian, gay, and bisexual youth report some same-gender sexual activity. Dating and romantic relationships, however, are less common and depend substantially on the availability of potential partners. Many also report having dated and had sexual experiences with other-sex peers that may have helped clarify their sexual orientation or provided cover for their sexual identity. Adolescent romantic relationships are often erroneously conflated with sexual experiences. The two are related, as romantic relationships are the primary contexts for sexual behavior and learning about sexuality. Furthermore, the majority of adolescents first have intercourse with someone they are going steady with or know well and like a lot. Yet they are distinct, as sexual activity can occur with casual partners or friends (i.e., “friends with benefits”). Conversely, sexual activity can be limited in some relationships, especially in early adolescence. Importantly, romantic relationships entail more than sexual activity alone. One of the areas of controversy in the study of adoles-

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cent romance is the association of romantic experience with positive and negative outcomes. There are some established risks of dating, such as becoming pregnant and contracting a sexually transmitted disease. In addition, the majority of sexual assaults in adolescence are perpetrated by a romantic partner. In fact, up to 43% of adolescents experience sexual violence, up to 50% of adolescents experience physical violence, and up to 60% experience verbal abuse in their dating relationships. Adolescent romantic breakups are one of the strongest predictors of depression, homicides, and suicide attempts and completions. Difficulties in romantic relationships can also generate feelings of depression and suicidality. Finally, romantic involvement has been associated with drug use, lower levels of academic achievement, and psychological or behavioral problems. It is not known yet whether the association between romantic involvement and reported negative outcomes is similar for different socioeconomic, ethnic, and cultural groups. Furthermore, the causal nature of the relation between romantic experience and various negative outcomes is uncertain; it is possible that adolescents who demonstrate such outcomes were at risk even prior to engaging in romantic relationships. The positive effects of romantic relationships in adolescence are less well documented than the negative effects but are believed to be just as important as the potential negative outcomes. Adolescents report that other-sex peers are the source of more positive emotion than family, same-sex peers, and school. Additionally, romantic experience has been found to be associated with increased social competence. Romantic relationships also provide a context for the execution of important developmental tasks. Adolescence is the period in which youth develop independence from their parents. Romantic partners, like friends, play an important part in this process. Even while experimenting with their identity as an individual separate from family, adolescents are simultaneously developing the skills that aid in establishing intimate relationships that will continue into adulthood. Relationships with romantic partners provide numerous opportunities to learn and practice intimacy, affection, and nurturance. Developing these skills is thought to provide a foundation for having healthy and satisfying adult relationships. Although romantic experiences during adolescence carry several risks and rewards, the specific nature of outcomes may depend on the timing and quality of the relationship rather than on involvement in dating per se. Teens who begin to date early are more likely to have sexual intercourse, to have sex with many partners, and to be more sexually active during late adolescence, thus putting them at greater risk for becoming pregnant or contracting sexually transmitted diseases. The early onset of dating is also associated with delinquency and poor school performance.

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Less is known about the effects of not entering the dating arena until relatively late, although it is thought that delays may have adverse effects on self-esteem and psychological well-being. The quality of the relationship is also likely to be an important determinant of outcome. Although research on romantic relationships has grown exponentially since the 1990s, it is important to emphasize that it has been conducted almost exclusively in contemporary Western societies, most typically with white, middleclass youth. Thus, it is apparent that romantic relationships are an important part of adolescents’ lives and significantly impact their development, but the specific impact these relationships have in different cultural and historical contexts remains to be examined. Pallavi Visvanathan and Wyndol Furman see also: Peers and Peer Culture; Rape; Sexual Development; Social Development further reading: H. A. Bouchey and W. Furman, “Dating and Romantic Experiences in Adolescence,” in G. R. Adams and M. Berzonsky, eds., The Blackwell Handbook of Adolescence, 2003, pp. 313–29. • W. A. Collins, “More than Myth: The Developmental Significance of Adolescent Romantic Relationships,” Journal of Research on Adolescence 13 (2003), pp. 1–24.

rousseau, jean-jacques (b. June 28, 1712; d. July 2, 1778), French philosopher. Jean-Jacques Rousseau was born in Geneva, Switzerland, but he spent much of his rather itinerant life in France. He made important contributions to political philosophy and educational psychology. His Confessions, an autobiography, includes an account of his own unhappy childhood. Rousseau was the first modern thinker to develop an influential theory of child development. He put forward the idea, so fundamental to the developmental psychology of his compatriot, Jean Piaget, that children must pass through a sequence of age-related stages to reach maturity. “Childhood has its ways of seeing, thinking, and feeling which are proper to it,” he writes in Emile, or On Education (1762). Rousseau rejects the maxim of the English philosopher John Locke that one should “reason with children,” on the ground that attempts to reason with children younger than 13 years are inappropriate. Rousseau lists five stages of development: infancy (birth through age 2), the age of sensation (3 to 12 years), the age

of ideas (13 to puberty), the age of sentiment (puberty to age 20), and the age of marriage and social responsibility (21 onward). Infants and children should be treated in ways appropriate to the stage they have reached. To do otherwise would be not just futile but actually harmful. Rousseau credits young infants with little intelligence. However, he does suppose they have a language of thought and gesture before they learn their first language. And he supposes that, as they learn language, they first develop a simplified syntax of their own devising. He advocates restricting a very young child’s vocabulary, on the ground that it is a disadvantage to have more words than ideas. At stage two, Rousseau says, a child becomes self-aware and should be treated as a moral being. A person’s first sense of justice, he says, comes from her sense of what is owed her, not of what she owes others. Punishment is not to be infl icted on children but, rather, “it should always happen to them as a natural consequence of their bad action.” The child cannot yet appreciate poetic speech. The aim of education should be to force the child to learn for himself. At stage four, and not before, real moral development begins. It begins with love of self and first extends to those who are near and helpful. A child educated with appropriate respect for the stages of development will be, Rousseau thinks, naturally benevolent. At this stage it is fit to introduce the pupil to philosophy and natural religion. But the tutor is to do this more by way of a statement of his own reflections than as a prescription for what the student is to accept. The tutor now searches for a suitable mate for Emile. This mate, Sophie, is introduced to Emile at the beginning of stage five. There follows in Emile a treatise on women, love, and marriage. Although many of Rousseau’s ideas on human development will seem quaint or even retrograde to a reader today, several of his precepts about the importance of the physical environment to learning have helped shape progressive education. Moreover, his idea of developmental stages influenced Jean Piaget and the discipline known today as developmental psychology. Gareth B. Matthews see also: Child: Religious and Philosophical Perspectives

runaway children. see Street and Runaway Children

s sacramental family life. To speak of sacramental wear robes, offer moral discourses, and surround themfamily life is to make reference to aspects of family life that evoke a sense of the sacred and add a spiritual dimension to the meaning of relations among kin. It is to point to whatever in families transcends the mere biological transmission of life and reaches beyond mere legal recognition or societal regulation. Today, many societies are secular, not only in legal terms but also in practice. That is, people in them are distanced from ancestral and inherited religious dogma and practices. Yet even a nominally secular society rarely expunges all traces of sacramental existence when sex, gender, propagation, and coming to terms with death are in focus. While the adjective sacramental may be colored by its familiar Christian contexts, the word can also be applied in other cultural and religious settings. In such instances, it finds expression in rituals that focus on the distinctive customs, ethos, and beliefs of a particular community. These include commemoration of ancestors, celebration of births, marking passages into maturity, mating, the preparation and consumption of food, the character of interpersonal relationships between husband and wife and between parents and child, and the care and burial of the dead. Fa m i ly a n d B i rt h Sexual life, because of its intimacy, mystery, and often threatening character, has universally evoked such rituals and sacramental practices. Often, these find focus in the numberless variety of arrangements that warrant use of the term family. Typically, it is the commitment of a man and a woman on a sustained basis that elicits ritual and legal reinforcement. The nature of such pledged or sworn commitments also varies, as from monogamous to polygamous forms. In most Western societies for the past five centuries, authorizing and recording marriages has moved from ecclesiastical auspices to legal agencies, from church to state. While the civil society is usually the authorizing agent of marriage or divorce, ordinarily familial communities celebrate a marriage and an authorized, often clerical or judicial, functionary enacts rituals that evoke a sacramental sense. In modern secular societies, many of the trappings of religious rites are obscured, but in such cases the civil society itself assumes a kind of sacral role. That is, judges or other authorized representatives of the civil order often

selves with symbols such as flags to show that what is occurring is especially meaningful. A birth calls forth the naming and providing of a social identity for the child. Accompanying this can be a formulaic initiation, as in the case of Jewish circumcision of infant boys or, in the case of the majority among Christians, infant baptism. The chosen name of the child often has symbolic significance. The applying of divine names (as in Theodore, meaning “gift of God”) again points to the sacramental character of birthing and child development. In Muslim societies, the most popular boys’ name is that of the Prophet Muhammad, while Krishna is commonly honored by Hindu parents. Also within emergent secular cultures beyond Judaism, Christianity, and Islam—“religions of the book”—adults name and nurture the child by connecting these acts with ideologies or narratives, songs, habits, laws, and expectations that relate to the tribe or state. Nurtur e and M atur ation So powerful are sexual impulses and so demanding are parent-child responsibilities that most cultures take steps to help assure that these are interpreted in exact ways. Special ceremonies, as in Judaism—bar mitzvah or bat mitzvah—and in Christianity—confirmation—can mark religious transitions into adolescence and toward adulthood. Some adults use ritual and sacrament in efforts to achieve control. Parents and priests or other designated authorities in control invoke the mandates of God or the gods when dealing with the young. While it is difficult for an adolescent in Muslim societies to break with parental nurture in matters of religion, generations of young Jews and Christians make it a point of breaking away from the religion “imposed” by their parents. Autobiographies of many Americans brought up in rigorous fundamentalism detail lifelong efforts to depart from and forget the ritual community of their childhoods. Rites, ceremonies, customs, and taboos surround most other features of sacramental family life. These relate to intimate details of dress or undress and eating. Where adults in public are clothed, as they are almost everywhere today, the child may be exposed as nude, as at bath time, while adults tend to keep their nakedness to themselves or for the eyes of the mate. Clothing often acquires significance as well, as

In the Hindu temple town of Bhubaneswar in rural India, the father of a Brahman household is viewed by his family members as a god, and the mother as a goddess. Children in these families believe that if their parents are pleased with them, all the other gods will also shower blessings on them. They learn this principle not only from the sacred scriptures but also from the curriculum of the local schools, which instruct, “There is no substitute for parents in this world. To get their blessings, serve them till death.” Bhubaneswar is a pilgrimage site. Many Hindus understand the temple as a dwelling place of Lord Lingaraj, who is believed to be an incarnation of the god Shiva, one of the holy trinity in the Hindu pantheon. The majority of the residents of Bhubaneswar are Brahmans who depend on the temple for their livelihood, and they are often quite orthodox. Early childhood education here emphasizes respect for both parents. Children are encouraged to think of their father as Dharma (Piety), Swarga (Heaven), and Tapa (Penance). Their mother is equally honored and viewed as the family goddess. She is the cornerstone of the family who gives birth to the children and trains them to be ideal members of society and to obediently and gracefully submit to the wishes and commands of their father. Many rituals and practices instill this ideal of parent-child relationships. When a child is 1 year old, the mother ceremonially and formally introduces him or her to the father, and the father holds the child on his lap until completion of the ritual. The parents then serve a feast to close relatives and family friends. The senior family members tell stories from the local texts (Puranas), which invite the youngster to be a child devoted to the family. A second childhood ritual is observed when a boy attains the age of 7 (or, alternatively, 9) and undergoes investiture with the sacred thread (Upanayana), at which point he is thought to be “twice-born” or born for a second time. With this “second birth,” the child is ceremonially moved from a state of semihumanness to a state of full civility and moral and spiritual awareness. He is now thought to be competent to pray to the gods and perform all the Brahmanic rites inside the family and outside as well. During the ceremony, the family guru or priest teaches the boy to respect his parents and other seniors. After the ceremony, the boy literally worships his father. Every morning after bathing, he salutes his father in a bending posture, touching his forehead on the ground in front of him. He then touches his father’s feet with the fingertips of both his hands and seeks his blessings. In orthodox Hindu families, similar rituals bind a wife to her husband, whom she treats as a god (Parameswar) and a protector who maintains her throughout her life. A wife rou-

tinely visits the local temples and worships there for the long life and prosperity of her husband. She also prays to live a long life herself but to die before her husband, so their souls will not to be separated while she is alive and she can avoid the sorrow and punishments brought on the living by the god of death (Yama). An idealized spirit of piety and devotion also links the husband and wife as god and goddess in their daily interactions. After taking her morning bath, a wife washes the feet of her husband, collects a portion of the water in a brass pot, and ritualistically drinks the water as the food of grace (Prasad) before eating. The sacramental character of family life and the deification of parents in these Hindu families are also expressed at the time of the father’s death. A son accompanies his father’s corpse to the cremation ground, where he performs prescribed rites and lights the funeral pyre. The funeral observance lasts for 12 days, during which the son performs the ritual for the salvation of his father’s soul, which he hopes will go to heaven, the abode of gods. According to local customs in Bhubaneswar, it is the filial duty of the son along with his wife to perform ceremonies of ancestor worship (Sradha). The first Sradha for a deceased parent is observed on the first anniversary of the parent’s death. On this day, the married son, after taking a bath, changes his sacred thread. He then goes to the village bathing tank alone and offers water oblation (Tarpana) to his deceased parent. Rice, vegetables, porridge, cake, and other foods are prepared at home and offered to the deceased through a ritual presided over by the family priest or guru. It is believed that the soul of the dead ancestor is thereby satisfied and ready to go to the netherworld, a place set aside for the souls of the deceased ancestors. A second Sradha is observed in the lunar month of Aswina (September–October) every year for the soul of a single ancestor, either the father or the mother, and a third is observed in the lunar month of Kartik (October–November). At this time, all the members of the family join together, offer funeral cakes to their deceased ancestors, and invite the ancestors to come to the place of offering to bless them and to accept the cakes. As a final act of devotion to the parents’ souls, the son and his wife visit Gaya, the ghost land (Pretapuri) in eastern India where all unsatisfied souls are said to dwell before they go to heaven. After the Gaya Sradha, the married son keeps photographs of his deceased parents in the family prayer room. The family worships the parental icons by applying sandalwood paste to them and bedecking them with flowers. They are then and henceforth invoked as father god (Pitrudev) and mother goddess (Matrudevi) in all family rituals. Manamohan Mahapatra

imagining each other

imagining each other

Parents as Deities in Hindu Family Life

s a c r a m e n t a l f a m il y l if e

when Jews wear tefillin or yarmulkes, ritual bindings and caps. Catholic girls may wear white confirmation dresses, while priests and other religious authorities don distinctive garb that indicates authority, derived from divine powers that sanction familial and sexual existence. Often, ritual garb reminds the wearer and those who sight them of the special meanings associated with it. Sikh boys are enjoined to wear small knives in their belts; Catholics often carry a rosary, a stimulus of prayer to the Virgin Mary; Jews often wear phylacteries or tefillin, two little boxes that evoke recall of the divine command to bind the law of God on the body. E at i ng C u s toms Almost nothing defines the sacramental life of families more clearly than do the patterns associated with eating and the stipulation of ritually appropriate or inappropriate foods. In many cases, eating certain specific foods violates sacred norms or connections, as is the case in Islam or Judaism with the prohibition of pork at the table. Times of eating and for celebrating, often calibrated to match remembrance of specific sacred acts—the fl ight of Muhammad to Mecca or the ritual meal before the death and resurrection of Jesus—are precisely stipulated. Parents or other caregivers mediate the customs and practices of the adult community to the individual young. Education is usually first of all a family affair before some aspects of it are transferred to the community or the state. Adults in the family, however it is described, are charged or freed to pass on to children and those close to them the stories, customs, and rituals of the larger community or, if they fail to do so, will suffer stigma. Death and Bur ial The sacramental understandings of a family come into play in concentrated and even urgent ways through times of illness and especially during aging, toward the point of death, and then in burial rites. The family parts with the loved one usually in ceremonies that attract relatives, friends, and other community members. A sacred authority, a priest or a shaman, conducts rites in which words sanctioned by generations that have heard them now are heard again, to assist the soul of the departed family member, to facilitate grieving and mourning, to provide comfort, to assure recall of the dead, and often to inspire children in the surviving generations. Mo d er n i t y a n d M ed i a In the modern pluralist societies that challenge protected traditional village family life, almost none of the inherited patterns and prescriptions are unaffected. In mobile societies made up of acculturated immigrants, it is hard to sustain the specific customs or respond to the precise laws that dominated when adults in various groupings were still

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characteristically isolated. Mass media of communication and commercial advertising bid for the attentions of family members and can lead to diffusion of identities, conversion across boundaries of communities, repudiation of communal practices, or alienation. R e ac tio n s an d F u n da m en tal i s m s Apparently paradoxically, it is this modern condition that also breeds reaction of sorts often called fundamentalist. Fundamentalists are not simply conservative, if they are conservative at all. They seize prime motifs and practices from an assumed idealized past and project them, often in more constrictive forms, into pluralist societies. While fundamentalist-like reactions can touch many aspects of life, they tend to center on sexual and family existence and the nurture of children. Exclusivism and the rejection of the prescriptions and practices of “the other,” be that other friendly and hence seductive or hostile and thus threatening, are marks of fundamentalism. For instance, if throughout history women have almost always assumed a posture of socially approved submission to male authority, in fundamentalism there are even more precise stipulations for the conduct of these presumed-to-be-venerable ancient practices. As some observers have noted with respect to fundamentalist Muslim females’ garb: The young girls in the 21st century wear the chador or veil not because their mothers did but because their mothers did not. Great-grandmother did, before the onslaughts of pluralism and secularity. C i v i l R i t ual Similarly in modern republics, much education is secular and thus putatively nonsacral in character. The state becomes the authorizing agent of teachers, and the stipulation that specific religious stories, doctrines, or ways be promoted becomes compromised or disappears. In such cases, the state may itself take on sacramental character and make legal provision for the saluting of sacred national symbols or the uttering of pledges and singing of songs. In such cases, those who find the reactive communities attractive as shelters or havens from heartless pluralist worlds become agents and may be exploiters of sacramental images and rituals. The United States displays as wide a range of sacramental and secular family styles as has any civil society known. Although European Christian forms long dominated, with the arrival of immigrants from Africa, Asia, and Latin America and with the curiosity finally shown to Native American customs, there is now a growing repository of options for child-rearing, marital, and burial practices and interpreting the passages of life. Thus, cremation of dead bodies, once forbidden in Catholicism and shunned in many other faiths, has come to be broadly acceptable. In some nations or jurisdictions, there is legal permission for same-sex couples to form civil unions or to marry. When couples become

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estranged and break up, or when single women have children, they borrow varieties of customs and incorporate them into new rituals. A “traditional” wedding today may have been relocated from the chapel to the garden, and the couple, Jewish and Christian as they are in many cases, bring something from their ancestral practices and borrow from the world of celebrities to fashion sacramental family life, signaling that some transcendent order stands behind the drama of their lives together. Martin E. Marty see also: Rites of Passage; Rituals, Family further reading: Arnold van Gennep, The Rites of Passage, 1960. • Victor Turner, The Ritual Process, 1969. • Peter Laslett and Richard Wall, eds., Household and Family in Past Time, 1972. • Martin E. Marty and R. Scott Appleby, eds., Fundamentalisms and Society, 1993.

safety laws, child. see Accidents and Injuries salk, jonas (edward) (b. October 28, 1914; d. June 23, 1995), physician and research scientist whose work led the way to the prevention of polio and other advances in the development of vaccines. In the first half of the 20th century and the years following World War II, polio was a terrifying scourge that seemed to occur in ever larger epidemics. Known popularly as infantile paralysis, this viral illness actually struck all ages and social classes. Permanent paralysis was a rare outcome, possibly affecting less than 1% of those infected, but images of infants and children on crutches, in wheelchairs, and in iron lung respirators were widely publicized at the time and were seared into the mind of the American public. Most children who acquire polio simply have a mild gastrointestinal disorder. Many individuals contributed to ending the epidemics of polio, but it was Jonas Salk who spearheaded the development of the first vaccine that produced lasting immunity to polio. Salk also campaigned vigorously to ensure the vaccine’s widespread use and thereby helped end the epidemics of polio. Salk’s vaccine efforts were grounded in the breakthroughs that John Enders and colleagues made in growing the polio virus in the laboratory. Salk took the distinctive approach of developing a vaccine from killed viruses, as opposed to live but attenuated, or weakened, viruses. Salk’s team of Julius Younger, Byron Bennett, L. James Lewis, Ulrich Krech, Percival Bazely, Elsie Ward, and others at the University of Pittsburgh perfected the methods of culturing and inactivating the polio virus. They proved the vaccine’s safety and efficacy in animals and then in people who had previously been infected with polio. They operationalized the large-scale production of the vaccine. Thomas Francis of the University of Michigan subsequently led a clinical trial of the Salk vaccine in 1.8 million children, proving that

it was safe and effective. This study was one of the first and one of the largest ever double-blind clinical trials. By 1957, the incidence of polio in the United States had decreased by 85% to 90%. The World Health Organization is attempting to eradicate polio from the entire world, where it often takes an endemic, or constantly present, form rather than a periodically epidemic form and where it is a much lesser child health concern in the 21st century than malaria, diarrhea, measles, malnutrition, and other conditions. In 2004, the only endemic regions remaining were in India, Pakistan, and Nigeria. In regions of the world where polio is believed to be eradicated, Salk’s killed virus vaccine was brought back into wide use after having been eclipsed for many years by Albert Sabin’s attenuated virus vaccine, which can revert in rare cases to a virulent form. The generous support of Salk’s work by the March of Dimes Foundation demonstrated the impact that strong financial support of medical research can have. Some attribute today’s high level of federal funding for medical research to the expectations raised among the public by Salk’s success. Salk’s legacy also endures in the eponymous Salk Institute for Biological Studies, the eminent private research institute that he founded in La Jolla, California. Paul P. Wang see also: Immunizations; Infectious Diseases; Pediatrics further reading: Salvatore Tocci, Jonas Salk: Creator of the Polio Vaccine, 2003. • Jeffrey Kluger, Splendid Solution: Jonas Salk and the Conquest of Polio, 2005.

schizophrenia. see Mental Illness school achievement. The determinants of school achievement are multiple, interactive, and highly complex. Yet because of the academic, economic, social, and behavioral challenges of the 21st century, understanding and improving school achievement have never been more important. Thus, this matter has been an area of abundant observation, speculation, and research. But much of the discussion and study has focused on individual or group differences and correlates rather than the constellation and interaction of potentially causative factors. The focus on correlates does little to suggest useful or possible interventions. Even more troublesome, statistical correlations, while often simply provocative and interesting, can be harmful. For example, high family education and occupation levels are highly correlated with good school performance. And low socioeconomic level and membership in a racial group that has experienced high stress over time are usually correlated with low school performance levels. But race, gender, and even class are beyond the control of educators. Thus, such findings often reinforce stereotypes or provide an excuse for not trying to improve the performance of students from groups generally associated with low performance.

s c h o o l a c h ie v e m e n t

In addition, school achievement has historically been defined as performance on school or nationally standardized tests. And the ability to perform well is often thought to be a function of a student’s genetically determined intelligence. Yet there is much evidence that postsecondary school and life success is not highly correlated with intelligence measures and that other important factors are involved. At 40 years of age, students who participated in the Perry Pre-school Program (focused on promoting child development at home and in preschool) had higher achievement test scores, school attainment levels, and employment and lower crime and other problem behavior rates than a control group, despite the fact that the IQ scores of the groups were the same at the end of the preschool period. Other findings should, but too often do not, provide the impetus for a focus on the multiple conditions and interactions that in time become causative. For example, in the United States, black students not more than one generation removed from Caribbean countries and Africa tend to do better in school than U.S.-born black students. Girls lagged behind boys in academic performance in high school, and in college enrollment, until the 1990s. But three decades after 1972 Title IX legislation required equal opportunity for women in athletics, the once often-heard derogatory remark “You throw like a girl” almost disappeared from everyday language. Women are now outperforming males in school in many places and in college enrollment. These observations and findings have not yet seriously challenged the use of test scores as the almost sole indicator of school achievement or intelligence tests as predictors of achievement. Nonetheless, they do point to the importance of the environment: both proximal (parents, family, and school network practices) and distal (preparatory programs and institutional policies and practices). Social and behavioral scientists have been providing evidence for a long time that positive child interactions with supportive adults in a relatively safe, emotionally warm and stimulating environment appear to best promote good cognitive, social-emotional growth and school achievement. But such evidence was called “soft ,” favoring nurture in the proverbial nature-nurture argument as to whether inborn fixed abilities or environmental interactions best explain cognitive achievements. There is an emerging consensus among developmental psychologists that the full expression of intelligence and achievement is an outcome of both the actions of the growing child and his or her interactions with environments from the womb; with the family and its primary network of friend, kin, and meaningful institutions; and with school and other organizations of the larger society. The degree to which a child is prepared to manage well in these various environments will contribute greatly to his or her achievement in school and in life. Understanding how biological makeup and activity and environmental experiences inter-

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act to affect individual and/or group performances appears to hold important clues to understanding achievement and to making more helpful interventions possible for underachievers. Despite new evidence, the fixed-ability notion remains strong and pervasive because it has been widely and thoroughly institutionalized for a long time. Teacher and administrator preparatory institutions have transmitted this wrong understanding to students who eventually became parents, employers, practitioners in many fields, and policy makers. Since the 1980s, many preservice educators have begun to teach their students about the importance of child development and how development and learning are linked. But many acknowledge that it is difficult to prepare them to apply such knowledge in schools and systems already entrenched in traditional beliefs and ways of thinking and working. For instance, researchers have known for decades that teacher expectations are a major factor in school achievement. Yet it is still not uncommon to encounter teachers of underachieving students who assume that underachievement is somehow a natural condition of the student. Such attitudes frequently lead to tracking systems in which working-class and minority students are not exposed to college preparatory curriculum on the assumption that such students are naturally unfit for college educations. Many times, students who grow up in families that are marginal to the mainstream of the society are underprepared for school and therefore the most in need of the services that are systematically denied by practices such as tracking. A study by Betty Hart and Todd R. Riley showed that by the age of 3 a group of 42 children of college professors had heard 30 million more words than a same-size group of children from a housing project. Also, the project children had received twice as many prohibitions to behavior; the children of the professors had received six times as many encouragements. Working-class children were roughly in the middle on both measures. These different interactions account for developmental, competence, confidence, self-esteem, and expectation differences that affect school achievement, regardless of cognitive ability levels. By contrast, the school models that are most effective in promoting achievement for all students are those based on the principle that development and learning are inextricably linked; that children who are developing well overall will achieve well academically, socially, and emotionally in school; and that such children will have a better chance to do well in life, benefiting themselves and their societies. A prime example is the Danish educational system. The World Economic Forum 2006–7 Global Competitiveness Report ranks this nation third in the world. Danish educators make a deliberate effort to create a school environment that promotes child and adolescent development as a seamless extension of the support received at home. Administrators, teachers, and all school personnel are selected for their

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ability to help the students grow. Staff selection and support, teaching schedules and arrangements, classroom activities, and interactions with families and the community are all designed to promote the development of students. Policy makers, union leaders, and administrators attempt to make decisions in ways that will not hurt the development of students. In short, student development is at the center of all education thinking and practice. In 1968, James P. Comer and colleagues launched the Yale Child Study Center School Development Program (SDP) in an effort to utilize these principles in the elimination of achievement differentials between racial and social-class groups. The project began with the observation that many children whose social status would theoretically place them at risk of school failure often succeed quite well when there is support for development in their environment, such as extended families and nurturing communities. They noted that good overall development and academic learning are inextricably linked. Thus, a school environment that interfered with student development and learning was almost immediately identified as the underlying problem. The researchers also noted that while school staff members were not unwilling to provide support for student development, they had not been prepared nor were they organized to do so. Based on an understanding of the connection between environment, development, and learning, the SDP researchers set out to help transform two of the lowest achieving, most troubled schools in New Haven, Connecticut, by restructuring the school programs to support student development. They identified six developmental pathways needed for students to achieve well in school and in life: physical (including the brain), social-interactive, psychoemotional, moral-ethical, linguistic, and intellectual-cognitive. Gradually, the SDP researchers identified nine major conditions that contributed to school dysfunction and students’ progress along the six developmental pathways. First, organization and management mechanisms in the schools were not effective. As a result, or second, there was no comprehensive academic, social, and behavioral school plan for students, staff, or parents with stated goals and strategies. Without a plan, or third, staff development could not be tightly tied to school and staff needs. Fourth, without direction and goals, assessment and modification of student, staff, and parent performance could not take place. Fifth, with no arrangement for constructive parent involvement, the parents either stayed away or took adversarial positions with the staff. Sixth, support staff such as social workers, psychologists, nurses, and others all worked individually with students, with much duplication and no communication between them. While the students often displayed behavior problems, they were due more to their reaction to conditions in the school than to serious personal problems.

The seventh condition was that more time was spent on establishing blame than on solving problems. Eighth, decisions were based on personal and group power rather than on what would help the students develop and behave well and learn. The ninth condition was that, given the relationship climate the other conditions created, the cooperation and collaboration needed to address the school achievement challenge was not possible. The participants did not trust, know, or like one another. The researchers gradually helped the staff and parents create a framework designed to counter and convert each of the nine major sources of difficulty: a governance and management team representative of all the stakeholders, a parents’ team, a school support group that worked as a team, operations that established a comprehensive school plan, a staff development program geared to staff and school needs, and regular assessment and modification based on outcome data. No-fault, consensus, and collaboration guidelines were adopted and eventually practiced regularly. The framework, once operating synchronously, enabled the adult and student stakeholders to interact in respectful, problem-solving ways. This created a positive school environment. In such an environment, the adults were able to create a culture that supported development and learning, and the students contributed to and became the carriers of the new culture, supporting the development of one another. Academic achievement became highly valued and possible. When this program was disseminated to middle and high schools, the major adjustment was to involve students in decision making and programs consistent with their developmental interests and needs. But sustaining an environment that promotes desirable interactions when few school people are prepared to do so is difficult. Working school by school, the Yale researchers found that this model was vulnerable. In order to sustain a change to a focus on development, in 1998 they began to work systematically with district leaders and the individual schools in five school districts. In five years, all five schools made outstanding gains. Asheville, North Carolina, provided the only racial comparison opportunity, and their staff members paid great attention to creating school cultures focused on supporting the development of students. They embedded academic learning in curriculum, instruction, and assessment activities based on child development principles. In five years and by the fifth grade, they closed the proficiency gap between black and white students. The proficiency level of white students, already high, continued to go up. The level of poverty increased over the five years in one school, but the proficiency level increased as well. In a 2002 meta-analysis (a statistical analysis of other studies’ statistical effects) of the 29 most-used comprehensive school improvement programs, the SDP was one of

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only three shown to improve school achievement as measured by test scores. The SDP was the only one of the 29 that did not have curriculum and instructional innovations at its core. The focus on development enables the students to achieve with any reasonably good curricula and instructional programs. And preparation for life activities can be embedded in the curriculum. While the core nine elements are essential, program content can be created and directed by a staff to address issues peculiar to their context, making the use of developmental principles to promote achievement possible everywhere and making continuous selfimprovement possible. James P. Comer see also: Dropouts; Grades and Grading; Intelligence; Ogbu, John U(zo); School Reform; Schooling, Inequalities in; Testing and Evaluation, Educational further reading: Chip Wood, Yardsticks: Children in the Classroom Ages 4–14, 1997. • James P. Comer, Leave No Child Behind: Preparing Today’s Youth for Tomorrow’s World, 2004. • James P. Comer, “Child and Adolescent Development: The Critical Missing Focus in School Reform,” Phi Delta Kappan 86, no. 10 (June 2005), pp. 757–63. • Linda Darling Hammond and John Bransford, eds., Preparing Teachers for a Changing World: What Teachers Should Learn and Be Able to Do, 2005.

school funding. Since the inception of publicly funded common schools, local control over educational policy making, including school funding, has been an enduring value in the United States. By constitutional or legislative edict, nearly every state until the 1970s primarily relied upon local property taxes to finance elementary and secondary schools. Naturally, as property values varied, so did school finance revenues. Consequently, property-rich school districts typically enjoyed lower tax rates and higher tax revenues than property-poor districts. Not only did this result in unequal tax burden among districts within a given state, it also resulted in unequal per-student spending among districts. Recognizing the unfairness such a system worked on people in low property-wealth areas, particularly rural areas, states in the first half of the 20th century began to provide a fixed amount per student to their school districts to ensure that students received at least basic educational resources. These so-called foundation plans were often modestly funded and failed in the latter half of the 20th century to keep pace with the rising costs of educating children, particularly children in urban communities who frequently required additional resources to overcome the challenges of poverty and limited English proficiency. Unlike the centralized government funding typical of many European and developing nations, the federal government in the United States has done relatively little by way of funding local public schools. That which the federal government provides is in the form of categorical grants that earmark the monies for specific purposes such as ser-

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vices for educationally disadvantaged youth under Title I of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act or special education services for children with disabilities under the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act. The result of the modest state contribution to and the minimal federal effort in funding local schools has been a continuing differential between the property-wealthy and property-poor communities. This difference has been particularly stark when comparing affluent suburban school districts to highpoverty, high-needs urban districts. Although the extent of the intrastate inequality in educational funding had long been recognized by educational finance experts, it received little outside attention until the late 1960s. Perhaps emboldened by the victories of the civil rights movement or disappointed with desegregation efforts, activists and scholars began to notice the differences in educational resources available to students in different districts. Buoyed by the recent victories in front of the U.S. Supreme Court under Chief Justice Earl Warren, these reform-minded scholars and activists began to look to federal law and litigation as a potential remedy for what they viewed as an unfair distribution of educational opportunities. Launched in the late 1960s, school finance litigation initially focused on the federal Constitution’s equal protection clause and was fueled by the argument that perstudent funding should be substantially equal to, or at least not dependent upon, the wealth of the school district in which the student resided. In 1973, the U.S. Supreme Court in San Antonio Independent School District v. Rodriguez slammed the federal courthouse doors on fiscal equity claims under the equal protection clause. The Rodriguez decision not only was devastating to would-be school finance reformers, it also more generally has hampered efforts to use the federal courts to equalize educational opportunities, as the Court declared that education is not a “fundamental interest” and that poverty is not a “suspect classification” under the U.S. Constitution, meaning that the courts would not apply searching scrutiny to any educational policies that placed greater burdens on the poor. It is worth noting that education is accorded the status of constitutional right in more recently adopted constitutions, such as the constitution of South Africa (1996). Undaunted, school finance reformers turned to state constitutions as sources of educational rights. Only 13 days after the Supreme Court handed down Rodriguez, the New Jersey Supreme Court in Robinson v. Cahill paved the way for school finance litigation based upon state constitutions by striking down the state’s unequal spending scheme under the New Jersey constitution’s “thorough and efficient” clause of its education article. Then the California Supreme Court reaffirmed its landmark Serrano v. Priest decision, which declared education a “fundamental interest” under the California constitution, and ordered the state legislature

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to design a more equitable funding scheme. Perhaps recognizing their legal vulnerability or the patent unfairness of their funding schemes, many state legislatures in the 1970s adopted guaranteed tax-base plans that equalized property tax revenues for schools up to a certain tax rate. At the same time, school finance litigation continued to focus on interpretations of the state constitutional equality provisions and/or the state education article and asserted the right to equal educational resources. This round of state court equity litigation proved mostly unsuccessful for plaintiffs, as the reformers prevailed in only 7 of those 22 cases. Despite the limited success of the early litigation, reformers continued to press their cases in court, and in 1989 the tide turned. In that year, state high courts in three states overturned their states’ school finance systems. With that change in momentum, state high courts in the years from 1989 to 2005 issued another 27 significant educational finance reform decisions and ruled in favor of the plaintiffs in 20. Those decisions turned primarily on an interpretation of the states’ education articles and focused on the substantive quality—or adequacy—of the education provided to the children of those states. Courts also became increasingly unafraid to make forays into educational policy making and defining what are children’s rights to an education. Representative of this judicial activity is the Kentucky high court’s 1989 pronouncement in Rose v. Council for Better Education that the state legislature is required to provide an adequate education to Kentucky students that includes the opportunity to develop seven capabilities, ranging from academic skills to the capacity to participate effectively in civic life. Put simply, courts throughout the 1990s seemed more willing to intervene in educational finance policy and to define children’s educational rights. Since the Kentucky decision, many courts have turned away from arguments based on equity and toward those based on adequacy and away from traditional legal standards of educational inputs to those that measure educational outputs. This third wave of school finance litigation has coincided and interacted with recent educational policy movements toward standards-based reform (through which the state establishes policies aligned with challenging educational content standards for what all children should know and be able to do), the new accountability in education (exemplified by the federal No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 that seeks to hold schools accountable to the state and public for educational achievement), the provision of research-based educational programs (e.g., universal preschool and certain whole-school reforms), and greater educational choice (witness the rapid growth of charter schools and voucher programs). Indeed, modern school finance litigations have incorporated many of the recent policy reforms into their remedial schemes, including efforts to require preschool, the costing out of an education adequate to attain proficiency on the state’s educational content

standards (with a particular focus on the additional costs of educating poor, disabled, and limited-English-proficient children), and assurances that local districts will be held accountable for delivering a high-quality education. Without judicial prompting, legislatures have also begun to cost-out educational adequacy in some states and target further funds to underperforming students and schools. Yet the future of school finance reform and litigation is uncertain. Although court cases are currently active in many states, several recent decisions have demonstrated a judicial unwillingness to be involved with the difficult political and educational issues surrounding modern school finance. That said, movements toward student-based budgeting in urban school districts that consider individual students’ needs show the promise of greater equality among schools within districts, and the growing recognition of the need to remedy dramatic interstate spending inequalities will be sure to keep school funding on every legislative and reform agenda for years to come. William S. Koski see also: Education, Discrimination in; Religious Schools; School Achievement; School Reform; Schooling, Inequalities in; Schools; Special Education: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives further reading: Helen Ladd, Rosemary Chalk, and Janet S. Hansen, eds., Equity and Adequacy in Education: Issues and Perspectives, 1999. • James E. Ryan and Thomas Saunders, “Foreword to Symposium on School Finance Litigation: Emerging Trends or New Dead Ends?” Yale Law and Policy Review 22 (2004), pp. 463– 80. • Michael A. Rebell, “Adequacy Litigations: A New Path to Equity?” in Janice Petrovich and Amy Stuart Wells, eds., Bringing Equity Back: Research for a New Era in American Educational Policy, 2005, pp. 291–323.

school prayer. see Religion in Public Schools school readiness. Around the world, it is recognized that significant developmental advances occur in children who are 5 to 7 years of age. These advances reflect not only more complex brain function and reasoning but also significant changes in physical and social-emotional development. Most cultures recognize this growing capacity in young children by providing formal scaffolding experiences from competent adults that promote more adultlike roles for children. For instance, in many cultures, children at 5 or 6 years of age begin to take responsibility for caring for younger children, begin the learning of adult roles like hunting or weaving, and in Western cultures begin formal schooling. In 1965, Sheldon White examined what he called the “5- to 7-year shift” in children’s thinking and behavior in a chapter that summarized the research on the qualitative changes in children that helped explain why children from many places around the globe begin formal schooling at 5 or 6 years of age. The skills that reflect these advances by children and, in societies that practice formal schooling, are expected to be acquired by children before school entry

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have been referred to as school readiness. This article focuses on the case of the United States as an example of such a formal-schooled society. Although the term school readiness has been used in the United States since the 1950s, it was not until 1989 that then-President George H. W. Bush emphasized its importance through the announcement of the National Education Goals. Goal 1 was for every child to enter school ready to learn by the year 2000. Almost immediately following the announcement of the National Education Goals in 1989, the National Association of State Boards of Education in 1991 reformulated Goal 1 by stressing the importance of school readiness as a construct that resided not only in the child but also in the supports that the child experienced at home, at school, and in the community. This reformulation has been further refined since 1991 to include the transactional and contextual influences among community schools, families, teachers, and children, placing the onus for school readiness not within the child alone but at the intersection of the child, interactional processes, and context. Thus, school readiness might be better defined as the product of the skills and experiences the child brings to school as well as the instructional skill teachers provide to each child to make sure he or she is ready to learn. At the national level, the most recent examination of school readiness was supported by the joint efforts of the Packard, Kauffman, and Ford Foundations in 2005 when they created a 17-state initiative that advanced a consensus definition of school readiness in The National School Readiness Indicators Initiative: A 17 State Partnership. They developed a concrete equation for school readiness that emphasized the contextual supports that children need to become ready for school. The equation was: Ready Families + Ready Communities + Ready Services + Ready Schools = Ready Children. For each of the four ready components, they developed global indicators to reflect whether the component was ready for children. In addition, they clearly articulated five areas of school readiness that the four components were responsible for enhancing in children. These included physical well-being and motor development, social and emotional development, approaches to learning, language development, and cognition and general knowledge. Research-based information on school readiness has become more important because of the advent of the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB) in 2001. This law mandated laudable achievement goals for every child by early elementary school. The law required schools to report achievement data in a disaggregated way so that achievement levels for low-income and minority children were reported separately while at the same time requiring all disaggregated groups to achieve at high levels. The law has created renewed interest in assuring early school readiness so all children will reach the NCLB goals. Thus, research studies have been spawned on the issue of school readiness in order to better under-

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stand why some children appear ready and others do not during the transition to formal schooling. The National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) has provided invaluable information on the progress of schools in meeting the goals of NCLB, including school readiness. The most recent comprehensive portrait of school readiness in the United States comes from the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study–Kindergarten Cohort (ECLS-K). This study measured school readiness as well as progress in elementary school in a large representative sample of more than 20,000 children entering school in 1999. According to this study, many children were not ready for school. The ECLS-K study found that about one-third of children entered school not proficient in recognizing letters, and even more had few positive behaviors that would help them do well in school. Using the ECLS-K data, Valerie E. Lee and David T. Burkam reported large inequalities in the skills of low-income and/or minority children compared to children of higher socioeconomic status in their book Inequality at the Starting Gate (2002). In comparison to lowincome and/or minority children, middle-class children had more resources at home and in the community prior to school entry, and their kindergarten classrooms provided a better context for learning. Lynne Vernon-Feagans and her colleagues described the importance of the match between the children’s entering skills and the capacity of the teacher to use appropriate instructional strategies. They present evidence that low-income and/or minority children did not receive the same quality of instruction and feedback as mainstream children, even within the same classrooms. In a reinforcement of these findings, Fred Morrison and his colleagues in 2005 reviewed the large discrepancies in instructional time and processes between “ready” and “not ready” classrooms, with ready classrooms more common in higher socioeconomic status schools. Doris Entwisle and Karl Alexander, in a series of monographs and books from the late 1980s to the late 1990s, have demonstrated this resource and achievement gap in their longitudinal work that reported that children from higher socioeconomic status families continued to be provided academic resources outside school, including summer enhancing experiences, while low-income and minority children often did not have access to such resources. Research on school readiness converges on the finding that these achievement gaps grow over time unless communities provide the resources needed to close the gap in the experiences between groups of children. Policies and programs have been developed over the years to help all children become successful in school. Originally, these programs focused on increasing the skills of children who were thought to be at risk for school failure to close the achievement gap. Programs like Head Start focused on increasing the skills of low-income children. More recently, policies have been developed that place the responsibility

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for readiness at the intersection between children and their families on the one hand and schools and teachers on the other. This has led to an increase in prekindergarten programs around the United States that help prepare children for school and work with elementary schools to promote the successful transition to school of all children. The Future of Children report in 2005 examined the racial, ethnic, and economic gaps in readiness between groups of children and recommended increasing the quality of preschool and Head Start programs, providing parent training and home visits, and aligning preschool programs with schools as a way to decrease the achievement gap. Other reports, like the National School Readiness Indicators Initiative, have suggested helping elementary school teachers, schools, communities, and other services to become more ready for minority and low-income children by increasing the quality of these components in their equation to produce ready children. Lynne Vernon-Feagans see also: Head Start; Preschool and Kindergarten further reading: L. Vernon-Feagans, Children’s Talk in Communities and Classrooms, 1996. • F. J. Morrison, H. J. Bachman, and C. M. Connor, Improving Literacy in America: Guidelines from Research, 2005. • A. Booth and A. C. Crouter, Disparities in School Readiness: How Families Contribute to Transitions into School, 2007. • R. C. Pianta, M. J. Cox, and K. L. Snow, School Readiness and the Transition to Kindergarten in the Era of Accountability, 2007.

school reform. Social, economic, and political tensions over the control, purpose, and operations within schools shape many of the current debates over school reform in the United States. Two principal reform strategies have surfaced in these debates: state-centered and decentralized, market-based approaches. The tension between these two types of programs is rooted in the centuries-old debate around the private and public goals of education, specifically how to balance economic liberty and private interests while promoting the common good. Although similar debates occur in many schooled societies around the world, this article will focus on the school reform debates in the United States. On the one hand, centralized approaches to the control of schools focus on providing a unified common school experience for students and promote the development of common standards and related assessments and accountability mechanisms. Advocates argue that strong statecentered reforms can advance the fundamental public interest, foster democratic participation, and reduce inequality. On the other hand, decentralized and market-based reforms seek to devolve public authority to parents and communities through reforms like vouchers, charter schools, and tuition tax credits. Supporters argue that individuals have a right to control their children’s education and contend that decentralized and market-based reforms lead to more efficient and effective forms of schooling by making schools

more responsive to local concerns and eliminating some of the bureaucratic apparatus that comes with more centralized approaches. Despite their roots in fundamentally different perspectives on the control of education and the rights of individuals and the responsibilities of the state, in practice these two approaches have not been treated as mutually exclusive. In fact, since the 1970s, reform strategies reflecting many aspects of these approaches have been implemented simultaneously. H istor ical Con te xt Since the mid-19th century, the constant changes in the social, economic, and political contexts that shape educational policies and school practices have reflected these tensions between state-centered and decentralized approaches. These tensions have contributed to what David Tyack and Larry Cuban have called policy cycles, in which advocates for one approach or the other have advanced their cause. For example, in the post–civil rights era of the 1970s when attention was given to special protection of disenfranchised citizens, both federal and state governments instituted highly regulated and centralized programs, including those related to special education, bilingual education, and early childhood education. In the 1980s, the shift to the anti–big government agenda of President Ronald Reagan led to a push for the dismantling of strong government control of schools and promoted choice programs in the form of tuition tax credits and vouchers for private school tuition. In the 1990s, advocates for both approaches continued to pursue their agendas. Choice reforms evolved with the expansion of charter schools, vouchers, and tuition tax credit programs, while, simultaneously, a push for state-led accountability programs was also conceived and evolved into the federal No Child Left Behind Act of 2001. These dueling and potentially contradictory policy strategies have created what some have called a state of “policy schizophrenia.” Dec en tr alized and M ar k et-Based S c ho o l C ho ic e R efor ms Advocates of decentralization argue that when parents are provided with the option to exit their neighborhood public schools in search of alternatives or are allowed to bypass the public system entirely and receive public dollars to enroll in private schools, then teachers and principals are directly accountable to parents, not to local and state bureaucracies. From this perspective, over time, the competitive market for students will raise the quality of all schools. Since the 1970s, the expansion of school choice programs has offered parents alternative schooling options in nearly every state. For example, beginning with Minnesota in 1991, 40 states and the District of Columbia have passed charter school laws, and by 2006 charter schools were serving more than 1 million students. Publicly funded voucher programs

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are operational in six states, serving about 50,000 students, and tuition tax credit programs are operational in six states. Collectively, more than one in four students nationwide (14.2 million) choose to exit their assigned neighborhood school and exercise their school choice options, which include, in addition to charter schools, vouchers, and tax credits, options such as magnet schools, open enrollment, and home schooling. Charter schools remain entirely within the purview of public education, are subject to oversight by state and local authorizing agencies, and may be closed if contractual obligations are not fulfilled. Charter schools were conceived as a complement to public education: a movement to expand school-level authority and encourage classroom innovation. Voucher and tuition tax credit programs, however, enable parents to use public funds to help their children attend private schools. Recent debates linked to school choice have focused on the economic impact of choice programs on traditional schools and the performance of students attending choice programs in comparison to traditional school students. Debates have also revolved around the legal issues linked to the separation of church and state that have limited the expansion of public funding for private school voucher and tuition tax credit programs. C en tr alized State Standar d s and Accoun tabi lit y R efo r m s State-centered reforms stem from the theory that the state should set a uniform core curriculum, establish performance standards, provide schools with the resources to implement school reforms, and monitor and sanction schools that do not meet specific outcome goals. Control and tight accountability over schools ensures that the state can advance a fundamental public interest, including equal access to a common schooling experience and the promotion of democratic participation. Since the 1970s, standards and accountability reforms have been the most widely implemented state-centered reform strategies across all states. The current push for state-centered standards and accountability reforms can be traced back to the seminal 1983 report by the National Commission on Excellence in Education, A Nation at Risk: The Imperative for Educational Reform, which linked the decline in global competitiveness of the United States in science, in technology, and in the economy to the educational performance of the nation’s schools. The report prompted national interest in large-scale school reform strategies and shifted attention from a focus on curriculum to systemic standards-based reforms, including increased testing to monitor and hold schools accountable. In particular, the reauthorization of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA) in 1988, shortly after the publication of A Nation at Risk, for the first time included conditions for funding that were tied to accountability and improved student

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outcomes. The reauthorization of the ESEA in 1994 went a step further and included provisions for the development of national standards and assessments for all students. In 2001, the shift toward strong state-led reforms culminated in the eighth reauthorization of the ESEA: the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB). This act mandated schools to demonstrate that their students are proficient in math and reading in third to eighth grade by 2014, as measured by both state-based standardized tests and National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) scores. It also required that schools report state test scores for student subgroups (including limited-English proficient, special education, and racial and ethnic minorities) to ensure that all students are demonstrating proficiency, and it established new “highly qualified” standards for teachers and paraprofessionals, including increased certification requirements. While NCLB is a voluntary program, states that do not participate are subject to losing funds that amount on average to 10% of their total education budget. Federal funding, however, is also dependent on schools demonstrating that all of their students are making “adequate yearly progress” toward reaching proficiency by 2014, and schools are subject to sanctions after two years of not meeting these goals. Schools designated consistently as in “Need of Improvement” are required to provide interventions, including a school choice plan that allows students to exit failing schools in year two and access to free tutoring and other supplemental services in year three. Schools that fail to demonstrate improvements after four years face corrective action, including the implementation of a new curriculum or the replacement of staff and complete school restructuring or state takeover thereafter. Like many other state-centered strategies, the implementation of NCLB has been met with controversy. While some advocates point to the focus on improving the qualifications of all teachers and increasing proficiency for all students as a crucial commitment to making education outcomes more equitable, many critics see NCLB as an unprecedented intrusion of the federal government into local affairs and an unfunded mandate that puts an unfair burden on states to implement and pay for federal programs. In addition, critics contend that NCLB’s narrow focus on performance on standardized tests primarily in reading and mathematics will lead to a narrowing of the curriculum and the neglect of other subjects and higher-order thinking skills. Advocates counter that a narrow focus on key skills may be required to enable chronically underperforming students and schools to make improvements. B u i l d i ng th e Capac i t y to I m prov e I n s truc tio n Despite the tensions between state-centered and decentralized approaches to school reform, both approaches often reflect an assumption that schools have the capacity to

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make improvements but have failed to do so for other reasons. Thus, decentralized approaches suggest that if parents are offered choices among schools, they will choose to send their children to better schools and create pressure that will lead the educational system as a whole to get better. Statecentered approaches suggest that coherent and aligned standards, assessments, and incentives will make it possible for schools to focus their instruction and increase performance for all students. However, both approaches often fail to take into account the possibility that the information, skills, expertise, resources, and other supports needed to make these approaches work may not be in place. Thus, market-based reforms assume that all parents will have the information and expertise necessary to make sound choices. In addition, the devolution of authority assumes that there are already established and effective alternatives available to everyone or that communities will have the wherewithal to build new and effective schooling models for parents to choose from. Similarly, state-centered approaches assume that education professionals have the training, expertise, and support necessary to enable them to change their instruction in response to standards and accountability demands. These concerns about what it may take to enable schools to make improvements have contributed to another series of reform strategies that focus on building school and district capacity for improving instruction. The debates have focused on what it takes to make improvements and whether schools need more funding or whether they need to use the funds they have more effectively. These recent efforts to build school capacity shift attention to a host of factors at many different levels of the school system that have a bearing on instructional performance, including the type and intensity of students’ needs, the skills of teachers, the quality of educational materials, the nature of teacher preparation, the availability of high-quality professional development, and the support of effective school and district leaders. Strategies that take more of a capacity-building perspective include the development of school reform models or designs such as Success for All and the School Development Program. These models provide guidance and support to help schools change many aspects of their operations, including curriculum and instruction, professional development, community involvement, and governance. The development of these models has been fostered by the U.S. Congress in the creation of the 1998 Comprehensive School Reform Demonstration Program, which provided funds for disadvantaged schools to adopt one of these comprehensive approaches or establish one of their own. A surge of interest at the end of the 20th century in creating improvements in many schools at once, not just one school at a time, also fueled interest in the development of district-based approaches to reform. These initiatives attempt to build capacity across all the schools in a dis-

trict by pursuing strategies like creating a clearer focus on curriculum and instruction, providing stronger and more consistent support for professional development, and improving systems for hiring and databased decision making. However, the success of these programs may depend on the capacity of existing programs and personnel to provide effective support to large numbers of teachers and schools. Luis A. Huerta and Thomas Hatch see also: Curriculum; School Achievement; School Funding further reading: M. Carnoy and H. M. Levin, Schooling and Work in the Democratic State, 1985. • D. B. Tyack and L. Cuban, Tinkering toward Utopia: A Century of Public School Reform, 1995. • B. Fuller, E. Burr, L. Huerta, S. Puryear, and E. Wexler, School Choice: Abundant Hopes, Scarce Evidence of Results, 1998. • B. Fuller, “Education Policy under Cultural Pluralism,” Educational Researcher 32, no. 9 (2003), pp. 15–24. • L. A. Huerta and C. d’Entremont, “Tax Credits as Legal, Political and Policy Alternatives to Vouchers,” Educational Policy 21, no. 1 (January 2007), pp. 73–109.

school vouchers. see School Funding; School Reform schooling, inequalities in. Inequality is a fact of life in societies throughout the world, and it is readily evident in schools and related institutions that serve children and families. Such disparity exists despite a commitment by many individuals within educational systems to equity in access to resources and openness of opportunities for achievement and human development. Inequalities take many forms in education; some of the most prominent include inequitable funding of schools, differences in qualifications of teachers and other professional personnel, and dissimilarity in the background and experiences of children passing through schools. All of these manifold inequities lead to wide variation in the outcomes of education, many of which have profound implications for the lives that children eventually lead as adults. This article will focus on the well-documented inequalities in the educational system of the United States as a case in point. The sources of inequality in modern American society are subject to debate among social scientists and other observers, but few dispute the importance of systematic inequity based on the type of work a person does or how much wealth he or she controls. This can be seen historically. While the United States may have started as a society principally of egalitarian landholding farmers, it did not take long for inequality to become widely evident. With industrialization, and particularly the development of the factory system, differences between social classes were aggravated. Meanwhile, African Americans, a sizable portion of the population, were held as slaves until the Civil War and relegated to inferior caste status for nearly a century afterward. These differences in social status were reflected in patterns of access to education and schooling throughout American history. Children from working-class or racial

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minority backgrounds have historically experienced fewer opportunities for educational advancement than other children, which is apparent in view of segregation and a preponderance of unacademic curricula for these children. While there were exceptions to these patterns and numbers of bright children from relatively low-status backgrounds did attain success in the schools, the majority did not. Such disparities were especially evident in the nation’s growing industrial cities and in the agricultural South, where African Americans have traditionally been concentrated. One of the most immediately evident dimensions of inequality in recent American history can be seen in the social and economic characteristics of different types of communities, including the schools that serve them. Some social scientists refer to this as spatial inequality, because it is related to the way communities are located geographically. During the 19th and 20th centuries, city dwellers with sufficient wealth moved to outlying areas where they organized new communities called suburbs. With the development of rail and automotive technology in the 20th century, these suburban communities expanded at a rapidly accelerating rate. This became especially evident in the decades following World War II when the nation’s suburban population surpassed the number of urban residents by a wide margin. One of the important characteristics of the new suburban communities that expanded rapidly in this era was the quality of their schools. By and large, individuals and families that moved to the suburbs during these years were attracted by new, affordable housing and a lifestyle conducive to raising children in a healthy, safe environment. Given a relatively strong tax base, these communities could build modern schools and staff them with highly qualified teachers. Combined with the fact that suburbanites were, on average, better educated and wealthier than urban residents, their children enjoyed clear advantages with respect to educational attainment and academic achievement. At the same time, families that remained in the cities were left with older schools and less-experienced teachers, on average, than their suburban counterparts. Additionally, city children had parents with lower levels of education and wealth. These factors contributed to a widening educational gap between urban and suburban children in both attainment and achievement. Suburban students also outperformed children living outside the nation’s metropolitan areas in the rural countryside. These schools suffered lower levels of tax support, especially in areas where the agricultural economy was in decline. As a consequence of these developments in recent American history, clear differences exist between the educational and developmental experiences of children in different types of communities. This is particularly evident in the nation’s largest cities, where vast urban ghetto communities are isolated from the social and economic benefits of integration with the rest of society. Most residents of these

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areas are African American and Hispanic, and many are very poor. In some of these areas, most children live in single-parent households, typically with a mother who has little means of support apart from government assistance. Schools in these areas are often described as the weakest in the United States. Funding levels typically are lower than in nearby suburban areas. Graduation rates lag behind other communities, and achievement scores are well below the national average. Many children and youth are involved with illegal enterprises of one sort or another, most frequently the drug trade. Similar problems can be found in rural areas that have suffered significant economic decline. These forms of inequality exert a powerful influence on children’s formal education today. Since schools continue to be funded at least partly through local tax receipts in much of the country, those located in poorer communities, most often urban and rural, usually receive less financial support than do schools in wealthy areas. Additionally, the wealthy schools, often found in the suburban areas, have the financial ability to provide higher teaching salaries; hence, teachers with higher qualifications tend to be found in suburban schools. Naturally, parents who have the ability to choose where they live because of their income choose to live in communities where the school system provides their children educational advantages. Accordingly, children’s educational opportunities are influenced by the social and economic status of their parents. But parental status also affects the success of children in school. Research by social scientists since the 1950s has demonstrated that such social background factors as ethnicity, race, gender, and social class have an important impact on educational achievement, as measured by standardized tests. These factors also are associated with differences in educational attainment, or the level of education an individual student completes. Among the most important background characteristics linked to school performance is parental education level. All things being equal, children with highly educated parents have consistently demonstrated a strong advantage in educational achievement. Parental education can impact a child’s learning early in life. Research has shown, for instance, that college-educated parents generally speak more frequently to their children and use a wider vocabulary than less-educated parents, resulting in a larger vocabulary and higher reading abilities for their children. Also, children of well-educated parents tend to learn more during summer vacations and other extended breaks from school than other children, who often lose academic skills and knowledge over the summer months. Furthermore, well-educated parents have been shown to interact with teachers and other school personnel more readily and effectively, often giving their children yet another advantage with regard to academic achievement. There are other dimensions of inequality related to parental background characteristics as well. Some social scien-

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tists interested in education have employed the concept of culture to identify yet another factor: cultural capital. This concept is premised on the recognition that all cultures are not equal; certain patterns of behavior, values, and attitudes are more widely admired and rewarded in society than are others. Various forms of cultural capital can be an advantage in school settings. Children with highly educated parents, for instance, have access to books, music, magazines, and media technology that may help them in school as well as in the larger society. If they travel abroad, attend the theater, or frequent museums, their cultural capital could be augmented even further. Parents who understand how complex institutions function can pass this knowledge to their offspring, and it will help them succeed in the educational system. Schools also can help mediate the process of realizing such benefits if they reward the holders of cultural capital with greater access to credentials or other forms of social recognition. Social capital is another factor that affects education and refers to advantages that individuals derive from relationships. In this light, the existence of supportive relationships can be considered a valuable asset and, hence, a form of wealth or capital. With regard to education, perhaps the most straightforward example of social capital is the effect of local communities on school attendance. It has long been observed, for instance, that some social groups seemed to encourage school enrollment more than others. The children of Jewish immigrants in American cities had unusually high levels of school attendance in the early 20th century, even though their parents often were poor and lacked formal education. Similar patterns have been observed more recently among Asian Americans, who hold the highest educational attainment rates of all racial minorities. Other sources of inequality may be less obvious. During the middle decades of the 20th century, there was a grand compression of wages, which when combined with high tax rates on large incomes contributed to greater economic equality in the United States. In more recent decades, wage and income inequality has widened substantially. This type of inequity affects the ability of families to save money for higher education. For those at the lowest levels of the income distribution, illness, job loss, divorce, or other personal catastrophes can be devastating, particularly for children. Events such as these can profoundly alter the developmental prospects of the youngest children, with potentially lifelong consequences. Poverty remains a persistent problem in the United States, with as many as 20% of children experiencing it in recent years. The most commonly used definition of poverty is a household income roughly half the national median for families of a given size. While poverty is a temporary condition for most Americans who encounter it, for some it is persistent over years and even decades. Perhaps the largest numbers of persistently poor families are located

in inner-city neighborhoods in major metropolitan centers or in isolated rural communities. Many are African American, and a significant proportion live in the South, a region that historically endured wage levels well below national norms. A rich body of research has documented the negative effects of poverty on children, especially the persistent forms of poverty associated with urban ghettos and rural isolation. Historically and today, children and teenagers from poverty backgrounds tend to leave school at earlier ages to work and help support themselves and their families. In the past, this was found to be true of particular immigrant groups, especially the Italians and the Irish. Today, this is seen as an epidemic among Hispanic populations and particularly for the Southwest Chicano community. The need for income, coupled with the opportunity for teenagers to find work, serves to lower enrollment and attainment rates, essentially exacerbating the effect of poverty in these communities. Additionally, the effects of poverty can be seen in the expectations teachers hold for students from different backgrounds. Social scientists have found that teachers are inclined to hold lower expectations of students from poverty backgrounds and from racial minority groups, principally African American and Hispanic students. The expectations teachers hold for students’ performance affect their motivation to pursue an education, their effort in the classroom, and ultimately their success in schools. The teacher expectations effect contends that teachers’ behaviors produce the academic failure of poor students and racial minority students through their tendency to support and challenge them less in the classroom. Lower expectations translate to lower educational and occupational possibilities, which ultimately lead to inequalities in the educational system and in society. Sylvia L. M. Martinez and John L. Rury see also: Affirmative Action, Children and; Class Size; Classroom Culture; Education, Discrimination in; Race and Children’s Development; School Achievement; Schools, Single-Sex further reading: Susan E. Mayer, What Money Can’t Buy: Family Income and Children’s Life Chances, 1997. • Valerie Lee, Inequality at the Starting Gate: Social Background Differences in Achievement as Children Begin School, 2002. • Annette Lareau, Unequal Childhoods: Class, Race, and Family Life, 2003. • Sue Books, Poverty and Schooling in the U.S.: Contexts and Consequences, 2004. • Richard Rothstein, Class and Schools: Using Social, Economic, and Educational Reform to Close the Black-White Achievement Gap, 2004. • S. Bowles, H. Gintis, and M. O. Groves, eds., Unequal Chances: Family Background and Economic Success, 2005.

schools. In its more general sense, the word school encompasses a wide variety of public and private institutions aimed at instructing individuals of every age in almost any activity imaginable. Schools have existed for thousands of years and in the 20th century have spread to nearly all parts

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of the world. In the United States, there are preschools for very young children, some primarily recreational, some primarily academic, and even some offering specialized training in swimming, gymnastics, or a variety of other activities. Likewise, there are all manner of special-purpose schools for older children, including many focusing on religious instruction. For late adolescents and adults, there is an extensive system of both public and private colleges and universities and other institutions offering vocational training. This article focuses primarily on elementary and secondary schools, which are American society’s chief formal mechanism for instructing its children and youth and serve a similar function in other countries. Historically, Americans have attached great significance to schooling. It was associated in the very earliest stages of U.S. history with preparing the people for the rights and responsibilities of democratic citizenship. In more recent decades, education has become linked in the public mind with economic success. With a few exceptions, other countries were slower to enact universal public education, although it had become a rapidly spreading norm worldwide by the mid-20th century. Education traditionally has been viewed as a vehicle for social mobility, but schools also have been used as an instrument for preserving the social standing of those with wealth and power. Schools have thus been seen as playing a variety of roles in the development of modern society, some of them rather contradictory. The multifarious roles that schools play can be organized into five general categories: transmission of knowledge and skills; socialization; vocational preparation; economic, social, and occupational sorting; and child care. Schooling is a massive enterprise in the United States that costs almost $500 billion per year, nearly 4% of the nation’s gross domestic product. While formal education is a large-scale enterprise elsewhere as well, few other countries match this level of expenditure. In 2006, slightly less than 50 million American children were enrolled in public schools and about another 5 million in private schools, altogether nearly 20% of the nation’s population. The largest group of private schools is those with religious affiliation, often referred to as parochial schools, with more than three-quarters of these being Catholic. At the precollege level, about 89% of all pupils are enrolled in public schools, a percentage that has increased slightly in recent years. When the parents of children are counted, along with adults working in schools, more than 40% of all Americans are directly involved with them. There are about 110,000 elementary and secondary schools in the United States, a number that has increased steadily since 1980 after decades of decline. In 1920, there were about 270,000, most of them small, rural schools. Of course, the average school has increased markedly in size and organizational complexity since the early 20th century. For the most part, there is little difference in the organiza-

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tion of private and public schools, although public schools are typically somewhat larger. These tendencies hold true in most industrialized countries today. Most schools are multiclassroom graded, meaning that children are grouped in classrooms according to their age and level of academic attainment and limited to serving a subset of the school-age population. Most can be classified as elementary schools, which enroll pupils for approximately half of their formal education, or secondary schools, which serve teenagers. Institutions of higher education are referred to as postsecondary or tertiary schools. In the United States, the typical school is in session for about 185 days per year, with some variation from one area to another. In many countries and in certain places within the United States, the school year has been extended either to encompass more days of school or to distribute the instructional days more evenly throughout the year. Altogether, most American elementary school pupils spend about 1,000 hours per year in school, which is typical of most of the developed world. Elementary schools usually offer one year of kindergarten, followed by first through fourth, fifth, or sixth grade. In some places and some private schools, an older organizational model persists in which elementary or grammar school extends through eighth grade. Most elementary schools are organized around the self-contained classroom consisting of a group of about 20 to 25 students of similar age and one teacher. The principal academic focus of elementary school and especially of the primary grades (first through third grade) has always been the three R’s: reading, writing, and arithmetic. Social studies and science are subjects that receive increased emphasis in the upper elementary grades. Elementary pupils also receive instruction in such subjects as art, music, and physical education from special teachers a number of times each week. In private religious schools, students usually also receive instruction in the religious traditions of the sponsoring church or denomination. Whereas secondary school was once synonymous with high school in the United States, consisting of 9th through 12th grade, the term now also encompasses a middle level of schooling known either as junior high school or middle school. The distinction between junior high schools and middle schools is not fixed. Whatever they call themselves, these institutions may contain a mixture of features of high schools and elementary schools. Like elementary schools, secondary schools vary greatly in size, but high schools are generally larger, averaging about 800 students. There is considerable international variation in the size of schools, but those in the United States generally are among the largest. Worldwide, secondary schools divide the instructional day into periods of varying length. Students move from one classroom, teacher, and subject to another. These may include language arts (language or literature); mathematics

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(ranging from arithmetic to calculus); social science; natural science; foreign language; physical education; the arts, including music and visual arts; and vocational courses. As a rule, larger schools are able to offer a greater variety of subjects than are smaller ones. Most high schools in the Unites States, unlike many other countries, are comprehensive, intended to serve the entire age cohort of 14- to 18-year-olds. Students generally do not specialize or major in a particular subject area. Some comprehensive high schools, especially large urban schools, have tracks, varying academic paths that different groups of students may follow. In addition to the college preparatory track, there may be a variety of vocational preparation programs and a general, less rigorous academic program for students perceived as less likely to attend college. Historically, schools with elaborate tracking systems are more likely to serve large numbers of working-class students and those from racial and ethnic minority groups. As a rule, private secondary schools do not feature a curriculum that is differentiated in this fashion, as there is greater emphasis on academic achievement for all students. Historically, secondary schools in most other parts of the world have focused on preparing students for university admission, although American-style comprehensive high schools were established by many countries in the latter half of the 20th century. In the United States, there also are special-purpose high schools designed to serve a particular student clientele (e.g., the academically gifted) or to focus on a particular subject area such as science or the fine or performing arts. Many such magnet schools were established to combat educational inequities in large cities, where problems associated with racial and ethnic segregation are most pronounced. In addition to their academic programs, secondary schools offer a variety of cocurricular and extracurricular activities. Cocurricular activities may include clubs connected to school subjects and activities like newspaper or magazine production. Extracurricular activities may include social events such as dances and trips and clubs devoted to a diverse array of activities. In the United States and many other countries, many secondary schools sponsor teams that compete with other schools in activities like marching band and debate competitions. The most visible activities in U.S. schools are sports teams, with many fielding 10 or more such teams. In some communities, the performance of the local high school sports teams is a subject of widespread interest. Unlike most other countries, the United States does not have a formal national system of education. Its Constitution reserves to the states the power to organize, govern, and fund their own schools, and until relatively recently the federal government did little to influence the activities of schools. For most of the nation’s history, federal involvement in education consisted mostly of sponsoring research

and development activities, advocating programs perceived to be in the nation’s best interest such as vocational education and sex education, and providing funding for a few such programs, most notably vocational education. Since the late 1950s, Congress has used its power to appropriate funds to the states to exercise control over certain aspects of public school programs. Two federal laws in particular have had far-reaching effects on the education that American children receive: the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB) and the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA). NCLB is the 2001 revision of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA), first passed in 1965. ESEA’s primary goal was always to assist schools with high concentrations of children living in poverty, who as a group have not enjoyed the same level of academic success as children of higher socioeconomic status. NCLB goes much further, essentially imposing on all schools in states that choose to accept the funding offered by the act (all states do) a far-reaching program of accountability, assessment, and potential sanctions for substandard performance. The centerpiece of the program is a state-administered annual testing program for elementary and secondary school pupils in reading, mathematics, and other subjects. IDEA is the current name for the law first enacted in 1975 as the Education for All Handicapped Children Act (EAHCA). Then as now, the purpose of this law is to open the doors of public education to all children with disabilities and to provide each disabled child with an education designed to meet the child’s individual needs. Today, states that accept the funding offered under IDEA, as all do, are required to comply with an extensive set of regulations in the way they educate children with disabilities. Currently, about 12% of all children qualify for services under IDEA, and even those who do not are affected by the changes that IDEA has brought to schools. The courts have also had a big impact on schooling in the United States. The historic decision of the U.S. Supreme Court in Brown v. Board of Education in 1954 declared racial segregation by law in public education to be illegal. Despite this ruling, most schools and the system generally continue to be racially segregated in fact. In addition to Brown and subsequent school desegregation cases, courts have also dealt with a wide variety of issues of student and teacher rights, many concerned with defining the requirements of separation of church and state in public schools. In recent years, the highest courts of many states have considered questions relating to the constitutional adequacy and equity of their state systems of financing schools. Despite these and a few other federal laws and court cases, the lack of a national system has allowed for the parallel development of the school system of each of the 50 states. This approach to the organization of public schooling is unique among the world’s principal nations, a point that critics of American education cite frequently.

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Each state’s constitution instructs its legislature to organize and fund a system of free public schools for the benefit of the children of the state. All states have laws compelling children of specified ages, most often age 6 or 7 to 16 or 18, to attend public school or a state-approved alternative. Most states also have laws that create a system of licensure or certification for teachers and school administrators; prescribe in general terms the curriculum that schools must offer; establish minimum standards for high school graduation, in some states including successful completion of a state-administered minimum competency exam; and create a system for raising and distributing funds for schools. All states but one have also created a system of local school boards (boards of education), each charged with overseeing the public schools of a particular city, county, or other state-designated school district. Most, but not all, school boards are elected by the adult residents of the school district. Currently, there are about 15,000 public school districts, a number that has decreased considerably as states have sought to improve schools and save costs by consolidation. Like schools themselves, school districts vary tremendously in size. Many private schools are independent or freestanding institutions, but religious schools often are also organized into districts. The largest of these are maintained by Catholic dioceses, usually in the nation’s larger cities. Almost all school boards seek to implement their educational programs by employing a chief executive officer, usually known as the superintendent of schools. The superintendent’s function is to carry out the policies adopted by the board. Depending on the size of the district, there may also be additional district-level administrators arranged in a bureaucratic structure. The day-to-day operation of individual schools is the function of a principal. Among the most significant functions of school administration is the hiring of teachers. There are approximately 4.5 million schoolteachers in the United States, one of the nation’s largest occupational groups. Much attention has been devoted since the 1950s to factors that affect the academic performance of children in schools. Researchers have discovered significant and enduring differences in the achievement of children from different social and economic status groups. This is a finding that holds true in studies conducted in many different nations, although few developed countries have the extent of inequality seen in the United States. Education also has been shown to be significantly correlated with future earnings and social status. According to U.S. figures, individuals with four years of postsecondary education earn 80% more than high school graduates and nearly triple the earnings of those who did not complete secondary school. In general, students from middle- and upper-class families fare better in school than those from lower-class or poverty backgrounds. Additionally, students from many linguistic

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minority groups exhibit lower achievement levels, as do African American and American Indian children. Some Asian American ethnic groups achieve levels of school performance higher than European Americans. There are a number of explanations for these patterns, most of which are linked to differences in the education levels and material resources of children’s parents. The long-standing American tradition of funding public education through local taxes has contributed to considerable inequality in school outcomes, but other community resources appear to influence achievement as well. The concentration of poor children from various ethnic minority groups in the schools of large cities has long been associated with lower achievement levels. Despite decades of research and debate about how to improve urban schools, little progress has been made in helping them attain the same level of student academic outcomes as their counterparts in more affluent communities. The highest-performing schools are often located in high-status suburban areas adjacent to large cities, where greater resources can be devoted to education and expectations for student achievement are higher. These patterns of inequity represent one of the most intractable dilemmas facing education in the United States today. Another challenge to schools in the United States is the performance of their students on tests that compare academic achievement levels across nations. The most influential of these comparisons were performed by the Third International Math Science Study (TIMSS). As a group, American elementary students score in the upper third of nations tested, but secondary students have not fared as well, falling in the lower third. These results are puzzling, given comparatively high educational expenditures in the United States. Some researchers have speculated that international curricular differences may account for these TIMSS findings, while others point to the training of teachers and their instructional approaches or to their cultural expectations regarding the behavior of youth. The performance of American students in these sorts of international comparisons has been a major impetus behind school reform in recent decades, particularly NCLB. In light of the relatively poor showing among teenagers, considerable attention has been devoted to improving the performance of secondary education, particularly high schools. Most Americans, regardless of age, have similar memories of public school: classrooms and hallways; libraries and laboratories; auditoriums, playgrounds, and gyms; bulletin boards and blackboards; yellow buses; books and desks; and, most of all, friends. The same is undoubtedly true of the citizens of most other counties, given the worldwide expansion of formal education in the 20th century. Despite significant variations across and within nations and states and changes that have occurred over time, along with an endless stream of innovations and new technologies, the basic structure and elements of schooling have remained

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remarkably consistent. This is not likely to change any time soon. Public schools are and likely will remain among the most widespread, familiar, and influential of all cultural, social, and governmental institutions in the United States and around the world. Michael Imber and John L. Rury see also: Boarding Schools; Education; Home Schooling; Preschool and Kindergarten; Religious Schools; School Funding; Schools, Single-Sex; Teachers; Vocational Schools and Training further reading: Ernest L. Boyer, High School: A Report on Secondary Education in America, 1983. • David Tyack and Larry Cuban, Tinkering toward Utopia: A Century of Public School Reform, 1995. • Jennifer L. Hochschild and Nathan Scovronick, The American Dream and the Public Schools, 2003. • John I. Goodlad, A Place Called School: Twentieth Anniversary Edition, 2004. • Michael Imber and Tyll van Geel, Education Law, 3rd ed., 2004. • Patricia K. Kubow and Paul R. Fossum, Comparative Education: Exploring Issues in International Context, 2006.

schools, single-sex. The debate about the relative merits and disadvantages of single-sex and coeducational schooling is long running and shows no sign of abating. Unfortunately, while individuals’ beliefs about the superiority of mixed or single-sex schooling are frequently strong, research evidence to support such views is not strong. Although research on and reviews of the benefits of single-sex versus coeducational schooling (mainly at the secondary level) have been undertaken around the world—most notably in Australia, Canada, England, New Zealand, Northern Ireland, and the United States—the results are equivocal. In other words, there is no consistent, robust evidence about the advantages of one school type over the other. The arguments are multifaceted but generally revolve around issues of academic attainment, curriculum and subject choice, children’s experiences of schooling, and social concerns, including preparation for life beyond school. Aca d e m ic Attai n m en t Advocates of single-sex schooling frequently point to academic rankings of schools as evidence of the academic superiority of single-sex schools. For example, according to tables compiled by BBC News, 9 out of 10 of the bestperforming secondary schools in England in 2006 were single-sex, and seven of those were girls’ schools. While press reports of such patterns may reinforce the perceptions of many parents that single-sex schools are better academically than coeducational schools—particularly for girls—research evidence from around the world suggests a more complex picture. In order to assess how important the gender of a school’s student body is for academic attainment, it is crucial to compare like with like; in other words, to compare schools that are the same in all regards other than whether they are single-sex or coeducational. In practice, this is impossible to do. Schools differ in a host of ways, including in terms of

the pupils’ social backgrounds, the ability levels of students as they enter school, the way the school is managed, the school ethos, the skills of the teachers, and so on. While researchers can select schools for their studies that are as similar as possible to one another and attempt to control for certain differences when undertaking their analyses, it is not possible to control for all differences. Problems of comparing like with like are exacerbated by the fact that single-sex schools are often located in particular sectors of the education system. For example, in England most singlesex schools are in the private sector, and this positioning largely accounts for their high rankings in the performance tables. Similarly, in the United States there are few public single-sex schools, as single-sex schooling was seen to violate, in spirit, Title IX of the Educational Amendments of 1972 (although changes to the legislation in 2006 offer communities more flexibility in terms of single-sex state provision). So, overall, comparing like with like is very difficult, if not impossible, to do. The weight of evidence generated by researchers who have come closest to being able to compare like with like in terms of school types suggests that there are numerous variables that influence academic attainment, most notably the students’ social backgrounds and their ability levels when joining the school. Furthermore, the research suggests that these factors are more influential in terms of examination results than whether a school is single-sex. Cur r iculum and Sub j ect C hoic e Views about whether single-sex schooling is advantageous in terms of giving girls and boys equal access to the curriculum have shifted over time. For example, in England in the 1950s and 1960s, secondary education was often single-sex, with girls and boys being taught in separate schools or in one building that was divided into two and had separate entrances. In almost all state schools, the curriculum was differentiated by gender, with girls being offered some “feminine” domestic subjects and boys being taught more “masculine” science-based subjects. The schools’ resources also often differed depending on whether they housed girls or boys: Many girls’ schools lacked laboratory space for science, and boys’ schools were often better resourced. As such, during this time, some feminists argued strongly for coeducation, in part because they thought it would deliver access to a broader range of curriculum areas and resources for girls. The shift to coeducation occurred in England in the late 1960s and 1970s as a largely undiscussed by-product of other changes that were implemented in the education system. Following this change, research in the 1970s and 1980s suggested that coeducation was not the solution that some feminists had hoped it would be. Evidence suggested that in many coeducational schools, girls were encouraged to opt for traditionally feminine subjects while boys were directed

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toward traditionally masculine subjects. Even today, despite some initiatives to counter gender stereotyping of subjects, boys or men and girls or women tend to cluster within particular subject areas where they have a choice. For example, U.S. Department of Education statistics reveal that of the students awarded bachelor’s degrees in engineering and engineering technologies in 2004–5 in the United States, 18% were women. In the United Kingdom, Higher Education Statistics Agency data suggest that of all U.K. students studying physics in higher education in 2005–6, only 21% were women. Ironically, evidence emerged suggesting that, contrary to the predictions of feminists in the 1950s and 1960s, there is less gender polarization of subject choice and subject preferences among students who are taught in single-sex schools than those who attend coeducational ones. However, these findings must be interpreted with some caution: One cannot assume that the gender makeup of the school is the only, or most important, explanation for these patterns. E x p er i enc e s o f S c ho o l i ng Although the current educational climate is one in which academic performance and the acquisition of credentials are emphasized, it is important not to downplay the significance of educational experiences for children. Much smallscale research undertaken in the 1970s and 1980s suggested that girls’ experiences in coeducational schools were problematic in a variety of ways. For example, research suggested that teachers were more intellectually encouraging to, and demanding of, boys and rewarded girls for good, appropriately feminine behavior; boys dominated in the classroom, both in terms of space and teacher time; sexual harassment of girls by boys in the classroom was not uncommon; and boys’ contributions to classroom discussion were taken more seriously than girls’ contributions. However, it is important to note that not all boys dominate classroom space and not all girls are quiet, and research conducted more recently tends to be more attentive than work conducted in the 1970s and 1980s to differences within gender groups as well as between them. Nevertheless, although factors such as social class, race, and ethnicity can be as important as gender for shaping how pupils experience schooling, evidence suggests that the gendered patterns of behavior identified in the 1970s and 1980s persist in coeducational schools today. Of course, this does not mean that single-sex schools offer wholly positive experiences for all children, and this is an area that would benefit from more research. Soc ial Conc er ns There is very little research on the long-term social consequences of single-sex and coeducational schooling. Nevertheless, many advocates of coeducation argue that mixed schools are essential so that girls and boys can learn to live and work together. In general, their argument is that

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schools should reflect real life (presumably out-of-school life), and as society is mixed, schools should also be mixed. Some advocates of girls’ schools, on the other hand, argue the opposite. They suggest that the fact that girls’ schools do not mirror real life is a key reason to have them. They argue that, generally, Western societies are male dominated and women are frequently below men in terms of, among other things, opportunities, pay, and power. So pupils and teachers need to challenge and change these inequalities rather than reproduce them in schools. Proponents of this argument suggest that single-sex schools can be spaces where girls can begin to challenge male dominance and power, where girls can learn that they do not have to take second place to boys, that they can work free from harassment and taunts, and that they can do science. What little empirical evidence exists regarding the longterm social consequences of single-sex and mixed schooling reveals no consistent differences in the personal development of girls and boys in these school types. Evidence suggests, for example, there are no significant differences between students who attend single-sex schools and students who attend coeducational schools in terms of how easy or difficult they find it to adjust socially to university life. Overall though, this is yet another area where there are more unanswered than answered questions. Si ngle-Se x C l asses i n Coeducational S c ho o l s If single-sex and coeducational schools are regarded as being located at opposite ends of a continuum, single-sex classes within coeducational schools might be seen to occupy the space in between. Schemes whereby single-sex classes are introduced into coeducational schools have been employed in numerous countries, including Australia, England, New Zealand, and Sweden, as well as the United States. Although a few coeducational schools have implemented single-sex classes throughout the whole school and across all curriculum areas, in most cases they are introduced in specific subject areas and/or for particular age groups. The purpose of these schemes varies. In some cases—particularly in the last two to three decades of the 20th century—the aim is to increase the confidence of girls in so-called masculine subjects such as mathematics or science, with hope that this will encourage them to continue studying these subjects beyond compulsory level. In recent years, however, the focus has shifted toward implementing single-sex classes to benefit boys. This shift has coincided with growing fears in numerous countries—including Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States—about underachieving boys. These fears are underpinned by examination results that show that, overall, girls are outperforming boys in most school examinations. So in recent years, the purpose of single-sex classes has often been to boost the performances of boys, particularly in subjects such as English.

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There is no straightforward answer to the question of whether single-sex classes in mixed schools are successful. Whether a scheme is deemed successful depends on what the school aimed to achieve by it. Researchers have measured the effectiveness of single-sex classes according to various criteria, including academic attainment, pupils’ self-concept levels, continuation of the subject beyond compulsory level, and attitudes toward and enjoyment of the subject. Taken as a whole, the findings are inconclusive. Reasons for this include that most studies are short lived, and in many cases the schools are not clear about the precise purpose of the scheme. Also, schools that are attempting to raise boys’ attainment levels frequently implement a number of different strategies simultaneously, so it is difficult or impossible to disentangle the effects. In general, the ways in which the schemes are implemented and executed are important determinants of their success, and factors such as how committed all staff and parents are to the project are very important. Researchers have pointed out potential dangers of some schemes. For example, there has been sustained criticism of programs that treat girls and boys as homogeneous groups and that reinforce gender stereotypes by tailoring the curriculum in gender-specific ways. Similarly, male classroom teachers that encourage male bonding in all-boys’ groups by fostering sexist, macho, or “laddish” attitudes and behaviors have been criticized strongly by profeminist and feminist researchers. Overall, the debate on single-sex education versus coeducation tends to generate more heat than light. Strong opinions about the superiority of one form of education over the other continue to be held and voiced, but as it stands, there is insufficient rigorous evidence to support a verdict in either direction. Carolyn Jackson see also: Education, Discrimination in: Gender Discrimination; Gender; Schools further reading: Amanda Datnow and Lea Hubbard, eds., Gender in Policy and Practice: Perspectives on Single-Sex and Coeducational Schooling, 2002. • Rosemary C. Salomone, Same, Different, Equal: Rethinking Single-Sex Schooling, 2003. • Alan Smithers and Pamela Robinson, The Paradox of Single-Sex and Co-Educational Schooling, 2006.

science. Spectacular advances in the 1940s and 1950s, such as atomic fission and satellites, increased public awareness of the importance of science and led governments to pour money into science and science education. New curricula—Physical Sciences Study Committee (PSSC), Harvard Project Physics, Chemical Education Material Study (Chem Study), and Biological Sciences Curriculum Study (BSCS) in the United States and Nuffield in Britain— both derived from and stimulated new notions about how science is learned and should be taught. Discovery learning and the value of laboratory work became established principles and brought change to the teaching of science.

Although the new curricula affected what happened in classrooms, change slowed thereafter. From the 1970s onward, scholarship outran practice, as new methods of educational research, employing innovative and subtle probes of understanding, revealed that teaching and learning are far more complicated than a simple transmission and acceptance of an authoritative set of facts. Researchers found that individuals vary greatly in the meanings they construct from experience and the information that they are given and that students bring to the classroom notions about the natural world that often do not accord with those of scientists. Frequently, these notions persisted in the face of evidence that they lead to faulty predictions about physical events. Students could pass formal examinations while retaining unscientific beliefs. These results were replicated in thousands of studies across topics and across educational systems in numerous countries. A consequence of the research was widespread acceptance by theorists of the constructivist notion of learning: Students construct their own meanings from what they experience or are told, and those meanings are affected not only by what they already know about the topic but also by broad beliefs about the nature of science, religion, and the purpose of schooling. Another, highly practical, outcome was the invention of new forms of assessment, such as concept maps, Venn diagrams, prediction-observation-explanation tasks, drawings, and fortune lines, that probed deeply into students’ understanding. Despite progress in theories of learning and in modes of assessment, many teachers continue to teach transmissively, through what is known in the United States as drill, without awareness that their students are constructing idiosyncratic meanings from their lessons, and still limit their methods of assessment to multiple-choice items, short answers, and substitution in formulas. Reasons for teachers’ adherence to outmoded methods can be sought in the nature of their task, their supply, and their training. Natu r e o f th e Te ac h er’s Tas k A teacher’s task is daunting. Theorists of education, politicians, and parents expect them to get their students not only to acquire and understand specified knowledge but also to comprehend the nature and purpose of science as a human endeavor aimed at creating a coherent and powerful depiction of the natural universe, a depiction that is under continuous revision through scientific research. As part of this, teachers are often expected (especially in the United States) to cope with unscientific notions such as creationism (the religious belief that life forms did not evolve but were created in their present state). Teachers also have to encourage their students to make rational, evidence-based judgments of the effects of science on society. Faced with a score (or many more) of students in each class, they have to decide how to achieve the best outcomes both for individuals and for subsets within the class, such as able or less able,

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girls or boys, and those with interest in science and those without. Two international studies illustrate the complexity of the teacher’s task. In 2003, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development’s (OECD’s) Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) measured, over 41 countries, 15-year-old students’ ability to apply science knowledge and skills in real-life situations. Although Japanese (along with Finnish) children achieved the highest score, a study by Svein Sjoberg in 2000 of 13-year-olds in 20 countries had found Japanese children least ready to rate science as easy to understand and least ready to say that it is interesting or exciting. Sjoberg found that students from economically less-developed countries, such as Lesotho and Ghana, had much greater interest in science and put greater value on it than did students from rich countries. He also found marked gender differences in some countries. In Australia, for instance, 54% of boys but only 17% of girls rated science easy to understand (though they did equally well on the PISA test). Such variations mean that teachers in different countries face different tasks and that a curriculum suitable for one country or one group of students may not be appropriate for another. Supply and Tr ai ni ng of Teac h er s Improvements in the learning of science will require better supply of qualified teachers and changes in their training. Many countries are not doing well at providing satisfactory numbers of science teachers. Averaged over all 41 countries in the OECD’s PISA survey, 21% of secondary school principals reported that instructional capacity is hindered by a shortage or inadequacy of science teachers. For the supposedly wealthier countries, the United States and Australia, it was 22% and 26%, respectively. For such wealthy countries, these large percentages are simply a matter of national priorities because the shortfall in Finland and Portugal is a mere 4%. It is not surprising that students in Finland and in other countries with low shortfalls of qualified teachers, such as Korea, did well on the PISA science assessment tasks, while those from the United States did worse than the OECD average. As well as providing all students with qualified teachers, nations might do more to keep the teachers that they do have up-to-date in both methods of teaching and knowledge of science. In economically developed countries, standard training includes tertiary study of some branch of science plus a year of study of education that includes practice teaching. After their initial qualifying, no further training may be required, so some science teachers may have not heard of new methods or developments in science for 30 or 40 years. There is an obvious need for systematic in-service training that addresses both teaching methods and knowledge of science. An effective method of in-service work is for innovative teachers to tell their peers about their suc-

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cesses, and even their failures and difficulties, either faceto-face or through print and video accounts. One teachers’ collaborative, the Project for Enhancing Effective Learning (PEEL), has published numerous accounts of methods, all designed to promote independent, self-regulating learners. Richard White see also: School Achievement; Testing and Evaluation, Educational further reading: D. L. Gabel, ed., Handbook of Research on Science Teaching and Learning, 1994. • J. R. Baird and J. R. Northfield, eds., Learning from the PEEL Experience, 2nd ed., 1995. • S. Sjoberg, “Interesting All Children in ‘Science for All,’ ” in R. Millar, J. Leach, and J. Osborne, eds., Improving Science Education: The Contribution of Research, 2000. • Programme for International Student Assessment, Learning for Tomorrow’s World: First Results from PISA 2003, 2004. • R. Duit, Students’ and Teachers’ Conceptions and Science Education, 2007.

self development. One of the fundamental differences between humans and animals is that humans can recognize, characterize, imagine, narrate, judge, or improve themselves, whereas other animals cannot. This unique human capacity is our sense of self. Human infants as young as 9 to 12 months already show precursors of selfrecognition. They continue to develop an increasingly more sophisticated sense of self. This capacity also enables them to understand and penetrate other people’s selves. The sense of self is the foundation of human individuality and, simultaneously, relatedness to other people. Humans have long been fascinated about the idea of self. However, important psychological theories did not emerge until the turn of the 20th century. William James identified two mutually constitutive perspectives: the I-self and the Me-self. The I-self is the knower, the side that does the recognizing, observing, judging, forming goals, and taking action. The Me-self is what is known about the self. It is the content of the self-description and self-characterization. In short, the I-self does the reflecting, and the Me-self is the reflected outcome. Three other early theorists elaborated on the formation of the self as fundamentally shaped by the social world surrounding the child. Charles Cooley formulated the idea of the looking-glass self, arguing that our sense of self develops as we become aware of and adjust to how we appear to others. George Herbert Mead further articulated the notion of the generalized other as the generic social shaper of our sense of self. James Mark Baldwin stressed the imitation and interactions between infants and their significant others as the very process by which we come to have a sense of self. These early theories still influence contemporary research. Whereas James’s distinction underlies the analysis of the structure of self, the other theorists’ conceptions illuminate the development of self. Contemporary research on the self distinguishes three

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dimensions of selfhood: awareness of self, interpersonal self, and executive self. The first two dimensions correspond to the early conceptions of James, Cooley, and Mead. The third dimension reflects more recent insights. D i m en s io n s o f S el f ho o d Awareness of self includes all the facets and their relationships of both the I-self and the Me-self. The I-self is generally thought as containing three basic components: continuity, identity, and agency. Self-continuity refers to the sense that we are the same persons as yesterday and tomorrow, although we know that certain aspects of ourselves change as we grow older. Self-continuity is invoked in autobiographical narrative. Humans become aware of their existence also by acquiring a sense of identity or distinctness. Identity includes our basic identification labels and categories such as our physical characteristics, age, gender, and group membership. Agency refers to our awareness that we are the source and cause of our action to achieve our intentional ends. Compared with the I-self, the Me-self is much larger and more complex. However, there are some key aspects of the Me-self on which research has focused: self-concepts/selfunderstanding, self-efficacy, narrated self, and multiple/ possible selves. Self-concept is the collection of descriptions one has about oneself. These representations range from one’s physical characteristics, possessions, to activities, preferences, personality traits, behavioral tendencies, to mental capacities, wishes/desires, and beliefs/worldviews. Self-concepts can be abstract and context free (e.g., traits) or concrete and context bound (e.g., scripted behavior at a party). There may be discrepancies among one’s actual-self, ideal-self, real-self, and ought-self, with associated affective consequences. Self-efficacy refers to a belief in one’s own competence and may be viewed as a subcategory of one’s self-concepts. However, it is not a mere representation but a dynamic process in which the person engages in a given achievement situation. Whenever a person is faced with a task, the issue of self-efficacy is present. How a person assesses his or her skill will influence how that person approaches the task. Therefore, self-efficacy is an important notion in studying children’s achievement motivation. Numerous scholars have noted the affinity between narratives and selves. Humans everywhere tell stories about themselves, using stories to situate themselves in time and to evaluate their actions. Telling stories about ourselves to other people and to ourselves is therefore our primary selfmaking process. Research on the development of the narrated self is relatively recent. The self is also multifaceted rather than monolithic, although we may maintain a global sense of self. Because we assume multiple social roles (e.g., a person is simultaneously a parent and sibling) and function in different contexts (e.g.,

home vs. workplace), our sense of self may shift accordingly. This multiplicity essentially demands and enables individuals to construct different selves that may or may not be coherent and consistent across roles and contexts. Not only do multiple selves exist in different domains (e.g., physical, academic, and social), but people’s self-systems are also organized in a hierarchy. Individuals also have an array of possible selves. These may include a range of desirable selves they would like to become and a number of selves that they dread (e.g., overweight) and try to avoid. The interpersonal self is the sense that we have about who we are in relation to others, how our self-views are shaped by the feedback we receive from our social worlds, and how our self-concepts influence our perceptions of others. Research and theory on the interpersonal self reflect the fundamental process of the looking-glass self (Cooley) and the generalized other (Mead). Much research elaborates on social comparison, self-evaluation, our tendency to self-enhance, and resultant feelings of self-worth. The executive self concerns actions we take or mental changes (e.g., resisting impulses) we make to regulate ourselves in order to attain our goals. Research on selfregulatory processes, feedback and adjustment to our action or attitude, and the actual expression of our sense of agency attempts to study the executive self. Compared with the first two areas of self, the executive self has been studied less. D e v elo pm en t o f S el f We are not born with a full-fledged sense of self, but we develop it over time. However, humans cannot develop a sense of self without simultaneously differentiating the self from others. Moreover, extensive research suggests that our ongoing child-caregiver interactions are the most essential process that enables us to develop a sense of self. After birth, infants initially develop what is called organization, where they learn to extract from experiences selfinvariants from other-invariants. For example, an infant’s cry is a self-invariant because the infant hears it repeatedly. The regularity of the care the infant receives (e.g., feeding) is an other-invariant. Soon, infants form attachments to their caregivers, showing distress when a stranger appears and when the caregiver leaves. This change indicates a further differentiation between self and other. Infants also gain a rudimentary sense of agency by engaging in selfgenerated acts, such as kicking their legs to make a mobile move. They participate and gradually initiate reciprocal activities with their caregivers (e.g., peekaboo). During the second year, infants show a bourgeoning awareness of others’ attitudes toward themselves. They receive constant social mirroring from their caregivers who express affection toward them, comment on their states and acts (e.g., “You’re a cute baby!”), or imitate them. This is also the time infants become able to recognize

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themselves in the mirror, suggesting that they have developed a perceptual model of what they look like. They begin to show their self-assertion and independent action from their caregivers, displaying a greater differentiation between themselves and others. The onset of language during toddlerhood enables them to use language to represent and express themselves (e.g., using personal pronouns to label themselves and others). One other significant development is infants’ awareness of social rules and standards of behavior, which they begin to apply to themselves. The preschool period is marked by a proliferation of narrative activity; children tell many stories about their experiences in conversation with others. Family members shape children’s self-understanding by listening, celebrating, editing, or correcting children’s accounts. During this period, children’s self-descriptions tend to be discrete. The self is understood as consisting of separate attributes (e.g., “I have red hair” and “I like soccer”). Children become much more aware of their ability and achievements. However, preschool children overestimate and announce to their peers their positive attributes because they are less aware of normative standards of performance and the implications of social comparison on others. Having developed a better understanding of standards adults set for them, they anticipate adult reactions and seek positive responses to their success and avoid adult negative reactions to their failure. The most significant self-relevant development in this period is children’s so-called theory of mind. With this capacity, they now are able to understand that other people have minds that are independent of their own and that what they desire, know, or believe may not be desired, known, or believed by others. During middle childhood, children tend to view themselves from an all-or-none perspective, overdifferentiating self-relevant categories such as good and bad. This also coincides with children’s understanding of social rules as inflexible (e.g., when playing games with their peers). Researchers attribute this development to the fact that children are unable to integrate different personal attributes into a coherent whole. However, this is also a period when children understand better that adults have particular viewpoints toward them. They are more aware that others are actively evaluating them. Children actively internalize these adult viewpoints and use them to regulate their own behavior. Consequently, instead of relying on adult guidance, they exercise better self-control, self-approval, and self-evaluation. Their new mental capacity enables them to engage more in social comparison with their peers. As a result, their self-descriptions are more realistic and balanced with both positive characteristics and limitations. Furthermore, children’s overt social comparison becomes subtle as they become aware of the negative impact on peers who do not compare positively. Early adolescents are more able to construct self-

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portraits that contain opposite characteristics (e.g., “I am good at writing but bad at math”), a realization that may distress them. Even though middle adolescents have increased capacity to think about their own thinking, they find themselves in a world where they need to sort out competing and often confl icting demands on the self from parents, school, peers, and society at large. As a result, they feel pulled in different directions. Not until late adolescence do they acquire an integrated theory of self. They become truly able to weave opposite characteristics and social feedback into a more coherent whole. For example, the previous dreadful split between competence in one area and weakness in another now may be reorganized as a belief that every person has strengths and weaknesses, and one need not lose one’s self-worth. Adolescents’ capacity to form an integrated self-theory is part and parcel of their achieved identity in their world. Self, Cult ur e , Et h n ic it y, and Gender Self, as it turns out, is neither conceptualized nor experienced the same across cultures, ethnicities, and the gender line. The previous sections present self-concepts and development in North America, particularly among European Americans. Although less research exists across culture and ethnicities, one theory has generated much research recently. In 1991, Hazel Markus and Shinobu Kitayama introduced the notions of independent versus interdependent selves as the two types of self-construals across cultures. Independent selves are autonomous, bounded, and distinct from others, whereas interdependent selves are connected with one another, stressing the group more than individual uniqueness. Central and northern Europeans and their descendents in the world are found to display more independent selves. The rest of the world’s people, including southern Europeans but particularly Asians, have more interdependent selves. Within large societies such as the United States, European Americans are more independent, other ethnic groups are more interdependent, and women, even among European Americans, are generally more relationally oriented than men. While this theory continues to enjoy popularity, researchers have proposed other perspectives and gathered empirical evidence for understanding the complexity of self-concepts across cultures and ethnicities. Many scholars focus on the actual culture-specific concepts, not merely categories, of self across cultures, such as the concept Ātman-Brahman, denoting the absolute spiritual self, free of form and matter, that is unique to Indian culture. Many scholars have also found the coexistence of independent and interdependent selves and discussed the need to describe the particular configurations across cultures rather than dividing selves as an either-or entity. For example, South African autonomous selves are viewed as more abstract and social selves more concrete, a distinction that differs from Markus and Kita-

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yama’s theory. Others have moved outside their framework to study children’s self-expressions in family socialization. For example, one research team found that young Taiwanese children express a great deal of personal agency by challenging their caregivers’ moral inconsistencies, a tendency also not predicted by Markus and Kitayama’s theory. Still others have found differences between contexts in which individuals function. For example, Chinese children desire and demand more autonomy in personal domains (e.g., clothes) but yield decision making to parents for education. Diverse approaches such as these will broaden and deepen understanding of self across cultures. Jin Li see also: Ethnic Identity; Identity; Narrative; Self-Esteem further reading: Ulric Neisser and David A. Jopling, eds., The Conceptual Self in Context: Culture, Experience, Self-Understanding, 1997. • Roy F. Baumeister, ed., The Self in Social Psychology, 1999. • Susan Harter, The Construction of the Self: A Developmental Perspective, 1999. • Jerome Bruner, Making Stories: Law, Literature, and Life, 2002.

self-esteem. Self-esteem refers to the evaluative side of a person’s self-understanding. Individuals who recognize their strengths and weaknesses yet regard themselves in a positive light are characterized as having high self-esteem; those who view themselves negatively are characterized as having low self-esteem. William James coined the term selfesteem in Principles of Psychology (1890), defining it as the ratio of a person’s successes to his pretensions. However, it was not until the second half of the 20th century that selfesteem began to be widely studied by psychologists. Since then, this construct has become one of the most popular in academic psychology. At the same time, the notion of selfesteem has spread throughout popular culture to the point that it has become something of an American obsession. Research on children’s self-esteem mirrors these larger trends, beginning in the 1960s and 1970s and proliferating into the 21st century. Developmental psychologists and educators have been concerned with children’s self-esteem because it has been linked to psychological well-being. For example, children with high self-esteem tend to be welladjusted, happy, and less depressed or anxious. Children who feel good about their intellectual abilities tend to do well academically and persist on challenging tasks, and those who feel good about their social skills tend to be more popular and have better relations with peers. D e v elo pm en ta l T r a j ec to r y Several developmental trends have emerged from studies based largely on middle-class North American samples of European descent. For example, self-esteem becomes increasingly differentiated over time. Younger children make global appraisals of themselves, but by 7 or 8 years of age, children differentiate between several domains of self-

worth. For instance, a second grader might feel quite positive about her academic abilities but view herself negatively in the social domain. As children move through middle childhood and adolescence, they make finer differentiations. They also begin to value aspects of themselves differently, attaching greater weight to certain dimensions in their overall evaluations of themselves. For example, adolescents may perceive their relations with peers as more central to their self-concept than their relations with teachers or parents. There are also developmental changes in children’s overall levels of self-esteem. Self-esteem tends to be unrealistically high in early childhood. In early elementary school, there is a well-documented drop in self-esteem. Researchers believe this decline is due to a combination of changes in children’s cognitions (e.g., better perspective-taking skills, ability to rank order) and their environment (e.g., more competitive activities in school, more objective feedback) that leads children to compare themselves to other children. Their self-esteem may decline upon realizing that there are domains in which they fall short of their peers. However, this decline is not problematic for most children, yielding a more balanced and realistic self-evaluation. From about fourth grade onward, self-esteem tends to rise gradually and remains relatively high throughout adolescence, with the exception of temporary dips during stressful transitions, such as the transition to high school. Generally, self-esteem follows the same developmental trajectory for girls and boys. However, a gender gap emerges by adolescence and persists into adulthood, with females reporting slightly lower self-esteem than males. Gender stereotypes may contribute to this difference. For example, girls may feel less confident about their physical appearance because the cultural expectations for physical attractiveness and body image ideals are higher for females than for males. Interestingly, exceptions are found among African American girls, who tend to have slightly higher self-esteem overall and report feeling more satisfied with their physical appearance, compared with their European American counterparts. Another intriguing finding for African American children and children from other ethnic minorities is that those who have a strong sense of identification with their ethnic group also tend to have high self-esteem. Issues and Con trov er si es Many researchers believe that parents can play an important role in shaping children’s self-esteem. Studies have shown that children are more likely to develop high self-esteem when parents are warm and accepting and set clear, reasonable standards for the child. By contrast, parents who are too controlling or overbearing tend to have children with low self-esteem, whereas those on the other extreme who are too lax in setting standards tend to have children who

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are too self-confident. However, these findings do not necessarily generalize to African American, Asian American, or Latino families, whose parenting styles may reflect cultural values and life circumstances that differ from those of their mainstream counterparts. Moreover, since most of the research on self-esteem has been correlational, the direction of influence is unclear. For example, perhaps children with high self-esteem elicit more accepting behavior from their parents. Some scholars have cast a critical eye on the so-called cult of self-esteem, arguing that American parents and teachers have gone overboard in promoting children’s self-esteem. They charge that parents’ attempts to ensure that children “feel good about themselves” may lead them to praise children indiscriminately, which may, in turn, undermine children’s achievement and sense of responsibility. Others assert that an overemphasis on self-esteem may inadvertently create psychological vulnerabilities. By cushioning feeling bad, parents and teachers may make it harder for children to feel good; thus, children may become more susceptible to depression and anxiety when they do not meet their goals. However, there has been little research on parents’ views about self-esteem. Emerging evidence indicates that American parents from a variety of backgrounds hold strong convictions about the importance of fostering children’s self-esteem and that their ideas about how to do so are complex, taking into account their own experience, the realities of the wider world in which the child lives, and the child’s idiosyncrasies. Apart from parenting, another interesting issue concerns children whose self-esteem is “too high.” Some studies have found a link between very high self-esteem and bullying and other antisocial behaviors. Children with inflated selfesteem may lash out when they are criticized or feel their positive view of self is threatened. At the same time, children with high self-esteem are more likely to stand up to bullying. Cultur al and Gener ational Var iation North American adults report higher self-esteem than their counterparts from a variety of cultures, leading some psychologists to conclude that the need for positive self-regard is not universal but derives from North American culture. Research with children parallels adult patterns, with children from Korea, Japan, and China reporting lower levels of self-esteem than their North American counterparts yet outperforming them academically. These cultural differences may reflect the differential value placed on individual accomplishment and self-promotion in North America and on humility and learning as a virtue in East Asia. These respective values are likely conveyed to children in many contexts, including the family. Cross-cultural research reveals that European American parents place greater value

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on children’s self-esteem, compared with parents from Korea, Japan, China, Puerto Rico, France, and Greece. In one comparative study of Taiwanese and European American families, self-esteem emerged as central to American mothers’ ideas about child rearing. However, there was no term in Chinese that duplicated the meaning of self-esteem, and the terms with similar meanings were peripheral to Taiwanese mothers’ understandings of child rearing. This study also revealed generational differences for the European American families but not for the Taiwanese families, who emphasized moral instruction and growing up naturally in both generations. American grandmothers noted that selfesteem was a new trend that was unfamiliar to them when they were raising their children. Some expressed reservations about the current generation’s lavish use of praise and worried that their grandchildren would grow up to be selfcentered and unprepared for life’s realities. In sum, ideas about children’s well-being presumably inform child rearing in every corner of the globe. However, in the early 21st century, the United States stands out as a culture in which self-esteem plays an especially important role in the lives of parents and children. Grace E. Cho, Peggy J. Miller, and Jeana R. Bracey see also: Emotional Development; Self Development; Social Development further reading: Roy F. Baumeister, ed., Self-Esteem: The Puzzle of Low Self-Regard, 1993. • William Damon, Greater Expectations: Overcoming the Culture of Indulgence in America’s Homes and Schools, 1995. • Jean M. Twenge and Jennifer Crocker, “Race and Self-Esteem: Meta-Analyses Comparing Whites, Blacks, Hispanics, Asians, and American Indians and Comment on Gray-Little and Hafdahl (2000),” Psychological Bulletin 128, no. 3 (2002), pp. 371– 408. • Grace E. Cho, Todd L. Sandel, Peggy J. Miller, and Su-hua Wang, “What Do Grandmothers Think about Self-Esteem? American and Taiwanese Folk Theories Revisited,” Social Development 14, no. 4 (November 2005), pp. 701–21.

self-injury. Self-injurious behaviors (SIBs) occur along a spectrum, ranging in severity from skin picking, to hitting, punching, or biting oneself, to head banging, nail extraction, or eye poking. The management of SIBs can be one of the most challenging problems in the care of children with developmental disabilities. Significant SIBs most commonly occur in youth with developmental disabilities and/or psychiatric disorders. These behaviors may cause significant morbidity and mortality in youth with mood, anxiety, and personality disorders; with behaviors such as chronic cutting, burning, or other forms of self-mutilation; or with suicide attempts. The prevalence of SIBs varies, with one-third to twothirds of children with autism spectrum disorders and intellectual disability having a SIB in one form or another. Specific forms of self-injury define certain genetic syndromes, such as Smith-Magenis syndrome (more than 80%

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with self-hitting, self-biting, removal of fingernails, and/or sticking objects in orifices) and Lesch-Nyhan syndrome (all have lip and finger biting). It is not clear how the genetics of these disorders leads to these characteristic forms of SIB. Other neurological conditions causing sensory dysfunction can lead to SIB, such as congenital insensitivity to pain or spinal cord injury. Some children who have endured significant and chronic neglect and deprivation (e.g., children raised in Romanian orphanages) have developed autisticlike symptoms and SIBs. The origins of SIBs in children with developmental disabilities are not well understood. Theories from behavioral psychology suggest that SIBs serve a specific function, especially in nonverbal children, including communication (e.g., used by a child with autism to express anxiety due to unexpected, unwanted changes in the routine), escape from an undesired condition (e.g., a child who wants to avoid an academic task in school and starts to bang his head), or as a means of getting attention or another desired result (e.g., a child who is bored may start to harm himself to generate adult attention to try to get him to stop). Some explanations implicate alterations in brain neurotransmitters. Based on animal models and pharmacological research in humans, SIBs may induce release of endogenous opioids, causing a paradoxical pleasurable sensation. Others believe most SIBs to be an extreme manifestation of otherwise benign repetitive behaviors (stereotypes) that are characteristic in autism and other disorders. Finally, SIBs have been interpreted as resulting from sensory integration dysfunction, an extreme form of sensory-seeking behaviors or self-stimulatory behaviors, in a child with a diminished perception of skin sensation. Management of SIBs in children who are nonverbal or who have significant intellectual disability must include a thorough medical evaluation to rule out a medical cause. This is particularly important when a child has an abrupt change in a SIB, including intensification or change in the type of SIB. It is not uncommon for a dental abscess, constipation, ear infection, or menstrual cycle changes to be associated with an increase in SIB. The most common treatments for SIBs are behaviorally based interventions. Most begin with a functional behavioral analysis to determine the antecedents and immediate consequences of the self-injurious behavior. Once the function of the behavior (e.g., attracting attention) is hypothesized, a targeted intervention can be designed to extinguish the SIB or to substitute an acceptable alternative behavior. In more extreme cases that do not respond to other behavioral interventions, protective clothing, helmets, or restraints may be necessary to avoid significant injury. Aversive treatments may range from mild (lemon juice placed in the mouth for biting) to severe (electric shocks). These are rarely, if ever, used and are strongly opposed by many advocates for the disabled. Unfortunately, some SIBs,

especially those associated with some genetic syndromes, are often refractory to behavioral interventions. Psychopharmacological treatment of underlying psychiatric disorders (depression, anxiety) may be indicated for some children with SIBs, especially those refractory to environmental interventions. Ideally, systematic implementation of behavioral interventions should be employed by experienced personnel before such medications are used. A range of psychotropic medications (antipsychotics, antidepressants, mood stabilizers, antiepileptics, beta blockers, opiate antagonists) have been used to treat SIBs. Case reports and studies have shown variable results for each of these agents. Recent studies have shown efficacy of atypical antipsychotics to treat SIBs and aggression in children with autism, leading some to suggest that atypical antipsychotics should be first-line treatment for children whose SIB is particularly dangerous or disruptive. The long-term prognosis for SIBs varies with the underlying cause of the behaviors and with the level of intellectual disability and language abilities in the child, though most will improve from baseline with appropriate intervention. Elizabeth B. Caronna and Steven Parker see also: Comfort Habits; Depression; Suicide further reading: S. R. Schroeder et al., “Self-injurious Behavior: Gene-Brain-Behavior Relationships,” Mental Retardation and Developmental Disabilities Research Reviews 7, no. 1 (2001), pp. 3–12.

sensory development. see Hearing; Perception; Taste and Smell, Development of; Vision separation and divorce Historical and Cultural Perspectives Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

historical and cultural perspectives. The separation or divorce of married couples has almost always raised legal, social, and other questions with respect to their children, especially those who are minors or otherwise financially dependent on their parents at the time of the divorce. Most family laws and practices have attempted, and continue to attempt, to ensure that the interests of children in such cases are looked after. Over time, however, there have been significant changes in the meaning of the interests of children, the importance given to the rights of children visà-vis their parents, and the respective rights of fathers and mothers in these situations. Although on the whole marital dissolution has seemed unfortunate for the children’s development, the condemnation attached to this choice has, at least somewhat, lessened. Since the mid-20th century, when the number and rate of divorces rose dramatically in most societies, more often than before affecting children, there has been a great deal of debate on the impact of divorce on children. Divorced

s e p a r a t io n a n d d iv o r c e

women and their children have been identified as a core element of the poor in many societies. There is a continuing uncertainty as to how and to what degree children are affected emotionally and socially as a result of their parents’ divorces. Meanwhile, the debate has entered the political realm, with some organizations insisting that legislation and courts have favored mothers over fathers in granting custody. The relationship of children to divorce and separation is a complex one that must be understood within the context of such questions as the respective rights and obligations of men and women as spouses and parents, the notions of childhood embedded in family law, and legal concepts regarding marital dissolution and issues of fault. Throughout most of the period from ancient Greece and Rome to the present, minor children were regarded in law as falling under the authority of their father. This meant that in cases of divorce, fathers retained custody of their minor children so that they could continue to govern them. In Roman law, for example, the principle of patria potestas—the authority of the (male) head of the household—gave the husband/father power over his wife and children. Such authority over children continued after divorce, the more so because divorces in Rome often had political purposes and marriages were arranged in order to advance the interests of families. Contemporary developmental perspectives on divorce practices were not yet much present and would not soon be so. Throughout Western society, divorces were quite rare until the 20th century. Where Catholic law prevailed, divorces were forbidden and separations were uncommon. Even when divorce was legalized in many parts of Europe following the Reformation (and later in the American colonies), the grounds for divorce were limited and divorces were often procedurally demanding and sometimes expensive. Divorce laws made it easier for men to divorce their wives than vice versa, the preference given to divorced men in terms of custody of their children reflecting the gender bias of marriage and divorce laws more generally. The preference for awarding custody to the father after divorce is also found in non-Western legal traditions. Although there is no explicit stipulation in the Qur’an regarding custody, the various legal schools within Islamic thought agree that the father is the natural guardian of his children. There is widespread agreement, however, that young children might live with their mothers but that on reaching the age of 7 or 8 they could either choose between their parents or be required to live with the father. Some schools of Islamic law argue that it is particularly important for a girl to live with her father after that age because, while a mother gives care, a father offers protection. Although the relatively rare formal divorces and separations in Europe and America seem to have led to children living with their fathers, the more numerous informal

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separations probably generally resulted in children living with their mothers. Many, perhaps most, separations took the form of a husband and father abandoning his family. In some legal codes, desertion of this sort was a ground for a formal separation or divorce, and in cases where the whereabouts of the father could not be ascertained, the mother retained custody of any children simply by default. Historically, desertion by married women and mothers appears to have been far less common, and it is likely that many women stayed in oppressive marriages for fear of losing their children if they divorced or separated from their husbands. Knowledge of the effects of divorce and separation on children’s development in the past is limited because the records of these cases either are lacking or, if they do exist, are very uneven in recording custody arrangements. Even in the absence of such records, deserted wives and their children frequently appear in lists of the poor from the Middle Ages onward. In the 1570 census of the poor in Norwich, England, 8% of married women in their 30s had been deserted by their husbands, and many of these women had children. One was Elizabeth Skyven, age 30, the mother of a 6-year-old daughter and wife of a man who had “been away” for four years in 1570. Since the 1800s, Western legal systems have seen a steady dilution of the principle that fathers should have priority in custody. To some extent, this reflects a shift in emphasis from the proprietary rights of fathers to the rights of mothers and to the notion that the interests of the child were more important than the aspirations of the parents. There is evidence of a transition during the French Revolution, when divorce was legalized in France for the first time. Such was the concern for children that divorce by mutual consent, one of the main forms of divorce made available, was made procedurally more difficult if a couple had children. Couples with children were required to wait six months, during which time they had to go through a series of meetings with family members and friends who were required to try to dissuade them from divorce. Their children were present at these meetings, and the law specified that the younger children were to be passed back and forth between the husband and wife to remind them of their obligations and of the love that had first united them and produced their offspring. When conciliation failed and couples divorced, they were able to make their own arrangements for custody, but if they could not agree, the law provided formulas. When a divorce was by mutual agreement, children younger than 7 years old were to live with the mother, but on reaching the age of 7 (considered the age of reason), boys were transferred to the custody of their father. In cases where the divorce was based on fault (such as adultery or violence), custody of children was decided by a commission made up of the couple’s relatives, friends, and neighbors. In some cases,

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a divorced woman’s adulterous behavior was cited as a reason why she should not have custody of her children. In all cases, the economically better-off parent was required to contribute to children’s education and upkeep until ages that varied, in practice, from 13 to 15. There are no records indicating whether these agreements were kept or what the impact divorce had on children. But it is possible that having children was a deterrent to divorce during the French Revolution: Two-thirds of divorcing couples were childless, a much higher proportion than in the married population more generally. Similar shifts in custody rules and practices took place in other jurisdictions around this time. In the United States, there was an increasing belief that children, particularly young children, needed maternal care. This belief gradually won out over the notion that children belonged to their fathers, and, by the 1820s, judges in many American jurisdictions were granting custody of children to mothers. This principle proved so strong that it began to override the principle that a mother guilty of a matrimonial offense was unfit to look after her children. Increasingly, women guilty of adultery were awarded custody, even where men found guilty of a matrimonial offense justifying divorce were denied it. Through the 19th century, the tendency to award custody to mothers increased such that, by the beginning of the 1900s, three-quarters of custody decisions in the United States were in favor of mothers. In England, an 1835 case involving Lady Caroline Norton proved decisive. Lady Norton left her abusive husband, who promptly accused her of having committed adultery. Although her infidelity was never proved, she was prevented from having any contact with her three sons. She began a campaign to reform the law to allow mothers custody or access to their children after divorce or separation, and, from 1839 onward, a series of laws broadened the rights of mothers in respect to their children. Throughout this long period, however, little is known of the impact of divorce on children. It remained so until the late 20th century, and the advent of mass divorce with attendant professional and institutional arrangements and intensive social scientific research, before there was any sustained investigation into the question. Until such research replaced the considerable speculation (expressed as dogmatic assertions) that followed from the expansion of divorce in the 19th century, so-called broken homes were widely seen as among the leading causes of all manner of social ills, from juvenile delinquency and crime to drug addiction and prostitution, just as divorce was blamed for widespread social instability. During the 20th century, divorce laws in most Western societies changed radically. Grounds for divorce were progressively broadened and made less discriminatory against women. From the 1960s, many countries and states adopted

no-fault divorce, meaning that instead of having to prove a matrimonial offense to obtain a divorce, all that was required was evidence of irretrievable breakdown of the marriage, and that was proved by the couple living apart for a specified time (commonly one or two years). At the same time, women’s rights were extended, and, although laws began to stress gender neutrality in custody and even to favor joint custody, the great majority of awards were made in favor of mothers. From the 1970s, as divorce rates rose throughout Western society, unprecedented numbers of children lived with one parent, and social scientists began to inquire about the effects on children and on society more broadly. Oneparent households are far from unknown historically, whether they resulted from the death, disappearance, or divorce of a parent, but in the late 1900s the issues were reframed. Unlike death, divorce was a choice that parents made, and the question was whether they were taking sufficient account of their children’s needs. Was it better to stay married “for the sake of the children” or to divorce and spare them the experience of unhappily married parents? One clear finding was that, in almost all countries, the economic standard of living of children declined following divorce. This was a result of their living with their mothers in societies where women earned less than men, where remarriage was hindered by the presence of dependent children, and where many men failed (and were often not effectively forced) to meet the child-support obligations they had agreed to pay in their divorce settlements. When studies found that children of divorced parents had more difficulties in school than did those of nondivorced parents, the question was whether the differences arose because of the divorce or whether they stemmed from postdivorce socioeconomic conditions. Some studies have suggested that children of divorced parents were more likely to experience emotional, developmental, and behavioral problems that can be traced to the childhood experience of parents divorcing. Because divorcing spouses are often in explicit and open confl ict before, during, and after divorce, children are exposed to drawnout and emotionally demanding conditions, particularly when parents attempt to recruit their children to one side or the other. Some studies have found that children who are very young when their parents divorce do better as they get older, while children who are older (in their teens) at the time of the divorce experience more difficulties. Some studies suggest that daughters cope better than do sons, but others find different results. As yet, there is no clear sense of ethnic variations in these issues or of society-to-society variations. Divorce as a common and normalized event dates back only to the 1970s and 1980s, as does rigorous, longitudinal research on large populations of children of divorced par-

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ents. Some effects, such as pauperization, are clear, but the broader effects of divorce or separation in themselves are still uncertain. Roderick Phillips see also: Custody; Family; Marital and Nonmarital Unions; Remarriage and the Blended Family further reading: Roderick Phillips, Putting Asunder: A History of Divorce in Western Society, 1988. • Glenda Riley, Divorce: An American Tradition, 1991. • Anne Sofie Roald, Women in Islam: The Western Experience, 2001.

legal and public-policy perspectives. Today, one-half of all American marriages end in divorce, and the best estimate is that more than 1 million children experience the divorce of their parents each year. The nature of divorce has mirrored society’s evolving conceptualization of marriage. Traditionally, marriage was a status conferred and zealously regulated by the church and then by the state. Marriage was an economic arrangement between wealthy families for the merger of property and its transmission to future generations; for the less wealthy in a patriarchal society, marriage was a mechanism for shifting the obligation for the support of young females from their fathers to their husbands. The modern notion of marriage for love, the sentimental marriage, did not arise until the 18th century. Before that reconceptualization, little thought was given to whether spouses wanted to stay married or were even fond of each other. To an increasing degree in the 20th century, marriage has been recast as a contract, an agreement between the spouses to remain together until death or so long as each is willing to abide the other. Divorce was common in the ancient world, and religious leaders debated the wisdom of no-fault divorce as early as the 1st century BC when Rabbi Hillel called for the elimination of fault in granting the get (divorce) in rabbinical courts, despite the claims of Rabbi Shamai that divorce should only be granted for marital fault. No-fault divorce continued under Roman law, but by the 11th century the Roman Catholic Church supplanted earlier practices with the new notion that marriage was for life and indissoluble except by death or by a judgment from an ecclesiastical court that the marriage was null because it lacked some sacramental essential. The Protestant Reformation brought with it the secularization of marriage and, ultimately, rerecognition of divorce as a civil matter. In what became a model for the United States, the British Marriage and Divorce Act of 1857 recognized three fault-based grounds for legal separation: adultery, desertion, and cruelty. A legal separation authorized the spouses to live apart and each to control his or her property, but the right to remarry was withheld. During the colonial period, statutes were enacted that granted courts the authority to grant a complete divorce upon those same three grounds. Thus, the Anglo-American legal tradition

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and most of the countries of the Continental civil law system took a very restrictive view of divorce. So well established was the societal view that an exit from marriage ought to be dark and narrow that early 20thcentury legal writing stated there was no call for broadening the grounds for ending a marriage nor sympathy for a loveless match. Gradually, however, states expanded the possibilities for relief, adding grounds for divorce such as habitual intemperance and conviction of a serious crime and using the elastic ground of cruelty to include the infl iction of psychological harm like humiliation or harassment. The fault-based system of divorce brought much mischief, exacerbating the hostility of spouses, inducing the desperate to fabricate grounds, and enmeshing lawyers and judges in manipulating the laws. By the 1960s, the call for reform was clear. Reformers argued that while the law ought to support marriages that had a chance of survival by offering counseling, it also ought to provide a decent burial for marriages already dead, with a minimum of humiliation and bitterness for the partners. In 1969, California became the first state to enact a no-fault statute requiring only that a spouse assert that the marriage had suffered “irremediable breakdown.” Within 20 years, all 50 states had embraced no-fault statutes, including a showing of voluntary separation for six months or a year as either the exclusive ground for divorce or as an optional ground alongside the traditional fault grounds. Upon legal separation or divorce in most states, a family court or court of general civil jurisdiction is authorized to characterize property as marital or separate property and to distribute the marital property equitably. In addition to realty and personal goods, marital property now also includes pension rights, disability and retirement benefits, artistic works created by one spouse during the marriage, and stock and bonuses earned by only one spouse in his or her employment. To an increasing degree, the value of the services of a homemaking spouse is acknowledged as an important contribution to the acquisition of property rights by a wage-earning spouse. Spousal maintenance or alimony may also be awarded in a divorce, though awards are now infrequent and of shorter duration than was true 30 years ago. Most studies indicate that such continuing support after marriage is ordered in only 20% of divorce cases. Support awards typically occur when there is a long marriage and one spouse has a diminished earning capacity either because of an investment in homemaking or due to illness. Some states provide rehabilitative alimony, a time-limited award to assist a spouse’s preparation for reentry into the labor market and financial self-sufficiency. Modern reformers have urged that the basis for an alimony award should be recast from spousal need to compensation for financial losses incurred during marriage: lost professional opportunities, earning power, and diminished future standard of living.

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In the 20th century, the importance of custody of the child’s person far outstripped disputes over his property that had occupied guardianship courts in earlier centuries. The number of divorces in 1920 had increased fivefold over the number granted in 1890, and parental caretaking disagreements became regulars on court dockets. Anthropologists have observed that the modern American nuclear family, often living far from relatives, sets up a high risk of anxiety for children whose well-being depends solely upon the stability of the parents’ relationship. By 1936, nearly all states had enacted statutes granting mothers and fathers equal rights to the custody of their child, and by the 1970s the best interests of the child standard had become the prevailing, nearly universal test for resolution of their contest. The elasticity of the standard and its potential for disrupting the child’s continuity and stability have been the subject of criticism. In addition, although a gender-neutral rule, application of the best interests of the child rubric did not produce equally gender-distributed results. Soundings taken at various times during the 20th century indicated that mothers still were named custodian (domiciliary parent, primary caretaker) significantly more often than fathers. By the 1980s, child psychologists and other clinicians became regular witnesses at custody hearings, and empiricists elaborated upon the meaning of best interests and offered advice to parents and judges about the needs of a child caught up in a family fracture. Several national studies identified five major sources of risk to children of divorce: continued confl ict and hostility between the parents, decline in the family’s economic circumstances, fear of abandonment by one or both parents, diminished capacity of one or both parents to respond to the child’s needs, and the child’s decreased contact with familiar sources of psychosocial support and familiar living settings. Frustrated by increasing litigation and the harm to children due to parental adversariness, states have experimented with changes in process that authorize or even mandate an attempt at mediation before a custody challenge can be docketed. Joint custody held by both father and mother came in vogue, though the necessity of fixing the child’s residence when equal time allocation was impossible meant that naming one jointcustodial parent the domiciliary parent was only slightly distinguishable from the traditional conceptualization of legal custodian. But name changes were thought to send an important signal that society was reconceptualizing custody to encourage postdivorce parenting partnerships: Custody became parenting plan, and visitation became access or contact. Other reforms aimed at reducing the toxicity of divorce on children include mandatory collaborative parenting education, conditioning divorce on counseling and the development of a parenting plan, appointment of a special representative for the child during the divorce, and hearing the child’s concerns as an interested party to the litigation. Lucy S. McGough

see also: Child Support; Custody; Marital and Nonmarital Unions; Parenthood; Remarriage and the Blended Family; Single Parents; Visitation further reading: Homer H. Clark Jr., The Law of Domestic Relations in the United States, 2nd ed., 1988. • Eleanor E. Maccoby and Robert H. Mnookin, Dividing the Child: Social and Legal Dilemmas of Custody, 1992. • John D. Gregory, Peter N. Swisher, and Sheryl L. Wolf, Understanding Family Law, 2nd ed., 2001.

service-learning. see Community Service and ServiceLearning

sex education. see Health and Sex Education sexual abuse Medical and Psychological Perspectives Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

medical and psychological perspectives. Sexual

abuse as a general term encompasses a wide range of sexual victimization experiences among children and adolescents. Most cultures have historical evidence of what would currently be considered sexual abuse against children, and the United Nations has documented sexual violence experienced by children and adolescents in nearly every country worldwide. The estimated rates of abuse differ across countries, in part because of the countries’ differing capacity to investigate and identify sexual violence against children. Awareness of the consequences of such sexual abuse and clinical methods to assess abuse and treat those health consequences are relatively recent. Sexual abuse has both legal and health-related aspects and is influenced by cultural perspectives about sexual behavior and about children. There is no universally accepted, comprehensive definition of sexual abuse. Some definitions require sexual behavior to be forced or unwanted. Other definitions focus on the ability of the child or youth to understand and consent to the activity, while still other definitions require the abuser to be in some form of caretaker or power relationship with the victim, such as a parent, a teacher, a babysitter, or a coach. One of the broader definitions, from a 2004 review about child sexual abuse in the medical journal The Lancet, states that any sexual activities before the age of legal consent that take place with older children, adolescents, and adults for the sexual gratification of the older person constitute abuse. However, this ignores sexual violence between same-age peers, such as the gang rape of a 14-year-old girl by classmates. It also includes consensual sexual behavior that is legal in some states but illegal in others; for example, sexual fondling between a 16and a 17-year-old who are dating may be considered legal in states where the age of consent is 16 but illegal in nearby states where the age of consent is 18. The American Academy of Pediatrics’ 2005 statement uses the World Health

sexual abuse

Organization definition of sexual abuse, which focuses on sexual activity that a child is not developmentally prepared for, either physically or cognitively, and thus cannot consent to as well as those activities that violate social taboos or laws within a culture. In all these various definitions, it is generally accepted that sexual abuse can include physical contact, from sexual fondling to sexual intercourse, as well as acts without physical contact, such as creating pornography or exhibitionism (e.g., forcing a child to watch as an adult masturbates). Sexual abuse may be accompanied by force, coercion, or threats of violence but may also be the result of emotional manipulation, bribery, or seduction. Sexual abuse may be perpetrated by someone in the family (incest), either by a parent or stepparent, a sibling, or extended family members, including grandparents and cousins. Sexual abuse is more common outside the family, however, and may be perpetrated by someone in a position of authority or temporary guardianship, such as teachers, coaches, religious leaders, or babysitters. Sexual abuse can also include sexual assault by adolescent or adult acquaintances, by romantic partners (date rape), or, more rarely, by strangers. Commercial sexual exploitation is one form of sexual abuse that involves gaining consideration or commercial benefit from the sexual use of a child or youth, such as through prostitution or selling child pornography. It may also include nonfinancial forms of exchange, such as when a runaway or homeless youth exchanges sexual favors for food, shelter, or drugs. Estimating the rates of sexual abuse is quite difficult, in part because of the range of behaviors and sources of sexual victimization and the lack of awareness among children that certain activities actually are sexual abuse, and in part because of the stigma and secrecy that can surround sexual abuse. Abusers often manipulate children and youth into secrecy about their actions, either by encouraging them to believe the behaviors are signs of special affection or by fostering shame and fear of social rejection if the abuse comes to light. When the sexual abuse includes violence or coercion, the perpetrators may also threaten further violence should the victim tell others about the abuse or threaten violence to a victim’s family. Similarly, sexual exploiters (pimps) may coerce the child or teen into prostitution by threatening harm to family members or threatening to publicly shame the family. As a result, most children and youth do not disclose sexual abuse to authorities, so estimates of sexual abuse from law enforcement and child protection services are much lower than rates reported retrospectively by adults or in anonymous population surveys of adolescents. Estimates of the prevalence of sexual abuse during childhood and adolescence from various sources suggest that as many as 1 in 4 girls and 1 in 10 boys experience some form of sexual abuse before adulthood. Another way of estimating the pervasiveness of sexual abuse is to identify the incidence of sexual victimization

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during a single year. A 2002 report of a U.S. national telephone survey of children’s exposure to various types of victimization, including sexual abuse, provides an estimate. This survey of children and youth age 10 to 17 and of parents of children age 2 to 9 estimated that more than 5 million children and youth experienced sexual victimization. Although cases of sexual abuse have been reported from infancy through adolescence, the incidence of sexual abuse appears to be much higher for adolescents: 16.8% of youth age 13 to 17 reported sexual victimization, compared to only 5.3% of children age 6 to 12 and 1.5% of children age 2 to 5. As has been found with other studies, females were more likely than males to report sexual victimization, and sexual assaults by other youth were more common than by adults. The overwhelming majority (91%) of perpetrators were acquaintances, while 7% were strangers, and only 2% of sexual abusers were family members. The rate of reported incest may be affected by the phone format, and, for younger children, the reports by parents. This study did not ask about the gender of perpetrators, but the overwhelming majority of perpetrators in other population studies have been male, identified as heterosexual, and come from all ethnicities, economic classes, and professions. Certain populations of children may be at higher risk of sexual victimization. Sexual abuse has been reported among all ethnic groups in the United States, and studies have inconsistently documented higher rates of abuse among various ethnic minority groups. Families from lower socioeconomic strata may be at higher risk because of greater family stressors or exposure to dangerous neighborhoods but alternately may receive closer scrutiny by authorities. Children with developmental or cognitive delays and with physical disabilities also appear to be more vulnerable to abuse. Gay, lesbian, and bisexual adolescents are more likely than heterosexual teens to report sexual victimization, as are runaway and homeless youth, who may have been sexually abused at home but face further victimization and sexual exploitation on the street. Of great concern is the risk of revictimization: Children who have experienced sexual abuse in one form are highly likely to experience subsequent sexual assaults or abuse from other perpetrators. There are few presenting signs or symptoms that are exclusive to sexual abuse. Indeed, in the overwhelming majority of clinically examined cases, there are normal or nonspecific genital findings, and no body fluids, such as semen or DNA, are recovered. Most warning signs that might raise suspicion of sexual abuse can have other causes, which complicate the diagnosis of abuse. One of the clearest indicators of sexual abuse among children and youth is self-disclosure, but disclosure is often delayed by months, if not years. According to the American Academy of Pediatrics’ 2001 guidelines on caring for victims of sexual abuse, once disclosure has occurred, a comprehensive but sensi-

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tive interview about the abuse should be conducted. This interview should be recorded, and a physical exam should be conducted to gather any evidence of genital trauma or sexual contact as well as tests for sexually transmitted diseases or pregnancy when the age of the teen and the type of abuse warrants it. Some research suggests that prosecution of perpetrators is most influenced by the quality of the interview about the abuse events rather than the presence or absence of physical evidence, but the research is limited. The research is far more extensive about the short- and long-term effects of sexual abuse on children and youth. The trauma from sexual victimization is a potent developmental stressor, regardless of the age of the victim, although limited research suggests abuse during early adolescence may engender the greatest distress. Sexual abuse during childhood and adolescence can cause severe psychological distress, including posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), depression and anxiety, low self-esteem, suicidal behaviors, self-mutilation, and substance abuse, often as attempts to cope with trauma or shame. Shame and stigma can motivate social withdrawal and loneliness among children who have experienced sexual abuse. Repeated abuse, multiple perpetrators, and severity of events often affect the psychological responses; supportive family members or other adults can help buffer the effects. Sexual abuse may alter the child’s developing attitudes and norms about sexual behavior, causing inappropriately sexualized responses to friendship and affection or an inability to refuse sexual overtures or negotiate safe sexual behaviors. Risky sexual behaviors among adolescents and adults, including multiple partners, lack of contraception, substance use with sex, and high rates of sexual revictimization, have all been strongly associated with a history of child and adolescent sexual abuse. These altered behaviors result in higher risks for HIV or other sexually transmitted diseases as well as much higher rates of teen pregnancy involvement for both girls and boys. As well, some victims may become abusers themselves; although this is widely discussed in the media and in clinical practice, there is limited research identifying the level of risk. A recent longitudinal study estimated that only 10% or so of males who had been sexually abused will go on to abuse others. Long-term effects of sexual abuse can include relationship difficulties, sleep disorders, ongoing PTSD, chronic depression, substance abuse, physical conditions such as irritable bowel syndrome or headaches, and, for women, difficulties coping with the physical experiences of pregnancy and breastfeeding. Efforts to develop and test effective prevention strategies, as well as treatments to repair the damage, are critical. Prevention efforts during the 1980s and 1990s in the United States focused on raising awareness among health professionals and teachers about signs and symptoms of sexual

abuse as well as efforts to increase children’s resistance to abusers and willingness to reveal. Although labeled prevention, these programs focused mostly on early identification of victims. One concern with the child resistance efforts is that they focus the responsibility for avoiding abuse on potential victims, whose abilities to anticipate and avoid sexual victimization by older, stronger, and more intellectually developed perpetrators may be limited. In recent years, some promising interventions have focused on educating youth about healthy sexual relationships and the importance of consent as well as community campaigns to equip parents and neighbors with skills to confront worrisome behavior by adults. Improvements in wording of sexual victimization laws, enforcement, and prosecution practices; increased conviction rates; and lengthier sentences may have contributed to a documented decline in reported sexual abuse since the 1990s. Treatment for victims has an encouraging level of evidence. A recent meta-analysis was conducted of various types of treatment for children who have been sexually abused. While a small number of children and youth recover from abuse without any kind of treatment, this recent study found any type of treatment was significantly more effective than no treatment overall. Most types of interventions had a moderate to large effect on the various health problems from sexual abuse, but certain types of interventions appeared more effective for some problems than for others. Specific trauma-focused cognitive-behavioral therapy was highly effective for a variety of health consequences, including psychological distress such as PTSD or depression, behavior problems, and low self-esteem. General cognitive-behavioral therapy and supportive therapy, whether in groups or individual sessions, were most effective for behavior issues, while cognitive-behavioral, family, and individual therapy were most effective for relieving psychological distress. Play therapy was less effective for any of these problems but highly effective at treating problems in social functioning. A higher number of sessions and greater time in therapy increased the strength of the effects of the treatment. Unfortunately, there are barriers to widespread adoption of effective treatments in the United States. The first is delay in disclosure of abuse, which cannot be treated if it is unrecognized. Another barrier is limited numbers of child and adolescent mental health care professionals. Clinicians focused on sexual abuse are also relatively uncommon. One of the greatest barriers, however, is the limited insurance coverage in the United States for treatment of sexual abuse and its mental health consequences. Elizabeth M. Saewyc see also: Abuse and Neglect; Incest; Rape further reading: Crimes against Children Research Center, http://www.unh.edu/ccrc/

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legal and public-policy perspectives. Child sexual abuse is simultaneously a criminal, public health, and human rights issue. Worldwide, sexual abuse is associated with war crimes, genocide, abduction, and child trafficking. Perpetrators of child rape during war have been brought to justice through international war crime tribunals and can be prosecuted through the International Criminal Court. The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child includes protection from sexual abuse, but the United States has not signed the treaty, and inconsistent implementation worldwide limits its effectiveness. The World Health Organization’s (WHO’s) definition of sexual abuse focuses on activity for which children are unable to give consent, activity that is designed for the gratification of an older or more powerful person, and activity that is “against the social taboos of society.” Any official definition leaves considerable room for religious, ethnic, and cultural disagreements in the areas of nudity, the age of consent, the appropriateness of arranged marriages, female genital mutilation, and sexually explicit interaction on the Internet. WHO and other scientific reports indicate that 8% of boys and 25% of girls worldwide experience sexual abuse by age 18, with rates for sexual abuse involving physical contact only slightly lower. Surveys likely underestimate true prevalence due to underreporting attributable to traumatic memory loss, not recognizing events as abusive, and unwillingness to disclose incidents of abuse to researchers. The abuser is most often male and known to the victim. The available evidence suggests that minority children are no more likely than others to experience sexual abuse. Children of lower socioeconomic status are not at significantly higher risk for sexual abuse, but victims of low socioeconomic status are more likely to be identified by child protective services.

Sph er es of Se xual Abuse Legal responses to sexual abuse have met with mixed success because the child is often in the custody of a trusted caregiver. As victims of betrayal trauma, sexually abused children frequently deny or forget about the abuse in order to maintain necessary attachments to their abusive caregivers. Family members may be reluctant to report abuse out of fear of legal consequences for offenders or of losing custody of their children. Children reporting abuse who are not believed or are blamed for the abuse may run away, be sent away, or continue to live with abuse at home. In the 2001 American Association of University Women report Hostile Hallways, 85% of 8th through 11th graders said students sexually harass other students, and 38% said school employees harass students at their school. Nearly 10% of youth report unwanted sexual harassment or abuse by a school employee. Many state laws require background

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checks for teachers upon applying for a license or at the beginning of employment. These laws do not always pertain to other school employees, and the thoroughness of the checks varies. As of 2005, school officials in 17 states must notify the state board of education when an employee is dismissed or resigns after an allegation of misconduct. In addition, as of 2003, 27 states had “position of trust” laws that increase the age at which children can consent to sexual activity with an adult in a position of authority. Accurate estimates of sexual abuse by clergy are exceedingly difficult to obtain because of some churches’ efforts to cover up abuse. Until recently, some Catholic clergy felt that their privilege exceeded the authority of statemandated reporting laws and that the church was in a better position to treat offenders and victims than were government agencies. Approximately 1% of Catholic priests have been formally accused of sexual abuse. It is not known how many abusive priests were never charged. Available evidence suggests sexual abuse is at least as prevalent in other churches and that perpetrators include volunteers and youth members as well as paid staff. C h i l d Protec ti v e S erv ic e s Fewer than 10% of substantiated child protective cases in the United States involve sexual abuse. The number of these cases has decreased over recent years. Experts disagree whether this reflects an actual reduction or rather differences in reporting and record keeping. While states administer child protective services locally, these efforts are supported by the federal government. The federal Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act (CAPTA) was originally signed into law in 1974 and most recently was amended as the Keeping Children and Families Safe Act of 2003. Administered by the Office on Child Abuse and Neglect, CAPTA sets minimum standards for how child protective services respond to abuse and neglect by tying federal money to minimum standards in state child protective services. CAPTA set a minimum definition of sexual abuse to include rape, molestation, prostitution, pornography, or incest involving children. Most states have gone further to include noncontact abuse, such as exposing one’s genitals to a child, as both a crime and a cause for child protective action. CAPTA established mandated reporting laws in all 50 states. Exactly what must be reported differs by state. In some states, all adults must report suspected abuse. In other states, only people who are likely to detect abuse, such as teachers and doctors, are mandated reporters. After Catholic clergy abuse became public, many states amended their laws to include clergy as mandated reporters. Other countries approach reporting differently, preferring to encourage parents to seek help voluntarily over more punitive strategies. In the Netherlands, for example, offices staffed

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by family doctors take reports of abuse and assist families in accessing social services in the community. C r imi nal L aws Sexual contact between an adult and a minor is a crime in every state, although laws vary in detail. Child molestation laws protect children from birth until early adolescence, (usually age 13). Laws generally punish two kinds of child molestation: first degree (which involves penetration) and second degree (which does not). Strict penalties are available under all state laws. Sentencing studies indicate average sentences are often moderate. Most states require that criminal child sexual abuse charges be brought within a few years of the crime, but criminal charges can be brought years after the crime in a handful of states. Many states still have incest laws on the books that allow for more lenient sentences for parents who abuse their children than for other abusers. In recent years, some states have closed this loophole. In most states, statutory rape laws cover sexual contact between adults and young teens, age 14 and 15 (up to age 18 in some states). They are designed to prevent adults from exploiting youth who are unable to recognize the manipulative tactics and power dynamics involved. Some perceive these laws to unfairly punish the older partner in romantic relationships between young people who are relatively close in age (e.g., a 17- and a 19-year-old). The few existing empirical studies indicate that much larger age differences tend to be involved, statutory rape cases are brought infrequently, and penalties tend to be lenient. Many states reformed criminal procedure laws, largely in the 1980s, to accommodate children as complainants in sexual abuse cases. The requirement that a child’s word be corroborated by additional evidence was eliminated in virtually all states, as were restrictions that prohibited children younger than a certain age (often 7 or 8) from testifying. Hearsay exceptions allowed parents and medical professionals to testify about children’s “excited utterances.” Many states provided for children to testify through closed-circuit television. The effects of these reforms are uncertain. The hearsay exceptions have been scaled back by courts. The use of closed-circuit television was never widely adopted. The requirement to prove through a hearing that children would be traumatized without such accommodations was ultimately seen as equivalent to testifying at trial. And while preschoolers might be deemed competent to testify, there are relatively few cases brought involving children younger than the previous age limits of 7 or 8. As of 1994, the federal government requires states to keep registries of sex offenders. In 1996, Congress enacted Megan’s Law, which requires states to disclose publicly information about sex offenders. Beginning in 2000, the Federal Campus Sex Crimes Prevention Act requires colleges to disclose the names of registered sex offenders who work,

volunteer, or enroll in courses on campuses. Many cities bar sex offenders from living near schools and other places where children are present. These laws are controversial, as they bring hardship to offenders’ families and have led to clusters of sex offenders living in the only parts of town open to them. C iv i l L aws Civil laws have been modified to facilitate adult claims for monetary damages from child sexual abuse. Virtually all states have adopted minority-tolling statutes that allow civil claims to be brought within a few years of becoming an adult. Many states have extended their statutes of limitation further, sometimes to accommodate recoveredmemory cases. A few courts have ruled that recovered memories are too unreliable to be allowed in court, although a larger number have allowed the judge or jury to evaluate this evidence. Corroborated cases of recovered memory in those states challenge the position that such cases do not exist. More common than recovered-memory exceptions are comprehension-based exceptions to the statute of limitations, which allow adults to bring suit within a specified time of their coming to understand the damage done to them as children. Civil laws have also been invoked in numerous states to confine child sex offenders after the completion of their criminal sentence. Upon a sufficient finding of dangerousness, this civil proceeding results in civil commitment, which is confinement in a facility devoted exclusively to sex offenders that includes some kind of therapy. In Kansas v. Hendricks (1997), the U.S. Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of the state’s civil confinement statute. Sixteen states have adopted the practice to date. Few offenders are confined under these laws, in large part because it is even more expensive than prison. P r e v en t io n a n d T r e atm en t Child sexual abuse is a substantial risk factor for a host of negative outcomes, including depression, HIV risk, suicide, substance abuse, and criminality. While many victims avoid the worst of these problems, child sexual abuse is a profound public-policy problem because it puts people at risk for so many serious negative outcomes. The U.S. Department of Justice estimates rape and sexual abuse of children costs $24.5 billion per year. However, whereas $2 is spent on research for every $100 in costs for cancer, only 5 cents is spent for every $100 in costs for child maltreatment. There are practical avenues for addressing this shortfall. The National Child Traumatic Stress Network is a federally funded network of 54 sites that provide community-based treatment to children and their families exposed to a wide variety of trauma. The public health problems of child abuse and interpersonal violence are of such a magnitude that a national institute has been proposed to

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focus and coordinate research on causes, consequences, treatment, and prevention. As only a small minority of sexual abuse cases come to the attention of authorities, community prevention and intervention strategies are promising. All 50 states have sexual assault support agencies or coalitions, which typically provide advocacy during medical exams and legal proceedings for victims and survivors, as well as prevention and education programs. In the end, a broad spectrum of community intervention and prevention strategies, as well as civil and legal proceedings, are necessary to deal with this complex problem. Recent innovative approaches focus on adult responsibility to prevent child sexual abuse rather than on child responsibility to avoid or report it. These programs provide written information and phone support to people who are at risk of offending or concerned about abuse potential in others. These types of preventive programs are more in line with public health approaches in other countries that emphasize treatment over legal action in cases of sexual abuse. Kathryn Becker-Blease, Ross E. Cheit, and Jennifer J. Freyd see also: Abuse and Neglect; Incest; Rape; Rights, Termination of Parental; Witnesses, Children as Legal further reading: J. J. Freyd, Betrayal Trauma, 1996. • Jon Conte, ed., Critical Issues in Child Sexual Abuse: Historical, Legal, and Psychological Perspectives, 2001. • World Health Organization, World Report on Violence and Health, 2002. • A. Salter, Predators: Pedophiles, Rapists, and Other Sex Offenders: Who They Are, How They Operate, and How We Can Protect Our Children, 2003.

sexual development Physiological Development Sexual Desire and Behavior Historical and Cultural Perspectives

physiological development. The human embryo is sexually undifferentiated physiologically prior to the seventh week of gestation; by about the eighth week, the sexappropriate gonad, ovary or testis, develops. From there on, hormones from the functioning gonad, particularly androgens from the testes, govern most prenatal development, including that of the internal and external genitalia. In each case, male development represents the diverted course away from the primary, or default, female development. Cellular receptors capable of responding to the stimulating effects of androgens are critically important, altering cellular structures to differentiate the genitals. These processes not only determine physical sex characteristics but also exert effects on the brain that regulate reproductive functioning postpubertally and that may play a role in the establishment of various behavioral preferences and gender identity. After a period of relative quiescence from birth to puberty, the gonad again becomes functional

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in response to the hypothalamic factors that regulate pituitary hormones. The gonad itself produces and releases hormones that induce and maintain the secondary sex characteristics and contribute to sexual drive and functioning. Genetic Factor s and Se x Deter m i nation The genes that regulate sex determination are not fully understood. Although the typical 46, XX and 46, XY karyotypes (indicating 23 pairs of chromosomes, with the sex chromosomes designated either X or Y) and their association with female and male phenotypes, respectively, have long been known, the specific genes on the X and Y chromosomes responsible for male and female determination— specifically, induction of either testicular or ovarian tissue— are yet being characterized. Not until the 1950s when unusual karyotypes were identified, such as 47, XXY (Klinefelter syndrome of persons appearing male) and 45, X (Turner syndrome of persons appearing female), did the process begin to reveal itself. In order to produce a male, the Y chromosome was necessary, no matter how many X chromosomes were present. This pattern implicated the presence of a testis-determining factor on the Y chromosome since it was lack of the Y that produced a female, not (presumably) the presence of something on the X. Further clarification came about with the identification of rare sex-reversal pathologies of sex determination, in which the person’s sexual appearance was opposite the chromosomal karyotype: specifically, XX males, XX hermaphrodites having both ovarian and testicular tissue, and XY females with incompletely developed gonads. Study of these anomalies eventually revealed that portions of the (absent) Y chromosome responsible for testis development were attached to an X chromosome (XX males) or, in the case of female appearance (XY females), that the relevant testicular-inducing portion on the Y chromosome was absent. The sex-determining region of the Y chromosome (known as the SRY gene) responsible for these anomalies (and therefore contributing to the development of testicular formation) was first identified in the 1990s. SRY is also expressed in nongenital tissue, including various brain structures related to motor and cortical function, but its effect on these structures with respect to sex differences in cognition and general behavior, sexual behavior, and sexual function is unknown. Although the study of sex-reversed individuals (e.g., XX males or XY females) has resulted in a better understanding of sexual (gonadal) development, not all sexreversed individuals conform to the SRY-present or absent scheme, indicating that other factors are at work. In fact, a number of non-Y genes have been implicated in sex determination. For example, the SOX9 gene binds to the same DNA targets as SRY and has been associated with sex reversals in both XY females and XX males. Another gene,

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one located on the X chromosome, may antagonize the action of SRY and activate the female pathway of gonadal development. Once functioning gonadal tissue (ovary or testis) is in place, further sexual development—that is, the process of differentiating tissues into either male or female—is under the control of the hormones secreted by the gonads. Unlike those genes involved in ovarian or testicular determination, the genes involved in sexual differentiation of male and female internal and external genitalia are well understood. These genes are responsible for enabling androgen biosynthesis (testosterone is the stimulating agent for masculinizing body structures), for encoding the androgen receptor (the cellular site that receives the androgen stimulation), and for the production of Müllerian inhibiting substance (MIS) and the encoding of its receptor (the system that suppresses the formation of female genitalia when male development is directed). Because these genetic processes are linked to the gonadal/hormonal control of sexual differentiation, their role (and effect of their dysfunction) becomes clearer as the differentiating effects of gonadal hormones are discussed. Gonadal Hor mones and Se xual D i ffer en t i at ion The presence of androgens and/or estrogens during prenatal development is believed to differentiate mammalian bodies and brains into distinct male and female phenotypes, respectively. Body differentiation precedes brain differentiation prenatally; the former is largely due to the presence of testosterone and dihydrotestosterone (to produce a male) and begins around week 10 of gestation. For the male, differentiation internally produces the vas deferens and prostate and outwardly is manifested by the scrotal sac and penis. In the female, a lack of androgen forms analogous tissue into the uterus and vagina and, outwardly, into the labia and clitoris. Brain differentiation in the human fetus, occurring around the 16th week of gestation and thereafter, is also largely a matter of whether testosterone is present prenatally. During the prenatal period, males of different mammalian species secrete large pulses of androgen, which in many cases is converted to estrogen in the male brain. This pulse of hormone acts as a growth factor, helping organize or sculpt the brain into the male pattern. In contrast, the ovaries are quiescent during this critical prenatal period. The lack of androgen/estrogen stimulation of the female brain maintains the female phenotype and has given rise to the axiom that, at least in mammals, “nature’s default is female.” Prenatal sexual differentiation of the brain is believed to underlie gender differences in pre- and postpubertal behaviors, including in humans but most readily observed in the sex-specific sexual behaviors of animals. The neural and neurochemical processes through which androgens exert

their masculinizing actions on behavior have been studied in detail and found to involve a differentiation of hypothalamic and limbic brain structures that control sexual, social, and cognitive behaviors. For example, in nonhuman mammals, females control the timing of sexual contact by a complex interplay of sexual behaviors, such as solicitation and pacing, and sexually receptive behaviors, such as lordosis (the typical receptive position of a female rodent in response to mounting stimulation by a male). Males respond to these behaviors by courting and chasing the females and then mounting with intromission when the female is stationary until ejaculation is achieved. Likewise, play behaviors are sexually differentiated before puberty, with males showing more rough-and-tumble play relative to females. Although there are no unambiguous sexually differentiated sexual behaviors in humans, play behavior in childhood and cognitive development in adulthood appear to be markedly affected by the presence of prenatal androgens. For example, greater rough-and-tumble play has been observed in boys relative to girls in Western cultures, and men are believed to possess greater spatial ability relative to women, who possess greater fine-motor skill. In addition, language development is highly differentiated in humans, with right-handed men possessing a significantly greater tendency to “store” language ability in their left temporal lobes relative to women, who are more bilateral in language representation in the temporal lobes. Beyond cognitive-behavioral differences, prenatal hormone environment may also contribute to development of a person’s gender identity. Recent hypotheses suggest that this may occur through a complex cascade of hormonal and environmental processing during early childhood that leads to primary sexual differentiation of behavior in an environmental context that supports—or imposes—gender differences in behavior. As children mature, they lump their knowledge of themselves and their environment into conceptual categories, of which gender is one of the earliest to emerge. Children as young as 4 months can distinguish an “appropriate” mixing of a low voice with a male face and a high voice with a female face, relative to an “inappropriate” mixing. Being able to differentiate the characteristics of the female as food source has obvious survival value. Moreover, it may well form one of the primary categorizations upon which further differentiation of behavior in childhood can occur. Although preschool-age children often claim they are girls one day and boys the next, their self-concept as being permanently “boy” or “girl” appears to crystallize by the time they enter kindergarten, when very clear genderappropriate play begins to emerge. Such play in most cultures is rewarded, or at least not challenged, although both girls and boys have equal participatory access to some forms of play (e.g., music, art, dance, and certain sports like soccer). It is believed that the acquisition of gender-appropriate play and social behaviors in children

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is modeled on adults and older children. In this way, boys and girls practicing appropriate gender-specific behaviors will acquire a level of competence in doing so, along with a language to describe those behaviors and a categorization of their own gender development relative to those abilities. Likewise, they will not acquire competence in performing gender-inappropriate behaviors and thus will be less likely to perform those behaviors. Natural alterations of prenatal hormone environment, one of which is congenital adrenal hyperplasia (CAH), shed additional light on these processes. In CAH, the adrenal gland produces a very high androgen output before or during the critical prenatal period. Depending on when it occurs, the development of the external genitalia can be compromised and confused, producing, for example, a genetic female with a hyperextended clitoris that resembles a minipenis, a relatively closed vagina, and other abnormalities. Brain development can also be altered, although the degree of masculinization or defeminization is, at this time, not possible to determine. Women with CAH recalled significantly more male-typical play behavior as children than unaffected women did, whereas men with and without CAH did not differ in such recollections. Those CAH women who showed the greatest alterations in childhood play behavior toward the male phenotype were the most likely to develop a bisexual or homosexual orientation as adults. Women with CAH also reported significantly less satisfaction with the female sex of assignment and less heterosexual interest than did unaffected women. Another natural, genetically based alteration is androgen insensitivity syndrome (AIS), either complete or partial. Individuals with AIS show a mutation in the gene that codes for their androgen receptor such that the protein is made and even transported to cytoplasm or cell membranes but does not bind androgen. Since the cellular tissue does not respond to androgens that might be present prenatally, such XY individuals do not undergo fetal masculinization, are born looking like girls, and are typically raised as girls. Without androgens, their primary sexual differentiation in body and brain never occurs. Although their play behavior tends to be more active than unaffected XX girls, many of these individuals grow up feeling female and engaging in heterosexual behavior consistent with their body phenotype as adults. Yet individuals with intersex conditions like AIS or CAH may also show behavior that falls between that of the typical boy/girl and man/woman. However, the magnitude of differences in sex-typical play behavior in childhood is larger than in adult sexual orientation or core gender identity. Most female pseudohermaphrodites (persons having the gonad of one sex and the appearance of the other), whether XX or XY, who are assigned and reared as girls evolve a feminine core gender identity and are primarily heterosexual. This pattern is not the case for boys who have suffered penile ablation in infancy and for whom the

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early perinatal hormonal state was that of the male phenotype. These boys raised as girls do not generally manifest feminine play behaviors or adopt a feminine gender identity, despite often extreme parental attempts to impose it. As adults, many recount feeling as if they somehow knew they were really boys during childhood. Thus, early androgen actions in males create a truly critical period for brain development that forms the foundation for male differentiation of a consistent anatomical and behavioral phenotype. These initial physiological differences between sexes build through early infant periods of external gender awareness to awareness of one’s own gender and gender-typical behavior, especially play in childhood. By puberty, most individuals have a well-defined sense of personal gender and gender-appropriate behaviors. Although Western culture typically dichotomizes gender into male and female and therefore easily accommodates normal sexual development into boy/girl and man/woman, it has generally approached intersex conditions or other anomalies of sexual differentiation from a medical perspective, attempting to correct the error both biologically and behaviorally to fit one or the other category. Many other cultures have approached the problem differently, finding ways to incorporate the person’s mixed or transitional gender state into an acceptable social role. Even in Western cultures, despite strong medical orientation, a transgender subculture of gender-ambiguous, gender-transitional, or even gender-alternating men and women has recently been emerging. S e xua l D e v elo pm en t s o f Pub ert y While some nongenital physical differences may be apparent in boys and girls prior to puberty (e.g., some facial feature differences), the major physical (nongenital) differences apparent in men and women result from the masculinizing and feminizing effects of testicular and ovarian hormones beginning with puberty. Puberty itself is a multistage process, often tracked developmentally with the Tanner staging system, a tool used to follow a child’s progress through sexual maturity. The first increase in sex hormones occurs not from the activation of the gonads but from maturation and functioning of the adrenal cortical glands (adrenarche), which release an androgen, which in converted to testosterone and estrogen. The androgens are present in both girls and boys, but, relative to those of later puberty in the male, overall levels are low. The second stage, and the one typically associated with the major physical changes of puberty, involves activation of the gonads in response to the pituitary gonadotropic hormones. The pituitary hormones themselves are under the control of the hypothalamus; this brain structure appears to inhibit activation of the hypothalamic-pituitarygonadal axis during childhood. The specific triggers for the initiation of hypothalamic-releasing factors that stimulate

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the pituitary are yet being identified. Known factors include body mass index, general health, nutrition, socioeconomic status, and genetics, both familial and racial. The gonadotropic hormones released from the pituitary in response to hypothalamic stimulation are identical for both sexes; that is, both male and female pituitaries release follicle stimulating hormone (FSH), luteinizing hormone (LH), and prolactin. However, two critical differences exist between male and female: Due to the absence of androgen prenatally, the female hypothalamus, through a complex system of hormone production and feedback, functions in a phasic manner, thus generating the cyclic nature of fertility in the woman. In contrast, the presence of androgen prenatally suppresses the cyclic nature/output of the male hypothalamus. Second, because the gonadotropins released from the pituitary act on different gonadal tissues in male and female (testis/ovary), the end results are very different. Specifically, ovarian tissue synthesizes and releases primarily estrogen and progesterone, whereas testicular tissue synthesizes and releases primarily testosterone and dihydrotestosterone. These steroid hormones, acting on body and brain tissue, are responsible for the wide-ranging secondary sex characteristics of puberty and, to some extent, for elements of sexual interest and drive. In both sexes, these steroid hormones stimulate body growth by inducing the release of growth hormone and produce bone growth through their estrogenic action, either directly as estrogen in the female or through conversion of androgen to estrogen in the male. Yet they are also responsible for terminating bone growth by fusing the open ends of the bone epiphyses, a process preventing further growth in height as the pubertal period ends. In the industrialized world, female puberty typically begins around 10 to 11 years of age (range, age 6 to 12) with breast development, followed by fat deposition on the hips and buttocks and a growth spurt, all estrogen-related effects. Vaginal walls thicken and lubricate during sexual arousal in response to rising levels of estrogen. Pubic and axillary hair grows in response to both adrenal and ovarian androgens. Usually, one to two years after the initial signs of puberty, around the age of 12 to 13 (about 12.8 years for white girls, 12.2 years for black girls), the girl will have her first menstrual period (menarche), although cycles require significant levels of estrogen and thus may not become regular and/or ovulatory for several years. The pituitary hormone FSH dominates during the first part of the menstrual cycle (the follicular phase), stimulating the development of the egg in the ovarian follicle and concomitant estrogen release. At midcycle, the follicle ruptures (ovulation), releasing the egg for migration down the fallopian tube and possible fertilization. The pituitary hormone LH dominates during the second part of the cycle (luteal phase), stimulating the release of progesterone from the corpus luteum of the ovary to thicken the uterine walls in preparation for implantation

of the egg, should it be fertilized. Because many of these physical and functional characteristics are hormone dependent, removal of the hormones naturally (menopause) or surgically results in partial or full regression of certain secondary sex characteristics and cyclicity. In the male, puberty lags about one year behind females, typically beginning at age 12 to 13 years (range, age 9 to 14) with enlargement of the testicles and penis in response to testicular androgen. Growth of pubic hair begins around this same time, with growth of axillary hair and the beginnings of facial hair following about a year or two later. Usually by this time, the male can experience orgasm, although actual ejaculation and sperm production may occur somewhat later. The rise in circulating steroids may also produce temporary breast sensitivity and enlargement in boys, known as gynecomastia, but this condition usually rights itself naturally. The tonic (noncycling) hypothalamic functioning of boys generates the release of FSH to stimulate sperm production, first detected in urine typically around 13.3 years and a process that undergoes constant renewal. LH, on the other hand, is principally responsible for stimulating the release of testosterone produced in testicular Leydig cells. As with females, removal of androgens from the adult male system results in partial regression of the secondary sex characteristics (i.e., some effects such as growth of the vocal cords and voice deepening are not reversible) as well as some decrease in sexual interest or libido. The onset of and progression through puberty is affected by both environmental and genetic factors. Better nutrition, for example, has accounted for a two-year decrease in the age of menarche over the past 200 years; environmental contaminants as diverse as diesel exhaust fumes and polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs) that affect steroid action may also affect pubertal onset. Genetic factors, racial and familial, contribute significant variance as well. Both precocious and delayed puberty, as well as aberrations in the development of secondary sex characteristics, can be the source of significant anxiety for adolescents as they interact with peers, assume adult psychosocial roles, and attempt to establish romantic/sexual relationships that serve the endpoint of puberty, namely procreation. David L. Rowland and James G. Pfaus see also: Gender; Homosexuality and Bisexuality; Masturbation further reading: Dennis Styne and Melvin Grumbach, “Puberty: Ontogeny, Neuroendocrinology, Physiology, and Disorders,” in H. M. Kronenberg, S. Melmed, K. Polonsky, and P. Larsen, eds., Williams Textbook of Endocrinology, 10th ed, 2003, pp. 1115–1286. • A. P. Arnold, J. Xu, W. Grisham, X. Chen, Y. H. Kim, and Y. Itoh, “Sex Chromosomes and Brain Differentiation,” Endocrinology 145 (2004), pp. 1057–62. • David L. Rowland and Luca Incrocci, eds., Handbook of Sexual and Gender Identity Disorders, 2008, chaps. 11–15. • Eric J. N. Vilain, “Genetics of Sexual Development and Differentiation,” in D. L. Rowland and L. Incrocci, eds., Handbook of Sexual and Gender Identity Disorders, 2008, pp. 329–53.

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sexual desire and behavior. A child does not wait to suddenly develop all of the different components of adult sexuality at puberty. Rather, each of the components develops at different ages in a process unfolding throughout childhood, a process acknowledged and interpreted in very different ways across cultures. By the time the child becomes an adult, the different components have become so tightly fused that it is difficult to recognize them as separable and that one component does function without the others earlier in childhood. For example, at birth, many of the basic sensory and motor reflexes of sexual behavior are already functioning; infant boys have reflexive erections, although not yet stimulated by distant erotic images as they will be later on. Gender identity, a cognitive process of social belonging, consolidates around age 5, well before explicit sexual desire becomes directed toward a particular person of the opposite or same sex. By adulthood, at least six different components constitute sexuality and sexual motivation, which mammalian research shows rely on different mechanisms within the brain and endocrine system. Perhaps it is the tight fusion of these sexual components—a fusion achieved only in adulthood—that makes sexuality in childhood such an alarming topic for adults. It is difficult for adults to remember or even imagine how one component of a full-blown sexual response can exist without the other components, and such a fully developed sexual response would be not only inappropriate or taboo but also potentially harmful at an early age. This article describes the development of sexuality from birth to early adulthood, incorporating each of the six components in developmental order as currently understood: (1) motor and sensory aspects of sensuality, sexual arousal, and sexual responses; (2) gender identity, which enables the acquisition of both sex roles and gender-specific sexual behavior and attitudes; (3) efforts to make oneself sexually attractive to others within a culture; (4) recognition of particular stimuli or signals as sexually attractive, which means perceiving a person, an image, a song, or any number of things as erotic; (5) sexual receptivity, which is the consent and willingness to engage in intimate sexual behavior with another person; and (6) proactive sexual desire, which is wanting and seeking out sexual interactions with another person. This multicomponent view of sexuality has emerged from current understanding of the neuroendocrine mechanisms of adult sexual desire and behavior in humans as well as a comparative view of many other vertebrates. It is a relatively novel approach to child development but is offered as a way of organizing and integrating what is currently known about sexuality in childhood. There are severe limitations on this knowledge, set by cultural and ethical unease about admitting to childhood sexuality. Another goal of this multicomponent approach, then, is to identify lacunae, stimu-

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late questions, and prompt further research in this core, yet insufficiently investigated, aspect of humanity. Newb or n : Se xual R efle xes and Nur s i ng It is well known that baby boys are born with fully functional penile erections; they are perfectly visible. Whether normal baby girls also experience clitoral erections is not widely discussed, although it is likely given that the clitoris is derived from the same embryological tissue as the penis and at birth has the requisite neural connections, blood flow, and sex hormones receptors. Rather than normalcy, the biomedical research literature focuses almost exclusively on surgical correction of a malformed genitourethral system and, more recently, on the sub-Saharan practice of newborn clitoridectomy, if not infibulation. Sigmund Freud asserted that sexuality begins not with the genitals but with suckling at the mother’s breast, in what he termed the oral stage of sexual development. Whether or not one rejects Freud’s purportedly universal insights as relevant only to the post-Victorian middle class, there is little doubt that in both traditional and modern societies, the interaction of infant and mother, particularly during nursing, is the first intimate physical and social bond. Mothers may find nursing deeply sensual, if not erotic, and infants experience not only oral gratification but also indirect genital stimulation if not erections. Caregivers touch newborns not only during nursing but also while cleaning their genitals. In addition, in almost all cultures, with some classes within the United States as notable exceptions, infants sleep with their mothers, with or without their fathers in the bed, typically for the first year. Touching newborns is essential for the development of functional sexual behavior in all mammals studied to date, and in many species, odors, sounds, and visual recognition are also important. Yet their role for healthy sexual development in human childhood is as yet unknown. Most parents are quite unaware that both their male and female infants have adult levels of sex hormones at birth, which are then maintained during infancy; the newborn period is essentially the first hormonal “puberty,” and sex steroids become inhibited only temporarily until rising again a decade later during puberty. Sex hormones are crucial for regulating how social and physical experiences sculpt neural connections within the brain. And so the newborn period and early infancy are likely to be sensitive, if not critical, periods when the neural structures of attachment, sensuality, and sexual reflexes become integrated among one another and appropriately linked to the social world. I n fanc y : B o dy Pleas ur es and C h i l d Car e How does parental care in infancy contribute to sexuality? Freud championed the idea that infants, under parental guidance, naturally experience pleasure while controlling bowel movements and urine, and he termed this the anal

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stage of sexual development. Even when it is unintentional and contrary to cultural norms, children are also genitally stimulated by caretakers and later on by themselves throughout infancy and young childhood. How could there not be a normal and positive developmental consequence for the child when touch during caretaking induces erections or pleasurable clitoral sensations and is embedded in the intimate social interactions of a caregiver? These experiences are likely to contribute to later components of sexuality such as sexual receptivity or proactive sexual desire. Infants also touch their own genitals when not clothed or bundled. Indeed, infants discovering such pleasant sensations are not heavily discouraged, although in some cultures this type of stimulation is viewed with opprobrium and becomes increasingly so with age, especially for girls. Thus begins the interplay between reflexive sexual responses and strong cultural and moral views about sexuality. To d d l er s As observed by parents and other adults, toddlers often stimulate themselves sexually. That sexual stimulation becomes an autonomous, focused, and solitary activity that indicates the continued development of sexual sensory and motor systems. It also indicates the development of motivation for pleasurable sexual sensations, termed the phallic stage by Freud, who notably ignored pleasurable clitoral sensations. Toddlers do not evidence shame or guilt until the negative reactions and admonitions of their caregivers teach them that such behavior is inappropriate. At this age, however, masturbation appears to be motivated by the component of pleasurable physical sexual sensations without connection to sexual relationships (i.e., the components of being sexually attracted, receptive, or having proactive sexual desire for another person). In parallel, accompanied by the maturation of selfawareness, toddlers become increasingly objectively aware of their own bodies and the physical differences between boys and girls as well as between children and adults. This interest and knowledge is part of acquiring a gender identity, with the distinction between male and female (and the related distinction between masculine versus feminine) arguably becoming foundational for the development of categorical thinking in general. Moreover, awareness of different genitals appears to develop in parallel with and yet independently of children’s pleasure in their own genital sensations. Again, reticence to ask the research question precludes an understanding of this critical link among the sensorimotor component of sexuality, one’s own gender, and the gender to which a person becomes erotically attracted. Ea r ly C h i l d hood : Gen d er I d en t i f icatio n and Se x Pl ay Gender identity appears to consolidate between the ages of 5 and 6, at least in North American and Europe, where it

has been studied most extensively. Children come to view themselves as boys or girls and begin to acquire genderspecific behaviors through identification and modeling. Children are also more likely, although certainly not exclusively, to play in same-sex groups. These spontaneously segregated groups, however, are not driven only by the content of the play or modeled merely on culturally predominant gendered roles such as playing house or war games. The pattern is also caused by self-selection driven by the tempo and physicality of play as well as the speed at which children shift from one activity to the next. Children also have “crushes,” “boyfriends,” and “girlfriends” in early childhood who are the opposite sex and same sex. The relationships do not appear to be more than intense friendships, but their meaning in the context of physical sexuality, sexual attraction, or desire is relatively understudied. Independent of these intense friendships, sex play with the same and opposite sex is actively encouraged in some cultures or at least considered normative. In others, of course, it is discouraged if not severely punished, particularly in girls. More socially recognized and condoned in Western societies is a child “fl irting” with a parent, who typically enjoys the attention. This marks the development of sending sexual signals. Freud argued further that children are also sexually attracted to and actively seek sexual interactions with their chosen parent, creating what he and Carl Jung respectively termed the Oedipal and Electra confl icts. According to Freud and Jung, the recognition that this newfound sexual desire for a parent cannot be fulfilled is essential for healthy psychological development. At this point, Freud posited that children enter sexual latency, repressing their nascent sexual motivation, sublimating it, and redirecting it into other domains. Many have rejected Freud and Jung’s theories, particularly the claims that this sequence is universal and that resolution of the confl ict is required for full moral development. Also untested is the notion that unfulfilled sexual desires can be rechanneled like a river to flow into a different domain. Nonetheless, Freud’s work was pioneering, highlighting the emergence in early childhood of new key components of sexual motivation: sending sexual signals and feeling rudimentary sexual desire for another person, well before fullblown proactive sexual desire has developed and become fully integrated with all of the other components of sexuality. Again, children’s perceptions and beliefs about their own behavior and feelings toward their parents have not been well studied directly; rather, current understanding is based on heavily culture-bound adult interpretations. By the age of 5, masturbation appears to fade away, but this does not mean that it has completely stopped. Rather, it is quite likely that children continue to masturbate in private throughout childhood, having learned as toddlers that

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such behavior is typically punished when public. Approximately 40% of college men and women report childhood masturbation well before puberty (marked by menarche or spermarche); more than 10% achieved orgasm even though they had yet to reach menarche or spermarche, and only 15% reported being discovered by an adult. Both gender identity and sex roles in childhood are modulated by prenatal exposure to sex hormones, as exemplified by natural variation in androgens ranging from high levels in congenital adrenal hyperplasia to absence of bioactivity in androgen insensitivity syndrome. In addition, prenatal sex hormones create individual differences in levels of physical activity during childhood play, such as rough-and-tumble play. Prenatal sex hormones may also organize the neural structures underlying sex play in its myriad forms. The high level of sex hormones in the newborn and infant also may play a large role, for this is when hormone-sensitive neural connections are made and pruning occurs throughout the brain. If so, hormones from the prenatal period through infancy would contribute to individual or sex differences in the frequency of sex play as well as how much a child initiates it or is simply receptive to participation. Such hormones may also affect masturbation and the intensity of rudimentary sexual signaling and desire. M i d d l e C h i l d ho o d : L at enc y ? Masturbation in private is a relatively pure indicator of sexual desire independent of social relationships. As previously discussed, many children do masturbate in early to middle childhood prior to puberty. Even this private behavior is shaped by the psychosocial context of childhood. Prepubertal masturbation is more common among boys who do not share a bedroom and among girls who are emotionally distant from their fathers. Sex-segregated play naturally reduces social interactions between boys and girls, setting the stage for experiencing the unfamiliar as erotic during fully mature sexual attraction and desire. Men and women who are homosexual as adults are more likely to report having played with the opposite sex as children, giving credence to this as yet untested hypothesis that some degree of novelty is an essential component of sexual attraction. In middle childhood, children do talk about other children in romantic terms (boyfriend, girlfriend, or crush), but adults typically do not remember these childhood relationships as sexual, if they remember them at all. That these early relationships are not memorable may result from their disconnection from physical sexuality, developing concomitantly but not yet integrated with a child’s social partnerships. At this age, the social interactions that do involve physical sexuality typically occur with an adult and have profound effects on adult sexuality. Cross-culturally, there is almost universal social condemnation of an adult touching a child sexually, although there is enormous variation in the

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kinds of touching a child that are viewed as sexual. Yet 12% of men and 17% of women in a demographically representative sample of the United States report that, as children, they were touched sexually by an adult, boys most likely by a teenage girl or an adult man and girls by adult men. In the United States, these rates have remained steady since before World War II, and there are no significant differences among ethnic or socioeconomic groups. Men and women reporting such sexual experiences in childhood reported more not only sexual difficulties as adults but also more diverse and higher levels of sexuality. Interestingly, men do not report directly that their childhood sexual experiences with an adult had any effect on their own adult sexuality, whereas the great majority of women do report marked negative consequences. Th e M agic Age of 10: Se xual R ecognition Around the age of 10, before puberty is culturally recognized in the United States, boys and girls experience their first memorable sexual attraction. On average, boys and girls experience it at the same age (ranging from 6 to 15 years of age), despite the two-year sex difference in pubertal development of girls and boys. Moreover, people with a homosexual orientation also report that this was the age of their first sexual attraction, despite strong social sanctions to be heterosexual. Anecdotally, fourth grade teachers in the United States have observed and been puzzled by a sea change in the social interactions that occur without any cultural expectation or formal marker of social development. It is as if the child’s “object of desire” has suddenly popped out of a neutral background by becoming sexually salient. Ten is the average age of adrenarche, the sexual maturation of the adrenal glands, which sit atop the kidney. If the significance of the adrenals at this age is recognized at all by someone other than a pediatric endocrinologist, it is primarily for their role in regulating stress and water metabolism. Nonetheless, this is the age when adrenal cortex production of the androgen dehydroepiandrosterone (DHEA) approaches the adult range. As in adults, DHEA stimulates pubic hair growth. If DHEA at age 10 enables memory consolidation of a relationship recognized as sexual in adulthood, it is affecting the sexual recognition component of sexual motivation, linking physical sexuality with a peer. Once again, it is part of the subjective experience of sexuality that is more closely associated with sex hormone profiles than it is with behavior, because rarely do children do anything sexual because of their attraction; in many cases, they do not quite know what would be the appropriate thing to do in adult terms. So begins the long biological process of puberty, which is not completed until young adulthood. Pubert y The physical markers of puberty are important for the development of sexual motivation in a variety of ways. They

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are recognizable signals from the body that it will shortly be capable of sex, reproduction, and adulthood. The hormones driving these physical changes also act on the brain, enabling multiple components of sexuality: enhanced sexual recognition (beginning with adrenarche), sexual receptivity, and proactive sexual desire. They act on the body to increase the size and sensitivity of erogenous zones. They also stimulate physical development of such sexual signals as breasts and muscular bodies. Finally, researchers and clinicians have chosen a standard subset of markers to study normal and abnormal development. It is unclear whether the markers they have chosen are optimal for fully understanding the final developmental stages of all components of adult sexuality or whether the choices have been shaped primarily by cultural taboos. Puberty actually begins not with gonadal development but with adrenarche, which produces a rise of DHEA and development of pubic and axillary hair. Independently, the gonadal system matures later, a process termed gonadarche. It is the physical manifestations of gonadal, not adrenal, hormones that are widely recognized as early markers of puberty: breast bud development in girls and testicular and penis enlargement in boys. Indeed, pubic hair is rarely mentioned in texts and reviews. In some ways, defining puberty markers is easier in girls than in boys. Girls go through stages of readily observable breast development, fat deposition, and growth, accompanied by the more private thickening of pubic and axillary hair. Cross-culturally, menarche, a girl’s first menstrual period, is widely recognized, often with elaborate rituals and a sudden change in housing, social status, obligations, and privileges. For boys, the gradual growth of the testes, penis, and pubic hair provides no such clear marker, nor does increased facial hair, muscle mass, or a changing voice. The endocrine equivalent of menarche in boys is spermarche, the presence of viable sperm in the ejaculate, a completely unobservable trait. Perhaps it is the gradation of these pubertal changes, which fall unpredictably within the normal range of adult male traits, that makes male initiation rites less tied to biological events and even less common than in girls. Among the Sambia in Papua New Guinea, boys are removed suddenly from their mothers and start living in the men’s houses between the ages of 7 and 10. At age 13, before their voices have dropped, Jewish boys are called to the Torah as a bar mitzvah and are henceforth considered men within the temple, and among Chinese Han the concept of developing an autonomous self during adolescence is considered culturally alien. The pubertal markers culturally recognized for boys also develop in girls, but these homologies are recognized primarily within academic medicine and are considered taboo as important developmental traits. Girls, too, experience growth of their clitoris and labia, including increased sexual sensitivity, vaginal secretions in response to sexual

arousal, and spinnbarkheit (cervical mucus) at the time of ovulation, all of which change genital sensations. Likewise, breasts become sexually pleasurable and functional for breastfeeding and infant bonding as well as sexual play. Both boys and girls have so-called wet dreams, an expression of developing sexual desire. In girls, they are likely to become more common around the time of ovulation, as they are in women. But again, understanding at what age such dreams begin is a taboo topic, particularly in girls, precluding research on this natural marker of coordination among components of sexual motivation. Although more than 80% of Americans endorse the belief that early, and particularly premarital, sexual intercourse is “wrong,” the practice has increased, particularly in women, a trend that began prior to World War II and continues to the present. Among those reaching puberty during the 1970s and 1980s, almost half of men had had intercourse by the age of 16, as had more than a third of women. With time, the sex difference is closing, with this pattern appearing in African Americans one cohort earlier than in whites and Hispanics. For almost all men, first intercourse was wanted (proactive sexual desire). The majority of women also wanted their first intercourse, whereas one-quarter did not desire it but accepted it (sexual receptivity). By their late teens, one-quarter of college-age women have been forced sexually by a man, almost 20 times the rate reported by men. The experience of forced sex is associated not only with twice the rate of sexual dysfunction and lack of sexual pleasure later on in full maturity but also with at least twice the rate of hypersexuality, such as high masturbation rates, many lifetime sexual partners, engaging in group sex, and engaging in sexual practices that increase risk for HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases. Biologically, reproductive systems do not attain peak maturity until the late teens or early 20s. In women, technically speaking, peak reproductive maturity is not achieved until the first pregnancy and lactation. Therefore, in the realm of sexual motivation and behavior, the time needed for full behavioral development likely extends beyond the capacity to conceive children (marked by menses and sperm in ejaculate) and even well beyond the capacity for a satisfying sexual encounter. Experience and physical maturation during late adolescence and early adulthood are necessary for the development of a capacity to establish partnerships capable of handling the joys and demands of the fruits of sexuality, namely children, and to lay the foundation for resilient sexuality that can be sustained through diverse life span trajectories and into old age. Martha K. McClintock see also: Gender; Health and Sex Education; Homosexuality and Bisexuality; Incest; Masturbation; Moral Development; Rape; Romantic and Sexual Relationships; Sexual Abuse further reading: Edward O. Laumann, John H. Gagnon, Robert T. Michael, and Stuart Michaels, The Social Organization

sexual development of Sexuality: Sexual Practices in the United States, chaps. 9 and 14, 1994. • Gil Herdt and Martha K. McClintock, “The Magical Age of 10,” Archives of Sex Behavior 29, no. 6 (2000), pp. 587–606. • Theo G. M. Sandfort and Jany Rademakers, eds., Childhood Sexuality: Normal Sexual Behavior and Development, 2000. • John Bancroft, ed., Sexual Development in Childhood, 2003.

historical and cultural perspectives. All human societies are concerned with the regulation of childhood sexual development and, indeed, with sexuality in general. Anthropologists have understood childhood sexuality to be structured by several significant preconceptions: the notion of childhood as a culturally relative category; the definition of sexuality as dependent upon the vagaries of social practice and the local meaning system of attitudes, beliefs, and norms; the Freudian insistence upon childhood sexual repression and the critique of this view; the meaning of adolescence as a category; the relative meanings of puberty; and the general understanding of the nature of transitions as rites of passage. In the history of childhood, as Philippe Ariès argued in his controversial and no longer widely accepted account Centuries of Childhood (1962), the Western categories of child and childhood more generally were relative conventions, only recently taking on the form attributed to “children’s sexual innocence” in the modern period. Children were previously regarded as little adults whose minds and bodies just got bigger rather than being qualitatively different, as inspired by Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s notion of a tabula rasa in the post-Enlightenment period. Little adults slept in the same beds with their parents or other adults and were allowed sexual play and observation of adult sex. With the advent of public education and the category adolescence, these notions changed with the rise of middle-class privacy and higher standards of living in the 20th century. Moreover, the comparative history of premodern Europe did not share in the modern prejudice of thinking of sexuality in childhood as inherently bad, immoral, dangerous, or developmentally loaded with negative outcomes for the child. Indeed, often they did not think about sexuality at all. Gender standards for boys and girls in this period began to diverge radically; girls were treated as future mothers without erotic feelings, particularly outside of marriage, while boys were regarded as more sexually aggressive, prone to masturbation, and sexually driven. Sex or sexuality in such a cultural model has purposes and outcomes that do not preclude reproduction or marriage but are not restricted to intimate pair bonding between men and women, typified by the triumph of bourgeois heterosexuality since the 19th century. As studied during the early decades of the 20th century, childhood sexuality was the province of those who studied individual difference in sexual development, following the work of Sigmund Freud. The individual-differences approach was insensitive to local

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moral worlds and had virtually no empirical base of support, either in Western European societies or non-Western groups. Culture study in this period, pioneered by anthropologists, notably Margaret Mead, most of them within the culture and personality school of anthropology, began to focus on social group differences in sexual development. For example, decades of discussion in psychoanalysis, anthropology, psychology, and literary studies focused upon whether there was a universal Oedipal complex for all humans and whether it was the same or different for males and females, as argued by Bronislaw Malinowski for the Trobrianders. The triumph of cultural relativism the 1930s and 1940s led to social, cultural, psychological, and moral differences being understood by reference to groups and not individuals per se. There can be no doubt that the pioneering cross-cultural research of Malinowski played a role in the critical understanding of this cultural group paradigm. By contrast, academic psychology was created with little attention to childhood or adolescent sexuality outside of the United States. Moreover, American and European studies of childhood sexuality remained captive to individual-difference theories, since they were typically conducted within experimental and developmental psychology contexts that left out local culture. The cultural influence on all manner of things social seemed to stop with sexual drives and sexual desires. Most of the developmental psychology of children in the ensuing years was dedicated to gender study, not sexuality per se. However, as the field of sexology evolved, it provided for the invention of the concept of gender identity, and of sex reassignment, whereby biological children of one sex were surgically changed to conform to the opposite sex, in the late 1950s, as made famous by John Money and Anke Ehrhardt’s Man & Woman, Boy & Girl (1972). The emergence of an alternative medical paradigm of sexuality analogized as a disease, as instanced by the treatment of masturbation as an epidemic that young boys were prone to in the early 19th century, created a new order of sexual meanings that established childhood and adolescence as distinct categories of sexual immaturity. Childhood innocence, while critiqued by Freud in his 1905 work Three Essays on Sexuality (which built upon the prior work of Albert Moll’s The Sexual Life of the Child, 1912), built upon this psychosexual developmental theory. In this view, there was a natural and normal sexual life cycle that led from birth to adulthood, marriage, and parenting, mirrored in an interior experience of fantasy, sexual wishes, and confl ict with parents. Same-gender friendship and intimacy were treated as normal and natural in growing up, so long as the intimacy included little or no sexual relations, with some notable exceptions provided by life in boarding schools and other gender-segregated institutions. It was widely assumed that the creation of civilization was built upon the repression of sexual desires and childhood innocence, including what

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Freud called the sublimation of sexuality in the service of work and social advancement. Meanwhile, Mead and others argued over whether adolescence was a time of surging hormones and psychological rebellion in Western society or elsewhere. It was widely believed that this period of adolescent Sturm und Drang would only subside with the assumption of adult roles in the transition to full personhood and marriage, as argued by Erik H. Erikson. Freud’s postulation of infantile sexuality, unconscious sexual motivations, and the Oedipus complex, beginning at around age 5, provided for the emergence of a developmental theory of the erogenous zones. According to Freud, sexual subjectivity in the body of the infant began with nursing (oral sensation), bowel control (anal sensation), and a long latency period in which overt sexuality disappeared, followed by an active genital surge in adolescence. Each of the erogenous zones was symbolically associated with sensations and emotional expressions that brought frustration or confl ict as the child’s intrinsic drives clashed with the surrounding social mores and moral system of parents, later internalized as the superego. These experiences were often repressed, according to Freud, including fears of Oedipal seduction or revenge for aggressive feelings toward the opposite-sex parent. Later, Jean Piaget’s work on cognitive development and John Bowlby’s work on attachment suggested that intrinsic emotional and cognitive structures constrain how and when children assimilate and accommodate sexual feelings, knowledge, and attachments in development. Freud and many theorists who followed him believed in what Michel Foucault, in The History of Sexuality (1976–84), has called the repressive hypothesis. Childhood developmental subjective experiences in this view were seen as timeless psychic universals, not as history or cultural convention. Foucault famously challenged the universality of psychic repression and linked it to middle-class life in Victorian times and to local forms of social power. How does sexual puberty and its physical characteristics, including reproductive maturity, figure into this understanding of sexual expression? As anthropologists have suggested, puberty is more a social rather than a physical concept. This is not because the emergence of biological markers and reproductive status is unimportant but because societies vary greatly in the timing and sequence of their observation of gonadal puberty. Rites of passage among many peoples, including the ancient Greeks, were a dramatic way of enacting and completing events that occurred on a mythological level, thus chartering the establishment of social relations of mutual obligation. The initiation of Sambian boys into the men’s house between the ages of 7 and 10, for example, created the boys’ manhood physically through the ingestion of semen from older boys but also demonstrated to elders the secret myth of parthenogenesis, through which undifferentiated humans become fully masculine in Papua New Guinea. The fact that male initiation

is so common in certain world culture areas, and that in Melanesia it was widely used to introduce the young person (male or female) to sexuality and Eros, attests to the importance of reframing the biological as cultural markers and vastly important social changes in what Clifford Geertz has called people’s local moral worlds. In Western civilization, puberty—the onset of secondary physical sex characteristics in adolescence—varies considerably by chronological biological age, yet the biological, as feminist theory has long suggested, is no simple thing. Indeed, since classical times, the question of reproductive and sexual maturity has been a matter of social recognition. The Greeks clearly recognized puberty by mid- to late adolescence, creating a fluid line between childhood and adulthood in age-graded homoerotic relations that led into heterosexual marriage. Today, it is increasingly recognized among researchers, though it remains disputed in popular culture, that the development of sexual attraction achieves a memorable threshold on average by age 10, with a spread between ages 6 and 15. Indeed, this developmental sexual subjectivity seems to be cross-culturally stable, as noted by Gilbert Herdt and Martha McClintock. The work of anthropologists early in the 20th century began to dispute the model of childhood sexuality in the West, as Malinowski discovered that childhood sexual play was common among the Trobrianders, was benignly accepted by adults, and was even encouraged in its adolescent manifestations for boys and girls alike. Premarital sexual relations were typical among the Trobrianders and were marked by the attitude that only through sexual experience could young people become the good lovers expected of their spouses in marriage. Notably, Malinowski argues in his 1925 work Magic, Science and Religion that children were viewed as sexually sociable, and while intergenerational relationships were frowned upon, sexual experience was implicitly encouraged in all children and explicitly encouraged for adolescent males. Trobriand society established two further cross-cultural assertions: that children are motivated by sexual pleasure and that egalitarian societies, such as the matrilineal Trobrianders, are given to what he called “companionate relationships” in adolescence and marriage. Subsequent studies of childhood sexuality in Samoa and New Guinea, by Mead, extended and refined these crosscultural findings. Coming of Age in Samoa (1928), one of the most significant and controversial of all anthropological studies, established even more successfully the role of sexuality in childhood and emotional expression of gendered and sexual feelings in growing up in a Polynesian society. Critiques of this work, notably by Derek Freeman, suggested that Mead had overplayed the social influence and ignored social change in her ethnography. While having merit, these criticisms do not erase the importance of the sexual and gender variations Mead’s work established in

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New Guinea in the 1930s, the importance of social structure and culture in determining beliefs about gender, and influence of ecology, economics, and religion. In 1948, Alfred Kinsey took up this idea in his pivotal chapter on historical and cultural variations in sexuality in Sexual Behavior in the Human Male. Specifically, Kinsey famously documented orgasm in children and suggested that social attitudes toward childhood sexuality are strongly inflected by religion, social structure, and gender. For Kinsey, as for Freud, culture was largely an impediment to childhood sexuality in his model, since he believed that social conditioning and religion undermined sexual desire and pleasure, resulting in taboos and unnecessary sexual problems. Later researchers significantly affirmed that societies vary widely in their permissiveness regarding sexual experimentation in childhood, their attitudes toward homosexuality, and the manner in which the transition from childhood to adolescence is sexualized. Gilbert Herdt has followed Ruth Benedict’s Continuities and Discontinuities in Cultural Conditioning (1938) in suggesting that crosscultural patterns of childhood sexuality can be classified into three schemas: discontinuous development due to dramatic role change in childhood, linear development associated with sedentary and gradual assumption of roles and power, and emergent development as typified in modern states where future images of sexuality and gender are unclear. In this study, tolerance of childhood sexual experimentation is a key difference that distinguishes later adult sexual behaviors and attitudes. Today, sexuality as applied to childhood covers such divergent areas of experience as emotional development, love, desire, sexual orientation, and sexual and social identities. Sexuality is far more effectively described and interpreted locally, in terms of the moral conventional system of beliefs, rules, and meanings. Only recently has the study of childhood sexuality expanded to include the previously neglected area of social oppression and its impact upon childhood sexual development and its sequelae. One of the great puzzles of the modern history of childhood sexuality is that, in spite of Freud’s insistence that children have such an early and keen interest in sexual matters, especially the genitals and bodies of parents or caretakers, it remains common for 21st-century Americans to believe that children are innocent and without a sexual life until adolescence. Children have remained a cultural icon of innocence, and experts disagree on the reasons for this social attitude. Gilbert Herdt see also: Gender; Homosexuality and Bisexuality further reading: Sigmund Freud, Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality, 1904. • Margaret Mead, Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive Societies, 1935. • Alfred Kinsey, Wardell Pomeroy, and Clyde Martin, Sexual Behavior and the Human Male, 1948. • Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality, 1976. • Gilbert Herdt, “Sexual

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Development, Social Oppression, and Local Culture,” Sexuality Research and Social Policy 1 (2004), pp. 1–24.

sexual harassment. see Education, Discrimination in: Gender Discrimination

sexually transmitted diseases. Sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) are caused by a varied group of organisms, including bacteria (Neisseria gonorrhoeae, Chlamydia trachomatis, Treponema pallidum), viruses (Herpes simplex virus, HIV, human papilloma virus), and parasites (Trichomonas vaginalis) that are transmitted predominantly by sexual activity. STDs in children have serious social and medical-legal implications as well as medical concerns. Children can acquire an STD during delivery from infected mothers, from sexual abuse that requires investigation, or from consensual sexual activity. Identification of the source of infection may be uncertain due to difficulty with lab tests, the difficulties with interviewing young children, and the social stigma generally. Guidance from a health care provider with experience in diagnosis, treatment, and followup of infants and children with STDs should be sought. While comprehensive epidemiological data on the occurrence of STDs from the developing world are lacking, the clinical presentation of STDs in children is similar. Diagnosis in countries with limited medical resources may be hampered by lack of test availability or distance to testing sites and may rely on clinical diagnosis only. Treatment recommendations in the developing world may differ in the choice of agent, frequently utilizing more cost-efficient alternatives.

C h l amy dia tr ac hom atis Chlamydia trachomatis (commonly known as chlamydia), which is a special type of bacteria, is the most common sexually transmitted infection in the United States. The U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) estimates that the number of new infections exceeds 4 million annually. Adolescent women between ages 15 and 19 have the highest incidence of infection, which may exceed 20% in some populations. The majority of genital infections due to chlamydia do not cause obvious symptoms. Men may have urethritis, which is inflammation of the urethra with a discharge. Women may have infection of the uterine cervix, and, if untreated, chlamydia infection can lead to pelvic inflammatory disease (PID) and obstruction of the fallopian tubes, which can result in infertility and risk of an ectopic (outside of the womb) pregnancy. If a woman has active chlamydia infection at delivery, the infection can be transmitted to her newborn about 50% to 75% of the time, causing either conjunctivitis (eye infection) and/or pneumonia. Chlamydia was once the most common infectious cause of neonatal eye infections in the United States. However, routine screening and treatment of

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maternal chlamydial infection have dramatically reduced the incidence. Beyond infancy, children may acquire chlamydia infection through sexual abuse. Rectal and/or genital chlamydial infection has been reported in 2% to 3% of sexually abused children, the majority asymptomatic. The gold standard for diagnosis of chlamydia infection in children is a culture from the conjunctiva, nasopharynx, vagina, or rectum. Since the 1990s, there has been the introduction of nucleic acid amplification tests (NAATs). These tests have high sensitivity, perhaps even 10% to 20% greater than culture, while having a very low rate of false positive results. These assays have approval by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration for cervical swabs from women, urethral swabs from men, and urine from adult and adolescent men and women, but they are not approved for use in children. The use of noninvasive specimens such as urine is especially useful in high-prevalence populations such as sexually active adolescents. Chlamydia infections can be treated with antibiotics, using one of the established protocols.

Neisser ia gonor r hoeae Neisseria gonorrhoeae, also known as the gonococcus, is a bacterium that causes gonorrhea. Like chlamydia, it may cause infections in newborns who are exposed to active maternal gonococcal infections. It most commonly manifests as infection of the conjunctiva, which can be severe, and, until the 1960s, used to be the most common cause of blindness in children. Other newborn infection sites are the nose and throat as well as systemic infections, sepsis (blood infection), and bone and joint infections. Beyond the neonatal age, any infection in children should be assumed to be acquired through sexual contact, and appropriate investigations are warranted. Definitive diagnosis is made by culture of material from the infected site. Because of the bacterium’s fragility to environmental conditions, material from the infected sites must be handled carefully for culturing in the lab. NAATs performed on cervical or vaginal secretions can assist in the diagnosis of gonorrhea in adolescents and adults but are not approved for use with children. Gonococcal infections are treated with antibiotics. Resistance to several antibiotics has emerged worldwide. Prevention of neonatal eye infections is accomplished by testing and treatment of women during pregnancy and by using eye care with either antibiotic ointments or silver nitrate drops in newborns immediately after birth.

ary, and tertiary. Primary syphilis presents with a painless ulcer, called a chancre, at the site of inoculation (on the penis, vulva) but may be missed. The ulcer resolves spontaneously; however, the infection has disseminated throughout the body. Within several weeks to months, approximately 25% of untreated individuals will develop secondary syphilis, with a characteristic whole-body rash, including the palms and soles, and fever, headache, malaise, anorexia, and swollen glands (lymphadenopathy). Similar to primary disease, the signs and symptoms of secondary syphilis will also resolve spontaneously without treatment. Tertiary or latent syphilis occurs months to years later with serious complications, including involvement of the central nervous system (neurosyphilis), involvement of the heart and blood vessels (cardiovascular syphilis), and development of lesions that can occur in a variety of organs, especially the skin and bones. Acquired syphilis in children should be assumed to indicate sexual abuse. The most common presentation of syphilis in children, especially infants, is congenital infection resulting from untreated or inadequately treated maternal syphilis. Transmission to the fetus can occur at any time during pregnancy and at any stage of the disease in the mother. In the developed world, most infections are detected during pregnancy using routine serological tests (VDRL or RPR). Untreated maternal syphilis can lead to serious complications for the fetus, including low birth weight, preterm birth, stillbirth, and birth defects. Even if asymptomatic at birth, untreated congenital syphilis can lead to problems with vision, hearing, neurological development, and abnormalities in the bones and teeth. The mainstay of treatment of syphilis at any stage, in pregnancy and in the infant, remains antibiotics. The dose and duration of treatment depends on the stage of the disease and whether there is evidence of central nervous system infection. Treatment of maternal infection will prevent infection in the infant.

Tr ic homonas vagi nalis Trichomonas vaginalis is a protozoan, which is transmitted mainly sexually and should prompt evaluation for other STDs if found in a child. Symptoms include vaginal discharge and mild vulvovaginal itching but can be asymptomatic. Infections are usually diagnosed by microscopic examination of vaginal fluid, but other tests, including culture and PCR, are also available. Treatment consists of antibiotics.

S y p h i l is

H er p e s S i m p l e x

Syphilis is a systemic disease caused by the spirochete bacterium Treponema pallidum. It is acquired by adolescents and adults sexually and can be transmitted to the fetus during pregnancy. Syphilis has three stages: primary, second-

The herpes simplex virus (HSV) causes a wide spectrum of diseases in humans, the most severe being central nervous system infections. Two known types exist, HSV type 1, which causes mainly infections of mouth and throat and

shaken baby syndrome

eyes, and HSV type 2, which causes mainly genital infections. Both types can cause primary infections in people who have not encountered the virus and have no immunity and lead to persistence of the virus for life in nerve cells. The persistent virus can reactivate and lead to disease, cold sores on the mouth from HSV 1 and recurrent genital herpes with HSV 2. Infections in children occur in distinct age groups: newborns can be infected during passage through the birth canal of a mother with active genital herpes infection, usually HSV 2. HSV infection in the neonate can be very serious and may involve encephalitis, with long-lasting neurological and developmental consequences. Adolescents and adults acquire genital infection through sexual contact. Genital HSV infections in prepubertal children should raise the suspicion of sexual abuse. The diagnosis of genital infections is made by viral culture of lesions. Treatment of primary genital infections may shorten the duration of symptoms but will not prevent persistence of the virus and recurrent episodes of reactivation. In the United States, an active maternal infection at the time of birth would indicate the need for a Cesarean section. H um an Papi l lom a V i ru s There are more than 80 types of human papilloma virus (HPV). Some types cause common skin warts; other types cause anogenital or venereal warts and cervical cancer. HPV infection is sexually transmitted and is very common among sexually active adolescents and adults. Infants may acquire HPV from the mother during delivery, which rarely can cause laryngeal papillomatosis, a serious chronic respiratory infection. The presence of genital warts in a prepubertal child beyond infancy suggests sexual abuse. Although the diagnosis is made by inspection of the characteristic lesion, detection of HPV nucleic acid from vaginal scrapings is under investigation. Currently, there are no effective treatments for these infections. The approved HPV vaccine covers the four types of HPV that are responsible for more than 80% of genital warts and cervical cancer and is recommended prior to the initiation of sexual activity. Stephan A. Kohlhoff and Margaret R. Hammerschlag see also: Health and Sex Education; Human Immunodeficiency Viral Syndrome; Infectious Diseases further reading: World Health Organization, Guidelines for the Management of Sexually Transmitted Infections, 2003. • N. Kellogg and the Committee on Child Abuse and Neglect, “The Evaluation of Sexual Abuse in Children,” Pediatrics 116 (2005), pp. 506–12. • Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, “2006 STD Treatment Guidelines,” Morbidity and Mortality Working Report 55 (2006), pp. 1–100.

shaken baby syndrome. Shaken baby syndrome (SBS), also known as shaken impact syndrome or infl icted childhood neurotrauma, is a form of nonaccidental head

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injury resulting from violent shaking that presents with a unique set of injuries, including acute encephalopathy (brain damage), subdural hemorrhages (bleeding on the brain surface), cerebral edema (brain swelling), retinal hemorrhages (bleeding in the eyes), and fractures, but little or no evidence of external trauma. This set of pathologies was first recognized as being due to violent shaking in 1971. In hospitalized cases, 20% to 35% of victims die, and 65% to 80% of the survivors have permanent developmental and neurological abnormalities. Most victims are less than 1 year of age, but violent shaking can seriously injure a child of any age, and adult cases have been reported. The largest number of cases are diagnosed during the third month of life. Victims may be as young as 2 weeks of age. Central to understanding the syndrome is the force required to produce it. Shaken baby syndrome injuries are the result of violent trauma. The American Academy of Pediatrics describes the shaking leading to shaken baby syndrome as so violent that individuals observing it would recognize it as dangerous and likely to kill the child. It is recognized that shaking by itself may cause serious or fatal injuries. Shaking injuries in babies are not caused by short falls from furniture, by seizures, or as a consequence of vaccination. Similarly, they are not caused by tossing in the air; sudden stops in a car; driving over bumps; falls down stairs; running, jogging, or bicycling with a baby; or bouncing on the knee. In the more severe cases, the baby is almost immediately unresponsive and difficult to arouse and may not vocalize or follow visually. Severe symptoms include difficulty breathing, turning blue, changes in level of awareness, inability to suck or swallow, loss of consciousness, and seizures. The most serious injuries include bleeding in and around the brain and the eyes and massive brain swelling. These injuries are seldom found together in any other form of child abuse, accidental trauma, or disease. Those who survive often suffer severe, lifelong disabilities requiring constant personal and medical attention and may include motor and/or cognitive difficulties, cerebral palsy, blindness, paralysis, feeding disability, behavioral dysfunction, and prolonged coma. Shaken baby syndrome occurs in about 25 to 30 per 100,000 children younger than 1 year old as reported in Europe and the United States. These figures are underestimates: A violent shaking episode may be only the most recent of a series of such episodes. When they do present clinically, they may be misdiagnosed. Some victims are never taken to a hospital. Furthermore, reporting methods differ in different jurisdictions, making comparisons difficult. Behaviors that may lead to shaking trauma are common. In the Netherlands, 5% of parents acknowledge smothering, slapping, or shaking their infant in response to crying. Rates were eight times higher in some immigrant groups.

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To Know Shame Is to Be Near Courage

imagining each other

Mo r al S o c i al i z at io n i n Tai p ei

In the early 1990s, I returned to my home city of Taipei, Taiwan, to undertake a study of how Taiwanese families socialized young children. During my graduate studies in the United States, I had discovered that the literature on child development included little information about children from other cultures. Eventually, I began to make observations of everyday family interactions. The following vignette is similar to many other incidents that I witnessed. While the mother and I were engaged in conversation, 3year-old Didi quietly approached my unattended video equipment. As soon as his mother noticed, she yelled at him, “Eh, eh, Didi! What has Mama told you? You’ve never [listened]. . . . You cannot [infringe on Auntie’s property]! I’m gonna spank you. . . . You’re a child who doesn’t obey rules.” Although Didi had stopped misbehaving and quickly turned away from the equipment, his mother walked up and spanked him. Didi sat down on the floor, kicked his feet, and cried loudly. His mother continued to upbraid him for being “such a disobedient kid” and threatened to ostracize him and withdraw her love, “We don’t want you; you stand here. . . . Mama is mad.” Didi’s mother then turned to me as I attempted to comfort Didi, “Let him cry; never mind. Once the amplifier [referring to Didi’s crying] is on, it’s difficult to turn it off.” She made another disparaging remark, “Look how ugly you are when you’re crying.” Didi’s 5-year-old sister then joined in with a loud chant, “Ugly monster, ugly monster, shame on you.” She urged her mother to spank Didi in front of me and, a bit later, spanked him herself. Mother shook her head and pointed to Didi’s sister with eyes wide open, indicating her disapproval.

In North and South Carolina, 2.6% of parents acknowledge shaking a child younger than 2 years old. However, in many cultures, shaking is an acceptable form of discipline and is reported in up to 60% of children. Although not all shaking leads to the clinical syndrome, the potential danger of significant brain damage is largely unrecognized. Prevention efforts focus simply on increasing awareness that shaking is dangerous do not appear to have been effective. However, when this information is delivered to new parents at birth in maternity wards, it has been demonstrated to lower the incidence of shaken baby syndrome cases by almost 50%. Because the frustrating, prolonged, unexpected, unsoothable crying bouts that occur in the first few months of life are by far the most common stimuli to shaking abuse, prevention strategies that focus on educating caregivers about these crying characteristics and the dangers of shaking in response to its frustration may be even more effective. Specific activities or recommendations that promise to calm infants if only parents use the correct soothing techniques are dangerous because they increase frustration when parents are unsuccessful. Marilyn Barr and Ronald G. Barr

She then sat down on the sofa, reached out to the sobbing child, and pulled him up from the floor. She looked into Didi’s eyes and talked to him in an imperative tone, “Close your mouth; I’d like to talk to you.” While Didi gradually calmed down on his mother’s lap, she asked him whether he had failed to listen to her and again reminded him of the rules: Do not infringe on Auntie’s property and disturb her work. This episode finally ended with the mother playfully teasing Didi about his earlier crying. To Didi’s mother, this episode was simply about discipline. Nevertheless, it was also emotionally charged. When I told my American colleagues about such incidents, they were perplexed and dismayed. Why did Didi’s mother shame her young child? Did she have no concern for his psychological well-being? Was she being too harsh, if not abusive? I felt that Didi’s mother’s actions could not be understood without taking her point of view into account, including the goals that she was seeking to achieve. After further analysis of many similar shaming incidents collected over the course of two years of observation, I came to see that, whether consciously or not, Didi’s mother was making use of an important distinction within the complex Chinese vocabulary relating to shame. She used the term xiu, which means “affective shame” to teach her child about chi, which means “moral shame.” She believed that Didi had already acquired the former through displays of shyness and embarrassment. However, because he kept violating the rules that she taught him, she was convinced that Didi had not acquired the virtue

see also: Abuse and Neglect; Crying and Colic further reading: Committee on Child Abuse and Neglect of the American Academy of Pediatrics, “Shaken Baby Syndrome: Rotational Cranial Injuries—Technical Report,” Pediatrics 108 (2001), pp. 206–10. • R. M. Reece and C. E. Nicholson, Inflicted Childhood Neurotrauma, 2003. • National Center on Shaken Baby Syndrome, http://www.dontshake.com.

shame and guilt. Shame and guilt are quintessential social and moral emotions that reflect sensitivity to interpersonal contexts. They regulate, foster, and advance moral development. Along with pride and embarrassment, shame and guilt are also often categorized as self-conscious affects, mainly because these feeling states involve the dual capacity for self-awareness and the internal evaluation of the self relative to external standards. Both guilt and shame entail negative self-evaluations. In reality, most people have difficulty differentiating guilt from shame, often experience both emotions concurrently, and use both affective terms interchangeably. Nevertheless, in the literature, shame and guilt are treated as two conceptually distinct emotions. Moreover, Anglo-American scholarship tends to explic-

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To Know Shame Is to Be Near Courage (continued)

itly or implicitly favor guilt over shame, portraying guilt as adaptive, constructive, prosocial, and mature while portraying shame as maladaptive, counterproductive, antisocial, primitive, and even pathological. The psychoanalysts were among the earliest to investigate shame and guilt. From their perspective, shame and guilt have to do with intrapsychic confl icts between the ego and its regulating superstructure: the superego (referring to the internalization of the punishing, restrictive aspects of the parental images) or the ego ideal (referring to the identification with the loving-reassuring and expecting parental images). While guilt is caused by the tension between the ego and the superego, shame is activated by the clash between the ego and the ego ideal. The moral anxiety of guilt originates from a fear of castration or active punishment by the superior. Shame anxiety, in contrast, arises from a fear of exposure or social expulsion, which relies heavily upon one’s visual presentation of a real or an imaginary audience, the awareness of “The Look” or “The Stare.” More recently, North American psychologists have invested much effort in developing measures to differentiate shame from guilt feelings and shame-prone from guilt-

and protected her child from receiving inappropriate shaming from others, as evident in her reaction toward Didi’s sister. When one adult plays the role of “black face” (hei lian) or bad cop, the other often assumes the role of “white face” (bai lian) or good cop in an attempt to alleviate the tension. The child himself is also expected to be able to appreciate the caregiver’s disciplinary efforts and, hence, bear a “reasonable amount” of parental shaming. Such appreciation is grounded in the prolonged parent-child bond and mutual interdependence sustained by the cultural value of filial piety. In the loving and protective home environment, Didi’s mother, as a responsible parent, modeled in an exaggerated way what others might do to Didi if he did not know shame. Once Didi has acquired the moral aspect of shame (chi), his behaviors will be governed by a vigilant conscience. As a consequence, he will be much less likely to be shunned by others or to suffer from the disgraceful affective shame (xiu). Although it might seem that Didi’s mother expected too much of such a young child, she believed that moral training has to start early. She was also aware that she must be patient, because according to Confucian ideology, the process of selfcultivation is a lifetime commitment. Heidi Fung

imagining each other

of “knowing shame” (zhi chi). As Confucius said in The Doctrine of the Mean, “To know shame is to be near courage” (zhi chi jin hu yung). If one possesses the moral sense of shame, one is able to closely examine and reflect upon his behaviors and be courageous enough to humbly admit inadequacy or wrongdoing. Hence, acquiring moral shame motivates the individual to improve and become a better person. Indeed, like her American counterparts, Didi’s mother wanted her children to become competent members of society who could get along with others and make contributions to society. Whereas American parents might approach discipline with one eye focused on protecting the child’s selfesteem, Didi’s mother, like many Chinese parents, preferred a different strategy: helping children acquire the qualities of self-reflection and self-discipline through knowing the moral aspect of shame. From Chinese parents’ perspective, since they are entrusted with the child’s early moral education, they are entitled to discipline as well as shame their child. However, since making the child feel ashamed (xiu kuei) about his transgression is only a tool but not the goal, Didi’s mother was not attempting to harm his well-being. Excessive shame would only hurt the child, drive him away from taking up responsibilities, and therefore undermine the motivation to amend and improve. To courageously amend and improve oneself embodies the true spirit of knowing shame (zhi chi). Nevertheless, balanced shaming is a joint venture accomplished by all participants, including the young child. In addition to the role of shamer, Didi’s mother also mitigated

further reading: Heidi Fung, “Becoming a Moral Child: The Socialization of Shame among Young Chinese Children,” Ethos 27, no. 2 (1999), pp. 180–209. • Heidi Fung and Eva C. H. Chen, “Across Time and Beyond Skin: Self and Transgression in the Everyday Socialization of Shame among Taiwanese Preschool Children,” Social Development 10, no. 3 (2001), pp. 419–36.

prone attributional styles in personality. According to their reports, the major difference between shame and guilt is their effects on self-appraisal and behavioral reaction. While guilt deals with behavior, a specific act done or undone, shame pertains to the self. When experiencing guilt, the individual’s self remains intact. Since changes in behaviors could lead to different consequences, one feels a sense of control over the situation and is therefore motivated to confess wrongdoing and make reparations for the behavior. Confessing, apologizing, and making amends can ease or relieve the pain caused by guilt. In contrast, the condemnation or remorse caused by shame is targeted toward the entire person. An acute awareness of one’s self as profoundly inadequate and inferior makes the pain intense and irreversible. Because of the assumption that the self is a stable, persistent, and innate entity, the shamed individual feels a lack of control over the situation and has no choice but to withdraw, escape, or hide away from social scrutiny. In other words, guilt, but not shame, helps moral development. For diagnostic purposes, most North American clinical psychologists believe that it is necessary to distinguish individuals who, when

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facing a failure, are more prone to generate shame feelings from those who are more likely to generate guilt feelings. T h e D e v elo pm en t o f S h a m e a n d Gui lt Compared to the primary emotions (such as joy, sadness, and fear), which are innate, shame and guilt emerge later in life. While little is known about how shame and guilt develop, the precursors are probably associated with social referencing, the behavior of looking to the parents for cues about appropriate responses, which usually appears toward the end of the first year of infancy. Most studies report that by toddlerhood the child is able to demonstrate early forms of shame and guilt. Shame is manifested through the child’s awareness of a flawed self in the eyes of adults (e.g., “Mom sees me as a bad boy”), whereas guilt is expressed when the child is capable of knowing that she has acted in a way that hurts others or elicits the caregiver’s disappoval (e.g., “I just hurt John; that was a bad thing”). At school age, the child’s awareness has gradually become more internalized, relying much less on the adult’s gaze or disapproval. Studies of North American children also reveal that, by age 3, shame-prone children can be reliably distinguished from guilt-prone ones. When a mishap involving toys occurred to children who were unaware that it was set up by the experimenter and hence attributed it to their own fault, the shame-prone ones displayed a tendency to avoid the adult (avoiders). The guilt-prone ones, on the contrary, were quick to apologize to the adult and attempted to fix the broken toy (amenders). More boys behaved like guiltprone amenders than did girls. During disciplinary encounters, studies in European American families found that it is necessary to elicit a reasonable amount of fear through empathy-based guilt. Such empathetic stress—the ability to have perspective and recognize others’ distress—not only helps alleviate the confl ict between parent and child but also alerts the young child to focus on the moral message. Concurrent optimal affect and cognitive knowledge of the rules move the child from an egocentric motive toward a caring and socially responsible motive, thereby expanding to moral principles of a higher order. Although there is no conclusive evidence of a direct relation between parenting in early childhood and the later development of shame and guilt in adolescence, maltreatment, harsh discipline, and severe punishment may lead to a shame-prone personality. Because of feelings of worthlessness and powerlessness, shame-prone individuals tend to be preoccupied with their own distress instead of seeing others’ perspectives sympathetically. When the feeling intensifies, they may activate defensive mechanisms to handle it inwardly through introversion and self-hate or outwardly through expressions of anger, aggression, and hostility toward others. Such unresolved excessive feelings may cause a range of psychological disorders and malfunctions, such as

low self-esteem, eating disorders, antisocial behavior, and depression. In contrast, since guilt proneness demonstrates a higher capacity for empathy toward the other party’s feelings and a greater willingness to accept responsibility, it often leads to beneficial outcomes in social relationships and moral advancement. S h a m e R e v i s i t ed Although both shame and guilt are social and moral affects, due to the increasing emphasis on maximizing self-esteem and concerns that shame is a serious threat to self-image, contemporary scholarship, rooted in Anglo-American culture, has treated shame, but not guilt, as a problem or even a syndrome. This bias against shame is not shared by all cultures or all historical times. For instance, “knowing shame” is viewed as a virtue in Chinese Confucian culture. Its importance is reflected in a large vocabulary for shame and its related notions, including face, criticism, evaluation, and social honor. There are different terms to denote the dual nature of shame: affective disgrace-shame and moral discretion-shame. A reasonable amount of the former is seen as a tool for teaching the latter. Through early training in developing sensitivity to others’ evaluations and criticisms, the ultimate goal is to cultivate the child’s inner ability for self-reflection. One who knows discretion-shame would modestly scrutinize her behavior to avoid disgraceshame. Such a duality simply does not exist in the English language. Even within the Western traditions, the meaning of the word shame has changed over time as well. In Shakespeare’s plays, shame, associated with blood rush, was regarded as something good, necessary, and even progressive. Victorian scholars considered those who did not demonstrate the ability to blush as shameless or subhuman. Until the 1950s in the United States, shame and honor were still effective tools in regulating individual behaviors for the benefit of the community. Although one may still occasionally hear an egregious action described as “shameful,” the older meaning of shame has almost vanished in recent decades. Heidi Fung see also: Authority and Obedience; Discipline and Punishment; Emotional Development; Innocence, Childhood; Moral Development; Self Development; Self-Esteem further reading: C. D. Schneider, Shame, Exposure, and Privacy, 2nd ed., 1992. • J. P. Tangney and K. W. Fischer, eds., Self-Conscious Emotions: The Psychology of Shame, Guilt, Embarrassment, and Pride, 1995.

shyness. see Temperament siblings. Siblings have had a key place in folk stories, legends, history, and literature all over the world. Although the majority of individuals grow up with siblings, and for

younger infant, displaying that she knows that an older child (herself) should share with a younger one. Nearby, Sandra (12), Irene (8), Carlos (5), and Leonardo (4) work and play. A few minutes later, a pretend scenario begins to take shape. With the help of the other children, Sandra draws her younger sister into the pretense of soothing a fussy young infant (actually a doll). Working with Juana’s determination to eat and protect her fruit, Sandra shows her how to rock an infant to sleep. Sandra spreads out an orange cloth with elaborate care in front of Juana, adjusting its size and orientation. Sandra arranges some dolls on the cloth. Juana crouches down on the opposite side of the cloth, still clutching her basket of prickly pears. Sandra tries fruitlessly to get Juana to release the basket, pretending to give the dolls some fruit and then giving some to Juana. Sandra grasps the two sides of one end of the cloth with her right and left hands while saying, “Hold the rug like this! Hold onto the rug!” Juana watches, wipes her hands on her dress, and then grasps only the left corner, reserving the right for the fruit basket. At Juana’s right side, Rogelio grasps the rug by the right-hand edge with his right hand and brings it toward Juana, telling her, “In the other. No, like this.” Sandra says, “Hold onto it! Hold onto it!” orienting her hand toward the rug as Juana’s other hand should be. Rogelio shakes the rug to get her attention, saying, “Grab it!” Juana moves her left hand to the right corner. First Carlos and then Rogelio shout out, “The other hand!” Instead, Juana moves her left hand to the middle of the side facing her. In response to her disregarding or not understanding, Rogelio and Sandra help Juana enact the correct movements. Rogelio moves Juana’s right hand away from the basket of fruit and to the right edge, while Sandra moves her left hand back to the left corner. Once Juana has a “good” grasp of the rug, she sees what to do next. She stands up and jerkily rocks the baby dolls, as she intermittently sings along with the others. Impatient with Juana’s lack of skill, Irene abruptly moves her in synchrony with the music. As disruptive and unpromising as that guidance might look, it is effective. Juana feels what to do and moves more rhythmically afterward. Finally, at everyone’s urging, Juana becomes fully engaged as she eagerly sings the lullaby. Juana’s participation becomes increasingly adept as her child caregivers perceptively and persistently adjust what they say and do to guide her. When verbal instruction and demonstrations do not result in more competent behavior, they work together to provide hands-on guidance. Putting Juana through the motions lets her learn what to do by seeing and feeling in her own body just when and how to move. With the help of her sisters, brothers, and cousins, Juana gradually moves from “being body to becoming a cultural being.” Patricia Zukow-Goldring further reading: Patricia Goldring Zukow, ed., Sibling Interaction across Cultures: Theoretical and Methodological Issues, 1989. • Patricia Zukow-Goldring, “Sibling Caregiving,” in Marc H. Bornstein, ed., Handbook of Parenting, vol. 3, Status and Social Conditions of Parenting, 2002, pp. 253–86.

imagining each other

imagining each other

Children as Family Caregivers in Mexico To thrive and grow, cultures continuously add new members, most frequently within the family. These novices, usually infants, come into the world as cultural blank slates. They do not know “what everyone else already knows.” How do children develop this know-how? Without guidance, the task is daunting. Infants are immersed in a nonstop flow of perceptual information in sound, vision, touch, smell, taste, and bodily movement from a multitude of sources. They do not know how to detect the pattern of emerging events from the continuous stream of information. In contrast, “old hands” or competent members can identify common, everyday activities without a second glance and skillfully perceive opportunities for action. The work of caregivers is to narrow the search space by picking out perceptual information for infants so that they may begin to notice, engage in, and communicate about the most common, everyday events. These practices direct attention to what to “notice-and-do,” whether the task is taking a bath, using tools, or eventually participating in yearly celebrations and rituals. In many societies, it is assumed that it is the responsibility of adults to pass on these ways of knowing. However, in traditional, nontechnological, and/or agrarian cultures, primary caregivers, usually mothers, must engage in economically productive work. In these settings, children play an important and explicitly appreciated role in socializing younger family members. Child caregiving is a two-way street. Both children benefit. The novice learns about the organization and orderliness of daily life: its rules and regulations. The more adept child takes on responsibility and learns to put the needs of another before the self, gaining emotional maturity. These older sisters and brothers refine their perceptual-cognitive and communication skills as they detect what an infant-novice does and does not know. With that information, they knowingly or “accidentally” implement what that child-novice needs to know to engage in ongoing events. As often as not, child caregivers, like their adult counterparts, ask the novice to do something a step or two ahead of the infant’s present level of participation. In such situations, when an infant-novice may not understand what is happening, what do older children do? Do they work to achieve a common understanding? If so, do they adjust what is said and done to assist the novice to achieve a higher or more culturally appropriate level of functioning? Yes and yes. The following interaction took place in a village of 700 inhabitants in the state of Guanajuato, Mexico. It is one of many similar instances of child caregiving that I witnessed during my 15 months of fieldwork. A group of sisters, brothers, and cousins, whose families share a common compound, play, joke, provoke, lead, and follow one another on a hot, dusty July afternoon. Juana, 16 months old, is clutching a small basket of sweet, sticky, peeled prickly pears and warding off Rogelio (age 6). By gently but persistently asking her for fruit, he teaches the extremely important cultural lesson of sharing food. He chides, teases, and wheedles to no avail. Spontaneously, Juana gives one of her precious fruits to a much

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many their relationships with their brothers and sisters are the longest lasting in their lives, the study of siblings by developmental psychologists is relatively recent. Clinicians and family therapists have long argued that the role siblings play within the family is an important and influential one, but research interest in siblings was relatively rare until the 1980s. This research has focused chiefly on siblings from middle-class backgrounds in the United Kingdom and North America; in these cases, unlike much of the world, older siblings generally do not serve as caregivers to younger siblings. Three themes stand out in this research. The first is the nature of sibling relationships, including individual differences; the second is the developmental influence of siblings and the window on key developmental issues that a focus on siblings provides; and the third is the challenge that siblings provide to views of family influence: why siblings differ in personality and adjustment even though they grow up in the same family. C har acter istics of Si bli ng R el at io nsh i p s From infancy to adolescence, relationships between siblings are emotionally powerful. Observational studies of toddler and preschool-age siblings report, for instance, that around 20% of the interactions were intensely negative and that positive emotions were also frequently expressed. The relationship for many siblings is one in which both positive and hostile emotions are uninhibitedly expressed. Another striking feature of the relationship between siblings is its intimacy. Most children spend more time interacting with their siblings than with their parents or friends; they know one another very well and learn remarkably early how to upset, tease, as well as comfort one another. This familiarity, coupled with the emotional power of the relationship, means that the potential for developmental influence is considerable. Sibling relationships are also characterized by individual differences in how siblings get along, from infancy to adolescence, evident in both observational and interview studies. Why do siblings differ so strikingly from one another? Research in the 1970s and 1980s focused chiefly on birth order, gender, and age gap as sources for the marked individual differences between siblings. For young children, the evidence for the significance of age gap and gender on sibling relations is mixed and inconsistent. In middle childhood, findings suggest gender becomes more important, with boys being less likely to report warmth and intimacy in their relations with their siblings. Since the 1980s, the framework within which individual differences have been studied has broadened to include the personalities of the children, the quality of relationships within the family, and the social adversities faced by the family.

Connections between children’s temperamental characteristics and their relationships with their siblings have been described for the preschool period, middle childhood, and adolescence. Although the findings differ in detail, the links are clearer for negative aspects of the siblings’ relationships than for positive aspects. The match between siblings’ temperaments is also important, with more confl ict between siblings who differ in temperament. In contrast to these inconsistent findings, the evidence for connections between sibling relationships and other relationships within the family is much clearer. Positive relationships with parents are linked to positive caring relations with siblings, while punitive, negative parent-child relations are associated with hostility in the sibling relationship. Children who have secure attachments to their parents have been reported to have more positive relationships with their siblings. However, causal conclusions cannot be drawn from these findings: While they are often interpreted as evidence of parental influence, it could be that children’s temperamental qualities contribute to difficulties in both relationships. The behavior of children who are always quarreling may well also contribute to difficult relationships with their parents. Two other points concerning the connections between family relationships should be noted. First, there is consistent evidence that in families in which there are differential relations between parents and their various children (where more affection and attention or more negativity or discipline are shown toward one sibling than the other) the siblings are more hostile and in confl ict. These associations are particularly clear in families that are under stress. Again, it is not possible to draw conclusions about the causal direction of these links. Children’s interpretation of differential behavior is important: When children interpret the differential behavior as showing that they are less worthy of parental love than are their siblings, the sibling relationship is particularly likely to be compromised. From the second year onward, children monitor the interactions between their parents and their siblings with vigilance. Second, difficulties in the relationship between parents are also linked to the quality of sibling relationships. Both direct pathways (difficulties in the marriage are linked to difficulties between siblings) and indirect pathways (difficulties in the marriage are linked to difficulties in the parent-child relationship, which, in turn, are linked to difficulties between siblings) have been implicated in these connections. Finally, it should be noted that in contrast to the findings discussed earlier, some studies report that supportive sibling relationships can develop in families in which parent-child relations are distant or uninterested. These compensatory patterns of family relationships may be more common in families at the extreme of stress and social adversities.

s ib l in gs

Dev elopmen tal C h ange s and I nfluenc es During the early years of childhood, younger siblings take an increasing role in sibling relationships as their communicative skills and powers of understanding develop. Most of the research on siblings in middle childhood is crosssectional rather than longitudinal; this work reveals normative changes in the balance of power between siblings. Gene H. Brody’s longitudinal research, reported in his 1996 book Sibling Relationships: Their Causes and Consequences, is a welcome exception. There is evidence for both stability in children’s feelings for their siblings and for changes in friendliness and hostility. Negative changes in sibling relationships have been attributed by the children themselves to the friendships the children formed outside the family. Another important developmental question is: How far do siblings influence one another’s development? Researchers have examined this question as it applies to children’s adjustment. Evidence for links between the quality of sibling relationships and their aggressive oppositional behavior, as well as their internalizing (worrying, anxious, depressive) behavior, has accumulated. This influence is both from older to younger and vice versa. A socioeconomically diverse community study with cross-sectional information on 4- and 7-year-olds reported that hostility between siblings contributed to adjustment problems and to low levels of prosocial behavior, beyond the contribution of poor parent-child relationships. Such direct effects on behavioral adjustment have been consistently reported for sibling confl ict. However, evidence for indirect effects linking sibling impact on later adjustment has also been found. For instance, researchers have repeatedly found links between differential parent-child relationships and poor adjustment. In addition, the birth of a sibling is consistently found to be associated with increases in problems of withdrawal, aggression, dependency, and anxiety for the older sibling. These effects are stronger among economically disadvantaged children. Siblings are also in some cases sources of support for children in stressful situations: Children growing up in homes with marital confl ict have fewer problems if they have a good sibling relationship. Some children faced with negative life events describe becoming more intimate with their siblings following the stressful events. There is another arena in which siblings influence one another’s development. Sibling research has offered an important new perspective on a key aspect of children’s discovery of the mind: the growth of their understanding of emotions, thoughts, and beliefs and the links between these inner states and people’s behavior. In the context of the emotional drama of family life with siblings, they show considerable powers of anticipating others’ intentions, sharing an imaginative world, and engaging in talk about why people behave the way they do. The range of individual dif-

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ferences in social understanding that young children show has implicated experiences with siblings, especially shared pretend play, talking about mental states, and feelings. Although the issue of direction of effects is yet again a difficult one, the study of siblings has clearly established the importance of social processes within the family for these core developments in social understanding. Si bli ngs and Fami ly I nfluenc e The third domain in which the study of siblings has been important is the transformation in how family influence is viewed. The differences in the personality, adjustment, and psychopathology of siblings growing up in the same family have presented a serious challenge to understandings of family influence. This is discussed in Judy Dunn and Robert Plomin’s book Separate Lives: Why Siblings Are So Different (1990). The features of family life long seen as influential, such as parental mental health, educational level, and the social adversities faced by the family, are apparently shared by siblings. Yet these children grow up to be very different. It seems that influential experiences within the family differ notably for siblings, and it is these sibling-specific experiences that need to be studied. It is not that family influences are unimportant but that family life is experienced very differently by children within the same family. Innovative analytic techniques have now been developed to distinguish and assess the child-specific from the family-wide influences. In sum, since the 1980s researchers have learned much about the relationship between siblings, and importantly this research has thrown up a series of important questions about development: about the growth of understanding other people, about the nature of family influence, and about the influence on psychopathology of siblings. Clinicians are increasingly interested in the potential of siblings as sources of support as well as influences on adjustment problems. There are, however, some notable gaps in knowledge. There has been a welcome increase in studies of siblings in adolescence, but there is little longitudinal research on adults. Most important, research on siblings from minority communities and European and European-descent cultures are still relatively few, and this is striking given the evidence for the key role of siblings as caregivers in many cultures. There is little research on ethnic differences in the relationships between siblings in childhood or on developmental influence of the relationship in different ethnic groups. These gaps represent opportunities for research that will be both theoretically and practically significant on a relationship that is important throughout the life span. Judy Dunn see also: Birth Order; Demography of Childhood; Family; Kinship and Child Rearing; Multiple Births; Peers and Peer Culture; Social Development

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further reading: Judy Dunn, Young Children’s Close Relationships: Beyond Attachment, Sage Series on Individual Differences and Development, vol. 4, 1993. • Charles W. Nuckolls, ed., Siblings in South Asia: Brothers and Sisters in Cultural Context, 1993. • W. M. Bukowski, A. F. Newcomb, and W. W. Hartup, The Company They Keep, 1996. • Jennifer Jenkins et al., “Change in Maternal Perception of Sibling Negativity: Within and between Family Influences,” Journal of Family Psychology 19 (2005), pp. 533–41.

sids. see Sudden Infant Death Syndrome sign language. Sign languages are languages in the full sense of the word. Deaf individuals around the globe use sign languages as their primary means of communication, and these sign languages assume all of the functions of spoken languages. Moreover, sign languages display the structural properties characteristic of spoken languages, with structure at the sentence level (syntax), at the word/ sign level (morphology), and at the level of meaningless units (phonology). Although all sign languages are structured, they (like spoken languages) differ in the particular structures they display. For example, American Sign Language (ASL) is structured differently from British Sign Language, underscoring the fact that sign languages are not based on the surrounding spoken language. However, sign languages look different from spoken languages in two respects. First, many aspects of sign are iconic: the visual form of the sign resembles its referent. For example, in the sign for “bird,” the index finger and thumb are held at the mouth and moved together and apart several times; the sign looks like a bird’s beak as it opens and closes. Second, unlike morphemes in spoken language, which are produced in sequence within a word, morphemes within a sign are often produced simultaneously. To indicate that an activity is ongoing in English, “-ing” is added to the end of the verb, creating the form “eating.” In ASL, however, the affix is produced at the same time as the verb. In its uninflected form, “eat” is produced with the hand jabbing repeatedly toward the mouth; to indicate that the activity is ongoing, the hand continues to move repeatedly toward the mouth but along a small circular path with even rhythm. Do deaf children acquire sign language in the same way that hearing children acquire spoken language despite these differences? The short answer is yes. The fact that sign is processed by hand and eye whereas speech is processed by mouth and eye does not seem to alter the language-learning task for the child. Lear ni ng a Sign L anguage Prior to producing their first recognizable signs, deaf children “babble” manually in much the same way, and at the same age, as hearing children babble orally. Children thus

begin the language-learning process by playing with the units of the language they are to learn, whether those units are sounds or signs. Manual babbling develops into first signs, just as vocal babbling develops into first words. Deaf children produce their first recognizable signs slightly earlier than hearing children produce their first recognizable words, presumably because sign production requires less fine motor control than word production. However, these early signs are not used referentially. It is not until 12 months that deaf children use signs to name objects and actions, precisely the age at which hearing children first use words in referential contexts. Once children begin to learn signs in earnest, do they acquire iconic signs first? Surprisingly, they do not. Only one-third of the first signs that children produce are iconic, and those signs refer to the types of objects and actions that all young children talk about. Signs are composed of combinations of a limited set of discrete morphemes, as are words in spoken language. For example, to describe a drunk’s weaving walk down a path, an ASL signer would use a morpheme representing random movement (i.e., a side-to-side motion) along with a morpheme representing change of location. Even though ASL signs are not analog representations of real-world motions, many resemble the events they represent. Children could be misled by these iconic properties and assume that the signs are pictures with no internal structure. If so, they ought to acquire these complex multimorphemic forms easily and early. But they do not. From the start, children treat these signs as complex combinations of smaller units and thus acquire them late. With increasing age, children enlarge the number of morphemes they can combine within a single sign. But even by age 5, children produce large numbers of complex signs that do not contain all of the morphemes required in an adult form. As in hearing children’s acquisition of morphologically complex spoken languages, morpheme acquisition continues in deaf children until at least age 6. Children learning sign begin to produce two-sign combinations around the middle of the second year, approximately the same time as children learning spoken language begin producing two-word combinations. Moreover, sign-learning children express approximately the same range of semantic relations in their early combinations as children learning spoken languages, and those relations emerge in the same order: Children first sign about the existence and nonexistence of objects, followed by actions on objects and possession of objects, then locations of objects, and finally datives, instruments, causes, and manners of action. Sentences produced by adult signers do not always adhere to a consistent sign order. Despite this flexibility in their input, deaf children display consistent word order in

s in gl e p a r e n t s

their early two-sign sentences. As in children learning spoken languages, children pick up the least marked or pragmatically most neutral orders in the sign languages they are learning. For example, ASL-learning children learn the subject-verb-object (SVO) order that appears in unmarked sentences in adult ASL; children learning the Sign Language of the Netherlands (SLN) use SOV, the unmarked order in adult SLN. I nv en t i ng a Sign L anguage Deaf children born to deaf parents are socialized into Deaf culture (uppercase Deaf is used to refer to the cultural group; lowercase deaf refers to hearing loss). For these children, Deaf is not the exception; Deaf is the norm. The children are thus likely to be exposed to a natural sign language such as ASL from birth and learn that language without additional instruction. However, 90% of deaf children are not born to deaf parents who could provide early access to sign language. Instead, they are born to hearing parents who often choose to expose their children solely to speech. Unfortunately, it is uncommon for deaf children with profound hearing losses to acquire spoken language, even with specialized instruction. These children cannot process the speech that surrounds them and have not yet been exposed to sign language. Do these children communicate despite their lack of linguistic input? They do, and they use gestures, called homesigns, to do so. What is particularly striking is that the deaf children’s homesigns display many of the structural properties found in communication systems learned by children who are exposed to linguistic input. Although homesigns are structured, they do not display all of the properties found in natural languages, presumably because each child is developing a gesture system on his or her own. But what would happen if individual homesigners were brought together into a community? In 1980, a group of Nicaraguan homesigners were brought together for the first time. Over the next two decades, a sign language with much of the grammatical complexity of well-established sign languages evolved. Nicaraguan Sign Language, as this newly emergent language is called, is far more complex than any of the homesign systems out of which it was formed, highlighting the importance of a community of signers in constructing a full-blown linguistic system. Learning a sign language is thus no harder—and no easier—than learning a spoken language. When deaf children are exposed to sign language from birth, they learn that language as naturally as hearing children learn spoken language. They can even invent a simple homesign system if not exposed to linguistic input. Whatever biases children bring to language learning must be broad enough to work in either the manual or oral modality. Susan Goldin-Meadow

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see also: Clerc, (Louis) Laurent (Marie); Communication, Development of; Deafness; Gallaudet, Edward (Miner); Gestures; Hearing Impairments, Education of Children with; Language; Sociolinguistic Diversity further reading: E. Klima and U. Bellugi, The Signs of Language, 1979. • E. L. Newport and R. P. Meier, “The Acquisition of American Sign Language,” in D. I. Slobin, ed., The Cross-Linguistic Study of Language Acquisition, vol. 1, The Data, 1985. • C. Padden and T. Humphries, Deaf in America: Voices from a Culture, 1988. • D. Lillo-Martin, “Modality Effects and Modularity in Language Acquisition: The Acquisition of American Sign Language,” in W. C. Ritchie and T. K. Bhatia, eds., The Handbook of Child Language Acquisition, 1999, pp. 531–67. • A. Senghas and M. Coppola, “Children Creating Language: How Nicaraguan Sign Language Acquired a Spatial Grammar,” Psychological Science 12 (2001), pp. 323–28. • S. GoldinMeadow, The Resilience of Language: What Gesture Creation in Deaf Children Can Tell Us about How All Children Learn Language, 2003.

single parents. Single parent is a term that has developed over many decades. Single parent and the Europeanpreferred term lone parent have developed over the years into largely gender-blind terms. Until very recently, singleparent families were often given such labels as “broken families,” “fatherless families,” and “deserted wives.” The term single-parent family does, however, lack the emotive nature of the early labels. Fortunately, these stereotypical terms are no longer commonly used. Single-parent families share a common characteristic, but they are far from being a homogeneous group. Single-parent families are a diverse group in which their experiences and the way society perceives and views them can vary dramatically. For example, in many cultures, unmarried mothers who are poor and rely heavily on social assistance carry with them social stigmas that are not experienced by women who are single mothers as the result of their husbands’ deaths. Similarly, a man who is a single father because his wife abandoned him is often viewed differently than a young woman who gave birth when younger than the legal age. Single persons who choose to become parents are seen yet differently. Pr evalenc e of Si ngle Par en thood From 1970 to 1995, the percentage of all children younger than age 18 in the United States who were living in a single-parent family increased from 12% to 27%. The percentage remained constant at around 28% between 1995 and 2005. Of these children residing in a single-parent household, the vast majority (83% in 2005) live with their mother only. Children living with just their father have increased since 1970. Between 1970 and 2005, the percentage of children living in a father-only family has increased from 1% to 5%. Differences can be found in the percentage of children

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residing in single-parent families by race and ethnicity. Black children are significantly more likely to be living in a single-parent household than white, Asian, and Hispanic children. For example, in 2005, more than half of all black children (55%) lived with only one parent. In contrast, 23% of white, 14% of Asian, and 30% of Hispanic children lived in a single-parent household in 2005. Similarly, in the United Kingdom, a large number of Afro-Caribbeans are single parents, and in Australia the Aboriginal people have higher rates of single motherhood than do other races. When compared with other Western countries, the United States has high rates of single parenthood. However, this has not always been the case. In the early 1970s, Sweden had the highest prevalence of single-parent families, surpassed in the mid-1980s by the United States. Si ngl e Par en t hood an d Pov ert y Across all Western countries, particularly the United States, children who reside in single-parent households are more likely to live in poverty than their two-parent counterparts. For example, in the United States, 55% of children who live in single-parent households live in poverty (as defined as 50% of the median national household income). Fiftytwo percent of children in Canada are in poverty in singleparent homes, 51% in Germany, 46% in Ireland, and 47% in the United Kingdom. In part, this pattern obtains widely because, typically, men’s income exceeds women’s and women are the great majority of single parents. In addition, in some countries the indirect costs associated with employment are high (e.g., child care costs in the United States), and these contribute to single mothers’ low levels of net income. In the United States, although separation and divorce often entail child-support payments by the noncustodial parent, approximately 40% of divorced single parents do not receive any. While divorce or separation can significantly reduce the income of a single-mother family, children of unmarried mothers appear to experience even less financial support. In the United States, children born within a marriage are more likely to receive child maintenance from their fathers than are those born outside a marriage. A common source of income for single-parent families is Social Security benefits. Many Western countries have some sort of benefit package that assists parents with the costs of raising their children, in such forms as cash benefits, subsidies, various services in kind, and exemptions from taxes and charges. Social assistance programs in the United States, however, are means tested and carry some degree of social stigma. The United States has no universal family allowance benefits, but, instead, Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) provides cash assistance for low-income families with children. The benefit amount varies by family size but not by family type; therefore, single-parent families do not receive any extra assistance via this program. In addition, low-income families qualify

for the Earned Income Tax Credit that is primarily aimed at working families with children. Sourc es and Causes of Si ngle Par en tho o d Dramatic demographic shifts occurred during the latter part of the 20th century that have resulted in an upward trend in the number of children residing in single-parent households. Major trends have included a decline in marriage rates and increases in nonmarital cohabitation, marital instability, and births outside marriage. Between 1960 and the late 1990s, the rate of marriage among unmarried women declined from 74 per 1,000 to 50 per 1,000. This decline in marriage has been largely balanced by a sharp increase in nonmarital cohabitation. Although it is difficult to track the extent of cohabitation over time, recent estimates suggest that around half of all women age 30 to 34 have cohabitated at some time in their lives. Increased divorce rates have also contributed to the rise in the number of children living in single-parent families. While the divorce rate has leveled off in recent years, it increased from 9 divorces per 1,000 married women in 1960 to 20 divorces per 1,000 married women in the late 1990s. Last, births outside of marriage are another salient cause of children residing in single-parent households. Between 1960 and the end of the 20th century, the birth rate among unmarried women rose from 22 to 47 per 1,000. Along with the demographic changes that have affected traditional marriage, legal and religious shifts also have contributed to the causes of single parenthood. Prior to the 1970s, there were many pressures that deterred husbands and wives from getting a divorce. Pressures were felt by couples due to strict divorce laws, strong social disapproval, religious proscriptions, economic pressures, the importance of staying together for the sake of the children, and a fear of “going it alone.” Since that time, no-fault divorce legislation has been introduced in many Western countries, and public opinion toward divorce has changed significantly. In addition, from a woman’s perspective, divorce has become a more viable option, with more women achieving economic independence from their husbands through participation in the labor force. Moreover, an increasing number of women have decided to postpone or bypass marriage. Children born to unwed mothers have contributed significantly to the rising number of single-mother households in many Western countries, including the United States. The unmarried population is, however, a diverse one, with some mothers cohabiting with a partner and uninterested in entering into a formal union. In contrast to the Nordic countries, where out-of-wedlock births are often perceived as being a matter of choice exercised by privileged young people, in countries like the United States these births often are more prominent among young African American women.

s k in d is o r d e r s a n d d is e a s e s

The status of single parents can be either temporary or permanent and is subject to a change in personal circumstances. Divorced single parents may remarry or form a cohabiting relationship, and teenage mothers may form unions several years after the birth of their child. It has been estimated that around half of all U.S. children born in the 1980s will spend some time in a single-parent family. C o nsequenc es of S i ngl e Par en t hoo d While some research has found a number of strengths associated with single-parent families, the vast majority of researchers have highlighted disadvantages for children living with one parent. Findings indicate that, because of divorce, some children suffer from depression and emotional distress, may be required at an early age to take on adult responsibilities, and show signs of learning difficulties and behavioral problems in school. The long-term consequences of children’s residing in a single-parent family may include an increased likelihood to become single parents themselves and difficulty forming lasting relationships with their partners. In addition, American research has shown that an increase in divorce and marital instability has been associated with subsequent child delinquency, alcohol and drug use, suicide, and heightened sexual involvement. Furthermore, significant differences have been noted between children from single-parent families and those from twoparent homes across a variety of educational outcomes. Gillian Hampden-Thompson see also: Adoption; Custody; Family; Father-Child Relationship; Marital and Nonmarital Unions; Mother-Child Relationship; Parenthood; Rights, Parental; Separation and Divorce; Visitation further reading: Sarah S. McLanahan and Gary Sandefur, Growing Up with a Single Parent: What Hurts, What Helps? 1994. • Shirley M. Hanson, Marsha L. Heims, Doris J. Julian, and Marvin B. Sussman, Single-Parent Families: Diversity, Myths and Realities, 1995. • Marilyn Coleman and Lawrence H. Ganong, Handbook of Contemporary Families: Considering the Past, Contemplating the Future, 2004.

skeletal disorders. see Orthopedic Disorders skin disorders and diseases. Skin disorders are common in childhood and account for up to a quarter of pediatric medical visits in the United States. The range of conditions is vast, from benign, transitory birthmarks to life-threatening genetic disorders. Because the skin is so visible, skin diseases raise great concern in both the child and the family. In the developing world, skin disease is even more common, with estimates as high as 87%, with infections with bacteria, fungi, and parasites the most common cause of skin disease. From infancy through adolescence, almost all children will have some dermatologic condition, such as birthmarks, acne, warts, eczema, or rashes from common childhood in-

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fections. Infants may be born with nevi (moles) or vascular birthmarks composed of blood vessels, such as “stains” or hemangiomas. Common rashes seen in infancy include miliaria (heat rash), diaper dermatitis, and seborrheic dermatitis (cradle cap). Heat rash occurs because babies have immature sweat glands that easily become blocked. This presents as small red bumps in the covered areas of the body. Proper ventilation and temperature control is all the treatment that is usually needed. Although almost every diaper-wearing baby will at some time develop diaper dermatitis, the advent of superabsorbent diapers has made this a less common problem in the developed world than in years past. Diaper dermatitis has many causes. Urine and stool can collect in the diaper, leading to irritation and, in severe cases, skin breakdown. The diaper is also a warm, moist environment that is conducive to the growth of yeast. Infants who have recently been on antibiotics are especially susceptible to diaper rashes. The normal, healthy bowel bacteria that help prevent yeast overgrowth are killed by the antibiotic, and yeast takes over. Frequent diaper changes, as well as the use of thick, protective barrier creams, will help prevent skin irritation. Antiyeast medications may be needed. Cradle cap presents as excess scale accumulating on the scalp in infancy. It often responds to regular washing of the scalp and the use of mineral oil to loosen the scale. Cradle cap often resolves after a few months. Occasionally, more inflammation is present, and topical steroid creams may be needed. Atopic dermatitis, commonly referred to as eczema, is on the rise in industrialized countries, where it is seen in almost one-fifth of children. It often presents in infancy as itchy, red patches on the face, arms, and legs, often sparing the diaper area. The itch can be very bothersome and may keep both the child and the parents awake at night. It is easy to underestimate the significant social, emotional, and financial impact of this disorder. Children and infants with atopic dermatitis often have or may develop other associated allergic diseases such as environmental allergies and asthma. Depending on the severity of the disease, treatment of eczema can include avoidance of triggering factors, frequent moisturization, topical corticosteroids and calcineurin inhibitors, oral antihistamines, and in very severe cases light therapy (phototherapy) or systemic immunosuppressants. Atopic dermatitis is a complex, chronic disease that may be very intermittent or persist with frequent flares. As children grow older and become more active, skin trauma, including abrasions and bruising, is common. Bruising is most often seen on the exposed surfaces of the body overlying prominent bones, as these are the most likely to be injured. Bruises over the knees, shins, forehead, hips, lower arms, and spine are common. Other causes of bruising include blood abnormalities, systemic diseases,

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and cultural practices. Some Southeast Asian cultures practice coining. This entails vigorously rubbing a coin on the chest or back of an ill person in an attempt to relieve the illness. Linear bruises result. Bruising that occurs in a child who is not able to walk or otherwise injure himself is a cause for concern, as is excessive bruising or bruising in unusual locations, as these may indicate child abuse. Otherwise, bruising is usually a self-limited process with no long-term consequences. A birthmark that may be confused with a bruise is termed dermal melanocytosis but is colloquially referred to as a Mongolian spot. These are blue-grey birthmarks that commonly occur on the back but may be seen on the extremities. They are more frequently seen in children with darker skin. Sunburns are common in childhood, leading to problems at the time and later in life, including a greater risk of skin cancer. Minimizing damage to the skin from sun exposure can be accomplished by avoiding exposure during peak midday hours and using hats, clothing, shade, and sunscreen. Sunscreens should be applied as needed prior to sun exposure and reapplied regularly and after swimming. There has been recent controversy regarding the use of sunscreen and the need for sun exposure to replenish the body’s vitamin D stores. Very little sun exposure is needed for adequate vitamin D formation, and vitamin D is available in foodstuffs and multivitamins. Most experts advise diligent sunscreen use. Bug bites are common in childhood. Children are often more sensitive to bug bites than are adults and may have larger and more numerous swellings. These bumps are often present in the exposed areas of the skin, and itching is a common symptom. Multiple bumps on the ankles and lower legs may be suspicious for flea bites. Household pets may need to be treated by a veterinarian. For insect exposure that occurs outside, children can be dressed in long sleeves, and exposed skin can be treated with an insect repellent such as DEET. DEET is safe for use in children that are older than 2 months. Bedbugs are also becoming more common. They feed at night and are not obvious during the day. They can be found in the bed creases and in crevices around the house. They are difficult to get rid of, and a fumigator with special expertise may be needed. Scabies are small mites that live in the skin and cause small, itchy bumps. They spread easily, and usually multiple family members are affected. Scabies is treated by overnight application of a permethrin cream to all family members and stringent house cleaning practices. Poison ivy, poison sumac, and poison oak are other exposures that can lead to dermatitis. With proper education, these plants can be avoided: “Leaves of the three, leave them be” is an easy way to remember that poison oak and poison ivy occur with leaflets in clusters of three. An initial contact sensitizes; a reexposure causes an itchy or blistery rash within a few days. Treatment with high-potency topi-

cal corticosteroids is often helpful, as well as a thorough washing of clothes that may carry the irritating oil. Eye exposure may require medical evaluation. Skin inflammation can also develop after exposure to chemicals and metals such as nickel. Nickel dermatitis is seen as itchy patches of skin in the areas of contact with belt buckles, metal pant snaps, or earrings. It is treated with topical corticosteroids, but avoidance of nickel exposure is essential to prevent continued outbreaks. Viral diseases are common in childhood and can present with either characteristic or nonspecific rashes. Because of the success of immunizations, the classic rashes of measles and chicken pox are now much rarer. A viral illness called fifth disease often results in a reddened slapped-cheek appearance in young children. While it is self-resolving and does not require treatment, the virus can be a hazard to expectant mothers if they are exposed to contagious children. Viruses are also the cause of warts and molluscum. Warts and molluscum present as skin bumps. Warts often have a roughened, thickened appearance. The viruses reside in the skin and are relatively undetected by a child’s immune system, with no associated systemic problems. There are numerous topical treatments that can be used for these lesions, although eventually the body’s immune system will respond to the virus and the lesions will resolve. If the lesions are increasing in size or number and are not responsive to over-the-counter treatments, they can be treated in the health care provider’s office by several methods. Another common skin infection seen in children is impetigo. This is a bacterial infection that can present as oozing sores, honey-colored crusts, or pus-filled blisters. It is spread by direct contact and can sometimes occur in groups of children such as high school wrestlers, summer camp groups, or child care populations. It is easily treated with oral antibiotics. During teenage years, the development of some form of acne is almost universal, starting as early as 8 years of age. While it usually resolves by the late teens, it can persist for decades. Scarring can be a significant problem in many affected individuals. Acne is caused by a combination of hormonal changes in the skin, obstruction of the celllined ducts of the skin, the bacteria propionibacter acnes, and inflammation. Stress may exacerbate it. There are many treatments available, in both topical and oral formulations. The most common ones used include formulations of benzoyl peroxide, retinoids, and/or antibiotics. Hormonal therapy may be used in older teenage females with moderate to severe acne. Isotretinoin is an oral medication that often leads to remission of severe unresponsive acne. If a pregnant woman takes the medication, it leads to severe birth defects, so its use is limited to severe cases and requires monthly evaluation by a physician registered to prescribe it.

s l a n g a n d o f f e n s iv e l a n gu a ge

Skin disease will affect every child at some point. Good skin health and attention to early skin changes may minimize problems. Any skin disease that is of concern should be evaluated by a physician. After all, all children should be comfortable in their skin. Victoria R. Barrio and Lawrence F. Eichenfield see also: Allergic Diseases; Birthmarks; Infectious Diseases further reading: Lawrence F. Eichenfield, Ilona J. Frieden, and Nancy B. Esterly, eds., Textbook of Neonatal Dermatology, 2001. • Amy S. Paller and Anthony J. Mancini, eds., Hurwitz Clinical Pediatric Dermatology, 3rd ed., 2006. • American Academy of Dermatology, http://www.aad.org/public

skinner, b(urrhus) f(rederic) (b. March 20, 1904; d. August 18, 1990), American psychologist. Though he was not the founder of the extremely influential school of psychology known as behaviorism, B. F. Skinner was certainly its most significant proponent and developer. Skinner embarked on a career in psychology after a brief failed attempt as a fiction writer and spent most of his long career at Harvard, where he continued to work until his death. For a period of about 25 years, ending in about 1970, behaviorism was the dominant approach to psychological understanding. It supplanted Freudian psychology and largely defined the field until it, in turn, was supplemented and eventually supplanted by cognitive psychology. In acknowledgment of his major contributions to psychology, Skinner was awarded the National Medal of Science in 1968. Skinner’s research and writing focused on the environmental determinants of behavior. To understand what people do, he claimed, it is necessary to examine the environmental consequences of what they have done in the past. Positive consequences (rewards) strengthen a behavior, making it more likely to recur, whereas negative consequences (punishment) suppress it. New behavior can be trained (shaped) by skillful arrangement of environmental contingencies. Undesirable behavior can be eliminated by withholding consequences that have been rewarding it and by offering alternative routes to reward for more desirable behavior. Though Skinner acknowledged the potential power of punishment, as a practical matter he thought it was misguided. All it did was suppress the behavior being punished, without substituting an alternative behavior in its place. If punishment had to be used, Skinner’s recommendation was to use a procedure known as time-out, a period in which various potential rewards were withheld. Time-out has become a standard tool, widely used by parents, teachers, and therapists. But Skinner’s emphasis was on the power of positive consequences, of rewards (the technical term for which was reinforcement). Skinner was confident that a relatively complete understanding of behavior could be achieved through what he

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called a functional analysis, which amounted to looking at how a behavior functioned in the world (what its consequences were) to explain why it occurred. More specifically, he thought that appealing to mentalistic concepts (e.g., will, intentions, goals, plans) to explain behavior actually served to obscure behavior’s real determinants rather than revealing them. And appeal to the mental structures through which people experienced and understood the world was also unnecessary. As the research tools of cognitive psychology developed, starting in the 1960, Skinner’s radical approach to understanding became less and less popular among researchers and theorists. Nonetheless, his legacy is great. Though the consequences of behavior may not tell people everything about it, consequences do matter, and they matter a great deal. A sharp focus on consequences can have dramatic effects in child rearing, in education, and in the treatment of various kinds of psychopathology. Terms and practices like positive reinforcement and time-out have entered the popular lexicon. A shift away from punishment and toward reward has become standard practice. In these and other important respects, Skinner’s work endures. Barry Schwartz see also: Development, Theories of: Behavioral Theories further reading: B. F. Skinner, Science and Human Behavior, 1953. • B. F. Skinner, Beyond Freedom and Dignity, 1971.

slang and offensive language. Offensive speech and slang include negatively toned emotional language defined as profanity or blasphemy, swearing, name-calling, expletives, scatology, obscenity, and indecency. While, historically, profanity represents irreverence toward religion and religious figures, it is currently commonly used as a blanket term for offensive language. Blasphemy is associated with pointed attacks on religion. Swearing or cursing is used to wish harm on others (Go to hell!); name-calling is used to put others down (pig). Expletives are generally single-word outbursts (damn!) directed at oneself or others. Scatology focuses on feces and elimination (shit). Obscenity and indecency are legal terms meant to limit offensive speech in mass media. Swearing is normative in American culture, appearing as early as one learns to speak and persisting into old age through senile decline or dementia. Children learn when and how to use offensive language by 3 to 4 years of age, primarily by example of parents and peers. A child’s taboo lexicon evolves with social and cognitive development. Scatology, insults, and name-calling predominate in early childhood, while profanity and sexual obscenities are frequent in late childhood and adolescence. Mildly offensive insults (wimp) are more offensive to young children than to teens or adults. Some words used early on (fraidy cat) later disappear. Whereas English obscenities and profanities have been

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in use for several hundred years, slang words are constantly changing. By definition, slang is substandard speech used by different communities of practice. Slang, like jargon, develops to facilitate communication within a community, and its proper use marks one as a member of a community. By virtue of its power to define community membership, slang provides speakers with a deeper level of emotional speech than does standard speech. As used in group communication, slang is an affront to authority and language standards. Appropriation of slang is common for adolescents, who are influenced by language trends in popular culture. Taboo language is sometimes referred to as bad language. The “bad” designation depends on moral or religious perspective; that is, profane speech is an affront to religion, revealing the low moral character of the speaker. Bad language is also used in reference to grammatical style, where offensive language is deemed substandard for formal communication situations. Swearing is also criticized by people who think it makes speakers appear ignorant, even though swearing crosses all educational and socioeconomic statuses. The semantic content of offensive language varies by culture, demonstrated by cross-cultural comparisons of coprolalic (marked by obsessive or uncontrollable obscenities) speech in Tourette syndrome. Tourette syndrome is a motor disorder associated with a variety of uncontrollable behaviors. Roughly one-third of patients with Tourette syndrome manifest coprolalia, uncontrollable swearing. In English-speaking countries, coprolalic outbursts contain mostly obscenities and socially offensive words (bitch), while ancestral allusions are common in China, India, and Japan, and profanities are common in countries where religion is more prominent (e.g., Brazil). An examination of offensive language use over time reveals the predominant attitudes, perceptions, and values surrounding gender, religion, sexuality, race, and power. From the 1600s to the 1860s, profanity and blasphemy were most offensive to Americans. Obscenity laws were created during this period to protect children from blasphemous speech that was assumed to corrupt or deprave them (as derived from British law). Presently, religion is less a basis for censorship than language surrounding sexuality. Contemporary obscenity cases involve the use of sexual terms, not profanities. One commonly hears offensive speech in public places and in much of the everyday speech of Americans at leisure. Most public swearing is centered on a few words (shit, fuck, goddamn, hell) that are used repeatedly. Americans are most offended by obscenities and racial epithets, but people differ widely in their use of and reaction to offensive speech. Two primary traits predicting language restraint are sexual anxiety and religiosity. Highly religious people are the most likely to complain about profanity in media. Sexually anx-

ious people have difficulty discussing sexuality; these proclivities may be passed on to their children. Analyses of swearing by the popular media are pointedly narrow and negative, uninformed by the complex psychological, cultural, and biological functions of swearing. Each act of cursing depends on the biology (e.g., cognitive control) and psychology (e.g., age, gender) of the speaker as well as the social and physical context of the conversation. Although swearing is problematic when associated with racial or gender discrimination, in other circumstances it may be cathartic. Not only do many people feel better after venting their frustrations, but swearing also represents an evolutionary leap in the ability to express aggression (symbolically rather than physically). Interestingly, no social science data indicate that swearwords themselves are harmful to speakers or listeners, although the layperson often makes this claim. Parents attempt to prevent their children from swearing, but all competent speakers of English learn when and how to swear (whether they do or not) in spite of physical punishments and milder sanctions. Kristin Janschewitz and Timothy Jay see also: Communication, Development of; Peers and Peer Culture; Tics and Tourette Syndrome further reading: T. Jay, Why We Curse: A Neuro-Psycho-Social Theory of Speech, 2000. • T. Jay and K. Janschewitz, “The Pragmatics of Swearing,” Journal of Politeness Research 4, no. 2 (2008).

slavery, child. Although slavery has been prohibited by a wide range of international and national laws, the International Labour Organization estimates that 8.4 million children are living in slavery. This figure translates into 1 child out of every 175 children in the world. Child slavery exists along a continuum that includes child labor, the “worst forms” of child labor, and child slavery. Not all child labor amounts to child slavery, and not all child labor is exploitative. Many children and families welcome an opportunity for light, safe work as a rite of passage to adulthood, and for this reason international law permits certain forms of child labor. In societies where production occurs primarily in the home, for example, children may engage in nonexploitative forms of domestic labor within the family setting. The worst forms of child labor occur when child labor becomes exploitative and threatens the physical, mental, emotional, or social development of the child. Child slavery is the most extreme form of exploitation and occurs when purported powers of ownership are claimed and exercised in a way that seriously threatens the physical, mental, emotional, or social well-being of the child. Distinguishing legitimate forms of child labor from the worst forms of child labor and child slavery raises some challenges, especially where the meaning of a particular practice differs across cultures.

s l a v e r y , c h il d

Fo r ms o f C h i l d S l av er y Child slavery has a long and bitter history. Old forms of child slavery persist to this day, including debt bondage and child domestic servitude. Newer forms include the organized trafficking of children, which has been made easier with the growth in international transport. Indignity, insecurity, and the lack of fundamental autonomy are common to both old and newer forms of child slavery. A persistent form of child slavery is debt bondage. Debt bondage or bonded labor involves children who are pledged to work either for a moneylender or a landowner to repay a debt or a loan. The interest on the loan may be so high that it cannot be repaid in a single lifetime, and the loan is inherited by the children. In essence, it is the feudal relationship resurrected where children are viewed solely as sources of production and education is denied. A study in India has shown that bonded child laborers are from the poorest classes with the highest incidence of severe protein calorie malnutrition, anemia, and parasitic diseases. A number of countries, including India, have enacted legislation prohibiting debt bondage, but it still persists. Its persistence may be due in part to the fact that debt bondage is difficult to identify in practice as it assumes many forms and has a variety of local names, some of which are intended to camouflage its existence. According to the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization, debt bondage is rooted in the institutional economic and legal structures of some developing countries, primarily in rural areas where land is the principal source of wealth. Land reform and the provision of adequate credit would assist in ending this form of child slavery. Another form of child slavery is child forced labor where work or service is exacted involuntarily from children “under the menace of a penalty,” as set out in Article l of the International Labour Organization Convention (No. 29; 1930). In the case of W, X, Y, and Z v. United Kingdom before the European Commission of Human Rights (1995), the applicants had undertaken military service before they had reached age 18 but now wished to be discharged on the ground that they were subjected to servitude, a form of slavery. The European Commission held that the applicants’ age upon entering military service did not itself constitute servitude, particularly since the applicants had been recruited with parental consent. What has now been prohibited by the Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention of 1999 is the forced or compulsory recruitment of children into military service, which is now considered a form of slavery and is punishable as a crime against humanity. Children are also forced into domestic slavery, sometimes as young as 4 years old. Globally, the majority of child domestic slaves are girls who formally were trafficked or in debt bondage. In Tanzania and other countries, a significant proportion of the children in com-

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mercial sexual exploitation are former child domestics. Many of these children were forced to leave their employers’ homes in an attempt to flee from sexual abuse. It has been estimated that, globally, 1.2 million children are trafficked each year. The sale and trafficking of children occur in relation to three different but overlapping abuses: abuses in intercountry adoption, forced labor, and sexual exploitation both within a country and across international borders. The trafficking of children for the purposes of intercountry adoption generally involves the movement of children from developing states to industrialized states. A particular time of vulnerability for children is during civil war and revolution. After the fall of the Nicolae Ceauşescu government in Romania, almost 2,000 intercountry adoptions were authorized during a threemonth period. Most were not young orphans taken from institutions but were babies bought from their families. The ease with which these children entered the receiving countries highlighted a legal lacuna that has since been filled by the Hague Convention on Protection of Children and Co-operation in Respect of Intercountry Adoption of 1993. C h i ld Sl av ery and I n ter national L aw Child slavery is prohibited under all the major international human rights law treaties and under customary international law. International customary law binds states regardless of whether they are a party to a treaty. It is a source of law that is formed by examining the behavior of states and whether states in general regard a particular prohibition as binding. Although the United States is not party to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, it is legally bound by the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which prohibits the enslavement of all persons regardless of the age of national majority. Article 3 of the Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention of 1999 defines child slavery to include “the sale and trafficking of children, debt bondage, serfdom, and forced or compulsory labour, including forced or compulsory recruitment of children for use in armed confl ict.” All parties to the treaty are legally required to implement programs of action “as a priority” to eliminate child slavery and to provide appropriate criminal penalties. States are also legally obliged to assist one another through international cooperation and assistance, including support for social and economic development, universal education, and poverty eradication programs. Child slavery has also been declared a crime against humanity and can be prosecuted before the International Criminal Court by countries that are party to the Rome Statute or by the UN Security Council. In addition to prohibiting child slavery, international law, such as that found in the Convention on the Rights

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imagining each other

Dream Interpretation in the Amazon Dreaming is something very important for the Parintintin Indians, who live along small rivers to the east of the Madeira River in the Amazonian tropical rain forest of Brazil. Dreaming is a way of foreseeing the future, so people take dreams seriously—their own dreams and those of others close to them, including their children. Which may be why an elderly Parintintin chief named Paulinho one day told me: “Adverso has a dream he wants to tell you.” And Paulinho’s grandson, Raimundo Adverso, a 5-yearold with a recently born brother named Roque, came up to tell me his dream. “He cut off my wee-wee.” “Who cut it off?” I asked. “A ghost grabbed me.” “Who was the ghost like?” “It was like him,” Raimundo said, nodding toward his Uncle Coriolano, who was standing nearby. “Like Coriolano?” “Uh-huh, like Coriolano.” “I dreamed of a pig,” he went on. “It died, I dreamed.” “How?” I asked. “It died, like people die. It threw up and died.” I asked again about the ghost, and this time he said the ghost was “like Dede [a dead relative].” The pig fought with him, bit him, and he died, Dede did. “Did it scare you?” I asked. “It did. He carried me off.” “Who did?” “Dede. There to the cemetery. He carried me to the cemetery over there.” Continuing the story of the dream, Raimundo added: “The ghost . . . it took Roque.” The ghost grabbed little Roque’s

of the Child, creates a legally binding duty to eliminate all institutions and practices related to child slavery. This is an immediate duty, and a country cannot plead lack of resources as a justification for failure to eradicate all forms of child slavery. Under international law, the sale and trafficking of children amounts to child slavery, but child prostitution or using a child for pornography does not. By labeling child prostitution and pornography as a worst form of child labor rather than as child slavery, international law fails to recognize that these activities often develop into a form of claimed ownership. C o nc lu sion The legal structures and mechanisms to eliminate child slavery are now in place. Yet globally, governments must demonstrate a greater political commitment to eradicating child slavery. This will occur only through global citizenship-concerted action. The Atlantic slave trade was abolished by harnessing public opinion, and equal energy must be directed to abolishing all forms of child slavery. Geraldine Van Bueren

wrist, bit him, and took his clothes and his little shoes—and Raimundo’s shirt. I interrupted his account of the dream to ask him who had told him about Dede’s real death. His mother had told him; Dede had been bitten by a big lizard, with a tail like a dog’s. Then Raimundo went on talking about a big snake, a foot long, that he said bit him in the ankle. Another part of his dream or part of the account of Dede’s death? It wasn’t clear. “Roque was on the plaza, he was already big. The ghost grabbed him, took him. Aí, Roque . . . was under the house. Daddy killed the apparition.” “How?” “He killed it with his shotgun. Mama grabbed Roque, and then I didn’t see him any more [in the dream]. He was dead; then he came alive again. Mama gave him medicine—no, it was Dona Vera [the missionary doctor] who gave him medicine.” Adverso told this dream in a mixture of Parintintin and Portuguese. Actually, he began it in Parintintin (his father’s language, which he spoke with his grandfather Paulinho) and then slipped into his mother’s Portuguese when Dede came into the dream. He spoke the Parintintin well—even at 5 years old, he correctly used the dream particle, ra’ú, which explicitly marks the telling of a dream in Parintintin. What does the dream mean? We don’t have Adverso’s associations to it, but it seems to be one of those dreams of small children that, Sigmund Freud says (in chapter 3 of Interpretation of Dreams), is perfectly transparent. His pesky little brother, who takes all his mother’s attention—and who

see also: Adoption; Baby and Child Selling; Pornography, Child; Prostitution, Child; Work, Children’s Gainful further reading: Geraldine Van Bueren, The International Law on the Rights of the Child, 1995.

sleep Physiology of Sleep Sleeping Arrangements

physiology of sleep. Sleep is a highly complex state with

neurological, cardiovascular, and behavioral components that predictably change over a lifetime. Rhythmicity in sleep can be detected via ultrasound examinations in utero at about 28 to 33 weeks of conceptional age, alternating between quiet or non-REM (rapid eye movement) sleep and active, or REM, sleep. At birth, the total sleep time of the infant is about 16 hours out of 24, with drops of an hour or so per month, so that it is approximately 14 to 15 hours by 3 months of age and 13 to 14 hours by 6 months. Concomitantly, there is also a consolidation of sleep so that a contin-

sleep

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Dream Interpretation in the Amazon (continued)

uously longer, nocturnal sleep period becomes established. Active sleep, or REM sleep as it is called later, which occupies the majority of the cycle during early infancy, decreases while slow-wave, or quiet, sleep grows. In contrast to the sleep cycle of adults, REM sleep begins the sleep periods of young infants. During early childhood, sleep is gradually consolidated into a nighttime span of about 10 to 12 hours. Midmorning and early-afternoon naps are part of the midinfancy to toddler period. By 3 to 5 years of age, these are ultimately abandoned in Western cultures for a continuous sleep period. Napping behavior, however, should be situated in a cultural context insofar as siestas in Spain, for example, prolong daytime sleep and African American children show a more gradual decline in napping as compared to white children. By 2 to 3 years of age, the cycle length, the period of going from quiet to active sleep, shows a gradual lengthening from that of the neonate, 60 minutes, to 90 to 120 minutes by 4 to 5 years of age, similar to that of the adult. Middle childhood, spanning ages 5 to 10, is characterized by gradual approximation of the adult patterns. Total

like that. I didn’t know what it was. I told papa. I thought it was a ghost I was dreaming about. Sometimes when you dream of a woman, it is a tapir, Papa told me. ‘What did you dream?’ he would ask me. ‘When you dream of a woman, it is game. When you dream of a man, his prick, it is a tapir you are going to kill.’ All this papa told me.” Manezinho was greatly reassured when his father told him this decoding of his dreams: He could have all kinds of violent or sexual dreams, and they just meant his father would get a peccary or a tapir. Thus, a child is freed to dream openly of his angry feelings toward others or of his erotic feelings. Any guilt or regret about the feelings is considerably relieved by knowing that the dream is really contributing to the family larder, not threatening his little brother! Having a set of symbolic equivalences, declaring that to dream of a certain thing (often something emotionally loaded) really means something very different will happen, may free the dreamer to dream more openly of his conflicts, being able to later reinterpret any remembered dreams as having meaning that is quite different, probably more innocent. Native Americans are, of course, not the only cultures that have systems for interpreting dreams as predictions of the future. A friend of mine who grew up in a Corsican family, and whose mother was versed in Corsican dream lore, told me that once as a child she was very distressed over a recurrent dream of the death of a cousin of hers. She told her mother about it, and her mother told her that each time she had such a dream she gave one more day of life to her cousin. Her mother’s interpretation of her dream gave her great relief, as well it might have given to Raimundo Adverso. Waud Kracke

imagining each other

probably interrupted his own nursing period, maybe brought his access to his mother’s breast to an end—gets carried off to the graveyard by the ghost of a relative who died a year or so ago and gets partially pulled apart in the bargain. So it is a very open sibling-rivalry dream. But then, feelings of guilt intervene, as evidenced in the opening scene. His father comes to the rescue: He gets his shotgun and goes and kills the ghost. And his mother—or the missionary who has medicines for everything—brings his little brother back to life. Such an open dream of a death wish toward a sibling (not to mention the violence done to his own body part!) might be expected to be quite distressing to a child. In North American culture, even a 5-year-old child would probably have such a dream in a somewhat disguised form to mitigate the anxiety such thoughts would cause him. Why is a Parintintin child able to dream so openly of sending his baby brother to the cemetery, even if it is then reversed by bringing him back to life? In Parintintin dream lore, dreams are given meanings that are often quite different from their manifest content. Dreams of violence, sexual dreams, and many other kinds of dreams are often interpreted by Parintintin adults as “meaning” that one or another kind of animal will be successfully hunted—will be killed in the hunt. Children’s dreams are considered just as powerful predictors of such events as are adults’ dreams, and a child may be told that a dream he has just had of violence toward someone really means that his father will bag a peccary today. In 1968, one Parintintin headman, Manezinho, reminiscing about his childhood dreams, told me: “I, at first when I was little, I was afraid when I had dreams

sleep time decreases to about 9.5 to 11 hours, while daytime naps are generally abandoned. If the daily need to nap persists after 5 years of age and if the child has an appropriate amount of sleep at night, there may be a concern. This may be an indication of a sleep disorder such as narcolepsy or another cause of pathological hypersomnolence. Reduction in total sleep time will have an impact on daytime behavior and activity. Children usually become more aggressive, pay less attention, and are more hyperactive and irritable when sleep is restricted. When an unrecognized sleep disorder disrupts nocturnal sleep, the child may present with features of attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). Treatment of the underlying nocturnal sleep problem may eliminate the abnormal daytime behavior. Sleep restriction in children often is due to poor sleep hygiene, with the presence of TV, computers, or cell phones, particularly in the bedroom. Sleep restriction has many negative consequences, not only poor daytime behavior such as a decrease in attention, learning, and memory but also disruption of the secretion of several hormones, such as growth hormone, as this is related to time spent in slow-

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wave, or quiet, sleep. Decreased sleep also leads to abnormal secretion of brain peptides such as leptin and ghrelin, involved in abnormal food intake and, possibly, development of obesity. Puberty itself is associated with an increase in total sleep time needed as well as a phase shift , described in a later section. S l eep D i s o r d er s o r Par as om n i as Perhaps no other parasomnia, or sleep disorder, is as dramatic as a sleep terror. Also referred to as night terrors, sleep terrors are abrupt, partial arousals from deep, slowwave sleep. Precipitous in nature, sleep terrors are characterized by much physiological change: rapid heart rate and breathing, sweating, and much thrashing about. Episodes are brief, typically lasting minutes, with a spontaneous resolution. The child has poor recall of these events. Parental interventions are unsuccessful and may even prolong the episode. Since the arousals precipitating sleep terrors occur during slow-wave sleep, they occur during the first third to half of the night when slow-wave sleep is prominent. Partial arousals from sleep, of which sleep terrors is a subset, have an approximate prevalence of 3% in prepubertal children, with the typical onset occurring between 2 to 4 years of age and waning thereafter. They tend to run in families and are more common at times of stress. Nigh tm ar es Nightmares arise from REM, or dream sleep. They occur during the second half to last third of sleep when REM is dense, frequent, and prolonged. In contrast to sleep terrors, nightmares are often recalled, at least in general terms, and the child is responsive to the environment at the time of awakening. There is less physiological arousal. The dreams themselves are consistent with the child’s maturation. Unlike the inconsolableness of the child experiencing a sleep terror, one with nightmares is readily comforted, but the child’s return to sleep is often prolonged. Nightmares do not typically involve movement, as REM sleep is characterized by low muscle tone. There does not appear to be any gender or familial predilection for nightmares. Although most children do experience occasional episodes, recurrent or persistent ones should be investigated as there may be persistent anxiety or stress. S om na m b u l i s m Sleepwalking, or somnambulism, has recently had a forensic resurrection of sorts in that the perpetrators of certain publicized crimes have used this sleep arousal disorder as an excuse for their behaviors. This alibi has been accepted as credible in these profiled cases since sleepwalking can involve not only simple movements, such as sitting upright in bed, but also complex automatisms, as in driving a motor vehicle or unlocking locks. Like other parasomnias,

sleepwalking involves an arousal from slow-wave sleep and, hence, occurs in the first half to third of sleep. Memories for the somnambulistic event usually do not exist. The events are most prevalent in children between 4 and 8 years of age and appear to wane in both frequency and intensity with age. Although the specific prevalence of sleepwalking is not known, the Finnish Twin Cohort study revealed a childhood frequency of 6.9% in women and 5.7% in men. Similar to other disorders of arousal, sleepwalking also has a genetic propensity; its incidence increases with each affected parent. It should be remembered that since sleepwalking occurs in slow-wave sleep, its predisposition will increase with any factor augmenting these particular stages of sleep, such as sleep deprivation, administration of central nervous system depressants and other drugs, and physiological sleep disruptions in general (sleep disordered breathing, periodic limb movements, etc.). Treatment of these factors may eliminate or reduce this and other parasomnias. In children who sleepwalk, it is of utmost importance to safeguard their environments (remove sharp objects, lock doors and windows, and so on). Medications that reduce slow-wave sleep have been tried in rare circumstances, as has instituting scheduled awakenings for the child before the usual time of his or her somnambulistic event. Sleep terrors and sleepwalking, when chronic, may require a sleep study or polysomnogram, as these may be associated with other sleep problems such as sleep apnea. S om n i lo qu y Somniloquy, or sleeptalking, poses little alarm for the child’s caretakers since it is benign and self-limited. Though its exact prevalence is unknown, it is approximated that 50% of the population has experienced a sleeptalking episode. The utterances of a somniloquy can be either coherent or incoherent speech, and the individual is usually amnesic for the event. The episode can present itself in any stage of sleep and usually does not reflect dream content. S l eep-D i s o r d er ed B r e at h i ng Because of its associated behavioral, cognitive, and medical sequelae, sleep-disordered breathing (SDB) in children rightly has been given its due in recent years. The obstructive sleep apnea/hypopnea syndrome (OSAHS), a subset of SDB, is defined as a lack of airflow for 10 seconds or more, despite a persistence of respiratory effort (apnea), or a decrease of at least 30% of airflow with a 3% drop in blood oxygen (hypopnea). The major factors that predispose a child to OSAHS include adenoid and tonsillar hypertrophy and structural abnormalities of the face and respiratory pathway; neuromuscular disorders and obesity are also associated. In adults, the OSAHS manifests itself by excessive daytime sleepiness; in children, findings include one or more of the following: inattentiveness, hyperactivity,

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mood swings, fatigue, enuresis (incontinence), sleepwalking, sleep terrors, bruxism (tooth grinding), fatigue, morning headache, difficulty awakening in the morning, and sleepiness. OSAHS in children is also signified by snoring. Looking at this disorder in a sleep laboratory, researchers find repeated microarousals from sleep, recurrent drops of oxygen, and a decrease of both slow-wave and REM sleep overall. The presence of repetitive nocturnal snoring, even more so if associated with breathing pauses during sleep, should lead to systematic investigation of breathing during sleep in children. Narc o l ep s y Narcolepsy is a complex disorder that includes excessive daytime sleepiness of variable intensity and duration, cataplexy (an abrupt, transient reduction or loss of muscle tone in response to emotional stimuli, particularly laughter) and sleep paralysis (an incapacitation of voluntary skeletal muscles, excepting those controlling ocular movements and respiration) upon either sleep onset or awakening, and hypnagogic or hypnopompic hallucinations involving any sensory modality, occurring either at sleep onset or awakening, respectively. Although a behavioral description when cataplexy exists usually is sufficient to make the diagnosis, neurophysiological measurements can document these abnormalities. Epidemiologically, narcolepsy occurs in two discrete peaks, around puberty and in the fourth decade, although more than one-third of patients have onset before 15 years of age. The disorder affects genders equally but has variable prevalences in different geographic locations. The lowest reported prevalence is 0.002% in the Israeli population; the highest reported is 0.18% in the Japanese. In Japan, investigators have linked an increased incidence of narcolepsy with certain human leukocyte antigen (HLA) markers on white blood cells. One of these cellular characteristics has also been linked to narcolepsy in other ethnic groups. An autoimmune hypothesis has been proposed as various autoimmune disorders have been linked to the disorder. Another observation of an abnormality of a neuropeptide, hypocretin, located in the brain, in patients with narcolepsy suggests a possible underlying brain chemistry mechanism to explain this disorder. Destruction of the hypocretin/ orexin cell system in the brain has been shown to be present in about 90% of patients with narcolepsy. In about 5% of the cases, narcolepsy-cataplexy, or isolated cataplexy, can also be secondary to brain lesions due to infection, trauma, tumors, or vascular malformations. The lesions induced by these disorders always involve the posterolateral hypothalamus where the hypocretin/orexin cells are located. The treatment for narcolepsy includes stimulants for the daytime sleepiness and various antidepressants for the cataplexy. Other drugs are on the horizon.

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D el ay ed S l eep Ph as e S y n d rom e Classified as a disruption of circadian (or 24-hour) rhythm, delayed sleep phase syndrome (DSPS) consists of the inability to fall asleep until the early-morning hours (a delay in the “normal” circadian pattern) and, hence, a difficulty arising at hours acceptable for societal norms and expectations. The quality and quantity of sleep are normal in DSPS since individuals with this syndrome, most of whom are adolescents, with a male predominance, are able to initiate sleep once they are allowed to retire to bed at their preferred hours and correspondingly awaken. The suprachiasmatic nucleus of the brain is functionally altered in DSPS and, since light can reset this alarm, bright-light therapy is a successful treatment option. The bright light is supplied via a light box, with intensities ranging from 8,000 to 10,000 lux, at which individuals gaze at a prescribed morning hour from a distance of approximately 3 feet for 45 minutes immediately upon awakening. This regimen can be combined with the administration of a low dosage (0.5 milligram) of melatonin approximately four hours prior to the desired bedtime. Although, based on clinical studies, phototherapy has been successful in treating DSPS, the success of melatonin is unclear. Pedram Navab and Christian Guilleminault see also: Bedwetting; Neurological and Brain Development further reading: Stephen H. Sheldon, “Sleep in Infants and Children,” in T. L. Lee-Chiong, M. A. Carskadon, and M. J. Sateia, eds., Sleep Medicine, 2002, pp. 99–103. • Suresh Kotagal, “Sleep Disorders in Childhood,” Neurologic Clinics of North America 21 (2003), pp. 961–81. • Patricio Peirano, Cecilia Algarin, and Ricardo Uauy, “Sleep-Wake States and Their Regulatory Mechanisms throughout Early Human Development,” Journal of Pediatrics (October 2003), pp. S70–S79.

sleeping arrangements. Human infants are born neurologically the least mature of all primates and having only 25% of their adult brain volume at birth; they are the most dependent on the caregiver for the longest period of time. Thus, with the survival of highly vulnerable infants at stake, evolutionary biologists might predict the emergence among humans of a rather narrow range of “universal” infant care practices. But cross-cultural ethnographic data reveal otherwise. It appears that what parents actually do with and how parents actually care for their infants vary enormously across the world and history. Sleep is one area that shows this diversity. Parental expectations about how and where infants should sleep are mostly guided by cultural beliefs, economic realities (i.e., nomadic or sedentary economies etc.), and historically rooted values. Societal goals for the young and presumptions about how different kinds of sleeping arrangements both contribute to and reflect intellectual and social development of the child and moral values play a

Parents need to be very careful, the guide warned, not to start any bad habits, like letting infants fall asleep in the parents’ bed in bodily contact, since many Western pediatricians and sleep training advocates consider adult-child cosleeping as a bad habit. Accordingly, rather than considering it a positive kind of association or a loving, protective, and highly emotionally satisfying way to enjoy one’s baby, Western infant sleep clinicians think of it as a negative association. Looking back on our early experiences with our child, our culturally conditioned tendency to do as medically told led us to abdicate and dismiss our intuitive knowledge and emotions in favor of external authorities who knew neither us nor our son. And it was not just medical authorities who claimed to have all the right answers. Brothers, sisters, postal clerks, cashiers, aunts, uncles, lifeguards, in-laws (with or without children of their own), and especially other parents and grandparents all seemed to have access to uncompromising golden insights on child-rearing skills denied to us. We were presented with a one-size-must-fit-all approach to the question of how and where our son was to sleep (alone, throughout the night as early in life as possible, unattended, and with minimal feeds, we were told), supposedly for the sake of his normal social, moral, and emotional development. Those uninvited warnings and bits of advice regarding our infant’s sleep habits suggested that we best prepare for a kind of war, a battle of sorts between ourselves and our infant son, that we (his parents) simply must win, lest we be accused of lacking in moral discipline, harboring excessive neediness, or, worse, permitting our child to manipulate and use us, while spoiling him! I suppose we should not have been so surprised to find within a culture that idealizes individualism and autonomy over familial interdependence that a presumed medical “good” such as self-soothing—an infant’s ability to put herself back to sleep without parental intervention—had also assumed an all-desirable positive moral value. That is, if it were deemed medically good for infants to sleep alone and through the night, it seemed just a short step away from concluding that good babies must do so! “Has your baby slept through the night yet?” Rarely does one hear “Oh, what a good baby” when a parent responds: “No, actually, he only sleeps through the night when he sleeps with us.” There is an excellent reason why infants cry when outside the supervision and contact of their parents: Over the course of evolution, it was dangerous for infants to be alone, and they are not biologically designed for it. In Western society, the question should never have been: Is it safe to sleep with your baby? Rather, the question should always have been: Is it safe not to? Babies know this. Mothers know this. Perhaps what we need now is not less cosleeping but, rather, more parents who trust in the millions of years of our evolution in which mothers (and fathers), even without the benefits of a parenting guide, managed the survival of their babies. James J. McKenna

imagining each other

imagining each other

On Infants Sleeping Alone Our infant son, Jeff, was only 7 months old when very early one morning my wife and I heard a loud smack we thought was a magazine falling off a table in his room adjacent to our own. Imagine our amazement and confusion when less than a minute later he crawled and giggled happily toward our bed as he spotted us and anticipated being in our proximity. The memory of the height of that fall coupled with the noise associated with it still gives us chills. But the fact that it is absurd that our son did not get hurt is no more absurd than the ideologies that argued for him being there away from us in the first place, sleeping solitarily, unlike most other human infants in the non-Western world who routinely sleep right next to caregivers who feed, protect, nurture, and, for all intents and purposes, regulate them all throughout the night, much as they do during the day. We should have known that it would eventually come to this, because like so many other Western parents we were failed Ferberizers, an adjective used in popular culture to describe parents who tried a sleep training strategy once advocated by pediatric sleep expert Richard Ferber (who has recently repudiated the practice) that aimed to teach infants to fall asleep alone without parental intervention. In theory, the method is simple: Place infants in a crib while awake and let them fall asleep alone. In the beginning, they will likely need to “cry-it-out” at least for varying lengths of time before parents allow themselves to enter to comfort the infant for a few minutes before leaving again. Eventually, the infant is supposed to give up and learn that falling asleep alone is the only possibility. The problem is that infants are capable of crying hysterically for far longer periods of time than parents are able to withstand it. Most parents cannot emotionally tolerate the sustained and often desperate sobs of their infant, whose only desire, which is biologically based, is to be with them and to use his or her cry to signal that something is terribly wrong. When I actually entered my son’s room during a Ferberizing session and saw how desperate and, yet, how obviously lovingly grateful he was for my apparent retrieval, it broke my heart. I vowed I would never subject him to such cruelty again, and even now that Ferberizing session remains an hour of my life that I truly regret. As new parents, my wife and I first suspected that something was strange in the received wisdom of experts about how infants “should” sleep when we came across a rather odd warning found in a supposedly user-friendly guide to infant sleep published by the American Academy of Pediatrics, a kind of Infant Sleep for Dummies intended to help new parents through the first year. The first message in the book read: “Never let a baby fall asleep at the breast”; breastfeeding, we imagined, was the very context in which an infant’s falling asleep evolved! Sure enough, we found that it was impossible to prevent an infant from falling asleep at the breast, and, indeed, the natural progression of the breastfeeding session, especially in the first few months of our son’s life, seemed designed to facilitate not only his sleep but his mother’s, too! It seemed we were already violating sacred dos and don’ts.

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role. For example, the practice of enforcing separate solitary sleeping arrangements for American infants is, according to some research, guided by concerns for three specific moral issues: the sacredness-separateness (from children) of the husband-wife relationship, the appearance of incest avoidance, and the importance of teaching the child selfreliance and independence by enforcing the infant or child to sleep alone. Guatemalan Maya mothers as well as those of many other cultures do not believe in separate sleeping quarters for children and parents. They believe that sleeping next to a committed caregiver, which permits mother and infant to detect and respond to each other’s sounds, movements, touches, and smells—cosleeping—is the only “reasonable” practice. Sleeping alone is considered so difficult for adult Guatemalans that in the absence of family members it is not uncommon for adults to seek out friends with whom to sleep. Upon hearing that American babies are made to sleep alone, Maya women respond with “shock, disapproval, and pity” and think of the practice as “tantamount to child neglect.” Cross-cultural data reveal that while mother-infant cosleeping remains the specieswide norm, within and between cultures it takes many diverse forms, particularly regarding bedding or furniture. In Vietnam and the Philippines, babies can sleep next to their mothers on swinging hammocks; in the United States, Navajo babies sleep in cradleboards next to their mothers’ beds; while among middleclass whites, breastfeeding mothers often bring their babies into their beds. Among herding cultures in Pakistan, babies wrapped in goat hair hang in baskets above their mothers’ heads. Most non-Western people have no particular thoughts about how many hours of sleep infants need or beliefs regarding the need for babies to “sleep through the night.” In fact, in all but Western cultures, parents expect much more fluidity between infant wake and sleep states, and thus the idea that individuals must remain quiet around sleeping infants is largely a Western phenomenon. In looking for possible environmental correlates to sleeping arrangements, anthropologist John Whiting examined data from 180 societies, most of which were smaller traditional societies less technologically complex than industrialized societies. He found that to a large extent, where an infant sleeps depends on the challenges of the physical environment, especially the average winter temperature. In cold climates, for example, where the temperature in the winter averaged below 50º Fahrenheit, mothers tended to swaddle their infants heavily, frequently wrapping them tightly in thick blankets and strapping them into cradleboards to minimize heat loss. Infants slept in proximity (same room) to the mother but tended not to sleep in skin-to-skin contact. In this way, babies could be kept warmer. In warmer climates, however, where winters averaged above this mean

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temperature, infants slept next to the mother’s body, skinto-skin. Rather than being carried in cradleboards in these milder and warmer environments, mostly infants were carried in shawls, nets, or baskets. A critical relationship exists between the cultural ideologies that underlie sleep practices and desired developmental outcomes for children. This is made dramatically clear when one compares Japanese and American conceptualizations of the infant at birth. Interdependence and group harmony are positively valued in Japan, where parent-child cosleeping is practiced. By favoring separate sleeping arrangements for parents and infants, American children are presumed to be trained to be self-reliant and to display their individuality, while Japanese children are taught to “harmonize with the group.” Researchers have pointed out that Japanese parents think that, at birth, their infants are separate biological organisms who, in order to develop “properly,” need to be drawn into increasingly interdependent relations with others; hence, they cosleep. In contrast, American infants are initially conceptualized as being too “dependent”; in order to develop “properly,” they need to learn to sleep alone as early in life as is possible; that is, to be made increasingly independent so that full competence is achieved in adulthood. It may be that some practices push beyond the boundaries of adaptability and expose infants to risks of harm. It is now known that the sudden shift away from breastfeeding to bottle feeding, from the back to the stomach infant sleep position (back sleeping is necessary for nighttime breastfeeding), and from cosleeping to solitary infant sleeping all contributed to what amounts to a rash of infant deaths called the sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS) in the industrialized West. Perhaps many of these deaths could have been prevented had reference been made to the conditions within which infant sleep and sleeping arrangements evolved in relationship to the infant’s breastfeeding needs. Recall that cultural values change must faster than does either parental or infant biology. Within a generation or even sooner, parental caregiving patterns, including sleeping arrangements as well as feeding method, can change to accommodate new human lifestyles, preferences, technological innovations (such as formula), and/or ideas about where and how infants or children “should” be raised, without any potentially important compensatory biological changes occurring among those most affected: infants. In impoverished Western urban environments, a disproportionately high number of infants die from SIDS or suffocation when sleeping with adults. Epidemiological studies using widely divergent definitions of what constitutes bed sharing (some include sleeping on couches or sofas, which are known to be dangerous) and often involving bottle feeding as well as other risk factors prompted a generalized warning against all bed sharing from the Ameri-

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can Academy of Pediatrics in 2005. There was considerable disagreement among U.S. professionals on this directive. Among breastfeeding mothers whose bed-sharing rates are extremely high, deaths from SIDS are extremely low. Unsafe cosleeping—on soft surfaces, with an adult with altered consciousness, and in the context of other risk factors such as low birth weight and smoking—may be more the issue than cosleeping itself. Japan has both cosleeping and a very low SIDS rate. The biology of the mother-infant dyad—the millions of years of primate and specifically human evolution in which mother-infant cosleeping with breastfeeding coevolved to facilitate infant survival—cannot be ignored. Studies reveal the existence of powerful physiological and social factors that promote maternal motivations, in this case to touch and be close to their infants—to cosleep—which constitutes the default human infant sleeping arrangement, especially for breastfeeding women. Accordingly, cosleeping makes breastfeeding easier (if not, in most cases, possible) by permitting mothers and infants to sleep for longer periods in light sleep while facilitating increased numbers of infant awakenings and breastfeeding sessions, which positively influences infant breathing physiology as well as mothers’ milk supply. Furthermore, compared with babies who are fed cow’s milk, breastfed babies need to feed more frequently. The low-calorie composition of human breast milk (low in fat and protein but high in sugars) demands frequent feedings and, hence, explains how and why a cultural shift back to cosleeping behavior seems to be under way in Western countries as breastfeeding makes a big comeback. It appears that it is not just the mother’s choice to breastfeed that affects what sleeping arrangement is chosen. Infants are biologically designed to desire maximal contact with their mothers. Hence, irrepressible, ancient, neurologically based infant responses to maternal smells, movements, and touch associated with mother-infant proximity reduce infant crying while positively regulating infant breathing, body temperature, absorption of calories, stress hormone levels, immune status, and oxygenation. In sum, the variety of nighttime sleeping arrangements exhibited worldwide clearly, while always in transaction with human biology, illustrates the unique and ever-changing ways human beings reconceptualize and reinvent behavioral care practices. James J. McKenna and Lee Thomas Gettler see also: Attachment, Infant; Independence, Dependence, and Interdependence; Sudden Infant Death Syndrome further reading: Beatrice B. Whiting and John W. M. Whiting, Children of Six Cultures: A Psycho-Cultural Analysis, 1974. • Meredith Small, Our Babies, Ourselves: How Biology and Culture Shape the Way We Parent, 1998. • James J. McKenna and Lee T. Gettler, “Cultural Influences on Infant Sleep Biology and the Science That Studies It: Toward a More Inclusive Paradigm, Part II,” in C. Marcus, J. Carroll,

D. Donnelly, and G. Loughlin, eds., Sleep and Breathing in Children, 2nd ed., 2008.

smell, development of. see Taste and Smell, Development of

smoking. see Tobacco social development. Parents’ experiences with their newborn babies readily reveal that humans are inherently social beings, equipped at birth with remarkable capacities for interacting with others. Crying is among the first ways that babies communicate, letting caregivers know they need food, comfort, and stimulation. As the parent speaks softly, the newborn quiets, turns toward her, and gazes at her face, vocal and visual stimuli that newborns prefer. With repeated exposure, newborns quickly get to know familiar people; they distinguish their mother’s voice and facial appearance from those of other adults within the first few days. Newborns also have a rudimentary ability to imitate adult facial expressions, and they smile and grasp reflexively, behaviors that draw adults into pleasurable interaction. Touch, as well, fosters infants’ budding sociability. A caregiver’s soft caresses induce a young infant to become more attentive to the adult’s face. Clearly, social development is under way in the early days of life. Rapid gains take place during infancy, toddlerhood, and early childhood, followed by less dramatic but nevertheless consequential advances in middle childhood and adolescence. Throughout development, cognitive, emotional, and motor competencies contribute to sociability and social skills. The social domain is closely linked to other domains, and it influences them in reciprocal fashion. Caregiver warmth, sensitivity, encouragement, and guidance support this process. I nfanc y and Toddler hood : Th e Fi r st T wo Y e ar s Initially, the baby’s emotional communication is limited to two diffuse arousal states: pleasure and displeasure. During the first half-year, caregiver communication, in which parents mirror aspects of baby’s diffuse emotional behavior— crying, grimacing, reflexively smiling—may help babies organize the expression of emotion into clear, well-organized social signals. Between 6 and 10 weeks, the reflexive smile recedes in favor of voluntary expression of happiness at the sight of the human face, a response called the social smile. By the middle of the first year, infants smile and laugh more while interacting with familiar people, a preference that strengthens the parent-child bond. Around this time, infants become sensitive to the structure and timing of face-to-face interaction. When they smile or babble, they expect their social partner to respond similarly. Advancing perception, cognition, and face-to-face inter-

s o c ia l d e v e l o p m e n t

active experiences enable 6-month-olds to perceive facial expressions as organized, meaningful patterns and, therefore, to more clearly distinguish the emotional expressions of others. As they become better at establishing joint attention (attending to the same object or event as the caregiver) at the end of the first year, babies engage in social referencing (using familiar caregiver’s emotional reaction to appraise an uncertain situation), approaching when the adult reacts happily and avoiding when the adult displays fear or anger. Because social referencing enables toddlers to compare their own appraisals of events with those of others, it fosters the beginnings of perspective taking, the ability to detect what others might be thinking and feeling. By the middle of the second year, toddlers realize that others’ emotional reactions may differ from their own. For example, an 18-month-old whose parent acts delighted at the sight of broccoli and disgusted at the sight of crackers is likely to give the parent broccoli, even though the toddler herself prefers crackers. Toddlers’ nascent capacity for coordinated interaction and perspective taking promotes the beginnings of peer sociability, largely in the form of mutual imitation involving jumping, chasing, or banging a toy. Within these turntaking games, first joint understandings between playmates occur. At the end of the second year, toddlers start to use words to comment on and influence a peer’s behavior, as when they say, “Let’s play tag!” and, once the game gets going, “Good running!” Reciprocal play and expressions of positive emotion are especially common in toddlers’ interactions with familiar age mates, suggesting that they are beginning to form true peer relationships. Budding perspective-taking skill also enables toddlers to empathize, to sense others’ unhappiness and, therefore, to try to relieve it. For example, children nearing age 2 years may react to a parent, a sibling, or a playmate’s unhappiness by offering comforting words, a hug, or a favorite teddy bear. Perspective taking and empathy will expand greatly during childhood and adolescence, contributing vitally to social competence. T e m p er a m en t, Par en t i ng , a n d E a r ly S o c ia l D e v elo pm en t Between 1 and 2 years, attachment—the quality of the affectionate bond with the parent—predicts more favorable social development in childhood, including the capacity to understand others’ emotions, empathize, form positive and supportive relationships with teachers and peers, and interact skillfully with others. Early parental warmth and sensitivity—factors consistently associated with secure attachment—seem to launch the parent-child relationship on a positive path, which promotes many aspects of social competence. In addition, parenting that recognizes the baby’s temperament and, if necessary, guides the child toward more

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adaptive functioning fosters favorable social development. For example, parental intervention that gently introduces new social experiences reduces shy infants’ and toddlers’ intense physiological reactivity to unfamiliar people. In the case of temperamentally difficult babies, who both withdraw and react negatively and intensely, warm attentiveness and sensitive, face-to-face play (which helps such infants regulate emotion) predict a decline in difficultness by age 2. Toddlers with fearless, impulsive temperaments benefit especially from a secure attachment bond, which motivates them to comply with parents’ efforts to limit their impetuous behavior. In contrast, angry, punitive discipline is linked to spiraling defiance and disobedience in difficult and impulsive children and to heightened withdrawal in shy children. Because difficult and impulsive children are often targets of impatient, coercive parenting, they are at high risk for social difficulties. Culture makes a difference in whether children with particular temperaments receive support or disapproval and, consequently, whether they improve in social adaptation or develop adjustment problems. In a study of low-income Puerto Rican families, parents treated difficult children with sensitivity and patience; they were not at risk for later difficulties. Influenced by a collectivist cultural orientation, Chinese parents have, historically, been more accepting and encouraging of shy children than have American parents. Consequently, shy Chinese children of the 1990s appeared socially well adjusted. Rapid expansion of a competitive market economy in China, in which success depends on self-assertion, may underlie a recent shift in shy children’s adjustment. In a study conducted in 2002, Chinese parents evaluated such children negatively, and shy Chinese children (like their Western counterparts) were viewed by teachers as deficient in social skills. Ear ly C h i ldhood : 2 to 6 Y e ar s Gains in cognition and language contribute to dramatic expansion of sociability and social skills in early childhood. In the 1930s, Mildred Parten, one of the first to study 2- to 5-year-olds’ peer sociability in preschools, noticed large age-related gains in children’s capacity to engage in joint, interactive play. Parten concluded that development of peer sociability proceeds in a three-step sequence beginning with nonsocial activity (unoccupied behavior and solitary play). This is followed by parallel play (playing near other children with similar materials but seldom interacting), then by true social interaction, which consists of associative play (engaging in separate activities but frequently communicating) and cooperative play (the most advanced form of play, in which children orient toward a common goal). Follow-up research indicates that these play types emerge in the order just described, but rather than laterappearing ones replacing earlier ones, all types coexist in preschoolers, who frequently transition from nonsocial ac-

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tivity to parallel play to cooperative play and back again. Preschoolers seem to use parallel play as a respite from the high demands of social interaction and as a way station to new activities. The quality, not the amount, of solitary and parallel play changes over the preschool years, from repetitive motor activity in the second year, to constructive and make-believe play between ages 2 and 6, to simple games with rules by the end of early childhood. In view of the high value U.S. culture places on sociability, parents often wonder whether a preschooler who often engages in nonsocial activity is developing favorably. Only immature solitary play signals adjustment problems. Extremely shy preschoolers tend to hover near peers without joining in, and impulsive, emotionally reactive children tend to engage in aimless wandering and solitary, repetitive motor movements. Most preschoolers with low rates of social activity, however, engage in mature, constructive, and make-believe play and are well adjusted. Sociodramatic (joint make-believe) play becomes increasingly common and more complex over the preschool years. By age 4 to 5, children extend one another’s play ideas and coordinate several roles in elaborate plots. Sociodramatic play, in turn, fosters diverse aspects of cognitive and social development. Many studies indicate that joint make-believe enhances language, imagination, perspective taking, emotional understanding, and self-regulation (the capacity to inhibit impulses and reflect on and control one’s own behavior). Moreover, teachers rate preschoolers who devote more time to sociodramatic play as more socially skilled. First friendships grow out of preschoolers’ playful, cooperative interaction. Already, 4-year-olds have some understanding of the uniqueness of friendship, that a friend is someone who likes you, with whom you spend a lot of time, and with whom you share. Preschoolers also interact with friends in special ways. They exchange twice as much reinforcement, in the form of greetings, praise, and compliance, as nonfriends, and they are more emotionally expressive: talking, laughing, and making eye contact. Parenting continues to affect social competence in early childhood, both directly, through parental attempts to influence children’s peer relations, and indirectly, through child-rearing practices and parent-child play behaviors. Parental guidance in how to act toward others, such as suggestions for entering peer groups and managing confl ict, is associated with preschoolers’ socially skilled behavior. Furthermore, parenting that is warm and involved, that makes appropriate demands for maturity, and that grants reasonable autonomy (called the authoritative style) provides children with a firm foundation in skills for relating to age mates. Emotionally positive, cooperative parent-child play is particularly beneficial. As parents interact with their preschooler on a level playing field, much as peers do, they teach children how to forge positive, gratifying peer ties.

Cultural beliefs in the importance of play also affect peer sociability. In Western middle-class homes, mothers spend much time encouraging their child’s pretense, and children are provided a rich array of make-believe play props. In contrast, Korean American parents, who view play as mere entertainment and emphasize task persistence as crucial for learning, spend less time than their European American counterparts engaged in joint make-believe with young children. In village and tribal cultures, such as the Efe of the Republic of the Congo or the Maya of rural Guatemala, parents have little need to promote make-believe as a means of teaching children about future roles. Instead, children participate in adult work from an early age, and sociodramatic play is scarce. Western-style sociodramatic activities may be particularly important for social development in societies where child and adult worlds are distinct. They may be less crucial in cultures where children join in family and work tasks as soon as they are able. Mi ddle C h i ldhood : 6 to 1 1 Y e ar s Six- to 7-year-olds with authoritative parents and a history of positive peer experiences gain in social problem solving, the ability to generate and apply strategies that prevent or resolve peer disagreements in ways that are beneficial to oneself but also acceptable to others. Younger children, as well as children with poor peer relations, use strategies that impulsively meet their needs, such as grabbing, hitting, or ordering another child to obey. With age, children more often assert their desires in ways that consider the desires of peers, including making polite requests, using persuasion and compromise, and creating new mutual goals. Effective social problem solving requires diverse social understandings and skills. Children who get along well with others accurately interpret social cues and devise and enact considerate problem-solving strategies. Self-reflective perspective taking—the ability to “step in another person’s shoes” and view one’s own thoughts, feelings, and behaviors from the other’s perspective—supports social problem solving. In contrast, children with peer difficulties misinterpret social cues (e.g., construe benign acts as hostile), and their self-centered social goals (impulsively satisfying their own desires, getting even with a peer) often lead to strategies that disrupt relationships. In middle childhood, peer acceptance—the extent to which a child is liked by age mates—is a powerful predictor of current and later psychological adjustment. Most wellliked, or popular, children are academically successful students who communicate in friendly, cooperative ways, who respond empathically to a peer’s distress, and who solve social problems constructively. Peer rejection, in contrast, is associated with poor school performance, antisocial behavior, school dropout, substance use, delinquency, and adult criminality. Rejected children tend to have histories of insensitive parenting, including punitive discipline. The

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large majority are blatantly belligerent children, whose hostile behavior triggers scorn in peers. A smaller subgroup are timid, socially awkward children who are at risk for victimization by bullies, some of whom are powerful, socially prominent peers, others of whom are aggressive, socially rejected children. Older school-age children’s enhanced perspective-taking skill, increased capacity for empathy, and ability to characterize both self and others in terms of personality traits (“nice,” “generous,” “honest”) contribute to a change in the basis of friendship. After age 8, children view friendship as an agreed-on relationship in which each individual likes the other’s personal qualities. In addition, trust becomes a vital feature of friendship. Children state that friends can be counted on to support each other, such as by helping, keeping promises, and not gossiping behind the other’s back. As school-age children acquire these ideas, they become more selective about their friends. Their friendships also last longer, with more than half persisting for a school year or longer. Furthermore, although friends of all ages tend to be alike in age, sex, ethnicity, and social class, school-age friends increasingly resemble one another in personality, peer acceptance, and prosocial behavior. Children seem to choose friends like themselves to increase the supportiveness of friendship. As friends spend time together, they socialize one another, becoming even more similar. When children attend integrated schools, they are more likely to form friendships with age mates of other races and ethnicities. Cross-racial and cross-ethnic friendships are among the best predictors of tolerant attitudes in childhood. As children form comfortable, lasting bonds, they come to view racially and ethnically different peers as individuals rather than through the lens of stereotypes. Gender segregation in peer relationships, by contrast, is evident in many contexts and cultures and strengthens over early and middle childhood. The tendency to seek out play partners of one’s own sex is also evident in the young of many mammalian species. Research suggests that sex hormones affect play styles, leading to active, rough play among boys and to calm, gentle play among girls. Then children choose associates whose interests and behaviors are compatible with their own. Adult and peer pressures for “gender-appropriate” play and cognitive factors also make a difference. These include gender stereotypes, the tendency to evaluate members of one’s own sex more positively, and anticipated negative reactions from others for play with other-sex children. The extent to which children associate almost exclusively with peers of their own sex makes the peer context an especially potent source of gender-role learning. The more children spend time playing with same-sex partners, the stronger their gender-role behavior in choice of play materials, activity level, aggression, and compliance. Gendersegregated peer associations also lead to a consistent sex

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difference in friendships: Emotional closeness is more common between girls than between boys. Whereas girls frequently get together to share innermost thoughts and feelings, boys more often gather for an activity, usually sports and games that involve control, power, and excitement. Boys who identify less strongly with the masculine gender role and, instead, describe themselves as androgynous (having a mix of stereotypically masculine and feminine qualities) tend to have more intimate friendships. Adolesc enc e : 1 1 to 1 8 Y e ar s With the transition to adolescence, perspective taking extends to the ability to evaluate a relationship from the vantage point of an outside observer. As a result, concepts of friendship place greater emphasis on mutual understanding of each other’s values, beliefs, and feelings. Teenagers also stress psychological closeness, which mutual understanding supports. As a result, selectivity of friendship increases further: During the teenage years, number of best friends declines from four to six to only one or two. Adolescent friends also become increasingly alike in identity progress, educational aspirations, political beliefs, experimentation with drugs, and delinquent behavior. In addition, desire for group belonging strengthens. Compared to middle childhood, the peer groups of the teenage years are more tightly structured and organized around cliques, small groups of about five to seven friends. In early adolescence, cliques usually are limited to same-sex members. Among girls but not boys, clique membership predicts academic and social competence. Being in a clique is more important to girls, who often exchange expressions of emotional closeness and support. Often several cliques with similar values come together in a larger, more loosely organized group called a crowd. Prominent crowds in a typical high school are the “brains,” who enjoy academics; the “jocks,” who focus on sports; the “populars,” who are class leaders and involved in many activities; the “partiers,” who value socializing but care little about schoolwork; and the “burnouts,” who are frequently in trouble. Although teenagers’ interests and skills clearly affect their group membership, family factors are also influential. For example, adolescents who describe their parents as authoritative tend to be members of brain, jock, and popular crowds. In contrast, teenagers with permissive parents tend to be aligned with partier and burnout crowds, suggesting lack of identification with adult reward systems. Once young people join a peer group, it can modify their beliefs and behavior. Adolescents with self-controlled, academically and socially skilled friends often gain in academic and social competence. The bonds that aggressive peers form with one another magnify antisocial acts, including unprotected sex, substance use, and violent lawbreaking. As teenagers’ interest in dating increases, mixed-sex

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cliques form, providing a supportive context for boys and girls to get to know one another. The beginning of dating, however, is strongly culturally regulated. Western societies encourage early romantic involvements, which begin in middle school and increase steadily over the adolescent years. Chinese and Japanese youths spend more time with their families and less time with peers and, hence, begin dating later and have fewer dating partners. Among North American youths, achievement of intimacy in dating relationships lags considerably behind that in friendships. Perhaps because early adolescent romantic ties are shallow and stereotyped, early frequent dating is linked to poor academic achievement, drug use, and delinquency. By the end of high school, teenagers transfer what they have learned in family and peer contexts to the dating arena: Positive relationships with parents and friends predict psychological intimacy in romantic relationships, which, in turn, foster sensitivity, empathy, social support, and identity development. In contrast, a history of aggression in family and peer relationships is linked to dating violence. Even when first romances are caring and supportive, they usually serve as practice for later, more mature bonds. Most end by high school graduation or soon after. In sum, as long as they grow out of supportive parenting and peer experiences, friendships offer young people opportunities to strengthen prosocial and academic values, explore themselves and develop a deep understanding of another, and access social support in dealing with everyday stressors. Through peer groups, young people learn about leadership and followership and the functioning of social organizations. Positive peer ties foster all aspects of adjustment as they prepare young people for family, friendship, work, and community roles in adult life. Laura E. Berk see also: Attachment, Infant; Concepts, Children’s: Concepts of the Social World; Emotional Development; Empathy; Family; Friendship; Identity; Peers and Peer Culture; Personality; Play; Romantic and Sexual Relationships; Siblings; Socialization of the Child; Stages of Childhood; Status; Subcultures, Youth further reading: Paul Florsheim, ed., Adolescent Romantic Relations and Sexual Behavior: Theory, Research, and Practical Implications, 2003. • Ernest V. E. Hodges and Noel A. Card, eds., Enemies and the Darker Side of Peer Relations, 2003. • Judy Dunn, Children’s Friendships: The Beginnings of Intimacy, 2004. • Janis B. Kupersmidt and Kenneth A. Dodge, eds., Children’s Peer Relations: From Development to Intervention, 2004. • Xinyin Chen, Doran C. French, and Barry H. Schneider, eds., Peer Relationships in Cultural Context, 2006. • Dorothy G. Singer, Roberta Michnick Golinkoff, and Kathy Hirsh-Pasek, Play = Learning: How Play Motivates and Enhances Children’s Cognitive and Social-Emotional Growth, 2006.

social studies, history, and geography. Social studies is the school subject in which children learn about the social world, including the process of change over

time and important events in the past (history), the spatial distribution of people and resources and the relationship between environment and society (geography), and mechanisms of government and forms of citizen participation (civics), as well as other societal institutions and processes (e.g., religion, gender roles, and economic patterns) and cross-cultural variations in beliefs, behaviors, and institutions. The origin of the subject is usually traced to the second decade of the 20th century, when in the United States it began to subsume older subject groupings of history, geography, and civics. This curricular pattern gradually spread to many other countries, particularly after World War II, although in highly uneven form and often limited to the primary grades. Children begin learning about the social world from an early age, and their ideas are based both on direct experience and on information from family members and the media. The ideas of children in the primary grades are generally correct but incomplete and disconnected; they know basic information about how life has changed over time, for example, or how people consume goods and services, but they have little understanding of underlying causal principles or societal processes and relationships. One particular weakness in students’ understanding, which sometimes continues throughout their school careers, is that they interpret social behavior primarily in terms of the actions and intentions of individuals. They have a limited awareness, that is, of how behaviors are constrained by societal forces such as cultural patterns or institutional structures. In the primary grades, social studies usually integrates content from a variety of areas and is taught through topics such as “the neighborhood” or “my family.” Beginning in the upper elementary grades, most social studies instruction focuses on historic time periods or geographic regions, and to the extent that economic, social, or civic learning is present, it is usually included in units devoted to other times and places or to periodic discussion of current events. Specialized subjects such as economics, psychology, or sociology may be offered as electives at the senior high school level, and in the United States most students are required to take a separate course in civics in high school. Social studies is widely criticized both for its curricular content and for prevalent instructional practices. At the primary level, the curriculum has been disparaged as shallow and even trivial, concerned primarily with information that students will learn without formal instruction, and as lacking in attention to important principles of social life or networks of connected knowledge. From the upper elementary grades through secondary school, criticisms of the curriculum include charges that that it has little connection to students’ needs or interests; affords insufficient attention to social diversity; does not reflect the ways in which knowledge is constructed within academic disciplines; and

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focuses on isolated factual information (such as the details of historical events or the names of geographic landmarks) rather than on significant themes, patterns, and causal relationships. At all levels, social studies is criticized for emphasizing retention of factual information, failing to actively engage students in learning, and relying on textbooks and direct presentation of information by teachers. Prominent suggestions for reforming social studies include developing clearer criteria for selection of content, using a wider variety of materials (such as literature, primary sources, and electronic media), allowing for investigation of student-generated questions, promoting collaboration and discussion, and engaging students more actively in constructing social knowledge and drawing conclusions from evidence. The obstacles to such reform include highstakes tests that are perceived to require coverage of extensive factual information, a lack of content knowledge on the part of teachers, underestimation of students’ cognitive abilities and inaccurate assessments of their prior ideas, and insufficient attention to the subject’s rationale. Research related to these issues has focused on documenting teachers’ practices (often focusing on those who diverge from established patterns) and on analyzing teachers’ ideas about the subject. The rationale for social studies has long been subject to confl icting interpretations, and these have led to numerous, continuing controversies. One perspective is that social studies should convey the content of academic disciplines, albeit in simplified form. This is the dominant approach in many countries, where the term social studies either does not exist or is used only with reference to the primary grades and where secondary teachers are trained in single disciplines such as history or geography rather than in a combination of areas. One version of this rationale has risen to particular prominence in recent years, as some scholars have stressed the need for students to understand the procedural nature of knowledge construction in the disciplines: the “habits of mind” of historians, geographers, economists, and so on. Researchers have documented students’ ability to engage in such disciplinary practices, and this perspective has been used as a stimulus for curricular and instructional reform. Some scholars have even suggested that social studies should be largely or entirely replaced by instruction that revolves around academic disciplines. A competing rationale is that social studies should prepare students for participation in society, particularly as members of modern democracies. (Although often referred to as preparation for citizenship, some educators reject this term because of the perceived implication that it refers only to the rights and status afforded to legal citizens of a nation.) This viewpoint emphasizes decision making as it relates to both individual outcomes (e.g., making good consumer choices) and societal goals (e.g., developing con-

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sistent and well-grounded positions on matters of public policy). Although disciplinary content may remain prominent, its selection is driven by the need to enhance students’ understanding of enduring social issues, to develop their ability to analyze and evaluate evidence related to such issues, and to prepare them to take action based both on empirical evidence and on personal and societal values. Some educators specifically advocate using social studies to bring about social justice or a reconstruction of current society. Researchers in this area have focused on describing the nature of classrooms that exhibit such characteristics and on establishing the relationship between classroom practices and students’ beliefs and behaviors related to issues such as tolerance and political participation. A final rationale for social studies focuses on developing students’ loyalty to the nation, and it is the collision of this perspective with the other two that has led to some of the most virulent and enduring confl icts over the curriculum. From this viewpoint, students should be taught to identify with their country and to develop the character traits considered necessary for the nation’s continued strength. This typically leads to promotion of a consensual historical narrative that celebrates the nation’s achievements and downplays internal confl ict. This approach clashes with disciplinary and decision-making approaches, both of which include attention to not only consensus but also confl ict and stress diversity of beliefs and experiences related to ethnicity, class, gender, sexuality, and other societal distinctions. Research has also demonstrated that students’ participation in social studies is influenced by their social backgrounds, and many educators believe that these differences should be addressed and even celebrated as part of a pluralist, democratic society. However, attention to multiple perspectives can be seen as threatening, and advocates of national loyalty frequently attack curriculum developments that they perceive as excessively multicultural or insufficiently patriotic. More so than any other school subject, then, social studies is subject to confl icting societal pressures that make consistent and effective practice difficult to achieve. Keith C. Barton see also: Civic Education; School Achievement; Testing and Evaluation, Educational further reading: National Council for the Social Studies, Expectations of Excellence: Curriculum Standards for the Social Studies, 1994. • Stephen J. Thornton, Teaching Social Studies That Matters: Curriculum for Active Learning, 2005. • Jere E. Brophy and Janet Alleman, Children’s Thinking about Cultural Universals, 2006. • Linda S. Levstik and Cynthia A. Tyson, eds., Handbook of Research on Social Studies, 2007.

social work. Social work has a long tradition of direct practice with children in a range of settings, such as child welfare, child guidance, hospitals, schools, and neighbor-

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hood centers. This article describes direct social work practice with preadolescents and their families within the field of child welfare. In keeping with the historical emphasis on maintaining children within their biological homes or returning them to their own families as soon as possible, the emphasis is on home-based services. C h i l d r en as C l i en t s Children are not little adults; they are human beings with unique qualities, characteristics, and needs. Work with children as clients embodies special features, although it should be emphasized that there are numerous variations to such work, depending on the child’s age, ethnic and racial background, socioeconomic status, and health and family structures. Social workers also take several other issues into account when working with children. First, there is children’s fluid ego development. Children are highly susceptible to external influences, both positive and negative, and their defenses are not rigidly set. They have a limited ability to deal with internal impulses and external demands. Psychological confl icts are close to the surface and are not necessarily repressed or suppressed, as they can be with adults. Children’s behaviors (e.g., crying by a 2- or 3-year-old) often reflect age-appropriate qualities or typical developmental tasks and are not necessarily symptoms of pathological deviations. Second, children are characterized by action language; they act out their feelings, are more spontaneous than adults, and view play as real and as work. Third, children experience less rigid boundaries between reality and fantasy than do adults, and their fantasies and dreams are less disguised. Fourth, children are dependent on their parents or other adults; therefore, social work practice with children usually involves work with their parents or other caregivers as an integral part of the service. Finally, children who come to the attention of social workers are, for all intents and purposes, “involuntary clients,” and they need to be treated as such. They are generally brought to an agency because their behavior is troubling to someone in their environment. Depending on the particular setting and/or the child’s presenting problems, social workers are called upon to play a variety of roles; the most frequent are those of clinician, advocate, mediator, and educator. Th e H elp i ng R el at ion s h i p The principles involved in engaging children in the helping relationship with a social worker are similar to those for adults, especially adults who are involuntary clients, but they are applied differentially in response to such aspects as developmental status. Objectives. Typical objectives in early sessions include gaining the child’s confidence and establishing a trusting re-

lationship; learning about the child’s views regarding her or his situation, needs, and difficulties; observing how the child responds to the social worker; arriving at an initial assessment of the child’s functioning, qualities, and coping patterns; and establishing a tentative working agreement. Guidelines. Although each child is unique, social workers are often guided by a set of principles for accomplishing their objectives. They let the child set the stage, choose what to talk about, and have as much control as appropriate; offer a frank yet simple explanation of why the child is there; focus on the child as a person in her or his own right, on what she or he is thinking, feeling, and doing; convey respect for the child and her or his capacity to grow; structure the relationship, through such means as explaining the nature of the child’s freedom and responsibility, setting limits as to what the child can do in the office, and establishing the format and extent of confidentiality; convey a sense of hope about the child’s situation and potential; avoid directing the child toward areas that are of concern primarily for the parent or another adult before the child is ready; and put aside formal interview procedures and let the session flow naturally, using activities and nonverbal tools. Resistance. In line with the analogy of the involuntary client, a child may manifest resistance in the child-worker relationship. Social workers perceive such resistive behavior within the context of the child’s struggle to adapt rather than as a negative phenomenon. In particular, social workers understand that children will typically fight efforts to change them, which represent a rejection of their identity or self-concept. Children must be accepted and cherished for who they are before they are ready to open themselves to change. Transference and Countertransference. The psychoanalytic concept of transference—that is, the irrational repetition of patterns of behavior originating in early relationships—can be useful; however, it must be modified in social work practice with children. In particular, social workers recognize that a child is realistically dependent on adults and is fearful of the social worker’s power or authority. In a setting such as a foster care agency, for example, transference reactions are not simply symbolic but may reflect a child’s feelings toward a social worker who has the authority to move her or him from one placement to another. Social workers must also be aware of their own potential or actual countertransference reactions. In childwelfare settings, such reactions may include the rescue fantasy common among practitioners who work with children subjected to child abuse or neglect, the tendency of some social workers to identify with parents of demanding adolescents, or the occasional pattern of tendency to provoke or encourage the child’s acting-out behavior.

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Therapeutic Value of the Relationship. Perhaps more so than in practice with adults, the helping relationship is often the chief therapeutic vehicle in direct practice with children. Children typically view such a relationship as a natural life experience rather than as an artificial event. Thus, in play therapy a child is not simply engaged in play (which is an adult concept) but in life itself. The helping relationship can have therapeutic value; through it, the child can come to regard herself or himself as important and accepted and gradually reduce the behaviors that elicit negative feedback from others. Effective social workers respond sensitively to children, maintain a sincere belief in children, and emerge as genuine human beings. To promote therapeutic relationships with children, social workers also pay attention to issues of confidentiality and limit setting. Confidentiality is not absolute; a child is helped to see that what goes on or what is shared is confidential between her or him and the social worker, except when there is a threat of self-harm. If certain kinds of information must be revealed to someone else, such as the parents, the child is involved as much as appropriate in the decision. The parents’ understandable need for feedback is met through joint sessions or through sharing overall themes rather than through specific points from sessions with the child. Setting limits with children in the treatment session is an important part of a corrective emotional experience. The treatment session may indeed be viewed as a laboratory for life in which the child can learn and grow. For example, when a child threatens a social worker or someone else with physical harm, the social worker deals with the child’s fear of loss of control by restraining the child. This action, of course, is carried out in a way that avoids being punitive, conveying rejection, or displaying anger. As s e s s m en t Children who come to the attention of social workers present a wide range of backgrounds, problems, needs, and diagnostic categories. The assessment is best viewed within an ecological framework that takes into account children’s cultural, socioeconomic, ethnic, and racial diversity; child development theories; and findings of research on coping and adaptation. Such a framework emphasizes family-oriented assessment, treatment planning, and intervention. As discussed in the following sections, it also incorporates three key features: the child’s social situation; the child’s development, including functioning and adaptive patterns; and the interaction between the child’s situation and her or his development and functioning. Child’s Social Situation. The process of formulating an assessment begins with a broad understanding of the environment that impinges on the child, including family dynamics and interaction; social context and social systems;

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ethnic and racial characteristics; and environmental pressures, demands, and opportunities. Because the environment covers a great deal of ground, the social worker selects the most significant factors that are impinging on the child and family, following the concepts of the family as a system of forces in interaction with other systems in its environment. Several major practice principles flow from systems theory. First, parents from different ethnic groups employ culturally prescribed strategies to teach children how to cope with anxiety-provoking challenges to their development. In addition, children react in unique ways to certain pressures or realities within the family. For instance, parental discord in a family with a child who is about to go to school for the first time may exaggerate the child’s fear of separation. Children may also be the focus of family tension or confl ict, and their behaviors may be compounded by the family’s concern about living in a new neighborhood with a high crime rate or other dangers. Child’s Development and Functioning. Another goal of the social worker’s assessment is to achieve an in-depth understanding of the child’s growth and functioning within the impinging social situation. Therefore, the social worker asks such key questions as: Where is the child developmentally? And what is expected of her or him; that is, what are her or his adaptive patterns or typical ways of coping? To address these questions, the social worker seeks to understand where the child is in relation to what is expected in that particular developmental phase. Is the child showing age-appropriate behavior? Where is the child in relation to her or his sexual identity? Is the child delayed in some aspect of development? Is the child regressing in response to some traumatic life event? In considering these questions, social workers pay attention to sociocultural and other variations. They view the stages of child development proposed by various theorists as guidelines rather than as fixed traits. As research on human development among diverse ethnic groups has shown, there is a broad range of behaviors that can be considered “normal.” In this connection, C. B. Germain has conceptualized human development, life transitions, and life events as the outcomes of person-environment processes rather than as separate segments of life confined to predetermined ages and stages of experience. J. T. Gibbs and his colleagues have also presented a conceptual framework for assessing the influence of ethnicity on the development of children of color. Second, social workers seek to understand the child’s unique ways of coping and how they can be strengthened if useful and modified if not. Children use a range of coping techniques to cope with stress. Children of color, in particular, demonstrate diverse coping strengths in the face of oppressive conditions.

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Third, social workers analyze what the child is conveying through her or his behavior. What does the behavior indicate about the child’s ego functioning and coping? The child’s symptoms reflect her or his adaptive mechanisms. Some children in foster care, for instance, express their fears about being removed and placed in another setting through anger, withdrawal, or other behaviors that suggest “I’m afraid to grow up.” Use of Diagnostic Tools. To help analyze a child’s behavior and development, social workers use formal evaluations conducted by psychologists, psychiatrists, neurologists, and other specialists. In addition, they may use a variety of diagnostic tools, including drawings, questionnaires, play materials, games, stories, and picture books, that complement direct interviewing and observations of a child. The choice of diagnostic tools depends on such factors as the social worker’s comfort level, the appropriateness of the tool in relation to the child’s developmental status and other characteristics, and the social worker’s primary purpose, which may include obtaining fantasy material, testing the child’s ability to concentrate, or eliciting feelings and perceptions of self or family. Whatever the purpose, the findings are used as part of the overall complex of information that has been gathered rather than used in isolation. Guided by a research perspective, the social worker tests any hypothesis or inference derived from the use of diagnostic tools against the available evidence. Moreover, social workers analyze the findings within the developmental context of the particular child so as to avoid the danger of ascribing pathology when the main issue may be one of immaturity in development. In practice, social workers first analyze what is happening in the parent-child interaction. The concept of the reciprocal nature of the relationship between a child and her or his parents is especially noteworthy. Children are active participants in interactions with others and initiate behaviors in response to their own needs and traits as well as in reaction to others. For example, a child who tends to whine is likely to provoke parental frustration and rejection; the parents’ response may lead to further negative behaviors by the child and perhaps abuse by the parents. Social workers also have several additional diagnostic tasks. First, they strive to understand that the parents’ capacity to meet a child’s needs may vary with each phase of development; some parents, for example, are much more comfortable or competent with young children than with adolescents. Second, they identify resources in the environment that may be helpful for the child, such as a teacher who may be supportive to a child whose parents are in the process of a divorce. Third, they identify blocks in a child’s developmental process. In schools, for example, children whose organic impairments, such as hearing loss or visual impairment, are not detected for a while may tend to act

out, be withdrawn, or have learning problems. Finally, they identify the supports that the parents need to be more effective in their roles. For example, research in child-welfare agencies has demonstrated that in some families out-ofhome placement of children can be prevented by the provision of supports such as child care, self-help groups, and income maintenance. Moreover, research has shown that some birth families can be helped to serve as permanency resources for children in long-term care. A p p roac h e s to T r e atm en t On the basis of the analysis and assessment described thus far, a social worker can formulate a treatment plan that is geared to the unique needs and characteristics of a particular child and her or his family system. Treatment plans and goals may be established through the use of a variety of different approaches that generally include, to one degree or another, working not only with the child but also with the parents, the family system, collaterals such as teachers, and other significant persons. Also crucial are collaboration with foster parents, preadoptive parents, and/or other caretakers as well as collaboration with schools. The major approaches that social workers employ in direct practice with children are, to one degree or another, psychoanalytically oriented; however, increasingly used are cognitive therapy, strength-oriented family therapy, and psychoeducation. Some social workers consistently use one approach, whereas others draw from various modalities in an eclectic fashion or in response to what seems to work best with each child. Ter m i natio n As much as possible, the decision to end treatment is based not only on evidence of removal of the symptoms or of the pathology but also on an appraisal of the child’s development and capacity to cope with environmental challenges. The emphasis in the termination phase is on helping the child to consolidate treatment gains, helping parents to strengthen their parenting skills, and planning for any needed ongoing services for the child and/or family. Also important are consideration and dissemination of key findings and implications for practice, policy, and research. Anthony N. Maluccio see also: Abuse and Neglect; Development, Theories of; Family Systems Theories; Foster and Kinship Care; Play Therapy further reading: J. T. Gibbs, L. N. Huang, et al., Children of Color: Psychological Interventions with Minority Youth, 1989. • E. Pinderhughes, Understanding Race, Ethnicity, and Power, 1989. • M. Fraser, P. Pecora, and D. Haapala, Families in Crisis, 1991. • C. B. Germain, Human Behavior in the Social Environment: An Ecological View, 1991. • A. N. Maluccio, B. A. Pine, and E. M. Tracy, Social Work Practice with Families and Children, 2002. • J. H. Schiele, ed., “Racial and Ethnic Minorities,” special issue, Social Work, 2009.

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socialization of the child. The term socialization of the child refers to processes directing the learning and development of children toward socially approved ends. It is roughly equivalent to the education of children in the broadest sense, the psychological transformation of an infant into a mature participant in society, the child-rearing practices guiding or shaping that transformation, and the child’s enculturation or acquisition of culture. Generally speaking, the word socialization is used rather than education when informal as well as formally organized learning is involved; thus, in American society, the child’s education usually refers to learning in school, while socialization takes place in the home, in the neighborhood, and in other settings as well as at school. H istor ical Bac kground to th e Study o f S o c i ali z ation As the name for a field of social research about the rearing of children, the socialization of the child arose in sociology in the late 19th century. In 1896, the American sociologist E. A. Ross defined socialization as “the moulding of the individual’s feelings and desires to the needs of the group.” (Notice that this is not specific to children, and many later scholars would emphasize that socialization could occur at any point in the life span.) Childhood socialization became an active area of interdisciplinary research during the mid-20th century, roughly from 1930 to 1970, and then declined, as social scientists criticized its dominant assumptions and turned to new perspectives on human behavior. In sociology, the critique focused on “the oversocialized conception of man” of social theory; that is, the view that socialization during childhood regularly produced generations of individuals who conform unproblematically to social norms. This view came to be seen by the late 1960s as both inaccurate in empirical terms and politically biased toward conservatism. As sociologists became disenchanted with this theoretical position, they tended to turn away from research on childhood altogether and change their focus to socialization through the life span, including the adult years, rather than develop, for example, theory that might (for instance) explain contested childrearing patterns. Psychologists remained interested in children but adopted constructivist views of their development, meaning that children actively create their own meanings from experience rather than being “blank slates” on which the social environment is inscribed. Constructivism (which was not new but had been excluded from psychology by behaviorism) helped foster the emergence of contemporary child psychology, which as a much larger and more diverse field than it was in the 1960s now encompasses socialization along with cognitive development and many other topical foci. Anthropologists especially were active in socialization

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research during the mid-20th century, when Margaret Mead brought cultural variations in child-rearing practices to the attention of the general public and John W. M. Whiting argued that cross-cultural research was necessary to test developmental hypotheses about the long-term influence of childhood experience. The Social Science Research Council’s Committee on Social Behavior organized a workshop in 1953 that issued a field manual for the cross-cultural study of child rearing, and Whiting and his collaborators secured the funds shortly thereafter to launch a major field project. The Six Cultures Study of Socialization, as it was called, sent anthropologists and psychologists to conduct extended ethnographic and psychological research on parents and children in the Philippines, Okinawa, India, Mexico, Kenya, and New England. This was the most ambitious study of socialization ever undertaken. It did not usher in the era of enhanced attention to socialization of the child in anthropology that might have been expected, but, as in psychology, there were social anthropologists who continued to conduct socialization research, and it also became an interest of biological anthropologists studying infancy and linguistic anthropologists studying the language socialization of children. Thus, even as some social scientists abandoned socialization research, others took the critiques of its environmentalist and functionalist biases as valid criticisms that called for changes in theory and method without giving up the project of understanding childhood learning and parental behavior in their social contexts. New approaches— variously termed ecological, cultural, ecocultural, and sociolinguistic—sought to relate the diverse environments of children to their developmental patterns. Divested of environmentalist and functionalist biases and enriched by constructivist and social-interactionist models of child development as well as by observational approaches, socialization research continues to demonstrate how children acquire social dispositions, communicative competence, and intellectual skills through guided participation in the activities of diverse early environments throughout the world. The role of parents has been closely examined but so have the roles of siblings, peers, and classmates in the child’s social world. Comparative research on language socialization has provided new insights into the child’s acquisition of cultural meanings. C o n te m po r ar y S o c i a l i z atio n R e s e a rc h Contemporary socialization research is distinguished from other approaches to child development past and present by several key features. First of all, it is empirical. In contrast with the stage theories of Sigmund Freud, Jean Piaget, Erik H. Erikson, and Lawrence Kohlberg recited in textbooks, socialization research is dedicated to building an account of children’ psychological development based on evidence from

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wide-ranging comparative investigations. This does not mean that it lacks a theoretical orientation, only that it does not assume universal stages or other regularities of development that are tied to one theory, one method, or one culture. Second, socialization research assumes, in contrast with the learning theory that dominated American psychology until about 1960, that children learn through many channels rather than through a single mechanism or process (like reinforcement) that can conveniently be simulated in animal experiments. The assumption is that children learn by observation, imitation, verbal instruction, trial and error, reward and punishment, identification, and possibly other ways of interacting with their environments. This assumption leads out of the laboratory into field studies designed to discover how children learn in a specific context through multiple channels of sensory experience and cognitive process. Third, socialization research assumes that the learning environments of children vary across human populations, making it necessary to observe children in culturally diverse settings across the world. It is not possible, according to this view, to know the range of conditions that facilitate learning or development in human offspring, or to generalize about them, without evidence from a variety of culturally differing populations, a point prominently made by Mead and John Whiting but repeatedly forgotten in the history of child psychology. In a world in which more than 90% of children are growing up in less developed and other non-Western countries, cross-cultural research is and must be central in socialization research. Fourth, in socialization research various methods are used: qualitative as well as quantitative, surveys as well as experiments, observation as well as interviews, videography as well as ethnography. The assumption is that the study of socialization processes in diverse settings calls for exploration before hypothesis testing, discovery before verification or falsification. In contrast with the logical-positivist model of science (based on an idealized view of experimental physics) that dominated mid-20th-century socialization research and that remains influential in psychology, contemporary work on socialization is at least partly inspired by Charles Darwin’s approach of observing organisms in their natural contexts across widely varied settings (including his own child growing up at home) in order to discover the processes that generate variation. The research by Beatrice B. Whiting and Carolyn P. Edwards, using naturalistic observations (including those of the Six Cultures Study) to study child behavior across cultures, exemplifies this approach in socialization research. Finally, socialization research is not opposed to biological research (including genetics, neuroscience, and ethology) on childhood, and its findings will eventually be synthesized with biological evidence. At the same

time, however, insofar as socialization research represents the bridge between developmental psychology and the social sciences, it has the prior task of examining the social forces and cultural forms that shape children’s environments. S o c i a l i z at io n o f t h e C h i l d : T h e S tat e o f K nowl ed ge There have been numerous strands of research on child socialization since 1975; any summary of knowledge will reflect one or a few perspectives out of many. The perspective of this summary is focused on the cultural diversity of socialization in the human species, reflecting the developmental plasticity that permits humans to adapt to a wide range of environments and that also underlies crosscultural variations in reproductive, social, and communicative behavior. Mating systems like polygamy and monogamy, for example, which are species-specific characteristics in much of the animal kingdom, vary from one population to another within the human species. A similar contrast holds for many aspects of social behavior and organization; crosspopulation variations in the human institutions that organize interaction and other public activities are as great as variations across species among other animals. Communicative signaling systems also tend to be species specific, except among humans with their population-specific complex symbolic codes (languages), of which there were estimated to be 10,000 as recently as 1900 and about 5,000 at present. Thus, the cross-cultural or population level of description and analysis is fundamental to understanding the species, including the socialization of its members in the varied habitats of human life. Much socialization research, however, is framed and conducted to investigate individual variations within a single population, usually that of the United States, and overlooks the cross-cultural level of analysis. There is no necessary contradiction between crosscultural and individual-differences approaches to socialization of the child. Many practices and attitudes that vary in central tendency across populations also vary at the individual level within a population. For example, middle-class Americans often praise their young children, and parents in many other cultures do not, but observational studies show individual differences in frequency of praise within samples of parents from American and culturally contrasting populations. The contexts and the effects of praise as a socializing practice could be studied at the level of individual or cross-cultural variations. However, research focused entirely on individual differences excludes practices and attitudes that are relatively homogeneous within a population but vary cross-culturally. In contrast with the normal, bell-shaped distribution favored by students of individual differences, many culturally influenced distributions are shaped like a J—the J-curve of con-

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formity behavior—in which the overwhelming majority of instances are identical and a small minority differs. An example related to socialization is the cosleeping of parents with their infants and young children. As Richard Shweder and his associates have shown, parents in India, Japan, and Africa who sleep together with their children share a strong moral attitude that this practice is a necessary component of early child rearing, just as white American middle-class parents who sleep apart from their children believe about their practice; their J-curves are skewed in opposite directions. Variation is wide at the cross-cultural level but relatively small at the level of individual differences. Thus, the powerful impact of cultural attitudes would be missed if individual differences were the only level at which it was examined, and the understanding of socialization would be distorted by this omission. Cross-cultural analysis is the essential complement to the study of individual differences in research on socialization. Research into socialization of the child across cultures has shown that there are variations in the relational, semiotic, and activity dimensions of child rearing and childhood experience. Some of the evidence is summarized in the following sections. Multiple Interactions. Children in many cultural settings are not simply raised by their parents in one-family households with strong social boundaries, as they often are in Western countries; there is an expanded cast of characters—including siblings, peers, grandparents, and neighbors—who take responsibility for a child from infancy onward or are at least involved in his or her early social interactions. In a high-fertility population with households that are both socially permeable and mutually supportive, children play an important role in socializing one another. In some of these societies, like the Gusii of Kenya, mothers regard themselves largely as supervisors of the sibling group the child joins before 2 years of age; they assume the toddler will learn how to speak and behave properly—that is, become socialized—from interactions with their older brothers and sisters, not mothers. In other societies, ranging from Hindu India to Micronesia, toddlers and young children are permitted freedom of movement across neighboring households of closely related kin, where they can interact with, learn from, and form relationships with other children and adults. This multiplicity in the child’s psychologically significant social environment serves to facilitate childhood learning. Melvin Konner has suggested that immature humans may be innately prepared to learn from age-mixed groups of juveniles like their counterparts in other primate species. If so, then the interaction of Western classrooms, in which instruction is delivered by an adult to a group of same-age children, would seem in this respect to be unsuited to humans’ evolutionary heritage.

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Infancy: Building Relationships. The concept of socialization during the first year of life has been thoroughly transformed since the mid-20th century. At that time, the infant was conceptualized, following Freudian and habitformation theories, in terms of his or her needs for food and oral gratification, and feeding patterns were assumed to establish a social bond with the mother. Infant studies from the 1950s onward showed that infants are born with more ability to see and hear and more rapidly developing capabilities for perception, memory, communication, and social engagement than had previously been recognized. So, the infant was reconceptualized as a social being from the start, looking at human faces, becoming excited as well as calmed from social interaction, finding comfort in familiar surroundings, distinguishing one caretaker from another, learning to babble with phonemes of the local dialect, and, most of all, establishing social bonds based on social interaction (not just feeding) with more than one caretaker. The psychologist Mary D. Salter Ainsworth showed that Ganda infants in Uganda all became attached to their mothers (and others who interacted with them) by 12 months of age, reacting negatively to separations from the mother and becoming calmed when reunited with her. This changed the focus of infant socialization studies from feeding to social interaction and attachment during the first year of life. And it opened the door to observations of infant interactions in the many diverse cultures of the world. Infants, it turned out, are raised in a variety of social contexts, sometimes involving several adult women or the father or older siblings, though in some cases the mother bears the full burden herself. In agricultural societies, older children in the family tend to be pressed into service as infant caregivers, often carrying the baby on their backs. Although it is unusual for fathers to be involved in infant care, there are some societies, ranging from foragers in the African rain forest to urbanites in modern Sweden, where they are. The infant will become attached to those who interact and care for her, whoever those caregivers are. Attachment is only one aspect of infant socialization; there is also the social and emotional content of the developing relationships. American middle-class mothers, for example, look at and talk to their 9- to 10-month-old babies far more than Gusii mothers in Kenya do, reflecting the American desire to establish a conversational relationship with the child even before speech. The Gusii, on the other hand, conceptualize the infant at 10 months as requiring more holding, soothing, and breastfeeding, in an extended “postpartum incubation” designed to protect rather than stimulate or excite through adultlike verbal exchange. When they do speak to the baby at this age, the Gusii mothers tend to issue commands, negative as well as positive, rather than the questions or praise frequently used by Americans, and their 12-month-old infants were far more compliant to maternal wishes in a teaching task than

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their American counterparts. Regardless of attachment, Gusii mothers socialize their infants for hierarchical relationships with themselves and others in the family rather than for the relatively egalitarian relationships foreseen by American mothers. These divergent pathways for relational and emotional development are initially established in the first year of life. The long-term psychological impact of these and many other variations across cultures has not yet been demonstrated with certainty, but it is clear that relationships established in the first year set the stage socially for the relationships of early childhood. Early Childhood: Acquiring Meanings. The postinfancy period of a child’s life, roughly from 1 to 5 years of age, has also been reconceptualized in socialization research since the mid-20th century. Linguistic studies showed that 18 to 36 months of age is the major period for first language acquisition and that children at this age, as well as in the next two years, inevitably learn culture-specific meanings embedded in communicative interactions. This opened the door to field observations of young children in cultures throughout the world. Language socialization research across cultures has shown that during the first three years of life, children not only learn how to make and understand sentences according to the grammar of their language environment, they also learn the vocabulary, the conventions of language use, and the conventional intonations, facial expressions, and gestures that accompany speaking or that in some cases stand in for speech. Gusii toddlers, like Kipsigis children a few miles away in Kenya, learn that it is more appropriate for them to comprehend and respond with action to the commands of adults and older children than to initiate speech of their own, which may be considered disrespectful. This reflects the hierarchical moral standards of many East African agricultural communities, but it contrasts with the conventions of language use in some New Guinea and Melanesian societies, where young children are permitted or encouraged to speak. The language socialization of Japanese children at about 2 years of age involves learning how to decode the indirect speech of their mothers, who lead them to understand that behind each expression of maternal preference lies a serious command. This socialization enables the child to participate in other Japanese settings, where indirect discourse is the norm in interpersonal communication. Naturalistic observations of 5-year-old Japanese children in a play setting show they use indirect discourse with the force of directives among themselves, indicating that they have learned their lessons well. This is socialization of language—that is, acquiring communicative competence in the Japanese language—but it is also, as Elinor Ochs and Bambi Schieffelin have argued, socialization through language, in which a cultural prefer-

ence for avoiding interpersonal confrontation is acquired by the child as part of her own behavioral repertoire, giving cultural shape to the child’s sense of self. In learning the cultural forms of interpersonal communication, the child acquires a set of meanings that become psychological as well as cultural. Middle Childhood: Assuming Responsibility. Theorists of cognitive development, beginning with Piaget, have claimed that a major shift in the child’s conceptual maturation (called concrete operations) occurs after the age of 5, enabling the child to understand that entities can be stable despite transient changes in their appearance. Some socialization researchers, notably Sheldon White and Barbara Rogoff, noticed that this period, roughly age 5 to 7 or 5 to 10, coincides with the age at which many societies place responsibilities on their children that they were previously considered incapable of fulfilling. These include tasks defined by work (e.g., household tasks, cultivation, foraging), infant care, or learning at home or in school. Their assumption is that the cognitive maturity of children at this age is noticed by the adults who set the age and other standards for putting children into responsible roles. Ethnographic observations in diverse cultures, from the Six Cultures Study onward, have shown that the period from age 5 to 7 often does mark the onset of responsible, usually gender-differentiated, activities in childhood. In societies with schools, this includes the age at which children are first sent to school. The question of a cognitive prerequisite for undertaking responsible tasks is plausible but not yet settled. Many socialization theorists would now argue that a linkage between age or cognitive maturity and tasks assigned may be loose or absent where children can participate in activities as apprentices who perform the lowest-level tasks while observing older children and adults perform the higher-level ones and then graduating as they are able to execute the higher-level ones themselves. But there is no doubt that during middle childhood children spend much of their time in activities—forms of work, play, and learning—that constitute the settings for their everyday experience and their development toward mature male or female competence. This brief review has emphasized cross-cultural variability in the socialization of the child, but as evidence accumulates from diverse cultures across the world, cross-cultural generalizations and even universals of socialization should become possible. Naomi Quinn, for example, has proposed on the basis of cross-cultural evidence four universal features of child rearing that together make childhood experience memorable and influential into adulthood: constancy, linkage to emotional arousal, symbolic connections to moral evaluation of the child, and priming for the lessons to be learned. She argues that her proposal is consistent with neuroscience and provides a strong conceptual basis

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along which to conduct further comparative analysis of socialization. Robert A. LeVine see also: Ainsworth, Mary D(insmore) Salter; Attachment, Infant; Father-Child Relationship; Freud, Sigmund; Kinship and Child Rearing; Language: Language and Social Life; Mead, Margaret; MotherChild Relationship; Piaget, Jean; Research on Child Development; Whiting, Beatrice B(lyth); Whiting, John W(esley) M(ayhew) further reading: Beatrice B. Whiting, Six Cultures: Studies of Child Rearing, 1963. • Mary D. S. Ainsworth, Infancy in Uganda, 1967. • Bambi B. Schieffelin and Elinor Ochs, eds., Language Socialization across Cultures, 1986. • Beatrice B. Whiting and Carolyn P. Edwards, Children of Different Worlds, 1988. • Robert A. LeVine, Suzanne Dixon, Sarah LeVine, Amy Richman, P. Herbert Leiderman, Constance H. Keefer, and T. Berry Brazelton, Child Care and Culture: Lessons from Africa, 1994. • Barbara Rogoff, The Cultural Nature of Human Development, 2003. • Richard A. Shweder, Why Do Men Barbecue? Recipes for Cultural Psychology, 2003. • Joan E. Grusec and Paul D. Hastings, eds., Handbook of Socialization Theory and Research, 2006. • Robert A. LeVine and Rebecca S. New, eds., Anthropology and Child Development: A Cross-Cultural Reader, 2008.

sociolinguistic diversity. Language is heterogeneous. A named language such as English has distinct varieties not only in different parts of the world but also within a single country. Moreover, in every society, language covaries with the social landscape. Sociolinguists study the grammatical systematicity and expressive power of language varieties, their historical creation through language contact and language change, the attitudes that people hold about them, and how their features are used by speakers to “index” valued stances and identities. They also study how children learn these complex aspects of language with their associated mappings of the social world. L anguage Var i et i es, Espec i ally Afr ican Am er ican V er nac ul ar Engl ish A dialect is a variety of a language used by a community of speakers. It has distinct vocabulary, grammar, sounds, rhythmic patterns, and discourse genres. The “standard” (e.g., standard English) is the dialect associated with a powerful group within society and designated by that group to be used in government and the schools. Nonstandard dialects, particularly if used by groups with less political power, are accorded low prestige and have less linguistic “capital,” according to French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. Such dialects tend to be stigmatized in gatekeeping institutions, including schools, which can lead to debilitating consequences for the children who speak them. Dialects in the United States vary according to region, race, ethnicity, and socioeconomic status, but the one most extensively studied has been African American Vernacular English (AAVE; also called African American English and Black English Vernacular). In his landmark study Language in the Inner City: Studies in the Black English Vernacular

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(1972), William Labov audiorecorded working-class African American adolescents who were members of youth street clubs in Harlem, as well as adults in the community, and described the features of their dialect. He concluded that AAVE was most reliably used by African American urban adolescents, particularly when in the company of peers. Later studies in the field have revealed a wide range of AAVE usage among middle- and working-class African American adults. Depending on their social network, some used mainly AAVE, others mainly standard English. However, many adults used both varieties and switched between them according to the situation. There is wide variation in attitudes toward these varieties among African Americans. AAVE is thought to have originated as a creole language, derived when West Africans speaking many different languages were unwillingly brought to the Americas and had to communicate with one another, as well as with white overseers, in English. Phonological features of AAVE include dropping some final consonants (/s/, /r/, /l/, /z/, /t/, and /d/). Grammatical features include double negation and deletion of the copula verb (forms of be as verb or auxiliary) in grammatical contexts where standard English would use contraction. AAVE has a rich tense-aspect system, including using invariant be for habitual action and stressed been to mark remote past and current relevance. John Baugh, Geneva Smitherman, and other linguists have demonstrated the integrity of AAVE, documenting the linguistic regularities underlying these features. This has been very important in debunking the myth that AAVE is an inferior language ill suited to clear thinking and expression. Such unfounded biases, as well as misunderstandings about AAVE’s phonological and grammatical features, may lead to underestimations of children’s verbal skills and reading ability and create linguistic insecurity and disengagement from school. AAVE is also distinguished for the verbal skill displayed in its speech genres of storytelling and verbal play, including “reading,” ritual insult or “sounding” (also “signifying”), and he-said-she-said disputes among girls as described by linguistic anthropologist Marjorie Harness Goodwin. In ritual insult routines, such as “playing the dozens,” community members value skillful performance, which turns on upstaging the prior speaker, making subtle changes in syntax, and garnering audience alignment. In storytelling, community members value stylistic embellishment as displays of verbal skill. Ironically, it is precisely these community-valued skills that can underlie mismatches in expectations about literacy-related practices between the home and mainstream school community. Data compiled by scholars on the origins and structure of AAVE helped establish its legitimacy and were used as bases for two landmark decisions. The first was the Black English trial in Ann Arbor, Michigan, in 1977, during which parents

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sued their children’s school district for failing to take into account economic, linguistic, and cultural factors that hindered the children’s educational progress. The second was the Oakland School Board’s decision during the “Ebonics” controversy of 1996. In both, it was decided that school officials had to take into account the system of AAVE in teaching standard English to children who spoke AAVE. African American community leaders opposed the Oakland School Board’s decision, seeing it as a plan to teach only AAVE. Other groups opposed the decision for conferring special advantages on one group. Both these sides misunderstood the intent of the decision: to have school authorities respect and understand the children’s home language system and use those understandings as a bridge for teaching the standard English valued in school. In 2005, John Rickford reviewed findings showing several ways in which classrooms that incorporated children’s AAVE, rather than correcting or ignoring it, produced higher reading and writing scores. For example, the teachers in these studies pointed out specific contrasts between the rules of AAVE and standard English and provided reading instruction in AAVE before standard English. L anguage C hoic e : S t y l e S h i f t i ng fo r S o c i al M e an i ng M ak i ng Children who grow up in multilingual, multidialectal communities acquire complex repertoires of language varieties as they attempt to speak like members of the multiple peer social networks in which they participate. For example, in Growing Up Bilingual: Puerto Rican Children in New York (1997), a study of children growing up in the Puerto Rican working-class community of “El Bloque,” Ana Celia Zentella found that in addition to understanding four dialects of Spanish, children used elements of at least five varieties of English, including a neighborhood nonstandard variety, Puerto Rican English, and AAVE. Because of borrowings from English and other factors, the children’s Spanish varieties were stigmatized, leading many to lose their Spanish over time. From a young age, children engage in what anthropological linguist John Gumperz termed “situational” code switching, using the code they associate with particular addressees, settings, and topics for that context. Elementary school children have been observed to use AAVE in informal classroom settings with peers but to shift to standard English in formal school tasks or when enacting doctor and teacher roles in pretend play. At somewhat older ages, children can use code switching “indexically,” to signal shifts in addressees, topics, or activities, regardless of the direction of the switch. For example, in one study, third- and fourthgrade bilingual students who were participating in cooperative language arts group work with peers shifted between Spanish and English to signal shifts in different phases of the activity and kinds of talk.

As noted by child language psychologist and sociolinguist Susan Ervin-Tripp, children and adults who are adept code switchers can also make use of domains, or features of speakers, associated with each of their language varieties for expressing social meaning and for rhetorical effect. Ervin-Tripp analyzed the code-switching skill of two African American college-educated civil rights activists, Stokely Carmichael and Dick Gregory. They artfully invoked contrasts between standard English and AAVE in new contexts, relying on audience beliefs about features of the social groups indexed by the language varieties to draw social contrasts such as old-young and enlightenedconservative for humor and political commentary. Children, too, can use shifts between AAVE and standard English for such self-expression. Children and teens also use language varieties for marking identity and belonging in their communities and in street or school peer groups. In one study, boys who affiliated with youth street clubs and street culture used AAVE more than boys who did not. In another study, conducted in a Detroit high school by Penelope Eckert, girls and boys who affiliated with a peer-based social orientation that was urban, based in street culture, and resistant to school norms adopted the use of innovative vowel variants and vernacular features to mark their affiliation and identity. Yet another, conducted by Signithia Fordham, found that in response to teachers’ negative attitudes toward AAVE in favor of standard English, some teens used only AAVE to resist showing affiliation with the school-sanctioned discursive practices, while others chose alternative strategies of resistance, “renting” standard English for use only in specific school contexts. Rigid language norms in school settings deprive children of a vital tool of identity work, self-expression, and community belonging and risk devaluing the language varieties of children’s home and community. It may be more effective pedagogically to build on the contrasts that children already draw between standard English and community varieties to help them further grasp the forms and functions of standard English and community varieties. Amy Kyratzis and Susan M. Ervin-Tripp see also: Bilingualism; Communication, Development of; Ethnic Identity; Gestures; Language; Multicultural Education; Narrative; Race and Children’s Development further reading: W. Labov, “Objectivity and Commitment in Linguistic Science: The Case of the Black English Trial in Ann Arbor,” Language in Society 11 (1982), pp. 165–201. • J. Collins, “The Ebonics Controversy in Context: Literacies, Subjectivities, and Language Ideologies in the United States,” in J. Blommaert, ed., Language Ideological Debates, 1999, pp. 201–34. • J. R. Rickford, “The Ebonics Controversy in My Backyard: A Sociolinguist’s Experiences and Reflections,” Journal of Sociolinguistics 3, no. 2 (1999), pp. 267–76. • M. Morgan, Language, Discourse, and Power in African American Culture, 2002. • S. M. Ervin-Tripp and I. Reyes, “Child

s p e c ia l e d u c a t io n Code-Switching and Adult Content Contrasts,” International Journal of Bilingualism 9 (2005), pp. 85–102. • J. J. Gumperz and J. CookGumperz, “Making Space for Bilingual Communicative Practice,” Intercultural Pragmatics 2, no. 1 (2005), pp. 1–24. • S. Michaels, “Narrative Presentations: An Oral Preparation for Literacy with First Graders,” in J. Cook-Gumperz, ed., The Social Construction of Literacy, 2nd ed., 2006, pp. 94–116.

solnit, albert j(ay) (b. August 26, 1919; d. June 21, 2002), American child psychoanalyst and child advocate. Albert J. Solnit grew up in Southern California and obtained his university and medical education at the University of California. He initially trained in pediatrics and later became an internationally renowned child and adult psychiatrist and psychoanalyst. From 1966 to 1983, Solnit served as director of the Yale Child Study Center. After retiring from this position, he held the position of commissioner of Mental Health and Addiction Services for the State of Connecticut. At the time of his death, Solnit was still vigorously engaged in teaching, in the practice of psychoanalysis, and in supervising, editing, and lecturing. Solnit devoted his life’s work to the care and study of children and their development over time, a subject that he believed “has fascinated all who are attracted to the complexities and subtleties of the human condition.” While interested in child development generally, Solnit’s primary professional identity was as a psychoanalyst. In his teaching and his writing, he had the ability to synthesize complex ideas and to communicate with jargon-free clarity. At the same time, Solnit emphasized the need for awareness of the limits of knowledge, as, for example, in people’s inability to make long-range predictions about developmental outcomes. Solnit is best known for his work on child custody conducted in collaboration with his colleagues Joseph Goldstein and Anna Freud. They presented their ideas in a series of books beginning with Beyond the Best Interests of the Child, published in 1973, followed by Before the Best Interests of the Child (1979) and In the Best Interests of the Child (1986). The series of books proposed minimal state intervention in families and protection of the child’s need for a continuous relationship with a “psychological parent” by whom the child feels emotionally wanted. They argued that, in situations where the state is forced to intervene, whether in situations of neglect and abuse or in situations in which separating parents cannot agree on custody, decisions should be made based on what is the “least detrimental alternative” for the child, not on what is fair for the adults. Solnit helped bring to the attention of child welfare systems and courts the harm that befalls children in multiple foster care placements when no permanent placement is made on their behalf. In the same way, he gave clinical focus to the harmful impact on children caused by protracted litigation and intractable confl ict between divorcing parents.

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The effect on courts and state agencies of Solnit’s work on child custody has been profound, although not unqualified. At the start, Solnit believed that in the most serious high-confl ict families, especially those characterized by violence, the child would be better off with one primary parent rather than torn between warring parties. He originally recommended that one psychological parent be identified and given full decision-making authority. Most courts were reluctant to give custodial parents full decision-making authority, however, in part out of concerns for the rights of noncustodial parents. Over time, Solnit came to support children’s access to both parents, even when some confl ict between the parents was likely to exist. Solnit focused on understanding the child’s relative helplessness in an adult world. He gave voice to the child’s interests even in the face of powerful competing adult interests and legal entitlements. Solnit was named as recipient of many awards in recognition of his national and international leadership in the fields of child and adult psychiatry and psychoanalysis, and in his role as a child advocate par excellence. Barbara F. Nordhaus see also: Abuse and Neglect; Best Interests of the Child; Custody; Development, Theories of: Psychoanalytic Theories; Freud, Anna; Goldstein, Joseph further reading: J. Goldstein et al., The Best Interests of the Child: Least Detrimental Alternative, 1996.

special education Historical and Philosophical Perspectives Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

historical and philosophical perspectives. In the

United States today, approximately 6 million children and youth receive special education services, most often in “regular” schools, and frequently in “regular” classes. Since special education is today a “service, not a place,” it is tempting to view its historical role simply as that of a bridge from exclusion of children with physical, cognitive, or emotional disabilities—from schooling and, indeed, from society—to the inclusion they now experience. But that would be misleading; the journey from neglect to free appropriate public education in the least restrictive environment has been a tortuous one, and full inclusion is not yet a reality either in the United States, with which this article is primarily concerned, or in other nations. Special education had its beginning in the 16th century when a Spanish Benedictine monk, Pedro Ponce de Léon, reputedly accomplished the “impossible” feat of teaching a few deaf scions of well-to-do families to speak, read, and write. Over the next two centuries, as isolated accounts of tutorial ventures with blind children were also reported, these early experiments in “oral” education of deaf children spread to Britain and then to Germany and Italy.

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While other children with disabilities had been recipients of charity, policies enacted in the 17th century associating disability with mendicancy reflected harsher attitudes. Efforts to “manage unfortunates” brought about what Michel Foucault, in Discipline and Punish (1977), termed an “institutional web” of almshouses, prisons, reformatories, asylums, and orphanages. The Enlightenment fostered scientific interest in human differences and rejection of the fatalistic acceptance of the natural order. The quest to understand the basis of human reason led to greater awareness of disability, especially sensory impairment. Accomplished individuals, such as the famed Austrian composer and organist Maria Theresa von Paradis, inspired philosophes to speculate on the source of such gifts in one who was blind, and an idealistic young Frenchman, Valentin Hauy, was moved to seek a pedagogy he might apply with blind persons, as Abbé Charles-Michel de l’Epée had with deaf-mutes. In 1760, in a Parisian zeitgeist in ferment with talk of the rights of man, Epée had set out to prove that “metaphysical ideas” were accessible to deaf persons through sign language, founding the world’s first publicly supported school for students with disabilities. Hauy, assigned the tutelage of 12 blind pupils based on his apparent success with François Lesueur, a boy he had found begging on the streets, opened the Institution Nationale des Jeunes Aveugles in 1784. The former would be the site of the historic saga of the instruction of “Victor,” the “Wild Boy of Aveyron,” by Jean-Marc-Gaspard Itard. While Itard thought his carefully documented program a failure, he pioneered what would become hallmarks of special pedagogy: strengthening compensatory skills, systematic reinforcement, and adapting to the pupil’s developing needs. Itard’s observations on the role of sensation, especially the tactile sense, led another young physician, Edouard Seguin, to challenge the conventional view that “idiots” (the era’s term for the people with what was subsequently termed mental retardation and is now called intellectual disability) cannot learn. Bringing his physiological method to the United States in the 1850s, Seguin was hailed as a pioneer and in 1876 was elected the first president of the Association of Medical Officers of American Institutions for Idiotic and FeebleMinded Persons. The 19th century saw the proliferation in North America and Europe of institutions within which educators, physicians, and clerics sought to teach, rather than merely contain, children and adults with disabilities. The first American residential schools, although called asylums, envisioned productive citizenship for their students. In 1817, the Connecticut Asylum for the Instruction of Deaf and Dumb Persons opened under the leadership of Thomas Hopkins Gallaudet, assisted by Laurent Clerc, a deaf instructor recruited from the Paris school. Schools, organizations, and publications its graduates founded became the foundation

for a distinct culture, united by what became known as American Sign Language (ASL). Samuel Gridley Howe vowed that the New England Asylum for the Blind, which opened under his superintendency in 1832 (renamed the Perkins Institution when relocated to Watertown, Massachusetts), would, unlike European schools, prepare students to become productive citizens. With reports of his successful teaching of Laura Dewey Bridgman, left deaf, blind, and without the sense of smell as a result of scarlet fever, Howe’s fame spread, as did his influence. Although he later opposed the institutional model, his appeals to state legislatures were instrumental in the spread of state-supported schools for blind students. His eloquence also convinced Massachusetts legislators to override a gubernatorial veto, establishing the Massachusetts School for Idiotic and Feeble-Minded Youth in 1851, initially at Perkins, later relocated to Waverly, Massachusetts. Natural philosophical allies, Howe and Seguin worked together briefly before Seguin assumed an even briefer superintendency of the Pennsylvania institution before establishing a school in New York City. However, after their deaths, their shared conviction that persons with cognitive impairment could learn was forgotten. By the 1880s, leaders such as Isaac Kerlin, superintendent of the Elwyn institution at Media, Pennsylvania, saw the increasingly crowded institutions as necessary to protect society from the “menace” of feeblemindedness. Increasingly negative attitudes were fueled by a growing xenophobic response to massive immigration and a nascent “negative eugenics” (the discouragement of reproduction among those deemed “unfit”) movement. Kerlin reckoned that the increase in feeblemindedness among immigrants had vastly exceeded that of the native population, as the association of criminality, pauperism, and other social evils with intellectual disability began an era of indictment that would lead by the 1920s and 1930s to state sterilization laws. Alexander Graham Bell’s leadership in the fields of both eugenics and deaf education was critical in the profound shift that began in the late 19th century from residential schools, which Bell believed increased hereditary deafness through encouraging intramarriage of deaf persons, and manual communication to day classes and oral education. These early day classes and the many “steamer classes” for immigrant children had a common aim: assimilation into American society through use of the English language. While the residential school model continued to predominate until the 1970s, day classes for blind students and “sight-saving” classes for students with low vision were also pioneered in a few major school districts. School attendance laws enacted to keep the young off the streets and out of the workforce having exacerbated the problem of handling insubordinate children, the first American special classes had been established for “refrac-

s p e c ia l e d u c a t io n

tory and truant” or “unruly” pupils, mainly boys, in New Haven, Connecticut, in 1871 and in New York City in 1874, soon followed by such programs in other cities. Settlement houses, a more positive response to the burgeoning immigrant population and a major facet of the Progressive Era, had an important role in the history of American special education. In 1889, Lillian Wald of New York’s Henry Street Settlement persuaded the school administration to engage Elizabeth E. Farrell to teach an ungraded class. While day classes for pupils with intellectual disability had been introduced earlier in Germany, Farrell recalled that the American version was intended essentially for students who simply did not fit. Subsequently founding the Ungraded Class Teachers’ Association, which in 1922 became the Council for Exceptional Children, Farrell also worked to strengthen the role of psychoeducational clinics as a key component of her Department of Ungraded Classes. The concept, introduced by Lightner Witmer at the University of Pennsylvania in 1896, rapidly spread among large school districts as well as in institutional settings and universities, while Witmer’s orthogenic (correct-growth) method pioneered the diagnostic teaching (individualized and assessment-based) approach later promulgated for children with specific learning disabilities. As had their English counterparts, Wald, Jane Addams of Chicago’s Hull House, and other American settlement workers collaborated with philanthropic groups to institute provisions for children kept out of school because of health problems or physical impairment. Two years after New York’s Children’s Aid Society instituted classes for such children in 1898, a women’s volunteer group called the Sunbeam Circle established a kindergarten at Cleveland’s Alta House Settlement, both shortly brought under the aegis of the public schools. Progressive ideals of combating the stigma of disability, especially among working-class children, were similarly apparent in the emergence of the rehabilitation movement and open-air classes for children with tuberculosis or “low vitality,” the first established in New York and Providence, Rhode Island, in 1908. A 1915 survey by the National Committee for Mental Hygiene revealing widespread emotional and behavioral problems among “normal” school children prompted leaders such as W. E. W. Wallin and Arnold Gesell, the first self-identified school psychologist, to call for mental health screening and intervention in schools. Addams and other settlement leaders were influential in extending the nascent American mental health movement to youth through community-based child guidance centers, as residential treatment programs were also instituted, notably the Sonia Shankman Orthogenic School at the University of Chicago’s Rush Medical Center. By the 1930s, armed with recently standardized psychometric instruments, the new profession of school psy-

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chology was being assigned a key role in determining pupils’ eligibility for placement in the approximately 5,000 special classes for pupils with intellectual disability in U.S. school districts. These classes were distinguished mainly by somewhat smaller sizes and a curriculum oriented toward life skills and “practical arts,” the latter long prominent in curricula for students with visual or hearing impairments. They established the model subsequently employed for children with serious emotional disturbance, beginning in 1946 with New York’s 600 Schools (a numeric designation for such special schools later considered stigmatizing and in 1965 replaced by random numbering), and subsequently for “brain-injured and hyperactive” students. By the 1920s, partly in reaction to the growing attention to the needs of children with cognitive impairment, Leta S. Hollingworth and other leaders were advocating for exceptionally capable students, urging programs such as Cleveland’s Major Work. Over the next decades, attention to gifted and talented students waxed and waned in response to economic and political issues. The 1930s also saw enactment of policies excluding students declared “unable to benefit” from schooling. It was these policies that in the 1940s and 1950s led parents of excluded children to form community classes, a movement that led to establishment of state-funded services and founding of the organization later known as the Association for Retarded Citizens, now the ARC. The years following World War II saw the proliferation of services for children by specialized disciplines, including speech and language pathology, occupational and physical therapy, social work, and counseling, which would be among the related services associated with special education when Public Law 94-142 was enacted in 1975. This federal legislation, adopting language framed in court decisions inspired by the U.S. Supreme Court ruling in Brown v. Board of Education (1954), established the right to a free, appropriate public education for every child with a disability in the least restrictive environment, the most “typical” setting feasible for that child. Current policies governing special education reflect the convergence of several key philosophical tenets. The civil rights movement generated attention to disproportionate representation of African American and other minority students labeled as intellectually disabled or emotionally disturbed and their underrepresentation in gifted education programs—issues that persist today. The principle of normalization, first introduced in Scandinavian services for persons with intellectual disability, demanded that children with disabilities be understood as, first of all, children, entitled to experiences enjoyed by their “typical” peers. Advocacy by parents of children with specific learning disabilities, today by far the largest special education classification, was critical in establishing the principle of the public schools’ responsibility to provide and monitor

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instructional programs uniquely tailored to the individual pupil, rather than based on her or his “label.” Exponential advances in communication and other adaptive technology increasingly reveal the attainability of the principle of full inclusion for children with disabilities. Embodied in that principle, unlike its predecessor concepts of mainstreaming in the 1970s and integration in the 1980s, are the key beliefs that children with disabilities are contributors as well as recipients—helpers and not always “helpees”—nor must they earn membership in the school community as a condition for admittance. In much of the world, educational provisions for children with special needs are in their infancy. In the United States and most other industrialized nations, issues affecting the future of special education, in addition to inadequacy of funding, especially to provide appropriately for increasing numbers of students with autism spectrum disorders or other challenging conditions, include balancing the values of inclusion and efficacy, disproportionate ethnic minority representation in the judgment classifications, the impact on students with special needs of standards-based education, and ensuring successful transition from school to adult life in an increasingly complex world. Philip L. Safford see also: Autism Spectrum Disorders, Education of Children with; Clerc, (Louis) Laurent (Marie); Emotional Disorders, Education of Children with; Gallaudet, Edward (Miner); Hearing Impairments, Education of Children with; Intellectual Disability, Education of Children with; Itard, Jean-Marc-Gaspard; Learning Disabilities, Education of Children with; Physical Disabilities and Other Health Impairments, Education of Children with; Visual Impairments, Education of Children with further reading: Margret A. Winzer, The History of Special Education, 1993. • Philip L. Safford and Elizabeth J. Safford, A History of Childhood and Disability, 1996. • Gary L. Abrecht, Katherine D. Seelman, and Michael Bury, eds., Handbook of Disability Studies, 2001. • Philip L. Safford and Elizabeth J. Safford, eds., Children with Disabilities in America: A Historical Handbook and Guide, 2006.

legal and public-policy perspectives. From the be-

ginning, special education in the United States has been intertwined with legal regulation. During the 19th century, numerous states and localities passed laws creating programs for children who were deaf and children who had intellectual disability (formerly known as mental retardation). During the same period, however, courts approved the exclusion of many children with disabling conditions from public schools, a situation that continued very close to the present time. A 1919 case, Beattie v. Board of Education, permitted Wisconsin officials to refuse to serve a child who could have benefited academically from classes but who drooled uncontrollably, had a speech impediment, and displayed facial contortions. In 1958, Department of Public

Welfare v. Haas held that Illinois’s compulsory education law and laws providing educational programs for children with disabilities did not require that education be furnished to a child with an intellectual disability. Inspired by the civil rights movement for African Americans, parents and advocates of children with disabilities in the 1960s began political agitation and legal campaigns to establish a right to equal education for children with disabilities. Two of the best-known cases that reached a resolution before 1975 were PARC v. Pennsylvania and Mills v. Board of Education, both of which resulted in decrees requiring adequate services for children with disabilities and creating rights for parents to participate in and challenge schools’ decisions about their children’s education. Th e I ndiv i duals with Disabi liti es Educatio n Ac t The U.S. Congress gradually increased subsidies to the states for special education from the 1950s to the 1970s but established no individual guarantee of an adequate education. Finally, in response to lobbying and litigation efforts, Congress enacted the Education for All Handicapped Children Act (EAHCA) in 1975. The law provided that any state accepting federal special education funds had to guarantee every child with a disability within their borders a free, appropriate public education. The law stipulated that education was to be provided to the maximum extent appropriate with children without disabilities and that related services were to be furnished to assist the child to benefit from the education. An elaborate set of procedural rights was afforded parents. Renamed in 1990, the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) continues the main features of the 1975 law. Over time, entitlements were expanded to cover infants and toddlers, and student discipline rights and procedures were clarified. Most recently, Congress revised the law to harmonize with the No Child Left Behind initiative, establishing rules for designation of highly qualified teachers and requiring participation of children with disabilities in district and statewide assessment programs. The IDEA contains several key concepts. First is zero exclusion. A child who fits within a definition that specifies categories of disabilities and who needs special education in order to learn is eligible for services. All children with disabilities are entitled to an education, no matter how severe their disability; the difficulty involved in serving a particular child does not matter. This idea is explicit in the “all . . . children” title of the 1975 statute. Before the EAHCA, various extra charges were a common feature of public school special education programs. The IDEA abolished those fees. The education offered a child with a disability must also be “appropriate.” In early cases, some courts gave this term

s p e e c h d is o r d e r s

a meaning that required school districts to provide children with disabilities services that would maximize their potential to the degree that children without disabilities had their potential maximized by the schooling offered them. In Rowley v. Board of Education, a 1982 case, the Supreme Court ruled that the word did not denote proportional maximization but, rather, required a level of services that would give the child access to education and confer some educational benefit. Thus the Court held that a first grader with a severe hearing impairment who received use of a wireless hearing aid, an hour of tutoring a day, and three hours of speech therapy and who was achieving passing grades in general education classes was not additionally entitled to the services of a sign language interpreter. States may set a higher standard for services, however, and the duty to provide access to education entails very extensive specialized educational programs in many instances. The services to which a child is entitled are not merely those that are educational but also those related services that permit a child to benefit from special education and to be served in a placement that maximizes education with children without disabilities. Thus, the Supreme Court in 1984 required that a school district provide intermittent catheterization to a child who could not urinate normally and so needed the service to attend for a full day. In 1999, the Court ruled that a school district had to provide a child with quadriplegia services that included not only catheterization but also tracheotomy suctioning, ventilator maintenance (with artificial breathing assistance during that time), and others. Transportation, counseling, speech therapy, sign language interpretation, physical and occupational therapy, and other services all must be provided if a child needs them. Moreover, the framers of the IDEA intended to end the isolation of children with disabilities and so required that children with disabilities be educated to the maximum extent appropriate with children who do not have disabilities. Related services are to facilitate the integration of children into general education classrooms. The law requires that each child have an individualized education program (IEP), devised at a meeting with the parent and the professionals who work for the school. This IEP document sets out information such as the child’s current level of educational performance, the goals the child will meet, and the specifics of the educational and related services to be provided. The IDEA provides extensive parental rights to participation in decisions regarding their children’s education. Finally, the procedural rights of parents include entitlement to an independent educational evaluation at public expense if the school system’s evaluation of the child is not adequate, the ability to challenge the program or placement offered to the child by invoking a due process hearing, the ability to submit documents and call and cross-examine

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witnesses at the hearing, and the right to receive attorneys’ fees if they prevail at hearing or in court. The parents or the school system may appeal a final administrative decision to a court. The child remains in the current educational placement if there is a dispute, although exceptions apply in some instances involving discipline. Due process hearing rights apply when the child is removed from the existing placement for disciplinary reasons, and a child with a disability may never be excluded entirely from appropriate services. S om e No n –U n i ted S tate s Per s pec ti v e s Many other countries’ special education laws employ concepts and approaches similar to those found in the United States. The procedural rights are rarely as extensive, but typically some form of review exists. A prominent Canadian case on the topic of entitlement to services in the least restrictive setting is Eaton v. Brant County Board of Education (1997), which rejected the idea of a presumption in favor of education of children with disabilities in a mainstreamed setting while acknowledging that integrated education ought to be a norm. In December 2006, the United Nations General Assembly adopted an International Convention on the Human Rights of People with Disabilities. One article deals with education; it recognizes the right of all persons with disabilities to inclusive education directed to the development of the child’s personality, talents, and creativity to their fullest potential. Mark C. Weber see also: Autism Spectrum Disorders, Education of Children with; Disabilities, Care of Children with; Education: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives; Education, Discrimination in; Emotional Disorders, Education of Children with; Hearing Impairments, Education of Children with; Intellectual Disability, Education of Children with; Learning Disabilities, Education of Children with; Physical Disabilities and Other Health Impairments, Education of Children with; School Funding; Visual Impairments, Education of Children with further reading: President’s Commission on Excellence in Special Education, A New Era: Revitalizing Special Education for Children and Their Families, 2002. • U.S. Department of Education, Office of Special Education Programs, Twenty-Seventh Annual Report to Congress on the Implementation of the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act, 2005. • Mark C. Weber, Special Education Law and Litigation Treatise, 2008. • U.S. Department of Education, Office of Special Education Programs, http://idea.ed.gov/explore/home

speech, development of. see Communication, Development of; Language: Language Development speech disorders. Speech is a complex process that involves several processes: respiration, phonation, resonation, and articulation, all of which are coordinated by the brain. Respiration is responsible for providing the air stream, which is modulated at the level of the larynx by the

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vocal cords into vibrations, known as phonation. These vibrations proceed into the vocal tract for further modification by the pharyngeal (throat), nasal, and oral cavities (i.e., resonation). The latter two processes make up voice production. Finally, these vibrations are shaped into speech sounds by the articulators, primarily involving the tongue, lips, teeth, and soft palate, also known as articulation. Speech production can also be disrupted by interruptions in speech flow or stuttering. Disorders related to each of these areas will be described in the following sections. Vo ic e D i s o r d er s Voice disorders typically arise from irregularities in the respiratory, laryngeal, and/or resonatory systems. The result is a voice that sounds high or low pitched, abnormally loud or soft, breathy, hoarse, or nasal. It is important for children who experience any difficulty with voice production to be seen by an appropriate professional. Many voice disorders require medical attention and possibly surgical intervention, while others will respond to voice treatment. Early treatment avoids continuing problems in adulthood. The prevalence of voice disorders ranges from 6% to 23% of children. There is little known about the cultural influences in the identification and treatment of voice disorders, other than to say that some cultures are more aware of vocal alterations than others. Nevertheless, the most common vocal disorders in children include papilloma, vocal nodules, mutational falsetto, and nasal resonance disorders. Papilloma is most likely related to a DNA virus that causes the growth of multiple wartlike lesions on the vocal cords and in the laryngeal area. This voice disorder is characterized by a low-pitched, hoarse voice and difficulties in breathing. It typically occurs in very young children and is treatable with multiple surgeries because the lesions tend to recur on a regular basis until puberty. Voice treatment will focus on establishing a good voice despite surgically scarred vocal cords. Vocal nodules frequently occur in young children, probably more often in school-age boys and adolescent girls. Nodules are related to misuse of the vocal mechanism, as in shouting, cheering, or singing with improper technique. It is also possible that gastric reflux and nasal allergies play a role. Treatment focuses on reducing the physical contributors and teaching good voice production. Mutational falsetto is noted in adolescent males who do not make the expected changes in pitch associated with manhood. While the causes of this particular disorder can be medical or psychological, a treatment plan can be devised to assist the young man in developing a more masculine-sounding voice. Resonance disorders include hypernasality, where too much air is escaping through the nose during speech, and hyponasality, where too little air is escaping and the child sounds like he or she has a cold. Both types of resonance

problems should be evaluated by a medical professional to determine if surgery is needed to correct the problem. Voice treatment can then be implemented to minimize the perception of nasality. S p eec h S ou n d D i s o r d er s Speech sound development begins in infancy when children begin to coo and babble sounds from the language or languages in their environment. Perceptual data would suggest that this process begins very early, and production data support physiological limitations on early sound use. Universally, children tend to develop sounds in the following order: vowels, nasals (m, n, and “ng”), plosives (p, b, t, d, k, and g), glides (w and y), fricatives (f, v, “th,” s, z, and “sh”), and affricates (“ch” and j). During the second year of life, speech sound and vocabulary development are intertwined. Children appear to emphasize whole-word productions, as opposed to the acquisition of individual sounds via segmentation of spoken words. While most children will produce sounds that use the lips (/b/, /p/, and /m/) or the alveolar ridge (/t/, /d/, /n/, /s/, /z/, and /l/), there is great variability in the accuracy of sound and word productions. Children are active learners in the development of speech. They learn sounds primarily by listening to others’ speech and can also benefit from direct modeling and correction by adults. Several different approaches to learning speech sounds have been noted. For instance, a child may correctly produce a sound and a few weeks or months later produce that sound in error. The child may use favorite sounds or ones he or she finds easy to produce and may avoid words that incorporate sounds that he or she cannot. Another common phenomenon is the use of word recipes. In this case, children employ rules that will assist them in developing new words. For instance, a child might not be able to produce /k/ at the beginning of words, like in the word can, and instead he or she chooses to produce the /n/ or final consonant at the beginning of the word (“na”). All single-syllable words beginning with /k/ would be produced like this. Sometimes children will focus on the acquisition of an entire word. This can result in the production of a seemingly complex word, like “Halloween,” while the child produces “trick or treat” as “duh uh duh.” All of these strategies suggest that learning to speak is a cognitive activity and focuses on the acquisition of words. While learning to speak, young children frequently substitute earlier developing sounds for later developing ones. These substitutions are fairly systematic and generally emphasize the desire to ease the motoric difficulty of sound production. For example, children may say “tat” for “cat,” “pish” for “fish,” and “two” for “chew.” By the time children are 3 years old, they should be basically intelligible. Speech may contain a few errors, but there should be little doubt as to what the child has said. Parents

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should be concerned if their child deletes initial consonants in words, has numerous errors on vowel productions, deletes final consonants, substitutes /h/ for many sounds, or substitutes a back sound, like /k/ or /g/, for many different sounds. At 3 years, approximately 15% of children present with a speech delay. A significant number of these children will achieve normal speech production by age 6. Most of the rest of these children will have adequate speech production by age 9, if they receive therapy. While most of these delays are of unknown origin, there are several factors that may contribute to the development of speech sound errors. First, hearing loss makes it difficult for a child to learn speech sounds. Depending upon the degree of hearing loss, speech intelligibility will be affected, with greater losses affecting speech development the most. Many children who experience numerous bouts of otitis media with effusion (a middle ear infection) experience speech delay. In addition, motor impairments can affect speech production. For instance, dysarthria, a weakness, paralysis, or dyscoordination of the speech muscles, is often noted in children with traumatic brain injury, stroke, or cerebral palsy. Another form of neurological disability is apraxia, which involves difficulties in planning, programming, and executing speech movements. While this disorder can be characterized by many different speech features in children, most researchers agree that a child with apraxia may experience difficulties in prosody, or speech melody, and respond slowly to speech-language treatment. Finally, damage to the speech mechanism is possible. A child may present with a cleft lip/palate or other structural malformations related to syndromes, like Down syndrome, or oral surgeries. More recent studies are pointing to genetic influences. Speech sound disorders tend to run in families, with the likelihood of having a problem increasing with the number of family members who report past difficulties with articulation. More boys than girls are diagnosed with speech disorders. Finally, there are a group of children that just have difficulty learning to produce certain sounds, in particular /s/, /r/, and /l/. Most children respond well to speech therapy. Preschool and highly unintelligible children typically receive treatment based on remediation of error patterns. This approach is designed to improve speech intelligibility quickly and may be paired with language therapy as these types of speech disorders tend to co-occur with language impairments. School-age children receive therapy focused on the acquisition of a particular sound. If remediation is implemented early, the influence of a speech sound disorder on the development of reading skill is minimized, unless the child has a concomitant language disorder. Cultural aspects should be considered in understanding speech sound disorders. Speech development most likely occurs in the same way across cultures, but it may appear

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that speech sound acquisition occurs more rapidly in some because of the nature of the sounds in that language. For instance, Spanish uses many of the sounds that develop early, so it is possible that the speech sound inventory will be established a little sooner, compared with the acquisition of English. On the other hand, a child who speaks two or more languages in the preschool years may experience some delay in speech sound development as he or she sorts out the sounds that belong to each language. In addition, one should consider the communication patterns that are typical of a particular culture. For example, socioeconomic status or ethnicity may also influence the way in which family members interact with the child. Finally, in the case of children who speak more than one language, speech evaluations should include testing in each language and should be completed by a certified speech-language pathologist who is knowledgeable of both the languages and the culture of the child. S t u tt er i ng When a child experiences hesitations or otherwise has difficulty getting words out, it is possible that he or she is developing a stuttering problem. However, the diagnosis of stuttering is a little more difficult. Stuttering is characterized by significant hesitations or pauses, sound prolongations (“wwwwwhat”), and sound (“wha-wha-what are”) and word (“what, what, what are”) repetitions. While these types of disfluencies are also common while the child is learning to use language in new ways, if tension or struggle is noted during speech attempts, then one should suspect stuttering. It is also possible that there will be rises in pitch during repetitions, and the child may block, being totally unable to phonate at times. It is believed that approximately 2.5% of children younger than the age of 5 stutter and only about 1% of these children will continue to stutter into adulthood. While no significant findings have been related to cultural influences, the cause of stuttering is presumed to be related to differences in how the brain processes language and does not appear to be related to the use of two or more languages. There are several factors related to the development of stuttering. First, if a child has a family member who did not recover from early disfluencies, then he or she has a higher risk of developing a stuttering problem. Current research is considering the possibility of genetic influences, and scientists are close to identifying the gene(s) responsible. The next factors related to the development of stuttering are age at onset, time since onset, and gender. If a child begins to stutter before the age of 3, it is likely that he or she will outgrow it, usually within six months. Also, if the child stutters for periods longer than 6 to 12 months, then he or she will likely continue to stutter. Finally, boys are more likely to stutter than girls. Some research suggests that language problems may be

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related to the development of stuttering. If a child has difficulty with several speech sounds, is unintelligible, or experiences comprehension difficulties, he or she is at greater risk. On the other hand, some children with exceptional language abilities also stutter, so this factor needs to be viewed with caution. What can one do for someone who stutters? It is important to create a calm, accepting communication environment. One should pause frequently during speech. It helps if the adult uses fewer questions and makes sure that the child knows he or she is listening. The emphasis should be on turn taking during conversation and, above all, conveying acceptance. Stuttering does not have to be a debilitating disorder, and individuals who stutter can benefit from speech-language treatment. Ruth Huntley Bahr see also: Communication, Development of; Language; Language Disorders and Delay further reading: Celia R. Hooper, “Treatment of Voice Disorders in Children,” Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in Schools 35 (2004), pp. 320–26. • Laura Segebart DeThorne, Sara A. Hart, Stephen A. Petrill, Kirby Deater-Deckard, Lee Anne Thompson, Chris Schatschneider, and Megan Dunn Davison, “Children’s History of Speech-Language Difficulties: Genetic Influences and Associations with Reading-Related Measures,” Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 49 (2006), pp. 1280–93. • Mary E. GordonBrannan and Curtis E. Weiss, Clinical Management of Articulatory and Phonologic Disorders, 2007. • Stuttering Foundation, http:// www.stutteringhelp.org/

spirituality. Many childhood and adult experiences can be described as exceptionally wonderful, terribly frightening, or simply arresting. However, the term spirituality is generally reserved for experiences that are almost completely suffused with a sense of the presence of something or someone utterly and wonderfully different than one’s personal being, and yet intimately part of one’s being. Spirituality is associated with an impression of profound well-being, an uplifting transcendental feeling of boundless continuity (referred to as the oceanic feeling), and the experience of sheer, wordless awe in the presence of something incomparably greater than the self. Spirituality can often lead to a sense of having encountered a great truth and can establish a sense of empowerment and even a taste of near “madness,” as with falling in love. Most often, spiritual experience is accompanied by a powerful sense of safekeeping, attachment, containment, and connection, generally with a deeply positive and sometimes ecstatic mood state. A sterling paradox of spirituality is that it is experienced qualitatively as if it were a response to something that has taken a person far beyond the physically observable stimulus or phenomenon in front of her—such as a newborn infant, a stunning sunset, a stark stone monolith, or a vaulted cathedral ceiling—and, at the same time, it draws its chief mysterious quality from the fact that one finds oneself un-

able to point out precisely where the spiritual element resides or to what specific realm it aspires. Spirituality lies at the core of individual psychological experience, personal and intimate, but also helps people feel a sense of belonging within a realm that completely surpasses and unites all human experience, vast, universal, and all encompassing. From childhood onward, a deeply felt sense of the spiritual, the sacred, and the beyond is the bedrock for the experience of compassionate engagement in the world, interpersonal relations, and relations with inanimate objects, whether or not this special sensation eventually crystallizes around an image of a specific being known as God. Some people insist that spirituality must have a focus, that it must draw its ultimate definition and direction from linkage to a specific image or sense of higher spiritual being that may be vaguely or very sharply defined. In this view, God or the divinity gradually takes on the identity of the “other” toward whom spirituality points and who receives the spiritually inspired person. Others believe that a specific spiritual being or God, while perhaps a significant component of the overall experience, cannot serve as the ultimate terminal point of spirituality because this would somehow limit the full provenance and meaning of spirituality. This view prefers to define spirituality as a transpersonal experience so that it can include all levels of spiritual expression and so that it not be limited to that which occurs within the physical brain or mind of any single individual. The broad definition forces a distinction of “true” spirituality from similar states of mind and emotion that seem to be caused by certain forms of mind-altering substances (hypnotic or hallucinogenic drugs), brain injuries, or severe forms of mental disorder (certain forms of schizophrenia). This question troubles all researchers concerned about the uniqueness of spiritual experience, and it confronts religious believers as well as they grapple with questions of faith. Most clinical researchers acknowledge that, while experiences of ecstasy, terror, time distortions, and grandiose illusions can indeed be witnessed in all of these circumstances, true spirituality is characterized by the facts that the consensual meaning framework of the individual and the group within which he or she is a member is retained; the sense of disorientation, if any, is temporary; and the sense of having the ability to return to the more mundane plane of experience is never lost. Unlike the altered forms of consciousness seen in mental illness or drug abuse, the spiritual experience allows for an orderly sense of return to meaning, and the individual does not find himself stranded outside of a reasonable meaning system. The boundaries between things, places, times, and persons that may have been temporarily blurred at the heights of the spiritual or religious experience gradually return to normal. The central idea of this argument is that many ranges of preternatural experience or perception do in fact coexist at the same time, including healthy and less healthy, concrete

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and ritualistic as well as abstract and highly personal, Godoriented and nontheistic, and natural and mechanically induced states of mind. It is sobering to think that peak spiritual experiences tend to be fleeting and temporary, effortful to achieve, difficult to articulate, and easily eluding the grasp. However, two interrelated points counterweight this portrait. First, during infancy and early childhood, powerful and sustained core spiritual experiences (though not known to the child by that name) are probably the main state of the mind, which means that development itself may cause loss of the prevailing sense of sustained spiritual experience. Second, it is possible, through education and the internalization of the family attitude toward religious and spiritual perspectives, to preserve this early spiritual orientation so that children and adolescents sustain a spiritual perspective or are more likely to be able to resolve religious confl icts in later life in a manner that does not devalue the earliest spiritually oriented infrastructure. Some religious experiences may enhance or sharpen the central spiritual dimension, whereas other practices may stultify spirituality or redirect it toward radical forms of spirituality such as mysticism or apocalyptic belief. Research has highlighted how important it is that training for spirituality consist of a heightened awareness of the spiritual or sacred meaning and use of time, emphasizing the confl icts and struggles of biblical heroes (including God) rather than merely idealizing their “all good” or “all bad” qualities. Training for spirituality encourages the combined use of ritual as well as individually created prayers, enhanced attention to gender-role needs and the creation of new avenues of expression within a given faith, and increased attention to spiritually oriented initiation rites at many stages of childhood development. Is spiritual or religious experience a topic of substantial importance for children and adolescents in modern times? In the United States, religious rituals, including prayer, meditation, and more globally defined spiritual attitudes and interests, are deemed important among an average of 69% of the different kinds of male populations reported (ranging as high as 83%) between the ages of 12 and 18 years old and 75% of the different kinds of female populations of the same ages. In another study performed in 2002, one in five adults places himself in the spiritual though not formally religious category, 64% identify themselves as spiritual and religious, 9% religious only, and 8% neither religious nor spiritual. Within this average, various subgroup trends have been noted. For example, studies in several universities report an overall 20% decline in self-reported spirituality (defined by religious affiliation, time spent in prayer, thinking about spiritual concerns) between 1995 and 2003, though, overall, female students rated themselves higher on the level of spirituality than their male counterparts. Within that same group, African American

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students express a higher level of spirituality than other religious groups, which is in accord with the general profile for African American groups from childhood throughout adolescence and early adulthood. Among Christian and Jewish youngsters, several studies report that the level of participation in religious institutions and rituals tends to decline between 6th grade and 12th grade. Upon careful scrutiny, the data show that adolescents express a strong and stable interest in the more diverse forms of the religious rituals and values to which they were formerly attached yet continue to consider spirituality very important throughout adolescence. Among those who acknowledged questioning their former views on religious authority and relevance, the majority reserved judgment regarding the actual existence of a higher being or God. These youngsters seemed to be saying that they remained engaged with God even if in an angry, rebellious manner. In a large study of non-Orthodox Jewish adolescents, older than the children in the previous study reported, formal religious affiliation was seen as irrelevant to personal spirituality, and the ethical principles of formal Jewish religion did not figure much in life decisions; however, as synagogue attendance in this sample declined from 22% to 13% by 12th grade, interest in spirituality climbed from 8% to 19%. Data very similar to the preceding patterns have been reported in Great Britain. The interpretation offered suggests that as the individual moves from childhood through adolescence toward adulthood in Western societies, there may be a tendency to defend the precious childhood perception of a divine being or object of religious belief, increasingly challenged by the arguments of science or postmodernity, by cloaking it or diffusing it within some of the more relativistic and philosophical spiritualistic experience and notions. For example, the “reaching out” experience that is commonly defined in formal religious systems as a reaching out toward and being received by a specific image of God may be translated in adolescence into a more general form of global reaching out to a universal spiritual community. The renewed interest in late adolescence and young adulthood with more diverse forms of individualistic spirituality and off-road religiosity brings to life the core spiritual openness to heightened sensual awareness, awe, and mystery that may have been flattened during formal, uninspirational education, thereby avoiding the need to completely discard or disconnect the deep foundations of spiritual belief altogether. When does spiritual or religious belief begin? Most of the psychological dimensions of spiritual experience are rooted in the deepest, preverbal mental experiences of undifferentiated union, timelessness, and bonding and in the subsequently more mature attachment between the infant and the primary caretakers, including a primary sense of awe that is readily observed in infant experience. While these experiences serve as developmental ground or anchoring points, the different modes of spiritual and re-

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ligious experience continue to transform as spiritual sense extends toward the furthest reaches of human aspiration, individually and within groups. This idea is shared consistently by almost every outline that has been charted for the development of spiritual maturity, religious belief, conceptions of God, and levels of prayer, whether these outlines emphasize the cognitive or the emotional structures of faith. A composite picture indicates that the earliest level of spirituality consists of a pervasive and undifferentiated trust (the opposite development would be an anemic faith and lack of trust); early childhood features an intuitive faith, with the beginning of images of a divine being and its unconditional love and grace; early school years through adolescence are marked by a myth-oriented, literalist faith, where make-believe and actuality are beginning to be distinguished by increased capacity for logic; middle adolescent faith has become conventional and concerned with identity and a clear sense of purpose in the cosmos, on one hand, but increasingly reveals the desire for a more intimate relationship with God or nature that is equivalent to other deep loves that are paramount by this stage; toward young adulthood, religiosity must sustain the need for individual forms of expression, reflectivity, and questioning; by adulthood and beyond, spirituality begins to show an increasing capacity for paradox, combining critical aspects of the earliest religious experiences, traditions, and images with the most abstract and universal spiritual tendencies. Drawing from the wide variety of models of spiritual development, Ralph Hood in the Handbook of Religious Experience (1995) has worked out numerous analogies between the phases of children’s conception of spiritual experience and causality and their attitudes toward prayer, delineating the move from a view of prayer as a magical operator upon God, toward a semicausal conception of prayer that acknowledges the independence of God’s will, and finally toward the increased awareness of internal, self-reflective elements in prayer and the invention of personal lyrical expression. Psychological outlines and explanations of faith contain biases that need to be addressed and taken into account. One has to do with the implicit hierarchical architecture of most models that tends to imply that the more logical, nonmagical, abstract, and philosophical forms of spiritual belief are the most mature. Perhaps because of fear of entering into denominational confl icts and the tendency to equate formal religiosity with spirituality, researchers in the past failed to notice that natural and often fairly sophisticated expressions of spirituality can be identified already in early childhood prior to the emergence of the more abstract conceptions of God or complex philosophical beliefs. As in many areas of human psychology, abstract and complex do not necessarily mean “better” or more “resilient.” In fact, spiritual behavior and aspirations may continue through-

out life even when formal religious ritual or doctrines have not formed or seem to have been abandoned or even coercively suppressed. The need for revised models of the development and definition of spirituality comes to light when considering some important inconsistencies that emerge as the spiritual sense grows from childhood toward adolescence. For example, while the sense of personal satisfaction and integration noted in childhood and adolescent spirituality is generally linked to a sense of well-being, thriving, prosocial behavior, resiliency, and belonging within family and larger communal spiritual traditions, one also finds that, during middle and late adolescence, some of the identical need for spirituality may be associated with confl ict, reversal of parental religious values, and the adoption of nonnormative practices such as cultism, drug use, antisocial thrill-seeking behavior, Satanism, or rave dancing (so-called negative spirituality). Thus, upon more careful reflection, there is what has been referred to as a postrepresentational level of faith, a level beyond that which had been the “final” phase of faith in older models, which includes complex and exceedingly creative interactions between abstract as well as concrete dimensions of faith. This is best expressed in James Fowler’s book Stages of Faith (1981), which acknowledges the emergence of a “second naïveté” during the relatively advanced stages of adult synthetic faith (just prior to his ultimate stage of universal faith), in which earlier, childlike elements of myth, ritual, and symbol are brought back into religious expression but in more creative form. Do psychological outlines solve the mystery of what is or is not out there beyond religious faith and spiritual experience? If deep links exist between the images of God and the child’s and adolescent’s subsequent descriptions of parents or between the qualities of belief and grace and the durability of childhood transitional objects (teddy bears and the like), does this mean that spirituality is nothing more than childhood illusion, projected out large upon the admittedly unknown and immeasurable dimensions of the universe? Are people best advised to outgrow these illusions and childhood needs and not to seek to drag these along throughout already difficult and unpredictable lives? While people may have been enthusiastically disposed toward such conclusions in the wake of Sigmund Freud’s The Future of an Illusion (1927) and others’ approach to these issues, it really does not seem to be within the legitimate provenance of scientific methods to prove one way or the other whether religious faith is justified or whether the perceived objects of spiritual aspirations exist in fact. More important, the prevailing opinion is that the world of illusion, the realm of the mystical and the aesthetic, and the other unique experiences that are encompassed by spirituality are fundamental elements of the capacity to be a fully functioning human. Many people insist that the realm of the spiritual be com-

s p o c k , b e n j a m in ( m c l a n e )

pletely distinguished from anything that might be meant by the term mental, as if to ensure that spirituality ultimately must not be limited to that which is within reach of physical brains. There have always been opponents to this view, who have demanded that humans not adopt beliefs in entities and realms that are not directly observable. One powerful question cannot be ignored by either camp: How it is that the highly selective forces of evolution, which have created powerful, logical brains, have not managed to eliminate the tendency to accept strange beliefs in spiritual forces and beings as an explanation for experiences such as intense union and awe? The debate today has become more complicated, and new data in favor of the uniqueness of spiritual interpretations of experience come from neuroscience, a field generally associated with the antispiritual bias. Enhanced computer technology has enabled the observation that the sense of intense attachment and deep relationship that characterizes spirituality arouses the anterior cingulate cortex of the brain in a manner that is unique to such experience. The parietal-temporal-occipital region of the brain is exquisitely responsive to the establishment of visual union with an object and can cause significant changes in the sense of time. And there seems to be a powerful link between the limbic system and the experience of absolute unitary being or wholeness. Many of these areas of the brain have been observed to respond actively during meditative experiences, and, when interviewed, subjects report a sense of divine presence. It has been suggested that, as these neural centers mature, an inborn receptivity within the infant’s or child’s mind is kindled and begins to respond to those special stimuli that parents, and soon the wider culture, provide, such as the capacity to regulate and mediate internal physical states and moods, patterns of attachment, experiences with heights, and the aesthetic quality of movements and gestures. It is further argued that the mind, steeped in the capacity for language and narrative story building, accompanies these experiences, satisfactory or unpleasant, with the creation of myths, whose content or themes may be benevolent, overpowering, or frightening and in this manner preserves the hidden psychological experience, enabling them to remain available, nurturing, or foreboding throughout a lifetime. Even as adults, people retain the memory or are subliminally aware of the sense they had as children that the source of that which seemed most comforting and inspiring was always experienced as within them and beyond them at one and the same time. This corresponds perfectly with the widest definitions of spiritual experience. In the light of these observations, some neurologists speak of the “God area” or some kind of spiritual center in the brain. Importantly, they do so without seeking to limit this unique experience to physical endowments, thus leaving room for God or some other spiritual force whose

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involvement with human lives might be mediated through specialized neural pathways. Moshe Halevi Spero see also: Child: Religious and Philosophical Perspectives; Innocence, Childhood; Religious Instruction further reading: Sandra Bosack, “ ‘Theory of Mind’ or ‘Theory of Soul’: The Role of Spirituality in Children’s Understanding of Minds and Emotions,” in Jane Erricker, Cathy Ota, and Clive Erricker, eds., Spiritual Education, 2001, pp. 156–69. • Karen-Marie Yust, Aostre N. Johnson, Sandy Sasso, and Eugene C. Roehlkepartain, eds., Nurturing Child and Adolescent Spirituality: Perspectives from the World’s Religious Traditions, 2006.

spock, benjamin (mclane) (b. May 2, 1903; d. March 15, 1998), American pediatrician who wrote one of the most influential parent guides to child rearing, Common Sense Book of Baby and Child Care (1946). Opening with his now classic phrase “Trust yourself— you know more than you think you do,” Benjamin Spock guided parents through both physical and psychological aspects of raising children in the post–World War II United States. The opening phrase was revolutionary in that previous books written for parents were characteristically paternalistic, authoritative, and rigid. Spock wrote that parents should not be overawed by expert opinions and suggested that parents trust their own common sense. Spock’s medical training was unique among his contemporaries. Following a degree in medicine at Columbia University’s College of Physicians and Surgeons and pediatric training at New York Hospital (Cornell), he opened a pediatric practice in New York City in 1931. At the same time, he trained for six years at the New York Psychoanalytic Institute, studying child development from a Freudian perspective. This training allowed him to reflect on the multitude of common problems he faced as a general pediatrician. Baby and Child Care was a compilation of medical knowledge in pediatrics, practical experience as a pediatrician, and formal training in child psychoanalysis. The success of the book, in the United States and throughout the world, was based on three aspects. First, Spock did not tell parents what to do but provided informed knowledge and practical recommendations. Second, he blended pediatric medicine with child psychiatry. Other writers of parent guides focused on child development and behavior but not from the psychoanalytic perspective. The strength of Spock’s psychiatric training was an emphasis on the mother-child relationship and the importance of a sustainable attachment between mother and child with predictable change over time. Other Freudian concepts such as the Oedipal complex and the role of the unconscious and superego played important roles in his writing. To his credit, he shunned the use of formal psychological terms and concepts. At the same time, his ideas were founded on Freudian principals of child and family development. The third important component of Spock’s work is found in his writing style. His lit-

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erary voice came from an informative and thoughtful mind, a voice that spoke directly to a parent—always with respect for her or his wish to be a good parent. Spock taught child development, pediatrics, and child psychiatry at Western Reserve School of Medicine (1955– 67). During the 1960s, he was a spokesperson for the antiwar movement, adding a strong voice of protest to U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War. He was a presidential candidate of the pacifist People’s Party in 1972. Spock eventually wrote seven editions of Baby and Child Care. In the last period of his life, he wrote about the need for finding a place for spirituality and community in the process of raising children. By spirituality, he meant raising children with respect and concern for others—family, neighbors, and the entire human race—involving children in community projects and important issues, teaching nonviolence, and discovering ways to limit an emphasis on materialism. Martin T. Stein see also: Advice Literature, Popular; Pediatrics further reading: A. Hulbert, Raising America: Experts, Parents, and a Century of Advice about Children, 2003.

sports. Although sports have a long evolutionary history spanning many cultures, Sport, as it is known today, began in the early to mid-1800s, when many major sports such as association football (soccer), rugby, cricket, and tennis became codified and organized by national and international governing bodies. Much of this organization took place in England, but the United States very soon followed the trend. Early international competitions included the America’s Cup race for yachting in 1851 between yachts from the United States and England, an English cricket team’s tour of the United States in 1858, and the England versus Scotland soccer game in 1872. Previously, sports participation had been more recreational in nature, and now sports were becoming more competitive and organized. As society developed, another trend was the increase in the availability of sports spectatorship and participation for a much wider population. Sports were no longer the preserve of the wealthy, and this democratization of sports allowed many more to view sports and to take part. Another consequence of this trend was the increase in youth sport provision during the latter half of the 20th century. Commonly known as Little League, these leagues provided opportunities for children and adolescents to participate in organized, competitive sport. The emphasis on competition varied from highly competitive to purely recreational. Although nearly everyone has his or her own idea of what sports are, a precise definition of sports has been debated in scholarly circles for decades, and to a large extent that precise definition has eluded scholars for the same length of time. There are a few areas of general agreement. Sports are physically skillful activities, and many involve some ele-

ment of physical endurance; sports are, for the most part, competitive; sports are institutionalized; and sports are organized. This is very much a U.S. view of sport and reflects the value system of a culture that devotes considerable praise and resources to success. By this definition, fishing is not a sport, two girls practicing kicking a soccer ball in the park are not doing a sport, nor is a group of friends playing football on the beach. The first instance does not have enough physical skill or endurance, the second is not competitive, and the third is not organized. Some writers on the subject recommend a wider, more inclusive view that accommodates cultural differences. For example, many European cultures would recognize these three examples as sport. The participants are engaging in an activity that has elements of physical skill and some endurance, and the activity is of an essentially playful nature. Thus, some cultures have a concept of sport that is more encompassing and farreaching than that in the United States. So what counts as sport in one culture may not count as sport in another culture. Therefore, any definition of sport must be contextually and culturally dependant. The wider definition of sport covers a range of activities from professional sport such as the National Football League and Major League Baseball, to these same sports— football and baseball—being played by amateurs in a recreational context. Also included would be the two girls practicing their sport of soccer in the park and skiers, surfers, and walkers engaging in their sports and activities without being in any way competitive. Sports covered by the wider definition can therefore be organized team sports (professional, schools, and other bodies), spontaneous team sports (groups of friends practicing or playing), and individual sports (such as swimming and fishing). There are many opportunities for participation in sports for children and adolescents. These opportunities range from school sports, which may occur in physical education lessons, intramurals, and interscholastic competition, to locally organized leagues that provide formal competition for young children through to older adolescents. Church organizations such as the YMCA and the YWCA offer sports participation opportunities, as do summer camps and school and university summer programs. There are an increasing number of companies offering sports travel packages, both in the United States and abroad, for groups of all ages, including young people. The range of sports covered by such opportunities is huge and includes individual sports (such as martial arts and swimming), dual sports (such as badminton and tennis), and team sports (such as softball and soccer). In some cases, the sports will be competitive, and in others they will be purely recreational. The more accomplished athletes and teams are able to test their abilities by taking part in area, state, regional, national, and sometimes international competitions designed to give these better athletes opportunities to engage in top-

sports

class competition and interact with others of similar elite abilities. In addition to team membership and competition, these better athletes also have the opportunity to travel to different parts of the country, and sometimes the world, to take part in their sports. School physical education has traditionally been viewed as a place where children learn sports skills, but lately school physical education has been criticized for being irrelevant and distant from the real world of children’s physical culture. Sport education is a fairly recent curriculum initiative designed to introduce the attractive characteristics of sport into the school subject. Proponents of this idea claim that children should be educated to be knowledgeable, competent, and enthusiastic consumers and participants in sports. The essential elements that sport education seeks to reintroduce range from students acting as sports officials through a variety of other roles including that of competent participant. Early research into this curriculum model has reported favorable outcomes. The effects of participation in youth sports are wide and varied. Physical activity has known health and fitness benefits. Cardiovascular (heart and circulatory system) fitness has beneficial effects by assisting in the prevention of heart disease, type 2 diabetes, and obesity. Active participation in sports can help in the development and maintenance of this type of fitness. There are also social benefits to be gained from taking an active part in sports. Interaction with other children and adolescents with similar interests can help social development and provide friendships through common involvement. The ability to become part of a group, team, or club is valued and viewed positively by many societies, particularly Western ones. There has also been a long-held belief that sports build character. Whether this is actually true has been a matter of debate. Characteristics such as teamwork, sportsmanship, and a work ethic are claimed by some as a by-product of sports participation. Others suggest that youth who demonstrate those characteristics anyway are attracted to sport because it provides an outlet for behaviors that allows those characteristics to be expressed. This “chicken-and-egg”–type argument has not been completely resolved. However, a recent report by the Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement at the University of Maryland suggests that young people who are involved in sport are more likely to volunteer, register to vote and then actually vote, and follow news closely than non-sports participants. This is the latest in an increasing number of reports that suggest that sports participation can have beneficial effects in developing prosocial behaviors. The media, in particular television, enjoy a close relationship with many sports, especially professional sport. An ever-increasing variety of media outlets such as magazines, TV channels, radio stations, the Internet, and newspapers devote considerable time and space to their cov-

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erage of sports. Fantasy sports and virtual sports are two relatively new opportunities to engage in a sportslike experience without actually taking a physical part in a sporting activity. There are concerns that the increase in media sport could have a negative effect on active sports participation. Computer games and fantasy sport are attractive pastimes for adolescents. It is a phenomenon of the modern age that communications systems allow people to view and know about sports instantly anywhere in the world. While this has huge benefits in terms of learning and the increase in knowledge, there are the same concerns about a decrease in the sports participation patterns of adolescents. It is becoming easier for young people to watch and know about sports than it is for them to really take part in sports. A number of factors affect sports participation by children and adolescents. Parental encouragement, activity level of siblings, and the influence of teachers and coaches all contribute to the activity and sports participation patterns of young people. Historically, boys have received more encouragement than girls from significant adults, but as society has changed to be more egalitarian in nature, this anomaly has changed with it. However, some activities and sports continue to have gendered stereotypes attributed to them. For example, American football is viewed as masculine, whereas cheerleading is viewed as feminine; in fact, both sexes take part in both activities. There are variations in sports participation based on gender, race and ethnicity, socioeconomic status, education, and environmental background. Opportunities vary depending on combinations of these factors. As an example, historically, minorities have had fewer opportunities than larger population groups for sports participation. This situation has changed considerably since the 1970s, largely as a result of the civil rights movement and Title IX. Similarly, opportunities for African Americans and other ethnic minorities to participate in a range of sporting activities have improved. Socioeconomic status and the level of education achieved continue to have an influence on the type of sporting activity available to young people. Those from more privileged backgrounds and higher levels of education are exposed to more varied opportunities to take part in a range of sports. The rise in popularity of youth sport provision has been accompanied by a number of controversial issues. In some youth sport situations, there has been an extreme emphasis on competition, and this has been viewed as problematic by some. While proponents claim that society is competitive and children should be prepared for this through sports, others suggest that the enjoyment and exuberance is taken out of the sports experience by what they see as overemphasis on competition. Another point of issue has been the unacceptable behavior of a minority of parents at children’s sporting events. In some rare cases, overenthusiastic support has developed into violent behavior. A recent National Youth Sports Report Card by the Citizenship Through Sports

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Alliance (2006) has suggested that youth sports are suffering from professionalization, exemplified by pressure on children to win at an early age, sports specialization, and year-round training. It is acknowledged that a minority of sports participants will develop a range of deviant behaviors, such as cheating and the taking of performanceenhancing drugs. Although there is no direct federal government oversight of youth sports, a number of organizations take a role in attempting to regulate these undesirable outcomes. Organizations such as the National Institute for Youth Sports Administration and the National Alliance for Youth Sports offer advice, education programs, and parent and coach initiatives aimed at decreasing deviant behavior as well as maximizing the benefits of participation for young people. An example of these initiatives would be the increase in coach education programs. This has been borne out by recognition that coaches of youth sport should not just be well-intentioned individuals. These coaches need to have a range of skills and knowledge that allows them to coach in a safe and effective way. The opportunity for young people to take part in sports will continue to expand and develop. With careful control and education, children and adolescents can enjoy and benefit from sports participation. Parents can play a pivotal role in helping children take full advantage of these opportunities by encouraging them and socializing them into sport, but at the same time they should be wary of some of the pitfalls that might occur. Anthony Laker see also: Athletic Development; Camps, Summer; Exercise and Physical Activity; Performance-Enhancing Drugs; Sports Injuries further reading: Daryl Siedentop, Sport Education: Quality PE through Positive Sport Experience, 1994. • Rick Wolff, Good Sports: The Concerned Parent’s Guide to Competitive Youth Sports, 1997. • Joel Fish and Susan Magee, 101 Ways to Be a Terrific Sports Parent: Making Athletics a Positive Experience for Your Child, 2003. • James H. Humphrey, Child Development through Sports, 2003.

sports injuries. Sports participation plays an important role in the social, emotional, and physical development of children and adolescents. Unfortunately, it also puts great stress on their growing bodies. According to a large review of the literature from 1996 to 2006, sports-, recreation-, and exercise-related injuries were the most common causes of pediatric injuries in the United States, accounting for 19% to 29% of all injuries in this population. The highest rates of injury per 1,000 hours exposure were reported for boys participating in ice hockey, rugby, and soccer and for girls participating in soccer, basketball, and gymnastics. The leading sources of catastrophic injury (to the brain or spinal cord) from 1982 to 2005, as reported by the National Center for Catastrophic Sports Injuries (NCCSI), were football, gymnastics, ice hockey, and cheerleading. Furthermore, the growing subculture of organized com-

petitive sports, with its overzealous parents and coaches propagating the philosophy that “life is competitive, life is a race, and the earlier start the better the chances for success,” has also contributed to exercise-related injuries. In fact, youth sports in some countries, such as Taiwan, have become a representation of nationalism. Winning 18 titles at the Little League World Series from 1969 to 1996 helped Taiwan earn recognition separate from China but also put tremendous pressure on its young athletes. With increased specialization in sports that involve regimented, yearround, repetitive training, there is higher risk for overuse injuries that can have long-term detrimental effects, including chronic pain, growth-plate deformities, and shortened athletic careers. The USA Baseball Medical and Safety Advisory Committee commissioned a study in 1999 regarding the increasingly common condition among pitchers known as Little League elbow (medial elbow stress injuries and lateral compression injuries caused by repetitive throwing in the immature elbow). It discovered that elbow pain was due mostly to the number of pitches per game and per season and to certain types of pitches (sliders and curveballs) that put an increased amount of torque and valgus stress on a young pitcher’s medial epicondylar growth plate. As a result, the committee recommended that pitchers limit their number of maximum-effort pitches per year, take three months of complete pitching rest, and learn specific type of pitches only when age appropriate. Children and adolescents are at a higher risk for overuse injuries than are adults because they are growing. Bones that are growing are inherently weaker at their epiphyseal or growth plates than are those in which these plates have ossified. Fractures, called growth-plate fractures, occur frequently in sports-related trauma in children as a result of this weakness in developing bone. In addition, children and adolescents have relatively tighter tendons, ligaments, and muscles than do adults. Sports injuries in children are frequently related to these differences. For example, young athletes who participate in a great deal of jumping and cutting sports such as basketball, volleyball, and soccer are more susceptible to OsgoodSchlatter disease (also known as runner’s knee) and patellar tendonitis (also known as jumper’s knee). Like Little League elbow, these injuries are also caused by overuse. Both of these disorders result in anterior knee pain caused by inflammation of the patella (kneecap) and the tendon that encapsulates it, the patellar tendon. With Osgood-Schlatter disease, the pain is caused by small fractures in the bone where the tendon attaches to the tibia. The inflammation with patellar tendonitis, however, occurs along the inferior border of the patella. Chronic shoulder pain in tennis players and swimmers and shin splints in runners are examples of other overuse injuries frequently seen in children. These types of injuries, caused by repetitive micro-

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trauma from completing the same motion over and over, are generally treated conservatively and improve or resolve with rest and the appropriate stretching and strengthening exercises. These injuries can be prevented with appropriate conditioning and training. Children should be encouraged to cross-train and participate in a variety of activities, as this will allow for development and balance of all muscle groups. Specialization in one specific sport should not be considered until adolescence. The American College of Sports Medicine recommends that parents encourage participation in the sports and activities their children find enjoyable and ensure that these activities are appropriate for their developmental stage and skill level. Parents should also watch for signs of burnout and overtraining, such as the desire to skip practices and excessive fatigue, in order to reduce participation in that particular activity before an injury occurs. Young athletes should also be monitored carefully for heat injuries, as they are more susceptible to this type of injury than are adults. The American College of Sports Medicine notes that children are not able to sweat as efficiently as adults and produce more metabolic heat from the same amount of activity. As a result, they are more likely to succumb to high temperatures. Signs and symptoms of heat overload range from fatigue to confusion, coma, and even death. It is imperative, therefore, that the temperature conditions in which children will be participating be closely monitored and extreme caution be taken when the temperature combined with humidity is higher than 75º Fahrenheit. Rehydrating and cooling liquids should always be present and within easy access for safe sports participation. In summary, pediatric athletes are not adults. They are more prone to overuse injuries and are physiologically and psychologically not developed to handle the stresses of extreme sports. However, with appropriate care and management, children can participate safely in athletics. This will allow them to excel in life outside of sports as well. M. Michelle Winscott, Jane K. Kim, and Kenneth S. Taylor see also: Accidents and Injuries; Athletic Development; Morbidity; Orthopedic Disorders; Sports further reading: Richard Birrer, Bernard Griesemer, and Mary B. Cataletto, Pediatric Sports Medicine for Primary Care, 2nd ed., 2002. • D. Caine, C. Caine, and N. Maffulli, “Incidence and Distribution of Pediatric Sports Related Injuries,” Clinical Journal of Sports Medicine 16, no. 6 (November 2006), pp. 500–513.

stages of childhood. Nearly all accounts of childhood describe stages of development. Nearly all cultures make distinctions between childhood and other phases of life and often mark those differences with rites of passage. However, the concept of developmental stage has different meanings within different developmental theories. This

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article discusses four types of stage models: biological/ maturational, functional-descriptive, psychoanalytic, and cognitive developmental. Biological/M at ur at io nal Stages Most parents are familiar with descriptions of childhood based upon biological markers. The assumption of these descriptions of stages or phases of childhood is that all children will go through a predetermined sequence of development that reflects biological maturation of the skeleton, muscles, nervous system, and internal organs of the child. What triggers these biologically determined stages are nutrition and normal or typical environmental experience and exercise. The Bayley Scales of Infant Development, for example, describe in some detail the age in months at which an infant can be expected to perform particular motor tasks. At 6 months, for example, the infant should be able to roll from back to stomach and sit up with the aid of an adult. At 9 months, the infant should be able to sit alone and be able to walk by holding onto furniture. American pediatricians generally divide childhood into infancy (birth to 1 year), toddlerhood (1 to 3 years), early childhood (3 to 6 years), middle childhood (6 to 11 years), puberty (12 to 14 years), and adolescence (14 to 22 years). Knowledge of the biological factors associated with these phases of development may be transformed in the next decade as the neurosciences gain information about developmental changes in brain growth and functioning. For example, researchers are just beginning to get a picture of the changes taking place in the frontal cortex during adolescence that are thought to account for shifts in attention, memory function, reasoning, and general self-control. As mentioned previously, factors such as nutrition can impact the ages at which biological stages can occur. What is known as the secular trend describes the fact that the age of menarche (first menstrual period) has shifted from older than 14 years to 12.5 years among females in the United States since 1900. This trend has been observed across countries as a function of shifting diets and other factors associated with modernization. The developmental psychologist Esther Thelen has argued for a dynamic systems approach to understanding the interplay among cultural, nutritional, and experiential factors in the emergence of even such biologically saturated capacities as motor development. Functional-Desc r i ptiv e Stages Functional-descriptive growth models describe stages of development in terms of what is typical of the capacities of a person at a given age and/or the developmental tasks associated with a given age. These stage descriptions provide little in terms of explanations of mechanisms for the appearance of each stage. Generally, the stage descriptions reduce to the biological explanations described in the previous section or to culturally defined age-typical tasks.

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Arnold Gesell’s sequential levels of child development fall into the former category of relying on maturation as an explanation. According to Gesell, each stage of development was thought to capture the entire set of capacities of the child. Such descriptions as the “terrible 2s” and “terrific 3s” sprang from this proposal. Gesell’s influence reached into the early 1970s as educators employed measures generated by the Gesell Institute to assess school readiness. The second functional-descriptive account to have had an impact on thinking about child development in the United States was Havighurst’s developmental tasks. Proposed at the end of World War II, this sequence of stages captured a set of culture-specific tasks thought to define normal development. For example, the developmental tasks of elementary school-age children include such things as learning to get along with age mates, learning an appropriate masculine or feminine role, and developing fundamental skills in reading, writing, and calculating. Each task was to be accomplished in sequence within a presumed critical developmental window of time. For example, Havighurst proposed that adolescence is the really critical period for vocational decision making. Havighurst’s developmental progression offered an insightful descriptive analysis of age-typical events of the American middle-class during the 1950s and 1960s. One

can also see broad commonalities between his notions of developmental tasks and the rites of passage maintained in non-Western cultures. However, his stages of child development cataloged a series of age-related sociocultural tasks that are by definition normative descriptions for a particular historical period for members of a given social class, sex, ethic group, or culture. The stages that Havighurst identified cannot, therefore, be viewed as an accurate depiction of child development beyond those particular parameters. Lest functional-descriptive accounts sound like something that developmental psychology and popular culture have outgrown, Jeffrey Arnett and his colleagues have proposed a new phase of development they refer to as emerging adulthood. This newly identified phase of development spans the years from late adolescence into the mid-20s as postindustrial youth engage in an extended moratorium between graduation from college and commitment to career and family. It is interesting to compare this depiction of young adulthood with Havighurst’s identification (see table 1) of the high school years as a critical period for vocational commitment. This emergent adulthood phase of development has been identified among youth in postindustrial China as well as Western Europe and North America. Thus, a cross-national trend appears to be emerging

table 1. Stages of Development Approximate ages (years)

Havighurst developmental tasks

Freud psychosexual stages

Erikson ego stages

Piaget cognitive stages

0–2

Oral

Trust versus mistrust

Sensorimotor

2–4

Anal

Autonomy versus shame and doubt

Preoperational Preconceptual phase

Kohlberg moral stages

4–6

Identification with a worker

Phallic

Initiative versus guilt

Intuitive phase

Level I Preconventional Stage 1: heteronomous morality

10

Acquiring basic habits of industry

Latency

Industry versus inferiority

Concrete operations

Stage 2: instrumental hedonistic morality

Genital (adolescent phase)

Identity versus role confusion

Early formal operations

Level II Conventional Stage 3: interpersonal concordance “good boy” morality

Formal operations

Stage 4: social system: law-and-order morality

12

15

adulthood 18–25

Acquiring identity as a worker

Becoming a productive person

Genital (adult phase)

Intimacy versus isolation

Level III Postconventional Stage 5: social contract morality

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in which shared cultural factors are defining the nature of development. Ps yc hoanaly tic Stages of Fr eud and Er i kson Freud’s Psychosexual Stages. Sigmund Freud viewed development as a dynamic progression in which the child resolves the tension between the biologically determined urges of a given stage with what are socially acceptable modes of meeting those needs. Freud assumed that this was the case beginning at birth, and perhaps the most controversial aspect of his theory is that childhood is sexual. At each point in development, the basic energy or life force that Freud labeled libidinal energy is centered upon a zone in the body. The first stage of development in Freud’s system is the oral stage. The earliest focal zone of the body for libidinal energy is the mouth and the activities associated with ingesting the mother’s milk. Initially, the infant cannot distinguish between imaginary or hallucinatory feeding and actually ingesting the mother’s milk. The cognitive functioning of the infant consists entirely of the primaryprocess thought in which wishes, imaginings, and actual sensations are undifferentiated. The infant’s cognition is directed entirely by the pleasure principle of immediate gratification and satisfaction. The psychological structure of the infant at this stage consists of the id (in the original German das es, or “the it”). Of course, the infant soon discovers that mom and/or the bottle are not always available and that the hallucinated mother does not reduce the tension of hunger or bring the pleasure that comes from that reduction of tension. The infant’s available perceptual and memory mechanisms afford an entry into a new way of thinking based on the reality principle rather than on imagination. However, according to Freud, the emergence of this new rational form of thought is dependent upon psychological energy that is entirely bound up by the id. The emergence of the ego, the rational cognitive side of consciousness, can only grow as a function of the degree to which the ego can extract energy away from the id. At roughly 18 months to 2 years of age, the biological clock shifts the locus of libidinal energy from the mouth to the anal region, in what Freud called the anal stage. The toddler’s ability to walk around and to gain control over his or her musculature brings new demands from the social group (including parents) that the child begin to control his or her release of feces and defecate only in designated areas. From the point of view of the child, the act of elimination leads to a reduction in physical tension and, therefore, is pleasurable. For Freudians, the struggle between society and its representatives (parents) and the child over bladder and bowel control is the beginning of socialization and moral self-control.

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Between the ages of 3 and 8 years, the child passes through what Freud considered to be the most critical phase of development, the Oedipal stage. During these years, the biologically determined focus of libidinal energy shifts to the genital region and raises sexual urges in the child, albeit at the unconscious level. The sexual fantasies of the male child are directed toward the mother. The mother is the initial love object of the boy because of the attachment during the oral phase and because of basic biology. According to Freud, however, the child’s sexuality and gender identity are very much in flux since all humans have a certain amount of inherent bisexuality. The boy experiences lust for his mother. However, his desire to have possession of the mother is jeopardized by the presence of the father. In the classic Freudian account, the boy fantasizes about killing the father in order to take sole possession of the mother. The boy, however, has two motives for not going through with this desire. First, the boy has a narcissistic identification with the father as a male like himself. Second, the boy fears that the father senses the boy’s desire for the mother and will thwart his plan by cutting off the boy’s penis. This fear of dismemberment, misnamed castration anxiety, leads the boy to give up on his desires for the mother and, instead, identify with the father and assume a stable male gender identity. Not only does the boy solidify his identity as a male, but he also introjects (symbolically ingests) the father’s values as his own. These ingested values are housed within a third unconscious psychological structure of the superego. The aggression that the boy had directed at the father is now also housed within the superego as guilt. The superego emerges as the basic unconscious psychological system of morality. For the girl, the basic scenario is the fl ip side of that for the boy. The girl desires the father but must compete with the mother. However, the situation for the girl is somewhat different. For one thing, her first love object from the oral phase is the mother. In addition, her narcissistic identification is also with the mother. Finally, the girl has no penis that is at jeopardy. Indeed, the girl experiences envy for males who have a penis. She desires not just the organ but also the social power that comes with being a male. Thus, for the girl, the process of gender identification, along with the establishment of a superego, is less straightforward than the case for the male. Consequently, female identity and female morality are less consolidated according to classical Freudian theory than is the case for males. The psychologically healthy female achieves her fulfillment as an adult through the incorporation of the penis during intercourse and the production of a child. Following this turbulent period of early childhood, biological urges subside, and children enter into a latency phase in which their psychological structures can consolidate. Latency ends in puberty with the surge of hormones that

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mark entry into the genital stage of development. Freud distinguished the transitional adolescence phase from the adult genital stage. For Freud, the developmental role of adolescence centered on the preparation for adulthood in which libidinal energy was directed at the productive tasks of family and career. Freud referred to the two goals of adulthood as lieben und arbiten (love and work). Current Status of Freud’s Stages. Freud’s theory has had an enormous impact on Western culture. The terminology of Freudian psychology has entered the general vocabulary, and Freudian themes are the subject of literature and films. The scientific status of Freud’s description of psychological development has not fared as well. Some have objected to what appear to be sexist aspects of the explanation of growth that define female psychosexual development in male characteristics rather than in terms of female attributes. Other related criticisms point to the congruence between Freud’s account of development and the patriarchal nature of Austrian society within which Freud operated. Such criticisms are in line with a larger set of questions raised by cultural anthropology regarding the assumptions Freud made about the nature of family structure and his reliance upon late 19th-century descriptions of “primitive society.” Feminist reinterpretations of Freudian theory have attempted to address its sexist nature by focusing upon the particular features of mother-daughter versus mother-son relationships. These accounts have been incorporated within theories of moral development that distinguish a feminine morality of care from a prototypically male morality of justice. Putting these issues of sexism aside, Freud’s description of the developmental sequence in the formation of gender identity has not been supported by the empirical evidence, which is more in accordance with cognitive developmental theories of development that account for gender identity as the result of the child’s rational efforts to interpret the social world rather than the outcome of unconscious emotionally directed dynamics. Other major criticisms have pointed out that Freud’s stages constitute a sequence of different kinds of things without defining the structural relationships between later stages and the outcome of earlier stages. Nor is there any clear explanation as to why these different stages appear at given ages (e.g., oral, anal, phallic) other than a presumptive, though unobserved, biological mechanism. This latter criticism is in line with a meta-critique of Freudian theory as essentially unscientific in that empirical evidence cannot be used to test basic assumptions of the theory. Erikson’s Psychosocial Stages. While adhering to the basic tenets of Freudian doctrine, Erik H. Erikson took exception to Freud’s description of ego development. Erikson set out to study transformations of the ego as attempts, through

the reality or cognitive functions, to place the self within a social context while maintaining a sense of personal continuity or identity. Erikson proposed that children develop through a sequence of psychosocial stages that run parallel to what he labeled as the psychosexual stages defined by Freud. Each stage is defined by a central struggle or conflict whose resolution affects the psychosocial structures of the child. Each stage emerges because of underlying biological mechanisms and links to the parallel system of psychosexual stages following what Erikson referred to as the epigenetic principle. The initial stage in Erikson’s system, trust versus mistrust, parallels the Freudian oral stage. The infant is described as generating a theory about the social world as either nurturing and consistent or inconsistent and perhaps even malevolent. A healthy outcome of a personality structured around trust allows the child to enter into the next phase of development, autonomy versus shame and doubt, prepared to venture in the direction toward autonomy. On the other hand, a toddler whose personality is structured around mistrust would be likely to experience considerable difficulties negotiating social interactions and would be hampered in the process of resolving issues of the next stage. One of Erikson’s basic tenets was that the earlier things veered off into a negative direction, the more serious the consequences for the child’s development. In all cases, however, the issues of a given stage are never fully resolved, and social stressors can rekindle the confl icts of an earlier phase. Divorce, for example, can reignite the issues of the stage of trust versus mistrust in a child who is of school age. The stages from early childhood up until the adolescent period build upon the autonomy that emerges in toddlerhood and consist of variations on themes of competence and mastery (see table 1). Adolescence occupied the centerpiece of Erikson’s description of development. Erikson defined adolescence as a period in which youth struggle to establish a stable personal and social identity. Society, according to Erikson, abets this process by providing a space for a psychosocial moratorium during which young people try out various roles and potential versions of themselves. In the absence of such a moratorium, the adolescent is at risk of adopting a premature or foreclosed identity status defined by external social pressure or traditional social roles rather than the adolescent’s autonomous choice. For the male, a healthy resolution of the identity crisis results in a freely chosen career choice or entry into higher education that would prepare for a later career and family. In the case of the male, resolution of the identity crisis permits the young adult to move to the phase of intimacy and family life. For the female, owing to the psychological needs unresolved during the Oedipal period of psychosexual development, the resolution of the identity crisis includes the selection of a male life partner and establishment of a family. Thus, the female’s identity crisis is not fully resolved until

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the phase of intimacy versus isolation. A female was said to have a “reflected identity” defined by her marriage. The final stages of Erikson’s theory define phases of adulthood. Critique of Erikson’s Theory. Erikson’s work has had a major impact on research and clinical practice regarding child development and adolescence in particular. Initial criticisms of the theory were centered, as in the case of Freud, upon the discrepancies between male and female development. Erikson’s description of the identity phase for females was found not to fit most women studied during the 1970s. Women who had ventured into careers outside of the home were found to display identity patterns indistinguishable from men. Similar sorts of discrepancies were found when Erikson’s account of adolescent development was applied to youth in traditional cultures. Writing in the mid-1970s, a number of authors concluded that Erikson’s model was best understood as a sequence of age-typical, culturally relative educational tasks. Erikson’s stages would thus appear to suffer the same limitations as were attributed to the functional-descriptive growth sequences. Piaget ’s Cognitiv e Dev elopmen tal Stage s Most contemporary research that refers to stages of child development stems from the work of Jean Piaget. Piaget focused upon the development of a child’s thought processes and concepts about the world. Piaget understood that maturation figured into the process of development. However, he maintained that the child’s cognitive structures were neither the direct result of changes in the nervous system nor the direct acquisition of information from the environment. Instead, Piaget maintained a third position in which the child’s efforts to understand the inputs from the environment resulted in the construction of intellectual structures of logic that are products of the child’s own thought processes. This process of construction, according to Piaget, is autoregulated through a mechanism of equilibration. Movement from one period of development to the next stage is stimulated by the child’s operating on the world and reflecting upon the child’s own operations. The primary criteria in this process are the search for coherence, consistency, and breadth of application. Thus, the child’s cognitive structures are reworked periodically. Each stage, according to Piaget, entails a more inclusive logical system that allows the child to reason about the world in ever more powerful ways. Piaget’s four-point definition of developmental stages summarizes his view: First, stages imply distinct or qualitative differences in the child’s modes of thinking or solving the same problem. Second, these different modes of thought form an invariant sequence, order, or succession in individual development. While cultural factors may speed up, slow down, or stop development, they do not change

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its sequence. Third, each of these different and sequential modes of thought forms a structured whole. A given stage response on a task does not represent a specific response determined by familiarity with the task; rather, it represents an underlying thought orientation. Finally, cognitive stages are hierarchical integrations. Succeeding stages reintegrate the structure of previous stages into increasingly differentiated and integrated forms of reasoning. Four stages of development are defined. During the sensorimotor stage (birth to approximately age 2), the infant initially constructs concepts about the world through coordination of her actions and sensory inputs as she gains mastery over basic reflexes such a sucking and locating the mother’s breast. These initial schemata are formed through primary circular reactions, in which the infant repeats a basic behavioral sequence from which a scheme is generated. The primary circular reactions are subsumed within secondary and eventually tertiary circular reactions that progressively free the infant from reflexive behaviors toward active manipulation and exploration of the world. Through this process, the infant constructs basic concepts of objects and space and moves toward the capacity for imitation and symbolization. During the next stage of development, the preoperational (approximately age 2 through 8), the child reworks concepts generated in the sensorimotor period through the use of language and other semiotic (symbol) systems. The child manipulates objects and through reflective abstraction begins to construct basic systems of classification, serial ordering, and counting. In this intuitive preoperational period, the child’s concepts about such things as number and quantity are predicated on empirical (observed) outcomes of actions. Thus, if a child is presented with two balls of clay that the child judges to be the same and then one ball is rolled out into a sausage, the child will conclude that it now has more clay because it is longer in appearance than the other ball of clay. By manipulating clay and other material, such as groups of marbles or candies, the preoperational child will begin to discover that rolling the sausage back into a ball or pushing a line of candies back into their original configuration will “undo” the increase in quantity brought about by spreading things out. In essence, one can reverse the apparent increase in quantity. What is critical to Piaget’s account is that the initial experience of such reverses has no impact on the child’s conclusions that the same clay can increase in quantity just by rolling it out. It is only through the child’s reflection upon the impact of the actions and reversals that the child generates an empirical conclusion that one can get back the same amount of clay by rolling the sausage back into a ball. This pseudoconservation, however, does not amount to a logical deduction that if no clay was added and none taken away, there has to be the same amount of clay. For example, one can ask a child to count out eight can-

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dies and then ask the child to count them again after the same candies are spread apart. If the preoperational child miscounts that there are now nine candies, the child will conclude that this time it turns out that you get more if you spread things out. The notion of logical necessity emerges during the concrete operations stage (approximately age 8 through 12), from the child’s initial empirical experiences of manipulating objects, accompanied by cognitive reflection on those actions. The action of undoing the rolling of the clay and so forth is replaced by internal logical reversibility (e.g., nothing was added; nothing was taken away; things “have to be” the same). What is critical is that the child will now overrule empirical experience (how things look) because of the requirements of logic. The great developmental accomplishment of early childhood is the construction of logical necessity. During the middle childhood years, the child consolidates basic logical structures of conservation, serial ordering, and classification. These structures, however, do not constitute a closed logical system. It is during adolescence that the discrete logical structures of concrete operations are now incorporated within formal operations. The adolescent can engage in the hypotheticodeductive thinking of formal science and entertain abstract concepts such as the square root of negative numbers (whose solution requires the construct of the logically coherent but empirically nonexistent imaginary number i). Piagetian Influences: Kohlberg’s Stages of Moral Development. Piaget’s description of cognitive development spawned research on developmental stages of social and moral reasoning. Most notable is the six-stage sequence of moral development described by Lawrence Kohlberg. He defined six stages of moral development that were presumed to build from the underlying logical system captured in Piaget’s stages. Each stage reflects a mode of moral perspective taking that is presumed to be generated out of the child’s experiences with social regulation and interpersonal moral confl ict. Kohlberg described moral development as moving through three phases representing the gradual differentiation of morality (justice) from earlier conflations of morality with prudence and self-interest (stages one and two), social conventions and societal laws (stages three and four), and terminating in postconventional morality based on principles of justice and human welfare (stages five and six). Current Status of Piaget’s Stage Theory. Piaget’s theory continues to generate research, though supporters of his general theory acknowledge limits in the specifics of some of his stage descriptions. Criticisms of Piaget’s stages center on findings that children perform differently on tasks that are thought to assess the same underlying logical structure. For example, children who can conserve quantity with clay

may not do so if they are given the same problem using an unfamiliar substance such as Silly Putty. Other critics have reported that children appear able to successfully perform cognitive tasks prior to the ages at which Piagetian theory would predict. For example, children at age 3 evidence aspects of social perspective taking prior to the ages associated with the attainment of logical reversibility. Similar issues have been raised regarding Kohlberg’s stages of moral development. A recent evenhanded account of Piaget’s stages by Deanna Kuhn has concluded that many of the contradictory findings can be attributed to variations in the criteria used to define successful performance on a Piagetian task. Kuhn, however, does not extend that argument to Piaget’s description of formal operations. This final phase of development is highly influenced by domain-specific experiences and by cultural practices. What Kuhn argues for as most probably universal is the emergence in adolescence of an enhanced capacity for metacognitive reflection (thinking about one’s own thinking). Finally, Kuhn’s recognition of cultural factors in development is amplified in the work of cultural psychologists sympathetic to Piaget who emphasize that one can view Piaget’s processes of construction and the emergence of structures of logic and reversibility, but only within the framework of cultural practices. C o nc lu s io n Dividing childhood into stages has a heuristic value irrespective of the particular conclusions of developmental science. One cannot help but view an infant as qualitatively different from a 3-year-old, who is in turn equally distinct from a 16-year-old adolescent. Accounting for these qualitative shifts is the work of developmental psychology. As this brief overview demonstrates, it is difficult to separate biological shifts from universal patterns of psychological growth and from culturally defined developmental tasks. Indeed, a systems theory approach may be the only way for developmental science to move forward. Larry Nucci see also: Development, Concept of; Development, Theories of; Erikson, Erik H(omburger); Evolution of Childhood, Biological; Freud, Sigmund; Kohlberg, Lawrence; Piaget, Jean further reading: E. Erikson, Childhood and Society, [1950] 1993. • E. Erikson, Identity and the Lifecycle, [1959] 1994. • C. Hall, A Primer of Freudian Psychology, 1999. • J. Piaget and B. Inhelder, The Psychology of the Child, [1969] 2000. • J. Arnett, “Emerging Adulthood: What Is It Good For?” Child Development Perspectives 1 (2007), pp. 68–73.

standardized testing. see Testing and Evaluation, Educational

starvation. see Malnutrition and Undernutrition status. Social status—the set of interpersonal hierarchies found within a group—is important in the social develop-

status

ment of all children. Social asymmetry and inequality are perhaps the hallmark features of human and nonhuman societies, and status has immense consequences for the net vulnerability of youth, impacting their experiences, coping strategies, identity formation, and life stage outcomes. Child development provides an ideal vantage point from which to integrate various schools of thought on status. Sociological approaches focus on the demographic attributes that designate positions associated with social hierarchies, such as race, gender, education level, and occupation. Anthropological perspectives underscore cultural symbols and meanings associated with status and examine the biological and cultural evolution of social hierarchies and related behaviors, while psychology examines the association of individual variation in mental processes and personality with social positioning. Child development integrates all of these perspectives by examining socialization processes within historical and cultural contexts. Ov erv i ew of Status and Soc i al H i er arc h y Social status is defined essentially as the value and esteem possessed by an individual, or by a given social identity, within a group. Such status can be ascribed based on given characteristics such as inherited wealth and family name, or it can be achieved through education, occupational success, or other accomplishments. Demographic identity characteristics such as race and gender also contribute to social status; although these characteristics are often important enough to merit their own consideration, they also interact with other dimensions of status. Through this complex interaction, status is the basis for social hierarchy: the respect and privilege gradient within a group or society. When referring to large-scale groups or entire societies, sociologists use the expression social stratification to describe the positioning and distribution of statuses. Nonhuman status hierarchies are based primarily on dominance, the threat of physical violence by higherpositioned individuals, and subordination by lower-ranked members on the basis of fear and coercion. Conversely, human status hierarchies often involve prestige: respect and privilege accorded on a noncoercive basis, based on inherited social rank or on achievement. Among humans, cultural norms and symbols also denote individual status; these include wealth and associated material artifacts (e.g., jewelry), language (e.g., “proper” vs. vernacular), and activities (e.g., playing golf, listening to classical music associated with higher status in the United States). Of course, the norms and artifacts associated with different statuses vary by society. Status and Dev elopmen tal Proc esses Erik H. Erikson’s stages of human development provide the backdrop from which to integrate status with child devel-

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opment processes. Stage three, initiative versus guilt, which occurs during early childhood (age 3 to 6), involves the balance between children’s natural desire to explore their environments and the caution that they learn simultaneously in order to avoid danger. This is the beginning of social thinking and, thus, of children’s awareness of social hierarchy. During this period, children begin to develop a theory of mind: the ability to impute other peoples’ mental states. This enables children to engage in more complex social interactions, and through the process of socialization, children begin to exhibit role differentiation and consequent social hierarchy, related to sharing of toys, gender roles, and other play activities. During the subsequent stage of industry versus inferiority, which typically occurs during middle and later childhood (ages 6 to 12), children begin to develop self-images based on displays of competence. This sense of competence occurs in tension with another coping skill that children learn: the ability to deal with failure. Here, children’s status hierarchies become more entrenched in social rules and competition. Activities such as sports and games, along with opportunities to display academic and social competence within school settings, allow children to either feel efficacious or incompetent. Differential respect may be accorded on the basis of competitive activities. It is important to note, however, that learning to rebound from failure is also an important skill that may help children become resilient; thus, early peer status is not always indicative of success. Children at this age also become more attuned to cultural symbols associated with status, such as popular clothing, which carries a connection to wider social esteem (e.g., sportswear marketed by popular athletes or popular brands worn by celebrities). These phenomena are compounded during adolescence, when identity versus role confusion becomes the major developmental task. This stage is the hallmark of Erikson’s “identity crisis,” as teenagers rebel and experiment with different roles to establish their own independent identities. This rebellion leads to a sense of independence from parents but may also involve deviant behavior (e.g., experimentation with alcohol and drugs). Additionally, peer pressure can replace parental guidance, as adolescence is a time of greater social-group demarcation and more extreme status differentiation within and among peer groups. Academic tracking, increased opportunities for athletic competition, and the integration of these activities with socialization and schooling all facilitate the emergence of more delineated social groups and hierarchies. Moreover, activities such as romantic dating and outings with friends also increase in number, and social status attainment within peer groups becomes a major concern for youth. Different peer groups (e.g., nerds, jocks, etc.) also become placed within status hierarchies. These hierarchies may differ by school and region; however, some features of status are more

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common than others. For example, within American high schools, competent athletes are generally accorded higher than average status. Attributes associated with status also show cultural variation. In Western societies, adolescence is seen as a type of youth rebellion, and open defiance of parental wishes and particular social norms may be associated with higher social status. However, many traditional Eastern societies place a greater emphasis on filial piety: respect for and deference to parental authority. Here, the obedient adolescent may be the one accorded higher status. Of course, like all social and cultural norms, these are historically and contingent; Eastern societies have become more Westernized, and both Asian youth and Asian American immigrant youth can experience cultural dissonance based on confl icting norms, such as those noted here. Beyond the processes and phenomena involved in status differentiation, it is important to examine the broader impact of demographic status on child development. Demographic characteristics such as race intersect with the peer hierarchies of adolescence. Consider a physically large, black male adolescent who is a star athlete at his high school. Such an individual would often be accorded high social status within his school and among his peers but may be treated very differently in other contexts by police officers, store clerks, and others. This status inconsistency continues through the life span for particular demographic groups (often based on stereotypes), as respect and prestige can vary greatly by context. Status inconsistency also has an impact on developmental processes such as identity formation, underscoring the need to include multiple contexts in any account of child development. Within a framework of research developed by Margaret Spencer, status can be viewed as a major contributor to net vulnerability, creating risks and protective factors for youth. Status impacts the net stress experienced by youth and the coping strategies they employ in response to these experiences. These coping strategies, which often aim to increase one’s individual social status among peers, have important consequences for future identity development and life outcomes. For example, peer pressure and the desire for status may lead some youth to engage in deviant activities (e.g., drug use, truancy) that can compromise future prospects. Again, the impact of this deviance is often contingent upon broader status denoted by demographic social positioning. Youth from affluent, educated backgrounds have access to various safety nets (e.g., counseling, legal representation, ability to transfer to new schools and social groups) and are less likely to suffer long-term consequences of deviance. Conversely, low-income, urban youth often do not have such resources; once placed in juvenile justice or even in lower-track classes, their future prospects are often permanently tainted.

C o nc lu s io n Status is a complex but important phenomenon in its ascription, attainment, and impact on developmental processes. It is central to youth vulnerability and plays a large role in coping and identity-formation processes through the intersection of demographic characteristics and peer dynamics. Moreover, beyond childhood, social status and pursuit are related to many important life outcomes, such as physical health. Thus, developmental science should continue to explore, in more nuanced ways, the role of status and related phenomena on the life outcomes of children and adolescents around the world. Vinay Harpalani and Margaret Beale Spencer see also: Friendship; Peers and Peer Culture; Social Development; Subcultures, Youth further reading: E. Erikson, Childhood and Society, 2nd ed., 1963. • J. Henrich and F. J. Gil-White, “The Evolution of Prestige: Freely Conferred Deference as a Mechanism for Enhancing the Benefits of Cultural Transmission,” Evolution and Human Behavior 22 (2001), pp. 165–96. • M. Marmot, The Status Syndrome: How Social Standing Affects Our Health and Longevity, 2004. • M. B. Spencer, “Phenomenology and Ecological Systems Theory: Development of Diverse Groups,” in W. Damon and R. Lerner, eds., Handbook of Child Psychology, 6th ed., vol. 1, 2006, pp. 829–93.

status offenses. A status offense is conduct proscribed by state law only when the offender committing it is a juvenile. A status offense is decidedly noncriminal and focuses on certain forms of juvenile misbehavior, typically running away from home, truancy, and “incorrigibility” or “waywardness.” The power to regulate the conduct of children is grounded in the parens patriae doctrine, which authorizes the state to protect children from their own impulsivity and immaturity. Although the juvenile court from its inception had jurisdiction over status offenders, laws governing juvenile noncriminal misbehavior predate the creation of juvenile courts. These earlier laws, grounded in elitist views about social class and morality, formed the basis for the modern juvenile court’s status offense jurisdiction, a heritage still evident in the treatment of status offenders today. State regulation over the conduct of children has deep roots in the classist and gendered reform movements of the 19th century. Political and social elites became unsettled by what they believed were serious increases in both the type and the amount of pauperism and crime, a circumstance they linked to the flood of immigrants from the poorer and lower classes. In seeking to stem this tide, early reformers argued that immorality was the root cause of poverty and that it was poverty that inevitably led to criminality. The children of the poor were seen as peculiarly vulnerable to the manifold temptations of the street, not only because they had immoral or criminal parents but also because of

status offenses

the belief in the natural weakness of the child’s moral character. In the view of the reformers, the solution was simple: Remove children from vice, corruption, and poverty, and they will become sober, law-abiding adults. Initial statutes authorized local authorities to commit wayward and incorrigible children to institutional care in Houses of Refuge, the first institutions specifically constructed to deal with the problem of deviant children. These facilities not only accepted juveniles accused of criminal wrongdoing but also accepted those who were deemed “wayward.” Waywardness encompassed a broad array of ills, including vagrancy, homelessness, “bad habits,” idleness, disobedience, and, especially in the case of girls, “bad morals.” By 1870, statutes permitting the institutionalization of wayward children had proliferated, expanding the number of jurisdictions authorizing the placement of status offenders in certain institutions and the types of offenses for which these children could be committed. For example, parents now could seek the commitment of their own “rebellious” or “stubborn” children. States also enacted compulsory education and truancy laws, which permitted the incarceration of children who failed to attend school. By the turn of the century, the characteristics of modern status offense laws were already in place. These regulations reaffirmed the broad scope of the state’s authority to regulate the conduct of children by restricting the places children could frequent and the people with whom they could associate, the hours they had to attend school, and the activities in which they could engage. Moreover, legal challenges to the state’s authority to control the behavior of children were largely unsuccessful. Courts routinely justified the state’s institutionalization of status offenders on the ground that the state, through its parens patriae power, was acting in the child’s welfare. Although some courts did question the procedures used to institutionalize status offenders, generally the authority to so incarcerate went largely unquestioned. The implementation of a separate juvenile court system did little to change the way authorities handled status offenders. Juvenile courts retained jurisdiction over status offenses, often based on laws that were written in the 19th century. Juvenile court personnel also embraced many of the underlying premises for regulating the behavior of children. They viewed status offenders as predelinquent and in need of immediate reformation in order to deflect these young offenders from a life of crime. Moreover, juvenile courts continued the practice of institutionalizing status offenders as necessary to their rehabilitation, although they had committed no criminal offense. Modern status offense laws clearly remain preoccupied with the same sorts of unacceptable juvenile behavior. Typically, modern status offenses include truancy, running away, ungovernability or incorrigibility, and curfew viola-

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tions. Truancy is grounded in each state’s compulsory education attendance laws and arises when the child is habitually and inexcusably absent from school. State statutes may specify a length of time the child must be absent or, more commonly, may simply refer to habitual absence without further definition. An ungovernable or incorrigible child is generally defined as a child who has habitually refused to obey the reasonable commands of his or her parents and, thus, is beyond parental control. These statutes are broad enough to allow state regulation of unacceptable, immoral, or sexually precocious behavior. Modern juvenile curfew laws also further state regulation of the conduct of children by restricting the right of children to move about freely during certain hours. Most curfews are enacted by local governments and municipalities pursuant to their general police powers. Although many jurisdictions enacted curfew ordinances prior to World War II, few were enforced until the early 1990s, when public fears about youth gang activity and violent youth crime escalated. In a 1997 survey, almost 80% of the cities surveyed had a nighttime curfew ordinance. Of those cities, 26% also imposed daytime curfews, restricting the movement of children when they are required to be in school. Last, the state may intervene when children run away from their families, foster parents, or group homes or other placements. More than 1 million children run away each year, although the precise number of children is not known because many children are not reported as missing. A significant proportion of the children who run away are “throwaways”—thrown out of their homes, told they may not return, or otherwise abandoned. These children often are reluctant to return home because they have been the victims of abuse or neglect. While both boys and girls may run away from home to escape sexually abusive situations, 38% of boys reported this as the reason for leaving home, compared to 73% of girls. Runaway girls who are the victims of sexual abuse are more likely to engage in criminal conduct than are runaway girls who do not have histories of sexual abuse. Many runaway children who do not return home live on the streets or turn to prostitution, theft, and other crimes for survival. A significant portion of status offense cases result in adjudication. Between 1985 and 2002, three-fifths of petitioned status offense cases were adjudicated, with the exception of runaway cases, of which more than half were never adjudicated. Of the cases that were not adjudicated, most were dismissed. For all three offense categories, probation was the most likely disposition for adjudicated cases, although children adjudicated for running away and ungovernability were more likely to be placed out of the home than were children adjudicated for truancy. In the remainder, the court either imposed some other sanction or released the child without the imposition of any further sanction.

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Although national data about children convicted of status offenses are difficult to obtain, it is possible to make some general observations. The National Center for Juvenile Justice has compiled a sample-based profile of status offense cases disposed between 1985 and 2002, which includes demographic characteristics, such as age, race, and gender, of status offenders. These data show that youth age 15 and younger make up the majority of children charged with status offenses. Although only a small percentage of all children charged with committing a status offense are held before trial or detained, those youths age 15 and younger accounted for the majority of cases involving detention. After adjudication, children age 15 and younger were only slightly more likely to be placed out of the home than were older youths. The classist and racist approaches to status offenders of the 19th century are still evident today. A higher percentage of African American youth and children of other races were held before trial than were white children. Children of other races were more likely to be adjudicated as status offenders than were African American or white juveniles. African American youth and children of other races who were adjudicated were more likely to be placed on probation. If adjudicated for running away, African American youth were more likely to be placed out of the home than were adjudicated runaways of other races. Nineteenth-century views about appropriate behavior for girls have been carried forward into the modern juvenile court. Girls make up more than half of all petitioned status offenders. Between 1985 and 2002, girls were involved in 46% of all petitioned truancy and ungovernability cases and 61% of all petitioned runaway cases. Girls are much more likely to be arrested for status offenses than are boys, even though boys commit an equal number of status offenses. Although the studies do not report consistent findings of disproportionate treatment at disposition, there is evidence that girls are more likely to be treated more harshly when referred as repeat status offenders. There also is evidence to suggest that African American girls are far more likely than white girls to be placed in public rather than private detention facilities. The modern juvenile court continues to take a punitive approach to status offenders, although that approach has moderated since the 19th century. The federal Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention Act of 1974 provides states with federal funds for programs and projects related to juvenile justice. Funding, however, is conditioned on state compliance with four mandates. One of these, the deinstitutionalization mandate, requires states to prohibit the detention of status offenders in secure facilities, including jails, detention centers, or training schools. In response to concerns about children who repeatedly run away or are chronically truant, Congress amended the law in 1980

to permit the secure detention of a status offender who violates a valid court order. States also may detain a status offender in a secure detention facility for a period not to exceed 24 hours to permit identification, investigation, release to parents, or transfer to a nonsecure facility. States may detain status offenders under these limited circumstances, although not all states have chosen to do so because of concerns about deprivations of liberty when no serious criminal wrongdoing has been alleged. The authority of the juvenile court to regulate the conduct of children has never seriously been challenged. The United States Supreme Court has never directly ruled on the constitutionality of status offenses; nevertheless, a number of constitutional challenges to these statutes have been made with varying success in the state and lower federal courts. Juvenile curfew ordinances, for example, have been challenged on the grounds that they violate the First Amendment rights of children and their parents to freedom of movement, expression, and association; the Fourth Amendment rights of children to be free from unreasonable searches and seizures; the Fourteenth Amendment rights of children to equal protection; the rights to procedural protections under the due process clause; and the Fourteenth Amendment rights of parents to parental autonomy and familial privacy. Vague challenges to curfew laws, based on claims that the laws do not clearly define the prohibited conduct, have been the ones most likely to succeed. The courts have sometimes upheld curfew ordinances by specifically exempting certain constitutionally protected activities, like attending religious services. Similarly, constitutional challenges to other kinds of status offenses have met with limited success. Challenges to status offense laws under the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment often focused on age, gender, and race. Because age is not a suspect class, constitutional claims based on age have failed. Claims based on gender have met with greater success. If, under the state’s statutory scheme, girls are treated differently than boys because of their gender, then the statutes will be invalidated. Claims based on race have failed because it is difficult for the claimants to establish that the differential treatment was based on race. Since the 1960s, critics have argued for the repeal of status offenses. They have suggested that status offense legislation be abolished or circumscribed or simply that status offenders be handled by social service agencies and schools rather than the courts. Many Western countries have no jurisdiction over status offenders, while in others, status offenders are treated as neglected. The United Nations also has promulgated guidelines specifically prohibiting status offense legislation. The current approach to status offenders in the United States, however, has changed very little since early 19th-century reformers first argued that way-

s t r e e t a n d r u n a w a y c h il d r e n

ward children were bound for a life of criminality, immorality, and poverty. Katherine Hunt Federle see also: Conduct, Legal Regulation of Children’s; Crime, Juvenile; Family Court; Juvenile Court; Juvenile Delinquency; Punishment, Legal; Reform Institutions for Youth further reading: Peter D. Garlock, “ ‘Wayward Children’ and the Law, 1820–1900: The Genesis of the Status Offense Jurisdiction of the Juvenile Court,” Georgia Law Review 13, no. 2 (1979), pp. 341–447. • Katherine Hunt Federle, “Children, Curfews, and the Constitution,” Washington University Law Quarterly 73, no. 3 (1995), pp. 1315–68. • American Bar Association and National Bar Association, Justice by Gender: The Lack of Appropriate Prevention, Diversion and Treatment Alternatives for Girls in the Justice System, 2001. • Meda Chesney-Lind and Robert Shelden, Girls, Delinquency, and Juvenile Justice, 2004. • U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, Juvenile Court Statistics 2001–2002, http://www.ncjrs.gov/html/ojjdp/216251/index.html

stepparents. see Remarriage and the Blended Family stereotyping. see Prejudice and Stereotyping sterilization, forced. see Procreate, Right to steroids. see Performance-Enhancing Drugs storytelling. see Narrative stranger anxiety. see Attachment, Infant street and runaway children. The term street children may refer to several different sets of children. Depending on how the term is used, there may be anywhere from 30 million to 170 million street children worldwide. In this article, street children are defined as children living without parental or other adult supervision on the streets of urban centers. Most street children in the developing countries come from poor but functioning families, while the great majority of street children in the developed world, who will be referred to here as runaways—of which there are about 1 million—have been abused or neglected by their families. Other categories of children in very difficult situations, such as child soldiers or children who are victims of war or natural disasters that might be forced to the streets temporarily, are not among this population. The numbers of street children are often overstated for various reasons. Most estimates come from organizations that depend on funding, and larger numbers bring more money; the press encourages overestimation by publishing worst-case scenarios. This helps explain why the numbers from Brazil range from 200,000 to 8 million and those from Bucharest from several hundred to 10,000. The United Nation says there are 150 million street children worldwide,

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but 60% of these are working on the streets to support their families. Many street children move between home, the streets, and programs serving them, depending upon such practical factors as seasonal differences in the weather, the changing family dynamics in the home, the availability of friends on the streets, the degree to which the police are harassing street children, and the comparative economic conditions of the home and the streets. While this is somewhat true for runaways, the stronger states of the developed world control access to the streets, so at any one time only a small percentage of runaways are living on the streets. There are few street children younger than 8. Rarely are runaways prepubertal; most are from 10 to 15 years of age. In both cases, once they reach maturity and begin to look like adults, the public no longer perceives them as children (cute or worthy of pity) but, instead, sees them as dangerous. Some street children and runaways see themselves as victims, while others view themselves as adventurous heroes. For some of these children, leaving home is an act toward self-definition and a move that betters their material or emotional condition. Because street children do not live under the same roof as their parents, earn their livelihood instead of going to school, and assume the right to enjoy that livelihood as they choose (which is often shared between their individual needs and desires and contributions to their families of origin), they are out of compliance with their societies’ definition of childhood. This helps explain why research has concluded that as difficult as life is for street children, the worst immediate problem they face is from the public. Boys suffer physical hostility; in many places in the world, they have even been murdered for no more than petty crimes and haughty behavior. Girls can periodically be forced into prostitution (sex for money) or, more commonly, survival sex (sex for acceptance). The press incites the public by favoring stories that dramatize the bad-boy image of street children, especially the very young. In low-income countries, street children commonly come from abjectly impoverished families where men are chronically unemployed and women make due as very small-scale entrepreneurs. Runaways in high-income countries come from the full socioeconomic range and from two- and single-parent families. In poorer countries, 80% to 90% of street children are male. These boys are told to bring income into the family at an early age. Most of them find a niche in the local economic market, which gives them sufficient income to eat and clothe themselves. They take advantage of programs that serve them and are sufficiently informed about their physical health to stay reasonably healthy. They form close friendships with peers and maintain connection to their family of origin. Contrary to popular opinion, the vast majority are not psychopathological or delinquent and

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In societies in which schooling is universal, children attend classes where mathematics is taught through formal instruction. The experience of the Brazilian candy sellers of Recife is a marked contrast to such school-based learning. From an early age, these children learn mathematics by solving problems of pricing and competition that arise in their daily efforts to support themselves and/or their families. Many do not go to school, and many have left school after attending for only one or two years. The story of João illustrates some of the mathematical understandings that child candy sellers create as they adapt to the conditions of the marketplace. João is 10 years old and helps his family by selling candy to people in the downtown area of a northeastern Brazilian city, Recife. At the time of this story, inflation in Brazil has been at a high rate for many years: more than 300% annually. As a result, the cost of wholesale candy boxes at one of the 30 downtown wholesale stores is in the thousands of cruzeiros, and Brazil’s citizens live with the ever upwardly moving prices. For João, inflation means that not only does the price for candy involve very large numbers but also that the price he pays for wholesale boxes of candy surges periodically. So, regardless of the type of box he buys—LifeSavers or different kinds of chocolate bars—the prices keep changing. João must accommodate these ever-changing wholesale prices in the retail prices he offers to his customers whom he encounters at the bus terminal or on the urban sidewalks. João’s pricing problem is further complicated by the need to accommodate to convention used by all sellers: to offer his candy to customers in the form of a price ratio, like five rolls for Cr$1,000 or two for Cr$500. João, like his peers, uses a mathematics that does not rely on practices that involve written numeration. In fact, because he has not attended school, he has difficulty reading multidigit expressions. But his computations are inventive. He balances his need to make a profit with the need to create a price that he believes will be attractive to customers. Consider how he does this after his purchase of a 30-unit box of LifeSavers for Cr$6,000. João empties his box of 30 rolls on the sidewalk and places the rolls back in the box, three at a time, anticipating potential sales. When all the units are returned, he knows that if he sold all of the candy at three rolls for Cr$1,000 he would have Cr$10,000. He then decides to see what will happen if he tries a different price; he reempties the box and does the same procedure at four rolls for Cr$1,000. He balances his concerns with speed of sale for the box and profit for the box to choose a selling price.

drug abusing. Street girls in low-income countries, because they are raised to stay at home, represent a breach in developmental norms and, thus, show more psychopathology than boys. Runaways are more likely to be on the streets for reasons of sexual, physical, or emotional abuse than because

How did João come to develop this markup strategy to calculate retail prices? Some insight comes from observations of Luciano, a 6-year-old who is also selling candy. The 6-year-old exchanges candy for money in accord for a price ratio, like three rolls per Cr$1,000. But this selling price ratio was not the product of the Luciano’s calculation. Rather, Luciano was told how much to sell the candy for by a clerk or an older friend. For 6-year-old Luciano, he learns to give the same three for one exchange of candies for currency. When inflation goes up or when Luciano shifts from LifeSavers to chocolate bars, he may well be told to sell for a different ratio. Later, the 6-yearold will come to use these successive ratio-guided exchanges to anticipate sales transactions in his markup computations like 10-year-old João as he empties his box, returning potential sales back to the box to figure out his “good” price. Will 10-year-old João’s strategy develop further? Probably. And 14-year-old Marcelo’s procedure shows a potential direction: Marcelo uses an approach that abbreviates aspects of João’s solution. Rather than emptying his box, Marcelo counts triplets of units, two triplets at a time, quickly computing the gross value of the box, with the price ratio not visible in his activity. For example, in a double-layered candy box with 15 bars per layer (3 bars by 5 bars), Marcelo quickly computes that at 3 for Cr$1,000, there are five potential sales in each layer, so each layer is potentially Cr$5,000 and two layers make Cr$10,000. The mathematics of João, Luciano, and Marcelo is typical of children who sold candy in Recife in 1985. In dealing with practice-linked problems, unschooled candy sellers develop a system of mathematical relations that is interwoven with currency, conventions like price ratios, and communicative activities involving peers, customers, and clerks. Further, the development of their computational strategies is different from that which occurs among schoolchildren. Their mathematical strategies are a culmination of their efforts to engage with numerical problems in their practice and are also often the seeds of new ways of thinking, just as children who attend school build understandings in relation to the environments with which they are engaged. Children like João, Luciano, and Marcelo develop a mathematics that is adapted to practice and, over time, manifests mathematical operations of increasing complexity and power. Geoffrey B. Saxe

imagining each other

imagining each other

The Mathematical Life of Brazilian Street Children

further reading: G. B. Saxe, “Candy Selling and Math Learning,” Educational Researcher 17, no. 6 (1988), pp. 14–21. • G. B. Saxe, Culture and Cognitive Development: Studies in Mathematical Understanding, 1991.

of poverty, which explains why the gender ratio is more equal in the United States (and in other high-income countries) than in developing countries. There is a higher than expected rate of homosexual street children in the United States. In low-income countries, most studies show that street

stress

boys eat better, weigh more, and are taller than other poor children of the same age. They have better cognitive skills, more internal locus of control, and higher self-esteem. They are less depressed and move more readily through developmental milestones. Research that compares siblings suggests that the less robust stay at home. In contrast, a few studies show street children as being vulnerable and living a life that is far from easy. Perhaps the different results are because it is difficult to get valid data and because many studies come from institutions, whose self-interest is to maximize the problems. The longitudinal data suggest that as street boys from low-income countries grow older, they move from makework jobs like cleaning car windows or helping park cars into the same kind of work as other poor adult males, namely work for trade or piecemeal work. As street girls age, they are assumed by their culture to be ready for motherhood, which can force them to follow in their mother’s footsteps by having children, often many and by different men. More than occasionally, these men do not view them as legitimate wives and thus not worthy of continued financial support, perpetuating the cycle. Since the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child was ratified in 1989, all children have been given the rights of citizens, including the right to personhood and the right to have a say in decisions that will affect their own lives. This concept has posed some dilemmas because it does not consider cultural differences in child development, such as the economic realities that may force a 10-year-old child to work and live on the street in support of his family. Without a clear understanding of these differences, many programs for street children have moved from providing them humanitarian support to ensuring their rights as citizens. Almost all of the money directed toward helping street children goes into direct aid and almost none into reducing the public’s hostility. Perhaps the greatest need is to educate the public about children who have taken an early entry into adulthood. This might include educating teachers and relevant civil servants about the wide variety of psychological and social functioning of street and runaway children and the fears that free, uncontrolled youth provoke among people who hold to norms of more traditional child development. Lewis Aptekar see also: Abuse and Neglect; Homelessness; Pornography, Child; Prostitution, Child; Sexual Abuse; Status Offenses further reading: L. Aptekar, Street Children of Cali, 1998. • A. Hecht, At Home in the Street: Street Children of Northeast Brazil, 1998. • L. Aptekar and L. Ciano, “Street Children in Nairobi, Kenya: Gender Differences and Mental Health,” in M. Rafaelli and R. Larson, eds., Developmental Issues among Homeless and Working Street Youth: New Directions in Childhood Development, 1999, pp. 35–46. • P. Kilbride, C. Suda, and E. Njeru, Street Children in Kenya: Voices of Children in Search of Childhood, 2000. • L. Aptekar, “A Global View of Street Children in the Third Millennia,” in

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B. D’Souza, E. Sonawat, and D. Madangopal, eds., Understanding Adolescents at Risk, 2004, pp. 1–29.

street drugs. see Substance Abuse stress. From moment to moment of every day, people respond and adapt to challenges, called stressors, in the environment. When the demands made by these challenges tax or exceed a person’s coping resources, she experiences stress, both psychologically and physically. The accumulated cost of reacting and adapting to stressors may have longer-lasting effects on physical and emotional health and, for children, on healthy development. The hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis and the sympathetic adrenomedullary (SAM) system have normal patterns of activity in everyday life. These systems mediate the stress responses. Stress triggers a hormonal and neurochemical response that increases vigilance and arousal. Metabolically, the response releases extra energy to cope with the immediate threat and suppresses unnecessary physiological activity. Reaction to severe and repeated trauma, such as stressors that lead to posttraumatic stress disorder, can result in a permanent change in the normal patterns of activity of the HPA axis. The experience of stress is counterbalanced by individual coping resources such as prior experience, cognitive skills, personality structure, resiliency, social support, and social networks. Stress can be described as normative, chronic, or acute. Multiple variations of the same type of stressor can coexist. For example, experiencing hunger is a normative stress, but food insufficiency is both a chronic and/or an acute stressor. Reports suggest that maternal food insecurity is more widespread than child food insecurity, but unfortunately, even in the United States, food insecurity is increasingly common among the poor. The threat of not having enough food is a significant stressor; insufficient calories and micronutrient deficiency are physiological stressors that compromise the mother’s and the child’s more general ability to cope. Stress is popularly portrayed as a negative influence on health and quality of life. When stressors have an impact on mental health and result in unhealthy behaviors such as smoking or substance use, this portrayal is accurate. Yet, in a transactional model, responding to stressors is a necessary and often constructive part of development. Nature and nurture interact in a dynamic fashion, constantly being changed by their experience with each other. Thus, when coping resources are activated and are sufficient, experiencing and adapting to stressors can be a positive force for change. Children’s earliest experience with stress begins in infancy, such as being hungry, wet, or cold. Infants have a limited repertoire with which to express distress, so caregivers are called upon to recognize the various cries of an infant, his grimaces, and his body movements and then figure

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out the source of the distress. Infant cues are usually easy to read but can be more subtle, especially if the child has a biological vulnerability, such as prematurity or significant substance exposure. A stressed newborn may cry, yawn, sneeze, hiccup, spit up, or avert her gaze from the caregiver, thereby stressing the caregiver and further straining their interaction. No caregiver is always in tune with an infant, and it takes time, proximity, and sensitivity to learn about each infant’s unique set of characteristics as he evolves over time. Among these characteristics, a large body of literature on temperament has shown that infants have different levels of tolerance for, reactivity toward, and ability to adapt to changes in their immediate environment. Consequently, not all sources of stress are equally stressful, and stress signals from the infant are highly individual. Therefore, multiple primary caregivers can be healthy for infants if they have the opportunity to have consistent relationships over time. Positive, contingent, responsive parenting underlies the development of an infant’s emotional secure base from which the infant derives felt security and the courage to explore the physical environment and evaluate new relationships. Infants and toddlers naturally seek these independent experiences, but bids for independence lead to new sources of stress. The drive to seek contact with the caregiver(s) who provided a secure base is automatically activated during times of stress. Therefore, infants and toddlers are affected by chronic and acute stressors in the family (whether economic, social-emotional, or environmental) if they affect the stability and responsive availability of their primary relationships and disrupt consistent, responsive parenting by their primary caregiver(s). Older children who lack the history of a stable secure base may have trouble interpreting negative cues that signal lack of safety from the environment or from relationships. They may not perceive that they need protection or how to find it, or know how to adequately protect themselves. For example, they may be particularly vulnerable to bullying, and they may bully others. Substantial longitudinal work speaks to the significance of early parent-child interaction and long-term outcome. Children who are secure adapt better to environmental stress, are better friends, and choose better friends. Thus, secure early caregiver relationships are sources of resiliency that predict the development of additional sources of support as the child gets older. One’s ability to respond to stress is profoundly influenced by early caretaking and primary relationships. Older children experience threat and draw strength from multiple contexts within and outside their primary relationships: at home, in school, and in their communities. Mentors, in particular, can be strongly positive influences that can mitigate the effects of early hardship. Older children are increasingly aware of and affected by the

specific sources of chronic and acute stress in their lives within and outside their families. Economic adversity, domestic or community violence, and child abuse are all examples of severe, chronic stress that may have periods of acute stress or crisis. Children with “easy” temperaments (more tolerant of change, less reactive to stress, and more easily adapting) may be more resilient to hardship in the long run. One unanswered concern is whether these children may tolerate abusive situations longer before reaching out for help. The accumulation of stressors is associated with increasing deleterious effects on children’s health and school performance. Somatic complaints (such as headaches, abdominal pain, and sleep disturbance) and mental health diagnoses (such as depression and anxiety) are common. Behavior problems in the classroom and poor academic performance may obscure the children’s real emotional distress and delay identification of its source. Stress can increase morbidity from chronic illnesses such as asthma. In the extreme case of severe, acute trauma that arises from the external environment (as a bombing or a natural disaster such as Hurricane Katrina) or from the home environment (as witnessing severe violence to a loved one), children as young as preschoolers may develop symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder. Support for children who are stressed emphasizes building the quality, number, and variety of coping resources. The choice of emphasis is first age dependent. For infants and young toddlers, intervention targets the primary caregiver and the parent-child relationship. For example, primary caregivers who have additional burdens, such as postpartum depression, significant medical illness, or concerns for their own physical safety, may find that sustained consistent, responsive parenting is particularly strenuous and will need additional support. For older toddlers and school-age children, when possible it is very helpful to prepare children in advance for adverse experiences, such as hospitalization, as it allows children to have some measure of control in their ability to predict their experience. For children of any age, safety in a stable environment that provides emotional support and structure is critical. Almost regardless of age, experiencing severe stress activates the need for the emotional felt security provided by a secure base, even if it cannot be with their own primary caregivers. Mentorship and trust are key sources of strength. Individual or group intervention aims to help children increase their sense of control so that they can appraise the event and develop and implement their coping strategies. Primary coping strategies are those in which children can change or have an influence on the source of the stress. Secondary coping strategies help children adapt when they cannot influence the stressful condition. As children approach adolescence, they are better able to identify which conditions they can influence and which secondary strate-

subcultures, youth

gies will be of most use. Collaborations among the children, their families, and their community can lead to a more lasting good, an asset for the future. Madeleine U. Shalowitz see also: Childhood Resilience; Posttraumatic Stress Disorder

stuttering. see Speech Disorders subcultures, youth. There is much debate about the meaning of the concept of subculture. Many agree that subcultures are made up of groups of individuals who set themselves apart in some way from a broader and dominant culture. However, a subculture is not so much a group of individuals but, rather, a core of common knowledge and practices shared and produced by group members. The knowledge and practices are created, negotiated, refined, and transmitted in a variety of ways within face-to-face interaction in local groups and diffused in various ways across the larger subgroup. The knowledge and practices making up a particular subculture consist of a range of physical and visible (artifacts and behaviors) and ideational (values and norms) components. The notion of subculture has been associated with a wide variety of groups, but it has most frequently been linked to the study of youth. Youth are seen as negotiating their own distinctive and symbolic subcultural responses to problems related to age or generation and their subordination to adult culture. However, age and generational differences are just one aspect of youth subcultures in that elements of youth subcultures also relate to social class, gender, and race and ethnicity. Although much more attention has been given to youth subcultures, subcultures are produced by preschool and elementary school children. Children of this age produce rhymes, riddles, jokes, material artifacts (like “love lists” and “fortune tellers”), games, and various routines that are generally known as the language and lore of childhood. Much of children’s lore has been documented by folklorists and sociologists of childhood in the United States and Europe, but there is evidence that such subcultural lore and artifacts are produced by children throughout the world. A specific example is the practice of the cantilena among Italian preschool children. The cantilena is a sing-song chant that the children produce in a range of activities, most especially disputes and debates. The chanting is often accompanied rhythmically with nonverbal gestures such as hitting the sides of one’s open hands. An important feature of the cantilena is that it is a consciously shared aspect of peer culture. The children not only produce the verbal routine but also reflect on and evaluate the quality of its production. Finally, adults (teachers and parents) often find children’s constant use of the cantilena irritating and frequently command the children, “Non far la cantilena!”

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(“Don’t do the cantilena!”). Such attempts at restriction only increase its usage. Central questions are: How do children come up with various types of lore and practices, and how do they make their way from one specific group to another? Children may learn certain lore from older siblings and relatives and then introduce it to their preschool or elementary school peers. Further, children often may be members of a variety of subgroups in school, in the neighborhood, at community clubs, on athletic teams, and so on and pick up the lore and practices in one setting and transfer them to another. Children also develop certain knowledge and practices of childhood subculture from the media. No matter how the lore, practices, and artifacts are acquired, children embellish and extend them in various settings and subgroups to which they belong. The knowledge and practices of subculture are not simply imitated but, rather, are appropriated for use in new and inventive ways. Thus, subculture is dynamic and often in flux. The subcultures of adolescents are extremely varied, creative, and dynamic. There has been a great deal of research on youth subcultures in Europe and North America, but youth subcultures exist in all parts of the world. In the United States, many youth subcultures arise in high schools, where a variety of peer groups are formed. Some groups are directly related to status, such as popular or trendy groups, middle groups or normals, and outcasts or losers. Some youth reject the whole notion of status groups and form their own subcultural groups that set them apart from status rankings and that often have characteristics that challenge adult norms. Many of these subcultural groups display their separation from mainstream youth and challenge adults through the style of their practices and expression of values. Style is expressed in many ways but most often in dress, talk, and identification with types of music and other media. For example, American high school subcultural groups include headbangers (mainly males interested in heavy metal music), hippies (male and female throwbacks to the 1960s who prefer folk music and support political causes like environmentalism), Goths (mainly females who often dress in black, may have body piercings, and have a fascination with morose aspects of medieval history), and punks (males and females who dress in theatrical ways with dyed hair, black boots, and piercings and embrace a form of music that is loud and anarchistic in content), among others. A number of youth subcultures are related to workingclass resistance to the dominant middle-class culture. Many of these groups were first identified and studied in Great Britain but have also been found in various forms throughout Europe and North America, Australia, and South Africa. A well-known subculture group is the skinheads, who are working-class males best known for their shaved heads, black boots, wearing of leather jackets, and body tattoos.

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Skinheads are often thought to be racist and opposed to immigrants, but in fact in Great Britain the early skinhead subculture was attracted to black music such as Motown and reggae. However, while the skinhead look or style may be stable, it has been appropriated by a number of subcultures with strikingly diverse practices and values (from gay groups and skinheads against racial prejudice to Fascist and racist skinhead groups). As a result of globalization, a proliferation of various styles and orientations of youth subcultures has exploded. There are groups that center around cars (e.g., Latino lowriders in the United States), a variety of groups that relate to music and drug use (e.g., Rastafarians in Africa and Jamaica), club goers who have various fashion styles and music and drug preferences (ravers), and many more too numerous to mention. Although many of these subcultures have both male and female members, females have often had a subordinate status. This pattern can especially be seen in music subcultures like heavy metal, hard rock, and to some extent rap and hip-hop, which can be highly sexist in music lyrics and performances, with females often subordinated to groupie status to satisfy the sexual pleasures of male music stars. Such sexist attitudes and behaviors have been challenged by alternative rock culture (female and male musicians and their fans) as well as subcultures of girls proclaiming “grrrl” power through Internet zine culture (forums, newsletters, and blogs). Overall, the wide proliferation of youth subculture groups is related to the creative power of youth themselves to appropriate, recast, create, and embellish elements of music, language, dress, the body, dance, substance use, and so on. These practices have been related to an element of creative style called bricolage. Bricolage involves appropriating and using common or concrete artifacts and knowledge in a wide variety of ways, often inverting and subverting their original meanings. Because of this explosion in the creation of youth subcultures and forms of creativity, some have argued that there has been a movement into a postsubcultural (in line with postmodern) period. This argument maintains that the original ways of conceiving of subcultures are no longer sufficient and new modes of analysis and interpretation must be developed. William A. Corsaro see also: Friendship; Peers and Peer Culture; Social Development; Status further reading: Dick Hebdige, Subculture: The Meaning of Style, 1979. • Ken Gelder and Sarah Thornton, eds., The Subcultures Reader, 1997. • Mary Jane Kehily, “Youth Cultures,” in Mary Jane Kehily and Joan Swann, eds., Children’s Cultural Worlds, 2003, pp. 230–70. • David Muggleton and Rupert Weinzierl, eds., The Post-Subcultures Reader, 2003.

substance abuse Medical Perspectives Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

medical perspectives. Adolescent substance use is common, controversial, and challenging to both identify and treat. Most adolescents will experiment with at least one substance before graduating from high school, making adolescent substance use more common than nonuse. Adolescent alcohol use alone is associated with all three major causes of death for teens: motor vehicle accidents, homicide, and suicide. The line between adolescent substance use and substance abuse is unclear. While the American Psychiatric Association’s Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, fourth edition (1994) has defined categories of substance abuse and use disorders, these were developed for adults and have not been established as applicable to children and adolescents. Adolescent substance use and abuse has complex causes involving factors both in the individual and in the environment. Individual risk factors for substance abuse include a history of childhood trauma such as sexual abuse, psychopathology such as anxiety disorders, and genetic predisposition. Predisposing medical conditions such as untreated attention deficit hyperactivity disorder or other chronic medical diseases also increase the risk of adolescent substance abuse. Associated conditions include lower socioeconomic status, lower parental education level, and exposure to media where promotion of substance use is prevalent. Adolescents’ reasons for substance use are varied and include gaining social acceptance, seeking change in consciousness or mood, enhancing social ability, relieving a stressful situation, feeling invulnerable, challenging authority, responding to media messages, and enhancing one’s sexuality. Reasons also include use by family and friends, low self-esteem, experimentation, boredom, and peer pressure. The family interactional theory ties together many of these causal features. It argues that teen substance use is determined by the interrelationships between factors in several psychosocial domains, including individual personality characteristics, previous drug use, parental characteristics, teen relationships with family members, and features of the environment. Substance use has been extensively researched and documented in North America. Less information is available internationally, though similar trends for substance use risk factors as described previously have been noted in other countries. One prominent trend noted internationally is the association between urban poverty and increased illicit drug use, which has been noted in cities in India, Brazil, Australia, and the United States. One large data set evaluating trends in teen substance use is the Monitoring the Future (MTF) study, a longterm study of U.S. adolescents, college students, and young adults conducted yearly by the University of Michigan’s Institute for Social Research. The survey includes 50,000 students from 400 public and private high schools. De-

substance abuse

spite these large numbers, the survey does not include high school dropouts, who are at increased risk of drug abuse. Additional sources of data on adolescent substance use include the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance System and the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health conducted at the University of North Carolina. Alcohol Alcohol is the most frequently used substance by adolescents; it is readily available and inexpensive. More than half of adolescents will drink alcohol at least once by the end of high school. Adolescents often favor sweeter alcohol drinks, such as flavored beers or liquor-based fruit drinks with flavors similar to candy or soda. Risk factors for alcohol use in adolescents include individual factors such as mental illness (particularly depression and anxiety), social factors such as peer pressure, and family factors such as parental permissiveness regarding alcohol consumption. Alcohol is classified as a central nervous system depressant; however, at low doses, users experience feelings of stimulation and disinhibition. Moderate doses of alcohol create feelings of sedation, euphoria, and impaired concentration. As alcohol consumption increases, poor judgment, slurred speech, ataxia (incoordination), decreased cognitive ability, and labile or unstable mood occur. Heavy use of alcohol can lead to unconsciousness, respiratory failure, coma, and death. Lower doses of alcohol are needed to intoxicate adolescents compared to adults, due to both adolescents’ smaller body size and less efficient liver metabolism. The pattern of adolescent drinking recognized as the greatest public health concern is binge drinking, defined as having five to six drinks in a row at least once in the past two weeks. Binge drinking is associated with significant mortality among adolescents, as it is linked to motor vehicle accidents, homicide, and suicide. Compared with peers, adolescents who are frequent heavy drinkers more often exhibit behaviors that pose risk to themselves and others, such as riding with drinking drivers, driving after drinking, never wearing seat belts, carrying weapons, becoming injured in fights and suicide attempts, having unplanned and unprotected sex, using other illicit drugs, and academic underachievement. Further, problem drinking during adolescence often becomes a persistent pattern, as early adolescent alcohol use has been shown to be associated with problem drinking and alcohol dependence in early adulthood. Alcohol can negatively affect many organs of the body. However, adolescents are often spared the complications of prolonged alcohol use typically seen in adults, such as liver damage and pancreatitis. Consequences of heavy drinking in a single setting can include gastritis, blackouts, motor vehicle accidents, nonautomotive accidents, and trauma. There are several questionnaires developed to specifi-

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cally identify problem drinking in adolescents. These include the CRAFFT questionnaire with six questions: (1) Have you ever ridden in a Car driven by someone (including yourself ) who had been using alcohol? (2) Do you ever use alcohol to Relax, feel better about yourself, or fit in? (3) Do you ever use alcohol while you are by yourself Alone? (4) Do you ever Forget things you did while using alcohol? (5) Do your Family or friends ever tell you that you should cut down on your drinking? (6) Have you ever gotten into Trouble while you were using alcohol? A “yes” answer to two or more questions suggests problem alcohol use. To bacco Tobacco is available in cigarettes, cigars, pipes, and chewing (smokeless) tobacco. Cigarette smoking is the most common form of nicotine use in adolescents and is a significant health problem worldwide. Smoking prevalence is highest in countries with low- and middle-income economies, with higher rates noted in Asian countries. In the United States, despite the publicized information concerning health risks of cigarettes, cigarette smoking remains a significant health problem among adolescents, particularly in Caucasian, African American, and Hispanic teens, with lower but not insignificant rates in Asian teens. Among college students, rates of cigarette use are highest in Caucasians. It has been argued that cigarette smoking in adolescence is a gesture toward achieving independence and autonomy, as smoking is a legal adult behavior. Nicotine has effects on both the rewarding and dependence-producing pathways of the brain. Therefore, users can experience rapid addiction. Effects begin in two to three minutes and can last up to two hours. Adverse affects of smoking are numerous and include heart disease, vascular disease, cancer, hormone disorders, lung disease, gastric ulcer disease, premature wrinkling of the skin, eye disease, and pregnancy complications. Given the addictive properties of nicotine, withdrawal can cause numerous symptoms, including anxiety, cravings, and irritability. Controversies exist regarding the role of advertising in promoting youth tobacco use. Adolescents who initiate tobacco use while younger than age 18 are at even higher risk of addiction and inability to quit in the future. Studies have shown that adolescents who smoke generally choose the most heavily advertised brands, suggesting that advertising has been effective in this population. The tobacco industry has been criticized for pursuing advertisements in print media, electronic media, and movies that target adolescents and young adults. Prevention strategies to protect adolescents from the dangers of tobacco have included raising the legal age to 18 and promoting strict purchasing policies governing the sale of tobacco to minors. Despite these efforts, tobacco use remains a significant public health problem for adolescents.

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M ar i juana Marijuana consists of a mixture of dried, shredded leaves, stems, seeds, and flowers of the hemp plant (Cannibis sativa). The primary active constituent of marijuana is deltanine tetrahydrocannabinol (THC). Marijuana is typically smoked or ingested orally. Marijuana is the most commonly used illegal drug in the United States. MTF data show that marijuana use rose sharply until a peak in 1979 and then followed a downward trend until 1992. Since 1992, lifetime prevalence in use of marijuana has fluctuated; 2006 showed a slight downturn after several years of rising prevalence. Recently, young people’s attitudes toward tobacco have become increasingly negative, but this trend has not influenced their attitudes toward marijuana. Trends in marijuana use frequently parallel trends in alcohol use in the United States. Roughly half of high school students report having tried marijuana by the end of high school. In Europe, marijuana use is highly variable in different countries. According to European school surveys, reported prevalences range between 4% and 44%, depending on the country. Risk factors associated with heavy marijuana use in adolescents include concurrent alcohol use, other substance abuse, and mental illness. Marijuana users experience auditory and visual enhancement, impaired learning and cognition, and increased appetite; effects last two to three hours. Physical effects of intoxication include increased heart rate, red conjunctivas, dry mouth, dilated pupils, and sleepiness. Adverse effects include impaired learning and cognition. Potential toxic reactions include feelings of anxiety, panic, and psychosis. Given the long half-life of marijuana— seven days—this drug does not produce a withdrawal syndrome. Long-term consequences include pulmonary damage, diminished reproductive capacity, and amotivational syndrome. Controversy exists in several areas related to marijuana use. First, amotivational syndrome is associated with chronic heavy marijuana use and is described as the passive withdrawal from usual work and recreational activities, creating a lifestyle revolving around marijuana use. It has been argued that chronic users may already have underlying behavioral issues that lead them to use marijuana, raising the question as to whether amotivational syndrome is a cause or effect of marijuana use. Second, marijuana has been described as a gateway drug, meaning that its use leads to use of other drugs. Early studies suggested that marijuana use was associated with later heroin use, prompting this theory. However, it is now believed that for those who use other drugs, marijuana typically precedes this use, but not all marijuana users will progress to use other drugs. A recent study found that only 5% of teens who used marijuana had subsequent use

of other illicit drugs. A recent Institute of Medicine report stated that there is no evidence that marijuana serves as a stepping-stone to other drug use. Third, the long-term effects of chronic marijuana use on physical and mental health remain controversial. Serious cognitive impairment, as seen in heavy alcohol users, is not seen after quitting marijuana. It has not been shown conclusively that long-term daily consumption results in persistent cognitive impairment after cessation of use. Last, one potential impact on adolescent marijuana users is the legal impact of possessing marijuana in the United States, as the legal ramifications can be quite severe for possession of even a small amount of marijuana. M et h a m p h eta m i ne Methamphetamine is a stimulant drug, like cocaine, nicotine, caffeine, and other amphetamines. Methamphetamine, also called meth or crystal, is a fat-soluble amphetamine administered via oral or nasal ingestion, smoking, or injecting intravenously. It is synthesized from pseudoephedrine, a chemical used to make cold medicines. MTF data showed increasing trends in stimulant use since 1992; 2006 data show slight decreases in lifetime prevalence of use among younger teens. There is higher use among Caucasian and Hispanic teens than among African American teens. Meth was initially a problem in the western and southwestern United States; however, more recent data show use extending farther east. Meth has received much attention in recent years due to media reports surrounding home meth labs and their inherent dangers, including toxic environmental exposures. Methamphetamine users experience increased energy, perceived sexual prowess, and social disinhibitions. Heavy users may stay awake for days and become paranoid or aggressive before falling into a heavy sleep. Tolerance and dependence occur quickly and severely. Physical effects include increased heart rate and blood pressure. Medical treatment for acute intoxication includes monitoring for cardiac arrhythmias or heart attacks, seizures, hyperthermia and hypertension, and strokes. Liver and kidney damage can occur with long-term use. Skin, teeth, and other organs are damaged, and general health and nutrition decline severely. Meth use is usually associated with heavy alcohol use. Chronic users experience cognitive difficulties, psychiatric symptoms, and organ damage long after drug use has ceased. Controversy exists regarding the role of government in passing restrictions on pseudoephedrine products to prevent further manufacture of meth. It has been argued that tighter restrictions on these products will decrease meth abuse, while others feel that these restrictions will impact those who use pseudoephedrine for treatment of the common cold. Controversy also exists surrounding

substance abuse

data that show trends in use over time. Previous questionnaires assessing meth use asked about lifetime prevalence of any amphetamine use. It is thought that asking this question likely yielded an understatement of the absolute prevalence of methamphetamine use depending on whether the adolescent had used crystal methamphetamine (ice) or meth. Ec stas y Ecstasy is in the category of hallucinogenic drugs; other examples include LSD (D-lysergic acid diethylamide tartrade), peyote, mescaline, psilocybin, some mushrooms, and PCP (phencyclidine). This category of drugs causes hallucinations, described as sensory perception changes without a corresponding environmental stimulus or distortions of reality. Ecstasy is an analog of amphetamine (MDMA) that shares both amphetamine and hallucinogenic drug effects. It is sold as a tablet, capsule, or powder and is ingested orally. Adulteration of ecstasy is highly prevalent. Ecstasy was first patented in 1912 as an appetite suppressant but was never sold commercially for this purpose. It resurfaced in the 1950s as a potential psychotherapeutic agent. Its use as a recreational drug began in the 1980s in association with raves. Raves are all-night dance parties of 10,000 to 70,000 individuals who listen to loud, syncopated music, often in coordination with other visual and auditory stimuli. Most attendees, ravers, are between the ages of 15 and 25 and from middle socioeconomic status backgrounds. Alcohol is usually absent at raves, though drugs such as ecstasy are used liberally. Based on MTF data, the most prominent increase in drug use at the turn of the 21st century was in 8th, 10th, and 12th graders with ecstasy. Users experience effects associated with both stimulant and hallucinogenic drugs, which last three to eight hours. Physical effects include stimulation of physical activity, blunted hunger and thirst, tachycardia, and increased blood pressure. Hallucinogenic effects include increased sensations to physical contact and movements. Serious adverse affects include dehydration, hyperthermia, liver and kidney dysfunction, cardiac arrhythmias, and seizures. Treatment of acute intoxication includes treating hyperthermia, monitoring for severe muscle spasms or breakdown of tissue, and monitoring for kidney and liver damage. Given that ecstasy is highly associated with the rave culture, recent attempts have been made to promote its safe use via Web sites and booths staffed by volunteers at parties. These efforts have been highly controversial since they implicitly support ecstasy’s use. Another debate surrounds the long-term physical effects of ecstasy. Some research has linked ecstasy to long-term damage to areas of the brain

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that are critical to thought and memory; however, these results are quite controversial. H eroi n and Oth er Opioi d s The term opioid refers to all substances with morphinelike activity; all are derived from the opium poppy. This category includes prescription drugs such as oxycodone and codeine as well as street drugs such as heroin. Heroin is processed from morphine and usually appears as a white or brown powder. It can be smoked, snorted, or injected either intravenously or intramuscularly. Heroin varies in strength, consistency, and price based on its country of origin. Heroin was initially developed as a “safe” alternative to morphine for pain relief following the American Civil War but was soon discovered to have similar addictive properties. According to MTF data, heroin use remained relatively stable at the turn of the 21st century. Adolescents who use heroin frequently often have comorbid psychiatric diagnoses and polysubstance dependence. Heroin acts on the central and peripheral nervous system to produce pain relief and sedation. Users describe a surge of euphoria (rush) followed by a relaxed feeling. Heroin peaks in the serum within 1 minute of intravenous injection, 3 to 5 minutes after intranasal administration, and 10 minutes after subcutaneous injection. Heroin is highly addictive and produces dependence rapidly. Withdrawal symptoms appear within three to seven hours, and tolerance can develop in less than 10 days. Physical effects include depressed respiration, vasodilatation, blocked cough reflex, constricted pupils, and increased gastrointestinal contractions. Heroin is the major drug reported in association with drug-related death. Medical treatment for acute intoxication or suspected overdose includes support of respiratory and cardiac function by monitoring for hypoxia, pulmonary edema, hypotension, and arrhythmias. Users are also at risk for skin infections from injection. The drug naloxone (Narcan) can acutely reverse the affects of opioids but will induce withdrawal as well. Withdrawal is common after cessation of heroin use; its severity increases with length of use and the dose used. Withdrawal includes flulike symptoms, nausea and vomiting, sweating, yawning, irritability, and increased temperature and respiration. Methadone and buprenorphine are long-acting opioids used to treat heroin withdrawal. These drugs have a long half-life and produce much less euphoria and sedation than heroin. Treatment with methadone or buprenorphine can prevent withdrawal, eliminate drug craving, and block euphoric effects of illicit opiate use; however, their use remains controversial. Treatment with methadone or buprenorphine for gradual detoxification has shown mixed results. Treatment can induce dependence on methadone. Often, patients con-

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tinue to use heroin while on methadone, which confounds treatment. Another controversy is the paucity of data for these treatments; there are some promising studies of buprenorphine in adults but no studies in teens. S c r een i ng fo r S u b s tanc e U s e Yearly screening for substance abuse by a primary health care practitioner is recommended for all adolescents. This screening can be accomplished in an office setting using brief screens, such as the CRAFFT questionnaire. It can also be accomplished using interview or survey methods. Screening must be done privately in order to obtain truthful responses. Screening for drug use with urine drug testing, in the absence of acute physical intoxication, is controversial. Most medical groups, including the American Academy of Pediatrics, do not support the routine use of at-home or atschool drug testing of adolescents. Tr eatm en t of Sub stanc e Use and Abuse There is no gold standard treatment that targets adolescent substance use. Given the multiple antecedents to substance use and abuse, multiple problems must be targeted for successful treatment. It is essential to match treatment settings, interventions, and services to each patient’s problems and needs. Treatment needs may include medical services, therapy, and social or legal services. Appropriate evaluation and treatment depend on the substance being used, the adolescent, and his environment. For some substances such as alcohol and marijuana, treatment involves differentiation between experimental or occasional use and actual substance abuse. For more dangerous or addictive substances such as cigarettes or heroin, treatment recommendations involve managing withdrawal and sustaining abstinence. Because of high rates of concurrent risk behaviors and mental illness in adolescents with substance abuse problems, treatment programs should provide evaluation and treatment (if indicated) for mental illness, HIV/AIDS, sexually transmitted diseases, tuberculosis, hepatitis B and C, and other infectious diseases. Treatment may be inpatient or outpatient and may involve detoxification, medication, and therapy. Behavioral therapy is recognized as a cornerstone of substance abuse treatment. For adolescents, most behavioral interventions combine individual and family therapy. To be effective, therapy must be continued for an adequate time period, at minimum several months. Promising future directions for enhancing adolescent substance use treatment include the Internet and the inclusion of cultural competency into the therapy. Cora Collette Breuner and Megan A. Moreno see also: Drug Testing; Performance-Enhancing Drugs; Substance Abuse, Parental; Tobacco

further reading: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Preventing Drug Use among Children and Adolescents: A Research-Based Guide for Parents, Educators and Community Leaders, 2nd ed., 2004. • Ralph I. Lopez, The Teen Health Book: A Parents’ Guide to Adolescent Health and Well-Being, 2006. • European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction, Statistical Bulletin 2006, http://stats06.emcdda.europa.eu • Erowid, http://www.erowid.com • Monitoring the Future, http://www.monitoringthefuture .org • National Institute on Drug Abuse, http://www.nida.nih.gov/

legal and public-policy perspectives. In the United

States, the federal and state governments have developed a wide array of laws and policies to prevent childhood substance abuse. All states prohibit children’s use of alcohol and tobacco, and various laws punish individuals who illegally possess, manufacture, or distribute drugs and alcohol. Governments also try to prevent childhood substance abuse through education, community prevention programs, and advertising. Children who use tobacco, alcohol, and illegal drugs are more likely to exhibit delinquent behavior and to suffer from addiction as adults. I l l egal D rug s Historically, U.S. drug policy generally has focused on restricting drug distribution and possession. The Controlled Substances Act of 1970 gave the federal government the power to curtail importation and distribution of certain illegal drugs, and a series of federal statutes passed in the 1980s have reinforced this approach in the states. The Crime Control Act of 1990, for example, doubled drug law enforcement grants to state and local governments. Most states allow children to be prosecuted for drug law violations, either in juvenile or in adult court. Some states prosecute all children age 16 and older as adults; in other states, the minimum age is 17 or 18. In some states, children age 16 and older who are charged with manufacturing or distributing illegal drugs are prosecuted in the adult system, while children of the same age who simply possess drugs are charged in juvenile court. Penalties in juvenile court can include detention, residential or nonresidential treatment, probation, fines, and community service. Children may also face additional penalties for violating drug laws such as driver’s license suspension, exclusion from public housing, ineligibility for federal student loans, suspension or expulsion from school, disqualification from school sports, and immigration consequences. Penalties in the adult criminal justice system include lengthier sentences in adult jails or prisons with less emphasis on treatment. Juvenile drug courts are substance-treatment programs within the juvenile court system, developed to deal with children who abuse substances and commit delinquent acts. The need for such treatment is clear; roughly 50% of adolescent arrestees test positive for an illegal drug. The

substance abuse

federal government began funding juvenile drug courts in the mid-1990s, and approximately 150 of these programs have been established nationally. Juvenile drug courts provide intensive judicial supervision over the treatment process, and many of these courts require family and parent counseling. The juvenile drug court system reflects the U.S. Department of Justice policy of balanced and restorative justice, which blends the traditional rehabilitative philosophy of the juvenile court with increasing societal concern about community safety. Programs to reduce children’s demand for drugs have stressed the negative consequences of drug use and the importance of abstinence. The Drug Abuse Resistance Education (DARE) program, started in 1983 and funded primarily by local governments, has become the most widely used drug prevention program in the United States. DARE is a program in which local police officers collaborate with schools to educate students about the consequences of substance abuse. The DARE curriculum conveys a strong abstinence-only (i.e., no-use) message and seeks to give children the information and skills they need to abstain from drugs and violence. There is some evidence that DARE reduces drug use, but some researchers question the program’s effectiveness. Nationally, the percentage of adolescents (age 12 to 17) reporting recent illegal drug use dropped from a high of more than 15% in the late 1970s to about 5% in the early 1990s, but the rate has crept back up to about 10%. Some studies show that participation in DARE has little impact on students’ usage rates. Critics of the program argue that DARE’s abstinence-only message may be difficult for certain children to accept, especially those living in areas where drug use is prevalent. Another major effort to prevent substance use by children is the Antidrug Media Campaign launched in the late 1990s. The campaign was a collaborative effort by the Office of National Drug Control Policy, the Partnership for a Drug-Free America, and several nonprofit, public, and private-sector organizations, including major corporations and media companies. The goals of the campaign were to educate youth regarding illegal drugs, to prevent youth from initiating the use of illegal drugs, especially marijuana and inhalants, and to convince occasional drug users to quit. A 2004 evaluation found the campaign had little effect on drug usage rates in children. New federal policies emphasize the need for drug prevention programs with proved effectiveness. The Safe and Drug Free Schools and Communities Act (SDFSCA), signed into law in 2002, is the largest single source of federal funding for alcohol, tobacco, and drug use prevention in schools. In the mid-1990s, the federal government began to require recipients of SDFSCA funds to implement only programs that were based on scientific evidence of effectiveness. Recently developed programs that are based on such scientific

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evidence, like the Keepin’ It REAL program, appear to be more effective than older programs at preventing and reducing substance use in children. Some researchers advocate for the adoption of a harm reduction approach to drug use prevention, an approach commonly favored in Europe. The harm reduction approach departs from the traditional abstinence-only philosophy and focuses instead on minimizing unhealthy behavior through counseling and management. Harm reduction programs seem to be successful in some instances. The Netherlands, for example, informally regulates the sale of marijuana and prohibits sales to minors. Advocates of the policy point out that Dutch adolescents are less likely to use marijuana than are American adolescents. In general, illegal drug use among adolescents is less common in Europe than it is in the United States. Alcohol According to a 2007 report released by the Surgeon General, alcohol is the drug of choice among U.S. youth despite years of policies aimed at preventing underage drinking. Since the late 1800s, states have banned the purchase and use of alcohol by children. In the early 1970s, after 18-yearolds were permitted to vote, 29 states passed legislation lowering the legal drinking age below 21. This trend coincided with the Vietnam War and an emerging view that people who were old enough to be drafted were also old enough to drink alcohol. Persuaded by anti-drunk driving advocates, Congress passed legislation in the mid-1980s that required states to raise their minimum drinking age back to 21 in order to receive federal transportation dollars. As of 2008, the minimum drinking age was 21 in all states. In 1996, Congress bolstered underage drinking laws through the Zero Tolerance Bill. This bill required states to enact a blood-alcohol-content limit of 0.02% for drivers younger than 21 and to authorize driver’s license suspension for persons younger than 21 who drive over the legal limit. States differ on enforcement of underage drinking laws. Some states prosecute underage drinking or possession of alcohol as a crime in juvenile or adult court, and some states treat it as a civil infraction. Many states impose a mandatory suspension of drivers’ licenses. People who provide alcohol to persons younger than 21 can be charged criminally. Bar owners and store owners may also be fined and can lose their liquor licenses for supplying alcohol to persons younger than 21. Some states permit parents to serve alcohol to their children in certain circumstances. The federal government has also sought to reduce underage drinking through the SDFSCA and the STOP Underage Drinking Act. The SDFSCA requires colleges and universities to implement drug and alcohol abuse prevention programs, including standards of conduct that clearly prohibit the possession and use of drugs or alcohol on school property. The 2006 STOP Underage Drinking Act funded

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various initiatives, including evaluation and monitoring of state drinking laws, an adult-oriented media campaign to prevent underage drinking, community coalitions to promote prevention efforts, and research. European countries generally have more liberal attitudes regarding alcohol consumption, and the drinking age in most European countries ranges from 16 to 18. Alcohol appears to be more integrated into European culture, especially in southern Europe. Children there learn to drink at younger ages within the context of the family. Many people assume that these approaches foster more responsible styles of drinking by young people, but statistics do not support this conclusion. In general, adolescent Europeans are more likely than adolescent Americans to report recent drinking, and adolescent Europeans are more likely to report drinking to excess. To bacco Since the late 1800s, states have prohibited the sale of tobacco to children younger than 18, and most states impose civil or criminal penalties on children younger than 18 who use, purchase, or possess tobacco. Nevertheless, more than 2.5 million American children younger than 18 are current smokers. Cigarette smoking became more popular in the first half of the 20th century when cigarettes were marketed to adolescents and state regulation decreased. The federal government became involved in regulation after the Surgeon General’s report in 1964 declared cigarette smoking hazardous to people’s health. Since then, the effort to reduce tobacco use has become a contentious struggle between antismoking advocates and the tobacco industry. State governments have led youth smoking prevention efforts primarily through litigation brought against the tobacco industry for reimbursement of smoking-related health costs. This litigation resulted in a Master Settlement Agreement (MSA) in 1998. The MSA bans advertising and promotional activities targeting youth, requires the tobacco companies to establish a national fund to finance youthoriented tobacco education programs, and requires that the companies pay $206 billion over 25 years to the states for youth education programs or other projects. The United States is not alone in restricting tobacco sales to minors; most European countries do as well. Age restrictions in Europe vary, however, and some countries have no age restrictions on tobacco sales. Tobacco use among European adolescents is generally higher than among American adolescents, and several European countries have recently developed a strategy to curb tobacco use. This strategy includes higher taxation on tobacco products, restricting sales for people younger than 18, and banning tobacco advertising. Some countries have had difficulty implementing this strategy, and its effects on children have yet to be determined.

Spec ial C hallenges for C ertai n C h i l d r en Certain subgroups of children use more alcohol, tobacco, and illegal drugs than do other subgroups. Hispanic 8th graders tend to have a higher rate of illegal drug use than do white or African 8th graders. Usage rates among Hispanic 12th graders are more moderate relative to other races. One possible explanation for this change in ranking between 8th and 12th grade may be that more drug-prone Hispanic youth drop out before the 12th grade compared to white and African American youth. Hispanics who adopt U.S. culture and lifestyle are nearly 13 times more likely to report using illegal drugs than do Hispanics who are not acculturated. While the violent crime rate for U.S. youth has steadily declined over the past several years, the rate of violent juvenile crime in tribal communities continues to grow. Gang involvement and abuse of drugs and alcohol are suspected as possible causes. Drug and alcohol usage rates among Native American youth tend to be higher than average. The Tribal Youth Program Mental Health Project was established in 2000 to promote mental health and substance abuse services for Native American youth. African American students of all ages are less likely than white students to use alcohol, tobacco, and most illegal drugs. Despite this fact, a stereotype of African American youth as substance abusers still exists, even within the African American community. A recent study revealed that most African American adolescents believe their peers use drugs more than do white or Hispanic teens, when in fact the opposite is generally true. This stereotype may be explained by the high arrest rate among African American juveniles for drug crimes. About 15% of the U.S. population age 10 to 17 is African American, but African American youth represent about 25% of the juveniles arrested for possessing or selling drugs. Generally, boys have somewhat higher rates of illegal drug use and heavy drinking than do girls, though rates of cigarette smoking appear to be similar between the genders. Boys’ higher rates of substance use relative to girls seem to emerge as children grow older and enter high school. In eighth grade, girls actually have higher rates of heavy drinking, cigarette use, and use of certain drugs. Female juvenile arrests for drug and alcohol offenses have increased at a much faster rate than have male juvenile arrests for the same offenses. Kim Ambrose and Peter Moreno see also: Medical Care and Procedures, Consent to; PerformanceEnhancing Drugs further reading: Lloyd Johnston, Patrick O’Malley, Jerald Bachman, and John Schulenberg, Monitoring the Future, National Results on Adolescent Drug Use: Overview of Key Findings, 2006. • U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, The Surgeon General’s Call to Action to Prevent and Reduce Underage Drinking, 2007. • Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids, http://www.tobaccofreekids.org/

substance abuse, parental

substance abuse, parental Effects on the Child Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

effects on the child. Children born to a mother who

has abused alcohol or used illegal drugs during pregnancy come into the world with two immediate risk factors: the physiological effects of the prenatal exposure and the environmental impact of living and growing in a home in which substance abuse interferes with the way the family functions. During the critical early years of life, these biologically vulnerable children often are not provided with the support and positive opportunities they require to develop the knowledge, skills, and behaviors essential for their longterm development and achievement. The difficulty for researchers in their attempts to identify the specific effects of prenatal exposure to substances of abuse on child outcome has been trying to separate biological from environmental effects. Physiologically, almost all drugs of abuse have an impact on the dopamine neurotransmitter system. For example, cocaine blocks dopamine reuptake at the distal nerve ending. On the other hand, methamphetamine enhances release of dopamine from the proximal nerve ending. Both scenarios increase the availability of dopamine at the distal nerve end and enhance the excitation of the nerves, producing the high the drug user is seeking. The excessive levels of dopamine available at the distal nerve endings translate into high levels of circulating dopamine. Dopamine stimulates smooth-muscle contraction, which is why many pregnant women will talk about feeling cramps after using cocaine or methamphetamine. This stimulation of the uterus contributes to the high rate of preterm labor and delivery and the accompanying complications of prematurity for the child. The high circulating dopamine levels also cause vasoconstriction of the umbilical arteries, impeding blood flow from mother to fetus. This can be one of the contributing factors that lead to the high rate of intrauterine growth retardation in substanceexposed children, including those children whose mothers smoke cigarettes. With chronic exposure to substances of abuse, a dampening effect on the dopamine system may be produced as dopamine receptors are depleted. Radiographic scans of adults with a long history of cocaine or methamphetamine use demonstrate an absence of functioning dopamine receptors in the prefrontal cortex. Dopamine serves a regulatory function in the brain, and animal studies have demonstrated that prenatal exposure to substances such as cocaine or methamphetamine alters brain metabolism. This affects the motor, limbic, and sensory systems and causes regulatory problems in the adult offspring’s response to tasks. Similarly, in clinical studies of young children prenatally exposed to cocaine, marijuana, methamphetamine, or to-

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bacco, the common theme of behavioral impact on the children focuses on dysregulation of behaviors across the life cycle of the child, from the newborn period through adulthood. For example, the dysregulated newborn becomes easily overloaded by relatively modest stimulation, such as sudden change in light or sound levels. The young infant demonstrates hiccups, yawning, and sneezing followed by frequent startles and color changes as she becomes overstimulated. Studies of 3-month-old infants who had been prenatally exposed to cocaine found that although the children’s cognitive development was normal, arousal and attention regulation were affected, and the infants had difficulty responding appropriately to various stimuli. As the children grow older, they frequently exhibit poor habituation; that is, they are unable to screen out negative stimuli and are easily distracted by them. It is not unusual for parents to note that their child who was prenatally exposed to maternal substances of abuse is always the first individual to hear an airplane overhead or a bus driving by the house. This distractibility can interfere with the child’s play patterns. Researchers from the University of California at Los Angeles found that a group of 18-month-old children who had been prenatally exposed to cocaine and other drugs showed striking deficits in the stability and organization of free play. They had less imaginative play than the control group. The majority of drug-exposed children demonstrated a high rate of scattering, batting, and picking up and putting down toys rather than sustained combining of toys, fantasy play, or curious exploration. This pattern of disruptive and disorganized play appears to be of a similar quality of neurobehavioral dysregulation as described in newborns affected by intrauterine drug exposure. Drawing firm conclusions from studies of long-term outcome of preschool- and school-age children prenatally exposed to substances is particularly fraught with problems related to distinguishing the purely biological effects of the prenatal exposure from the ongoing environmental problems caused by living in a home with a substance-abusing parent. In addition, genetics could exert a third route of influence on the child’s ultimate outcome; many of the mothers of these children could have difficulties with behavioral and emotional regulation, which might have been a factor in their use of drugs to self-medicate. However, there is a consistency across studies that shows that by preschool and school age, the children’s problems in regulation of behavior begin to emerge as difficulties with executive functioning. Executive functioning derives from an integration of brain functioning across all levels, including higher cortical frontal systems, subcortical regions, and their neuronal connections, and relies on connections between the dopamine structures and the brain’s frontal lobes. Exposure to cocaine, tobacco, methamphetamine, marijuana, or other

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substances of abuse at any point in gestation could alter the dopamine receptor system, disrupting communication at any point in the interconnective circuitry of the brain. Impairment of executive function affects working memory, inhibition, planning and organization, sustained attention, focus execution, and encoding. Thus, the affected child is not able to think ahead in order to self-direct behavior, to maintain and integrate multiple bits of information, to stay on task, to problem solve in a cognitively fluent manner, or to place information into memory for later recall. These difficulties sound quite similar to children who have been diagnosed with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). There is no consensus as to the etiology of ADHD, but multiple factors, including genetic, environmental, and toxic, appear to coalesce to produce the symptomatic behaviors. Recent work demonstrates that many children with ADHD show evidence of dopamine receptor depletion on PET scan. This depletion of dopamine receptors—either on a genetic or toxic basis—could be the common link between the behavioral difficulties seen in children with ADHD and the problems seen in children with prenatal substance exposure, although the etiology of this dysregulation may not be the same. Given the plausible common physiological pathways of ADHD and prenatal substance exposure, it is not surprising that it may be difficult to differentiate the manifest behaviors of children with known prenatal exposure from children who are diagnosed with ADHD. The common physiology and behavioral symptoms of children with features of ADHD and those with prenatal drug exposure provide a theoretical foundation from which to develop common interventions for a broad range of children with problems in behavioral regulation. It is important to note that IQ and other markers of global cognitive development are normal in the great majority of children with prenatal substance exposure. In fact, it is becoming increasingly clear that the single most important predictor of cognitive development, after genetics, is the home environment in which the child is being raised. In a longitudinal controlled study of children exposed to cocaine, alcohol, and other drugs during gestation, one research group found that by 6 years of age, 60% of the children’s birth mothers were continuing to use drugs and alcohol. On long-term follow-up, although almost all of the children had IQs that fell in the normal range, those children whose mothers continued to use drugs in the six years after delivery had significantly lower IQs than did those children whose mothers who did not use drugs during that period. Thus, the most important factor predicting the child’s IQ at 6 years of age was not the mother’s drug use patterns during the pregnancy but the mother’s drug use patterns in the six years after delivery. A home in which drugs were used was a home in which the child’s needs for

intellectual stimulation and developmental support were not met. The environmental factors seem to have the greatest influence here. On the other hand, children prenatally exposed to drugs and alcohol at 6 years of age demonstrated consistent behavioral difficulties unrelated to their mothers’ drug use patterns following delivery. The behavioral problems all fell into the realm of regulatory and executive functioning: thought problems, social difficulties, deficits in maintaining attention and staying on task, and aggressive and delinquent behavior. These suggest a strong prenatal influence on behavior. Studies of adopted children will further explore these issues, perhaps delineating how much is related to the biological impact of the prenatal exposure and how much is related to the environment in which the child is being raised. Of course, issues of nature versus nurture have driven the debate within the professional as well as the public arenas for many years. A good example was the “crack baby” hysteria during the 1980s and 1990s. Although early reports in the media fed on a fear that prenatal exposure to cocaine caused long-term brain damage and intellectual and social impairment, the current evidence presents a different picture, in which the effects of cocaine are much more subtle and are interactive with postnatal child rearing. However, this move toward a more moderate picture of impact should not inspire complacency. From a public health perspective, the more subtle behavioral effects can have profound longterm consequences for the exposed child and for society as a whole. Children with prenatal exposure remain a highrisk group. Ira J. Chasnoff see also: Abuse and Neglect; Domestic Violence; Fetal Alcohol Spectrum Disorders; Homelessness further reading: Zero to Three: National Center for Infants, Toddlers, and Families, Diagnostic Classification of Mental Health and Developmental Disorders of Infancy and Early Childhood, 1994. • National Research Council and Institute of Medicine, From Neurons to Neighborhoods: The Science of Early Childhood Development, 2000. • I. J. Chasnoff, The Nature of Nurture: Biology, Environment, and the Drug Exposed Child, 2004.

legal and public-policy perspectives. There is tremendous variation across the United States in laws and public policies regarding parental substance abuse. Establishing a coherent, national response to the problem has proved difficult for several reasons. First, there remains scientific uncertainty about how parental substance abuse affects children. Second, policy issues related to prenatal substance abuse have become mired in abortion controversies, since they raise the issue of whether the government can monitor pregnant women’s behavior during pregnancy. Third, there is concern that enacting laws related to parental substance abuse will overburden child welfare and substance abuse treatment systems. Finally, society remains divided over

substance abuse, parental

whether substance abuse should be viewed as an illness or as a behavior and, thus, whether policies should focus on treatment or should be punitive in nature. Feder al L aws and Polic i es Federal legislation has focused on funding research and treatment and coordinating efforts to address the consequences of prenatal substance abuse. Two important federal initiatives were the Abandoned Infants Assistance Act of 1988 and the Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1988, which funded demonstration projects nationwide to provided integrated services to families and infants affected by substance abuse. In addition, the Substance Abuse Prevention and Treatment Block Grant (SAPT) has been a critical funding source for state-based substance abuse treatment, providing nearly $1.7 billion to states in 2003. By federal law, states must set aside a certain percentage of SAPT funds to serve pregnant women and mothers. Federal efforts to fund research and services specifically for fetal alcohol spectrum disorders (FASDs) include the 1998 National Task Force on Fetal Alcohol Syndrome and Fetal Alcohol Effect and the Advancing FASD Research, Prevention, and Services Act. Other federal policies also directly and indirectly affect states’ efforts to identify and provide services to substance-abusing parents. As part of the 1996 federal welfare reform legislation, individuals with drug felony convictions are ineligible for welfare and food stamps, unless the state has enacted legislation to opt out or modify this policy. The Adoption and Safe Families Act of 1997 mandates 12- and 15-month time frames for making decisions about children’s permanent placement and terminating parental rights, respectively, which may confl ict with parents’ need for time to engage in substance abuse treatment. Most recently, the Keeping Children and Families Safe Act of 2003 requires that in order to receive child welfare funding under the Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act, states must implement policies requiring health care providers to report prenatal drug exposure to child protective services.

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nor, corruption of a minor, and manslaughter. Pregnant, drug-using women convicted of other crimes also have been sentenced to longer-than-required prison terms, with the justification that imprisonment reduces risk to the fetus of further drug exposure. In most instances, however, criminal cases against pregnant women have been unsuccessful. Also, in some parts of the United States, family drug courts offer defendants the option of treatment and case management services instead of prison as well as incentives specific to parents, such as allowing parents to regain custody of children earlier if they engage in treatment. Another route through which states regulate parental substance abuse is the civil child welfare system. As of January 2006, 18 states had laws that clarified whether infants born with signs or evidence of drug exposure are presumed to be abused or neglected, and 28 states had laws specifying who must report cases of prenatal drug exposure to the state. As of 2000, three states required prenatal drug exposure testing for some or all pregnant women or infants. Regardless of whether states use criminal or civil child welfare laws, it is critical that substance abuse education and treatment are accessible to parents. As of January 2006, 20 states and the District of Columbia had regulations regarding the posting of warning signs about the risks of alcohol use during pregnancy at alcohol sales outlets and other sites, and 16 states had laws mandating priority access to substance treatment for pregnant women and, in some cases, for women with children. Also, as of 2006, four states had laws authorizing involuntary civil commitment of pregnant substance abusers to provide treatment and protect the fetus from harm. In addition, states have been implementing policies that address screening and treatment of maternal substance abuse through reforms of their state welfare programs. For example, Kansas and New Jersey screen all welfare applicants for substance disorders, and North Carolina colocated substance abuse professionals in welfare offices to provide screening and case management services.

State L aws and Polic i es

T h e Ro l e o f No ng ov er n m en tal O rgan i z at io n s

Most policies related to parental substance abuse were developed by states during the mid-1980s, in response to the media coverage of the so-called crack baby epidemic. State laws include punitive, civil, and public health interventions, but all focus on substance abuse during pregnancy and at the time of birth. Only a few states have considered parental substance use later in the child’s life by enacting laws that make manufacture or possession of methamphetamine in the presence of a child a felony. No state has laws that specifically criminalize parental substance abuse. Nevertheless, there have been numerous cases in which pregnant women using illegal drugs have been charged with crimes such as delivering drugs to a mi-

Numerous nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in the United States provide education, referral, and treatment services to parents with substance abuse problems. The Robert Wood Johnson Foundation is a major nongovernmental sponsor of training, education, research, and demonstration projects, providing $18.8 million for projects related to addiction prevention and treatment in 2005. Another important NGO is Operation PAR (Parental Awareness and Responsibility), a Florida-based treatment and education agency for parents with substance problems. This organization is considered to be the most comprehensive in the United States, offering a broad range of integrated services to families with a substance-abusing parent.

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Issues R el ated to R ac ial or Eth nic M i no r it y Popul at io n s The lack of consistent policies regarding parental substance use has led to concern that minorities and the poor are more likely than other groups to be tested and penalized for substance abuse. In a study based in Pinellas County, Florida, for example, although African American mothers had similar rates of perinatal substance use as had white mothers, they were 10 times as likely as were white mothers to be reported to health authorities. In addition, laws related to parental substance abuse focus on illegal drug use, which is more prevalent among mothers of low socioeconomic status, even though alcohol and tobacco have the potential for equal or more harmful effects on children. Pinka Chatterji and Vanessa Oddo see also: Abuse and Neglect; Fetal Alcohol Spectrum Disorders; Pregnancy and Childbirth, Legal Regulation of; Rights, Termination of Parental further reading: C. Larson, “Overview of State Legislative and Judicial Responses,” The Future of Children (Spring 1991), pp. 72–84. • C. Dailard and E. Nash, “State Responses to Substance Abuse among Pregnant Women,” The Guttmacher Report on Public Policy, 2000. • B. Lester, L. Andreozzi, and L. Appiah, “Substance Use during Pregnancy: Time for Policy to Catch Up with Research,” Harm Reduction Journal 1, no. 5 (2004), pp. 1–44.

sudden infant death syndrome. Sudden infant death syndrome, or SIDS, was defined in 1991 by Marian Willinger as being “the sudden death of an infant under one year of age, which remains unexplained after a thorough case investigation, including performance at a complete autopsy, examination of the death scene, and review of the clinical history.” A diagnosis of SIDS can be made only when infections, physical abnormalities, trauma, or other diseases have been ruled out as causing death. In the United States, SIDS is the leading cause of death of infants between 1 month and 1 year of age. Approximately 2,200 infants die from SIDS each year in the United States, for a rate of 0.57 per 1,000 live births in 2002. The SIDS rate in the United States has decreased by more than 50% since 1992, when the American Academy of Pediatrics first recommended that babies be placed on the side or back for sleeping. Other countries have experienced comparable declines in the rate of SIDS after similar educational campaigns. Japan and the Netherlands have the lowest reported SIDS rates, at 0.19 and 0.10 per 1,000 live births, respectively. New Zealand currently has the highest reported SIDS rate, at 0.8 per 1,000 live births. SIDS death rates in developing countries are largely unknown. Sudden death in infants has been reported throughout history and has been attributed to various causes. In the Bible (1 Kings 3:19), an infant’s death was reported to have been the result of the mother rolling onto the baby. Witches and demon gods have also been believed to have

caused infant deaths. Despite the long history of sudden infant death, the cause is still largely unknown. SIDS rarely occurs before 1 month of age; 90% of SIDS deaths occur in the first six months. The peak time for SIDS is between 2 and 4 months of age. Males are at higher risk than females; 60% of SIDS occurs in males. Infants born to families of lower socioeconomic status are at higher risk for SIDS. In the United States, African American, American Indian, and Alaska Native infants are at highest risk for SIDS; they die at two to three times the rate of white infants. For African American infants, the increased risk may be at least partially explained by the increased prevalence of prone positioning (21% in African American infants, as opposed to 11% of white infants in 2001). P r e s um ed Etiolo g y SIDS likely represents a variety of causes of death. The leading hypothesis about SIDS is that certain infants, for yet unknown reasons, have a malfunction in the brain stem neural network that is responsible for arousal and responses to life-threatening situations during sleep. Defects in serotonin binding have been found in brain stem tissue of infants with SIDS, and genetic changes in serotonin transporter protein genes have been associated with SIDS. It is thought that these infants may not arouse sufficiently when challenged. Various theories suggest that a decrease in oxygen levels, increased carbon dioxide levels, and/or overheating can create noxious situations and that stomach sleeping, soft sleeping surfaces, and covering of the head can increase the likelihood of SIDS. R i s k R educ tio n SIDS risk-reduction efforts have focused on eliminating risk factors that are associated with SIDS: stomach (prone) or side sleep position, sleeping on a soft surface, maternal smoking during pregnancy, overheating, late or no prenatal care, young maternal age, and premature birth and/or low birth weight. In 1992, the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) first recommended the back or side sleep position to reduce SIDS risk. However, more recently, it has become increasingly clear that the side position is not as safe as the back and may be a risk comparable to the prone position. Infants unaccustomed to sleeping on the stomach are at increased risk for SIDS if they are placed in or roll to a prone position. The side position is unstable, and many infants placed on the side may roll to a prone position. Infants should be placed on the back for each and every sleep and by every person caring for them (grandparents, child care providers, babysitters, relatives). When infants are awake and being observed, however, they should spend time on their stomachs. This allows for development of upper body muscles. In addition, this “tummy time” decreases the likelihood of

s u ic id e

positional plagiocephaly, or flattening of the head. Back sleeping does not increase the risk of choking or aspiration. Wedges or other devices to position the baby are not recommended, as there is no evidence that they are effective. Maternal smoking during pregnancy, after sleep position, is probably the most important risk factor for SIDS. Secondhand tobacco smoke after birth is an additional risk factor. The risk of SIDS increases as smoke exposure increases. It is currently estimated that 60% to 80% of SIDS could be prevented if tobacco smoke was eliminated from the baby’s environment. Soft surfaces, such as pillows, quilts, comforters, sheepskins, and soft mattresses, as sleep surfaces add risk and even more so when the infant is sleeping prone. Adult mattresses are usually softer than is recommended for infants. A firm sleep surface, such as a firm crib mattress, is recommended. Infants should not sleep on sofas, armchairs, or waterbeds. There should be no soft or loose bedding in the infant’s sleep environment. Multiple layers of clothing or blankets on the infant and warmer room temperatures bring an increased risk for SIDS. This is additive to prone sleeping. It is unclear whether the risk is increased because of overheating or because of increased loose bedding. However, overheating should be avoided. Infants born prematurely or who are low birth weight are at increased risk for SIDS, although it is unclear why. The risk cannot be explained by increased episodes of apnea, or breathing cessation. Infants born prematurely are equally at risk for SIDS if they sleep on their stomachs. Therefore, they should be placed on their backs for sleep as soon as medically possible. Bed sharing between an infant and an adult enhances parent-infant bonding and makes breastfeeding easier. However, comparisons between infants with SIDS and live infants have shown that bed sharing can be hazardous. Currently, approximately 50% of sudden unexpected deaths in infants occur in bed-sharing situations. The risk of sudden unexpected death with bed sharing seems to be particularly high when the bed sharers smoke; when the infant is sleeping with multiple people or with people other than the parents; when the infant is younger than 11 weeks old; when bed sharing occurs on a couch, sofa, or armchair; and when bed sharing lasts all night long. The risk of SIDS with bed sharing may also be increased when the adult has consumed alcohol, medications, or drugs that affect consciousness; is obese; or is overtired. The AAP has recommended that infants sleep in the same room as the parents but on a separate sleep surface, such as in a crib or bassinet next to the parents’ bed, as room sharing without bed sharing is associated with a decreased risk for SIDS. Pacifiers, for reasons yet unclear, appear to reduce the risk of SIDS when used at sleep time. The AAP therefore recommends that pacifier use be considered. The protective

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effect of a pacifier against SIDS is present even when the pacifier falls out of the mouth after the infant falls asleep. Because studies have shown that early pacifier use can interfere with breastfeeding, a pacifier should not be introduced to a breastfeeding infant until breastfeeding has been wellestablished (approximately 1 month of age). Despite being used for many years to prevent SIDS, there is no evidence that home apnea monitors are effective in reducing the risk of SIDS. Episodes of apnea are not more common in future SIDS victims and cannot predict a SIDS death. While the incidence of SIDS has decreased substantially since the early 1990s, it is hoped that use of other riskreduction measures can further decrease the rate of SIDS. Rachel Y. Moon see also: Mortality; Sleep: Sleeping Arrangements further reading: Task Force on Sudden Infant Death Syndrome, American Academy of Pediatrics, “The Changing Concept of Sudden Infant Death Syndrome: Diagnostic Coding Shifts, Controversies Regarding the Sleeping Environment, and New Variables to Consider in Reducing Risk,” Pediatrics 116, no. 5 (2005), pp. 1245–55.

suicide. Suicide is the act of taking one’s own life. Suicide behavior among youth is an issue of growing concern around the globe. In the United States, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) report suicide as the third leading cause of death for adolescents age 15 to 24. Worldwide, the World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that suicide is the fourth leading cause of death among people age 15 to 44. Suicide research and treatment distinguish among three types of suicide behavior. Suicide ideation refers to thoughts, fantasies, or plans about harming or killing oneself. Suicide attempts reflect behaviors intended to harm oneself that do not result in fatality. Completed suicide refers to a successful attempt by which one deliberately takes one’s own life. Age , Gender , Et h n ic , and Cult ur al D i f f er enc e s Suicide behavior is rare among young children. Indeed, children younger than 5 years of age may lack a conceptual understanding of mortality and thus be incapable of suicidal intent. According to the CDC, 0.6 per 100,000 children age 5 to 14 committed suicide in the United States in 2002, double the rate in 1970. In 2000, the WHO estimated that 1.7 per 100,000 male children and 2.0 per 100,000 female children completed suicide worldwide. The CDC reported that in 2002, adolescent (age 15 to 24) suicide rates in the United States were 9.9 per 100,000. Although U.S. suicide rates quadrupled between 1950 and 1988, they are now declining after peaking in the 1990s. Worldwide, adolescent suicide rates vary across nations.

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Overall, in 2000, the WHO estimated worldwide rates among 15- to 29-year-olds of 15.6 per 100,000 for males and 12.2 per 100,000 for females. Data on ideation and attempts are difficult to collect due to underreporting, but a 2003 U.S. survey found that nearly 17% of high school youth had seriously considered attempting suicide in the previous 12 months, and 8.5% made one or more suicide attempts. Since 1991, suicide ideation in surveyed high school youth has decreased, but suicide attempts have remained stable. In general, males complete suicide more often than do females, and females attempt suicide more often than do males. Across age groups, the CDC estimates male-tofemale ratios of 4:1 for suicide completions and 1:3 for suicide attempts. In the United States, boys younger than 15 make more suicide attempts and completions do girls, but worldwide more girls complete suicide than do boys. Among adolescents worldwide, more males complete suicide than do females. The ratio of attempted to completed suicides among females age 15 to 24 in the United States is thought to be as high as 200:1. These marked gender differences are partly related to the lethality of methods of selfharm. Males are more likely to use methods that put them in immediate, severe danger, such as firearms or hanging, whereas women are more likely to use less-lethal methods, such as taking pills or poisons. Socialization of attitudes about gender also might contribute to gender differences in suicide behavior, but little is known about this issue. Suicide behavior patterns vary by ethnicity. Native American youth, particularly males, show the highest completed suicide rates in the United States and Canada, nearly twice the U.S. average. White American youth show the second highest suicide rate. Completed suicides by firearms increased by 133% between 1979 and 1997 among African American men age 15 to 19 and by 24% among those age 20 to 24, which might result from increased availability of firearms among African American adolescents. Suicide attempts among African American high school males increased by 4.2% from 1991 to 2001, whereas rates among females in this group remained stable and rates among white youth decreased. More suicide ideation and attempts are reported among Hispanic adolescents than among white or African American adolescents. Suicide behavior also varies across geographic and sociocultural contexts. In North America and Australia, suicide rates are higher in rural than in urban areas, possibly due to increased social isolation and access to hunting firearms. Higher suicide rates occur among lower socioeconomic classes in Korea, China, and Australia and among the unemployed in the United States and Europe. Suicide rates are particularly high among aboriginal peoples in North America and the Southeastern Pacific, possibly due to the loss of native culture and the stress of acculturation. In Japan, economic decline and a lack of cultural condemnation

of suicide have been implicated in recent sharp increases in suicide across age groups. R i s k Fac to r s Most research examining risk factors for suicidal behavior has been conducted with American samples. Findings from other areas of the world are noted. Worldwide, suicide typically coincides with, or follows, some form of psychopathology. At least 90% of youth who commit suicide meet criteria for a psychiatric diagnosis in the time immediately preceding their deaths, with many exhibiting diagnoses of multiple disorders. Emotional disorders such as anxiety, depression, and bipolar disorder are most common, but other disorders such as substance abuse and conduct disorder also occur among suicidal children. The higher rate of suicide behavior among adolescents than among children might be explained in part by heightened depression in older youth. Hopelessness, low self-esteem, and guilt, a subgroup of symptoms associated with depression, are common among suicidal youth in the United States and Europe. Worldwide, the single strongest predictor of future suicide behavior is previous suicide ideation and attempts, even when other factors such as psychopathology and family history are taken into account. Research suggests a strong familial component to suicide risk. Youth with immediate family members who have attempted or completed suicide are more likely than other youth to exhibit suicide behavior. This pattern might be due in part to biological factors. Suicide attempters and victims have low levels of serotonergic neurotransmitters, especially in the ventral prefrontal cortex, an area associated with behavioral inhibition. Parents carrying this neurochemical imbalance might genetically transmit biological risk for suicide to their children. Furthermore, children’s perceptions of family functioning are relevant to suicide risk. Children who attempt suicide view their families as less cohesive and more confl ict ridden than do nonsuicidal children, and these negative family characteristics account for increased risk for suicide behavior among adolescents of depressed mothers. Beyond the family context, exposure to adversity and stress puts youth at risk for psychopathology and suicide. Studies in the United States, Europe, and Israel show that a history of sexual or physical abuse is much more common in suicidal than in nonsuicidal youth, and children who have been physically abused show more frequent suicide behavior than do neglected or nonabused/nonneglected children. Risky behaviors that increase youths’ exposure to stressful contexts, such as drug and alcohol use and sexual activity, also are positively associated with suicide ideation and attempts in the United States and Europe. Individual characteristics of youth might exacerbate suicide risk. Adolescent suicide attempters are less capable

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of producing alternative solutions for dealing with interpersonal problems and are more likely to engage in wishful thinking than are nonsuicidal youth. Inward-directed coping behavior (e.g., worrying, self-pity) also predicts suicidal thoughts and attempts over time. Certain personality characteristics also might be relevant. Genetic transmission of impulsive and aggressive traits might partially account for the increased likelihood that a child with a first-degree relative (i.e., parents, brothers, and sisters) who has attempted or completed suicide also will exhibit suicide behavior. Moreover, social perfectionism, or the belief that others hold unattainable standards for one’s behavior, is associated with greater suicide ideation. Identifying and responding to risk factors might be an effective approach to preventing suicide behavior among youth. Providing youth with supportive, culturally appropriate social environments, encouraging effective coping, addressing risk behaviors such as substance abuse, addressing issues of mental health, and recognizing the seriousness of suicide ideation and attempts might buffer youth against risk for suicide behavior. Jamie L. Abaied and Karen D. Rudolph see also: Depression; Mental Health Care; Mental Illness; Self-Injury further reading: David A. Lester, ed., Suicide Prevention: Resources for the Millennium, 2001. • Robert A. King and Alan Apter, Suicide in Children and Adolescents, 2003. • Joav Merrick and Gil Zalsman, Suicidal Behavior in Adolescents: An International Perspective, 2005. • Kate Sofronoff, Len Dalgliesh, and Robert Kosky, Out of Options: A Cognitive Model of Adolescent Suicide and Risk-Taking, 2005.

sullivan, harry stack (b. February 21, 1892; d. January 14, 1949), American psychiatrist and theorist of interpersonal relations. Harry Stack Sullivan remains a colorful and enigmatic figure in the early history of American social sciences. Born in rural New York, he experienced a relatively isolated childhood as an Irish Catholic youth who excelled intellectually. He had only one friend, who also became a psychiatrist and whose adult professional relationship with Sullivan was competitive and icy. After a checkered educational history, Sullivan was awarded a medical degree in 1917. He received a commission to the Army Medical Reserve Corps and treated returning veterans of World War I. Sullivan became a public figure in 1921 when he moved to St. Elizabeth’s Mental Hospital in Washington, DC, and then to Sheppard Pratt Hospital near Baltimore, Maryland, in 1922. He gathered a following through his work on schizophrenia and his lectures, which advanced a non-Freudian eclectic approach to psychiatry that was highly “American.” Its central tenet was that individuals continuously rede-

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fined themselves as they traversed through life and met themselves anew in fresh interpersonal relationships. In this regard, Sullivan can be classified alongside socialpsychological and cultural thinkers such as Margaret Mead, Ruth Benedict, Edward Sapir, and George Herbert Mead. The ideas that allied him with this group can be found in an edited volume of his lectures: The Interpersonal Theory of Psychiatry, which was published in 1953. Sullivan argued that a child’s relationship with his or her mother does not shape the personality for life. Mothers do not respond to their children, as such, but perceive them through a filter of social expectations and desires. Sullivan also maintained that any trauma contracted in the parental relationship is open to correction when the individual subsequently enters peer relationships that are based on equality rather than on asymmetrical authority. This proposition can be seen in Sullivan’s innovative strategy of treating adolescent schizophrenia via peer group therapy and in his trenchant insight that parents are deceived when they believe that their children love them. Love, which Sullivan defined as mutual concern for one another’s welfare, instead was discovered in friendship around age 8 1/2 to 10. In today’s parlance, Sullivan would be called a life span theorist because he believed that the individual’s development was continuous throughout life. New interpersonal relationships provided fresh information for redefining the self. He used the term personalities rather than personality to stress the point. The key to this proposition was that interpersonal relationships provided opportunities for selfreflection that could come only from equals who could give critical feedback to one another. Sullivan’s last years were devoted to the promotion of peace, as he was deeply influenced by the cruelty and devastation of World War II, capped by the use of the atomic bomb by the United States in Japan. Sullivan wondered what good, if any, had come from Western social sciences and worked to bring his concerns into these sciences and into government. He believed that enduring peace would be possible only when child rearing and education were oriented toward perspective taking and mutual understanding among diverse peoples. He advanced this viewpoint as a member of a UNESCO commission designed to stem future wars. James Youniss see also: Friendship; Personality further reading: Harry Stack Sullivan, The Interpersonal Theory of Psychiatry, 1953. • Helen Swick Perry, Psychiatrist of America: The Life of Harry Stack Sullivan, 1982.

suspension and expulsion. Suspension is a shortterm disciplinary exclusion from school. Expulsion, sometimes called exclusion, refers to a longer-term or permanent

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exclusion from school, which may result in the loss of all educational services or placement in an alternative educational environment. Suspensions and expulsions are used as a form of school discipline in many countries. In the United States, more than 3 million suspensions were ordered by public schools in the year 2000, and expulsions were employed against almost 100,000 public school students. The use of suspensions and expulsions increased dramatically during the last 20 years of the 20th century, and they have been subject to challenge on a number of fronts. Public school authorities support suspensions and expulsions as necessary to ensure a safe school environment. School exclusion has faced challenges, however, as excessively punitive and harmful and because of its disproportionate use with certain students based on characteristics such as race and disability. School discipline is also limited by students’ rights to fair process, freedom of speech and religious expression, and protection from unreasonable searches. Some researchers have defended school officials’ need for broad discretion to enforce school rules, while others have proposed alternative approaches to create a safe and productive school environment. Suspensions and expulsions developed in common-law countries under the doctrine of in loco parentis, which gives school officials authority to stand in the place of the students’ parents. This authority was later defined in state statutes that grant local school districts discretion to define offenses and determine the appropriate punishment for violations. Students may be suspended or expelled for a wide variety of offenses, including cheating, harassment, fighting or threatening behavior, open defiance, continued and willful disobedience, disrespect, tardiness, truancy, substantial damage to school property, offensive speech, use or sale of drugs or alcohol, and possession of weapons. Several widely publicized school shootings near the end of the 20th century and other indicators of school violence in the United States, Canada, and Europe crystallized public fear concerning school violence. Some countries adopted more stringent school discipline measures to protect students and teachers. The United States, England, and Canada witnessed a dramatic increase in the use of suspensions and expulsions. For example, in the United States in 1974, only 3.7% of public school students were suspended, while, by 2000, 6.6% were suspended, 0.21% were expelled, and 0.05% were expelled without any educational services. Expulsions affect young children as well: 3- and 4-year-old children are expelled at three times the rate of elementary and secondary students. Increased use of suspensions and expulsions has been criticized as too punitive and harmful to students’ educational careers and well-being. Students who are suspended or expelled fall behind their peers, have higher school dropout rates, and may be unable to attend alternative education programs. They are also at greater risk for engaging in

delinquent acts that lead to involvement with the juvenile justice system. Suspensions and expulsions increased with the adoption of zero-tolerance policies for certain violations adopted in some countries. Since the 1990s, U.S. federal law has required states to have a mandatory minimum one-year expulsion for students who bring a weapon to school, and what is considered a weapon may be defined broadly. Many states and local school districts have expanded the zerotolerance approach to include mandatory expulsion for other offenses, such as possession of drugs, alcohol, or tobacco; fighting; or threats of violence. Suspensions and expulsions are not evenly distributed through the school population but disproportionately affect certain members of the student population. According to U.S. Office for Civil Rights data, male students are twoand-one-half times more likely than are female students to be suspended or expelled. Male students from minority groups are even more likely to be suspended or expelled, and African American male students have the highest rates of suspension and expulsion, almost three times their presence in the school population. Suspensions and expulsions also disproportionately affect students with disabilities, students growing up in homes near or below the poverty level, and those living with single parents. U.S. students cannot secure judicial action to prevent the disproportionate use of suspensions and expulsions under the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution or federal nondiscrimination laws without evidence of intentional discrimination based on race, ethnicity, gender, or disability. However, the U.S. Office for Civil Rights does have authority to investigate complaints and require school districts to discontinue the disproportionate use of suspensions and expulsions on race, ethnicity, gender, or disability grounds. Federal law also protects students with disabilities from suspensions or expulsions for behaviors caused by or directly and substantially related to their disability or for misconduct directly resulting from a school’s failure to implement agreed-upon special education services. Students with disabilities, however, may be removed to alternative educational settings for drug or weapons possession or infl icting serious bodily injury at school. In Goss v. Lopez (1975), the U.S. Supreme Court held that the due process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment protects students’ interest in their public school education, reputation, and student conduct record. Students cannot be suspended or expelled without the essential requirements of due process, including notice and a hearing. Public officials must tell students which behavior will subject them to discipline, although they do not have to detail every possible form of misconduct that would result in suspension or expulsion and may sanction any conduct that interferes with the educational process or endangers members of the

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school community. Individual students charged with violations that could result in suspension or expulsion must be given notice of the charges against them and an opportunity to respond to those allegations. Increased procedural protections are required for more serious penalties. State laws and regulations generally detail the type of notice and hearing students receive before the imposition of either suspension or expulsion. In other countries, adoption of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child has led to a review of school policies to ensure students’ participation rights prior to disciplinary measures being taken against them. Courts have provided students with some protection from suspension and expulsion for expression of their beliefs and ideas. The Supreme Court held in Tinker v. Des Moines Independent Community School District (1969) that the First Amendment free-speech rights of students protesting the Vietnam War by wearing black armbands were protected where the students’ expression did not substantially disrupt school activities. Student speech in school has been given more limited protection, but school authorities can regulate out-of-school speech over the Internet only where there is a well-founded expectation of school disruption. Students in several countries have received protection for the wearing of religious symbols. In Canada, it is not permissible to enact a total ban on the wearing of the kirpan (ceremonial dagger) by Sikh students, and in England Muslim girls may be required to wear a modified form of Islamic dress rather than full Islamic dress. However, France has banned the wearing of head scarves in state schools in order to preserve religious neutrality in the public sphere. Judicial deference to school authority is also evident in the limited protection given students from searches and seizures that may lead to suspension or expulsion. In the United States and Canada, students’ personal belongings may be individually searched when school officials have a reasonable suspicion that a student has violated a school

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rule. U.S. students may also be subjected to random drug testing in order to participate in extracurricular school activities. Whether strong suspension and expulsion policies are needed for a safe and productive school environment is subject to controversy. Supporters assert that school discipline has been undermined by judicial intervention, which reduces the ability of school officials to respond strongly and firmly to student misconduct. They point to instances in which schools have withdrawn disciplinary measures because of the threat of litigation or have been ordered to do so by the courts, and they argue that this has made schools less safe and has interfered with students’ ability to learn. Critics argue that increased use of suspensions and expulsions does not make schools more disciplined, orderly, or safe, but that high suspension and expulsion rates are a symptom of a troubled school environment. They have proposed alternative approaches to ensure a safe and productive learning environment, which include violence prevention curricula, improved classroom behavior management, social skills training and positive behavioral supports, early identification and intervention for at-risk students, and alternative consequences for student misconduct. Theresa Glennon see also: Dropouts; Education: Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives; Freedom of Speech; Rights, Children’s further reading: Kathleen Cotton, Schoolwide and Classroom Discipline, School Improvement Research Series, Close-Up No. 9, December 1990. • Russell Skiba and Gil G. Noam, eds., Zero Tolerance: Can Suspension and Expulsion Keep Schools Safe?, 2002. • Richard Arum, Irenee Beattie, Richard Pitt, Jennifer Thompson, and Sandra Way, Judging School Discipline: The Crisis of Moral Authority, 2003. • Louis Rosen, School Discipline: Best Practices for Administrators, 2nd ed., 2005.

swearing. see Slang and Offensive Language

π talent. see Giftedness talk, learning to. see Communication, Development of; Language: Language Development

taoism. see Confucianism and Taoism taste and smell, development of. Researchers have begun to explore the ontogeny of the functioning of the senses of taste and smell as well as the role that these senses play in food choice and social interactions. Taste and smell are intimately connected to nutrition, enabling humans to reject those foods that are harmful and to seek out those that are beneficial and pleasurable. In addition to being part of humans’ protective adaptation to the environment, these senses are involved in the regulation of social interactions. This is particularly apparent in mother-infant interaction, since both possess the ability to recognize each other by smell alone and their body odors carry important information that serve to regulate each other’s behaviors and internal states. The focus of this article is the development of the senses of taste and smell; the senses of vision and hearing are covered elsewhere in this volume. Tast e , Smell, a n d F l avor Taste refers to the sensation that occurs when chemicals stimulate taste receptors located on a large portion of the tongue and other parts of the oropharynx. People recognize five basic tastes—sweet, sour, bitter, salty, and umami (the taste associated with monosodium glutamate, or MSG)— that interact with these specific receptors located on the tongue and other areas of the oral cavity. Recent scientific advances led to the discovery of families of genes that encode for taste receptors and provided information on how these receptors handle the chemical information in their environment. One family of taste receptor genes mediates bitter taste perception (alternatively designated as TAS2R), whereas the TAS1R gene family mediates sweet (TAS1R2 and TAS1R3) and umami (TAS1R1 and TAS1R3) taste perception. The family of genes that encodes for bitter taste receptors has more variation within and between populations than do most other genes, lending further support that bitterness evolved for the purpose of warning against the ingestion of toxic substances. Research to explore the re-

lationship between these genes and behaviors is in its early stages. Naturally occurring variation of the TAS2R38 gene in both children and adults accounts for individual differences in the ability to detect some bitter-tasting chemicals. In children, the genetic variation that conveys moderate or high sensitivity to bitter tastes was also associated with preferences for higher levels of sweet tastes in foods and beverages. Thus, individual differences in bitter sensitivity may influence sweet intake, especially in children. Smell or olfaction occurs when chemicals stimulate olfactory receptors located on a relatively small patch of tissue high in the nasal cavity. Odor stimuli can reach the olfactory receptors in two ways: they can enter the nostrils during inhalation (orthonasal route), or they can travel from the back of the nasopharynx toward the roof of the nasal cavity (retronasal route). The latter occurs during chewing and swallowing in older children and adults and during suckling in infants. The organization of the olfactory system reflects the need to recognize a wide range of odors and to discriminate one odor from another. In fact, the olfactory receptor genes are encoded by the largest mammalian gene superfamily, consisting of more than 1,000 genes that code for a large number of receptor proteins located on membranes of the small filaments of olfactory neurons. Linda Buck and Richard Axel were awarded the Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine for this scientific discovery in 2004. Flavor, as an attribute of foods and beverages, is the integration of multiple sensory inputs of the taste and of retronasal olfaction of substances in the oral and nasal cavities. The perceptions of taste and smell are often confused and misappropriated, with sensations such as vanilla, fish, chocolate, and coffee being erroneously attributed to the taste system per se when, in fact, much of the sensory input determining this sensation is due to retronasal olfaction. Holding one’s nose while eating interrupts retronasal olfaction and thereby eliminates many of the subtleties of food, leaving only the taste components remaining. The large olfactory component of flavors may shed light as to why those foods experienced early in life remain preferred and, to some extent, provide comfort. Memories evoked by odors and flavors are more emotionally charged than those evoked by other sensory stimuli because of the olfactory system’s intense and immediate access to the neurological substrates underlying emotion.

taste and smell, development of

T h e D e v elo pm en t o f S m el l a n d Tas t e The olfactory system is well developed before birth. The olfactory bulbs and receptor cells have attained adultlike morphology by the 11th week of gestation, and olfactory marker protein (OMP), a biochemical correlate of olfactory receptor functioning, has been identified in the olfactory epithelium of human fetuses at 28 weeks of gestation. Because the epithelial plugs that obstruct the external nares resolve between gestational weeks 16 and 24, there is a continual turnover of amniotic fluid, and the odors and flavors contained in it, through the nasal passages. At birth, infants are as sensitive, if not more so, to a wide range of odors than are adults, especially those emanating from their mothers. Within hours after birth, mothers and infants can recognize each other through the sense of smell alone. Newborns will prefer their mother’s breast unwashed as compared to when it has been thoroughly washed and thereby less odorous. As likewise observed in other mammalian young, this recognition of and preference for maternal odors may play a role in guiding the infant to the nipple area and facilitating early nipple attachment and breastfeeding. Such recognition, with little postpartum contact, may be due, in part, to mothers learning about the olfactory identity of their infants via changes in their own body odor during pregnancy, a change that reflects the odor type of the child. Whereas odors emanating from mothers cue feeding and digestive functioning and calm infants, those emanating from infants affect maternal responses such as regulation of empathy and influence on the lactational process. Like the olfactory system, the taste system is well developed before birth and continues to mature postnatally. Specialized taste cells first appear in the human fetus at 7 to 8 weeks of gestation, and morphologically mature receptor cells are recognizable at 13 to 15 weeks. These taste receptors are capable of conveying information to the central nervous system by the last trimester of pregnancy, and this information is available to systems organizing changes in sucking, facial expressions, and other behaviors. Although the newborn baby can detect sweet-, sour-, and bitter-tasting foods as well as a wide variety of flavors, sensitivity to salt and other flavors does not emerge until the infant is approximately 4 months of age. In other words, infants are not merely miniature adults since their sense of taste continues to develop during infancy and childhood. Perhaps the most striking taste difference between children and adults is the strong liking for sweet-tasting foods and beverages and the dislike of bitter-tasting vegetables during childhood. The convergence of results from different measures of taste perception gives confidence in the conclusion that infants and children are quite sensitive to sweet and bitter tastes and display an innate preference for sweets and rejection of bitter. Is the strong preference that children have for sweets solely a product of modern marketing, technology (e.g.,

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sugar refining), and availability, or does it reflect some aspect of their basic biology? Research suggests that these likes and dislikes reflect the latter. From an evolutionary perspective, these responses serve important biological functions. Preference for sweet-tasting foods may have evolved to solve a basic nutritional problem of attracting children to sources of high energy during periods of maximal growth since foods (e.g., mother’s milk, fruits) that are rich in energy often taste sweet. The rejection of bitter tastes may have evolved to protect children from poisoning since many toxic substances are, by their nature, bitter and often distasteful. Because the senses of taste and smell are the major determinants of whether young children will accept a food (e.g., they eat only what they like), they take on greater significance in understanding the bases for children’s food choices. Understanding the development and functioning of these senses may assist in the development of evidencebased strategies to improve their diets since many of the illnesses that plague modern society (e.g., obesity, diabetes, and hypertension) are the consequence of poor food choices. Learning about tastes and flavors and, in turn, the development of food preferences begins long before the child’s first taste of solid foods. Lear ni ng ab ou t Fl avor s and Food s One of the earliest sources of flavor experiences is amniotic fluid and mother’s milk since these first swallowed and smelled substances directly reflect the flavors of the foods and beverages ingested (e.g., carrot, garlic, mint, alcohol, vanilla, tobacco, anise) or substances inhaled (e.g., tobacco) by the mother. Scientific research has revealed that learning about flavors occurs during prenatal life and contributes to long-term food preferences. The European rabbit, as a research model, provides an elegant example of such learning. Researchers found that when they fed mother rabbits juniper berries during either pregnancy or lactation, their rabbit pups ate more of this food at weaning. This learning was quite robust, and the preference lasted for several months. A similar phenomenon has recently been observed in humans. Like other animals, human infants not only can detect these flavors in amniotic fluid and mother’s milk, but experiences with flavors also lead to greater enjoyment and preference for these flavors. Both amniotic fluid and breast milk share a commonality in flavor profiles with the foods eaten by the mother. Breast milk may bridge the experiences with flavors in utero to those in solid foods served in that household and in that culture. Moreover, the sweetness and textural properties of human milk vary from mother to mother and across each feeding as well as across the whole period of lactation, thus suggesting that breastfeeding, unlike formula feeding, provides the infant with the potential for a rich source of varying chemosensory experiences. The types and intensity of flavors experienced in breast milk

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may be unique for each infant and serve to identify the culture into which the child is born. Breastfed infants are more willing to accept a novel vegetable upon first presentation than are formula-fed infants, perhaps because of this varied exposure. They are also less likely to become picky eaters if they have been breastfed for at least six months. Diverse flavor experiences not only reduce food neophobia by preexposing the infant to flavors that will later be presented at weaning but also increase the infant’s readiness to accept completely unfamiliar flavors, thereby facilitating diet diversity. The long-term consequences of breastfeeding on the development of aspects of food and flavor preferences have been the subject of a few studies. Fruit and vegetable consumption by school-age children was predicted by either breastfeeding duration, food-related experiences during early life, or mothers’ preferences. Clearly, more research is needed, but the findings that infants are learning via flavor cues in breast milk suggest one (but not the only) mechanism underlying these associations. C o nc lu sion The machinery needed to detect flavors is operating as early as late fetal and neonatal life. However, the development of taste and smell evolves over the life span, producing an interface between biology and culture, past and present. The emotional potency of odor- and flavor-evoked memories and the reward systems that encourage humans to seek out pleasurable sensations together play a role in the strong emotional component of food habits that is an integral part of all cultures that has its beginnings during gestation and breastfeeding. Julie A. Mennella see also: Food Aversions and Preferences; Neurological and Brain Development further reading: J. A. Mennella, C. J. Jagnow, and G. K. Beauchamp, “Pre- and Post-natal Flavor Learning by Human Infants,” Pediatrics 107 (2001), p. e88. • D. V. Smith and R. F. Margolskee, “Making Sense of Taste,” Scientific American 284 (2001), pp. 32–39. • J. A. Mennella, M. Y. Pepino, and D. R. Reed, “Genetic and Environmental Determinants of Bitter Perception and Sweet Preferences in Children and Adults,” Pediatrics 115, no. 2 (February 2005), pp. e216–e222. • D. R. Reed and A. H. McDaniel, “The Human Sweet Tooth,” BMC Oral Health 6 (2006), Supp. 1–17.

tattoos. see Body Image and Modification taxation, children and. In the United States, children are generally federally taxable in the same manner as are adults on their income from all sources, including work and investment. Income from the services of a child is taxable to the child even if the parents retain the money. This is usually advantageous, since children are typically in a lower tax bracket than are their parents. Under the “kiddie tax,” if a child younger than age 18 has income from investment that exceeds a statutory amount,

that income will be taxed at the parents’ highest marginal tax rate. This rule prevents intrafamily income shifting. In the absence of such a rule, parents would transfer property to their children so that the income it generates could be taxed at the child’s lower marginal tax rate. Under certain circumstances, parents or guardians may elect to include their children’s unearned income on their own return, avoiding the need to make complicated “kiddie tax” calculations. A minor child’s legal guardian must file the child’s tax return, although the child may relieve the guardian of that obligation by filing his or her own return or arranging for another person to file it. Ta x C o n s equenc e s fo r t h e Fa m i ly Most children are claimed by their parents as dependents, entitling the parents to a statutory exemption amount (e.g., $3,300 in 2006). Tax exemptions function like tax deductions, so an exemption’s dollar value to the taxpayer depends on the taxpayer’s marginal tax rate. Children younger than age 19 (and students younger than 24) may be claimed as dependents as long as they live with their parents at least half the year and their parents provide at least half of their support. If a child’s parents are divorced, only the parent with whom the child resided for more of the year may claim the dependency exemption. The dependency exemption can be seen as providing a tax offset to the supporting parents for the costs of providing life’s necessities to the child. Expenses of raising children are tax advantaged in other ways. For example, the value of children’s public school education is not included in their parents’ income. Likewise, parents may be entitled to a $1,650 Hope Credit or a $2,000 Lifetime Learning Credit for their children’s postsecondary school tuition expenses. A credit is a dollar-fordollar offset of tax due, so a $100 credit is worth $100 to the taxpayer, regardless of the taxpayer’s marginal tax rate. Children and parents may also receive certain scholarships tax free, as long as the child is a degree candidate at a qualified educational institution. Several commentators have reviewed the tax incentives related to child care and concluded that certain aspects of the U.S. tax system encourage a traditional family structure in which one parent works while the other stays home. Because the United States does not tax imputed income, which includes the value of services the taxpayer provides for him or herself, parents have a tax incentive to provide child care themselves rather than paying someone else to provide it. The tax advantage for self-provided child care is reinforced by the absence of a deduction in the United States for child care expenses incurred by parents or guardians who work outside the home. Although the United States is far from alone in denying a deduction for workrelated child care expenses, several countries provide a deduction.

teachers

The absence of a work-related child care deduction is mitigated to some extent by the presence of two tax credits. First, the U.S. tax code provides a credit for a percentage of expenses related to care for children younger than age 13 (or older children with disabilities). Child care compensation paid to relatives qualifies for the credit, unless the relative is a dependent or child younger than age 19 of the claiming parent. Like many child-related tax benefits, the child care credit is reduced when the parent earns above a statutory threshold amount. Taxpayers with income low enough to qualify for the full credit are unlikely to be able to claim it, since they generally cannot afford to spend such a large proportion of their income on child care. For example, in 2006, a taxpayer with two children and adjusted gross income of $15,000 would have to spend $6,000 on child care to claim the full $2,100 credit. The credit is also nonrefundable, so if the parent’s tax bill is insufficient to offset the credit—likely in the case of taxpayers entitled to the full credit—the excess credit is lost. Employees may receive child care assistance tax free from their employers pursuant to a dependent care assistance program. The expenses must be related to care of children younger than age 13 (or older children with disabilities), and the exclusion is unavailable if the child care program is limited to highly compensated employees. Employers may claim a credit for a percentage of certain expenditures incurred to provide care for their employees’ children. This favorable tax treatment provides an incentive for employerprovided child care services. Parents may be entitled to other untaxed compensation on account of their children. For example, parents are not taxed on the portion of employerpaid health insurance premiums paid for their children’s insurance or fringe benefits that benefit their children. Until 2011, when the Child Tax Credit is scheduled to be reduced to $500, parents may claim a $1,000 credit for each child younger than 17. This credit begins to phase out as the parents’ income increases. Receipt of child-support payments from an ex-spouse is neither taxable to the receiving parent nor deductible to the paying parent. Parents may claim a credit for the costs of adopting a child. The Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) is the most important source of social aid delivered by the tax system to low-income taxpayers with earned income. The amount of the credit depends on the taxpayer’s income level and family situation. The maximum EITC for a family with no children in 2007 was $428, compared with $2,853 for one child and $4,716 for two or more children. The credit increases dramatically for taxpayers with one or two children but does not increase for families with more than two children. The credit phases out as the taxpayer’s income increases. In 2007, single taxpayers with two children began to lose their EITC when their taxable income exceeded $15,390 and lost the credit entirely if their income exceeded $37,783.

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Ta x e s Oth er Th a n F ed er al I nc om e Ta x e s Although gifts and bequests do not generate federal income tax liability for recipients, they may result in tax liability for the donor or decedent’s estate. Only taxpayers making very large gifts and having very large estates are presently subject to gift, estate, and generation-skipping transfer taxes, which cover transfers made from grandparents to grandchildren. For income tax purposes, most states use the federal tax base as a starting point before making state-specific adjustments, and to that extent the previous discussion applies to state taxation. Other issues related to state taxation and children vary by state. Ruth Mason see also: Property and Contract, Children’s Rights to further reading: Lawrence Zelenak, “Children and the Income Tax,” Tax Law Review 49 (1994), pp. 349–417. • Edward J. McCaffrey, Taxing Women, 1997. • Mary Louise Fellows, “Rocking the Tax Code: A Case Study of Employment-Related Child Care Expenditures,” Yale Journal of Law and Feminism 10 (1998), pp. 307– 96. • Dorothy A. Brown, “The Tax Treatment of Children: Separate but Unequal,” Emory Law Journal 54 (2005), pp. 755–841.

teachers. The amount of time that children have spent with teachers has increased radically over time. The typical young American in the mid-19th century attended school for only five years. Few girls earned a formal education beyond the primary levels, and African American children were prohibited from education in virtually all of the slave-holding South and through most of the North. Not until the early 20th century, with the expansion of publicly funded education and the introduction of child labor laws, did most children attend elementary schooling on a regular basis; not until the end of World War II did more than half of all adolescents attend secondary schools. Children spend more than 900 hours a year in the classroom; thus, the influence of teachers on children’s lives is significant. Yet Americans, as well as citizens in schooled societies throughout the world, disagree widely on what teachers’ impact on children should be or how best to shape those experiences. Research on what makes a good teacher has changed historically, reflecting changes in what society has expected of schooling. Up through the 19th century across Western cultures, teachers were expected to instill a set body of knowledge and skill base and to discipline students into proper behavior. Teachers were learned men who taught the sons of the elite in hierarchical classrooms organized around a system of rewards and punishments, competitive emulation, recitation, and memorization. Children’s experience of schooling was radically improved with the innovations of European Enlightenment educators such as Friedrich Froebel, Johann Friedrich Herbart, and Johann Pestalozzi, who argued that children should be free to pursue their own interests and learn through activities that were carefully guided by a skilled

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teacher. Drawing upon early notions of child development and learning theory, these early educational reformers argued that teachers should follow a sequential curriculum that was aligned with different stages of children’s mental and social development. The impact of enlightened notions of the nurturing relationship between the teacher and the child led to the decline of punitive discipline, the introduction of grades and promotion patterns, and the development of differential curriculum and teaching strategies. Accompanying these developments in educational philosophy and practice were changes in the structure of schooling and the characteristics of teachers. When mid19th-century American educational reformers such as Horace Mann promoted a system of publicly funded schools with trained teachers, they advocated for the appointment of women teachers, in part because of the popular affiliation of women with the nurturance of children, and in part because women could demand less pay than men. The gendered identity of teaching still holds in modern schools where women dominate elementary teaching positions in the preparation of young children in basic social and literacy skills; children gradually see more men teachers as they move into the more subject-centered and didactic-oriented secondary schooling. The ideas of early 20th-century educational philosopher John Dewey furthered the trend toward what became known as progressive education. Dewey argued that teachers should create a learning environment that emphasized values of democracy and community. Early 20th-century American schools adopted curricular innovations such as interdisciplinarity, block scheduling, laboratory work, school arts, and project-based fieldwork. Progressive educational ideas expanded the role of schools beyond mere academic training, and teachers took on more social educative roles, offering instruction in health, civics, and athletic and club work and more training and attention to students with special learning needs. Contemporary curricular practices such as whole language, cooperative learning, experiential education, and numerous forms of alternative schooling all have philosophical roots in progressive education. American education today still balances the progressive educational emphasis of student-centered learning and the traditional transmission model of subject matter instruction. Ironically, as the social role of schooling has expanded, evaluations of student learning and teacher performance have narrowed to emphasize the work of the classroom and not the broader social and economic context in which schooling occurs. Since the mid-20th century, teacher effectiveness has primarily been evaluated by student outcomes as measured by student test scores rather than by more comprehensive and qualitative evaluations such as portfolio and performance evaluations that assess teachers’ actual products and performance in context. An emphasis on quantitative tests is the result of educators’ ef-

forts to create a predictive science of teaching, an effort that has largely failed due to the nature of instructional work with children. Teaching is often described as an art rather than a science, and teachers are often credited for their intuitive skills as a “born teacher” rather than as skilled professionals. Classroom teachers’ individual interactions with children are impacted by myriad unpredictable influences, including the particular demands and philosophies of the school setting, the role of students’ family and community, the assigned curriculum, and children’s own character, interests, and ability. Central to the discussion about good teaching is the appropriate preparation of that teacher. Teacher education programs, first developed in mid-19th century normal schools, require the simultaneous development of course content knowledge, pedagogy and curriculum development, strategies for instruction for students with special needs, and knowledge of children’s social and intellectual development. By the mid-20th century, state education systems required university preparation in these areas for teacher certification in order to teach in public schools. Today, 48 states require public school teachers to pass one or more tests to obtain a teaching license. Although the federal government has no constitutional authority over education, teacher qualifications have been regulated in part by national provisions in the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001. In spite of efforts to create a science of instruction and a standard system of preparation, popular ideas about teacher qualifications remain inconsistent. Some educators argue that teachers should be better prepared in their content area than in pedagogy and curriculum development. Home schools, private, charter, and Catholic schools do not require teacher certification. Understandings of teacher quality are complicated by the challenging working conditions that teachers face in many schools that, combined with minimal compensation, lead almost half of all new public school teachers to leave the profession in their first five years. Teachers with the least experience and preparation are concentrated in at-risk, hard-to-staff schools, and they experience a higher turnover rate; the lower quality of education in these schools contributes to achievement gaps between white students and students of color and between middle-class and working-class students. Further impacting teachers’ relationships with children today is the increased formalization of schooling that requires teachers to follow legislative requirements, codes of behavior and work practices, and assessment and curricular guidelines. While these regulations protect children and provide a standard model of schooling, critics argue that they prevent much of the child-centered activity and spontaneous moments of learning advocated by progressive educators. Children’s experiences of schooling reflect their nation’s different priorities about and capacities for supporting

teeth

public education. International comparisons of education have often focused on achievement data, as measured in test scores. A larger body of work examines the many variables that affect student outcome, including different cultural attitudes about schooling. For example, studies have found that some Asian cultures place school as more central in their lives than do American students, that teaching is a highly respected and fairly well-paid profession, and that teachers have group preparation time and professional development incorporated into their daily schedule. Different cultures place different emphases on testing, individual and collective assignments, links to vocational preparation, extracurricular and social activities, and individual achievement. Economic supports significantly impact children’s experience in education. In many underdeveloped countries, pupil-teacher ratios are twice as high as they are in developed ones, and because of the high dropout rates, secondary enrollments tend to be much lower than those in the primary grades. Teachers in underdeveloped countries work in poorly equipped schools, and opportunities for advanced educational work are limited. Children’s experience of schooling is impacted not only by the character of the teachers in the classroom but also by the great diversity of school organizations, resources, and curricula at the school. Globalization trends have moved some nations’ educational goals and practices closer together, yet variations will continue to exist between nation-states, cultures, and the experiences of students and teachers in individual classrooms. Kate Rousmaniere

D e v elo pm en t o f T eeth Primary teeth begin with enamel development by around 4 months of gestation; this process is completed by 10 months after birth. There are 20 primary teeth, consisting of central incisors, lateral incisors, canines, first molars, and second molars (see figure 1A). Eruption of primary teeth is usually complete by 24 months of age. Enamel hardening of permanent teeth begins with the first molars around the time of birth and is completed (except for third molars) by 8 years of age. There are 32 permanent teeth, consisting of central incisors, lateral incisors, canines, first and second premolars, and first, second, and third molars (see figure 1B). The third molars are commonly referred to as wisdom teeth. The entire process of tooth eruption for the permanent teeth is usually complete by 13 years of age. There are slight

see also: Classroom Culture; Schools further reading: Joseph W. Newman, America’s Teachers: An Introduction to Education, 2002. • Iris C. Rotberg, ed., Balancing Change and Tradition in Global Education Reform, 2004. • David P. Baker and Gerald K. Letendre, National Differences, Global Similarities: World Culture and the Future of Schooling, 2005. • Linda Darling Hammond, Powerful Teacher Education, 2006.

teasing. see Bullying; Play: Developmental Perspectives teen pregnancy. see Childbearing, Adolescent teeth. Teeth have a complex structure. The white part outside the gingiva or gum is called the crown, with an outer later of enamel. Dentin makes up the bulk of the crown and the root of the tooth and is a calcified substance, more yellow in color than enamel. The root of the tooth, the substance buried in the gums, is lined by a thin layer of hard tissue called the cementum. The periodontal ligaments are connective tissue fibers surrounding the root of the tooth, attaching it to the jaw. The pulp tissue, or inside of the tooth, comprises blood vessels and nerves and provides sensory and nutritive functions for the tooth. The pulp is housed within the pulp cavity and root canal of the tooth.

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figure 1. A. The primary teeth. B. The permanent teeth.

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variations in the timing of eruption between the sexes, with girls slightly ahead of boys and African Americans slightly ahead of Caucasians. Dental eruption may be delayed in populations that suffer malnutrition, particularly with vitamin D deficiency. Natal teeth (present at birth) or neonatal teeth (erupt within 30 days after birth) are rare, occurring in about 1 in every 700 births. Of these teeth, 85% are lower central incisors. In most cases, these are the primary teeth, and every attempt should be made to retain them if possible. Abnor m aliti es i n Dev elopmen t

Acute necrotizing gingivitis is seen most often in the adolescent population and consists of severe gingival inflammation along with areas of gingival tissue loss. Often systemic symptoms occur, including enlarged lymph nodes, general malaise, and fever. Early-onset periodontitis consists of inflammation and destruction of the periodontal ligament and boney support of the teeth. It can result in tooth loss and is occasionally associated with systemic disorders. Pr evalenc e and Tr ansmission of Den tal Decay

Hyperdontia, or an excess number of teeth, is frequently seen in cases of cleft lip and palate, Down syndrome, and oral-facial digital syndrome. These extra teeth can be atypical in form. Hypodontia, the opposite condition, tends to run in families, and there is a correlation between missing primary teeth and their permanent successors. The most common missing teeth are the upper permanent lateral incisors and lower and upper second premolars. This condition is also frequently seen in cases of cleft lip and palate, Down syndrome, and ectodermal dysplasia, another congenital condition that affects skin as well. There are several inherited developmental defects in enamel and dentin formation. Amelogenesis imperfecta is a defect in enamel formation that can result in enamel pitting, discoloration, and chipping. Dentinogenesis imperfecta results in a dentin defect often referred to as opalescent dentin. The teeth can have a blue to brown translucent discoloration along with separation of enamel. Both conditions require partial or complete restorative coverage with composites or crowns. Intrinsic staining of tooth structure occurs as a result of anemias, excessive fluoride, and blood and bile disorders and as a result of administration of certain drugs, most often tetracyclines, a type of antibiotic. Treatment consists of bleaching and/or other aesthetic restorative measures. Extrinsic staining results from substances such as food, beverages, and certain bacteria that adhere to tooth structure. One of the most common stains found in infants and toddlers is an almost black stain from iron supplementation. Extrinsic stains often require professional cleaning to be removed.

Dental decay is primarily caused by the effects of acid on tooth structure produced from mouth bacteria. The disease affects approximately 40% of children between 2 and 11 years of age and is seen with greater frequency in medically compromised children as well as those in lower socioeconomic groups who may have poorer hygiene and nutrition and less access to dental care. Infants and toddlers are particularly prone to cavities when using a bottle or sippy cup with sweetened liquids at nap or bedtime. Children who snack frequently on sweets as well as those taking sweetened medications on a chronic basis are considered to be at high risk for decay, requiring enhanced oral hygiene measures at home.

P er io d o n tal D i s e as e

Occ lusion and Orthodon tics

Periodontal disease includes disorders of the gums, periodontal ligament, and jaw bone. There are many degrees and variations of periodontal disease, some of which are unique to the pediatric population. The most common form of periodontal disease is gingivitis, an inflammation limited to the gum tissue. The most common cause of gingivitis is the accumulation of plaque from poor oral hygiene. The tissue turns red and becomes boggy, resulting in bleeding upon brushing. It is completely reversible with improved oral hygiene.

Occlusion is the manner in which the upper and lower teeth fit together and whether crowding exists. It is classified according to severity. Most incidences of malocclusion can be addressed with simple orthodontic treatment (tooth braces). In certain cases, more complicated therapies, including extractions, exposing of impacted teeth, and jaw surgery, are required. Some occlusion problems require early intervention, but most problems can be addressed after the loss of all of the primary teeth between 12 and 14 years of age.

Or al H ygi ene and Use of Fluor i de Cleaning of the teeth should begin as soon as the first tooth erupts, using either a wet cloth or infant-size toothbrush. Young children usually require assistance with brushing. The Academy of Pediatric Dentistry and the American Academy of Pediatrics in the United States recommend that children have their first dental exam by age 1. Fluoridation of community water supplies has been shown to dramatically reduce tooth decay, and approximately 67% of the United States has optimally fluoridated water. Systemic fluoride supplementation in the form of drops or chewable tablets can be prescribed for children without adequate fluoride in the water. Excessive fluoride intake from supplements or from large amounts of fluoridated toothpaste can cause fluorosis, or permanent staining of the teeth.

t e l e v is io n

Malocclusion can also develop as a result of nonnutritive sucking habits, such as pacifier use or thumb sucking. Most of this is self-corrected. Den tal I n jur i es A permanent tooth completely out of the socket (an avulsion) requires immediate replacement if it is to be successfully reimplanted. Other injuries, including a fractured tooth, one pushed into the socket, or one that is cracked, require dental attention. Discoloration of teeth beyond simple staining usually means the tooth has died and requires extraction. Murray Dock and William A. Greenhill further reading: M. Dock and R. Creedon, “The Teeth and Oral Cavity,” in Abraham M. Rudolph et al., eds., Rudolph’s Pediatrics, 21st ed., 2003. • R. McDonald, D. Avery, and J. Dean, Dentistry for the Child and Adolescent, 8th ed., 2005. • J. Pinkham, P. Casamassimo, H. Fields, D. McTigue, and A. Nowak, Pediatric Dentistry: Infancy through Adolescence, 4th ed., 2005. • American Academy of Pediatric Dentistry, http://www.aapd.org

television. Television has played a central role in children’s lives since its introduction in the late 1940s. Like radio before it, television producers hoped to build a new family hearth around the TV, and by 1959 nearly 99% of families featured a television set in their living rooms. Television’s structure was similar to that of radio as well, with a few national broadcast channels and programs intended to appeal to the entire family. Following the postwar baby boom, marketers began to see youth as a profitable consumer segment of the population. This, combined with the introduction of cable networks and other technological improvements, has caused the number of children’s programs to continuously climb since that time. Children spend an extraordinary amount of time watching television. It is difficult to measure the true nature of viewing, as time diaries, self-report measures, parental observations, and other third-party observations prove problematic. Available estimates suggest that television viewing is the third most time-consuming activity for children, behind sleeping and school. In the United States, children start watching television as early as 6 months of age. More than half of all children begin watching by the age of 2, and the vast majority are television consumers by the age of 5. Time spent viewing television increases with age, reaching an average of more than three hours a day by the time the average child reaches early adolescence. It is not until the teenage years that time spent with TV begins to decline slightly. Research suggests that the family environment has an enormous influence on children’s time spent with television. Adults who are heavy consumers of television typically have children who are heavy viewers. These heavy television viewers (those who watch more than five hours of television a day) make up approximately 20% of the population. Heavy-viewing parents are less likely to institute

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rules regarding television viewing for their children when compared to parents who view less television. In addition, children are likely to enjoy free reign with their television viewing as more children begin to have televisions in the bedroom. More than one-third of all children younger than the age of 6 have a television in the bedroom; this proportion more than doubles as they reach early adolescence. Time spent viewing is also moderated by racial and socioeconomic factors. As a group, African American children are the heaviest television consumers, followed closely by nonwhite Latinos. Other racial and ethnic groups watch about the same amount of television. Historically, investigators have found a consistent negative relationship between socioeconomic status and television viewing; however, this disparity has lessened in recent years. The most popular television-viewing time for children and adolescents is between 7:00 p.m. and 10:00 p.m., yet only 6% of programs during that time are produced for children. Not surprisingly, then, situation comedies are the most popular genre for children ages 8 to 18 years. The next most popular genre for this age group is children’s programming, including both educational and entertainment shows. Younger children, ages 0 to 7 years, tend to watch mostly programming created for children, particularly educational television. These preference trends may reflect the paucity of programs, particularly educational, available for older school-age children. Preferences are also driven by viewing incentive. Specifically, a child may choose a particular show to be entertained, to learn new skills or information, or to be aided socially by having a subject to discuss with friends and peers. Furthermore, children often multitask while watching television. They frequently talk with other family members, play with toys, snack, or engage in any number of other activities while simultaneously viewing the screen. Others with whom children watch television also play an important role. Typically, the average family watched television together during the 1940s and early 1950s. The number of homes with more than one television set has risen steadily since that time, leading to more isolated viewing by family members. Often, when coviewing occurs in a household, it is among siblings. Child-parent coviewing declines as children grow. Children’s programs, in particular, tend to be watched without parents. These trends are of concern because when children watch television with their siblings they tend to view entertainment and comedy programs. When children watch educational programming with an adult, however, they tend to view for longer periods than when they are with siblings. Yet the majority of parent-child coviewing involves prime-time television. It may still be beneficial, though, as coviewing gives adults the opportunity to buffer any negative effects and bolster positive effects through commentary regarding television content.

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Since children spend so much of their time watching television, this medium serves as a powerful socializing agent, molding the ways in which they view the world. One area of particular concern is how youth form their conceptions of the real world based on what they see on television. In many regards, the world created by television producers is considerably different from the everyday world. Representations of certain races, gender, age, sexual identity, and body types do not match reality. Furthermore, many of these skewed representations are complicated by stereotypical portrayals of certain groups. When children watch commercially produced television, they encounter a world that overrepresents some types of characters while underrepresenting others. Male characters outnumber female characters on television and are much more likely to be featured as heroes. Only 15% of the characters come from a racial or ethnic minority group, despite the fact at least a quarter of the U.S. population is made up of members of these groups. Other types of misrepresentations on television include overrepresentation of younger adults; few portrayals of adults older than 65; overrepresentation of white-collar workers with underrepresentation of blue-collar workers; and recurrent depictions of “perfect” body types while ignoring those with less than ideal, or more realistic, body types. The portrayals of certain groups within children’s educational programming are much improved, as minority groups appear more prominently and female characters are more likely to be featured as heroes. In addition to skewed depictions, many television shows maintain decades-old stereotypes for character types. Women are more likely to be portrayed passively and as homemakers, while men are often in positions of power. Asian characters on television are typically portrayed as experts in the martial arts or as academic overachievers, while Latinos and African Americans are more likely to be portrayed as criminals. When older characters are shown on television, especially women, they are portrayed in an unflattering way. Finally, when characters talk about their bodies on television, they fixate on how their bodies do not fit an idealized norm. Factors involved in television viewing can also affect children’s intellectual, cognitive, and behavioral development. Though research suggests a negative relationship between total television viewing and academic performance, the nature of these effects depends heavily on the content of the programming that children watch. Literature indicates that viewing educational programs, defined as programs developed using a curriculum or agenda for conveying educational messages, positively impacts academic achievement through childhood and adolescence (e.g., school readiness, reading, math skills) while inhibiting aggressive attitudes and behaviors. In fact, the more children view educational programming during the early years, the better

their grades and the more books they read in high school. Educational programming is particularly beneficial for poorer children who may not have access to as many educational resources and opportunities as their middle- and upper-class peers. Conversely, watching noneducational (i.e., entertainment) programming has been linked to decreased intellectual and academic performance. When designed purely to increase market share for advertisers, television is, at best, a waste of children’s time and, at worst, a detriment to their development. Negative intellectual effects of entertainment television appear to be especially pronounced for children from wealthier families, as it is more likely to displace otherwise beneficial educational stimulation. A common misconception regarding children and television is that they passively watch the screen. Rather, children are typically actively engaged with the content and will adjust their attention accordingly. If the content falls outside of a child’s comprehension level (i.e., too challenging) or is overly simplistic, they will shift their attention away from the television to engage in a more worthwhile pursuit. This perspective on how children relate to television content is called the traveling lens model. The corresponding level of engagement with television content determines what a child gleans from the viewing experience. One ongoing concern since the introduction of television is the potential effects of televised violence on children’s aggressive behavior. Utilizing a variety of methodologies, studies have indicated a consistent link between viewing violent content and subsequent aggressive behavior. However, the magnitude of this relationship is mediated by factors such as disposition, temperament, and parental involvement. Direct and indirect sexual references on television have become increasingly prevalent since the 1980s. Often, sexual activity is portrayed as casual and fun, without commitment or negative consequences. Further research is needed to determine the effects of television exposure to sexual scenes and references, though some studies have indicated a correlation between exposure and children’s and adolescents’ sexual beliefs, knowledge, and attitudes. This relationship is heavily buffered by factors such as parental communication, degree of interest and comprehension, and perceived reality. Child advocates and parents also fear the probable negative impact of television’s commercialism on children’s attitudes and behaviors. Children do not possess the necessary cognitive skills to critically evaluate commercials; the very young are not able to distinguish between commercials and television programs. The use of premiums, contests, fastpaced animation, popularity appeals, and other advertising techniques makes it even more difficult to effectively assess actual product characteristics. Exposure to advertising can lead to children’s increased materialism and purchase

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requests, increased parent-child confl ict, and decreased self-esteem. Sugared and high-caloric foods are among the most frequently advertised products for children. Child advocates, politicians, researchers, and other interested parties have raised concerns that these heavily advertised foods contribute to the current obesity epidemic. Teaching children to view commercial television more critically, however, can decrease their susceptibility to advertisers’ persuasive appeals. Like popular media before it (e.g., radio, film), advocates and policy makers have feared that television presents a danger to the youth of the United States. Given television’s position in the home, they worry that television is particularly powerful. Advocacy groups have historically sought governmental oversight of television broadcasters, while broadcasters do just enough to avoid regulation. Advocacy groups focus their efforts on three types of television content: advertisements directed toward children, violent content, and indecent content. Policy makers also work to ensure that television broadcasters are providing sufficient positive content to children. Ironically, advocacy groups have been successful in blocking the less harmful content (e.g., sexual content) but less successful in restricting content with more negative effects (e.g., violence). In the United States, the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) rigorously monitors indecent content, for example, and recent transgressions have been met with steep fines. Commercials and violent content, conversely, are not as heavily monitored by the government, though there is considerable empirical evidence detailing the negative consequences of such exposure. For both types of content, the respective industries are largely responsible for their own regulation with limited governmental oversight. The Children’s Television Act (1990) established rules for advertisers, including limits on the amount of advertising time in any given hour and more explicit separations between commercials and program content (e.g., “We’ll be right back”). Advocacy groups also strive to increase the positive educational programming offered to children. Federal government licensing requires broadcast stations (but not cable stations) to produce content designed to serve the public good. Beginning in the late 1960s, the FCC was successful in pressuring the industry to serve the public good, though this era of governmental oversight was short lived. By the 1980s, the business-friendly Ronald Reagan administration severely limited the reach of the FCC, resulting in an industry that was largely left alone. Because of this lack of oversight, Congress enacted the Children’s Television Act. The act increased the amount of educational content provided for children, though enforcement by the FCC was often insufficient (e.g., the Flintstones was labeled as educational because it could teach children about history). It was not until 1993 that the statute was fully enforced, with recent

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evidence suggesting that children’s programming is more closely in line with these standards. Matthew A. Lapierre, Sarah E. Vaala, and Deborah L. Linebarger see also: Advertising; Media, Children and the; Popular Culture; Violence, Children and further reading: D. G. Singer and J. L. Singer, eds., Handbook of Children and the Media, 2001. • J. Van Evra, Television and Child Development, 3rd ed., 2004. • G. Comstock and E. Scharrer, Media and the American Child, 2007. • S. R. Mazzarella, 20 Questions about Youth and the Media, 2007.

temperament. The concept of temperament has been present in some form for more than 2,000 years, going back at least to the time of Hippocrates. However, for many years, psychologists strongly influenced by psychoanalytic theory neglected the existence of important constitutionally based individual differences among infants and focused instead on parent-child relationships or parental behavior as the primary determinant of most individual differences in child behavior. A Pioneer i ng Study One of the most serious challenges to the view that parents were the major contributors to children’s personality development came in the late 1950s when Alexander Thomas, Stella Chess, and their colleagues began the New York Longitudinal Study. In this study, 133 middle- and uppermiddle-class children were followed from 2 or 3 months of age through adolescence. The researchers approached the study of temperament as an inquiry into the stylistic, or “how,” components of behavior (e.g., how active, how distressed), rather than the “what” (abilities and content) or the “why” (motivations). Thomas and Chess concluded that individual differences among infants are indeed relatively stable and that these differences are evident shortly after birth. To reach this conclusion, parents’ descriptions of their children were obtained via interviews and were subsequently scored for the following nine dimensions of temperament: (1) mood, (2) approach-withdrawal (reaction to novelty), (3) adaptability to changes in routine, (4) intensity, (5) rhythm (e.g., body rhythms in sleep-wake cycles), (6) persistence (extent to which a child remains engaged in an activity), (7) threshold, (8) activity, and (9) distractibility (difficulty or ease with which an ongoing activity can be interrupted). On the basis of both qualitative judgments and factor analysis of the nine dimensions, the researchers identified three temperament types: Easy, Difficult, and Slow-toWarm-Up. Easy babies (approximately 40%) are positive in mood, regular in body functions and habits, and adaptable to new experiences. Their reactions are mild to moderate in intensity. Difficult babies (about 10%), by comparison,

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are negative in mood, active, irregular in cycles and habits, and unadaptable. These babies withdraw in new situations and react with high intensity. Like the Difficult babies, Slow-to-Warm-Up babies (approximately 15%) also withdraw from new situations; however, they are also low in activity, slow to adapt to new situations, and their reactions are low to moderate in intensity. These children may be labeled as shy by family members and friends. The remaining 35% of the children were designated Average because they were not rated high on any of the dimensions. Another contribution of the New York Longitudinal Study to the understanding of temperament was that it raised the possibility that childhood behavior problems might be predictable from knowledge of temperament at earlier ages. For example, some of the children developed behavioral problems such as anxiety, aggressiveness, sleep difficulties, or extreme passivity later in childhood. These children were likely to have been rated as Difficult in infancy. Moreover, Thomas and Chess found that Slow-to-Warm-Up children later had great trouble with school situations that required them to adapt quickly to new demands (e.g., making new friends, mastering new school subjects). Children with difficulties in persistence and attention span at home were also likely to have difficulties in school, unless their teachers effectively paced their demands to match the students’ lessened abilities to concentrate. This last point illustrates a theoretically significant outcome of the New York Longitudinal Study: the idea of goodness of fit. Prior to the work of Thomas and Chess, most psychologists could be divided into two groups: those who believed that the child’s intrinsic personality determined whether developmental difficulties would occur and those who believed that the child’s environment, particularly the social ambiance created by the parents, determined whether later behavior would be normal or abnormal. Thomas and Chess were among the first to propose that it was the goodness of fit between the child’s temperament and the demands of his or her environment that produced favorable or unfavorable outcomes. That is, neither theoretical group was entirely correct; rather, a combination of both perspectives was important for understanding development. Thomas and Chess pointed out that, in the right environment, the temperament of a Difficult infant need not result in subsequent behavioral disorders. The outcome would be normal if parents responded in a manner that helped the child regulate his or her behavior and provided activities (such as athletics) in which the child’s traits (e.g., high activity) were valued. By contrast, even Easy infants could develop behavioral and psychological problems if their parents placed excessive demands on them or were unresponsive to their needs, perhaps because these children are not as demanding as other children. Thus, although Thomas and Chess argued for the innate presence of temperament, they believed that parent-child interaction and other as-

pects of the environment could modify the expression of constitutionally given temperament traits, changing them for better or worse and ultimately shaping the child’s developmental trajectory. N ew P er s p ec t i v e s o n T e m p er am en t Since Thomas and Chess’s pioneering research, the study of individual differences in temperament has grown substantially. One point of contention centers on definitions of temperament. Although researchers agree that temperament refers to relatively stable sources of individual variation, they disagree about the nature of that variation. Some emphasize variation in reactivity and self-regulation, others privilege characteristics of children’s emotional experience and expression, and still others focus on shyness (inhibition) and boldness (disinhibition). There are also competing views about the number of dimensions of temperament and about whether and how these change over time. For example, one researcher identified 6 dimensions of temperament during infancy, which differentiate into 15 dimensions by 3 to 8 years of age. However, this complexity underlies three higher-order broad dimensions of temperament: (1) Surgency/Extroversion (i.e., highintensity pleasure, activity, impulsivity), (2) Negative Affectivity (i.e., discomfort, fear, anger/frustration, sadness), and (3) Inhibitory Control (i.e., attentional focusing, lowintensity pleasure, perceptual sensitivity). Another controversy revolves around the nature of the biological sources of variation in temperament. Some argue that temperament reflects both genetic and nongenetic influences, such as prenatal factors. A second position is that heritability may be more or less influential, depending on the dimension of temperament being studied and on the developmental period under consideration. Other researchers believe that temperament is a set of inherited personality traits that appears early in life. Having a strict criterion for temperament such as heritability may be useful in some instances. However, an emphasis on the genetic basis of temperament may limit attempts to describe the full range of individual differences in child behavior. Due to lack of consensus on the definition of temperament, there was a meeting in 1985 among a number of prominent temperament theorists to discuss the definitions, dimensions, and influences of temperament. As an outgrowth of this meeting, Robert McCall proposed a synthesis definition of temperament, suggesting that, “Temperament consists of relatively consistent, basic dispositions inherent in the person that underlie and modulate the expression of activity, reactivity, emotionality, and sociability. Major elements of temperament are present early in life, and those elements are likely to be strongly influenced by biological factors. As development proceeds, the expression of temperament increasingly becomes more influenced by experience and context.” McCall’s definition reflects the dynamic

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and complex nature of temperament. However, according to this definition, certain dimensions of temperament not yet apparent in early infancy but emerging in later childhood and adulthood (e.g., risk-taking behaviors) would not be defined as temperament. How I s T e m p er a m en t S t u d i ed ? Traditionally, child temperament has been studied via parental interviews or parental questionnaires. Reliance on parents as the primary reporters of their children’s temperaments has been one of the major criticisms of the New York Longitudinal Study, and this methodological approach continues to create controversy. Although parents can describe their children’s behavior accurately, parental reports can also be influenced by variables such as parents’ expectations and personality. In response to these criticisms, researchers in the 1980s began to develop observational measures of temperament. These included standardized laboratory-based assessments for use in conjunction with parental reports. Occasionally, but far less commonly, researchers have also conducted naturalistic observations of temperament. In all cases, however, regardless of whether the temperament measures are questionnaires, interviews, or home- or laboratory-based observations, temperament dimensions are usually examined on a continuum. Infants and children are typically rated as low, moderate, or high on various temperament dimensions such as emotional tone, soothability, positive affect, intensity, and activity. T e m p er a m en t a n d B eh av io r P ro b l e m s Individual differences in temperament during infancy and early childhood have been examined both as correlates and as predictors of later socioemotional functioning. Studies of the concurrent correlates of psychiatric disorders among preschool children have shown that more-active and lesspersistent children are likely to display externalizing problems (e.g., acting out) as preschoolers; less-active children are likely to display internalizing problems (e.g., anxiety). Researchers have also found infant temperament to be a useful predictor of later behavior problems. For example, as mentioned earlier, Thomas and Chess found that of the children who developed behavior problems in elementary school, most had been rated as Difficult in infancy. However, no single temperament dimension predicted later problems; rather, the pattern of temperament characteristics mattered. Subsequently, other researchers have replicated this finding. For example, in one study, measures of infant difficultness at 6 and 13 months of age predicted child behavior problems at 3 years of age. Specifically, both mothers’ and observers’ ratings of infant fearfulness predicted children’s anxiety problems at age 3, and reports of early activity management problems predicted acting-out or externalizing behavior problems.

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Although most research has examined relationships between temperament and behavior problems over a span of a few years, there is evidence that temperament in early childhood predicts personality in adulthood. In a longitudinal study spanning nearly two decades, one research team found that dimensions of temperament assessed at 3 years of age via behavioral observations were meaningfully related to later personality and adult psychiatric disorders at age 21. For example, children identified as undercontrolled (i.e., exhibiting a pattern of impulsive, restless, and distractible behavior) at age 3 scored higher on measures of impulsivity, danger seeking, aggression, and social potency and were more likely to meet diagnostic criteria for antisocial personality disorder at age 18 than were children classified as average. On the other hand, children who had been classified as inhibited (i.e., shy and fearful) at age 3 years were more likely to be diagnosed as depressed at age 18 than were children classified as average. The researchers noted that the undercontrolled group is behaviorally similar to Thomas and Chess’s Difficult temperament type and that the inhibited group is similar to Thomas and Chess’s Slowto-Warm-Up group. Thus, although the labels researchers apply to groups of children who exhibit certain dimensions of temperament may differ, similarities in the behaviors included are often quite apparent. Group D i f f er enc e s i n T e m p er am en t The studies described previously focused on European American, middle-class samples, suggesting that the findings may not generalize to other, different cultural and socioeconomic groups. Moreover, extensive research has examined child gender as another factor that highlights group differences in temperament. There is some evidence of differences in temperament between Asian/Asian American and European American children. In one study, researchers found that infants of Asian descent, compared to European American counterparts, showed lower activity level (e.g., calmer, less vocal, less labile), lower intensity of reactions, and higher inhibition (e.g., less likely to smile, less easily aroused). They also found similar individual differences between these two cultural groups with older children age 6 to 7 years. However, these cultural differences were derived from maternal reports and therefore could have been a by-product of culturally different interpretations or perceptions of the same behavior. More research is needed to investigate cultural differences and similarities in temperament by using more objective measures (e.g., observations) so that cultural biases in interpreting child behavior can be minimized. Socioeconomic status is another important variable that may be associated with temperament. Studies show that children from families of low socioeconomic status are rated as more difficult than are those from families of higher status. However, these studies did not control for ethnicity,

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which is often strongly associated with socioeconomic status. However, even if ethnicity is controlled for, there are still many other confounding factors, such as living conditions. For example, one study found that 1-year-olds living with more siblings and in a crowded home environment, which may be associated with low socioeconomic status, were rated by mothers as more difficult. Therefore, more careful research is needed to determine whether there is a relationship between socioeconomic status and temperament. The evidence linking temperament to child gender is substantial. In study after study, encompassing children from 3 months to 13 years, girls are higher on Effortful Control, specifically on inhibitory control and perceptual sensitivity, and boys are higher on Surgency, specifically on activity and high-intensity pleasure. Some researchers have found that gender differences in activity level do not exist in infancy; rather, they emerge in toddlerhood or later and become more pronounced with age, perhaps suggesting the impact of different socialization practices for boys and girls. However, other researchers have found that this difference does exist in infancy and thus probably derives from early biologically based gender differences. It may be the combination of both nature and nurture that produces gender differences in activity level. Indeed, it is most likely a combination of nature and nurture that creates the expression of individual differences in all dimensions of temperament. Sarah C. Mangelsdorf and Aya Shigeto see also: Childhood Resilience; Emotional Development; Fears, Phobias, and Anxiety Disorders; Personality; Social Development further reading: S. Chess and A. Thomas, Temperament: Theory and Practice, 1996. • A. Caspi and R. Shiner, “Personality Development,” in N. Eisenberg, W. Damon, and R. M. Lerner, eds., Handbook of Child Psychology, 6th ed., vol. 3, 2006, pp. 300–365. • N. M. Else-Quest, J. S. Hyde, H. H. Goldsmith, and C. A. Van Hulle, “Gender Differences in Temperament: A Meta-Analysis,” Psychological Bulletin 132 (2006), pp. 33–72. • M. K. Rothbart and J. E. Bates, “Temperament,” in N. Eisenberg, W. Damon, and R. M. Lerner, eds., Handbook of Child Psychology, 6th ed., vol. 3, 2006, pp. 99–166.

testing, genetic. see Genetics: Genetic Testing testing, intelligence. see Intelligence Testing testing and evaluation, educational. Testing and evaluation practices have become a mainstay of the American educational system. Tests provide critical information used to make decisions about student placement and appropriate educational services. Areas addressed in an evaluation may include aptitude, achievement, interests, personality, attitude, and behavior (assessed by observation). The topic of testing comprises a range of issues, including the history of testing, current laws governing state and federal testing, cultural variables, high-stakes testing, and alternative assessment methods.

People associate testing most often with paper-andpencil examinations used to assess cognitive abilities. Standardized tests are most commonly used and refer to measures in which items, conditions for administration (e.g., group or individual), administration procedures, and interpretations of test scores are predetermined and consistent. Standardized tests may be norm referenced, providing information about how a student’s performance compares to others, or criterion referenced, evaluating how student performance relates to mastery of a particular skill or curriculum content. In the late 1960s, testing became popular as a means to measure school achievement. At around this same time, sophisticated methods of detecting potential sources of bias in various measures such as intelligence and achievement tests were also developed. These include sensitivity reviews by experts to examine item content and application of statistical procedures to determine validity and reliability of the measure with different samples from different populations, such as different racial or ethnic groups. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, the accountability movement prompted mass school testing, which continues in the form of high-stakes testing; that is, testing that can make or break one’s access to further schooling or other resources. Success in school is measured in part by test scores. Schools have invested time and money in testing programs, and school personnel, parents, and other stakeholders have become accustomed to obtaining test results. In 2002, the federal No Child Left Behind Act went into effect in the United States. This federal law requires states to conduct annual assessments of reading and math in grades three to eight and once in high school. The goal is to have all students reach proficiency in reading and math by the year 2014. Each state is charged with determining what “proficiency” is and developing assessments based upon their own content and performance standards. Results from the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) administered by the U.S. Department of Education are used in conjunction with the state tests. In 2005, a study comparing three decades of NAEP test data concluded that blacks and Hispanics continue to score below whites in reading and mathematics. On average, blacks score below whites in reading and math by at least two grade levels by age 13 and by at least four grade levels by age 17. The gap for Hispanics is approximately two grade levels by age 13 and three grade levels by age 17. Many believe that racial and ethnic discrepancies in scores are due to standardized tests that are biased against women and minorities. As early as the 1960s, during the civil rights movement, concerns were raised about the fact that members of the black community and women obtained lower scores than whites on some cognitive ability tests. As noted earlier, disparities in achievement and intelligence test scores between racial and ethnic groups and groups from

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different socioeconomic statuses have been long standing. For example, sociocultural and gender group differences on the SAT college entrance exams are often noted, with white, middle-class students scoring higher than lower socioeconomic status groups, minority students, and women on both the verbal and the quantitative sections. Ensuring fairness in testing means identifying potential sources of bias in test content and construct during the development of the test. Gathering information about potential content bias involves the examination of actual items by expert reviewers. Construct bias refers to the possibility that a test may measure different traits for particular groups or have different levels of accuracy for different groups of test takers, such as racial or ethnic groups. In addition, predictive validity of a test should also be explored: Does the test accurately predict criteria external to the testing context? For example, do achievement test scores in high school predict college grade point averages? Research indicates that environmental factors can also play a role in the outcome of educational tests. Higher test scores are associated with exposure to books, computers, and learning resources in the home environment; higher socioeconomic status; and greater amounts of time spent on weekdays studying and doing homework. Educational tests, however, do not address all forms of learning objectives. In recent years, reliance on standardized test scores to determine student placement has led to arguments that testing requirements place undue pressure on teachers to focus solely on teaching examination content. This can lead to narrowing of the curriculum and limiting instruction of higher-order skills such as analysis, synthesis, evaluation, and creativity. Higher-order tasks often require prolonged engagement on a task, compared to standardized tests administered for a short period of time in which items have only one right answer. Tests represent only samples of a student’s behavior or ability. Many nongovernmental organizations have cautioned against heavy emphasis on standardized testing. In the United States, the National Commission on Testing and Public Policy (NCTPP) released a report that examined the role of testing in both workplace and educational settings. The report recommended that testing policies and practices be restructured to assist employees and students in developing their talents. In addition, this information would help organizations with respect to productivity, fairness, and accountability. The National Center for Fair and Open Testing (FairTest), a nonprofit advocacy organization dedicated to preventing the misuse of standardized tests, maintains that tests are biased against female, minority, and low-income students. The American Educational Research Association has also issued conditions as both a guide and a caution for all stakeholders affected by high-stakes testing. Concerns have also arisen regarding the transportability of educational tests internationally. Robert Sternberg has

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done extensive work examining ability testing across different cultural groups. His work attests to the possibility that ability testing is often conducted in a culturally limited way. Abilities are reinforced and valued within a particular culture and not necessarily shared across cultural contexts. Western ideas about intelligence may not be emphasized in other cultures. For example, speed of mental processing is often valued by Westerners, but in other cultural contexts quick performance leads to suspicion regarding the quality of the work. Some cultures place greater emphasis on social competence and less importance on cognitive aspects of intelligence. Cultural biases may also arise in the administrative procedures of ability tests. For example, Maya children were confused when they were not allowed to collaborate with others in solving a particular task. In the United States, collaborating on a test may be labeled as cheating. In the 1990s, educators explored other techniques to assess student learning. As a result, methods of alternative assessment have emerged. Several terms are used in reference to this type of evaluation, including authentic assessment, direct assessment, and performance assessment. Regardless of the specific term used, this group of techniques shares one common requirement: Evaluations include constructed responses by the student rather than selected responses as in multiple-choice test items. Some alternative forms of testing and evaluation include performance-based evaluation and portfolio assessment. Performance-based evaluation, or performance assessment, has been used for years in work settings. In the realm of education, however, these assessments focus on a student’s execution in the construction of a product or actual performance on a task rather than the choice of a correct answer on an examination. The realization that certain instructional objectives and cognitive functions cannot be assessed appropriately by paper-and-pencil tests has led to the utilization of performance-based assessments. For example, in courses such as art, home economics, drama, speech, music, and physical education, subject content often calls for performance evaluation. Several steps are typically involved in any performance. Therefore, the assessment can be done by evaluating each part. Instruments often used in these types of assessments are checklists and rating scales. When a checklist is used, the evaluator simply observes the performance and indicates the presence or absence of the desired behavior on the form. Rating scales, on the other hand, require that the observer assign a rating for each behavior that indicates the quality or frequency of the behavior. In order to establish consistency (reliability) in the rating process, the designated behavior must be clearly defined. In general, criterion-referenced assessment, which measures how well an individual has mastered a particular curriculum or demonstrates a particular skill, is preferable

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within the realm of performance-based evaluations. Instead of being compared to peers’ performances, a student’s work is compared to a predetermined standard. Administration of the performance-based assessment or checklist is typically done by the teacher who created the measurement. There are many advantages, however, if multiple observers are used—namely, that the reliability of the assessment can be determined. In addition, multiple observers’ responses can be pooled to ultimately produce a more accurate score. One example of the applicability of performance-based evaluation is in the area of reading comprehension. In assessment of reading comprehension and writing, performance-based evaluations are considered to be more authentic because the student is able to create a response in writing—that is, to complete a realistic task rather than choose an answer on a multiple-choice test. Many educators maintain that in order for an assessment to be truly authentic and based on performance, its primary evaluation must be done by the student. Portfolio assessment is another type of alternative testing and evaluation that fulfills this criterion. A portfolio is a collection of information about and by the student that gives a broad view of his or her achievement. This collection may contain samples of the student’s work from one or more areas. A wide variety of materials may be included in the portfolio, including narrative descriptions, student self-evaluation or reflection, future work suggestions, audio or photographic records, parent responses, grades or evaluations by teachers and others, and official records. Portfolio assessments present several openings for reflection both by the student and by those with an interest in the student’s progress. These assessments provide an opportunity for dialogue between student and teacher. While the student chooses and assembles the materials, the teacher acts as a coach to help focus the learning. These assessments call for a student to self-assess, identify strengths, and consider ways to improve. Some believe that by constructing a portfolio, students are able to develop the ability to think about the actual process of learning. Moreover, discussion of portfolio assessments between teachers and parents may provide reassurance to parents that teachers are familiar with each child’s work. Testing and evaluation are essential components of most educational settings. Tests serve as gatekeepers to educational opportunities and access to future resources. Teachers, administrators, and students are under increasing pressure to score well on these high-stakes assessment tools because they are major indicators of school success. The overall concern regarding usage of these tests rests with the accuracy of the outcomes. Given the challenges of bias and the ever-present test-score gaps between racial, ethnic, and gender groups, it is imperative that evaluation procedures be continually examined and updated. An increasing number of alternative evaluation methods are available to

provide more in-depth information regarding a student’s knowledge and skill performance. Lisa A. Suzuki and Lorelei A. Prevost see also: Grades and Grading; Intelligence Testing; School Achievement; School Reform further reading: R. M. Thorndike, Measurement and Evaluation in Psychology and Education, 7th ed., 2005. • C. L. Frisby, “Academic Achievement Testing for Diverse Groups,” in L. A. Suzuki and J. G. Ponterotto, eds., Handbook of Multicultural Assessment, 3rd ed., 2008. • R. J. Sternberg, “Ability Testing across Cultures,” in L. A. Suzuki and J. G. Ponterotto, eds., Handbook of Multicultural Assessment, 3rd ed., 2008.

textbooks. The textbook has long been recognized as the chief pedagogical instrument for the teacher in most school subjects. From the time of the establishment of the United States, the textbook became a powerful and pervasive political instrument. From the American experience, it can be said that the textbook both reflects and transmits the culture. The historian Henry Steele Commager called Noah Webster “schoolmaster to America” and held that his authorship of the American Spelling Book (1783); his combined speller, reader, and dictionaries (1806, 1828); followed by his school textbooks on American language and other subjects (history, geography, and science) assured him “a place among the Founding Fathers.” Rejecting the social class divisions marked by language in England and Europe, Webster believed a uniform American language would advance virtue, liberty, and learning. During the 19th century, the strongly moralistic McGuffey Readers became the textbooks of the United States (1836–70), helping establish the graded school and a more common curriculum as well as promoting nationalistic values to the young republic. Although strongly moralistic and seemingly oblivious to the more progressive pedagogical practices emerging after the mid-19th century, the McGuffey Readers, according to Commager, seemed more a benevolent than a chauvinistic expression of nationalism. The early universalization of American public education coupled with a decentralized school system, in contrast to the ministries ensuring uniformity of curriculum and textbooks in European nations, provided a burgeoning market for school textbooks in both quantity and variety. A dominant pedagogical pattern carried over from Europe to the United States from the early 19th century into the 20th century was rote recitation. Children were called upon to recite answers to the teacher’s questions after having completed assigned pages from the textbook. By the early 20th century, under the influence of John Dewey’s progressive education, textbooks began to include thought questions and suggested activities and were accompanied with teacher guides. Through the 1930s, progressive educators were developing and using units of work that included a rich va-

textbooks

riety of learning resources for comprehensive pupil activities, projects, field study, and readings as related to a broad theme or problem area, replacing the single-textbook approach and use of workbooks and worksheets and giving impetus to textbooks more realistically attuned to connecting school subjects with children’s experience. During the latter half of the 20th century, in response to the Cold War and the space race, the National Science Foundation led the way in a movement that emphasized the creation of discipline-centered curriculum packages, including textbooks ranging from the primary grades through high school, and that gave priority to the sciences and mathematics. This movement dominated the school curriculum from the 1950s into the early 1970s, when it underwent collapse following the countervailing social protest movement and demand for curriculum relevance to social problems ranging from war to human rights and the environment. Equally important in the collapse of the discipline-centered curriculum reforms was the violation of the nature of the learner, the neglect of general education for democratic citizenship, and the neglect of practical knowledge in the life of the learner in favor of abstract discipline-centered subject matter. The short-lived period of curriculum relevance was followed by the back-to-basics retrenchment of the curriculum, which had widespread impacts such as the imposition of minimum-competency testing standards by the states during the 1970s and a proliferation of worksheets and workbooks, often in place of or as a supplement to textbooks. The report of the National Commission on Excellence in Education, A Nation at Risk (1983), criticized the minimum-competency tests imposed in most states for actually lowering standards. The report noted that expenditures for textbooks and related curriculum materials had declined by 50% over the previous 17 years. The back-tobasics curriculum retrenchment, the minimum-competency testing, and the massive emphasis on workbooks and worksheets, accompanied by the alignment of textbooks to the so-called new basics, led U.S. Secretary of Education Terrel H. Bell in 1984 to accuse publishers of “dumbing down” textbooks. In 1985, the California State Board of Education, upon recommendation of the state’s Curriculum Development Commission, rejected many of the science textbooks for inadequate treatment or avoidance of controversial topics and many of the mathematics texts for stressing mechanical skills without conceptual understanding and experiential application in problem-solving situations. Quite remarkably, the publishers responded with revised editions within a year. The lesson for other states was clear. A state curriculum commission coupled with districtwide faculty curriculum committees can serve as a powerful vehicle for educational excellence and for combating censorship. The federal No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 gave impetus to the already rising national trend toward high-stakes

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testing by requiring annual normative achievement testing by the states for all children beginning in third grade, with priority given to reading and mathematics. Although such testing seeks to ensure educational standards, an unintended consequence includes the growing practice of teaching to the test in which curriculum is increasingly narrowed toward disjointed worksheets and computerbased instructional programs. The impact has been pressure to adopt textbooks that fit such programs. Whereas good textbooks are idea oriented and convey continuity of thought, computer-based instruction programs, like worksheets and workbooks, tend to consist of fragmentary and segmental items focused on basic skills. These instruments are directed at convergent learning instead of emergent, provocative learning. A similar problem arises when publishers align textbooks to age and grade levels by word-count measures (length of words, sentences, paragraphs, and number of pages in a text). Such quantification deadens texts and artificially limits students’ encounters with natural variability in language. The critical factor in reading is not word count but children’s interest. It is well established that, when children are interested, they can read texts far above their nominal grade level in difficulty, and such reading is an important source of growth in vocabulary and general reading skill. As instruments of cultural transmission, textbooks have frequently been at the center of cultural or political controversy and are often targets of censorship. The most notorious case of textbook censorship found a high school teacher of biology, John T. Scopes, brought to trial in 1925 for having violated a state statute prohibiting the teaching of evolution. Although William Jennings Bryan prevailed for the state, Scopes’s attorney, Clarence Darrow, later won on appeal. Inclusion of evolutionary theory is still being rejected or challenged by local school boards, church groups, and individuals embracing the concept of intelligent design. It is not uncommon for school boards to require biology teachers to inform their students that evolution is only one theory and that creationism or intelligent design is another theory embraced by many. Some publishers have fallen to modular texts so that a school district may exercise the option of omitting the module on evolution in the study of biology. A related problem is self-censorship by publishers anxious to avoid controversial topics. The consequence has been the imposition of inauthentic and awkward terminology and the elimination and distortion of ideas and meanings. Good texts are characterized by continuity, coherence, and meaning. They should take the pupil on a journey of learning through the transformation of knowledge into the working power of intelligence. Good textbooks should take learners beyond the sort of convergent knowledge that only defeats the adventure of learning. Daniel Tanner see also: Curriculum; Schools; Teachers

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further reading: R. L. Venezky, “Textbooks in School and Society,” in T. W. Jacobson, ed., Handbook of Research on Curriculum, 1992, pp. 436–61. • American Library Association, Intellectual Freedom Manual, 2002. • D. Ravitch, The Language Police: How Pressure Groups Restrict What Children Learn, 2003. • American Library Association, Newsletter on Intellectual Freedom, http://www.ala.org/ala/ oif/oifprograms/ifpubs/nif/newsletterintellectual.cfm

theater and acting. In those countries and cultural traditions that practice the mimetic arts, drama with and for children has a long history. For example, there are references documenting acrobatic and clowning performance customs in China’s Yellow River Valley as early as 1500 BC. The West African tradition of the griot, or storyteller, traces its history back to time immemorial. Griots served as cultural historians, tutors, and spiritual guides to young and old. In Western Europe and the United States, children’s theater arts have also been used to educate children and instill values. The Jesuits, for example, used theater to teach Latin fluency and rhetorical style in early modern Europe. French playwright Stéphanie de Genlis wrote plays in the late 1700s to teach young women generosity and comportment. During the same period, minister and teacher Charles Stearns wrote more than 30 plays and dramatic monologues for his students in Lincoln, Massachusetts. His works staged early U.S. nationhood while providing moral education through action. In the contemporary world, theater for children often serves similar functions. For example, since 1985 the Ugandan Ministry of Education has sponsored the Ugandan Primary School Music, Dance, and Drama Festival as part of the ruling party’s national development and social-reform political platform. Each year, a different theme relevant to nation building is enacted, with the involvement of schoolchildren from across the country. In the United States, numerous elementary and secondary curricula use the theater to teach science and the language arts. Many Englishlanguage texts on theater in educational settings focus on the social and psychological benefits received by students, including cooperation, self-esteem, fluency in oral communication, and the use of imagination. The international field of children’s theater and educational drama is enormously diverse, with multiple orientations, performance traditions, and current practices. Around most of the world and for summary purposes, theatrical practices with young people can be generally categorized into three domains that overlap in multiple ways: formal theater, applied theater, and improvisational theater. Each of these domains includes both child-initiated performances and adult-designed and directed performances. Formal theater involves staging, rehearsing, and presenting scripted dramas. These scripts can be found in written, oral, or performance traditions ranging from the traditional Western dramatic realism to iconic character

representations found in Chinese shadow puppetry. Formal theater is an art form that builds cultural capital and human potential, and children can be found as both actors and audience. Learning how to collectively represent a slice of life or embody a centuries-old tradition on the stage can be enormously meaningful. In addition, such experiences teach multiple skills from basic rhetoric and diction and working in a group to subtle understandings of characters’ choices and consequences. Applied theater uses role-play, dramatic storytelling, and the collective creation of performance texts for social and communitarian purposes. Much like the applied sciences, applied theater can be understood as real-world problem solving: building community and/or highlighting social ills, presenting voices that are normally silenced, or transforming people politically. Examples include Brazilian Augusto Boal’s Theatre of the Oppressed, which stages social and/or individual power structures in order to suggest problemsolving options. Theatre of the Oppressed techniques have spread rapidly around the world and can now be found on almost every continent. Another example includes theater for development, which is traditionally used in economically developing, nonliterate, and/or rural populations to raise awareness of social ills, teach clean water practices, or educate about disease prevention. In relatively wealthy nations with broad access to education, student-to-student productions exploring safe sex, relationship violence, druguse prevention, and healthy eating practices are common examples of theater for development. Improvisational theater uses the techniques of theater but generally does not include formal production or publication opportunities. Examples include classroom roleplaying, story dramatizations, individual theater games, pantomime, child-created puppet shows, and even pretend play. Most often occurring in classrooms, recreation programs, or child-centered play spaces, improvisational theater brings literature to life, functions as a pedagogical technique, and allows young children to explore social and occupational roles. While improvisational theater more commonly is associated with primary school children, it is by no means solely the province of the very young. There are multiple English-language books focusing on improvisational theater techniques for secondary school teachers. All types of theatrical work connect to a community’s felt life, embodying cultural, religious, and/or social values. Theatrical performance functions as art, pedagogy, and entertainment in overt and covert ways, and theater with and by children often showcases a community’s deepest beliefs about itself while serving as a space of literal play. Stephani Etheridge Woodson see also: Arts Education; Extracurricular Activities further reading: Cecily O’Neill, Drama Worlds: A Framework for Process Drama, 1995. • Michael Rohd, Theater for Community,

t ic s a n d t o u r e t t e s y n d r o m e Conflict and Dialogue: The Hope Is Vital Training Manual, 1998. • L. Dale Byam, Community in Motion: Theatre for Development in Africa, 1999. • Eugene van Erven, Community Theatre: Global Perspectives, 2001.

theories of development. see Development, Theories of

tics and tourette syndrome. In late 19th-century France, Georges Gilles de la Tourette published a medical article describing nine patients with a peculiar set of irresistible tic behaviors. Nearly 100 years would go by, however, before his underrecognized Tourette syndrome caught the attention and imagination of medical and lay communities. Tics are repetitive movements (motor) and noises (vocal) that often mimic seemingly purposeful actions or expressions, such as eye blinking or sniffing. Tic symptoms are common in childhood and generally first emerge during school age. Less commonly, tics may first appear during adolescence or in very young children. As many as one in every six children will have one or more tics at some point during childhood. Most will have a transient tic disorder, which describes a course of motor and/or vocal tics lasting less than one year and then disappearing entirely. When the course of tics endures longer than one year, the disorder is termed chronic and is specifically classified either as a chronic motor tic disorder or as a chronic vocal tic disorder. When both motor and vocal tics are present for more than one year, the term Tourette syndrome is used. Many if not most children whose tics last more than a year will have symptoms into late adolescence and beyond. Peak tic severity, however, is reached by early adolescence and, for most, will diminish in severity and become more controllable in adult life. Tics are highly variable with regard to their severity, body location, intensity, duration, frequency, complexity, and interference with intended actions. Tics usually wax and wane in severity, and new tics either replace older ones or add to a growing repertoire. Only a small minority of people with Tourette syndrome ever have coprolalia, a vocal tic consisting of the uncontrollable uttering of socially inappropriate language such as profanity. A sensation of tension often warns of a tic’s approach. This sensation, or urge, intensifies to become overwhelming and is temporarily relieved by performing the tic. Young children typically are unable to perceive the urge, but older children and adolescents can usually describe this sensation and may respond by disguising or temporarily suppressing their tic responses (to the extent tolerated) in public. For many youth, however, the urge is simply too powerful to restrain. Children with tic disorders are prone to additional associated developmental challenges, such as attention deficit disorders, obsessions and compulsions, mood and anxiety problems, learning disabilities, and sleeping interferences.

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The brain’s suspected mechanism in tic disorders and some of the related behavioral and developmental difficulties clarifies the connection between them. Deep within the brain, a cluster of nerve cells, when functioning properly, filters out intrusive information from other areas of the brain. However, when wired inefficiently, this area fails to gate the interfering information properly. As a result, unneeded behaviors, thoughts, and sensations leak out. These unwanted messages may include sensory urges (resulting in tics), obsessive thoughts (resulting in compulsive behaviors), or urgent judgments (resulting in impulsive responses). Additional difficulties in gating may result in inappropriate or exaggerated mood (resulting in anger or rage) or perceived threat (resulting in anxiety or phobias). During its early academic renaissance in the 1970s, Tourette syndrome was considered very rare. Today, scientists recognize that Tourette syndrome occurs in perhaps more than 1% of all people and appears to occur in all races, cultures, and socioeconomic groups worldwide. Males outnumber females roughly 4:1, and Tourette syndrome occurs less frequently in African Americans. Cross-cultural studies of Tourette syndrome are limited in number but are growing as professional and lay awareness of Tourette syndrome increases. Cultural differences in perceptions of behavior influence the identification and interpretation of tics and associated conditions. The most frequently reported associated features across cultures include educational difficulties and interpersonal confl ict. Although it is impossible to diagnose Tourette syndrome with certainty in historical figures, archival descriptions strengthen the evidence that Tourette syndrome, and its range of associated problems, is timeless and ubiquitous yet culturally defined. The Roman emperor Claudius (10 BC– AD 54) was described as absentminded and muddled and noted to twitch, stutter, and have embarrassing habits and an indecent laugh. In his autobiography, Claudius wrote that he was “known to my friends and relatives and associates as ‘Claudius the Idiot.’ ” The feared Russian emperor Peter the Great (1672–1725) had facial and body tics and was seen as loudmouthed, impetuous, impulsive, and subject to fits of rage. The brilliant English author and lexicographer Samuel Johnson (1709–84) suffered severe depression and had almost constant motor and vocal tics as well as compulsions to touch things and to perform choreographed movements that caused unfamiliar observers to think him an idiot; one observer commented, “men, women and children [gather] around him, laughing,” and a grammar school refused him employment because of his odd movements. Most children with chronic tic disorders inherit a vulnerability to tics from one or both parents. The genetics and inheritance of Tourette syndrome are very complex but almost certainly involve several genes, some having major effect. The estimated risk to first-degree relatives is between 10% and 15% for Tourette syndrome and an additional 15%

The mother, a Hindu woman who lives near the city of Mumbai in India, is quite nervous during the consultation; she has read a great deal about her 7-year-old son’s condition and has tried to find out as much as possible on the Internet and other sources. Her son has been diagnosed with Tourette syndrome. She does not want to put him on Ritalin or any other psychotropic drugs because of the side effects they might cause. So, as is true of so many other educated patients with serious illnesses, the mother has come to the renowned healer, whom I shall call Dr. Joshi, to simply take a look into Ayurveda as an alternative to potentially harmful and strong allopathic treatment. Her child had first started exhibiting strange behavior at home and at school, such as making the kind of faces he is now making in the clinic while Dr. Joshi checks his pulse, as well as repetitive behavior that his mother calls “sort of obsessive-compulsive behavior,” violence with other children his age, and an occasional inability to grasp simple concepts, despite his brightness in other areas. Physiologically, he has recurrent coughs and colds and irregular bowel movements, drinks large amounts of water, tires easily, and eats small quantities of food frequently. Dr. Joshi remarks that the child is “hyperkinetic,” as though he is not in the room, but the mother resents her child being labeled by anyone in such a way. Her perspective is that he only has some trouble concentrating. In her recounting of the child’s medical history, the mother says that 10 days after he was born, her child was found to have the gene for thalassemia, which she was told may or may not be related to the Tourette syndrome. Dr. Joshi does not appear to be concerned with this piece of information. The mother says she also has two other “normal” children, a 12 1/2-year-old boy and a 7-month-old baby girl. Dr. Joshi then spends time asking the mother about her pregnancy rather than examining the child or asking questions about him. Did she have any specific kind of dreams? Scary dreams, for example? Did she have any specific food cravings? Was there any kind of family or emotional stress at that time? The mother says that for all of her pregnancies she lost 10 to 15 kilograms (20 to 30 pounds) and barely made it back to prepregnancy weight by the end of each one. She did, however, eat dry fruits “by the fistful.” She had cravings to listen to specific types of music, which, however difficult, her husband (a physical therapist) fulfilled. Dr. Joshi says that it is possible to do something to help the child improve until puberty because he is still growing, but it will be more difficult after that. However, he announces that he can give no guarantees or estimates about the degree of improvement that can be expected. He says that problems of the central nervous system cannot be cured. The mother asks if this is a genetic problem or, if not, what could have caused it. Dr. Joshi says that he could not venture to say what might have caused the problem. She asks, very hesitantly, “I mean, I don’t know how to ask you this, but have you treated cases like this before?” Dr. Joshi replies, “Not ex-

actly this, but yes, children with these behavioral symptoms I have treated with good results before. But there is no telling what kind of improvement, if any, your child will show. It is too early to tell on the first day.” The mother then asks if there is a parallel syndrome or diagnosis in the Ayurvedic medical tradition for Tourette syndrome. Dr. Joshi replies that it is a problem of the central nervous system and that it may manifest itself as a vata vyadi disease, an imbalance of the vata dosha, or “wind” element in Ayurvedic philosophy. Dr. Joshi recommends that the mother look for a special school for kids with multiple handicaps, should he develop a more severe learning disability in the future or his behavior become a problem in his current school. “Kids are cruel and they don’t understand if another kid is sick, and neither do their parents.” Dr. Joshi also recommends a good psychologist. The mother says she took her son to a psychologist four or five times but he found no problem with him: “He said my son was absolutely normal.” Dr. Joshi says, “It is obvious to see that your son isn’t normal. Although he doesn’t have any physical disability right now, he does have some mental and behavioral disturbance.” Dr. Joshi asks her if the boy’s older sibling takes care of him. The mother says that he does, especially at school, but he gets frustrated at times as well. Dr. Joshi suggests that the older child should also be counseled so that he doesn’t give up taking care of or protecting his brother. Dr. Joshi’s ultimate diagnosis for the child is shirobhigat, or “problem with the head/mind.” The mother then asks Dr. Joshi to explain to her the line of treatment he will prescribe for her child. Dr. Joshi says he will prescribe for him a medicated enema daily that the mother is to administer after the child comes home from school. Later on, when he has holidays, he will have to stay at the clinic for a couple of weeks to take shirodhara treatment, a procedure whereby warmed medicated oil, milk, or water is streamed onto the forehead of a patient who is lying down on a massage table. It is commonly used to treat mental health problems, including stress and anxiety. He says that if he explained the medicines to her right now, she won’t understand them, although she is free to take a prescription if she wishes. As a start to the treatment, Dr. Joshi recommends to the mother that she make the child do some concentration exercises, such as staring at a candle for a length of time. She tells Dr. Joshi she did that already and had him repeat “Om” for concentration. She also made him do some yoga. It is clear that this mother is committed to trying alternative therapies such as Ayurveda to help her child. How and when such educated parents decide to apply this type of advice—and how effective it is compared to other forms of treatment—remain to be seen. Manasi Tirodkar further reading: V. Lad, The Science of Self-Healing, 1984. • J. Douillard, Perfect Health for Kids: Ten Ayurvedic Health Secrets Every Parent Must Know, 2004.

imagining each other

imagining each other

Tourette Syndrome in Indian Ayurvedic Medical Practice

tobacco

to 20% for other tic disorders. Nongenetic influences clearly are important, too, and may include lower birth weight, maternal stress during pregnancy, and perinatal complications such as forceps-assisted delivery or decreased oxygen supply to the infant brain (hypoxia). Neither the genetic nor the nongenetic factors are well characterized. Currently, there is no cure for tic disorders, but a wide array of medication and behavioral and educational options is available; any selected approach or specific medication targets problematic symptoms. A system of medical and social education and support is needed to treat the tics and all the associated behavioral challenges presented by Tourette syndrome. Samuel H. Zinner see also: Neurological Disorders further reading: Mitzi Waltz, Tourette’s Syndrome: Finding Answers and Getting Help, Patient-Centered Guides, 2001. • Samuel H. Zinner, “Tourette Syndrome: Much More Than Tics,” Contemporary Pediatrics 21, no. 8 (August 2004), pp. 22–49. • Tourette Syndrome Association, Inc., http://www.tsa-usa.org

title ix. see Education, Discrimination in: Gender Discrimination

tobacco. The use of tobacco products by children and youth is widespread in the population as a whole. The United States National Youth Tobacco Survey conducted in 2000 revealed that 49.5% of 6th to 12th graders had smoked cigarettes in their lifetime, 23.1% currently used tobacco products, and 17.7% currently smoked cigarettes. In 2003, 7% of high school students used smokeless tobacco (11% of boys, 2% of girls). Importantly, adolescents who use smokeless tobacco are more likely than nonusers to become cigarette smokers in the future. It has been estimated that between 21% and 28% of adolescents will be regular smokers by the time they graduate high school, and approximately 70% of high school dropouts will be regular smokers. Globally, the prevalence of tobacco use is substantially higher in developing countries and on the rise. The World Health Organization reports alarming rates of tobacco use among youth in the western Pacific region and Africa, ranging from 58.2% to 62.4%, and prevalence as high as 38% in regions of the Americas, the eastern Mediterranean region, the Southeast Asia region, and the European region. For boys and girls, the level of tobacco use varies within and across regions. In general, however, reports demonstrate that boys have a higher prevalence rate than girls. Patter ns of Tobacco Use White American adolescents are significantly more likely to become cigarette smokers than are black, Hispanic, or Asian American adolescents. Moreover, cigarette use appears to have declined more for black American adolescents than for white or Hispanic American adolescents and more

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for females than males. Specifically, from 2002 to 2004, the rates of cigarette use among Hispanic American high school students increased from 10.8% to 13.3%, whereas the rate among black American high school students decreased from 21.7% to 17.1%. I n d i v i dual Pr ed ic to r s Studies within the United States have consistently found that genetic factors contribute more to the continuation rather than to the initiation of smoking behavior. Results outside the United States are less consistent. For example, a review of the literature found that genetic factors contributed to the initiation of smoking but not to the persistence of smoking among Australian women and to both the initiation and continuation of smoking among women in Finland. Both the initiation and escalation of smoking are related to parental behavior. Results show that parents’ own smoking habits influence childhood and adolescent smoking indirectly through the communication of rules about smoking. For example, parental smoking is associated with the indirect message that they approve of smoking. Parenting styles that buffer the risk of smoking include parental involvement, support, and control; household smoking bans and antismoking messages; and high family cohesion, autonomy, and intimacy. M ed ical ly R el at ed I s s u e s Cigarette consumption beginning in childhood (i.e., age 8 to 10) is a serious public health issue. Research has shown that the earlier children start smoking and the more cigarettes these youngsters smoke, the more cigarettes they continue to smoke as adolescents and adults and the more healthrelated issues they experience as adolescents and adults. Negative health outcomes for adults from smoking are numerous and well established. For example, smoking leads to coronary heart disease, which is the leading cause of death in the United States. Smoking-related coronary heart disease has been associated with congestive heart failure. An estimated 4.6 million Americans have congestive heart failure, and approximately 43,000 die from it each year. Cigarette smoking is also a major cause of stroke, which is the third leading cause of death in the United States. The association with cancer of all types has been well established. Childhood and adolescent medical conditions that track with early tobacco use include reduced lung growth, reduced lung function, respiratory problems, decreased level of fitness, high(er) level of nicotine dependence, cough and phlegm production, adverse changes in blood cholesterol levels, and associated risk of other drug use. Childhood and adolescent cigarette use has also been associated with psychiatric disorders in childhood and adolescence (e.g., conduct disorder, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, and major depression), which may in turn predict adulthood psychiatric disorders. The smoking populations of

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youngsters are at higher risk for both physical and mental disorders, some presumably caused by smoking and others only associated. A plethora of other concerns are indirectly related to childhood and adolescent cigarette usage and implications for health outcomes. For instance, research has demonstrated that children and adolescents have a tendency to use cigarettes, alcohol, marijuana, and then illicit drugs in that order. This suggests that cigarettes may serve as a so-called gateway drug for youngsters. Other researchers have found that early cigarette use is significantly related to later drug abuse and dependence. In a survey study of high school students across the United States and randomly selected middle school students in a state on the East Coast, researchers found that youngsters who smoked engaged as a group in significantly more risky behaviors than did those who did not smoke. In one study, risky behaviors included the use of illicit drugs and anabolic steroids, suicidal behavior, fighting, carrying a weapon, riding a motorcycle without a helmet, and unsafe dieting. Additionally, age of onset of cigarette use accounted for an overwhelming amount of the variance (32.3%) for predicting the number of risky behaviors, with early onset linked to the more adverse outcomes. Other researchers have found that there is a strong relationship between cigarette consumption, conduct disorder and delinquency, and risky sexual behaviors. Risky sexual behaviors include engaging in sexual intercourse without using birth control or condoms and having sex with multiple partners, practices that have been associated with increased risk for contracting HIV/AIDS or other sexually transmitted diseases or unwanted pregnancy. T r e atm en t a n d Ou tc om e Like adults, the majority of adolescent smokers say that they want to quit. However, most adolescents are not familiar with the concept of a smoking-cessation program and are disinclined to seek professional assistance. Advice from health care professionals to stop smoking has proved to significantly increase the proportion of adult smokers who quit. However, whether physician advice to quit will work among adolescents is less clear. In addition, it currently appears that far fewer adolescents than adults receive such advice from health care providers. In an evaluation of 17 smoking-cessation programs, few had a solid design, so the effectiveness of such programs cannot be determined. There was also considerable heterogeneity in intervention methods and in the theories on which researchers based the specific interventions, making it even more difficult to draw clear inferences about what, if anything, works. One consistency across studies was the use of clinics, both inside and outside schools, with the average number of sessions just over six. Among the 12 studies that reported quit rates, the mean quit rate was 20.7%

(range 0.0% to 36.0%); it dropped to 13% at follow-up. Reduced amount of tobacco use was seen in few studies. Communit y-Lev el I nfluenc es and I n terv en tio n s Longitudinal studies have shown that exposure to cigarette ads among 10- to 12-year-olds predicts initiation of smoking as well as choice of brand. If this advertisement-smoking connection is causal, then policy changes in advertising might play an important role in the prevention of youth tobacco use. Another community-level intervention that shows initial promise in reducing cigarette smoking in adolescents is the imposition of an excise tax on tobacco products. C o nc lu s io n Research evidence shows that even after a couple of cigarettes, adolescents begin to exhibit such signs of addiction as strong cravings to smoke, feeling the need for a cigarette, feeling irritable when not smoking, and feeling a strong urge to smoke. Among individuals who reported symptoms of addiction, 18% reported symptoms after first use, 33% reported symptoms when smoking one cigarette per month, and 49% reported symptoms when smoking one cigarette per week. Most adolescents do not believe that tobacco is addictive until they are already addicted. Given the high rates of childhood and adolescent smoking and the paucity of well-validated cessation programs, it is clear that more research and federal funding should be directed to intervention programs to help youngsters avoid starting or quit smoking. If youth smoking continues at the current rate, approximately 6.4 million of today’s children will die prematurely of tobacco-related illnesses. This will be at a great cost in human and monetary terms. Stacy R. Ryan and Patricia A. Brennan see also: Respiratory Diseases; Substance Abuse; Substance Abuse, Parental further reading: R. Mermelstein, “Teen Smoking Cessation,” Tobacco Control 12 (2003), pp. 25–34. • A. Biglan, P. A. Brennan, S. L. Foster, and H. D. Holder, Helping Adolescents at Risk: Prevention of Multiple Problem Behaviors, 2004. • Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, “Tobacco Use, Access, and Exposure to Tobacco in Media among Middle and High School Students,” 2004. • Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, “Tobacco Use and the Health of Young People,” 2004. • Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, “The Health Consequences of Smoking: A Report of the Surgeon General,” 2005.

toilet training. Like all developmental milestones, toilet training is a culmination of a number of skills. These skills integrate into independent toileting as children mature, with each child progressing at his or her own rate. Children first recognize the feeling of a full bladder or impending defecation between 15 and 24 months of age. Just after 2 years of age, the ability to communicate the “need

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to go” to caregivers develops. To be trained to use the toilet independently, a child must also be able to get to the bathroom (at age 10 to 16 months), pull down her pants (18 to 24 months), and sit long enough on the toilet to defecate or urinate (26 to 31 months). Nighttime training may be attained two or more years after daytime dryness is complete. Parents often introduce training in the United States by placing a small child’s potty in the bathroom when the child shows interest in imitating adult activities (18 to 24 months). At first, a child merely pretends to be a grownup, sitting on the potty while parents use the toilet. Ninety percent of parents can read cues that the child is about to defecate—the child may squat, freeze, or wiggle, or his or her face may redden—and then the parent may encourage the child to “Go to the potty to make!” Some families concentrate the toilet training experience into a single weekend; once the child has the requisite skills to train, the parent removes diapers for a few days, often during a weekend at home. The child begins with some accidents but then is rewarded for staying clean and succeeding in using the potty or toilet. Once children are big enough to climb onto a regular toilet, a fitted seat is often placed over it so the child sits comfortably. A footstool is helpful for the child to feel secure without dangling legs. Buying “big-kid” underwear decorated with popular superheroes or cartoon characters can be a motivator, as can small treats for successes in the toilet. In the United States, the process is often facilitated by attending child care or early preschool. As part of the daily routine, children line up outside the bathroom as each uses the facilities. Children learn that toileting is expected and tend to cooperate as they do with all classroom practices as part of their social development. Around the world, toilet training follows a variety of paths, some starting in infancy and others without rigid structure or age-based expectations. Ps yc hological and Soc ial Impact of Toi let Tr ai ni ng Completion of toilet training brings a new era to toddlers’ parents. Gone are the days of buying expensive diapers, carrying bulky diapers and wipes to every outing, searching for suitable changing sites, and unpleasant-smelling diapers filling household garbage pails. Furthermore, the newfound independence of the toilet-trained child may change his or her relationship with parents. The child is no longer dependent on the parent for bodily functions, and the parent is less aware of the child’s hydration and bowel status. Although parents of young children yearn for them to learn, grow, and develop increased confidence, mixed emotions from both can emerge; parents may mourn the passage of infancy despite celebrating a child’s progress. Likewise, some children may want to “stay a baby” even when expressing their own wish to be independent. Toilet training may be a requirement for preschool entry.

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Some families cannot afford for a parent to stay home with young children or do not live near family or friends who can care for toddlers during the day. Some parents choose to work for their own professional, social, and emotional needs and goals. Others choose for the child to begin school at a young age for the social and academic exposure. When training is a prerequisite for school admission, parents and children are often pressured to meet this milestone quickly, sometimes before the child is developmentally ready. In the United States, children are usually trained by 3 to 4 years of age. Parents of late trainers may suffer embarrassment and frustration at their child’s delay. Late training is associated with difficult child temperamental traits and child constipation or may reflect an overall developmental delay in the child who meets all milestones at a slow pace. In addition to the ongoing financial burden of diapers and the time requirement of changing diapers, parents of late trainers may face the challenge of well-meaning relatives and neighbors who question the child’s troubles or the parents’ rearing techniques. Th eor i es i n th e United States and i n Ot h er S o c i et i e s U.S. Department of Health and Human Services publications from 1914 to the 1940s advised parents to hold infants over the toilet for prolonged periods. Once washing machines became prevalent, less emphasis was placed on this method. Disposable diapers made later training even easier. Toilet training in the United States was revolutionized by Benjamin Spock, who taught parents in the 1940s to embrace a nurturing and less strict child-rearing framework, and then by T. Berry Brazelton in the 1960s, who introduced the child-centered approach to training children. Rather than expecting a child to be trained at a specific age, Brazelton encouraged parents to let the child set his or her own tempo instead of rushing the child into training; when a child demonstrated the developmental skills and interest in training, then parents were advised to respond supportively. Although minimal evidence supports this as the “best practice,” the child-centered approach is espoused by most U.S. pediatricians. A controversial U.S. approach mimics the traditions of other societies that begin to “train” their children during infancy. In nations where babies are carried on mothers’ backs in the fields or where crawling on the ground is unsafe or culturally unacceptable, the mother quickly learns to recognize the child’s cry, body movement, or schedule, and then takes the child to the desired location for defecation or urination. Parents across the world, including those in India, Kenya, and Greenland, embrace the practice of training infants; Chinese babies often wear pants with split bottoms for easy squatting, and children of the Digo tribes of East Africa are trained by 6 months. However, these infants are not independently trained; rather, the par-

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ent-child dyad together accomplishes the task. Some U.S. parents champion elimination communication, or infant potty training, finding it a natural extension of parentchild interaction and a step in the process toward toilet training. Toilet training is a universal rite of passage, regardless of a people’s socioeconomic status or cultural context, but often is accomplished by different strategies across the world. Some studies show that within the United States, parents who are African American or have lower incomes believe toilet training should be initiated at younger ages than do parents who are Caucasian or have higher incomes. Toilet training is big business, with more than $1 billion in global diaper sales per year. Diapers and training underwear advertised on television normalize their use in older age groups. Toilet training manuals guide parents in the many toilet training methods, and children’s books and videos review expectations for children, becoming part of toilet sitting and bedtime routines. U.S. Toi let Tr ai ni ng : Ac ro ss Time and Soc ial Groups In 1962, 50% of U.S. children were trained by 27 months, and 98% by 36 months. By the 1990s, in some samples only 50% of girls were trained by 35 months and 50% of boys by 39 months. Later ages for training have been documented around the world: Swiss children in the 1970s and 1980s were trained for defecation 16 months later than they were in the 1950s; a study in Belgium also confirmed later initiation and completion of toilet training across the past three generations. Child-centered training is often cited as an explanation for later toilet training over the years, though working parents, improved dryness of diapers, and decreased extended family involvement in child rearing are potential contributors (though without supporting evidence). Earlier toilet training in the United States is associated in some studies with having a single mother, being non-Caucasian, and female gender. Alison Schonwald and Leonard A. Rappaport see also: Bedwetting; Social Development; Training, Child further reading: Meg Zweiback, Keys to Toilet Training, 1998. • Alona Frankel, Once Upon a Potty, 1999. • T. Berry Brazelton and Joshua D Sparrow, Toilet Training: The Brazelton Way, 2004.

tourette syndrome. see Tics and Tourette Syndrome toys and games. Toys are tools for play. Despite the fact that the modern commercial toy industry is culturally and historically distinct, the basic idea of children playing with toys for fun, diversion, and experience crosses centuries and societies. Games are structures for play. While organized sports and electronic games are increasingly taking the place of spontaneous peer-oriented game play, the core

endeavor of playing within agreed-upon rules toward specific objectives is a common part of social, cognitive, and physical development. Together, diverse types of toys and games serve important roles both during stages of childhood and across cultural groups. Toys and Games dur i ng Stages of C h i l d ho o d Most infants have some experience with dolls, balls, blocks, improvised doodads, manufactured figures, and other variations on basic toys. For very young infants, toys provide a sense of comfort, with common examples during infancy being a stuffed animal or a rattle. Such toys then gradually become objects of emotional attachment and imaginative fantasy. They also provide basic opportunities to use motor skills while exploring the physical environment, sometimes allowing children to undertake spontaneous experiments about cause and effect (What happens when I throw this ball against my sister?). While infants do play simple games, such as peekaboo with parents, playing games in groups and with rules only gradually evolves through early childhood. As children improve their ability to communicate, collaborate, coordinate, take other people’s perspectives, and understand the nature of objects, they become more interested in game play. The games of young children and schoolage children typically include both indoor and outdoor games. Indoor games include card games, board games, role-playing, and computer games, and outdoor games include more physically active cooperative activities such as ball games, hide-and-seek, tag, or sports. Even though such games range widely in the skills required, all the common games played by school-age children involve the ability to negotiate rules and social norms. Children’s important progression from symbolic play to group play in rule-bound games is evident in a classic example from developmental theorist Jean Piaget. Documenting the way children play with marbles, he observed that children in early childhood tend to use marbles as objects of imagination (as, for example, eggs in a nest) or for physical use (by, for example, throwing them across a room). Around 7 years of age, however, children start focusing on marbles as game pieces for group competitions. For Piaget, this transition from playing as imaginative to playing as social and rule bound represented important general shifts in psychological dispositions. Toys allow young children to explore their world, while games with rules allow older children to assimilate to their world’s conventions. At the same time, Piaget may have underestimated ways that toys and games allow children to transform convention: experimenting, for example, with alternative gender roles in games of make-believe. Whatever the spontaneous and experimental nature of play with toys and games during childhood, during adolescence such play gradually gives way to more structured,

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adultlike leisure. The games of adolescents often require specialized skills and build on personal interests. Adolescents interested in outdoor games, for example, commonly engage in organized sports with adult specialists as coaches. In regard to the indoor games popular with contemporary adolescents, electronic games stand out. Although people of all ages play electronic games, the largest percentage of players are between the ages of 8 and 18. Further, although access to elaborate electronic games requires a certain level of economic resources, some types, such as simple handheld versions of Tetris or pinball, are prominent even in the poorest communities; inexpensively manufactured electronic games sell in many open-air markets across subSaharan Africa and Latin America. The long-term developmental implications of electronic game play are not yet clear. While there is some concern that heavy electronic game play may lead to social isolation, such games may also provide alternative forums for interpersonal interaction among socially awkward teens. Likewise, while electronic games may sometimes draw teenagers away from more traditional academic activities such as reading, electronic games may also improve technological literacy and certain visual-spatial skills. Beyond just electronic games, there is a general concern in the United States that the amount of time children spend on spontaneous play is decreasing. The diminishing of spontaneous outdoor games in favor of television, the computer, or adult-organized activities may have negative developmental implications for health, with children being less physically active, and for imagination and creativity, with children relying on adults and marketers for ideas about what activities are fun and worthwhile. Somewhat ironically, there are a growing number of structured efforts by governments, corporations, and nonprofit agencies to increase children’s opportunities to play spontaneous outdoor games. These include a U.S. Department of Health and Human Services social marketing campaign to encourage imaginative games by distributing a Verb Yellowball to tweens (children between early childhood and adolescence) and a Play Your Way program created by the Walt Disney Company and ESPN television networks to promote physically active game clubs. It is difficult to know whether concerns about the changing nature of children’s play with toys and games are valid. Scholarly research clearly documenting the specific developmental implications of such play is less profuse than is market research documenting which toys and games will sell. This is partially a function of the size of the modern commercial toys and games industry, but it also relates to the fact that the developmental role of toys and games is not just about the toys and games; it is also about children and their imagination. Children often take toys intended for one purpose and employ them in dramatically differ-

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ent ways: using toy soldiers, for example, to create a fantasy community of aliens. Or they take games with set rules and modify those rules toward their own ends: turning Monopoly, for example, into a race rather than a profit-oriented contest. The diversity of toys and games, and the diversity of children, ensures that there is no one necessary role for toys and games during the stages of development. Soc ial and Cultur al Roles The diversity of toys and games is also evident across societies, although the variations emerge from notable underlying similarities. Some basic toys and games seem to appear consistently across historical and cultural settings. Versions of dice games, dolls, ball games, marbles, board games, toy soldiers, tag, and the like are evident in records addressing societies as varied as ancient Egypt, 17th-century Europe, hunter-gatherer societies in rural Africa, and the contemporary United States. At the same time, the prominence of a manufactured and commercialized toy culture is relatively modern, having gradually evolved with industrialization. Dolls, toy soldiers, and similar types of figurines provide a useful example. Children in many different settings seem attracted to figures that represent familiar people, animals, and social roles. Simple handmade dolls and stick figures are common childhood accessories. Manufacturers have built on this interest, with various types of dolls and toy soldiers being consistently popular through recent centuries. Prior to the middle of the 20th century in the United States, however, girls primarily used dolls as objects for nurture, while boys used toy figures to imitate adult responsibilities such as working and soldiering. The modern commercialized toy industry has marginalized such uses in favor of a focus on consumerism. The popularity of Barbie (first introduced in 1959), for example, dramatically shifted the emphasis in doll play for girls in the United States from nurturing to style and consumption. Likewise, the 21st-century toy figures now popular among boys increasingly derive from promotions and cross-marketing associated with fantastic cartoons, movies, and television programs, often with little grounding in real adult roles and authentic versions of masculinity. Beyond commercialization and marketing, toys and games raise several other important social issues related to gender. Children express gendered toy preferences in the first years of life, before having developed clear gender identities, with girls preferring dolls and tea sets, while boys prefer vehicles and balls. Such differences persist into adolescence when, for example, boys tend to prefer electronic games involving action and combat while girls tend to prefer electronic games involving puzzles, quizzes, and art. The degree to which such preferences are innate or socialized is difficult to discern. Boys, for example, do seem more likely to be innately predisposed toward types of rough-

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and-tumble physical play that is accommodated by fighting toys or ball games. But such predispositions are also greatly encouraged by adults, peers, and media sources that gender type toys and games. From birth, for example, children in the United States regularly encounter implicit messages suggesting that dolls are primarily for girls. In addition to the implicit socialization of gender roles, adults recognize the potential of toys and games for explicit socialization. As long ago as 1693, English philosopher John Locke promoted alphabet blocks as useful educational toys. Contemporary parents in industrialized societies, in their own effort to nurture talents, often ply infants and young children with interactive “smart toys” designed to teach specific skills. Although these toys are not always as popular among children as adults might hope, interactive toys (such as the Tamagotchi digital pets that created a temporary craze in the late 1990s) have a distinct appeal in their potential to engage children of the electronic age. The specific educational value of toys and games may ultimately relate more to particular cultural values than to the toys and games themselves. There is, for example, significant cultural variation in the intended educational messages for toys and games. The relative emphasis on competition and cooperation is one way that such messages can vary across communities. In the contemporary United States, game play is often considered an appropriate and necessary site for developing competitive attitudes. In the former Soviet Union, however, psychologist Urie Bronfenbrenner observed that school games were specifically designed to be group activities that emphasized cooperation and group functioning. Likewise, in historical documentation of diverse groups there seems to be some relationship between features of an economy and the types of games people play, with differing emphases on games of physical skill (with, for example, hunter-gatherer groups), chance (with, for example, warring or insecure groups), or strategy (with, for example, agricultural societies). There is also cultural variation in the degree to which intentional education of any sort is a priority for toy and game play. In many cases, toys and games are more for recreation, entertainment, or distraction than for education. Thus, while European colonial regimes (and some contemporary social service organizations) have used games in intentional efforts to cultivate versions of muscular Christianity, local communities often have their own uses for play. In settings such as 20th-century Kpelle villages in Liberia, for example, anthropologist David Lancy found that parents merely accept (rather than encourage) play such that toys and games are understood as primarily distraction and leisure. In contrast, in Yucatec Maya villages in Mexico, psychologist Suzanne Gaskins found that parents often actively constrain play, creating a circumstance in which the most common approximation of toys are work tools used for helping with household tasks.

Regardless of the differing social and cultural roles of children’s toys and games, the fact that such toys and games persist universally in some form is a testament to their importance. Even in the face of the horrors of the Holocaust, as documented by historian George Eisen, European Jewish children in Polish ghettos made the effort to play with toys because they provided a sense of familiarity and emotional security. Likewise, these children created and engaged in games that allowed them to mimic the drama of their society by, for example, hiding and seeking pretend packages of smuggled food in roles as imaginary workers, police, and Gestapo men. Such resolute use of toys and games confirms that children in most all communities need to play with tools and structures that connect to their lives. Although there is diversity in how toys and games are used and the social messages embedded therein, toys and games of all types ultimately fulfill the basic need of children to safely explore and experience their world. Andrew M. Guest see also: Play; Play and Gender further reading: Gary Cross, Kids’ Stuff: Toys and the Changing World of American Childhood, 1997. • Brian Sutton-Smith, The Ambiguity of Play, 1998. • Jeffrey Goldstein, David Buckingham, and Gilles Brougére, eds., Toys, Games, and Media, 2004. • Dorothy G. Singer and Jerome Singer, Imagination and Play in the Electronic Age, 2005.

training, child. Child training consists of the practices, norms, and beliefs to which children are exposed as they grow and develop. The effect of child training in general is to link individuals to their culture groups. Although the discipline of developmental psychology provides a complex, sophisticated child-training model, it has been influenced by, and is somewhat reflective of, EuroAmerican socialization practices. A broader perspective on child training will consider the regimens experienced by children throughout the world. Even Western-style schooling, which has been adopted almost universally in traditional societies, has not produced a convergence of patterns in child training. Other changes have included rapid and disruptive disappearance of long-held customs. Many of these transformations have been unintended, others were consciously adopted, but always the consequences for children have been difficult to foresee. Although there is much cultural variety in the number of stages attributed to the preadult period, three general phases of child training can be identified. I nfanc y and Ear ly C h i ldhood Given basic survival needs, neonatal care is surprisingly heterogeneous: In the first two weeks of life, infants in various societies are subjected to such practices as scarification, abrasion, intense stimulation, molding by forceful stretching, extremes of temperature, and circumcision. Just after

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birth, in numerous places, babies are swaddled or placed in cradles and are thus without sustained physical contact with any person; in other groups, infants are rarely separated from human contact. In recent years within urbanindustrial societies, frame carriers (e.g., cradles) and soft carriers (e.g., slings) have been adopted and used by some caretakers throughout the period of infancy. Breastfeeding, often supplemented with other foods, lasts for approximately two years in a majority of societies, but the cultural variation is enormous. While in many urban societies breastfeeding either does not occur or is practiced for only a few months, in some groups, such as the Chenchu of south-central India, weaning does not take place until age 5 or 6. A recent general decline in breastfeeding has had unfortunate effects: In almost all except European-related and some East African cultures, the ability to assimilate lactose, a primary constituent of cow’s milk, falls rapidly after weaning; in these groups, the ingestion of lactose by young children can give rise to diarrhea, bleeding, and cramps. Both this dairy-milk problem and the previously noted adoption of new types of baby carriers are examples of broad cultural diffusion, each event influential in the treatment of children, with one spreading from modern urban societies to traditional groups, the other in the opposite direction. Language learning is universal and unproblematic despite very different patterns of child rearing. All normal children will have begun to speak before the age of 2. The assumption is often made in Western psychology that for the child to develop adequately during the early years, and especially in infancy, there must be maternal care high in degree and quality. Yet the evidence shows that this is not essential. In the United States and almost everywhere else, mothers are but one class of caretaker among parents, siblings, grandparents, other extended-family members, nannies, and the personnel in child care facilities. In some hunter-gatherer groups, fathers have been found within an arm’s length of their infants for half the day and within view of the baby more than 80% of the time. Nonetheless, females, not males, are the main child caretakers in all known societies, and even in the cited cases of very high paternal involvement the mothers care for babies and toddlers more frequently than do the fathers. Earlier developmental ideas about the importance of weaning and toilet training for personality are no longer held tenable. However, it is believed that abusive treatment, emotional rejection, and/or neglect in any cultural group put children at risk socially and emotionally and that such experiences are likely to influence adult-level affective outlook. Still, this generalization is limited in two ways. First, emotional acceptance, the polar opposite of neglect and rejection, does not predict optimal functioning for children or, later, for their adjustment in adolescence and adulthood. In other words, early negative treatment tends to have longlasting effects, whereas more positive treatment apparently

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interacts with numerous processes, including many that occur after infancy and childhood, and is thus associated with a variety of developmental outcomes. Second, neglectful treatment or the experience of rejection in early childhood does not implicate, as sequelae, low overall levels of adult adaptation or success in life, which is to say that social and emotional functioning must be distinguished from cognitive competence. The range of practices for two important topics, the socialization of aggression and that of sexuality (including sexual modesty), is so great that general statements about onset, duration, and degree of pressure are difficult to make. Sometimes, the expression of sexual and/or aggressive impulses and thoughts is interdicted practically from the outset on through to marriage; in other cases, their expression is tolerated, even encouraged, from an early age; and in still others, they are treated with an increased pressure after very early childhood. Differences in the treatment of girls and boys can be relatively small, but when a double standard exists it tends to favor the expression of sexual and aggressive feelings by males. M i d d l e C h i ld ho o d Meaningful socialization occurs not only while children are under the care of adults but also during periods of play with peers. A tendency to affiliate or aggregate with same-sex peers, which emerges early in many societies, becomes powerful by middle childhood, and it is arguably pancultural. The suggestion has been made that such in-group favoritism solidifies the learning of gender-appropriate habits and behavioral styles within cultures. Same-sex aggregation is also apparently stronger for boys than for girls and seems frequently to evoke from boys displays of physicality, such as horseplay and physical aggression. Children are given relatively few chores both in modern urban settings and in hunter-gatherer groups; that is, children are given the lightest workloads among those who occupy either the higher or the lower level of technological complexity. But among agricultural-horticultural and pastoral peoples, children are typically assigned tasks that include housekeeping chores, errands, food preparation, subsistence activities, and care of younger siblings. At the start, these endeavors are simplified versions of the domestic responsibilities of adult females, and only over the course of development do routines become more sex differentiated. These activities, beginning sporadically at about age 3 but growing in frequency, intensity, and complexity around age 6, are seen by adults as contributory, even necessary, to family functioning and to the instilling of appropriate values and habits. The common intellectual, social, and physical demands requisite to performing varied and more complex tasks suggest the operation of pathways of development shared among children everywhere, as does the widespread onset of formal schooling also at about the age of 6.

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Although the task loads of children in urban and huntergatherer groups tend to stay low, in the former there are small responsibilities like the cleaning of personal rooms and in the latter such labor as simple plant gathering. In the case of modern urban societies, this low level is probably because apprenticeship in technical activities is not readily available, given the usual separation of children from much of adult life, and because preschooling and formal schooling are a major part of daily routines. It should be said, however, that urban children in working-class families are more likely to be assigned chores than are children in the upper social strata. In the case of hunter-gatherers, the low level of childhood tasks is probably due to several factors: general subsistence undertakings (e.g., hunting) that require nearadult levels of strength, mobility, and endurance; low accumulation of material goods, resulting in minimal chore and maintenance activities; and little care of young siblings due to comparatively low birth rates. Formal education through at least a portion of primary school can now be found in all but a few places. Its effects in traditional societies are manifest in the acquisition of literacy and other school-like aptitudes, the greater involvement of schooled mothers in improved health care practices for their children, and a correlative reduction in very high fertility. Nevertheless, as time and resources are devoted more to children’s schooling and correspondingly less to their acquisition of traditional skills and crafts, many long-held customs are subject to attrition. Almost all children today participate at least peripherally in a market system, and in otherwise isolated places they are also likely to experience a wider, globalizing mass culture via radio, television, and other technological accoutrements. But it must be emphasized that local practices—and practices transported via migration, as in many urban ethnic enclaves—often are retained in some modified form. In the United States, inspired by the social movements of the 1960s, numerous mainstream families adopted what they believed to be nonnormative, radical child-rearing practices (e.g., late weaning), but in a larger view they had moved very little distance from their more conventional American counterparts. Adolesc enc e Adolescence as a socially demarcated life stage between childhood and adulthood is observed almost universally; in this period, societies train individuals to adjust their relationships, learn new roles and skills, and adapt to institutions outside the home setting. In many societies, the recognition of adolescence through ritual observance has now been largely abrogated or attenuated. But until recent years, a large majority of small-scale groups practiced at adolescence either initiation ceremonies or other ritual forms, the primary themes of which were those of social solidarity. For boys, who were typically coalesced into groups, such

ceremonies tended to involve public events that included physical hardship and genital operations, whereas for girls the observances were more frequently family based, often with menarche the occasion for the rites. Despite this latter connection, the social marking of adolescence does not correspond particularly well to biological maturation. However, one aspect of physical development, the attainment of reproductive capacity and the accompanying implications for sexuality, seems to present for all societies an ongoing management concern. Although most cultural groups accept some premarital sexual behavior, complete freedom in this sphere is hardly ever tolerated. Early marriage, common throughout the world, could be interpreted as a response to this issue. (Marriage soon after menarche does not indicate that individuals are ready to assume adult economic, social, and moral responsibilities.) At the higher end of sexual indulgence, some groups encourage adolescents to engage in intercourse with multiple partners. At the other extreme, severe punishment meted to sexually active females is frequently known to occur. But it is premarital pregnancy that typically has evoked familial and societal sanctions, which are usually applied to the girl and less frequently to the boy. There is a tendency for families that function within peasant societies or state systems to be severe concerning sexual restrictions. In modern societies, adolescents and their parents look to education as a preparation for adulthood, and this pattern has become increasingly common elsewhere. The system is one of competition: It is a path to successful fit and adaptation, but it entails a lengthy time during which this age group, as a whole, does not have a meaningful social function in the adult society. The system also ensures problems for those unable to join or complete the programs. Nonetheless, adolescents with little or no education can display resilience, as frequently seen among street children, who are now found in large urban areas around much of the earth. The coping of these young people is aided by a central resource of adolescents, the peer group, and their social mutuality enables many of them to sustain a way of life in the face of grave difficulties. Developing individuals are of course not “finished” when adolescence comes to a close, and their parents and others will continue to try to educate, praise, scold, and otherwise train them, even as they may be engaged in the training of their own children. Robert L. Munroe see also: Authority and Obedience; Child: Historical and Cultural Perspectives; Discipline and Punishment; Personal Boundaries; Socialization of the Child; Stages of Childhood; Toilet Training further reading: Thomas S. Weisner, Mary Bausano, and Madeleine Kornfein, “Putting Family Ideals into Practice: Pronaturalism in Conventional and Nonconventional California Families,” Ethos 11, no. 4 (Winter 1983), pp. 278–304. • Robert A. LeVine, Suzanne Dixon, Sarah LeVine, Amy Richman, P. Herbert

u n iv e r s e o f t h e c h il d Leiderman, Constance H. Keefer, and T. Berry Brazelton, with the collaboration of James Caron, Rebecca New, Patrice Miller, Edward Z. Tronick, David Feigal, and Josephine Yaman, Child Care and Culture: Lessons from Africa, 1994. • Barbara Rogoff, The Cultural Nature of Human Development, 2003. • Patricia Marks Greenfield, Weaving Generations Together: Evolving Creativity in the Maya of Chiapas, 2004.

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trust. see Attachment, Infant twin studies. see Genetics: Behavioral Genetics; Research on Child Development twins. see Multiple Births

u universe of the child. Bring a Russian nesting doll to know how to get back once they have moved beyond into your mind’s eye. In the center is the smallest one, a tiny infant. It nests snugly within ever larger dolls, five or six layers in all. The universe of the child expands similarly. Each doll represents an incremental, outward expansion of the significant world of the child, from the close-in world of the mother in infancy to the whole wide world by the end of adolescence. Joseph Chilton Pearce, author of The Magical Child (1982), suggests that rather than the often-proclaimed stages of development, children mature through a series of healthy relationships with progressively extensive matrices. The first matrix is the womb. The womb is the prototype for each successive matrix, meaning that each matrix should provide a safe place, offer a source of energy and support, and be a firm platform for exploring the next matrix. Think of each matrix as the next larger Russian doll. Each one is a wider, more complex sphere that challenges the individual to develop new intelligences. At birth, the child moves into the mother/family matrix. Around age 7, the child moves into the earth, or the geographic-world, matrix; around age 13 or 14, into the self/social matrix. The movement through each matrix has similar patterns. During the first three to four years, the emphasis is on creating a relationship with that matrix, while from the midpoint on, the child uses the matrix as the safe place to stand while exploring the next one. From birth through about age 4, for example, the child is nestled in the mother and family matrix, learning language, social customs, and exploring the inside-the-house or nearthe-house world. Around 5, children feel the impulse to start to move outward, to explore outside the confines of the yard or the apartment complex. This is the age at which children often get lost while out playing. They feel the urge to explore, to see what is beyond that tree, to follow that rabbit, but they have not developed the geographic sense

the confines of the known world. Attentive caregivers and educators recognize this tendency and provide appropriate exploratory activities to both support the biological inclination and help develop the cognitive mapping facilities that children need. Around the onset of middle childhood, between ages 7 and 12, children begin to move into the wider physical world. The beginning of formal schooling gives children autonomy in a parent-free context, and their emergent ability to read and create mental maps gives them the skills to navigate on their own. One interesting marker of this transition is children’s tendency—apparently universal—to create or find their own private places. The creation of these places serves many developmental purposes. A child’s fort is a home away from home in nature; it provides a bridge between the safe, protected world of the family in early childhood and the independent self in the wider world of adolescence. In rural areas, children make tree houses and forts hidden in the woods; in urban areas, children use abandoned buildings, rooftops, and nearby parks, a phenomenon personally remarked all across the United States, in Central America, on many Caribbean islands, and among !Kung bushmen. Th e E x pan s io n o f th e C h i l d’s Wo r l d Research by developmental psychologists and geographers paints a picture that resonates with this movement through a series of matrices. Initially, the child’s universe is the womb, but even as early as 24 weeks after conception, the fetus is sensitive to light and sound from the outside world. Some language development specialists contend that the fetus begins to imprint on the mother’s voice while still inside the womb and even develop kinesthetic patterns in response to different phonemes, or units of speech sounds. During infancy and early childhood, from birth to

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around age 4, the significant world is successively the lap, the mother’s or caregiver’s kinesphere (physical space), the kitchen or nursery, the home, and the nearby yard or play space. Early on, there is little sense of geographic contiguity. Rather, each space is discrete and disconnected from other spaces. Starting at age 4, children’s sense of the world can be understood by looking at their representations. When given three-dimensional materials such as blocks, 4-year-olds can show that they can call to mind the spatial organization of their rooms, their homes, and spaces close to home. Beyond that, it is mostly a blur. Children’s maps at age 5 and 6 indicate a similar limited scope. Neighborhood maps at this age, across a variety of cultures and geographic settings, share similar attributes. They are pictorial representations of the home and yard with perhaps a hedge or a forbidden road as a boundary. The significant world, or umwelt, has a diameter of approximately 50 yards. This does not mean that young children do not travel outside this radius. On the island of Carriacou in the Caribbean, mixed groups of children age 5 through 13 venture beyond it to set traps to catch birds, hunt iguana, and collect tamarind seeds, custard apples, and sea urchins for snacks. The young children, and their parents, are comfortable with young ones being looked after by older children. But the maps of the home turf of the 5- and 6-year-olds suggest that their primary world is the area within 50 to 100 yards of the house. These children are still grounded in the mother/family matrix but are starting to explore the earth matrix. By 7, children’s maps of their neighborhoods have started to expand from focusing just on the home to focusing on nearby houses and play spaces out of sight of the caregiver. Children show a desire to walk to the corner store on their own or take the subway to school (more problematic if there are transfers involved). Around 9, the child’s world starts to expand significantly. In fact, Roger Hart’s landmark study Children’s Experience of Place (1970) documents a significant increase in the scope of the Wilmington, Vermont, children’s range between about 8 and 9 years of age. This is a function of their developing competence on bicycles, their firm grasp of rules and order (à la Jean Piaget’s concrete-operational thinking), and parents’ recognition of the new ability to negotiate traffic and navigate city streets. The significant world moves from the neighborhood to the village, from one city block to a major section of the city. Children’s maps at this age have a diameter of 500 yards to half a mile. And the perspective has evolved from a pictorial, straight-on view of the house to a panoramic, angled view as in most tourist maps, looking down on the area as if from the top of a building or a high hill. The children’s homes have become insignificant in this view; the explorable woods, cemeteries, alleyways, and bodies of water start to play a much greater role. In Pearce’s terms, the child is exploring the earth matrix, the concrete, tangible, physi-

cal world. The change in perspective, somewhat elevated, suggests a growing objectivity, different from the close-in embeddedness of the 5-year-old. By 13 or 14, children’s maps start to look like cartographers’ maps. In keeping with Piaget’s conception of the onset of formal operational thinking, these maps are drawn from a purely aerial view and are accompanied by symbolic keys, supplementing pictorial representations. Objectivity and cognitive distance are now available. The area has expanded even farther to multiple miles, and the universe is now the community or all of Uptown. It is interesting that whereas 9- through 11-year-olds often have secret hideouts in the woods or behind billboards or beneath the stairwell, the favorite places for young adolescents are often the shops downtown, the music store, or the mall. The child has entered the self/social matrix, and the significant world becomes less the natural and physical world and more the world of interpersonal relationships. By 18, the child’s universe becomes the universe, and the world is his or her oyster, except where constraints of poverty, discrimination, or role prescription deny them this expansive and often stirring matrix. Young men drive across the country or defend their country overseas. After two years of military service, Israelis often hit the road for years, traveling in Central and South America, India, and Asia. Their world now has a diameter of 8,000 miles. Supporti ng C h i ldr en ’s I nc li nations Thoughtful educational programs can support the healthy opening up of the child’s universe. One American program, for instance, provides the correct incremental steps from the enclosed, nearby world of the young child to the appropriate risk-taking and exploratory world of the adolescent. Outdoor adventures begin in kindergarten with the annual Day in the Woods, when the students climb hills and complete a half-mile hike. The first graders’ one-night camping trip in a county park includes a 10-foot rock climb, a creek exploration, and fossil hunting, while in second grade they begin cave exploration. In fourth and fifth grade, children participate in a historical reenactment of a pioneer camp at an old prairie homestead and explore nearby caves in earnest with an overnight stay and re-creation of Tom Sawyer’s and Becky Thatcher’s cave. Sixth graders in this program complete a five-day wilderness trip in a national forest complete with an overnight solo, a true rite of passage for many young adolescents, because “who one is” socially often rests on where one has been geographically. Seventh graders participate in an urban exploration where they use mass transit, sleep in churches, perform community service, and delve into ethnic neighborhoods. By eighth grade, students travel to Okefenokee Swamp and the southern mountains for bicycling, canoeing, and orienteering. Curriculum that follows the growing edge of children’s innate desire to explore the

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world enhances the development of self-confidence and a solid foundation of geographic understanding. Cur r en t Issues One study found that between 1970 and 1990, the average radius around the home where American children were allowed to roam on their own had shrunk to one-ninth of what it had been in 1970, no less so in rural than in inner cities. An epidemic of fear has spread throughout families in the United States and in some other developed nations. Parents are fearful of child abduction, traffic, random violence, and exposure to drugs. The increase in two-working-parent families also means that there is not a responsible adult at home after school. Children are placed in sports programs or highly supervised programs that restrict children’s freeplay opportunities. The increase in electronic recreation such as video games, text messaging, and the like since the late 1980s has led to an increase in sedentary behaviors among children in wealthy lands and a decrease in the scope and size of the child’s physical world. Over this same period, the rate of stranger abductions has been level and the rate of violent crime has steadily decreased. Simultaneously, the media coverage of childhood abductions and violent crime has increased significantly. The media-generated fear, disproportionate to the actual risk to most children, results in an odd synthesis of the expansion of the child’s virtual universe and the contraction of the physical universe that parents’ fear has brought about.

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In light of the fact that the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency now indicates that indoor air pollution is the leading environmental threat to health and that childhood obesity is rising at an alarming rate, it would be wise to develop approaches that allow children to explore the world. Some pertinent evidence points to real benefits for youngsters who are encouraged to explore their universe: Preschool programs in Scandinavia where children explore city and country report significantly lower rates of infectious diseases; environment- and place-based education programs in the United States report higher attendance rates and increased academic achievement. To honor children’s innate tendency to expand outward incrementally into a safe universe is to encourage healthy development. David T. Sobel see also: Cognitive Development; Concepts, Children’s; Marketplace, Children and the; Social Development further reading: Lucy Sprague Mitchell, Young Geographers, 1937. • Lois Murphy, The Expanding World of Childhood: Paths toward Mastery, 1962. • Daniel N. Stern, Diary of a Baby, 1990. • Roger Hart, Children’s Participation: The Theory and Practice of Involving Young Children in Community Development and Environmental Care, 1997. • David Sobel, Mapmaking with Children: Sense of Place Education for the Elementary Grades, 1998. • Richard Louv, Last Child in the Woods: Saving Our Children from Nature Deficit Disorder, 2005.

urinary tract disorders and diseases. see Kidney and Urinary Tract Disorders and Diseases

v vacations. see Leisure Time, Family vaccinations. see Immunizations video games. see Computers: Computer Games violence, children and. Worldwide, children experience violence in a variety of forms, including physical, mental, and sexual violence. The World Health Organization’s 2002 World Report on Violence and Health includes in the definition of violence threats of violence as well as actual violence and the potential of harm as well as actual harm to children’s survival, health, development, and dignity. Violence often stems from economic and social injus-

tices, but violence cuts across income, class, education, and ethnic origin. Although the United Nations (UN) Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) specifically prohibits all types of violence against children, many countries lack systems for reporting or investigating such violence or for holding perpetrators accountable. Children—both victims and witnesses—experience violence in the settings in which they grow up: homes, schools, workplaces, care settings, and communities. Historically, violence against children has existed in forms such as homicide, cruel punishment, and sexual abuse. The World Health Organization reported that there were 53,000 child homicides globally in 2002. The 2006 UN World Report on Violence against Children, a comprehensive study on

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children’s experiences with violence worldwide, found that many countries do not have reporting systems for violence against children and that even where reporting systems do exist, the numbers are vastly underreported. Although children’s healthy development requires safety and security, and human rights laws and obligations prohibit violence against children, the UN study found that in every region of the world there is social acceptance of violence. In many countries, the violence against children is both legal and government authorized. R isk Fac to r s A host of factors at the individual, family, community, and societal levels increase the risk of violence to children. Individual factors include personal characteristics of the child, such as disability, while family variables include harsh parenting style. Community factors include lack of social support, while societal-level factors include discrimination, social injustice, and stereotyped gender roles. Certain groups of children are at heightened risk of violence, including children with physical and mental disabilities, children from ethnically and racially marginalized groups, children in confl ict with the law, children separated from their caregivers, and children who are internally displaced and refugees. Risk factors for child homicide include economic status, gender, and age. The rate of children killed by violence in 2002 was twice as high (2.58 per 100,000) in impoverished countries as that in high-income countries (1.21 per 100,000). Variability exists within impoverished countries—Uruguay’s rate is 3.6 compared to Colombia’s rate of 84.4—as well as within high-income countries— Japan’s rate is 0.4 compared to the U.S rate of 11.0 according to statistics gathered in 1999 by the World Health Organization. The highest rates occur in Africa (5.58) and Latin America and the Caribbean (5.21). Lower rates occur for North America (2.04), Europe (1.38), Asia (1.27), and Australia and New Zealand (0.78). Worldwide, homicide rates are highest for children age 15 to 17 (3.20 for girls, 9.06 for boys) and for children from birth to 4 years (1.99 for girls, 2.09 for boys). Rates in Latin America and the Caribbean are 37.66 for 15- to 17-year-old boys versus 6.50 for girls of the same age, while in North America the rates are 6.37 for 15- to 17-year-old boys and 1.60 for girls. In Europe, the rates are 5.72 for 15- to 17-year-old boys versus 1.67 for girls. In the United States, race, age, and gender are factors that are correlated with high rates of fatal violence: The homicide rate is more than 17 times higher for black adolescent males than for while adolescent females. In addition to adolescent boys having the highest rates of being victims of homicide, they are also more likely to be victims and perpetrators of nonfatal peer-related violence. For each fatality, there are 20 to 40 nonfatal injuries requiring hospital treatment. In some impoverished, high-crime communities

in the United States, the rate of children witnessing a shooting (more than 40%) or hearing gunfire (more than 90%) is similar to that of children in war zones. I m pac t o f V io l enc e The impact that violence has on children depends on a variety of factors, including the nature and severity of the violence, the number of violent events experienced, and risk and protective factors in the child’s life. Chronic violence can have more serious consequences than if the violence is a one-time event and can result in chronic impairments in social, emotional, and cognitive functioning. Children at greater risk for negative psychological effects and developmental outcomes are children who have experienced violence directly, are exposed to ongoing violence, experience violence in their home as well as in their community, and lack emotional and social support from adults. Experiencing violence in multiple forms is also detrimental to children’s development. Past research, including children from the United States and Palestine, found that children who experience violence both in their community and in their home display more psychological and behavioral problems than do children who experience violence in only one setting. Violence can have both short-term and long-term effects. Short-term effects include fears and phobias, hyperarousal, intrusive thoughts, loss of concentration, psychosomatic complaints, and sleep disturbances. Long-term effects include depression, anxiety disorders, posttraumatic stress disorder, poor self-esteem, suicidal behavior, hopelessness about the future, problems with peer relationships, cognitive impairment, decline in academic performance, risktaking behavior, and aggressive and delinquent behavior. Past research has demonstrated enduring consequences of violence on children’s development, beginning in the first years of life and continuing through adolescence. Violence exposure during the early years can impact the maturing brain and result in increased aggression in later years. Chronic exposure can disrupt the development of the nervous system, making the child vulnerable to future psychological problems, including depression and suicidal behavior, as well as social, cognitive, and health problems. Protec ti v e Fac to r s Numerous protective factors may help reduce children’s susceptibility to violence and its impact. At the individual level, active coping strategies and cognitive competence are associated with resilience to negative developmental and psychological consequences. Protective factors at the family level include having a stable family, a secure attachment relationship with at least one caregiver, and supportive relationships with parents and other adults in the family. Similarly, strong social cohesion in the community protects the child who has experienced or witnessed violence, as do

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supportive relationships with peers who do not engage in violence and substance abuse as well as nurturing relationships with adults in the community.

and dangerous, and loss of trust in adults to protect them. Many victims believe that they will not live very long and are not hopeful about the future.

Communit y V iolenc e

S c ho o l S etti ng s

Children’s risk of violence in the community increases with age as they witness and are direct victims of interpersonal violence by people who are not intimately related to them. This includes violence from peers, gangs, and police. While children throughout the world experience violence in community settings, children’s exposure to violence is more frequent in economically distressed urban areas with high levels of unemployment, overcrowding, low levels of education, and few social amenities. For example, in Brazil, street children are shot and killed by police. In poverty-stricken urban communities in the United States, where guns are easily available, preadolescent and adolescent boys, in and out of gangs, often feel they must protect themselves with weapons. Boys are at highest risk of most types of community violence, although girls are at increased risk for sexual violence. The violence is often associated with alcohol and drugs and often involves confrontations between persons who know each other. The widespread availability of guns in the United States is associated with violence that children experience in their communities. In various studies of children’s exposure in the United States, evidence demonstrates that the cumulative rates of violence exposure (both victimization and witnessing) are similar to rates experienced by children living in war zones. Other kinds of places have other kinds of characteristic violence against children. In many rural parts of Africa and Asia, children are physically and sexually assaulted while performing domestic tasks such as gathering fuel and water. Street children in many countries experience verbal harassment, beatings, sexual violence, and torture by police. Refugee and displaced children, especially girls, experience sexual and gender-based violence in camp settings where buildings are not secure, the physical environment is unsafe, reporting mechanisms are nonexistent, and perpetrators have impunity. In many African countries, girls are raped when going to a latrine where there is a lack of lighting and no locks on the doors. Girls are also physically attacked and raped while walking from the camp to perform domestic tasks assigned to girls, such as gathering firewood and fetching water. In India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, and other countries, young girls are beaten by their much older husbands for failure to perform domestic chores satisfactorily. Children who experience community violence may suffer long-term developmental consequences. Throughout the world, as in the United States, the consequences are dire: feelings of diminished safety, missocialization into a model of fear and aggression, a view of the world as hostile

Worldwide, children experience violence at school, walking to and from school, riding on school buses, and playing in playgrounds. Physical, sexual, and psychological violence is perpetrated by teachers, school staff, and other children. Corporal, or physical, punishment remains a widely accepted practice by teachers in many parts of the world and includes caning as well as beating children with sticks, straps, and whips. Psychological punishment by teachers includes threatening children with harm, degradation, and humiliation, even, in some places, for the poverty of their school clothes or supplies. Violence initiated by children includes physical attacks, sexual violence, gang-related violence, and assaults with weapons. Bullying is most frequently verbal, although physical violence is also common. Research conducted on European children found that 35% of children had been bullied in the previous two months, while in African countries 57% of children in Kenya and 65% of children in Zambia reported being bullied at some time during their school years. Children who are poor, have physical or mental disabilities, or are from racially or ethnically marginalized groups are at greater risk of bullying. In the United States and Europe, bullying has been correlated in later life with aggression, antisocial behavior, and substance abuse. The violence that occurs in school settings often carries into the school patterns of violence in the wider community. Oth er S etti ng s Many children work, legally or illegally, and some (especially at the illegal fringes of the world of work) experience violence. Internationally, more than 8 million children serve as soldiers, are in forced or bonded labor, are used in prostitution and other sex work, and traffic in drugs. Many children thus (or otherwise) employed are subject to physical, psychological, and sexual violence (sometimes seen as discipline) by employers, customers, co-workers, and police. Worldwide, another 8 million children (boys more often than girls) live in residential care settings and institutions such as orphanages, children’s homes, and reform schools. In such settings, children experience violence from often poorly trained staff members who are not always held accountable for perpetrating violence. In many countries, children in settings such as jails are not separated from adult residents and are victims of physical and sexual abuse by them. M as s M ed i a Children witness violence portrayed in the mass media, including print, television, movies, video games, and, with in-

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creasing range and variety, the Internet. The violence that is depicted often glorifies and legitimizes the use of violence, including violence against children. Research has found that some children exposed to media violence imitate the violence they see, become desensitized to real-world violence, and legitimate the use of violence to obtain their goals. Pr ev en tion and I n terv en tion There are numerous and varied initiatives for children who have experienced violence. Schools, particularly in the United States and Europe, have a variety of programs targeted at specific age groups from preschool through adolescence. These initiatives include training to strengthen teachers’ capacities to help children as well as confl ict resolution, violence prevention, and violence intervention programs for children. Elements of programs that have helped prevent violence and mitigate the negative impacts when violence occurs to young children include support by teachers and other nurturing adults and the creation of safe spaces, predictable routines, and expressive activities such as play and drawing. School-age children and adolescents benefit from expression through creative arts, such as drama, art, and writing; peer mentoring; support from adults; and engagement in meaningful activities that address the issue of violence. In all regions of the world, nongovernmental organizations are addressing the issue of violence toward children through advocacy, awareness raising, and training on child protection and children’s rights. Gender-based violence in communities is also addressed through programs that increase the safety of children, particularly girls, in settings such as refugee and internally displaced person camps. Other initiatives include working with governments to increase reporting mechanisms and abolishing impunity for perpetrators of violence to children. A number of international laws also address children and violence. One hundred ninety-two countries have ratified the CRC, which condemns violence against children, and the International Labour Organization has implemented regulations that seek to reduce violence and trafficking. Kathleen Kostelny see also: Abuse and Neglect; Childhood Resilience; Domestic Violence; Gangs; Media, Children and the; Posttraumatic Stress Disorder; Sexual Abuse; Television; War, Children and further reading: James Garbarino, Nancy Dubrow, Kathleen Kostelny, and Carol Pardo, Children in Danger: Coping with the Consequences of Community Violence, 1992. • Joy Osofsky, ed., Children in a Violent Society, 1997. • Penelope Trickett and Cynthia Schellenbach, eds., Violence against Children in the Family and Community, 1998.

vision Development of Vision Vision Abnormalities

development of vision. The visual system includes the eye and those brain systems used to process the information sent from the eye. The human eye’s specialized components, similar to those of a camera, work together to allow the light from images to be efficiently focused, recorded, and sent to the brain for processing and interpretation. The structures in the anterior eye include the sclera, the tough outer coating that is the white of the eye; the choroid layer just inside the sclera that contains the blood vessels that supply the eye; the conjunctiva, a clear membrane covering the sclera and lining the eyelid; and the cornea, a clear curved outer window that begins focusing the entering image. These protect the eye and collect the visual images. Light then passes through a clear liquid, the aqueous humor, which fills the anterior chamber and is constantly drained and replenished. The light passes through a central opening (pupil) in the colored iris, which acts like a camera’s shutter, controlling how much light enters the eye. The light then proceeds through the crystalline lens, which elongates or shortens as needed to focus. The image then passes through the vitreous, a transparent gel-like material that helps sustain the eyeball’s shape. It is projected onto the posterior lining of the eye, the retina, which contains a layer of two types of specialized photoreceptor cells, called rods (providing peripheral vision and vision in dim light) and cones (affording detailed, central vision and color vision), that receive the focused light rays and convert the images to neuroelectrical signals. The macula, an area in the center of the retina, contains the fovea, which, because of its structure and very high concentration of cones, provides the highest degree of detail and color vision. The neurological signals then pass through the optic nerve, which runs from the back of the eye into the brain. The optic nerves from each eye converge at an area called the chiasm, where some of the signals get rerouted to the opposite side of the brain. Most of the signals from the optic nerve then connect with a new set of brain neurons in a “way station” in part of the midbrain center, the thalamus, called the lateral geniculate nucleus (LGN). A small percentage of retinal signals get diverted to three other pathways: to the hypothalamus, which allows coordination of the body’s internal clock controlling the sleep-wake cycle with the daily light-dark cycle; to a part of the midbrain that controls pupil size and some types of eye movement; and to another part of the midbrain called the superior colliculus. This allows an individual to rapidly orient the head and eyes to detect any new movement in the visual field. The majority of visual signals traverse the optic nerve radiations from the LGN to the occipital lobes in the back of the brain. This area is called the visual cortex. Here the vision-processing cells are arranged into sections, each specialized to interpret different types of incoming visual information, aided by communication with many other parts of the brain. For example, some cells in the temporal lobe

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receive information from the visual cortex to help analyze visual attributes such as color, shape, and facial familiarity, while specialized cells in the dorsal temporal and parietal lobes of the brain automatically provide information about objects’ perceived direction of motion. Pr e- and Po stnatal Dev elopmen t of V isual Function Eye formation begins in the fourth week following conception. A rudimentary form of each of the main components of the eye is in place by 8 weeks of gestational age. The blood vessels supplying the inner retina do not begin forming until the last half of gestation. Also during this period, continued differentiation (specialization of function) and tissue growth occur, including establishment of the visual pathways and visual processing centers within the brain. At the time of birth, the visual system of the newborn is functional but is the most immature of all of the sensory systems. Newborns’ visual acuity is estimated to be approximately 20/400. Due to limited lens mobility, a newborn infant’s focal distance is fixed. A normal newborn responds to bright light by closing his eyelids or turning his head away. While in an alert state, he is capable of visual fixation on a target that is about 8 to 12 inches away (particularly one that is of high contrast or has bold edges). He is capable of limited horizontal tracking of a slowly moving stimulus, though the eye movements are jerky and inconsistent. By 2 months of age, visual fixation and following are well established and smoother, and some color vision is present. Occasional crossing of the eyes is normal at this age. By 3 to 4 months, the macula has reached full development, allowing smoother horizontal pursuit of a moving target through 180 degrees. Ocular alignment is stable by 4 months of age. Binocular vision, vertical tracking, depth perception, and accommodation (ability to adjust focus) become established by 6 months, as visual and fine-motor development, working in tandem, facilitate increasingly precise reach and grasp for nearby objects. Also by 6 months, color vision is equivalent to that of an adult, and the ability to see in three dimensions (stereopsis) emerges (to be completed by 7 years). By 9 to 10 months, the infant enjoys searching for hidden objects at near range, and by 12 months he is noticing details at a greater distance. Between 1 and 3 years of age, myelination of the optic nerves is completed, the visual cortex develops further, and the lateral geniculate body grows. Functionally, the toddler becomes increasingly aware of more distant visual details and can start matching like objects. In the third year, there is increasing awareness that two-dimensional pictures can represent real, three-dimensional objects. The child begins to recognize and point to specific pictures in books. By age 2, visual acuity approaches that of an adult. From ages 3 to 5 years, the fovea matures further.

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As s e s s m en t o f V i s io n Visual function is actually a composite of several subfunctions, including visual acuity, sensitivity to contrast, color vision, visual field, shift of gaze and convergence, depth perception, and control of the muscles that allow the two eyes to move together synchronously and track movement of objects and people. Only two of these functions are incorporated into the most commonly used standard criteria for visual impairments: acuity (ability to distinguish details and shapes of objects) and visual field (the areas visible to an eye held in fixed position and looking straight ahead). For adults and literate children, measurement of distance visual acuity requires the individual to read a horizontal list of letters or standard pictures of varying size. By convention, in the United States, the numerator or top number of an individual’s visual acuity is always 20, representing the distance (in feet) between the individual and the visual target. The denominator or bottom number is the farthest distance at which that same visual target (i.e., letters of the same size) can be seen by a person with normal visual acuity. If an individual has 20/20 vision, this means that at a distance of 20 feet, he can accurately name a series of letters that a person with “normal” distance vision could see at a maximal distance of 20 feet. By the age of about 5 years, children’s visual acuity reaches the adult standard of 20/20. For younger children, “normal” visual acuity depends on age and varies somewhat depending on the method of measurement. In general, visual acuities for newborns and children at birth, 1 year, and 2 years of age are approximately 20/400, 20/50, and 20/40 to 20/20, respectively. A wide range of techniques, devices, and protocols are available to assess visual acuity and other visual functions in children. Screening vision and the eyes in infants involves systematic checking by a physician of the baby’s ability to fix and follow, pupillary responses to light, eye alignment, and eye health (e.g., looking for symmetry of the red reflection using an ophthalmoscope). Older infants and children require a wide range of assessment. Some recently developed screening tests (photoscreeners) depend on a special type of photograph taken of the child’s eyes. These can detect strabismus and refractive errors. Other tests are based on observing a young (especially preverbal) child’s visual behavior when observing two sideby-side patterns of stripes of varying widths (preferential looking tests). Other diagnostic tests are based on electrophysiological responses to standardized visual stimuli recorded from either the brain’s visual cortex, via scalp electrodes (visually evoked potentials or VEPs), or the retina, via electrodes attached to a specially designed contact lens and skin near the eye (electroretinograms or ERGs). Once a child reaches age 3, her verbal and cognitive skills are sufficient for using optotype tests (e.g., LEA cards or HOTV test), which are standardized child-oriented variants of the

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Snellen letter charts used to test acuity in adults and older children. Stuart W. Teplin see also: Blindness; Neurological and Brain Development; Perception further reading: Richard Restak, The Secret Life of the Brain, 2001, pp. 1–37. • Kenneth W. Wright, Pediatric Ophthalmology for Primary Care, 3rd ed., 2008, pp. 1–47. • Assisting the Development of Visually Impaired Students through Online Resources, http:// www.e-advisor.us

vision abnormalities. An infant’s or child’s eye is not

simply a smaller version of an adult eye. The developing eye and visual system undergo a dynamic, rapidly changing process that generally matures from vision worse than legally blind (20/200) at birth to normal adult vision levels (20/20) by 3 to 6 years of age. Many factors can interfere with normal vision development, producing vision loss. The main causes of abnormal vision in childhood are described by the conditions amblyopia and structural abnormalities of the eye. These two broad categories may also result in complete visual loss (blindness), which is discussed elsewhere in the volume. A m b lyo p i a Amblyopia or lazy eye is a unilateral, sometimes bilateral, reduction of best-corrected vision resulting in abnormal brain processing of visual input. Amblyopia is the main cause of vision loss in North America, with occurrence in 2% to 4% of the population. Amblyopia is not caused by structural defects of the eye, optic nerve, or visual pathway in the brain. Amblyopia is produced when the eyes are misaligned (strabismus), when the image from one or both eyes is unfocused, or when there is visual deprivation from inability to focus a clear image on the retina secondary to cataract (opacity of the lens), corneal haze, or lid droop (ptosis). Amblyopia may create a time-dependent defect of central brain processing of vision. With persistent poor visual images, the brain is permanently impaired in processing visual information. The critical period for development or treatment of amblyopia is roughly the first five to six years of life. Early treatment is essential to the normal development of the visual area of the brain. The origin of amblyopia can be from three main concerns: strabismic, refractive, and deprivation. Amblyopia from these sources has both distinct and overlapping clinical features as well as common treatment options. Each type will be discussed separately followed by a general treatment approach. Strabismic amblyopia is the most common form of amblyopia. When one eye consistently deviates, the image from the misaligned eye has reduced input to the brain visual centers compared to the fixing or straight eye. With time, vision is compromised from disuse, and the cells in

the visual brain area served by the deviated eye can lose their ability to respond to stimulation, resulting in permanent impairment. Refractive amblyopia is the next most common cause of vision loss. Anisometropic amblyopia results from unequal refractive or focusing errors in the eyes. The difference can be from one eye being more farsighted, more nearsighted, or having more astigmatism than the opposite, better focused eye. The chronically unfocused eye provides decreased input into the brain vision center. The resultant loss of brain-based vision is similar to that as seen in strabismic amblyopia. Isometropic amblyopia refers to conditions in which both eyes are defocused secondary to bilateral high refractive errors, such as extremes in near- or farsightedness. Bilateral loss of vision results from the uncorrected blurred images. Deprivation amblyopia, also called disuse amblyopia, is usually caused by congenital or very early acquired obstruction of light images along the visual system. This is the least common but most damaging form of amblyopia. Causal conditions such as congenital cataracts (opacity of the eye lenses) require early treatment. Genetic, infectious, and metabolic conditions may result in congenital cataract. If determined harmful to vision development, surgical removal and optical correction are needed in the first few months of life. Conditions that may produce amblyopia require very early diagnosis and treatment to give the best chance for normal visual development. The cataract or lens clouding needs removal or the lid drooping over the pupil needs to be raised. Refractive errors (near- or farsightedness or astigmatism) must be corrected to remove the conditions that blur the image seen by one or both eyes. Once this has been accomplished, it is still likely that the impaired eye will not have completely normal vision. The poorer seeing eye will have to be used exclusively by patching or blurring the better seeing, dominant eye in order to push catch-up vision development from that impaired eye. Time is critical: Amblyopia undiscovered until 6 to 9 years of age may have limited or no chance of improvement. For functional vision, the critical period for vision development has essentially ended at that time. Strabismus or misalignment of the eyes may occur without amblyopia or may persist after amblyopia treatment. Eye exercises will improve very few cases of strabismus. Farsighted glasses are frequently used to reduce overconvergence (cross-eye) in focusing types of crossing (esotropia). Nearsighted glasses may help to control outward drifting (exotropia) by stimulating increased in-turning of the eyes. Surgical correction with rearrangement of the external eye muscles is frequently necessary to treat misalignment. Structur al Abnor m aliti es Structural abnormalities account for essentially the remainder of vision loss conditions in childhood. This is an ex-

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tremely heterogeneous grouping of disorders with genetic, intrauterine, metabolic, infectious, systemic, and traumatic origins. These physical abnormalities may affect any part of the visual system from eye to brain. Although less frequent than amblyopia, specific structural abnormalities are often the most damaging and difficult to treat. Structural lesions and deprivation amblyopia have an obvious overlap. For example, ptosis (lid droop) and cataract are abnormal structural conditions that cause reduced or abnormal input to the brain’s visual centers. Representative diseases will be discussed from front of the eye to the visual cortex in the brain. Disorders of the front of the eye are discussed first. Properly positioned, the lid protects the eye from external injury without hindering vision. Any condition that results in closure of the lid to the point of visual occlusion will interfere with vision and vision development. The lid can have a developmental defect in the lid elevator muscle with congenital ptosis (lid droop) present at birth. A capillary hemangioma or cluster of small blood vessels on the lid can push the lid down or reshape the eye front surface, causing large irregularities in focus (an astigmatism). Congenital absence of part of the lid structure, called coloboma, exposes the cornea to damage with scarring and vision loss. Ophthalmia neonatorum is an eye infection occurring in the first month of life, resulting from eye contamination with the infecting organism during passage through the birth canal. This damage to the eye can cause permanent eye damage. Antibiotics and other treatments at birth have reduced this problem to very low levels in industrialized countries. This condition is a significant current cause of worldwide blindness in medically underserved areas. Injury of the cornea from forceps manipulation at birth can cause rupture of a posterior cornea membrane, resulting in haze and large levels of astigmatism. Any persistent haziness of the central cornea will compromise vision. Other birth trauma, metabolic diseases such as mucopolysaccharidiosis, congenital glaucoma (increased pressure in the eyeball), and systemic diseases (cystinosis, congenital syphilis, and familial dysautonomia) can all affect the clarity of the cornea. The anterior chamber is the aqueous-fluid-filled space between the cornea and the lens. Normally clear, this fluid can become turbid or even completely opaque with certain disorders. Juvenile rheumatoid arthritis (JRA) affects joints and in certain subtypes may cause significant inflammation (iritis) in the eye. Iritis stimulates white blood cells and protein to seep into the aqueous fluid. This chronic inflammation, in addition to poor vision, can result in permanent scarring, cataract, and glaucoma. Blunt trauma to the front of the eye can rupture blood vessels of the iris with bleeding into the anterior chamber (hyphema). This is a serious condition that can cause permanent vision loss from corneal damage, glaucoma, and damage to the optic nerve.

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Aniridia is a condition of severe underdevelopment of the iris. This condition is bilateral and involves multiple ocular structures. The vision is generally 20/100 or worse. Nystagmus, a wiggling movement disorder; corneal opacification; cataract; glaucoma; as well as retinal and optic nerve abnormalities are frequently present. Aniridia is hereditary or sporadic. The sporadic form has associations with life-threatening tumors, Wilms tumor or neuroblastoma, occurring in remote areas of the body. The lens along with the cornea forms the primary ocular focusing complex. Lens function can be compromised by partial or complete lens dislocation. Marfan syndrome, a genetic condition, is the most frequent disease causing lens dislocation. Trauma, other hereditary diseases, and metabolic conditions can produce lens dislocation. Cataract is an opacification of the lens. Congenital cataract causes approximately 10% of childhood blindness worldwide. One in 250 newborns will have detectable cataract, but the frequency of visually significant cataract is a fraction of this number. Inherited cataracts are most often caused by a single gene abnormality from one parent. Chromosomal defects (trisomy 13, 18, 21) are also linked to cataract formation. Intrauterine infection (rubella, cytomegalovirus, syphilis, toxoplasmosis), metabolic disorders (galactosemia, diabetes, hypoglycemia, hypocalcemia), chronic steroid therapy for JRA or kidney disease, and trauma are all causes of childhood cataract. The retina transmits formed vision information to the brain’s visual cortex via the optic nerve. The many conditions that can produce abnormal vision from these two structures (retina and optic nerve) include all the categories previously discussed: infectious, congenital, hereditary, systemic, metabolic, and traumatic causes. Three additional causes are discussed here. Retinopathy of prematurity (ROP) is an abnormal development of the retinal vessels in the developing eye. The retinal vessels normally grow from the optic nerve outwardly across the retina, reaching the most forward part at term. In premature births, this process is incomplete and the developing vessels are abnormal. This can resolve spontaneously or continue to produce loss of vision from scarring, hemorrhage, retinal detachment, or high refractive errors. Prevention of prematurity is the best way to reduce this process. Abnormal vascular development can be treated with laser therapy. The theory is that a growth factor causing abnormal vascular growth in this condition is released from the peripheral retina. Laser applied to this nonvascularized area inhibits further release of this factor and serves to calm down the abnormal vascular growth. Retinoblastoma is the most common malignant eye tumor of childhood, with an incidence of 1 in 20,000. It can cause loss of vision, loss of one or both eyes, or loss of life. With early detection and treatment, cure rates are 90% or better in industrialized nations. Without treatment, retino-

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blastoma is almost always fatal, as is usual in the developing world. Early diagnosis is essential. Optic nerve underdevelopment is an optic nerve smaller than normal. The nerve fibers are decreased in total number with the structure itself appearing otherwise normal. This may occur in one or both eyes. The vision ranges from normal with minimal underdevelopment to only light perception in severe cases. There are associations with this abnormality and other defects in the central nervous system. Associated malfunction of the hypothalamus and the pituitary may result in endocrine abnormalities. Traumatic eye injuries in childhood are usually accidental. However, injury from physical abuse by adults, the shaken baby syndrome primarily, is estimated to occur in 2 million children per year in the United States. Eye injury is the presenting sign in 5% of abuse cases; retinal bleeding is the most common eye finding. Bleeding into the eye and splitting of the retina (retinoschisis) can severely impair vision, usually permanently. Comprehensive pediatric evaluations coupled with full ophthalmologic examination are necessary to make the correct diagnosis and protect the child from further injury. Permanent vision loss from retinal, optic nerve, or brain injuries occurs in 20% of the surviving abused children. Vision abnormalities compromise an extensive array of diverse conditions. The fact that most humans have good, usually correctable vision is a testament to both the resiliency and the recovery potential of the visual system. With the conditions discussed previously, as well as with the many childhood eye conditions beyond the scope of this article, early diagnosis and treatment remain the mainstay for developing maximal vision potential in the face of any abnormal ocular condition. Daniel J. Karr see also: Blindness; Visual Impairments, Education of Children with further reading: Jane D. Kivlin, K. B. Simons, S. Lazoritz, et al., “Shaken Baby Syndrome,” Ophthalmology 107, no. 7 (July 2000), pp. 1246–54. • David Taylor and Creig S. Hoyt, eds., Pediatric Ophthalmology and Strabismus, 3rd ed., 2005. • American Association for Pediatric Ophthalmology and Strabismus, http://www.aapos.org

visitation. Visitation is the legal right to spend time with a child as specified by a court order or as agreed to by the child’s custodian. The United States Supreme Court has described parents’ rights to the care, custody, and management of their child as “a fundamental liberty interest” that is “far more precious than any property right.” Parents who live together share financial support and nurturing functions for the child. If the parents divorce or do not live together, a judge must decide, based on the child’s best interests, where the child will live and who is authorized to make decisions on behalf of the child. Historically, courts designated one parent, often the

mother, as the sole or primary custodian for the child and awarded the other parent visitation. Visitation was considered a right of the noncustodial parent. Several states followed Section 407(a) of the Uniform Marriage and Divorce Act, which provided that noncustodial parents are entitled to reasonable visitation rights unless visitation would endanger the child’s physical, mental, moral, or emotional health. Since the early 1980s, joint custody and shared parenting orders have become the norm as the United States and most countries have embraced the view that, in most instances, the child’s best interests are enhanced through continuing contact with both parents. A child has a right to know, love, and respect both parents whether the parents have a current relationship with each other. The term visitation is being replaced or eliminated as it applies to a parent’s time with a child. Parents now have parenting time, custodial responsibility, or residential provisions. Both parents remain parents; neither becomes a visitor. Australia, England, and Wales also have replaced terms like custody and access with contact. Many states incorporate a rebuttable presumption that shared decision-making authority is in the child’s best interests. Many nations do not require a court to explicitly confer joint decision-making authority in an order following divorce; rather, both parents automatically retain such authority by operation of law. In England, the 1989 Children’s Act incorporates a nonintervention principle, directing courts to make no order unless doing so “would be better for the child than making no order at all.” Fac to r s A judge determines parenting time according to the child’s best interests. Most statutes set out a variety of factors for the court’s review, such as the parent’s wishes; the child’s wishes; the child’s age and developmental stage; the child’s relationship with each parent, siblings, and extended family; each parent’s ability to provide stability; the physical and mental health of both parents and child; parents’ career or work responsibilities; the physical distance between parents and proximity to school or caregivers; each parent’s ability to support the other’s role in the child’s life; the presence of domestic violence; and the extent of confl ict between the parents. Because parents theoretically know what is best for their children, courts in the United States and other countries encourage parents to create their own parenting plans through negotiation or mediation. In the absence of an agreement that is presumed to be in the child’s best interests, a judge has broad discretion in determining the scope of visitation. At one time, an order granting the noncustodial parent “reasonable” visitation was common. Because parents often differed on what was “reasonable,” resulting in more litigation, courts usually make orders more specific by including the time and place of contact; the number of overnights; the holiday, vacation, and birthday schedules; transporta-

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tion arrangements; and any restrictions or conditions on the exercise of parenting time or visitation. Visitation can be direct face-to-face meetings for any specified period of time, such as every other weekend and one night a week; or indirect contact, such as letters, telephone, e-mail, DVD, videos, and any other form of written or visual contact made possible by technology. As a general rule, courts recognize that young children need frequency and regularity of time with both parents, while older children need flexibility to accommodate other parts of their lives. One area of confl ict surrounds whether infants, especially those who are breastfeeding, should have overnights with both parents. R est r ic t ion s on V i s i tat ion Because parental rights are constitutionally protected, courts are reluctant to restrict a parent’s access to his or her child. A court, however, may restrict or deny visitation if necessary to prevent harm to the child, considering the age of the child and the potential harm from the absence of a restriction. A court may impose a condition before allowing visitation, such as requiring a parent to attend educational or anger-management classes. The court may impose a general condition, such as “You are not to drink within 10 hours of picking up the child.” A court may require that a parent’s time be supervised by a neutral third party or agency if there is fear of abduction or abuse. If a parent has threatened to abduct the child, the court may impose travel restrictions, require the posting of a bond, prohibit the parent from removing the child from the jurisdiction without permission of the other parent or the court, require surrender of the child’s passport, or any other measure that may deter abduction. In extreme cases, such as where there has been physical, emotional, or sexual abuse or neglect of a child, the court may deny visitation entirely. In a few states, a parent’s sexual conduct, such as adultery or having a same-sex or opposite-sex partner spend the night, may be a reason to restrict visitation. Most courts, however, use the nexus test, which requires evidence of a clear connection between a parent’s actions and harm to the child. The objecting parent has the burden of showing how the conduct adversely impacts the child, physically or emotionally. While neither the physical nor the mental disability of a parent means that a parent will be denied visitation, the health and safety of the child are important considerations. If the parent is disabled, the court examines the capacity of the parent to nurture and protect the child. A parent with a contagious disease may have to demonstrate that precautions are sufficient to prevent the child from contracting the disease. Courts have conditioned visitation on a parent not consuming alcohol or drugs or not smoking while the child is present. In one case, where children were severely allergic to cats and had been hospitalized after visiting their father, the court denied him overnights until he permanently removed the cats from his home.

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Generally, courts allow each parent to educate the child regarding his or her personal religious beliefs. Absent unusual circumstances, courts refuse to force nonresidential parents to uphold the religious practices of the other when the child is with them. A court may impose restrictions, however, when the confl ict in religions can be shown to cause harm to a particular child. For instance, a fundamentalist Christian father was barred from taking the children, being reared as Orthodox Jews, to his church where there was demonstrable harm to the children from the confl ict in beliefs. While a parent’s incarceration alone does not preclude visitation, an inmate does not have a constitutional right to visitation if not in the child’s best interests. Courts have denied visitation when the child is very young or when the parent’s crime has been particularly violent, such as killing the other parent or a relative. Nonpar en t V isitat io n Nonparents also seek visitation with a child. In a few states, the term visitation now refers only to rights given to nonparents. With the continuing high number of divorces, one-third of children being born out of wedlock, and assisted reproduction leading to parenting by nontraditional couples, people who are not biological or legal parents may seek to continue a relationship with a child when the adult relationship dissolves. Most visitation cases involve grandparents and stepparents, but increasingly siblings, former same- or opposite-sex partners, great-grandparents, or other caregivers are seeking visitation. The parents’ right to the care, custody, and control of their child allows them to determine with whom the child associates. In common law, neither grandparents nor others had a legal right to visit a child if the parents forbade it. Some courts made narrow exceptions where the nonparent had stood in loco parentis (in the place of a parent), where a parent was unfit or has agreed to visitation. By 1990, all 50 states had enacted statutes allowing visitation for nonparents in some instances. Nonparent visitation statutes took several forms: granting grandparents visitation based on a derivative-rights theory, meaning they were stepping into the shoes of the parent who had died; granting rights to grandparents or stepparents based on disruption in the nuclear family, such as divorce, death of a parent, child neglect, stepparent adoption, or paternity; granting rights if the grandparent or stepparent could prove a substantial relationship with the child that it was in the child’s best interest to continue; and granting “any” person the right to seek visitation based on the best interests of the child. The United States Supreme Court in Troxel v. Granville (2000) upheld the fundamental right of parents to rear their children free of state interference. The Court found a Washington visitation statute allowing “any person” to petition at “any time” to be “breathtakingly broad.” The

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Court held that states must give presumptive weight to the wishes of a fit parent as to visitation, making nonparents bear the burden of overcoming the presumption by clear and convincing evidence. After Troxel, a few state courts have found their third-party visitation statutes unconstitutional because visitation can only be allowed if the parent is found to be unfit; some courts have held that a nonparent can overcome the presumption in favor of parents by showing that the child will be harmed by the denial of visitation; in other states, nonparents can overcome the presumption by showing that the grandparent or stepparent had a substantial relationship and a strong bond with the child that it is in the child’s best interests to continue. For unmarried parties, as in the case of homosexual partners, when the relationship ends, the biological parent can determine with whom the child associates if the other partner has not adopted the child. Some courts have used equitable considerations, such as the doctrine of in loco parentis, de facto parent, or parent by estoppel to give the nonbiological partner standing. Generally, the courts require that the nonparent has lived with the child with the consent of the biological parent, that the nonparent assumed the responsibilities of parenthood by performing caretaking and support functions, that there was a sufficient length of time for a relationship to establish, and that the nonparent and child have a psychological bond that it is in the child’s best interests to continue. If proved, the nonparents may petition for visitation and, in a few states, custody. En fo rc e m en t o f V i s i tat io n Disputes over visitation result in much postdecree litigation. Historically, parents who refused to comply with a visitation order could be found in contempt of court and be placed in jail until they purged themselves of the contempt. Putting a parent in jail may punish the parent, but it may also harm the child and not change future behavior. Since the late 1990s, states have enacted a number of additional ways to deal with uncooperative parents. Some statutes contain explicit, and expedited, remedies for interference with or denial of parenting time, such as setting a specific schedule, compensatory parenting time, posting of a bond, assessment of attorney’s fees and costs, attendance at individual or couples’ counseling or parent education classes, supervised parenting time, community service, or other remedies. In high-confl ict cases, some courts appoint case managers or special masters who help parties make day-today decisions. The law currently keeps the payment of child support and visitation as two separate issues. A parent may not refuse to pay child support due to a denial of visitation, nor can a parent deny visitation due to nonpayment of child support. The most radical penalty for interference with visitation is a change of residential custody. Another problem area is whether a court should force a child, particularly an older child, to visit against his or her wishes. While courts

have found that visitation cannot be based upon a child’s wishes, courts often do take a child’s preferences into account in setting the visitation schedule. C o nc lu s io n The trend is to recognize that parents have parenting time and do not become visitors when they divorce or do not live together. At the same time, there are an increasing number of adults who care for children who are seeking to maintain a relationship with children through visitation. The polestar consideration in any award of parenting time or visitation is the best interests of a particular child. Linda D. Elrod see also: Custody; Family Court; Grandparents; Separation and Divorce further reading: American Law Institute, Principles of the Law of Family Dissolution, 2002. • Andrew I. Schepard, Children, Courts, and Custody, 2004. • Jeff Atkinson, Child Custody and Visitation, 2000 (supp. 2007). • Linda D. Elrod, Child Custody Practice and Procedure, 2004 (supp. 2008), chap. 7 and appendix. • Joanna L. Grossman, “Family Boundaries: Third-Party Rights and Obligations with Respect to Children,” Family Law Quarterly 40 (Spring 2006), pp. 1–6.

visual impairments, education of children with. Lack of sight can severely limit a person’s experiences because a primary means of obtaining information from the environment is not available. What makes the situation even more difficult is that educational experiences in the typical classroom are frequently visual. Teachers need to make modifications to account for the fact that students who are blind rely on touch and hearing more than on sight to acquire information. In addition to lack of sight, students with visual impairment can differ from their nondisabled peers in other ways. Many infants who are blind lag behind their peers in motor development. There also appears to be a delay in the very earliest stages of language for some infants with visual impairment; their first words tend to come later. Students with little or no sight will possibly require special modifications in four major areas: Braille, use of remaining sight, listening skills, and orientation and mobility training. Researchers Penny Cox and Mary Dykes offer several guidelines for including students with blindness or low vision in general education classrooms. Teachers need to explicitly teach classroom routines, cues for changes in daily events, and even how to identify classmates. Teachers can promote independent movement around the classroom and school. Teaching students the layout of the classroom and building helps students successfully navigate their environment. Different types of mobility systems can further support this instruction, such as sighted guides, canes, guide dogs, and electronic devices. The general education teacher should collaborate with the special education teacher to

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identify resources and design instructional and curricular adaptations. Strategies for instruction can include designating priority seating, providing copies of notes in large print or Braille, reading notes aloud while writing them, providing audiotapes of written materials, and creating hands-on activities. Students with visual impairment can learn from tactile charts, maps, graphs, and models. Although most students with visual impairment can hear, they might not interpret the information in the same way as their sighted peers do. Comprehending spoken language involves creating corresponding mental pictures associated with past verbal input. Frequent checks for understanding, opportunities to develop background knowledge, and provision of auditory cues to emphasize important information can aid in student comprehension of the material covered in class. Through understanding the various domains in which students with visual impairment might need support, general education teachers can appropriately plan for making key adaptations and identifying instructional supports. The four major educational placements for students with visual impairment are residential school, special class, resource room, and regular class with occasional or frequent help from an itinerant special education vision teacher. In the early to mid-1900s, virtually all children who were blind were educated in residential institutions. Today, itinerant teacher services, wherein a vision teacher visits several different schools to work with students in their general education classrooms, are the most popular placement for students with visual impairment. The fact is, there are so few students with visual impairment that most schools find it difficult to provide services through special classes or resource rooms. Residential placement, however, is a relatively popular placement model compared to other areas of disability. For example, about 7% of students with visual impairment between the ages of 6 and 21 years attend residential institutions, whereas only about 0.5% of students with intellectual disability are so placed. The advantage of residential placement is that services can be concentrated to this very low-incidence population. Many residential facilities have established cooperative arrangements with local public schools wherein the staff of the residential facility may concentrate on training for independent living skills, while local school personnel emphasize academics. With proper training, most people who are blind can lead very independent lives as adults. Unfortunately, many adults with visual impairment are unemployed, and those who do work are often overqualified for the jobs they hold. Proper programming for transition to adulthood is critical, and, when implemented correctly, students with visual impairment, even those who are totally blind, can go on to hold jobs at every level of preparation. Proper transition programming, however, must be intensive and extensive,

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including numerous well-supervised work experiences, or internships, while still in secondary school. Although great strides have been made in the prevention, diagnosis, and treatment of visual impairment in the United States and many other countries, this is not the case in developing countries. The prevalence of blindness is much higher in developing countries due to inadequate diagnosis and treatment for such conditions as cataracts and glaucoma, poor hygienic conditions that lead to infections of the eye, and inadequate nutrition such as vitamin A deficiency. In developing countries, a combination of relatively high numbers of blind students, relatively low rates of access to education, and even lower rates of access to special education services means that very few children are receiving educational intervention. The International Council for Education of People with Visual Impairment (ICEVI) estimates that fewer than 10% of children who are blind have any access to education in developing countries. Nonprofit organizations such as Orbis International and Vision International Eye Missions help provide medical services to prevent and treat blindness around the world. And the ICEVI is working toward bringing much-needed educational services to children who are blind in developing countries. Daniel P. Hallahan and Jennifer A. Gelman see also: Blindness; Special Education; Vision further reading: “Education around the World,” special issue, Journal of Visual Impairment and Blindness 83, no. 1 (1989). • Georgina Kleege, Sight Unseen, 1999. • Daniel P. Hallahan and James M. Kauffman, Exceptional Learners: Introduction to Special Education, 11th ed., 2009.

vitamins. see Eating and Nutrition vocational schools and training. Vocational education can be defined as a specialized preparation for entry into employment or advancement on the job. This type of education or training can be provided by high schools, community colleges, career and technology centers, and four-year colleges and universities. Historical roots of vocational education can be traced to Johann Heinrich Pestalozzi, a Swiss humanitarian and educational reformer who devoted his life to helping children orphaned by the Napoleonic Wars. He believed that a sound education needed to include both vocational and general education, and he stressed hands-on activities. Pestalozzi was one of the first to advocate a child-centered education in which children’s distinct personalities and needs are recognized and supported. Pestalozzian vocational education was divided into three work areas—agriculture, handicrafts, and industry—responding to the context of the Swiss society during the early stages of the Industrial Revolution. During the 19th century, in Europe and the United

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States, schools were divided by social class, and the purposes of education institutions were different for children who came from wealthy classes as compared to children who came from indigent backgrounds. Vocational education training became a central part of the curriculum for the lower classes. Today African American students participate in vocational education somewhat more and Asian students somewhat less than do students in other racial or ethnic groups. There is little evidence of any statistically significant change in participation in vocational education by race or ethnicity since the 1990s. There are some differences according to race and ethnicity in terms of specific vocational education programs in which students participated during that same time period. African American students, for example, are more likely to concentrate their vocational education studies in health, food service and hospitality, personal services (such as cosmetology), and business services—occupations with projected job growth but below average earnings—and less likely to concentrate in agriculture. Comparatively high proportions of Hispanic or Latino students are more likely to concentrate in agriculture, marketing, personal services, and health. Asian students are more likely to participate in health programs and much less likely to gravitate toward agriculture or trade and industry programs, including construction. The experience of contemporary educators supports Pestalozzi’s view that children are more likely to be motivated to engage in vocational education activities that satisfy their interests and needs. Practical arts and vocational education are needed in a comprehensive vocational education program. Practical arts introduce youth to the world of work through exploratory experiences with tools, materials, and processes of modern technology as a part of their general education for effective living in a technological society. Vocational education prepares youth for employment in a specific occupation or family of occupations by providing experiences that will enable them to develop competencies needed to qualify for employment. The traditional form of apprenticeship has been training in an art, craft, or trade under the supervision of a skilled master worker. However, there are distinct differences between traditional apprenticeship models and youth apprenticeships. Traditional apprenticeships are normally operated by unions and employers. On the other hand, youth apprenticeships serve children attending high schools. Young adults are more likely to register in traditional apprenticeship programs several years after completing high school. In youth apprenticeship programs, young people are usually involved in part-time work, or they may choose to rotate between full-time work and schooling. Based on the 2002 data from the Apprenticeship Information Management System, 74% of 230,101 registered apprentices were in about 7,400 construction programs in

2001. Of the construction workers receiving training, 21% (35,651) were members of racial minorities and 4% (6,064) were women. It appears that the apprenticeship systems have faced potential decline in several developed countries. Germany’s apprenticeship system is based on cooperation between government, employers, and organized labor and between the organizations that conduct the training, enterprises, and vocational schools. The apprenticeship system in Germany is also known as the dual system. School attendance in Germany is mandatory from age 7 until 18 years. The German dual system has had apprenticeships in service, social, and economic occupations for several decades, and participation has increased in these fields; however, studies suggest that there has been decline in occupations related to industrial production or agriculture. Job Corps, one of largest and most successful vocational education programs for youth in the United States, provides an example of skills training in contemporary global society. Founded in 1964, Job Corps is a residential education and job-training program administered by the U.S. Department of Labor’s Employment and Training Administration. Its mission is to improve and provide job opportunities for economically disadvantaged youth, high school dropouts, and high school graduates seeking employment-related education, training, or counseling. Job Corps is available to youth age 16 to 24. Training is available in various aspects of vocational education such as computer technology, business education, nursing, automotive mechanics, and selected construction trades. In the United States, the federal government’s involvement in shaping the policies and direction of the local vocational education curriculum can be traced to the 1917 Smith-Hughes Act. The act authorized federal funds for the establishment and support of secondary and postsecondary vocational training in the occupational areas of agriculture, family and consumer sciences, and trades and industry. The 1963 Vocational Education Act authorized funds to support residential vocational schools and vocational workstudy programs. This was followed five years later with the Vocational Education Amendments, further emphasizing the need to provide vocational education skills for specialneeds learners. The Education Amendments of 1976 required states to develop an evaluation system to determine effectiveness of all vocational programs in the state. In 1977, the Youth Employment and Demonstration Project Act established a youth employment training program that promoted vocational exploration in the public school. The Carl D. Perkins Vocational and Applied Technology Act of 1990 authorized the largest amount of funds ever for vocational education. The act was designed to assist states and local schools in teaching skills and competencies necessary for students to acquire work in a technologically advanced society. The 1998 Perkins Act was an indication by Con-

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gress of the national concern that high school graduates were deficient in the basic skills necessary to succeed in the global marketplace. Global demands for skills have increased substantially in recent years as a result of rapidly changing markets and the intensified global economic competition due to accelerated globalization. These changes have not affected all regions of the world equally. The most economically globalized regions include North America, Europe, and East Asia, and they have experienced the most dramatic increases in the demand for vocational education skills. In other lessdeveloped regions of the world, changes in these demands are more likely to be less dramatic. Intense international study has focused on the Japanese workforce to determine the basis of its achievement. Research studies suggest that education in Japan has been examined primarily through the lens of the academic/vocational duality that permeates much of Western educational concepts. At various points in the education system, groups are sorted to concentrate on vocational education studies, with most of the attending differences in status, opportunity, and monetary gain. However, in contrast to Western systems, Japanese divisions are less likely to follow academic/vocational lines as they are to fall between different levels of occupational preparation. According to the Japanese education system, vocational education preparation should be based on a solid foundation of excellence in educational basics. General educational preparation grounded in moral responsibility is regarded as “good” vocational education as perceived by the Japanese. Thus, if one wants to examine how the Japanese prepare for the world of work, the scope of inquiry should encompass all of the education system. The Nordic countries—Denmark, Iceland, Finland, Norway, and Sweden—are often called welfare societies because the population receives free education, health care, and social welfare societies. The goals of vocational education in the Nordic countries are to increase equality by guaranteeing all students a place in upper secondary education, increase the reputation of vocational education, and enhance student motivation by increasing flexibility and student choice. Less-developed countries face many problems in delivering effective vocational education and training and in ensuring high-level participation when compared to the most-developed countries. These include problems such as lack of adequately trained instructors, lack of public finance for physical infrastructure and equipment, and problems of communication and coordination in remote areas. Studies suggest that a dilemma that has preoccupied many African countries for a long time is whether to concentrate investment in general or vocational education. In human capital terms, general education creates general human capital, and vocational education leads to specific

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human capital. The former has the advantage of flexibility over one’s life from one job to another; however, the latter does not. Thus, many view general education as a more suitable type of education that is capable of responding to economic and labor force changes in society; however, vocational education also has the advantage of imparting specific job-relevant skills, making the individual more suitable for a given job and more productive. In Africa, school systems lead to two paths: general education, which enables pupils who gain access to continue their schooling to higher levels, and vocational education for those who focus on immediate employment. In most cases, the content of vocational education systems has been influenced by former colonial powers, resulting in differences in delivery, levels of participation, and organization of vocational education. At least two major forms of provision can be identified across the continent. The first involves provision in formal education systems at lower secondary, upper secondary, postsecondary nontertiary, and firststage tertiary levels. The second involves training outside of the formal education system. This is usually in the form of informal apprenticeship training offered at artisan shops. Participants usually receive training for trades, such as auto mechanics, carpentry, cosmetics, foundry, photography, tailoring, welding, and various other technical trades. Howard R. D. Gordon see also: Apprenticeship; Schools further reading: Albert Pautler Jr., Workforce Education: Issues for the New Century, 1999. • Dennis Herschbach and Clifton Campbell, Workforce Preparation: An International Perspective, 2000. • U.S. Department of Labor, The National Apprenticeship System Programs and Apprentices, Fiscal Year 2001, 2002. • Howard Gordon, The History and Growth of Vocational Education in America, 2nd ed., 2003. • Harriet Hankin, The New Workforce, 2004. • UNESCOUNEVOC International Center for Technical and Vocational Education and Training, Participation in Formal Technical and Vocational Education and Training Programmes Worldwide: An Initial Statistical Study, 2006. • Howard Gordon, The History and Growth of Career and Technical Education in America, 3rd ed., 2008.

volunteer work. see Community Service and ServiceLearning

vygotsky, l(ev) s(emenovich) (b. November 5, 1896; d. June 11, 1934), Russian psychologist, philosopher, and literary scholar whose ideas continue to shape today’s discussions of education and child development. As a progenitor of what is now called sociocultural analysis, L. S. Vygotsky was fundamentally concerned with how human mental processes (such as cognition and emotion) are shaped by historical, cultural, and institutional contexts. Vygotsky’s thinking can be outlined with the help of three basic themes. The first is a commitment to a genetic

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(in the sense of genesis) or developmental method. From this perspective, the key to understanding human mental functioning is to examine its origins and developmental transformations. Vygotsky’s formulation of this theme goes beyond contemporary versions of developmental psychology and seeks to address how mental functioning is shaped by evolutionary and historical as well as ontogenetic forces. The second theme is the claim that higher, uniquely human mental processes in individuals have their origin in social processes and retain a quasi-social nature. In contrast to approaches that seek to derive social from individual processes, Vygotsky argued that higher mental functions appear first on the social, or “intermental,” plane—often in the form of joint, adult-child problem-solving activity— and then emerge on the “intramental,” or individual, plane. Like his American contemporary George Herbert Mead, as well as many current scholars of socialization, Vygotsky viewed the social world as providing the key to understanding mental life in the individual. The third theme that runs throughout Vygotsky’s writings is that human mental processes are mediated by tools and signs. Under the heading of mediation by signs, or semiotic mediation, he included items such as maps and mathematical formulas, but he was particularly interested in human language. Claims about mediation provide a conceptual foundation for the rest of Vygotsky’s ideas. For example, the developmental relationship between intermental and intramental functioning was formulated in terms

of how language and other sign systems mediate both and, hence, serve to link them. Vygotsky and colleagues such as A. R. Luria developed these theoretical claims in several empirical studies. For example, they conducted investigations on concept development and its relationship to language use, and they examined the relationship between external, social speech and the intramental functioning that derives from it. In the latter connection, Vygotsky analyzed a form of speech used by children in which they speak to themselves as they engage in problem solving or fantasy play. Because such speech does not appear to take listeners into account, Jean Piaget had labeled it “egocentric.” Vygotsky argued that instead of reflecting children’s egocentricity and, hence, being something that simply atrophies with age, egocentric speech is best seen as playing an essential role in the transition from social speech to inner speech on the intramental plane. Vygotsky’s ideas continue to influence fields ranging from child development to science education and from cultural socialization to literacy studies. There has been a particular interest in how diversity in human mental functioning may be understood by examining variations in sociocultural settings and the intermental processes associated with them. James V. Wertsch see also: Development, Theories of further reading: Lev Semenovich Vygotsky, Mind in Society: The Development of Higher Psychological Processes, 1978. • Michael Cole, Cultural Psychology: A Once and Future Discipline, 1996.

w walking. see Motor Development war, children and. Some of the most striking images of modern war are of children: the photographs of the bloodied, crying baby sitting alone on the ground after the bombing of Shanghai, of the napalm-seared girl running down a Vietnamese road, and of Palestinian youth throwing rocks at Israeli tanks. They are reminders that, in the 20th century at least, societies have not been able or willing to protect children from the ravages of war. Despite the relatively fluid definition of childhood over the centuries, the difficulty of separating the experiences of children from those of other civilians, and the dramatic ways in which class, ethnicity, and gender cause differences in the effects

of war on children, it is clear that during wartime children experience victimization at several different levels and are the target of official and unofficial propaganda. In addition, the peculiar cultural manifestations of war often reshape children’s play and draw children into their countries’ war efforts. C h i l d r en as V ic ti m s The evolution of military strategy and technology since the mid-19th century has inevitably blurred the line between combatants and noncombatants and enlarged the number of noncombatant casualties. To be sure, civilians in some earlier wars were anything but immune. Civilians and civilian property suffered during the Hundred Years’ War

I grew up in a Palestinian refugee camp in the Israelioccupied West Bank, the youngest in a family of eight brothers and three sisters. My parents’ generation lost their land in the 1948 war, and so they did not need a big brood to plant wheat or harvest olives or herd goats and sheep. But many refugees still had big families, perhaps as a kind of insurance against future disasters. When I was little, I got a lot of attention. I was the subject of my sisters’ sweet jokes and my mother’s favorite audience for her small stories. But it was not long before I realized that I would not grow up a spoiled child, that love and family responsibility would always be intertwined, and that our family’s welfare would always be tied to the circumstances of our community. One day when I was very little, we were sitting in the shade outside our house, the best place to sit on a hot afternoon, and my brother asked who it was that named me Nidal. My oldest sister said, “I gave him his name and I know he will live up to it.” My father retorted, “No, he won’t.” He turned to me: “Isn’t that right, Nidal?” I replied, “Yes, Father.” But I did not understand what they were talking about. Later, I asked my mother about my name, and she said, “ ‘Nidal’ means struggle.” I knew the struggle had to do with the bullets we heard so often, with the soldiers we saw in the streets. I knew the struggle was why my siblings would sneak out at night wearing black-and-white scarves on their faces. I loved my sister more because she had given me this name. I was 5 years old when soldiers arrested my oldest sister and my brother. They had thrown Molotov cocktails at an Israeli settlers’ bus that was passing through Bethlehem. The military courts sentenced them to five years in prison and sentenced us to the demolition of the three rooms in which we lived. I remember sitting in my mother’s lap watching the army bulldozer pulling out our great cactus ridge and moving toward our home. I was listening to my mother calling to God to stop the soldiers from destroying the house. I felt her tears falling on my shoulder. I thought of my sister who was in prison. From that moment, the youngest child stopped being spoiled. My family was busy building a new house and visiting prison. My siblings were caught up in the fight against the occupation. I was lonely, and I felt much older. I considered working in politics like my brothers and sisters and friends. By the time we were 12 or 13, my friends were throwing stones at the Israeli army or being lookouts for the older teenagers. For me, it was a big decision whether to participate with them, not because I was afraid but because of my family. I saw how much my parents suffered waiting for my brothers and sisters to be released from prison. My mother used to plead with my

siblings and me not to participate in any political activities. “That is enough,” she said. “We cannot keep doing this. Your father and I are getting old. Forget the occupation.” I felt sympathy for them, and I decided not to become deeply involved in political activities. Anyway, I was busy with other things. From the time I was 13, I worked with my oldest brother in construction during the school vacations, even though I was too little for this work. Sometimes, in our home in the evenings, life moved slowly, and being busy just meant being quiet and watching carefully. I observed my older sisters as they challenged the rules of both the household and the military occupation. I learned to be tough, learned to be a man, by watching my sisters. We thought perhaps peace had arrived with the Oslo Accords in 1994, when I was 16, but we were still a poor family. I wanted to go with my friends to Israel and work. I wanted to have money to help my family and myself. Though my parents would have liked me to finish an academic high school degree, they did not protest when I decided to work part-time and attend a technical school to study electricity. I worked in construction in Israel in the morning and went to school in the afternoon. Then, my older brother was arrested. He had been working as a night guard at a heating oil station. I said I would take his job. For a year, I worked from eight in the morning to one in the afternoon in Israel, I went to school from two thirty until five in the afternoon, and I worked from six in the evening to seven in the morning as a guard in the gas station. At the gas station, I was able to fill my time with homework, reading my brothers’ and sisters’ novels, and looking at the stars until one or two in the morning. But then I had to go to sleep. There was not a bed to lie on or a blanket to put on my body because I was supposed to be guarding the station. All I had was an old car chair. In the summer, I put the chair in a place where the sun hit it at six thirty so I would wake up before the employees came. When I was 21, employment in Israel became impossible due to Israeli restrictions during a new Palestinian uprising. It seemed that no one had a job. So I volunteered in a youth center that gave a new generation of children from my refugee camp opportunities that my generation had lacked. The name my sister gave me remained significant on this different path of struggle. I now study and live in the United States, and I am married to an American scholar whom I met in the West Bank. I teach Arabic to a class of 4- and 5-year-olds. But I know that I learned a lot from my childhood. I learned to face life’s difficulties without hesitation, to give more than I take, and especially to love people around me as my mother loved me. Nidal Al-Azraq, as told to Amahl Bishara

imagining each other

imagining each other

A Refugee’s Childhood in the West Bank

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(1337–1453); several hundred thousand Russian civilians, including many children, died as the result of Napoleon’s invasion of Russia in 1812; and literally millions of Chinese civilians died during China’s Taiping Rebellion in the 1860s. Despite the high death toll among civilians in these and other confl icts, noncombatants were less actual targets of military strategy than victims of the dislocation, food shortages, and disease spawned by economic disruption and military invasion. Europeans rarely distinguished between adults and children, however, when they conducted military operations against natives in North America, Latin America, and Australia. Both the American and Australian operations removed indigenous children and youth from their communities and forced them to attend boarding schools, where they were taught the English language and made to dress and act like whites. With the rise of long-range artillery and, in the 20th century, of air power, commanders lost the ability to discriminate between military and civilian targets. In addition, the location of factories and transportation hubs—prime targets in modern warfare—in densely populated cities inevitably led to massive civilian casualties from strategic bombing campaigns. An estimated 10% of all casualties in World War I and 45% during World War II were civilians, while, according to the United Nations, civilians made up as much as 90% of casualties in wars of the late 20th and early 21st centuries. In the 1990s alone, wars killed an estimated 1.5 million children and injured another 4 million while leaving 12 million as refugees. Moreover, children were devastated in the genocides associated with a number of modern confl icts. About 1.5 million children died during the Holocaust, while perhaps 40% of the 1 million victims of the Rwandan genocide in 1994 were children and about 80% of the child survivors suffered the loss of a family member. Imperial wars against indigenous populations frequently targeted young people. In addition to these direct effects of war on children, many also suffer from the absence or loss of fathers, from economic hardships and other stressors brought on by war, and from the disruption of institutions designed for children (notably schools). All of these conditions can lead to children becoming psychological casualties. Studies of 20th-century children suggest that living in war zones can cause children to suffer from posttraumatic stress disorder. In children, this takes the form of disciplinary problems, emotional outbursts and aggressive behavior, sleep disorders, headaches, bedwetting, and decreased appetites. Older children may engage in self-destructive behavior by flouting community norms or by taking unnecessary risks. In war-torn 1990s Liberia, children who had witnessed the deaths of parents or siblings displayed these and other symptoms, including the inability to concentrate or to trust others, nightmares, a feeling of isolation, and, not surprisingly, fears for their own futures.

Another psychological effect of war on children is an acceptance on their part of confl ict and even destruction. Indeed, during World War I, Russian educators and psychologists worried that war-related literature, movies, and newspaper stories were creating an unhealthy obsession with war among Russian youth. An acceptance of violence crept into their lives, and the enemy—in this case the Germans—was dehumanized. A generation later, during World War II, Anna Freud and other researchers discovered that, far from being frightened, British children who had experienced the German bombing campaigns were actually drawn to the danger and excitement. They played in the wreckage and debris and became rather heedlessly destructive themselves. Social scientists have also observed that children’s understanding of war transcends simplistic elements like violence and confl ict. They clearly understand the political, religious, and economic issues over which wars are fought. Child psychologists suggest that children readily adapt to war, at any rate in the short run, because they are already dealing with the normal traumas and confl icts of growing up. For many, war becomes just another of many trials and tribulations; enemies become just another kind of bogeyman. Teac h i ng C h i ldr en ab ou t War Children’s experiences during wartime cannot be separated from larger efforts by governments, schools, and other institutions and organizations to instill patriotism and support for their countries’ war policies. For instance, children living in Vichy France became part of an attempt to reconfigure French society through neo-Fascist institutions modeled after the Hitler Youth in Germany. The attempt to ensure children’s patriotism and support in wartime carries over into peace. Since the rise of universal education and commercial children’s book publishing industries in most developed nations, schools and literature have been potent agents of socialization and politicization. Textbooks, not surprisingly, frequently offer versions of history that justify a country’s motivations and strategies in past wars. In Great Britain, military exploits during the wars sparked by the nation’s expanding empire were featured elements of Victorian texts. And as colonies in Asia and Latin America won their independence from European powers, they created their own patriotic literature and school curricula that furthered the new nations’ political goals. Throughout the world during the 19th and much of the 20th centuries, military events and heroes made up a huge percentage of the content in national histories presented to schoolchildren. This is particularly common in countries with centralized educational systems and has sometimes led to internal controversies as nations struggle with their pasts. In Japan, for instance, debates have raged over how to explain the country’s motivations and conduct during World War II,

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especially its imperialistic ambitions and its abuse of other Asians. German educators and textbook authors have had to come to grips with the rise of Nazism, the aggressive foreign policy that contributed to the start of World War II, and, most important, with the peculiar and catastrophic ramifications of the virulent anti-Semitism that led to the Holocaust. The Cold War was frequently packaged by both the Western powers and the Soviet bloc through carefully constructed schoolbooks, patriotic displays, and rituals. In East Germany, school books and curricula sought to “de-Nazify” teachers and students; in West Germany, the goal was to instill an anticommunist devotion to democracy. Countries on both sides of the ideological chasm offered children and youth uncritical histories of their countries’ military and foreign policies. In the United States, children practiced “duck and cover” drills in the event of a nuclear attack, consumed comics and movies that featured brave Americans fighting evil Communists, and recited the Pledge of Allegiance daily. Children on the home front have been caught up in the war culture that has emerged in virtually all countries at war since the development of mass culture after the mid-19th century. Although American children were safe from the actual fighting during World War II, the war spirit infused almost every aspect of their lives. They eagerly sought war information from newsreels, radio programs, comics, movies, and children’s magazines. Schools rewarded scholastic achievement with military ranks and held military-style inspections. Media produced specifically for children and youth also presented war-related themes. As far back as the American Civil War, children’s magazines like The Student and Schoolmate and Our Young Folks embraced the Union war effort, featuring short stories, articles, poems, and word games that revolved around battles and generals, homefront activities, and heroic drummer boys. Juvenile books, dime novels, and even alphabets featured military imagery and patriotic rhetoric. A century later, Japanese magazines for children prepared their young readers to make the ultimate sacrifice for the emperor by promoting an aggressive, almost suicidal defense of the home islands from invading Americans. War P l ay One way that children integrate the lessons of war and propaganda into their lives is through play. According to archeologists and historians, martial play has been a regular element in children’s lives throughout history. American children during the Civil War—including a number of girls—formed their own companies and practiced the same drills and maneuvers as did their fathers and brothers. During “the Troubles” in Northern Ireland, boys played soldiers and terrorists, pretended to go on hunger strikes like the Irish Republican Army martyr Bobby Sands, and staged

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“riots” against British troops—complete with tomato sauce blood. For some, the fine line between play and reality is blurred as underage soldiers volunteer for military service or, in some countries, are forced to fight for one side or the other. C h i ldr en ’s Con tr i butions Children of war have moved beyond play to become active participants in home-front war efforts. They have taken the place of fathers and absent brothers in the fields and factories. Since at least the 19th century, they have helped raise money for soldiers and governments. Civil War–era schools adopted regiments and supported hospitals. The mostfocused effort to recruit children and youth to contribute to the war effort occurred during World War II, when children in virtually every one of the countries involved in the war participated widely in civil defense exercises; collected scrap iron, rubber, newspaper, and other salvageable items; and raised money by buying and selling war bonds. High schools lost thousands of teenage boys who had to leave school to work in family businesses or on family farms or who could earn high wages in factories suddenly desperate for able-bodied workers. Most industrialized countries mounted campaigns to encourage city youth to volunteer to work on farms, replacing absent farmers and farm hands and maintaining the flow of food to the military and civilian populations. The longer-term results of children investing themselves into their countries’ war efforts vary markedly according to the national and local results of the war and the point at which, the extent to which, and the ways in which the children’s participation dictated the course of their childhood. For evidence, one need only compare the enthusiasm and national pride of World War II–era American children during the Cold War to the soul-searching displayed by the grown-up children of the defeated Axis powers until well into the late 20th century. Car i ng fo r C h i l d V ic ti m s o f War Private and local organizations have, at least since the late 18th century, attempted to care for the child victims of war. Orphanages took in abandoned children, and a number of countries and states established soldiers’ orphans’ homes for the offspring of killed or maimed soldiers. The larger wars of the 20th century inspired larger efforts. The privately financed European Children’s Fund fed 10 million displaced and hard-pressed children after World War I, as did the American Red Cross. Although it is now an international organization with programs aimed at alleviating the suffering of children in many kinds of distress, the Save the Children Fund was established in Great Britain in 1919 as a response to the plight of young victims of World War I. In the 1930s, the organization expanded into Africa following Italy’s invasion of Ethiopia. Children victimized by war also became the focus of

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programs undertaken by the League of Nations. Guided by the five principles of the 1924 Declaration of the Rights of the Child—which included the notion that children must be the first to receive relief in times of crisis—the League of Nations established the Child Welfare Committee in the 1920s. The founding of the United Nations in 1946 led almost immediately to the establishment of the United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF), which is still the flagship organization working on behalf of child victims of war around the world. James Marten see also: Childhood Resilience; Combat, Youth in further reading: Roger Rosenblatt, Children of War, 1983. • Mark Grimsley and Clifford J. Rogers, eds., Civilians in the Path of War, 2002. • James Marten, ed., Children and War: A Historical Anthology, 2002.

watson, john b(roadus) (b. January 9, 1878; d. September 25, 1958), founder of the behavioral school of psychology. John B. Watson earned his place in the pantheon of psychology primarily through tireless advocacy for two controversial positions in his day: The subject matter of psychology is overt human behavior, and its appropriate methodology is direct observation; and variations in human behavior are overwhelmingly attributable to learning, rather than to hereditary or constitutional factors. While psychologists such as Edward Titchener and William James explored the experience of consciousness via introspection, a method for reporting the contents of mental states, Watson disdained this work as fraught with definitional ambiguity (What is “consciousness” or “attention”?) and peripheral at best to any understanding of what shapes human behavior. Watson’s early work at the University of Chicago and Johns Hopkins focused on comparative studies of animal behavior. Determined to explore the development of characteristic behaviors in humans, he arranged to systematically observe infants while they were reared in institutional settings and to manipulate their environments so as to demonstrate learning in action. Watson’s most seminal experiment involved the classical conditioning of fear in 11month-old “Little Albert.” By pairing the presentation of a white rat with the loud banging of a steel bar, Watson and his assistant, Rosalie Rayner, showed that the subsequent introduction of the rat alone (which previously elicited little interest from the child) prompted an extreme fear response. Watson viewed this experiment as a model of how complex emotional responses could be behaviorally conditioned. Unfortunately, Albert was released from the hospital before his fear could be unconditioned. Watson’s work laid the foundation—later expanded by B. F. Skinner, among others—for humane management of children’s behavior in home and institutional settings.

The practice of ignoring disruptive behaviors while reinforcing positive ones through praise or attention (“catch me being good”), one of the most universal behaviormanagement recommendations today, can be traced to principles espoused by Watson. He was a vocal critic of corporal punishment, a position now reflected in laws that define child abuse. In his 1928 book Psychological Care of Infant and Child and other popular writings, Watson also recommended some practices that have since been repudiated, including that parents treat children like young adults and minimize physical affection, lest the development of autonomy be undermined. Nevertheless, contemporary Western culture has embraced Watson’s conviction that parents and other caregivers exert a tremendous influence on children through the learning opportunities they provide. Society at large has come to accept a share of responsibility for children’s opportunities, as evidenced in enrichment programs such as Head Start. Watson’s behavioral paradigm also paved the way for the amelioration of certain forms of emotional distress. In a 1924 extension of the Little Albert study, one of his students, Mary Cover Jones, alleviated a young boy’s intense fear of rabbits by presenting a pleasant stimulus (food) while using successive approximations to gradually introduce the rabbit to the boy. This application of classical conditioning is among the first historical antecedents to modern behavior therapy, which to this day employs exposure-based techniques in the treatment of childhood (and adult) anxiety and phobias. Thus, Watson’s legacy remains amply evident across the spectrum of child rearing, educational practices, and clinical treatment. David DiLillo and George C. Tremblay see also: Development, Theories of: Behavioral Theories further reading: John B. Watson, “Psychology as the Behaviorist Views It,” Psychological Review [20 (1913), pp. 158–277] 101, no. 2 (April 1994), pp. 248–53. • John B. Watson and Rosalie Rayner, “Conditioned Emotional Reactions,” [Journal of Experimental Psychology 3 (1920), pp. 1–14] American Psychologist 55, no. 3 (March 2000), pp. 313–17.

weaning. see Breastfeeding; Feeding, Infant weight issues. see Obesity and Dieting welfare U.S. Historical Perspectives International Historical Perspectives Effects on the Child Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

u.s. historical perspectives. Children have been central to the development of welfare programs in the United States. Indeed, sympathy for poor and neglected children

welfare

was crucial in breaking through the strong free-market individualism that has been mobilized repeatedly to condemn public aid to needy children. Recurrently, poverty has been diagnosed as a product of individual immoral character— even legitimated as a punishment for immorality—and thus removed from the arena of public policy. A distinction between the “deserving” and “undeserving” poor and a fear that aid might encourage immorality underlay the policies of both charity and local government relief programs. The notion of the “innocence” of children, as opposed to their caretakers, has worked to modify that harsh refusal. Until the early 20th century, provisions for needy children were primarily local and private. In the colonial period, the responsibility for children came to the public primarily when they were orphans. But many of these children were not orphans in the contemporary meaning; many had at least one living parent, almost always a mother, who was unable to provide for them. When young, these children were typically given to the care of relatives, with the local overseers of the poor sometimes contributing to support the children. Older children were indentured to work for other families. This kind of apprenticeship bore no stigma in the 17th and 18th centuries, and children from prosperous families were often indentured in this way in order to learn a craft from adults who would be less indulgent, it was believed, than parents. Orphanages developed as indenturing declined. By 1800, there were some seven orphanages in the United States, by the 1830s there were 23, by the 1850s there were more than 70. Most were privately run by religious and charitable groups, but municipalities frequently contributed to costs, and older orphans were often expected to work in order to defray expenses. The American Civil War greatly expanded demand for orphanages, and the supply grew to more than 600 by 1880. Increasingly, orphanages were expected not only to provide minimum food and shelter but also to instill good character by preaching piety, thrift, self-reliance, sobriety, and hard work. They practiced rigid scheduling and strict discipline, including ample physical punishment, as a means, they believed, of requiring the orphans to internalize these values. Children were marched in lines to meals and toileting, often dressed identically, their hair cut identically (or shaved in the eternal battle against lice), and were seated on wooden benches to eat spartan food from tin plates. Meanwhile, by the mid-19th century, urbanization made the needs of poor children more visible than ever. In the 1870s, it was estimated that 150 children a month were simply abandoned, and thousands more were malnourished, ill-clothed, left unattended in unheated tenements or simply fending for themselves on the streets. Simultaneously, the filthy and abusive conditions of the orphanages were attracting reformers’ attention, and conditions were probably even worse for children who resided in almshouses

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along with their parents. So child-welfare experts began to condemn congregate-care institutions and to recommend a return to placing children in families. In the mid-19th century, orphanages began systems of placing out children with private families, the beginnings of what would come to be labeled foster care. Charles Loring Brace, founder of the New York Children’s Aid Society in the 1850s, is usually identified as the author of this reform, a man possessed by a messianic sense of his power to uplift the poor by remolding their children’s character. He may have initiated the so-called orphan trains, by which eastern urban orphans were shipped out to western families. Typically, their placements were informal apprenticeships, and they were often exploited as workers by their new guardians. By 1875, Brace’s Emigration Department was exporting 4,000 orphans a year. Orphan trains continued until 1930, when criticism of the lack of oversight to protect children finally stopped them. Another private initiative for children was the childprotection movement of the 1870s. Deriving from Humane Societies formed to protect animals from abuse, Societies for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children (SPCCs) arose throughout the United States and Europe. Often motivated by women active in moral reform and temperance, they focused at first on egregious assaults on children and identified the source of the problem as hard-drinking, brutal, lower-class fathers. Soon, however, the new agencies were led by the evidence their investigations uncovered and by the complaints of children and their mothers to extend their dominion to take in child neglect and domestic violence against women. They then encountered the most irreducible problem of child protection: that very often the greatest damage to children comes from poverty rather than from neglectful or abusive caretakers. But childwelfare agencies have no power to combat poverty and the inequalities that create it. In an example of the way that many private foundations and charities have functioned as arms of the state, the agents of these SPCCs were treated as experts and deferred to by the courts, although they had no accountability to the public. It was only in the 1960s that government agencies began accepting responsibility for child abuse and neglect. In 1974, the federal Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act provided funds and required certain professionals—doctors, social workers, teachers— to report suspected child abuse. Since then, mandatory reporting has been criticized because it floods agencies with many times more complaints than they are funded to handle, increasing the caseload for social workers and thus leaving some serious cases without intervention, and also because the mandatory reporting has been shown to be biased, with single mothers, the poor, and people of color more likely to be reported even in cases where the evidence of abuse was equally great among more privileged families. The first precedent for public monetary aid to needy chil-

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dren developed in the decade from 1910 to 1920 in the form of the so-called mothers’ pension laws. Networks of organized women, influenced by the settlement houses and by the final campaigns of the woman suffrage movement, became aware that the majority of children in orphanages and foster care were not orphans but were, rather, relinquished by their poor lone mothers who could not both care for and earn for their children. (Organized child care was rare at that time.) Most mothers intended these institutional placements as temporary but often lost track of their children or were unable to reclaim them. Outraged that mothers and children were being separated even when there were no allegations of neglect, women activists lobbied for state programs of aid to lone mothers. By 1920, 40 states had established mothers’ pensions. But these programs aided only a tiny proportion of those in need, discriminated against immigrants and other nonwhites, and never provided stipends adequate to support a mother and children decently. Blacks, although much more in need on average than whites, were only 3% of recipients, and in the West, Hispanics and American Indians were usually excluded altogether. At a time when 93,000 families received help nationwide, there were at least 1.5 million female-headed families with children. Nevertheless, they created the first precedent for public aid to children. Moreover, in 1912, these activists succeeded in establishing the U.S. Children’s Bureau in the new Department of Labor. A major achievement, this agency functioned simultaneously not only as a promoter of child welfare but also as the agency fighting for women and for a welfare state in general. Its investigations of child and maternal health, plus the final victory of woman suffrage, produced the Sheppard-Towner Act of 1921, providing public health nursing to poor mothers and children in rural areas. Although it was repealed seven years later in response to a campaign by the American Medical Association, the act reduced infant mortality considerably in those few years. A decade later, Children’s Bureau investigations of child labor contributed in a major way to the prohibition of child labor and the extension of compulsory education. The Great Depression of the 1930s bankrupted many states, and with them their mothers’ pension programs, just as the need for help for children soared. The result was the federalization of these programs in Title IV of the 1935 Social Security Act. That law is usually identified with its social insurance programs—old-age pensions and unemployment compensation—both of which were aimed at male heads of family and were not means-tested and therefore carried no stigma. The Children’s Bureau network succeeded in winning one program for mothers and children, in Title IV of the Social Security Act: Aid to Dependent Children (ADC). It was a skimpy and only partially federally funded program, in part because its authors envisioned it as only temporary, assuming that lone motherhood would decline

as a new welfare state would eliminate poverty. In contrast to the social-insurance titles, ADC was not only meansbut also morals-tested, requiring invasive surveillance of recipient families; its benefits were below the lowest prevailing minimum wages; it was funded primarily by the states through property and sales taxes; and it was not an entitlement but a public charity, of which the recipient had to prove herself deserving. The federal government contributed one-third of ADC funds, with the rest provided by the states, and the program was administered locally. One result was the same exclusion of nonwhites that the mothers’ pension had operated. Far from shrinking, ADC grew geometrically, particularly as a civil rights consciousness led nonwhites to demand citizenship rights. ADC remained the main program for poor children until its repeal in 1996. In its 60 years, as it grew in its number of recipients, its stipends declined. With no automatic cost-of-living adjustment, such as that attached to the old-age pensions, ADC—or “welfare” as it came to be called—trapped its recipients in poverty and stigma. In 1961, federal funds for foster care were provided. Since the repeal of ADC, therefore, the number of needy children removed from their families has grown once again. As legal adoption became common in the 20th century, adoptive parents came to prefer infants; older children often moved through several foster families, and when they “aged out” as teenagers they were left literally without family. Another approach, pioneered by New York State in 1965 and supported by the federal Adoption Assistance and Child Welfare Act of 1980, was to subsidize adoptions. Subsidies challenged the assumption that permanent kinship required financial independence and acknowledged the high costs of raising children, especially those who needed ongoing medical and psychological help. Yet just as adoption subsidies encouraged stability for children, a 1977 decision in a class-action suit maintained instability for foster children. In Smith v. Organization of Foster Families for Equality and Reform, the U.S. Supreme Court decided that foster parents could not oppose children’s removal or expect a default preference for keeping their families intact, as birth families could, no matter how long-lasting and deep the ties between foster parents and children. Since the last decades of the 20th century, child-welfare policy has veered between two goals that are often in confl ict: child protection and family preservation. In the 1970s and 1980s, pressure from progressive social movements and discourse emphasized the rights of poor parents and recommended aid to intact families. In the 1990s, child safety and removal from caretakers dominated the discourse—and, not coincidentally, proved cheaper. ADC, repealed in 1996, was replaced with the Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF) legislation. TANF offers time-limited benefits and then forces single

welfare

parents into the labor force; like ADC a joint federal-state program, TANF provisions vary by state. In general, many single mothers have been successfully pushed into jobs, but most of them are minimum-wage and insecure jobs without benefits, and many of these families have been made poorer rather than better off by the employment of the mothers. More recent legislation has made piecemeal adjustments. The Promoting Safe and Stable Families Amendments of 2001 attempted to speed adoptions, prohibited race-based segregation of adoptable children, and increased incentive payments. Foster Care Independence programs authorized services for teenagers aging out of foster homes. But the United States remains a country with a poor child-welfare record. Child poverty increased by 12% between 1999 and 2004: 18% of children were living in families with incomes beneath the minimum poverty level established by federal statisticians. Because of the federal structure of the United States, there is enormous variation in child welfare throughout the country. But nowhere is the record good: In Mississippi, 52% of children live beneath the income level required to meet basic needs; in New York, 41%; California, 42%; and Wisconsin, 35%. Measured internationally, the child poverty rate in the United States is the highest in the developed world, five times higher than that in Norway, Sweden, and Finland; twice that of Spain; and 50% higher than that in Italy, Ireland, or the United Kingdom. Linda Gordon see also: Abuse and Neglect; Addams, Jane; Brace, Charles Loring; Lathrop, Julia Clifford; Poverty, Children in further reading: Timothy A. Hacsi, Second Home: Orphan Asylums and Poor Families in America, 1997. • Linda Gordon, Pitied but Not Entitled: Single Mothers and the History of Welfare, 1890–1935, 1998. • Nina Bernstein, The Lost Children of Wilder: The Epic Struggle to Change Foster Care, 2002. • Linda Gordon, Heroes of Their Own Lives: The Politics and History of Family Violence, 2002. • Dorothy Roberts, Shattered Bonds: The Color of Child Welfare, 2003.

international historical perspectives. There is a large and diverse array of social programs that can affect the welfare of children. Some countries provide benefits that shore up the income of families with children, including birth and family (or child) allowances; social assistance payments; housing subsidies; benefits for maternity, paternity, and parental leave; health insurance that is either universal or guaranteed for children; and survivors’ benefits. The tax system offers a more indirect yet often important form of income support: Exemptions and special tax breaks for children and deductions or credits for child care costs are examples of how the tax code can subsidize families with children. Social and educational services also are important, including maternal and infant health services, early childhood care and education programs, and after-school care. Although this article concentrates on the aforementioned programs, one could adopt an even more expansive

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definition of the welfare state that includes child-support policies, school systems, minimum wage regulations, laws giving employed women time off to breastfeed, rights to part-time work for parents, restrictions on the length of the work week, and regulation of child labor. Most advanced industrialized countries provide extensive benefits and services that affect child well-being, although there are still considerable differences between them in the kinds of programs available and their scope and generosity. The most generous programs are generally found in Western Europe, where all countries pay child or family allowances, ensure universal access to health insurance, guarantee paid maternity leave and sometimes also parental and paternity leave, and provide a range of means-tested subsidies to lowincome families with children. Many offer additional subsidies for children through the tax code. Early childhood education is widespread, if not universal, by the age of 3 or 4; these generally are part-time programs, although some countries offer long- or full-day preschool programs. There is more variation in the availability of after-school services and child care for children younger than the age of 3, although access to these programs generally has been growing in recent years, albeit slowly in some places. France offers an example of how a country can provide extensive subsidies and services for children. As of 2008, support to children begins in the womb, with prenatal medical care that is fully reimbursed by the health insurance system and a four-month maternity leave (replacing 100% of earnings) that can begin six weeks before the expected due date. Once the baby is born, fathers have the right to 11 days of paternity leave (covered at 100% of their earnings), and either parent can take a leave from work for up to three years and receive a low, flat-rate benefit. Parents also receive favorable treatment in the tax code and a family allowance that is paid to all families with two or more children (€120.32 per month for two children). There also are benefits paid to families with low incomes, benefits for parents with a handicapped child or who stop work to care for a seriously ill or disabled child, and means-tested housing allowances. In addition, the government role in child care services is extensive: Parents can either seek a place in a publicly run crèche or receive subsidies to cover family child care or the hiring of a nanny. Preschool is free and available to all children at the age of 3, and 75% of children age 2 1/2 attend these programs as well. Not all of the advanced industrialized countries offer such extensive benefits and services for children. The United States provides some of the stingiest supports to children, as it lacks a universal family allowance system, abolished the entitlement to public assistance for single parents in 1996, provides limited public subsidies for child care and early education programs (outside of publicly funded kindergarten), and is one of the few countries in the world that does not guarantee the right to a paid maternity or parental leave.

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Other rich countries that offer relatively meager supports to families include Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom. As a result, these countries have some of the highest rates of child poverty in the Western world. According to a UNICEF Innocenti Research Center report, Child Poverty in Rich Countries (2005), more than 21% of American children are defined as poor (living below 50% of the national median income), more than 16% of children live below the national poverty line in New Zealand, and around 15% of children are poor in Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom. By contrast, child poverty rates are 7.5% in France and even lower in the Nordic countries. The UNICEF report concludes that differences in government social policy explain most of these variations in poverty levels: In general, countries that spend more on children and families have lower rates of child poverty. Social programs for children emerged as part of the development of welfare states that began in the late 19th century and accelerated after World War II. The large and encompassing welfare states of many Western European countries are frequently said to reflect the power of the social democratic political parties allied with strong trade unions. Religiously based political forces also contributed to the growth of the welfare state, as Christian democratic parties and Christian trade unions sought to mitigate the destabilizing effects of industrialization on workers and their families. In countries such as the United States, Canada, or Australia, such forces were weaker or absent, and free-market ideologies were powerful constraints on the growth of the welfare state. Demographic factors may also have shaped the welfare state, particularly programs for children and families. Starting in the late 19th century, France became acutely aware of its declining fertility rates. Given the ongoing risk of largescale warfare on the European continent, this impelled the French to adopt measures that protected the health of infants and helped parents with the costs of having children. With their young and growing populations, countries in the New World did not share these concerns and were more insulated from the risks of warfare. If anything, policy makers were fearful of measures that might encourage poor or minority families to have a large number of children, revealing the way in which societal diversity may shape a nation’s willingness to collectively share burdens and risks. It may be easier to foster a sense of social solidarity in a small and homogeneous country than in a large and highly diverse nation, such as the United States. During the Cold War, the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries provided extensive benefits and services for families with children as part of the cradle-to-grave coverage promised under state socialism. Most offered generous family allowances, extensive early childhood care and education services, particularly for children age 3 to 6, and often lengthy and well-paid maternity leaves. Since the col-

lapse of Communism, the generosity and coverage of these programs have eroded in many of these countries. Many maintain a system of family allowances, but these benefits are often means-tested, and the overall level of spending on them has declined in most. Access to child care for children younger than 3 also has dropped in most places, although preschool services have been better preserved. Maternity leaves remain relatively generous: In Hungary, for example, parents can leave work for two to three years and receive either an earnings-replacing benefit (70% of wages up to a ceiling) or, if they have not been employed, a flat-rate payment. Countries in the developing world often face significant challenges in assuring the well-being of their children. In some nations, severe poverty and underdevelopment, malnutrition and health scourges (AIDS, malaria), and violent civil confl icts impair both the welfare of children and the ability of states to respond through systems of social protection. In some of the more economically developed countries—such as those in Latin America or the Middle East—governments have put in place social programs that are not dissimilar from what can be found in developed nations, such as family or child allowances, maternity leave rights, and early childhood education programs. In Brazil, for example, female workers have the right to a paid maternity leave, family allowances are paid to workers with low earnings, and preschools are part of the education system, giving children a right to attend them at no cost (although a 2001 World Bank report, Brazil Early Childhood Development, reports that access is far from universal and that richer families are more likely to send their children to preschool than are poor families). A general problem in many developing countries is that social benefits flow only to those in the formal economy, excluding the often large proportion of people working in informal sectors. In recent years, a number of countries have created benefits for low-income families that are conditional upon children attending school regularly or getting medical care. By reducing the prevalence of child labor and improving the human capital of the nation’s children, these programs seek to build a foundation for stronger economic development down the road, with all the benefits they hope this will bring to the nation’s children. Kimberly J. Morgan see also: Poverty, Children in further reading: Anne Hélène Gauthier, The State and the Family: A Comparative Analysis of Family Policies in Industrialized Countries, 1998. • Jody Heymann et al., “The Work, Family, and Equity Index: Where Does the United States Stand Globally?” Project on Global Working Families, 2004. • Social Security Administration, Social Security Programs throughout the World, 2005. • World Bank, Social Protection and Labor, http://www.worldbank.org/sp

effects on the child. Welfare, formerly called Aid to

Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) and now

welfare

named Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF), is a cash assistance program provided in conjunction with Medicaid, food stamps, and, for most families, child care and housing subsidies and employment supports. A body of research suggests that, although welfare grants are not enough to support a family, they are an important element in the resource package upon which low-income families rely. The benefits and drawbacks of welfare for children depend on their families’ particular circumstances and the specific details of their welfare participation. From 1935 to 1996, AFDC recipients did not have to work and often became worse off if they did because of work-related expenditures. For most of this period, the welfare grant of a working recipient would be reduced to offset earnings dollar for dollar; earning enough to leave AFDC entirely typically meant forfeiting Medicaid coverage. During this time, critics considered welfare a trap that undermined self-sufficiency and encouraged children to repeat their parents’ joblessness and single parenthood. Research offered some support for these concerns, finding that children from AFDC-receiving nonworking families grew up somewhat less likely to work, more likely to become teen parents, and slightly more likely to use welfare themselves than did children from equally poor nonrecipient families. It is not clear that these outcomes were due to welfare, however. Plausibly, the recipient parents were unusually disadvantaged, and their children’s adulthood was limited by the problems that originally put the family on welfare, not by welfare itself. Welfare grants might have prevented the family’s problems from becoming even more damaging to children. T h e I m pac t o f Wel far e R efo r m AFDC was ended in 1996 and replaced by TANF, which has the explicit goal of moving families off welfare and toward self-sufficiency. The program provides aid for at most five years (less in many states) and requires work for most parents. These program innovations raised fears that children would be harmed as noncompliant or time-limited parents lost aid or as newly employed parents became less available to their children. The reformers’ vision, in contrast, was that recipients would join the economic mainstream, becoming better parents through the process. The Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC), which was substantially expanded prior to TANF implementation, was a critical piece of the policy package that policy makers hoped would move recipients not only off the welfare rolls but also out of poverty. The reform, enacted during a prolonged economic boom, propelled many low-income single mothers into the workforce. Their employment levels and wages over the ensuing eight years were higher than those under AFDC, although most still lived in poverty. The effects of these earnings gains on child well-being cannot be estimated because of

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the lack of comparison data but are likely to have been positive on average for welfare recipients as long as work supports, especially child care, were also available. The best information about the impact of specific TANF reforms emerges from experimental studies that randomly assigned participants to different versions of welfare with stricter or more lenient work requirements and varying benefit and work-incentive levels. Effects on younger children of work requirements per se were small or nonexistent. However, younger children did benefit when earnings supplements such as the EITC accompanied work requirements. Elementary school-age children gained in school achievement and had fewer behavior problems, and younger children also enjoyed cognitive gains. Parents became more likely to enroll their children in formal child care or after-school programs. Children of long-term and more disadvantaged recipients enjoyed the greatest gains. In contrast, results for adolescents across a range of programs suggest negative, if small, effects of parental work requirements on several measures of students’ progress and school achievement. Plausibly, these youth were supervised less or had to provide more child care for younger siblings if their parents worked. Finally, the data on the long-run consequences of requiring work among low-income mothers of young infants are too limited to draw definitive conclusions. Such data as exist do not indicate systematic benefits or harms of early maternal employment on infants’ later development. Var iations ac ro ss Eth nic iti es and I n t er nat io nal ly While there is no evidence that minority children experience welfare differently from other children, their overrepresentation in the program means they collectively are more vulnerable to its effects. African Americans, Latinos, and Southeast Asian immigrants have high poverty rates and, at least among single-parent native-born families, are disproportionately reliant on welfare. In most states, immigrants are barred from TANF for five years after arrival. Children from immigrant families are less likely than children from native-born families to receive welfare, even though they are often poor or uninsured. When compared with programs in other wealthy nations, welfare in the United States is less available, less generous, and includes stricter work requirements. These differences reflect deep-seated ideological differences about the role of the state in helping families. Consequently, welfare programs reduce child poverty less in the United States than they do elsewhere. M ar r i age and Wel far e From its inception as assistance to needy widows, welfare has helped single parents more than it does married parents and has been accused of discouraging marriage or encourag-

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ing divorce. Welfare programs impose stricter work requirements on two-parent than on one-parent families. Twoparent poor families are less likely to qualify for aid than are single-parent families. Also, while welfare offers a route out of a violent marriage, it may also make it easier for parents to end or avoid entirely a marriage that would be satisfactory for children but unwanted by one or both adults. Although marriage disincentives exist in theory, the estimated effects of welfare benefit receipt on marriage and divorce rates are minimal or nonexistent. This could be due to the fact that the typical welfare grant is so low. Similarly, there is no evidence that TANF work requirements and time limits have affected marriage rates among single parents. However, one experimental program that included financial work incentives that were considerably more generous than were existing state or federal programs did increase marriages among long-term recipients and substantially reduced separations among married couples. Also, several TANF-like programs reduced the incidence of domestic violence reported by female single parents. Paternity establishment and child-support collection, an important part of welfare policy, could potentially lead to support payments for a family postwelfare if the absent parent has any income. Most child support collected for welfare-receiving children, however, is for state welfare programs rather than for custodial parents. C o nc lu sion Cash welfare, TANF, is one among an array of programs, including Medicaid, food stamps, and the EITC, for poor families with children. The predecessor program, AFDC, provided indefinite aid, did not require work, and was perceived to foster dependency and trap families in long-term poverty. In contrast, TANF is time-limited and has a strong employment focus. The data on the impact of its work requirements plus earnings supplements and child care show some children and parents faring better, but others worse, than under AFDC. The impact on children of cutting families off aid entirely is less clear, but it is likely to be harmful. Once families time-out or have been sanctioned for noncompliance, many are left without income from either employment or welfare. These disconnected single mothers, whose incomes are very low, constituted up to one-quarter of all single mothers in 2004. They typically report multiple and serious barriers to work, including chronic physical and mental health problems, substance abuse, low education, and caregiving obligations for family members with health problems. Although conclusive evidence is lacking, the policy of denying welfare benefits outright to children in timed-out or sanctioned families is likely to be detrimental. Jane Mauldon and Meredith Willa see also: Poverty, Children in

further reading: Martha J. Zaslow, Sharon M. McGroder, and Kristin A. Moore, The National Evaluation of Welfare-to-Work Strategies: Impacts on Young Children and Their Families Two Years after Enrollment: Findings from the Child Outcomes Study, 2000. • Randy Capps, Leighton Ku, and Michael Fix, How Are Immigrants Faring after Welfare Reform? Preliminary Evidence from Los Angeles and New York City, 2002. • Lisa A. Gennetian, Greg J. Duncan, Virginia W. Knox, Wanda G. Vargas, Elizabeth Clark-Kauffman, and Andrew S. London, How Welfare and Work Policies for Parents Affect Adolescents: A Synthesis of Research, 2002. • Pamela Morris, Virginia Knox, and Lisa A. Gennetian, Welfare Policies Matter for Children and Youth: Lessons for TANF Reauthorization, 2002. • Janet M. Currie, The Invisible Safety Net: Protecting the Nation’s Poor Children and Families, 2006.

legal and public-policy perspectives. A child’s eco-

nomic welfare in the United States is rarely of public concern unless the child becomes a public burden. While many wealthy countries—including all Scandinavian nations, Germany, Italy, and Canada—offer cash supports to all citizen children, economic welfare programs for children in the United States are conditioned, first, upon a child’s relationship to an adult and the adult’s attachment to the workforce and, second, upon the family’s level of need. Some policy makers argue that limiting both access to benefits and benefit levels encourages parents to support their own children and keeps parents attached to the wagelabor market. Many also argue that placing conditions on the receipt of cash benefits—for example, requiring parents to work or to immunize their children—promotes child welfare. Many others, however, argue that parsimonious and conditional benefits to children contribute to the hardships poor children face. Though legal advocates in the 1960s and 1970s sought to have courts recognize a formal right to subsistence rooted in the U.S. Constitution, they did not ultimately succeed. The U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Goldberg v. Kelly (1970) that an indigent person has no absolute right to public assistance. Once an individual receives government aid, he or she has merely a right to notice and the opportunity to appeal before the benefits end. While no fundamental right to welfare exists in the United States, both federal and state governments have established needs-based supports for children in various forms. The primary means-tested program for families with children is the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) program. TANF is a federally funded program that allows the states discretion in determining eligibility and the amount of aid a family may receive. Nationwide, only families with children younger than age 18 may receive assistance. To be eligible, children must be deprived of financial assistance because a parent is unemployed, underemployed, absent, or deceased. Federal legislation restricts a parent’s time receiving TANF cash aid to 60 months during the course of her life and places work requirements on

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adults receiving TANF. States may, and often do, establish even shorter time limits and place additional conditions on benefit receipt. Congress passed legislation enacting the TANF program in 1996, simultaneously eliminating the previous unconditional and needs-based cash assistance program, Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC). Afterward, the number of low-income families receiving cash aid in the United States fell dramatically, from 4.4 million in August 1996 to just over 2 million in June 2003. Those who argue that cash aid programs foster families’ dependence on government have celebrated the decline in the welfare rolls. On the other side of the debate, many advocates for children, including the Children’s Defense Fund, point to the plummeting welfare rolls—particularly during a period of increased child poverty—as an indication of governmental neglect of needy children. Advocates for children continue to argue that inadequate funding for child care programs, education programs, and job training makes it difficult for poor parents and their children to escape poverty. Other federal programs serving the welfare of poor children include the food stamp program, the supplemental nutrition program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC), and the national school lunch and breakfast programs. Though programs providing direct nutritional support to children have generally found more public favor than do programs providing cash, proposals to reduce spending on nutrition programs have gained support. Similarly, federal housing assistance programs that subsidize rent payments for low-income families have been scaled back despite rising housing costs. A program addressing not only the economic but also the physical and emotional welfare of children in the United States is foster care. Foster care funding is available to those who provide care for children a state has removed from the custody of a parent because of abuse, neglect, abandonment, or parental entry into the criminal justice or mental health systems. Some children are eventually adopted, some returned to their original families, and some remain in the system for years. The federal government spent $5 billion on the program in 2001, though states also contribute. The number of children in foster care rose dramatically after the 1960s, with some policy analysts suggesting a causal relationship between the decline in cash aid programs and the increase of children in, and spending on, foster care. In fiscal year 2003, 523,000 children were in foster care. Of those children, 35% were black (non-Hispanic) and another 17% Hispanic, figures dramatically disproportionate to representation in the population. Scholars agree the reasons for the racial and ethnic disparities are complex but are at odds in formulating solutions. A number of scholars point to the racial disparities in foster care as a sign of the inadequacy of government programs in addressing the

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needs of low-income children and families, particularly families of color. Some critics also make claims of racial bias in the child welfare system. Indeed, the disparate distribution of welfare aid and foster care services reflects gender and racial disparities in wealth and income in the United States. African American and Hispanic children are more than twice as likely as white or Asian American children to live in poverty. Moreover, poverty remains prevalent among single mothers, even among those who work. Many advocates for the poor have argued, and some social scientists have found support for the argument, that the public reluctance to provide substantial assistance, particularly cash assistance, to low-income children is related to the perception that welfare dollars flow to African American adults considered morally unworthy of support. They also argue that the reluctance to address systemic poverty leaves systemic racial disparities intact. The programs described previously do not meet the needs of all children. Most programs have criteria that limit benefits to families with incomes below or only slightly above the federal poverty level. Critics note that the poverty level is set quite low and does not take into account the basic needs of families. Some critics have proposed alternative poverty measures as eligibility determinants for public assistance. Many advocates note that welfare programs often exclude the children of low-income workers whose incomes exempt them from aid but are inadequate to support children. Policy debates over welfare rarely address how to reduce persistent child poverty and its ill effects through the direct provision of government aid. Instead, debates generally revolve around the extent to which welfare policies should create behavioral incentives for parents to earn wages. In recent years, the debates have also focused on issues of family formation, including proposals to create incentives for lowincome parents to enter into marriage and remain married, and policies to reduce childbearing among low-income women. Pilot programs to educate low-income parents about the benefits of heterosexual marriage and to provide tips on maintaining healthy marriages are now elements of some state TANF programs. In addition, policies in almost half the states now prevent mothers who bear a child while on welfare from receiving any increase in cash aid despite the added costs of raising an additional child. Emerging policies now regulate family structures rather than social and economic structures. Current policy debates often reflect a view that poverty is inevitable in the free-market economy of the United States and that an individual child’s movement out of poverty will occur only through the acts of a parent, not the acts of government. Still, many children end up in state care because parents do not, or cannot, provide adequate care. Policy makers have yet to determine the proper role of government in securing the overall welfare of children or to es-

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tablish policies that do not foster disadvantage among the disadvantaged. Kaaryn Gustafson see also: Foster and Kinship Care; Poverty, Children in further reading: Karen Syma Czapanskiy, “Parents, Children, and Work-First Welfare Reform: Where Is the C in TANF?” Maryland Law Review 61 (2002), pp. 308–85. • Susan Chibnall et al., Children of Color in the Child Welfare System: Perspectives from the Child Welfare Community, 2003. • Gwendolyn Mink and Rickie Solinger, eds., Welfare: A Documentary History of U.S. Policy and Politics, 2003. • Dorothy Roberts, Shattered Bonds: The Color of Child Welfare, 2003. • Douglas J. Besharov and Peter Germanis, “Reconsidering the Federal Poverty Measure,” 2004.

well-child care. see Health Supervision werner, heinz (b. February 11, 1890; d. May 14, 1964), Austrian developmental scientist who united the Naturphilosophie of Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, the philosophy of Ernst Cassirer, the personology of William Stern, and the ecological theoretical biology of Jakob von Uexküll into a coherent theory of development as a process of constant differentiation, hierarchical integration, and dedifferentiation. Heinz Werner studied at the University of Vienna (1909–15), beginning with the history of music and philosophy, biology, and the Germanic languages. His primary focus eventually became human psychology, in ways close to the introspective psychology of the Würzburg school of Oswald Külpe and Karl Bühler. Werner was an assistant to Bühler at the University of Munich from 1915 to 1917. In 1917, he moved to Hamburg as assistant to William Stern, and in 1926 he accepted a professorship at Hamburg University. Werner was forced to leave his position in 1933 and immigrated to the United States, where he found temporary research and teaching appointments until 1947, when Clark University offered him a permanent position. The central focus of Werner’s developmental orientation was the focus on the mechanisms that lead to developmental outcomes. Borrowing from Goethe, Werner looked at development in terms of an “orthogenetic principle” drawn from developmental biology: a process of differentiation and hierarchical integration as well as disintegration. Just as embryonic cells differentiate into new cells that become integrated within new organic systems, Werner’s process described psychological systems as differentiating into new mental processes, which then become subordinated under new systems. According to Werner, these developmental systems are open-ended and thus capable of forming temporary relations with other psychological systems, both higher and lower in the hierarchy, lending flexibility and creativity to mental processes. Werner’s orientation is best outlined in his book Comparative Psychology of Mental Development (1940). Werner’s perceptual research stemmed from his own musical education but transcended it to study the construction

of melodies, speech utterances, and graphic symbols. Werner’s and Seymour Wapner’s sensoritonic theory portrayed perception as a holistic and embodied process involving both the environment and the perceiver (physiognomic perception), with the person relating to the environment not just mentally but also through the whole of his or her body. Werner’s research on symbol formation, conducted by a large group of doctoral students at Clark led by Bernard Kaplan, continued the person-centered focus reflected in his sensoritonic perceptual theory. This research described symbol formation as a process of “distancing” of the psychological functions from their immediate, here-andnow contexts by gradually constructing representational functions from earlier perceptual functions. Throughout his research on perceptual and symbolic development, Werner emphasized a comparative methodology. He advocated studying a problem from multiple perspectives, including naturalistic observation, cross-cultural studies, and laboratory experimentation, including his pioneering work in microgenetic methods, which involve experiments designed to elicit evidence of developmental mechanisms as they unfold in real time. Jaan Valsiner see also: Cognitive Development; Development, Concept of; Perception further reading: Heinz Werner, Comparative Psychology of Mental Development, 1940. • Heinz Werner and Bernard Kaplan, Symbol Formation, 1963. • Jaan Valsiner, ed., Heinz Werner and Developmental Science, 2005. • Rainer Diriwächter and Jaan Valsiner, eds., Striving towards the Whole, 2007.

whiting, beatrice b(lyth) (b. April 14, 1914; d. September 29, 2004), American anthropologist. Beatrice B. Whiting influenced the social scientific study of child development in cultural context and promoted the deeper infusion of cultural understanding into contemporary work in psychology and education. She always sought rigor and scientific validity and argued that psychological anthropology should be a discipline within the social sciences rather than within the humanities, with research teams consisting of cultural insiders and cultural outsiders interacting with one another to establish universal (as opposed to culturally specific) principles of childhood socialization. She was a strong functionalist, believing that human beings everywhere share the same cognitive and emotional characteristics and that cultural child-rearing practices represent group-level adaptations to the physical ecology, historical circumstances, and socioeconomic systems in which people are embedded. Whiting was a pioneering woman in academic life and in research. She graduated from Bryn Mawr College in 1935 and was one of the first women to study anthropology at Yale University, where she received her PhD in 1943. She

w h it in g, j o h n w ( e s l e y ) m ( a y h e w )

joined Harvard University as a research associate in 1952 and became one of that institution’s first tenured women in 1970. With her husband, fellow Harvard anthropologist John W. M. Whiting, she established a theoretical model and set of observational methods for describing variations in children’s learning environments and testing crosscultural hypotheses about socialization. The Whitings directed three major international projects: the Six Cultures Study of Socialization, the Child Development Research Unit at the University of Nairobi, and the Harvard Comparative Adolescence Project. Beatrice Whiting coined the term cultural learning environment to refer to all of the dimensions (macro and micro) of everyday life that set the stage for child development and socialization. This term was the predecessor of concepts such as developmental niche and activity setting that are widely used today in the social sciences as part of a new emphasis on culture and context. She was intensely interested in the everyday details of parents’ and children’s lives, routines, settings, and companions across cultures, and she sought to uncover which dimensions were most powerful in predicting age differences and gender differences in social behavior and interactions. Her landmark works (e.g., Children of Six Cultures: A Psychocultural Analysis, 1975, with John Whiting; Children of Different Worlds: The Formation of Social Behavior, 1988, with Carolyn Edwards; and Ngecha: A Kenyan Village in a Time of Rapid Social Change, 2004, edited with Carolyn Edwards) demonstrated how to “unpackage” culture analytically into a set of observable and measurable variables (such as subsistence level, gendered division of labor, household structure, residential pattern, education system, access to mass media and technology, and social networks) that relate to child outcomes. For example, across cultures, boys and girls who contributed more actively to family subsistence and survival (by caring for younger siblings and doing domestic chores, gardening, and herding) were also higher in nurturant and prosocial behavior and lower in attention seeking, help seeking, and other behavioral signs of dependency. Children more involved in age- and sex-homogeneous playgroups (at school or in their neighborhoods) were relatively more competitive, egoistically dominant, and rough-and-tumble (sociably aggressive) in their play. Carolyn Pope Edwards see also: Child: Historical and Cultural Perspectives; Whiting, John W(esley) M(ayhew) further reading: B. B. Whiting, ed., Six Cultures: Studies of Child Rearing, 1963. • T. S. Weisner and C. P. Edwards, eds., “Special Issue Honoring the Contributions of Beatrice B. Whiting,” Ethos: Journal of the Society for Psychological Anthropology 29, no. 3 (September 2001).

whiting, john w(esley) m(ayhew) (b. June 12, 1908; d. May 19, 1999), American anthropologist who led

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the way in stressing the broader contexts—climatic, technoeconomic, social-organizational—within which human development occurs. Working in the mid-20th century, John W. M. Whiting argued and demonstrated through his own work that developmentalists, and psychologists generally, should not assume the universality of findings but instead should treat their results as culture specific and thus tentative in range of applicability. More controversial was his argument that early experiences often create confl icts requiring resolution and that phenomena such as male circumcision-initiation rites and the couvade (a postnatal ritual performed by fathers to protect newborns) exist as culturally devised solutions to personal mental confl icts, such as whether one’s gender identity is male or female. Whiting’s contributions to methodology were many and innovative. After an early description of socialization and the process of growing up in a New Guinea society (1941), he produced several cross-cultural child-training comparisons based on archival materials (mainly from the Human Relations Area Files, an archive of ethnographers’ descriptions of life in diverse societies around the world, of which he was a co-organizer), and he continued to make use of the ethnographic record throughout his career. His research reports were often accompanied by cautions about the reliability of sources, suggestions for improvements in cultural sampling, and emphasis on the use of inferences based upon directly observable evidence. Following the philosopher Karl Popper, Whiting also insisted, unlike most anthropologists, that science progresses by trying to falsify empirical claims (“putting your hypothesis in jeopardy”). Although Whiting maintained his interest in and use of the ethnographic archives, he realized that available ethnographies did not usually document infancy and childhood periods in sufficient detail, and in response he and colleagues (including his wife Beatrice B. Whiting) planned the Six Cultures Study of Socialization (1954), the results of which were published in Children of Six Cultures (1975). The foci for the Six Culture field-workers were not entire cultural groups but primary social units (PSUs), smallscale communities compassable with a year’s investigation. As well as illustrating the vital role of variability in child training and outcomes, the study formulated clear and systematic procedures for the observation of children in their natural settings, provided a standard protocol for interviewing mothers, and supplemented these quantifiable forms of evidence with enough ethnographic background to allow both viable interpretation of findings and alternative hypotheses. The concept of the PSU formed an integral part of Whiting’s next large project (1966), an endeavor to set up, on a worldwide basis, permanent field sites where local investigators trained in child development could act as experts on their own communities and have access to other samples

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for purposes of comparison and generalization. This project established some 15 field sites in Kenya and included the training of several young Kenyans at Harvard University but ultimately proved logistically infeasible. With collaborators, though, Whiting did conduct research in a periurban community outside Nairobi. His last major effort (1980) involved Whiting with colleagues in overseeing a cross-cultural study of adolescence. He remained active in research and continued to publish well into his 80s. Robert L. Munroe see also: Child: Historical and Cultural Perspectives; Whiting, Beatrice B(lyth) further reading: John W. M. Whiting, Becoming a Kwoma, 1941. • Eleanor Hollenberg Chasdi, ed., Culture and Human Development: The Selected Papers of John Whiting, 1994.

winnicott, d(onald) w(oods) (b. April 7, 1896; d. January 25, 1971), English pediatrician, psychoanalyst (children and adults), and clinical scholar of child development and the family. D. W. Winnicott was born to an affluent, strict Methodist family in Plymouth, Devon. His first experience with clinical medicine was while serving as an orderly in World War I. Following military service, Winnicott began his medical education at one of London’s most distinguished teaching hospitals. He was particularly impressed by his teachers who emphasized the importance of the doctor’s relationship with the patient. After a friend lent him a copy of Sigmund Freud’s classic The Interpretation of Dreams (1900), Winnicott became interested in psychoanalysis. However, he chose pediatrics for his specialty, ultimately becoming a consultant in pediatrics at Paddington Green hospital, a post he held for more than 40 years. His experiences working with children and parents provided him with clinical material that he used in developing his ideas of the child’s development in the family. In his clinical work and early writing, he stressed the importance in pediatrics of understanding the child’s subjectivity. He also undertook personal analysis with James Strachey and, later, Joan Rivière, renowned translators of Freud’s work into English and associates of Melanie Klein. Klein and Freud’s daughter Anna Freud were the two leading child analysts of the time; Anna Freud focused on the interplay of child development and the family and community, whereas Klein, in her concern with the child’s fantasy world, attended little to the child’s life in family and community. Winnicott refused to ally himself with either Anna Freud or Melanie Klein. Eschewing ideologies, he became a leader of the independent group of British psychoanalysts. His clinical and theoretical contributions to psychoanalysis and child study emphasized the mother-child tie. Following in the tradition of postwar psychoanalysis pioneered by

Marjorie Middlemore and René Spitz, Winnicott’s earliest writing stressed the nursing couple of mother and baby. He wrote many books and many important papers on the theory of child and adult psychoanalytic technique. He emphasized both creativity, preserving the sense of the illusory experience so essential for a creative life, and independence, being true to oneself rather than living in the position of a false self. Many of these observations were amplified in his 1977 posthumously published case study of The Piggle, reporting on the treatment of a preschool child. Speaking and writing directly without jargon, albeit sometimes enigmatically, he was a frequent contributor to the BBC, where he advised parents on child care. His 1957 book for parents, Mother and Child: A Primer of First Relationships, in which he spoke of the “good enough” parent for a particular child, was important for a generation of young mothers and fathers. Another influential contribution was his focus on the transitional object (e.g., security blanket) in which the child makes use of maternal care as a source of self-soothing as he or she moves away from complete dependence on the mother to psychological independence, a bridge between subjectivity and objectivity. Winnicott showed the importance of understanding the child’s psychological world and the importance of the parent-child relationship for the child’s developing self. Bertram J. Cohler see also: Development, Theories of: Psychoanalytic Theories; Play Therapy further reading: Robert Rodman, Winnicott: Life and Work, 2003.

witnesses, children as legal. Child witnesses present challenges for both law and psychology. The question is how to elicit statements from children without sacrificing the truth, the rights of those against whom the child is testifying, and the welfare of the child. Th e L aw Limits on the receipt of children’s testimony in countries with adversarial trial procedures have been in place in one form or another for more than 300 years. In 18th-century England, children younger than 14 were presumptively barred from testifying because of the assumption that they did not understand the nature of the oath, which was then believed to be the best guarantor of truth at trial. Young children’s out-of-court complaints (i.e., hearsay) were nevertheless routinely heard in court, particularly in child rape cases. Hearsay was considered inferior evidence, however, and rape convictions could not be predicated on hearsay alone. Judges sympathetic to the need for children’s testimony attempted various approaches, such as qualifying younger children and allowing young children to testify unsworn, but these innovations remained controversial.

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In the late 18th century, both England and the United States shifted focus to the availability of cross-examination as the primary guarantor of truth. In the United States, the framers of the Bill of Rights included a Sixth Amendment confrontation right, which guarantees criminal defendants a right to confront the witnesses against them. Courts became more skeptical of hearsay evidence, presumptively excluding hearsay unless increasingly narrow hearsay exceptions applied. Young children were allowed to testify, but they were subjected to competency inquiries in which their capacities were tested, including their understanding of the oath. Courts also adopted special rules limiting the evidentiary value of children’s testimony, requiring that it be corroborated and that judges warn jurors about the unreliability of children. In the latter half of the 20th century, a number of legal reforms emerged in response to calls for greater prosecution of crimes involving children, particularly sexual abuse. Corroboration requirements and special instructions were eliminated. Moreover, steps were taken to change the rules regarding children’s competency to testify and the receipt of hearsay and to bring about changes in the courtroom to facilitate children’s comfort when testifying. In many countries, requirements that children demonstrate various competencies before being allowed to testify have been relaxed. Nevertheless, most states in the United States require all witnesses to take some form of the oath. In turn, courts will routinely inquire into children’s understanding of the meaning and importance of telling the truth in order to establish their competency to take the oath. In many other countries, courts have abandoned inquiries into children’s competency or have allowed children to testify unsworn. A number of jurisdictions adopted special hearsay exceptions for children’s complaints of abuse, which allowed hearsay if the trial court found that the children’s reports appeared reliable. Courts adopted expansive interpretations of hearsay exceptions in order to allow children’s abuse reports. Procedures were adopted in many countries to systematically videotape interviews with children, which could then be shown at trial. Recent U.S. Supreme Court cases, however, have cut back on expansive interpretation of hearsay exceptions and have limited the extent to which hearsay statements may substitute for children’s testimony in court. Some countries have created special procedures for making testimony less stressful for children. Live-link procedures allow the child to testify from a different room, so that he or she does not have to face the accused or the judge and jury. Again, the United States has taken a somewhat restrictive view of this option, since it confl icts with the defendant’s Sixth Amendment right to confront witnesses. Less controversial are court education programs that acclimate children to the courtroom or support persons who can sit with the child during testimony.

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Cross-examination is usually the most difficult experience for child witnesses, who may falter in the face of deliberately leading and difficult questioning. Most trial courts have discretion to limit questioning that has little probative value and harasses the witness, and this could conceivably include cross-examination that is age inappropriate. However, in practice, trial judges typically defer to a criminal defendant’s right to present a defense and often have little knowledge of children’s developmental limitations. Debates over child witnesses have predominated in adversarial criminal trials, which emphasize the importance of testimony at trial. In countries with inquisitorial judicial procedures, such as most countries in Continental Europe, children are much less likely to be called to testify at a trial, and rules against hearsay are unknown. Furthermore, all countries tend to take a more liberal approach in civil cases—disputes between private parties—than in criminal cases, in which deference to the rights of the defendant make accommodations of child witnesses more difficult. In all legal systems, however, there is continuing concern over the most reliable approach to eliciting children’s statements, however those statements are ultimately received by the courts. Th e Ps yc ho lo g y Psychologists have something to say about virtually every legal procedure concerning child witnesses. Developmental psychology emerged as a specialized form of inquiry late in the 19th century, and psychologists soon became interested in the reliability of children’s reports of their experiences. Early pioneers of psychological research on inaccuracies in testimony criticized the law for emphasizing the likelihood of deliberate errors in testimony, such as lying. Indeed, more recent research has documented that younger children are less likely to lie or to lie effectively than are older children. They are less capable of monitoring the internal consistency of a false story and less aware of inferences that enable one to deduce that a story is false. Preschool children have a strong preference for accuracy, unless there are clear external cues that an adult is pretending or fantasizing. At the same time, young children have greater difficulty demonstrating their understanding of truth and lies, as required by competency examinations in court. They are less adept at explaining or articulating concepts, resist negative hypotheticals (e.g., “What would happen if you lied in court?”), and will deny ever having told a lie. Hence, the competency inquiry is unlikely to successfully discriminate between honest and dishonest children. On the other hand, a promise to tell the truth has exhibited some benefit in experimental work, supporting the movement in some countries to eliminate the competency inquiry but maintain a form of the oath for child witnesses. Psychologists have placed more emphasis on nondeliberate inaccuracies, such as errors in memory and suggest-

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ibility. Although early psychoanalytic theorizing posited that young children had sexual fantasies that made them unreliable when reporting sexual abuse, these ideas are currently disfavored. The emphasis has shifted to concerns about the influence of adults, particularly those who question children. The early research on suggestibility emphasized the importance of question type and the fact that younger children are more suggestible. Questions asking for free recall (e.g., “Tell me everything that happened”) elicit the most accurate responses, whereas recognition questions (e.g., “Did you go to his house?”) and more leading questions (e.g., “You went to his house, didn’t you?”) reduce accuracy. The most inaccuracies are attributed to suppositional questions that presuppose facts (e.g., “When did you go to his house?”). High-profile child care allegations of bizarre forms of sexual abuse in the 1980s led to a resurgence of interest among experimental psychologists in suggestibility. The research, which predominantly focused on preschool children, examined interviewing influences that went beyond leading questions, including selective reinforcement of desired responses; reference to other sources of information (e.g., the child’s parents and peers); stereotype induction, in which the interviewer creates in the child’s mind the view that an individual is the “kind of person” who would commit certain kinds of acts; and encouragement to imagine or enact how the event could have occurred. Although children were generally more resistant to suggestions about negative experiences involving their own bodies, some studies produced large percentages of false claims about acts that could be construed as abusive. Psychologists have begun to better understand the mechanisms underlying suggestibility and the reason that children, particularly preschool children, are more vulnerable to suggestive influences. Young children are deferential to adults and assume that adults are knowledgeable. They forget more quickly, and a weak memory is more susceptible. They are less adept at source monitoring, in which one identifies the source of one’s memories. This makes them more susceptible to confusing what they have been told or what they have imagined with what they actually remember. Fear and stress tend to increase suggestibility, such that testifying in an open courtroom makes children more vulnerable to leading questions. Young children’s limited linguistic and cognitive abilities also lead to other difficulties in answering questions in court. Most obvious are children’s limited understanding of legal terms and the convoluted syntax of much courtroom questioning. Young children are especially vulnerable, because they are less likely to indicate that they are confused by a question (and, indeed, less likely to recognize that they are confused) and more likely to venture a guess. Linguistic difficulties are often quite subtle. For example,

children initially have limited understanding of indirect questions, in which one embeds a question within a polite request (e.g., “Do you remember if . . .”). Children tend to give brief, one-word responses, which are susceptible to misinterpretation. Particularly difficult topics include questions about number and time. Children learn to count objects long before they are capable of enumerating recurrent experienced events, because the latter requires inferences about frequency and knowledge of conventional temporal concepts. Similar problems occur with respect to temporal judgments, which require both inferential judgments and conventional knowledge about time (e.g., “It must have been in October because we had a jack-o’-lantern”). Psychologists have developed interviewing techniques designed to minimize suggestibility and to maximize the amount of information that children can produce. The most-researched technique is a structured interview protocol developed by researchers at the National Institute of Child Health and Development. Interview instructions inform children about the unique dynamics of an interview during which the questioner hopes to learn from the child, rather than teach the child. The most effective instructions rehearse the acceptability of responses reflecting incomprehension, disagreement with the interviewer, and uncertainty or ignorance. In narrative practice, the interviewer asks the child about favorite activities and uses open-ended invitations (e.g., “You said X; tell me more about X”) to increase the amount of information spontaneously produced by the child. The topic of concern is introduced with an open-ended question, “Tell me why you are here today,” which elicits reports of abuse in about half of children who have previously disclosed abuse. Follow-up questions maintain an emphasis on maximizing the amount of information produced by recall rather than by recognition questions. Despite advances in questioning children who are forthcoming about their experiences, psychologists have yet to learn how to overcome nondisclosure. Experimental research has demonstrated that children will cover up transgressions, particularly if encouraged to do so by an influential adult. Recognition questions sometimes elicit details unobtainable through recall, but, as noted, they also risk increasing false reports. Surveys of those victimized by child abuse reveal that a number of barriers exist to disclosure, particularly when the perpetrator is a member of the household or the child’s family, including fear, loyalty, embarrassment, and shame. Moreover, children’s abuse allegations against family members are often inconsistent and subject to recantation. From a psychological perspective, videotaped structured interviews conducted as soon as possible after the event provide the most reliable means of eliciting statements from children. Videotaping preserves both the exact wording of the questions and all details produced by the child,

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neither of which are adequately captured by interviewers’ subsequent recall or note taking. However, the legal rights of criminal defendants often dictate a different approach by the legal system. Moreover, prosecutors will often insist on live testimony, believing that jurors are more likely persuaded by seeing a child in court. One compromise is to capture children’s statements before trial, present both the videotape and the child at trial, and allow defense questioning at or before trial. Child witnesses can best be fairly and fully heard through the reconciliation of legal precepts of due process and psychological insights into the abilities of children. Thomas D. Lyon see also: Criminal Procedure, Children and; Memory further reading: Stephen J. Ceci and Maggie Bruck, Jeopardy in the Courtroom: A Scientific Analysis of Children’s Testimony, 1995. • John E. B. Myers, Myers on Evidence in Child, Domestic and Elder Abuse, 2 vols., 2005. • Michael E. Lamb, Irit Hershkowitz, Yael Orbach, and Phillip E. Esplin, Tell Me What Happened: Structured Investigative Interviews of Child Victims and Witnesses, 2008

work, children’s gainful Historical and Cultural Perspectives Effects on the Child Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

historical and cultural perspectives. Children have

long been participants in the labor force, with their involvement ranging from part-time or full-time work, paid or unpaid work, exploitation or volunteer, in such occupational settings as industry, agriculture, street vending, domestic, retail, or babysitting. Central to any consideration of children’s work is the debate surrounding how the concepts of child and work should be defined. The International Labour Organization (ILO) has developed the most common and useful working definition of child labor, which is “an economically active [individual] under the age of 15.” Accordingly, “economically active” refers to children who engage in activities that result in pay, profit, and/or family gain (e.g., these range from begging for money on the street to paid domestic work to catching food for familial consumption), activities for which children may or may not be paid monetarily. In 1990, the ILO estimated that some 70.9 million children (or 13.7% of children) 10 to 14 years of age are involved in some type of work internationally. UNICEF estimated in 1991 that there were 81 million children between the ages of 10 and 14 who not only worked but whose working conditions were also detrimental to their natural development. When children’s work was defined as both paid and unpaid work in the formal and informal economy of rural and urban areas, 352 million children 5 to 14 years of age were classified as working. The greatest number of child workers are in Asia (127.3 million), followed by sub-Saharan Africa (48 million) and Latin

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America and the Caribbean (17.4 million). While, generally, children around the world work at very high rates, the conditions in which they work and their experiences working differ greatly, so working has varying effects on the child laborers themselves. When thinking about child labor, it is important to keep these differences in mind because child labor encompasses such a range of experiences. For example, children may work in deplorable, dangerous conditions for less than minimum wage in manufacturing, they may work for free doing their family’s laundry and mowing their family’s lawn, they may babysit for their neighbor, or they may be paid to do domestic labor for a rich family. Such different types of work entail very different experiences for children, ranging from experiences that may threaten their physical and emotional well-being to learning experiences that teach them a certain set of skills as well as the importance of responsibility and following directions. Rates of child labor are high in wealthy areas of the world as well. Fifty-seven percent of U.S. youth are involved in economic activity by age 14; the rate jumps to 64% by age 15. The employment rate for youth between the ages of 15 and 19 is estimated to be 56.3% in Denmark, 45.6% in Australia, and 52.2% in the United Kingdom. What kind of work do children do? The pattern varies by the kind of economy in which they are embedded. Traditionally, agrarian societies deployed adolescent boys as shepherds, ploughboys, or “bird scarers” on family farms, while young girls labored around the home, taking care of siblings or cooking and cleaning. The onset of the Industrial Revolution saw millions of children enter large-scale industrial factories, especially as cheap sources of labor in the textile and mining industries. Indeed, throughout history, the employment of child labor has been integral to all countries’ movement toward industrialization. Pauper apprenticeships in Europe in the 18th century brought thousands of poor, orphaned children, both girls and boys, into the workforce. Young people were especially prevalent in garment and silk factories and shoe, brick, and metal industries. In the first half of the 19th century, children made up between 33% and 67% of all workers in the textile mills and 25% of those employed in the coal mines. In fact, children constituted such a significant part of the overall labor force during this period that as many as 10% of children between age 5 and 9 years were a part of the labor force, and 75% of those age 10 to 14 years were employed. In addition to technological developments, four primary factors account for the increased use of children as paid labor during the Industrial Revolution (and the eventual decline in child labor that followed): technological, managerial, and trade union developments; parental decisions to send children to work as a familial income-generation strategy; state political and legal perspectives toward child labor; and changing social norms surrounding the idea of the child as laborer. The development of a more intricate

is conceived as a residual activity for children when there is nothing productive for them to do. Gradually, as children become more competent, they spend more time working and less time playing. The demands and length of the chores assigned are carefully matched to the children’s already existing abilities. Thus a 3-year-old, assigned to watch a baby, must stay nearby and interact with the baby from time to time, but the mother is in the vicinity and provides focus or interprets the baby’s behavior for the child. A 5-year-old is assigned to carry that same baby on her hip when sent to the store to buy something. An 8-year-old is assigned primary responsibility for all three younger siblings for an hour or two while the mother is away. And a 14-year-old runs the household for an entire day when necessary. What difference does it make in Yucatec Maya children’s development when play is replaced by work? Many researchers who study play argue that it serves important social and cognitive functions for children’s development. But does play serve a unique function in all cultures? Or rather, does it serve a privileged function only in those cultures where children spend most of their time playing? Much of what play provides for European American children is provided by work for Yucatec Maya children, including development of social skills, understanding other people’s intentions, and problem solving. While work may not be as effective as play in supporting creativity, it does provide an increased sense of competence and importance. The developmental potential of Yucatec Maya children’s play, compared to that of European American children’s, is limited not only because of the small amount of time spent playing but also because of a number of other cultural constraints. Their play occurs primarily without the direct or indirect support or participation of adults. Additionally, because play occurs in mixed-age groups, activities are limited to those in which all ages can participate. Pretend play is not particularly common, and when children do pretend, it is limited to realistic scripts about known events in their lives. Under these circumstances, even if play were their dominant activity, it might not offer them a maximally supportive environment for development. This example shows that for Yucatec Maya children like Mar and Chula, play is not highly valued, privileged, or complex, and the children do not spend much time playing. In contrast, through performing regular and increasingly demanding chores, Yucatec Maya children become integrated into their social world, develop a strong sense of competence and cooperation, and contribute to the family’s well-being. Perhaps it is not so surprising, or distressing, after all, that Mar and Chula like to do laundry after school instead of playing. Suzanne Gaskins further reading: S. Gaskins, W. Haight, and D. F. Lancy, “The Cultural Construction of Play,” in A. Goncu and S. Gaskins, eds., Play and Development: Evolutionary, Sociocultural and Functional Perspectives, 2006, pp. 179–202.

imagining each other

imagining each other

Work before Play for Yucatec Maya Children Two Yucatec Maya sisters (Mar, age 8, and Chula, age 9) were interviewed about what they did every day after school. They both quickly answered that most days they did laundry (scrubbing the clothes by hand in a wash basin). With great enthusiasm, they explained that not only were they allowed to wash all their own clothes, but they also washed the clothes of their younger siblings, and Chula added with pride—and a touch of superiority—that she sometimes got to wash her older brother’s clothes, too. When asked if they minded having to work after school instead of being allowed to play, they answered no, because they felt good about being able to help their mother. They added that some days, if they got their work done early enough, they did play house or store with their younger siblings. However, if needed, they might instead help with the cooking or cleaning, and, with an air of importance, they announced that they were learning to embroider, too. The time and energy required for these children’s daily chores far exceed those of children in many industrialized cultures—as does their enthusiasm for doing them. Why don’t they want to play after school instead of work? Yucatec Maya parents feel that it is important for children to learn how to work from an early age; if there is work to be done, children should not be spending their time playing. Maya children demonstrate in their daily lives that they agree with their parents. Children often ask to do more work than their parents assign them, and they are proud when they are given harder tasks or more responsibility because it is a sign of their increasing competence. The Yucatec Maya are an indigenous people in southeastern Mexico whose agricultural base is corn. In the small village where Mar and Chula live, Yucatec Maya is the common language spoken in the home and in public. Multigenerational families often live together in the same household or next door to one another. Houses are small one-room structures that are made of sticks and thatch. Often, there are several houses in the same yard that are used for multiple purposes. The outdoor spaces around the houses are used for doing chores, as well—like the laundry Mar and Chula do each day. A number of characteristics about Yucatec Maya culture contribute to their beliefs about the centrality of work in their children’s daily lives. First, four factors combine to create adult work in which children can participate: Work primarily occurs in settings where children are present, it is simple and repetitive enough that children can do it, it is often done under the direct supervision of a more competent member of the household, and children’s efforts clearly contribute to the well-being of the household. Second, and equally important, is the set of beliefs about development and learning that parents hold. Maya parents believe that most development occurs as a natural process of unfolding, with the one exception that children must learn from practice how to be good workers. Thus, the only part of their children’s daily experiences that parents actively seek to structure is their integration into the family workforce. If there is no work for children to do, they are free to do what they want, including play. Play, then,

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division of labor and a more disciplined work environment may have favored the increased involvement of women and children as well. Children were used to replace adult male laborers during the Napoleonic Wars and were used as a competitive strategy to keep labor costs low in the face of increased government regulation. Ironically, children’s work in the formal labor market depressed adult wages, which meant that more families encouraged their children into wage work as a household economic strategy. Child labor began to decline around 1850 and underwent a dramatic transformation in the early 20th century. During this time, older children continued to work, but their labor shifted from industry to more marginalized sectors of the labor market specifically reserved for child laborers. In response to widespread exploitation of children who were forced to work in unbearable, unsanitary conditions, the first legal effort to protect youth wage workers was enacted in 1802 in Britain; comparable legislation came much later in the United States. In the early 20th century, the demand for unskilled, cheap labor declined, and the cultivation of human capital via education became increasingly important. Thus, in the 1930s, the United States implemented child labor legislation; the Fair Labor Standards Act was adopted in 1936. The effect of extended compulsory schooling meant that only 40% of boys and 25% of girls were working in the 1930s, a sharp decline from the 1890s figures of 70% and 35%, respectively. Recent technological developments in advanced industrial economies have either replaced workers in general, regardless of age, or have created a demand for more specialized, skilled workers, thereby decreasing the demand for child labor. Yet in the rapidly industrializing, developing nations, new manufacturing technologies in electronics and garments have increased the demand for child labor due to the need for small hands to work the operating machines or because work can be subcontracted to women and children in the home. The rise of retail and service sectors generated a number of jobs that were either low paying, irregular, part-time, during the night or on the weekends, and with minimal benefits and little opportunity for job advancement. While considered less than desirable jobs for adults, this work was perfectly suitable for adolescents. Prior to the 20th century, children’s work was highly stratified along class lines. With the eradication of the apprenticeship system, children of more affluent backgrounds were encouraged to attend school, while poorer children, whose economic contributions were vital to the survival of the family, continued to work. This class stratification began to change in the 20th century as youth of all socioeconomic statuses entered the labor force. Indeed, by 1974, studies showed that adolescents from all classes were employed in the formal labor market at equal rates, and by 1981 this trend had reversed such that among American adolescents,

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the higher one’s socioeconomic status, the more likely one is to engage with the labor force. The student worker, a distinctly American phenomenon, is historically unique because it combines both school and employment. Between 1947 and 1980, labor force participation of male students age 16 to 17 years increased 65%, and for female students it increased 240%. Youth in the United States increase their work effort as they age: 23% of 9th graders worked during the school year, and 75% did so by 12th grade. Not only are a majority of students working, but they are also working long hours; 25% of working freshman worked an average of 21 hours or more per week, and 56% of seniors did so. In contrast to the past, when child labor was essential to family survival, the majority of youth who work in the United States today do so to support their own tastes in consumption; fewer than 1 in 10 working adolescents contribute a large portion of their income to the family. At the same time, American adolescents are also spending more time performing informal chores and tasks within the household for which they are often compensated through allowances from parents. While the student worker is a key feature of the American adolescent experience, such is not the case worldwide. Exploitative practices still exist in many countries where children are working long hours in dangerous conditions. In response to these injustices, the latter half of the 20th century witnessed the rise of organizations and conventions, such as the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, the Convention on the Worst Forms of Child Labour, and the ILO, that strive to protect child laborers by establishing acceptable parameters for child labor conditions. Globally, there is a strong relationship between the use of children in the formal labor market and nation-state conditions. For example, child labor increases in nations where economic development is low and poverty and inequality are high. The use of child labor is also high in states with weak educational systems and in nation-states where many citizens depend on the informal economy for income generation. States in which there has been a large migration of families from rural areas to the city have witnessed subsequent increases in child labor. Child labor also tends to increase in markets where wages are flexible and decreases when there is a strict minimum wage. The degree to which children are engaged in economic activity seems to be heavily dependent upon household and family characteristics, including household size and structure. For example, the larger the household size, the more likely children are to enter the labor force. Child labor is also influenced by the productive potential of both the child and the parent at home and in the market and the ability of children to substitute for parents in the labor market. If the employment of parents is irregular or unstable,

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children will often be used to help stabilize familial income generation. A gendered effect of household size on child labor is apparent. For instance, in Malaysia, the greater the number of children in the family, the more likely girls will work outside the home. In Maharashtra, India, however, the fewer the siblings, the more likely boys will be sent to school and the more likely girls will be assigned the household work that would have traditionally been that of their male siblings. Generally speaking, boys are more likely to be involved in market work, while girls are more likely to be found working in the home or on the farm. Older boys (between age 15 and 18 years) are more likely to work than are girls; however, those girls who do work tend to work longer hours than do boys. Among American student workers, more boys than girls work during early high school years, but by senior year the rate of employment is equal between males and females. With regard to race and ethnicity, in the United States, white children are more likely to work in the formal labor market than are blacks and nonwhite Hispanics. Among ninth graders in 1997, 44% of non-Hispanic whites worked during the school year or summer, 34% of non-Hispanic blacks did so, and 32% of Hispanics did so. Immigrant or second-generation children often labor in small family businesses within immigrant ethnic enclaves. In these entrepreneurial ventures, children have proved to be invaluable assets because they often work with and for their parents to bridge language and cultural barriers. Child labor has manifested itself very differently across cultural, political, and economic time and space, its form and meaning varying with the development of the place in which it takes shape. The degree to which children are exploited in the workforce, the role that they play in the informal versus the formal market, the value and consequences of work on children, and the ways in which the state should respond to children’s work are all matters that remain subject to debate. Alexandra K. Murphy and Katherine S. Newman see also: Addams, Jane; Apprenticeship; Marketplace, Children and the; Property, Children as further reading: Viviana Zelizer, Pricing the Priceless Child: The Changing Social Value of Children, 1985. • Clark Nardinelli, Child Labor and the Industrial Revolution, 1990. • Sandy Hobbs, Jim McKechnie, and Michael Lavalette, Child Labor: A World History Companion, 1999. • Hugh D. Hindman, Child Labor: An American History, 2002.

effects on the child. The completion of secondary and postsecondary education is more important for future success and life satisfaction than ever before. In prior historical eras, most young people worked alongside their parents, neighbors, and other adults on farms, in small businesses,

and in factories, acquiring the knowledge and skills that they would need in their adult work. In contrast, today’s young people acquire credentials for work through formal schooling and gain particular economic advantages from the receipt of a four-year college degree. In this milieu, achievement in school becomes the central “business” of this part of the child’s life. In view of the increasing importance of postsecondary schooling, it is perhaps curious and surely important to understand that paid work on the part of in-school teenagers is relatively common in North America. In the United States, the majority of boys and close to two-thirds of girls seek and obtain paid work while in school, and about 90% work at some time prior to the end of high school. Importantly, this experience of early work is relatively unstructured in North America, in comparison to countries like Germany, Austria, Denmark, and Switzerland, where the majority of older teenagers also are likely to be employed. However, in contrast to North America, these countries have more well-structured apprenticeship systems that coordinate schooling and working and lead to occupationally specific credentials upon completion. This also is true of other industrialized countries, such as Australia. In Australia, for example, many students leave school after grade 10 to pursue apprenticeships or to go to technical school or combine these pursuits with some reduced time at school during grades 11 and 12. But in difficult economic times, when apprenticeship placements become more difficult, teenagers in these countries have greater incentive and need to enter the free labor market. Japan also has well-structured connections between high schools and employers, but these are likewise vulnerable to economic downturns that impel young people to obtain employment prior to postsecondary school completion. When institutional bridges from school to work are less structured, the more important it is for young people to learn how to navigate the labor market on their own and the more useful early work experience becomes. Whereas teenagers are employed in large numbers throughout the developed world and they are joined by even younger children in developing countries, the experience of employment takes very different form and has quite different meaning, depending on the cultural, economic, and social context. Teenagers in the United States start paid employment at about age 14, working about 10 hours per week and increasing to more than 20 hours per week by the end of high school. Some work in less formal job settings, such as babysitting or yard work for neighbors, at even younger ages. Like their adult counterparts, minority adolescents are less likely to be employed than are white youth, but when they do acquire paid jobs they tend to work longer hours. Because adolescent paid work can be stressful and challenging, employment during the teen years has been de-

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scribed as a potential distraction from school that could have negative implications for children’s development. Although some have questioned whether working is good for children and adolescents, with some proposing that it may have negative side effects, it is now clear that North American adolescents almost always combine paid work with school, and radically altering this behavior will not be possible or acceptable to young people or, in many cases, their parents. Asked to think back, most parents report that their own adolescent employment helped them acquire traits and capacities that had proved adaptive in adult vocations, such as responsibility, confidence, commitment to work, time management skills, interpersonal skills, feelings of self-worth, and identification of work preferences and job-related skills. It has thus become more important to identify the different work investment patterns and experiences on the job that are accompanied, on the one hand, by opportunities and challenges or by problems for children and adolescents, on the other. Despite the worries about adolescent work and children’s educational development, most adolescents manage paid work without sacrificing their schoolwork. The consensus among most researchers and policy makers is that working for 20 or fewer hours per week usually does not have adverse effects on most adolescents; a moderate level of work may, instead, be beneficial. The majority of American adolescents, after all, engage in active lifestyles. For some, these lifestyles include moderate complements of paid work; for other active adolescents, their activities do not include paid work. There is growing evidence that these two groups of young people spend similar amounts of time on their schoolwork, regardless of whether they are employed. In general, paid work that is maintained as part of an active adolescent lifestyle does not seem to detract from education or have a negative impact on educational trajectories. Instead, adolescents with certain interests and future plans engage in more or less work, depending on their interest and involvement in other activities, especially schoolwork. Adolescents’ family backgrounds and resources also come into play. Children of college-educated parents are especially unlikely to engage in highly invested employment (i.e., 20 hours or more per week throughout much of the high school years). These patterns yield two tracks from high school to adult work, with one involving substantial investment in paid employment during high school, more rapid entry to the full-time labor force, and the acquisition of self-reported careers, and another with greater investment in schoolwork and involvement in postsecondary education. Of course, anything that would impede adolescents’ graduation from high school would lessen their long-term life chances, and intensive involvement in paid work can do this in some instances. Adolescents who work very in-

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tensively during high school (30 hours per week or more, for example) do have a higher rate of high school dropout, even when social background factors, school achievement and aspirations, and labor market opportunities are considered and statistically controlled. Yet there are longterm advantages to less than 20 hours per week of steady paid work during high school. Such a moderate adolescent work pattern is found to come with advantages with respect to the receipt of a four-year university degree, whereas high school students who pursue higher-intensity work move more quickly into full-time employment. Hence, this latter group has higher incomes in the short term but are quickly outpaced by those who obtain four-year college degrees. Instead of choices about paid work having a direct effect on educational development, it seems that certain young people, upon entry into high school, may already feel themselves rather unengaged in school and as a result choose to work more hours during high school. Adolescents who work more than 20 hours per week in high school have particular backgrounds, resources, and goals when compared to other young people, and these are often indicative of less educational promise. Most important, adolescents who are committed to high levels of paid work early on have lower grades in school, aspire to less higher education, perceive that they have lower levels of academic ability, and are less interested in school subjects than are more moderate workers, and these differences are in place prior to the start of adolescent work. Consistent with the high prevalence of adolescent employment, adolescent work environments are important potential sources of influence on youths’ development. Although there is still much to learn about this, it is clear that the impact of work on adolescents is dependent on its quality. Higher-quality work can reduce or eliminate the potential adverse effects of adolescent paid work. When work is of high quality, adolescents are clear about what needs to be done, and they are not asked to make decisions that exceed their knowledge and competence. High-quality work for adolescents refers to jobs where there are a variety of skills to learn that provide appropriate challenge. High-quality work also involves supportive relationships with others and opportunities to build social skills in dealing with supervisors, co-workers, and customers. In the psychological realm, all of these positive work qualities promote adolescents’ work values and motivation to do good work, such as committing to high work standards and having little desire to avoid work duties, and allow adolescents to feel more in control of their lives. High-quality work experiences also have positive influences on relationships outside of work (e.g., with parents). In the realm of occupational development, adolescents with higher-quality work are more successful in the job market following high school. In some

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views, this greater employability after high school follows directly from the better work values and increased motivation of young people who worked during high school. Though relatively little studied, the benefits of work are likely linked to the particular settings in which it occurs. Unpaid volunteer work, for example, has positive impacts on young people’s work values, specifically on their interest in being of service to society in future jobs. Work that occurs in or is under the auspices of protective settings, such as the family (e.g., work on the family farm or in a small family business) or school (e.g., school-supervised internships, job shadowing, etc.), is generally of higher quality than is work found in the free labor market. Because of the minimal convergence between the types of jobs available to adolescents and the types of careers they are dreaming about or planning, teenage jobs may not be very helpful in decisions about particular occupational choices or careers. Adolescents often note that their paid work has helped them identify the kinds of jobs that they do not want in the future, rather than the careers that they do want. However, the work context has great potential as a resource for vocational exploration and career choice by providing adolescents with opportunities for decision making, exploration of interests, confidence-building experiences, a sense of competence in work, and exposure to diverse employment settings. Employment also teaches quite generic skills that contribute to work readiness, including time management skills and the capacity to take responsibility. Indeed, some adolescents report that the workplace is one of the only settings where they are taken seriously and in which they feel truly like an adult. Being paid for their labors is probably an important consideration in this regard, since unpaid work in the family setting (e.g., household chores) has a more childish connotation. Turning to how work may be negative for some young people, working intensively (i.e., more than 20 hours per week) is found to increase the likelihood of various problem behaviors. For example, adolescents who work long hours in high school use more alcohol and increase their use more rapidly over the years of high school. Some have argued that high-intensity work during high school promotes movement into adult roles and behaviors earlier than is best for adolescents, such as too much investment in the labor force and adult ways of spending leisure time. This argument is strengthened by findings that adolescents with high-intensity employment use more alcohol even after important individual characteristics are controlled. Intensive workers’ greater autonomy from parents may help explain this pattern. Yet the association between adolescent work hours and alcohol use is limited to the high school years. Individuals who worked intensively during high school do not more frequently use alcohol in their adult years than do those who worked moderately.

Stress is another aspect of paid work that may be negative for young people. Stressful work experiences diminish adolescent self-esteem and self-efficacy and may be implicated in the development of depression. However, stress is not always a negative and can lead to the development of new coping skills if it is moderate and manageable. In fact, youth who report moderate stressors during their work experiences in adolescence are found to be better able to cope with similar work problems after they leave high school than are those who did not have those experiences. In addition to stress, there are other negative aspects of work that have been considered. For example, paid work that is boring, relies on few skills, provides little challenge, and becomes too routine promotes adolescents’ cynicism about work. In summary, in contemporary societies, adolescence is a time of exploration, a search for a place in the world, and a growing knowledge of one’s interests, abilities, and attitudes. Whereas moderate amounts of paid work are compatible with schoolwork and promote time management skills that may facilitate higher educational attainment, highly intensive employment during high school is associated with more rapid movement toward full-time work. Although high-intensity employment during high school appears to encourage adult ways of spending leisure time that includes alcohol use, there is mounting evidence that there is little reason to be concerned that moderate paid work during high school produces adverse contemporaneous or later life outcomes. Instead, paid employment during high school may provide benefits, such as learning responsibility and work values and developing social skills. This is especially likely when adolescent work is appropriately challenging, provides learning opportunities, and allows for skill development in time management and social interaction. Melanie J. Zimmer-Gembeck and Jeylan T. Mortimer further reading: David Stern and Dorothy Eichorn, eds., Adolescence and Work: Influences on Social Structure, Labor Markets, and Culture, 1991. • Barbara Schneider and David Stevenson, The Ambitious Generation: America’s Teenagers, Motivated but Directionless, 1999. • Mihaly Csikzentmihalyi and Barbara Schneider, Becoming Adult: How Teenagers Prepare for the World of Work, 2000. • Jeylan T. Mortimer, Working and Growing Up in America, 2003. • Manfred Liebel, A Will of Their Own: Cross-Cultural Perspectives on Working Children, 2004.

legal and public-policy perspectives. Should children be engaged in paid work? This question has provoked controversy for more than 200 years. Some praise work as a vehicle for child development and socialization, others merely accept it as necessary in the face of poverty, and still others condemn it as a threat to adult employment and the well-being of children. Based on case evidence, it appears

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that most people in most societies consider it just and natural that children should, where needed, work part-time to contribute to meeting their and their family’s basic needs. Moreover, many would agree that children should be able to earn pocket money for their own use. Most people in most societies also believe that children should obtain a decent basic education and that schooling is compatible with part-time work that is not too burdensome. This seems to be the reigning popular view in societies both rich and poor. Interestingly, laws and policies governing the work of children in most countries do not reflect this popular stance and indeed may directly contradict it; consequently, these laws tend to be unenforced and ignored by the public. This mismatch between policy and culture is understandable only in terms of its historical origin. The laws and policies currently governing the work of children in most nations are a legacy of British industrialization in the 19th century, particularly reaction against the organized exploitation of children in the factory and mining industries. What was then defined as “child labor”—mostly children working full-time for wages— came to be perceived as a threat to both children and society. Incipient labor movements and their allies worried that the frequently horrific conditions in which children were employed both harmed children and reduced the wages and employment of adults, thereby compromising children’s futures and exacerbating working family poverty. At the same time, a new romantic vision of proper childhood as “natural,” “innocent,” and “free,” unencumbered by responsibilities more burdensome than learning—a literary and philosophical reaction to the prevailing view of children as little savages born in original sin and requiring stern discipline to save them from perdition—gained influence among educated elites. This utopian vision of childhood, combined with revulsion against the grim reality of much industrial child labor, led trade unions, intellectuals, and certain religious groups to conclude that the interests of both children and adults would be served by excluding at least young children from the workplace and compelling them to attend school instead. The working conditions of older children still allowed to work were to be rigorously monitored and regulated to protect them against work hazards and excessive exploitation. To achieve this would require the coercive power of the state. Beginning in the early 1830s, the British Parliament passed a series of laws that for the first time anywhere effectively regulated the employment of children in industry and devised the basic policy approach and instruments prevailing to this day: the exclusion of young children from the labor market by means of an official minimum age below which they could not legally be admitted to employment; compulsory school attendance up to a designated age, ideally set no lower than the legal minimum age for work; reg-

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ulation of the working hours and conditions of those young workers permitted to be employed; and establishment of a system of government labor inspection and prosecution to enforce employer compliance with the law. This general model was adopted by other European countries and, later, the United States. When the International Labour Organization (ILO) was founded in 1919 and was given a mandate to eliminate child labor worldwide, it adopted this European intervention model as the universal policy approach and standard to be applied even to countries whose economic and social realities bear little resemblance to those of Europe. That model is articulated through international conventions (treaties) that obligate ratifying countries to bring their laws and practices into conformity with the conventions’ designated standards and guidelines. Today, a majority of countries have ratified the latest and most comprehensive convention following the model first established in 19th-century Britain, ILO Convention (No. 138) Concerning Minimum Age for Admission to Employment, adopted in 1973. Beyond these, some countries that have not ratified this convention nevertheless have adopted its main principles. The United States, for example, implements them through the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938 and a plethora of subsequent federal and state laws and regulations. Growing evidence suggests this approach to controlling children’s work may have outlived its time, even in European countries for which it was originally devised. In Britain, where most children are now economically active by their midteens, recent research indicates that child labor laws and regulations are considered by the public to be so unrealistic that they are massively ignored and have little influence on when, where, and how youngsters are employed. Studies and reports from developing countries reveal many cases in which European-derived policies seem not only irrational and ineffective but even counterproductive, leaving ostensibly protected children worse rather than better off. Moreover, social science research findings have undermined assumptions that have long driven the model. There is no compelling evidence that working for recompense is inherently harmful even for young children; what matters are the conditions of work and the way children are treated. Nor does the evidence suggest that a work-free childhood dedicated to play and school is better for children than are other forms of childhood that integrate children more closely into family economic and work activities. Children thrive in many kinds of childhood; what is important is that their special vulnerabilities and limits be honored. Nor does the evidence demonstrate that child work as a rule causes and perpetuates poverty, although serious abuses of it certainly can. In fact, it has been shown that working allows some children to eat better, gain access to school (by being able to pay school expenses), and keep their family

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income from the worst consequences of poverty. Nor are children’s work and education incompatible, as long as the work is within realistic limits and the education suitably accessible. In fact, the two may even be mutually supporting, such as through apprenticeship and cooperative education programs. In short, when viewing child work comprehensively rather than selectively through lenses focusing only on the problematic subset commonly thought of as child labor, accumulating evidence suggests that the policy approach prevailing for well over 150 years has become ill suited to the challenges of today’s rapidly changing world and its enormous variety of economic, social, and cultural contexts. Experts increasingly agree that new policy directions may be in order. What might these new policy directions be? They still are works in progress, but some recent developments are suggestive of trends. One is to intrude less in child work that is likely to be relatively harmless or even beneficial for children and to focus much more effort on controlling work that is abusive and detrimental to children. Two recent international conventions nudge policy in this direction. The first is the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, adopted in 1989, the most widely subscribed human rights convention ever (as of 2007, only Somalia and the United States had not ratified it), which now serves as the master international framework for child policy in general. The second is ILO Convention (No. 182) Concerning the Prohibition and Immediate Action for the Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labour, adopted in 1999, which directs world and national attention to seriously problematic areas of child work that almost everyone agrees merit high-priority attention. Both of these conventions reflect the growing influence of a human rights perspective that has the practical effect of more rigorously orienting policy according to its actual effects on children. A second and still very incipient trend is a move away from universalized prescriptions in favor of policies that encourage closer and more creative fit between interventions and their economic and social environment. For example, whereas 1973’s ILO Convention No. 138 prescribed precise and universalized minimum ages for children to enter work, 1999’s Convention No. 182 characterizes only the types of “worst forms of child labor” to be eliminated and leaves each country to devise the methods most suited to its specific circumstances. Still a third trend is to depend less exclusively on the law—legislation and its enforcement—as the primary tool to ensure protection of working children and to put more emphasis on mobilizing families, communities, and the general public to play a frontline role, with government acting more in their support. For the most part, these incipient trends are more observable in developing countries, where the need is most pressing. William Myers see also: Apprenticeship; Property, Children as

work and home life, conflict between Effects on the Child Legal and Public-Policy Perspectives

effects on the child. Scholarly and public interest in

the impact of maternal employment on children has proliferated across the 20th century and into the 21st. This interest corresponds with the demographic increase in mothers’ employment, including those with young children. Two prominent factors are responsible for this increase in maternal and dual-earner employment: mothers’ provision of financial support and women’s desire to fulfill their potential and enhance their life satisfaction. Consequently, the majority of mothers in the United States are employed. Despite this trend and despite strong evidence to the contrary, many individuals in American society continue to harbor negative views about mothers’ employment and its impact on children. Work-family confl ict (such as pertaining to fathers’ roles, mothers’ employment schedules, child care, and workfamily spillover) has pertained almost exclusively to the impact of maternal employment on families and children. This is because maternal employment has been viewed as deviating from the expectation that families consist of a single male wage earner and stay-at-home mother caring for children. Moreover, the issue of work-family confl ict is being replaced by the ever-increasing trend to examine work-family adaptation instead. The impetus for this change emerges from the plethora of research showing that the children of employed and nonemployed mothers develop equivalently well, that maternal employment is not detrimental to children, and that there are many positive outcomes for children. The concern about work-family relations is no longer seen as a confl ict but, rather, as providing opportunities for family and work adaptations. Research on the effects of maternal employment on children’s development has been conducted for approximately 50 to 60 years. Such research has been predominantly conducted in the United States, with an emerging international literature. Over this period, research has undergone three phases. A Fal s e As s um ptio n D eb u n k ed The first phase of research began with the expectation that maternal employment was inherently detrimental to children’s development. Moreover, researchers expected a direct adverse effect of maternal employment on children’s development, regardless of family characteristics. They compared the children of employed versus nonemployed mothers without examining other factors that could impact outcomes, such as the nature of employment, socioeconomic status of families, quality of the home environment, and nature of child care. The theories upon which this re-

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search was based, primarily psychoanalytic, presumed that when the mother was employed the child would suffer. Only the mother was viewed as capable of providing the parenting that would facilitate children’s development, and all other caretakers, even fathers, were viewed as inherently inadequate. However, research findings did not support this negative view of maternal employment. Rather, the context of maternal employment within the family and work setting has proved to be critical to understanding the potential effects of work-family confl ict and/or congruence on children’s development. Th e Importanc e of Con te xt The second phase of research focused on the contexts and processes of work and family that interplay with one another to impact children. Such contextual factors operate between maternal employment on the one hand and children’s development on the other. Work-family confl ict may occur if the demands of one realm intrude on and interfere with the demands of the other. To the extent that such confl ict produces stress in the home, and if this is communicated to children, they may be impacted. On the other hand, there may also be positive congruence between work and family roles, with favorable impact on children. It is also possible that whether the family experiences work-family confl ict or congruence, children and parents accommodate to their circumstances. Hence, children’s outcomes can also be attributable to the adaptations made rather than, or in addition to, work-family confl ict or congruence. Areas of work-family confl ict or congruence studied in the United States and internationally have concentrated on the following issues: mothers’ satisfaction in meeting the dual roles of parenting and employment; the balance between mothers’ and fathers’ work-family roles; positive and negative spillover from work-to-home (e.g., do work demands affect mothers’ mood at home, which may in turn affect the relationship with the other parent and the child?); the impact of work demands on family life (e.g., work schedule, number of weekly work hours, work flexibility), which may impact maternal attitudes and family functioning; the quality and stimulation of the home environment as related to work and family roles; the developmental timing of maternal employment in the child’s life; child gender and its relationship to maternal employment; ethnic and cultural perceptions of maternal employment (e.g., African American families often view maternal employment as a more natural part of family life than do European American families) and whether such perceptions impact children; the role of family socioeconomic status (children of families of lower socioeconomic status have often benefited from maternal employment due to greater economic resources); the role and quality of child care and alternate caretaking arrangements; and the role of workplace family policies and programs.

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Regarding work-family spillover, when employed mothers have more positive attitudes toward their dual roles of employment and parenting, more favorable outcomes can be expected for their children’s development and the quality of their home environments. Work conditions such as flexible schedules are favorable for such attitudes. Maternal work hours and schedules, such as part-time and full-time, have been shown to be unrelated to children’s development and to the quality of home environment, and therefore there is no research documenting that a specific amount of maternal work hours is necessary for optimal child development. Regarding child care arrangements, aside from the issues pertaining to availability of quality, stable, and affordable child care, one issue of particular concern has been leaving children alone at home because of parental employment. This has been previously termed latchkey child but is now being replaced by the term self-supervision. The issue is now placed within the overall context of child care arrangements. Within this context, the effects of self-supervision were dependent on the amount and type of child monitoring parents engage in. Self-supervision has not been linked to specific child outcomes. Internationally, the emerging literature on maternal employment in developing and underdeveloped countries has often focused on issues relevant to child survival, health, and growth. It has been noted that the role of cultural factors is important to consider as the values of particular countries are likely to impact maternal employment phenomena such as fathers’ involvement. In cultures with more adherence to traditional gender-defined roles, fathers’ participation in child care does not show the same trends of increased involvement with maternal employment. Hence, specific cultural issues are important to consider as factors moderating these relations. Whereas the plethora of research has sometimes provided contradictory results, when the contextual factors have been accounted for there are certain generalizable results. Overall, it is the nature and quality of home environment to which children are exposed that are significant rather than the family structure itself. Children benefit from a supportive, nurturing, loving, and intellectually stimulating home environment, and both employed as well as nonemployed mothers are able to provide such environments. In other words, maternal employment per se is not detrimental to children’s development from birth to adolescence. Rather, one must consider the manner in which work and family roles are facilitative or adverse for family environments that in turn impact children. Across a vast array of research, including major longitudinal studies from infancy through adulthood, maternal employment has not been shown to produce adverse outcomes for family environments or for children’s development. Because this research has led to the recognition that it is the particular network of work-

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family factors that is important for children’s outcomes and that families engage in many accommodations that meet the demands of their children and their work, the field has proceeded to a third phase of maternal employment research. Fami li es’ Adaptations This phase of research concerns a burgeoning literature examining families’ accommodations and adaptations to work-family responsibilities. For example, fathers in employed-mother homes are significantly more involved with their children, which increases as mothers’ employment hours increase. Another example is that parents often mutually coordinate their work and child care schedules. Other accommodations occur in the workplace, including formal and informal arrangements such as telecommuting, flexible work hours, supervisor flexibility, or provision of on-site child care. The children of employed mothers have been shown to adapt as well. They engage in more home chores, are encouraged to be more independent when young in such activities as dressing and tying shoes, and often have more egalitarian attitudes about male and female adult roles, which may help balance work and family responsibilities in the future. Research evidence available over many decades indicates that maternal employment is associated with favorable outcomes (cognitive, academic, and social) for children of lower socioeconomic status. Regarding the more recent evidence on the impact of welfare reform, it was initially suggested that such involuntary employment would add new stressors to the family. However, recent research reports positive findings for both mothers’ parenting and children’s outcomes. Increased income and resources and higher maternal self-esteem are viewed as reasons for these positive outcomes. Therefore, the role of socioeconomic status is of exceptional importance in interpreting results of maternal employment research. There are other positive effects of maternal employment on children. For example, parents’ occupational statuses are related to children’s cognitive and achievement outcomes: Higher occupational status is associated with higher levels of children’s outcomes. As another example, employed mothers have been found to hold more positive educational attitudes regarding their children’s education, which is a positive environmental influence. Implications for R esearc h and Polic y Despite the extensive research findings on favorable outcomes and family adaptation, maternal and dual-earner employment research is rarely oriented to detecting positive outcomes. Despite decades of research showing no adversity of maternal employment on children’s development,

researchers and the public continue to seek evidence of unfavorable influence of maternal employment. To view this as work-family confl ict continues to perpetuate adverse views of maternal and dual-earner employment. Research and policy aimed instead at identifying successful forms of work-family coordination would be more to the benefit of children and their families. Adele Eskeles Gottfried and Allen W. Gottfried see also: Child Care; Family: Economic and Demographic Perspectives; Kinship and Child Rearing; Single Parents further reading: Adele Eskeles Gottfried, Allen W. Gottfried, and Kay Bathurst, “Maternal and Dual-Earner Employment Status and Parenting,” in Marc H. Bornstein, ed., Handbook of Parenting, 2nd ed., vol. 2, 2002, pp. 207–29. • Adele Eskeles Gottfried, “Maternal and Dual-Earner Employment and Children’s Development: Redefining the Research Agenda,” in Diane F. Halpern and Susan E. Murphy, eds., From Work-Family Balance to Work-Family Interaction: Changing the Metaphor, 2005, pp. 197–217. • Diane F. Halpern, “Psychology at the Intersection of Work and Family: Recommendations for Employers, Working Families, and Policymakers,” American Psychologist 60, no. 6 (July–August 2005), pp. 397–409. • Adele Eskeles Gottfried and Allen W. Gottfried, “A Long-Term Investigation of the Role of Maternal and Dual-Earner Employment in Children’s Development: The Fullerton Longitudinal Study,” American Behavioral Scientist 49 (2006), pp. 1–18. • Adele Eskeles Gottfried and Allen W. Gottfried, “The Upside of Maternal and Dual-Earner Employment: A Focus on Positive Family Adaptations, Home Environments, and Child Development in the Fullerton Longitudinal Study,” in Amy Marcus-Newhall, Diane F. Halpern, and Sherylle J. Tan, eds., The Changing Realities of Work and Family: A Multidisciplinary Approach, 2008, pp. 25–42.

legal and public-policy perspectives. The United

States is currently experiencing a workplace/workforce mismatch that has profound negative effects on parents and their children. In 70% of American families, all parents in the household participate in the paid workforce. U.S. census data from 2004 and 2006 show that more than 81% of women become mothers by age 44 and that 95% of mothers age 25 to 44 work up to but less than 50 hours per week, year round. Yet almost universally, quality jobs in the United States are designed around an outdated norm of an “ideal worker”: someone who can work 40 or more hours per week without interruption or domestic or familial responsibilities outside of work. This ideal worker norm may have been workable in the 1950s, when far more women stayed home and took care of children and housework while their husbands worked. Today, it reflects neither the reality of the American workforce nor the reality of the American family, given that women constitute 46% of the U.S. workforce and nearly half of all marriages end in divorce. Despite the fact that the majority of U.S. workers juggle

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work and family responsibilities, workers who cannot meet the ideal worker norm are stigmatized and penalized in a variety of ways. Chief among these is the “motherhood penalty”: Not only do mothers earn lower wages than do nonmothers, but they are also subject to assumptions about how they will or should behave that have long-term consequences on their careers. Research shows that women in their 30s without children earn close to what men earn, but the same is not true of mothers: The wage gap between mothers and others is greater than the wage gap between men and women overall. A 2007 Cornell University study revealed that, when comparing similarly situated job candidates, mothers were 79% less likely to be hired and were offered an average of $11,000 less than were nonmothers for the same position. Mothers were also rated as less competent, less committed, and less suitable for higher promotion and were held to longer hours and higher performance and punctuality standards than were nonmothers. Fathers, too, experience bias at work when they try to play a larger part in caring for their children than the traditional breadwinner role envisions. Many studies show that men may experience even greater discrimination at work than do women when they perform family care. In these studies, men who took parental leave were recommended for fewer rewards and viewed as less committed than women who did so, and men who took even short work absences for family care reasons were recommended for fewer rewards and received lower performance ratings than were women. The penalties both mothers and fathers face at work for deviating from the ideal worker norm are underscored by the lack of quality long-hours part-time jobs in the United States (i.e., jobs requiring 30 to 40 hours per week rather than 50 to 60 hours). Part-time jobs in the United States are most often lower-status, lower-paid jobs with less room for career advancement. Working part-time also has steep economic penalties: American women who work parttime earn 21% less per hour than do those who work full time, a wage penalty that is seven times higher than that of part-time workers in Sweden and twice as great as in the United Kingdom. It is not surprising, then, that only 3% of male workers and 9% of female workers in the United States work between 35 and 39 hours per week, which is a standard workweek in many European countries. Unfortunately, U.S. public policy lags far behind many other industrialized countries in offering supports for working families. While European countries like France offer high-quality, government-supported child care centers, the United States lacks any national policy to ensure affordable, high-quality child care. While European countries such as the United Kingdom, Germany, and the Netherlands have “right to request” laws that allow workers in any job to request to work fewer hours or flexible working

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hours to meet their family caregiving responsibilities, U.S. workers are forced to take the all-or-nothing jobs that employers offer. The United States also offers less short-term leave than do other industrialized countries. No federal law requires employers to provide paid sick days to workers to care for themselves or their sick children, which more than threequarters of low-wage workers and half of all private-sector workers in the United States lack. The United States is one of only four countries in the world, along with Lesotho, Papua New Guinea, and Swaziland, that lacks paid parental leave. Moreover, the 1993 federal Family and Medical Leave Act (FMLA) provides 12 weeks of unpaid leave at best and leaves roughly 40% of the U.S. workforce without even unpaid leave, according to the National Partnership for Women and Families. The lack of effective public policy on work-family issues and the persistence of the unrealistic “ideal worker” norm have led to an explosion of lawsuits in a growing field of employment law known as family responsibilities discrimination, or FRD. FRD is discrimination against employees based on their family caregiving responsibilities for children, elderly parents, or ill spouses or partners. A 2006 Center for WorkLife Law study showed that the number of FRD lawsuits filed between 1996 and 2005 increased by nearly 400% over the prior decade (between 1986 and 1995), while employment discrimination lawsuits filed overall decreased by 23% between 2000 and 2005. FRD lawsuits have been filed in 48 states and the District of Columbia using 17 different legal theories under current state and federal law, including gender stereotyping under the federal law that prohibits sex discrimination (Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964), interference with the right to take leave under the FMLA, and retaliation. Ultimately, penalizing parents at work in turn penalizes children. Children suffer when their mothers experience wage penalties or discrimination at work and when their parents are forced to choose between all-or-nothing jobs that require excessively long hours. Numerous studies have linked parents’ experience of stigma or career dissatisfaction with increased stress and depression that has negative impacts on their children’s development and well-being. One study found that the children of mothers who were dissatisfied with their employment status were less attentive and more immature than were the children of satisfied mothers. Conversely, parents who can successfully balance family and work satisfaction are more satisfied with themselves, leading to improved relationships with their children. Other studies show that parents’ lack of time to spend with their children negatively impacts children’s success in school and health. The more hours parents are away from home in the evening, the more likely their children are to test in the bottom quartile on achievement tests or to have

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discipline problems. Furthermore, when parents are present, sick children recover more rapidly and have shorter hospital stays. Academics and advocates who study work-family confl ict and those who study children’s health and development rarely cross disciplines to work together. Yet they should. The persistence of the ideal worker norm and the lack of effective U.S. work-family public policy force millions of American parents to struggle with their own workfamily confl icts privately. Unfortunately, it is families and their children who suffer the consequences. Joan C. Williams and Stephanie Bornstein see also: Child Care further reading: Jody Heymann, The Widening Gap, 2000. • Joan C. Williams, Unbending Gender, 2000. • Janet C. Gornick and Marcia K. Meyers, Families That Work: Policies for Reconciling Parenthood and Employment, 2003. • Monica Biernat, Faye J. Crosby, and Joan C. Williams, eds., “The Maternal Wall: Research and Policy Perspectives on Discrimination against Mothers,” Journal of Social Issues 60, no. 4 (2004), pp. 667–865. • Shelley J. Correll, Stephen Benard, and In Paik, “Getting a Job: Is There a Motherhood Penalty?” American Journal of Sociology 112, no. 5 (March 2007), pp. 1297–1338. • Joan C. Williams and Stephanie Bornstein, “The Evolution of ‘FReD’: Family Responsibilities Discrimination and Developments in the Law of Stereotyping and Implicit Bias,” Hastings Law Journal 59 (June 2008), pp. 1311–58.

writing. The term writing can be used in two ways, referring both to things that are written (written products)— letters, essays, novels, lists, labels, worksheets, or textbooks, for example—and to the act of creating or composing them (writing processes). Indeed, written products and writing processes are intimately connected, influencing one another, and the connection is important to remember when discussing children’s learning to write. Lear ni ng to Wr ite Children develop conceptions of what writing is long before they enter school. These conceptions are influenced in part by the range and kinds of written products to which children are exposed (letters, lists, and so on). They are influenced as well by when, where, how, and why others in their lives create or compose these written products: when parents write grocery lists to help guide food selection at the supermarket rather than relying on memory; when friends write notes of thanks, sympathy, or request as ways of connecting on particular occasions rather than using the telephone or talking face-to-face; when doctors write out and sign their names to prescriptions to direct pharmacists to dispense particular medications to patients; when grandparents write labels to accompany photographs that will pass from one generation to the next; and on and on. Not surprising, in literate societies—that is, those in which language has both spoken and written forms—children’s

conceptions of writing develop across a range of settings at home, school, and beyond as they witness others writing and as they begin to write themselves. Because writing is a practice embedded in social situations at home, in the community, in schools, and in cultural and civic institutions, children learn about writing and its uses from the perspective of their own cultures and communities. For example, in much of the United States as well as in many other countries, a main goal in learning to write is to produce writing for different personal and civic purposes (from writing personal letters and e-mail, for example, to writing school essays, legal papers, and business documents). Such writing, both the products and the processes of composing them, reflects writing skills, knowledge, and values that differ qualitatively from writing in cultures in which the goals for learning to write are different; for example, to accurately reproduce material already known or revered, such as established or sacred thought. In the former, learning to write can mean learning to create and transmit new ideas, to establish individuality, or to communicate efficiently. In the latter, on the other hand, learning to write can mean learning to transmit the culture in stable and traditional ways. In reality, no culture in which writing is used slices the pie so strictly and with the limits suggested by this dichotomy. But, as revealed in Sylvia Scribner and Michael Cole’s studies on literacy among the Vai tribe of Liberia and in Shirley Brice Heath’s work on literacy in rural U.S. Appalachia, because what children recognize, value, and produce as writing can differ along cultural lines, so, too, can the kinds of writing skills and knowledge that children acquire and develop and that they utilize in later life. Children’s writing development can occur “naturally,” just by their doing and experiencing writing in varied home and community contexts; however, in the United States and in many other societies, it is primarily in school, through formal teaching and learning, that children acquire and develop explicit writing skills and knowledge. Key to the writing learning process for young children is coming to recognize, whether on an implicit or on an explicit level, that writing—both product and process—is different from speaking. The difference reflects the central fact that speaking typically entails two or more individuals communicating face-to-face, whereas writing typically entails one person communicating without the benefit of another person’s presence and participation. Children who are learning to write, therefore, are in many ways learning how to anticipate the expectations and needs of this absent other, their reader or audience. Such learning is embedded across all writing situations, whether children are writing notes, recipes, poetry, lists, essays, or stories; whether they are writing to friends, family, teachers, or strangers; whether they are writing in order to transmit their feelings, to entertain, to inform, or to explore. Learning to write means learning to

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anticipate how much and what kind of information to include for different readers or purposes, what rules and conventions (e.g., grammar and spelling rules, usage and genre conventions) to invoke, and what kind of tone to strike. Such learning usually happens gradually, over time, and arguably is never fully complete. (Adult writers, even those who make their livings writing, often need others to read their work in order to know whether their writing is clear to a reader.) Yet such learning for the most part occurs for children in the school years, both as teachers make explicit to them specific rules and conventions associated with writing and as teachers, peers, and others read and give feedback to them about their written work. Such feedback reflects the reader’s perspective on the child’s writing and helps children see their writing from that outside perspective. How Wr it i ng I s Taught The teaching of writing has received much attention over recent decades, especially since the late 1960s when writing was recognized as a critical aspect of literacy, taking its place in that regard alongside reading. But controversies about how best to teach writing have been many, primarily centering on whether to focus students’ attention on product or on process. In earlier decades, writing instruction was driven largely by a focus on product, specifically on teaching children to master a range of forms, from spelling and sentence structures to the larger generic forms that writing (essays, reports, stories, poetry, and so on) was seen to take. However, in the late 1970s and in the decades following, the focus of instruction shifted toward influencing students’ writing processes. This shift occurred as research in cognitive psychology associated the writing process with such complex mental activities as problem solving and strategy planning and as research in cultural anthropology and sociolinguistics showed how the forms of writing are, like all language forms, never inherently “correct” or “incorrect,” “good” or “bad” in themselves but, rather, shaped by social and cultural needs and influences. A focus on children’s writing processes, therefore, stresses the activities that writers engage in as they compose for particular social purposes, in particular social contexts. These include envisioning communicative and rhetorical goals, generating ideas and language, and reading, rereading, and revising one’s work, all the while bearing in mind the expectations and needs of a reader. A related controversy lies in differing attitudes toward the role of the teacher in writing instruction. Should teachers assume a didactic role, in effect dispensing facts to students about linguistic and rhetorical forms that students then attempt to produce themselves? Or should teachers foster children’s development and mastery of the kinds of thinking and strategies that mature writers draw on when composing? Arguments against teaching the latter include the observation that fostering children’s writing processes

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works best with those children who already have internalized the standard language forms accepted in schools from their exposures to such forms at home and in the community and that this approach does not help students who come to school using nonstandard language forms or with minimal experiences with other literacy activities such as reading. Melanie Sperling see also: Language; Literacy; Narrative; Reading; School Achievement; Testing and Evaluation, Educational further reading: Sylvia Scribner and Michael Cole, The Psychology of Literacy, 1981. • Shirley Brice Heath, Ways with Words: Language, Life, and Work in Communities and Classrooms, 1983. • Linda Flower, The Construction of Negotiated Meaning: A Social Cognitive Theory of Writing, 1994.

wundt, wilhelm (b. August 16, 1832; d. August 31, 1920), German psychologist. Known as the “father of experimental psychology,” Wilhelm Wundt was born just outside of Mannheim, Germany. The son of a country minister, at age 4 Wundt moved with his parents to Heidelsheim. After attending Tübingen University, Wundt earned his doctorate at the University of Heidelberg, just as many of his relatives had. His career included work as a professor at Zurich and Leipzig Universities. At Leipzig, where he worked until his death, Wundt established the world’s first experimental laboratory in psychology. Discussion of Wundt usually focuses on his strict adherence to experimentation and introspection. However, the human child was also of great interest to Wundt and a topic for which he had much to offer, especially as it relates to language. His contributions mainly involved psychological compounding through associations. More than half of his work dealt with the problem of sensation and perception using the method of action and reaction time experiments. Considering child psychology’s lack of objectivity one of its limitations, Wundt encouraged sound observations keeping in mind influences on the child. Just as with adults, Wundt believed children were products of associative learning and imitation. Willing to admit a newborn possesses inherent reflexes, Wundt theorized that learning begins around 1 month of age. At this time, reflexes become refined and a consciousness emerges, as evident by changes in mood. Physical and mental maturation enable the child to display his or her learning. During the emergence of intelligence, the child’s attention becomes more focused for longer periods of time. Similarly, initially the child’s associations are short-lived and last only a few hours. However, as the child grows, so do the association intervals, providing opportunities to build stronger associations and more complex learning. Paralleling developments in attention and association is the emergence of selfconsciousness. Impossible to observe its beginnings, Wundt felt self-consciousness functioned as early as the first few

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weeks after birth with the child’s recognition of his or her body. The progression in self-consciousness allows for the development of will, which distinguishes humans from other animals. Wundt also argued a newborn child does not show signs of volitional acts. For example, a child does not instinctively follow visual objects. Instead, this ability is gained only after improvements in attention. Perceiving communication similarly to other volitional acts, Wundt offered an early theory on language acquisition. According to Wundt, the burgeoning of language resulted from the child’s increasing ability to perceive and imitate different forms of communication in his or her environment. A child’s early babbling was not equivalent to language since it lacked meaning. Babbling devel-

ops into language through social interaction with others in the child’s environment, such as reciprocal imitation with parents. Finally, it is interesting to note the impact Wundt had on educational systems. Many psychologists who have played a critical role in academics in the United States have ties to Wundt. For example, G. Stanley Hall, a protégé of Wundt, worked with John Dewey. Dewey eventually became a professor at the University of Chicago, where he was very important in developing new progressive approaches in child education. Robert W. Rieber see also: Cognitive Development; Dewey, John; Hall, G(ranville) Stanley; Intelligence Testing

y youth movements. Youth movements involve the organized, conscious attempt of young people to bring about or resist change in society. The ability of youth movements to maintain support and mobilize action over time distinguishes them from short-lived, sporadic episodes of protest or collective behavior that have erupted throughout history. Carried out by young people in their late adolescence or early adulthood, youth movements are a product of modern history, stimulated by the Enlightenment, industrialization, expanding middle classes, youth populations, and education. The first full-fledged youth movement in the West, the Burschenschaften (student unions), originated in Germany in 1815 over the issue of nationalism and was followed by five historical waves or clusters of heightened youth movement activity: Young Europe (1815–48, 1860– 90), post-Victorian generation (1890–1918), Great Depression generation (1930–40), 1960s generation, and 1980s generation. During the 1960s and 1980s, youth movements occurred on a worldwide scale. Ranging from progressive to reactionary and moderate to extreme, youth movements may be initiated by young people (Jeune France, Wandervögel, Shabiba-intifada) or sponsored by adults (Student League for Industrial Democracy, New Right, Young European Federalists). Adultsponsored youth movements may require participation (Chinese Red Guards) or may be voluntary, although in some cases “voluntary” membership is necessary to advance one’s education or career (Komsomol). Some youth movements are intended to socialize and integrate young

people into society; others are committed to reforming or revolutionizing society. Explanations for youth movements by psychologists, sociologists, and historians have generated considerable debate and research: Are young activists rebelling against their parents or following the values learned in the home; is activism rooted in life-cycle characteristics of youth and generational tensions or the result of social trends and events? Others ask whether youth movements have lasting effects on society and their participants and whether youth movements are changing and heading in new directions. One can understand youth movements better by concentrating, in turn, on their formation, membership, impact, and likely future. Youth movements principally emphasize either lifecycle development, the problem of generations, or the impact of historical events and social trends on young people. A primary reason why children and young adolescents are not likely to organize social movements is because of the developmental transformations that occur during adolescence. Advances in the cognitive functioning of youth and young adults promote awareness and criticism of society and the complex world of politics. Youth movements appeal to young people’s idealism, high energy, desire for independence, and search for identity. Several generational dynamics respond to these developmental changes. One dynamic is the tendency of the socialization provided to young people by their families and other adults to push them toward conformity, to influence

youth movements

the direction and intensity of their attitudes and behavior, and to further social stability. Another dynamic acts to divide youth from adults and fosters age-based confl ict and social change—the so-called generation gap—stemming both from the life-cycle differences between youth and adults and their discrepant growing-up experiences in rapidly changing societies. The rhetoric, music, and rallying cries of youth movements often reflect these generational themes, such as the 1960s slogan “Never trust anyone over 30” or the Hitler Youth demand “Step down you old ones, National Socialism is the will of organized youth!” While life-cycle and generational strains are relatively constant, social trends and historical events provide the conditions and issues that account for the surges and declines in youth movement activity. The stage is set for movement formation when a youth population is unusually large, educated, and segregated and faces an era of turmoil and cultural innovation. If young people become disappointed with the social discontinuities and inequities created by adults, they may view themselves as a force for renovation and change. Resources, opportunities, and leadership are critical to the success of youth movements. Once mobilized, youth movements create a momentum that produces countermovements, described by Karl Mannheim as the opposing generation units within a generation. For example, the 1960s era of youth movement activity in the United States was carried out by numerous youth-initiated and adultsponsored youth groups that represented an array of political and cultural orientations, including the Students for a Democratic Society (radical left), Young Democrats (liberal and moderate left), Young Republicans (conservative and moderate right), and Young Americans for Freedom (radical right). Besides political organizations, young people joined civil rights, religious, feminist, and cultural groups (cults, hippies, and yippies). Much of the momentum of any period of youth unrest is sustained by the competition and confrontation among rival generation units. On the whole, those who join youth movements rather than rebelling against their parents are carrying out the values learned in the home and receive family support for their activities. Social class, religion, ethnicity, and gender act as lenses through which young people interpret and respond to social issues in diverse ways, forming the basis for generation units. Youth movement leaders are crucial in framing and articulating the issues of protest and in mobilizing young people to create or combat change. Peer influences and personal relationships play an important role in young people’s recruitment into activism. The members of extremist youth groups are highly rejecting of views other than their own, whereas the members of moderate youth groups are more accepting of a wider range of viewpoints. The balance of scholarly evidence indicates that youth movements often do have significant and lasting effects on society and on the participants. Most youth movements

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have mobilized over issues relating to citizenship (nationalism, democracy, freedom, equality, self-determination), although some young activists have been bent on repression and destruction, such as nihilist youth, violent countercultural groups, and certain ideological-political groups employing extremist tactics. Research also suggests that rather than mellowing or altering their attitudes as they age, most former activists continue to support their generational values, remain involved in trying to improve society, and socialize their children to activism. The nature of youth movements seems to be changing, even when they are initiated by youth themselves. The speed and pervasiveness of the Internet and telecommunications allow youth movements to become transnational, concerned with issues such as national independence, unpopular wars, unjust global economic policies, human and animal rights, and environmental destruction. Cultural clashes provide the impetus for youth unrest at local and regional levels. The most intensive and contentious contemporary youth movements are rooted in the religious, political, and ethnic divisions in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia. Moreover, youth movements are increasingly sponsored and controlled by adult organizations (governmental, political, religious). For example, religion is a driving force for international youth movement activity, exemplified by adult-sponsored Christian, Jewish, and Muslim youth organizations committed to transforming societies along traditional lines. Government, university, and other adult officials have become adept at negotiation and co-opting youthful dissatisfaction and protest. Though adult goals may foster young people’s maturity, identity, and growth, there is a danger that the idealism, energy, and dependence of youth may be exploited for war, terrorism, and other adult agendas that have highly destructive consequences for human development and for society at large. Youth movements may act as a positive force for renovation and needed changes or may be highly threatening and destructive. Much depends on the social context in which youngsters find themselves, the value placed on children and youth, and the genuine responsiveness of adult authorities and institutions to young people’s needs and future opportunities. Richard G. Braungart see also: Cults; Political Activism, Children and further reading: Karl Mannheim, “The Problem of Generations,” in Essays on the Sociology of Knowledge, 1964, pp. 276– 320. • Doug McAdam, Freedom Summer, 1988. • Margaret M. Braungart and Richard G. Braungart, “The Life-Course Development of Left- and Right-Wing Youth Activist Leaders from the 1960s,” Political Psychology 11, no. 2 (June 1990), pp. 243–82. • Richard G. Braungart and Margaret M. Braungart, “Historical Generations and Citizenship: 200 Years of Youth Movements,” in Philo C. Wasburn, ed., Research in Political Sociology, 1993, pp. 139–74. • David F. Burg, Encyclopedia of Student and Youth Movements, 1998.

Legal Citations Cas e s Abbott v. Burke, 575 A.2d 359 (N.J. 1990) Abington School District v. Schempp, 374 U.S. 203 (1963) Ankenbrandt v. Richards, 504 U.S. 689 (1992) Ashcroft v. Free Speech Coalition, 535 U.S. 234 (2002) Beattie v. Board of Education, 172 N.W. 153 (Wis. 1919) Bellotti v. Baird, 443 U.S. 622 (1979) Board of Education v. Dowell, 498 U.S. 237 (1991) Board of Education v. Earls, 536 U.S. 822 (2002) Board of Education v. Rowley, 458 U.S. 176 (1982) Bowen v. American Hospital Association, 476 U.S. 610 (1984) Boy Scouts of America v. Dale, 530 U.S. 640 (2000) Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 (1954) Carey v. Population Services International, 431 U.S. 678 (1977) Castaneda v. Pickard, 648 F.2d 989 (5th Cir. 1981) Crouse, Ex parte, 4 Whart. 9 (Pa. 1838) Custody of a Minor, 379 N.E.2d 1053 (Mass. 1978) Davis v. Monroe County Board of Education, 526 U.S. 629 (1999) Department of Public Welfare v. Haas, 154 N.E.2d 265 (Ill. 1958) Eaton v. Brant County Board of Education, [1997] 1 S.C.R. 241 (Can.) Eddings v. Oklahoma, 455 U.S. 104 (1982) Edwards v. Aguillard, 482 U.S. 578 (1987) Eisenstadt v. Baird, 405 U.S. 438 (1972) Engel v. Vitale, 370 U.S. 421 (1962) Epperson v. Arkansas, 393 U.S. 97 (1968) Erznoznik v. City of Jacksonville, 422 U.S. 205 (1975) Fare v. Michael C., 442 U.S. 707 (1979) Fetus Brown, In re, 689 N.E.2d 397 (Ill. App. Ct. 1997) Force v. Pierce City R-VI School District, 570 F. Supp. 1020 (W.D. Mo. 1983) Freeman v. Pitts, 503 U.S. 567 (1992) Garrett v. Board of Education, 775 F. Supp. 1004 (E.D. Mich. 1991) Garska v. McCoy, 278 S.E.2d 357 (W.Va. 1981) Gault, In re, 387 U.S. 1 (1967) Gebser v. Lago Vista Independent School District, 524 U.S. 274 (1998)

Ginsberg v. New York, 390 U.S. 629 (1968) Goldberg v. Kelly, 397 U.S. 254 (1970) Gomez v. Perez, 409 U.S. 535 (1973) Gonzales v. Carhart, 127 S. Ct. 1610 (2007) Goss v. Lopez, 419 U.S. 565 (1975) Green, In re, 292 A.2d 387 (Pa. 1972) Green v. County School Board, 391 U.S. 430 (1968) Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. 479 (1965) Johnson v. State, 21 Tenn. (2 Hum.) 283 (1837; reported 1842) Kansas v. Hendricks, 521 U.S. 346 (1997) Kent v. United States, 383 U.S. 541 (1966) Keyes v. School District No. 1, 413 U.S. 189 (1973) Lau v. Nichols, 414 U.S. 563 (1974) Lawrence v. Texas, 539 U.S. 558 (2003) Lee v. Weisman, 505 U.S. 577 (1992) Levy v. Louisiana, 391 U.S. 68 (1968) Loving v. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1 (1967) McKeiver v. Pennsylvania, 403 U.S. 528 (1971) Meyer v. Nebraska, 262 U.S. 390 (1923) Michael H. v. Gerald D., 491 U.S. 110 (1989) Milliken v. Bradley, 418 U.S. 717 (1974) Mills v. Board of Education, 348 F. Supp. 866 (D.D.C. 1972) Miranda v. Arizona, 384 U.S. 436 (1966) Mississippi University for Women v. Hogan, 458 U.S. 718 (1982) Missouri v. Jenkins, 515 U.S. 70 (1995) Mozert v. Hawkins County Board of Education, 827 F.2d 1058 (6th Cir. 1987) Nabozny v. Podlesny, 92 F.3d 446 (7th Cir. 1996) New Jersey v. T.L.O., 469 U.S. 325 (1985) Newmark v. Williams, 588 A.2d 1108 (Del. 1991) Nicholson v. Scoppetta, 820 N.E.2d 840 (N.Y. 2004) Painter v. Bannister, 140 N.W.2d 152 (Iowa 1966) Palmore v. Sidoti, 466 U.S. 429 (1984) PARC v. Pennsylvania, 343 F. Supp. 279 (E.D. Pa. 1972) Parents Involved in Community Schools v. Seattle School District No. 1, 127 S. Ct. 2738 (2007) Parham v. J.R., 442 U.S. 584 (1979) Pemberton v. Tallahassee Memorial Regional Medical Center, 66 F. Supp. 2d 1247 (N.D. Fla. 1999)

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Pettit v. Liston, 191 P. 660 (Or. 1920) Pierce v. Society of Sisters, 268 U.S. 510 (1925) Planned Parenthood of Missouri v. Danforth, 428 U.S. 52 (1976) Plyler v. Doe, 457 U.S. 202 (1982) Prince v. Massachusetts, 321 U.S. 158 (1944) Robinson v. Cahill, 303 A.2d 273 (N.J. 1973) Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113 (1973) Roper v. Simmons, 543 U.S. 551 (2005) Rose v. Council for Better Education, 790 S.W.2d 186 (Ky. 1989) San Antonio Independent School District v. Rodriguez, 411 U.S. 1 (1973) Santosky v. Kramer, 455 U.S. 745 (1982) Serrano v. Priest, 487 P.2d 1241 (Cal. 1971) Sharif by Salahuddin v. New York State Education Department, 709 F. Supp. 345 (S.D.N.Y. 1989) Shepp v. Shepp, 906 A.2d 1165 (Pa. 2006) Smith v. Organization of Foster Families for Equality and Reform, 431 U.S. 816 (1977) Stanford v. Kentucky, 492 U.S. 361 (1989) Stanley v. Illinois, 405 U.S. 645 (1972) State v. Jones, 95 N.C. 588 (1886) Stenberg v. Carhart, 530 U.S. 914 (2000) Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education, 402 U.S. 1 (1971) Thompson v. Oklahoma, 487 U.S. 815 (1988) Tinker v. Des Moines Independent Community School District, 393 U.S. 503 (1969) Troxel v. Granville, 530 U.S. 57 (2000) United States v. Dost, 636 F. Supp. 828 (S.D. Cal 1986), aff ’d sub nom. United States v. Wiegand, 812 F.2d 1239 (9th Cir. 1987) United States v. Ferber, 458 U.S. 747 (1982) United States v. Virginia, 518 U.S. 515 (1996) Veronica School District v. Acton, 515 U.S. 646 (1995) W, X, Y and Z v. United Kingdom, App. No. 3435-8/67, 28 Eur. Comm’n H.R. Dec. & Rep. 109 (1968) Wallace v. Jaffree, 472 U.S. 38 (1985) Whitner v. State, 492 S.E.2d 777 (S.C. 1997) Winship, In re, 397 U.S. 358 (1970) Wisconsin v. Yoder, 406 U.S. 205 (1972) Zelman v. Simmons-Harris, 536 U.S. 639 (2002) S tat u t e s , T r e at i e s , an d Pub l ic D o c um en t s Abandoned Infants Assistance Act of 1988, 42 U.S.C. §§ 5117aa to 5117aa-22 (2000) Adoption and Safe Families Act of 1997, Pub. L. No. 10589, 111 Stat. 2115 (1997) (codified in scattered sections of 42 U.S.C.) Adoption Assistance and Child Welfare Act of 1980, Pub. L. No. 96-272, 94 Stat. 500 (1980) (codified in scattered sections of 42 U.S.C.)

Aid to Families with Dependent Children, title IV of the Social Security Act of 1935 (replaced with Temporary Assistance for Needy Families, 42 U.S.C. ch. 7, pt. IV, in 1996) Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990, Pub. L. No. 101336, 104 Stat. 327 (1990) (codified in scattered sections of 42 U.S.C.) Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1988, Pub. L. No. 100-690, 102 Stat. 4181 (1988) (codified in scattered sections of U.S.C.) Balanced Budget Act of 1997, 42 U.S.C. §§ 1397aa–1397jj (2000) Block Grants to States for Temporary Assistance for Needy Families. See under Social Security Act of 1935 Carl D. Perkins Vocational and Applied Technology Education Act of 1990, Pub. L. No. 101-392, 104 Stat. 753 (1990) (codified in scattered sections of 20 U.S.C.) Carl D. Perkins Vocational and Technical Education Act of 1998, Pub. L. No. 105-332, 112 Stat. 3076 (1998) (codified as amended in scattered sections of U.S.C.) Child Abuse Prevention Act 1973: Hearings on S. 1191 Before the Subcomm. on Children and Youth of the Comm. on Labor and Public Welfare, 93d Cong. 2 (1973) (statement of Walter F. Mondale, United States Senator from Minnesota) Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act of 1974, Pub. L. No. 93-247, 88 Stat. 4 (1974) (codified in scattered sections of 42 U.S.C.) Child Care and Development Block Grant, Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act of 1990, 42 U.S.C. §§ 9858–9858q (2000) Child Pornography Prevention Act of 1996, Pub. L. No. 104-208, 110 Stat. 3009 (1996) (codified in scattered sections of 18 U.S.C.) Child Protection Act of 1984, 18 U.S.C. §§ 2251–2254, 2256, 2516 (2006) Civil Rights Act of 1964, 42 U.S.C. §§ 2000a to 2000h-6 (2000) Controlled Substances Act, 21 U.S.C. §§ 801–904 (2006) Convention Concerning Forced or Compulsory Labour, June 28, 1930, ILO Convention No. 29 Convention Concerning Minimum Age for Admission to Employment, June 26, 1973, ILO Convention No. 138 Convention Concerning the Prohibition and Immediate Action for the Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labour, June 17, 1999, ILO Convention No. 182 Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, done on Nov. 4, 1950, 213 U.N.T.S. 221 Convention on Protection of Children and Co-operation in Respect of Intercountry Adoption, May 29, 1993, S. Treaty Doc. 105-51, 1870 U.N.T.S. 182 Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction, Oct. 25, 1980, T.I.A.S. No. 11670, 1343 U.N.T.S. 89

l e ga l c it a t io n s

Convention on the Rights of the Child, adopted and opened for signature Nov. 20, 1989, G.A. Res. 44/25, U.N. GAOR, 44th Sess., Supp. No. 49, at 167, U.N. Doc. A/44/736 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, adopted July 28, 1951, 189 U.N.T.S. 150 Crime Control Act of 1990, Pub. L. No. 101-647, 104 Stat. 4789 (1990) (codified as amended in scattered sections of U.S.C.) Defense of Marriage Act, Pub. L. No. 104-199, 110 Stat. 2419 (1996) (codified at 1 U.S.C. § 7 and 28 U.S.C. § 1738C (2006)) Deficit Reduction Act of 2005, Pub. L. No. 109-171, 120 Stat. 4 (2006) (codified in scattered sections of 20 U.S.C. and 42 U.S.C.) Earned Income Tax Credit, of the Tax Reduction Act of 1975, Pub. L. No. 94-12, 89 Stat. 26 (1975) (codified in scattered sections of 26 U.S.C.) Education Amendments of 1972, Pub. L. No. 92-318, 86 Stat. 235 (1972) (codified at 7 U.S.C. § 326a (2006), 42 U.S.C. § 2756a (2000), and scattered sections of 20 U.S.C.) Education Amendments of 1976, Pub. L. No. 94-482, 90 Stat. 2234 (1976) (codified in scattered sections of 20 U.S.C.) Education for All Handicapped Children Act of 1975, 20 U.S.C. §§ 1405–1406, 1415–1420 (2006) Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965, Pub. L. No. 89-10, 79 Stat. 27 (1965) (codified in scattered sections of 20 U.S.C.) Elizabethan Poor Laws, 1601, 43 Eliz. 1, c. 2, §§ I, V (Eng.) Equal Access Act, 20 U.S.C. §§ 4071–4074 (2006) European Convention on Human Rights. See Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms Family and Medical Leave Act of 1993, Pub. L. No. 103-3, 107 Stat. 6 (1993) (codified in scattered sections of 5 U.S.C. and 29 U.S.C.) Family Support Act of 1988, Pub. L. No. 100-485, 102 Stat. 2343 (1988) (codified as amended in scattered sections of 42 U.S.C.) Federal Juvenile Delinquency Act, ch. 486, 52 Stat. 764 (1938) (codified at 18 U.S.C. §§ 5031–5037 (2006)) Food Stamp Act of 1964, Pub. L. No. 88-525, 78 Stat. 703 (1964) (codified as amended at 7 U.S.C. §§ 2011–2036 (2006)) Forced Labour Convention. See Convention Concerning Forced or Compulsory Labour Freedmen’s Bureau Bill, Act of July 16, 1866, ch. 200, 14 Stat. 173 Genetic Information Nondiscrimination Act, Pub. L. No. 110-233, 122 Stat. 881 (2008) (codified at 26 U.S.C. § 9834 and scattered sections of 42 U.S.C.) Geneva Declaration of the Rights of the Child of 1924,

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League of Nations O.J. Spec. Supp. 21, at 43 (Sept. 26, 1924) Hague Conventions. See specific conventions Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act of 1996 (HIPAA), Pub. L. No. 104-191, 110 Stat. 1936 (1996) (codified as amended in scattered sections of U.S.C.) Illinois Juvenile Court Act, 1899 Ill. Laws 132 et seq. Indian Child Welfare Act of 1978, 25 U.S.C. §§ 1901–1963 (2006) Individuals with Disabilities Education Act, 20 U.S.C. §§ 1400–1482 (2006) Individuals with Disabilities Education Improvement Act of 2004, Pub. L. No. 108-446, 118 Stat. 2647 (2004) (codified at 20 U.S.C. §§ 1400–1482, 9567–9567b (2006)) International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, opened for signature Dec. 19, 1966, G.A. Res. 2200, Annex, U.N. GAOR, 21st Sess., Supp. No. 16, at 49, U.N. Doc. A/6316 Keeping Children and Families Safe Act of 2003, Pub. L. No. 108-36, 117 Stat. 800 (2003) (codified as amended in scattered sections of 42 U.S.C.) Mass. Gen. Laws Ann. ch. 119, § 63; ch. 265, §§ 13B, 23; ch. 272, §§ 2, 4, 4A, 4B, 7, 8, 14, 16, 18, 24, 53, 53A (West 2000) 350 Mass. Code Regs. § 2.01(2)(b) (2002) Medicare and Medicaid programs. See Social Security Amendments of 1965 Mental Health Parity Act of 1996, 29 U.S.C. § 1185a, 42 U.S.C. § 300gg-5 (2000) Millennium Development Goals, http://www.undp.org/ mdg/basics.shtml, derived from the Millennium Declaration, G.A. Res. 55/2, U.N. GAOR, 55th Sess., Supp. No. 49, at 4, U.N. Doc. A/55/49 (2000) Minimum Age Convention. See Convention Concerning Minimum Age for Admission to Employment No Child Left Behind Act of 2001, Pub. L. No. 107-110, 115 Stat. 1425 (2002) (codified in scattered sections of 20 U.S.C.) Operation of Motor Vehicles by Intoxicated Minors, 23 U.S.C. § 161 (2006) Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Involvement of Children in Armed Confl ict, adopted and opened for signature May 25, 2000, G.A. Res. 54/263, Annex I, U.N. GAOR, 54th Sess., Supp. No. 49, at 7, U.N. Doc. A/54/49, vol. III Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography, adopted and opened for signature May 25, 2000, G.A. Res. 54/263, Annex II, U.N. GAOR, 54th Sess., Supp. No. 49, at 6, U.N. Doc. A/54/49, vol. III Parental Kidnapping Prevention Act, 28 U.S.C. § 1738A (2006), 42 U.S.C. § 663 (2000)

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Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996, Pub. L. No. 104-493, 110 Stat. 2105 (1996) (codified in scattered sections of U.S.C.) Rehabilitation Act of 1973 §504, 29 U.S.C. § 794 (2000) Runaway and Homeless Youth Program Grant, 45 C.F.R. § 1351.18(e) (2001) Safe and Drug-Free Schools and Communities Act, 20 U.S.C. §§ 7101–7165 (2006) SCHIP (State Children’s Health Insurance Program). See Balanced Budget Act of 1997 Sheppard-Towner Act of 1921, Pub. L. No. 67-97, 42 Stat. 224 (1921) (repealed) Smith-Hughes Act of 1917, Pub. L. No. 64-347, 39 Stat. 929 (1917) (repealed) Sober Truth on Preventing Underage Drinking Act (STOP Act), 42 U.S.C. §§ 201, 290bb-25b (2000) Social Security Act of 1935, 42 U.S.C. ch. 7, pts. A (Block Grants to States for Temporary Assistance for Needy Families) and D (Child Support and Establishment of Paternity) (2000) Social Security Amendments of 1965, Pub. L. No. 8997, §§ 102(a), 121(a), 79 Stat. 286, 316, 343 (codified as amended at 42 U.S.C. §§ 1395 (Medicare), 1396 (Medicaid) (2000))

Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants and Children, 42 U.S.C. § 1786 (2000) State Children’s Health Insurance Program (SCHIP). See Balanced Budget Act of 1997 STOP Act. See Sober Truth on Preventing Underage Drinking Act Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF). See Social Security Act of 1935 Uniform Child Custody Jurisdiction and Enforcement Act, 9 U.L.A. 649 (1999) Uniform Marriage and Divorce Act, 9A U.L.A. 159 (1998) Universal Declaration of Human Rights, G.A. Res. 217A, U.N. GAOR, 3d Sess., U.N. Doc. A/810 (Dec. 10, 1948) Veto of the Economic Opportunity Amendments of 1971, Pub. Papers 1174–78 (Dec. 10, 1971) Vocational Education Act of 1963, 20 U.S.C. §§ 2301–2302 (2006) Vocational Education Amendments of 1968, Pub. L. No. 90-576, 82 Stat. 1091 (1968) (repealed) Youth Employment and Demonstration Project Act of 1977, Pub. L. No. 95-93, 91 Stat. 645 (1977) (repealed) Zero Tolerance Bill. See Operation of Motor Vehicles by Intoxicated Minors

Index abandoned children, 1–4, 13, 150, 325–26, 466, 530, 552, 688, 879, 882; in the ancient Mediterranean world, 54–55, 144, 347–48, 722; and foster and kinship care, 373–74, 1033; and immigration, 483, 484; and orphanages, 696–97, 1025, 1027 Abandoned Infants Assistance Act, 973 Abbott, Grace, 552 Abbott v. Burke, 294 abdominal migraine, 390–91 abduction. See kidnapping ability grouping, 4–5, 175, 231, 291, 295, 296, 556, 857, 868, 955–56 Abington School District v. Schempp, 815 ABO system (blood types), 111–12 abolitionism, 352, 502, 588, 843 Aboriginal Australian people, 284, 474, 632, 645, 651, 844, 908, 1024 abortion, 127, 342, 356–57, 368, 517; and adolescent childbearing, 163, 165; alternatives to, 2–3, 28, 688; legal status of the fetus, 358–60, 774–75; among minors, 5–8, 22, 152, 202–3, 306, 359, 378, 434, 603, 786–87, 789–90, 840–42; special medical considerations in, 408, 470, 650, 827 Abraham, 525 Abraham, Karl, 266, 538 Abu Hamid al-Ghazali, 145 abuse and neglect, 72, 219–21, 348, 641, 1027; and adoption and foster and kinship care, 23–24, 26, 29, 44, 373–78, 1033; best interests of the child standard, 97–98, 935; outside of family settings, 153, 192–93, 230, 457, 696–97, 957, 959–61; legal remedies for, 8–10, 13–15, 22, 344–45, 403, 515–16, 525, 530, 566–67, 604–5, 706, 787, 798, 841–44, 925–28; outcomes of, 10–12, 77, 165–67, 255, 430, 689, 730, 731, 766, 810–11, 878, 962, 976, 1005; and parental health and relationship issues,

266, 279–80, 393, 752, 797, 1017, 1027; reporting requirements for , 13, 277, 700, 807, 885–86, 973, 1027; shaken baby syndrome, 228, 899–900, 1016; special vulnerabilities to, 95, 228, 275, 466, 651; types of, 2–3, 8–11, 13, 141, 148–52, 167–69, 170, 214–16, 277, 335, 359–60, 451, 532, 604–5, 688, 708, 775, 819–20, 973, 1026. See also corporal punishment; sexual abuse Academic Pediatric Society (APS), 714 Academy (Plato), 741–42 Academy of Family Physicians, 125 Academy of Pediatric Dentistry, 986 accidents, 13, 15–17, 19–20, 54, 81, 245–46, 362–63, 631–34, 636 Accreditation Council for Graduate Medical Education (ACGME), 714 Ache people, 553 achievement, school, 856–59, 868–70; among African American children, 41–43, 173, 237–38, 292–95, 322–24, 692–93; behavioral issues in, 79–81, 95, 213–14, 529; cognitive factors in, 79, 720, 861–62; and educational setting, 4–5, 98–101, 128–30, 174–76, 188, 281, 417–19, 425, 455, 459–60, 597, 645–48, 783–84, 821–22, 863–66, 870–72, 984; and family and community setting, 11, 26, 75, 104–5, 124, 154, 163, 414, 458, 494, 770–71, 823, 988, 1010, 1031, 1049–50; health factors in, 136–37, 255, 329, 609–10, 780–81, 962, 965; among immigrant children, 482, 485–86; and intelligence and standardized testing, 104, 513–14, 992–94; among Latino children, 322–24, 555–58; social factors in, 166, 400, 779, 851, 876–77, 922–24, 955; and special educational needs, 177, 447, 506, 563–66, 732–33; and work and extracurricular activities, 188, 332, 1042–44 achondroplasia, 211, 737, 772

acne, 909–10 acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS). See HIV/AIDS Acquisition of Language, The (Bellugi and R. Brown), 829 acting. See theater and acting Action for Children’s Television (ACT), 212 Acts of Meaning (Bruner), 664 Actual Minds/Possible Worlds (Bruner), 664 acute lymphoblastic leukemia (ALL), 134–37 acute rheumatic fever (ARF), 497, 632 Adam and Eve, story of, 137, 144, 145, 324, 672 Addams, Jane, 17–18, 272–73, 502, 526, 552, 937 addiction. See substance use and abuse Addison’s disease, 320 adenoidectomy, 283, 284 ADHD. See attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) adjustment disorder, 254 Adler, Alfred, 104, 614, 624, 727 adolescence, 18–23, 45, 51–56, 361–62, 422, 895–97, 923–24, 1006; decision making capacity during, 5–8, 20, 31–32, 168, 202–3, 225–27, 233, 243–44, 516, 602–6; identity development during, 474–77; independence and rebellion during, 115–18, 185, 493–96, 642; legal regulation during, 21–23, 148–52, 221, 344–45, 378–80, 403, 525, 530, 807–8, 956–59; and puberty, 10, 18–19, 45, 51, 236, 288–89, 318, 320, 328, 559, 587, 737–38, 889–97; risk taking during, 15–16, 19–20, 79, 223, 236, 715, 823, 884, 975–77, 991, 1000, 1010, 1024; youth movements and subcultures, 387–89, 716–19, 963–64, 1052–53. See also childbearing, adolescent; peers; rites of passage; sexual development

1060 •

in dex

Adolescence (Hall), 422, 502, 742 adoption, 148, 237, 409, 850; changing practices of, 3, 23–26, 27, 28–31, 122, 126, 149, 151, 275, 374, 392, 591–93, 697, 712–12, 824, 1018; and foster and kinship care, 26–28, 29, 44, 93, 122, 373–78, 670, 1028–29; intercountry, 26, 28–31, 77, 91–93, 353, 375, 500, 516, 913; legal regulation of, 23–24, 28–31, 91–93, 341, 344–45, 353, 420–21, 487, 530, 567, 712–13, 841–44, 983; outcomes of, 25–28, 77, 476–77, 726; and reproductive technologies, 825–27 Adoption and Safe Families Act, 14, 29, 376–77, 973 Adoption Assistance and Child Welfare Act (AACWA), 345, 376, 1028 adrenarche, 847, 889, 893–94 adrenoleukodystrophy, 682 Adult Attachment Interview, 48, 75 adult criminal justice system, children in the, 31–33, 222–23, 306, 344, 363, 525–27, 530–31, 798–801, 811–12, 840; and the death penalty, 242–44; and prisons, 784–85; and substance use and abuse, 968–70. See also juvenile justice system Advanced Placement (AP) Program, 5, 33 Advancing FASD Research, Prevention, and Services Act, 973 Adventures of Pinocchio (Collodi), 572 Adventures of Tom Sawyer (Twain), 572 advertising, 34–36, 193, 368, 601–2, 582– 83, 634, 855, 987–89; and consumption by children, 211–13; and freedom of speech, 378–80; and substance use and abuse, 965, 968–70, 1000 advice literature for parents, 36–38, 348–49, 411, 519, 757, 918, 945–46, 1036 aerophagia, 391 Aesop’s Fables, 366 Afanasyev, Aleksandr, 366 affirmative action, children and, 38–41, 43, 173 Afghanistan, 143, 180, 338, 813, 1011 Afikpo Ibo people, 847 Africa, 43–46, 423, 800; body image and modification in, 115–18; childbirth and infancy in, 126, 541, 649–51, 686–88, 844, 931, 1001; cognitive and language development in, 99, 199, 511, 512–14, 580, 741; conceptions of childhood in, 139–43; education and literacy in, 302–5, 380, 570, 583, 996, 1021; family patterns in, 82–83, 248–53, 335–38, 355, 375, 537, 589, 592, 638–40, 842, 931; folk tales in, 364–66; food and nutri-

tion issues in, 126, 370, 587, 1005; gender and sexual development in, 167–69, 394–97, 460–62, 492–93, 891; health issues and care in, 107, 110, 207–11, 426, 428, 442, 496, 499–500, 637, 677, 684, 696, 704–5, 772; HIV/AIDS in, 43–46, 171, 225, 338, 375, 469–73, 632; Islam in, 517–21; mental health issues and care in, 351, 612, 618; motor development in, 643, 680; play in, 744, 753, 1003–4; poverty in, 151, 769–70, 1039; social development in, 630–31, 722, 848, 964, 999, 1053; war and violence in, 179–81, 1010–11, 1025. See also specific countries and peoples by name African American children, 51–54, 801–6, 832; and affirmative action, 38–41; behavior issues among, 79, 528–29; birth and early development of, 106, 170, 649, 650, 662, 675, 779–80, 915, 974, 1002; and children’s literature and folk tales, 364, 573, 574; and education, 4–5, 33, 41–43, 174–76, 187, 237–38, 281, 295–96, 299–302, 402, 418, 645–48, 692–93, 840, 856–59, 864–66, 869, 937, 978, 983, 992, 1020; family patterns of, 14–15, 29, 37, 163, 244–48, 337–39, 352, 373, 377, 419–20, 421, 639, 822, 855–56, 908; health issues and care among, 15, 135, 273, 275–76, 319, 406, 426–31, 433, 435–38, 468, 558–59, 633–34, 636–38, 676, 772, 997; identity development among, 474–77; and intelligence, 512–14; in juvenile justice system, 219–20, 526–27, 784–85, 811, 958; language development and literacy among, 569–70, 663–66, 933–34; and media and popular culture, 655, 758, 760–62, 987–88; mental health issues and care among, 165–67, 614, 767, 976; and parental authority, 85–86, 277–78, 494, 495; physical and motor development among, 112, 330, 643, 986; play and peer culture among, 117, 368, 716–19, 750–51; and prejudice and stereotyping, 776–79; religion and spirituality among, 794–96, 943; self-esteem among, 876–77; sexual development and behavior among, 6, 19, 20, 213, 851, 890, 894; sickle-cell anemia among, 110, 442, 772; social development among, 383–84, 399–400, 630, 725; socioeconomic status of, 38–43, 344, 456–58, 587, 768–69, 1028, 1031, 1033; substance use and abuse among, 965–66, 970, 999; work and extracurricular activities among, 332, 947, 1042

African American Vernacular English (AAVE), 176, 718, 933–34 agammaglobulinemia, 489 age: and conceptions of childhood, 139–43; and critical periods, 223–25; and developmental milestones, 271, 411, 950; and stages of childhood, 949–54. See also specific realms of development by name aggression, 46–48, 128, 199, 237, 559, 912, 915, 1005; and bullying, 130–32; and corporal punishment, 215, 277–78; and exposure to violence, 130, 183, 191, 212, 568, 600–602, 988–89, 1010–12, 1024; family factors in, 11, 104–5, 158, 280, 457–58, 495, 641, 972; and gender, 399– 401; and juvenile justice system, 528, 531; medicines for, 609; and mental health issues, 204, 255, 766; and performanceenhancing drugs, 721; and personality, 725, 726; and play, 743, 746, 751–53; psychoanalytic theories of, 266–68; and social and emotional development, 316, 383, 624, 627, 717, 923–24; and temperament, 990–91 agricultural environments, 248, 789; in Africa, 43–46, 336; in American history, 51–54, 57–58, 128, 340, 811; breastfeeding and infant care in, 354, 931; and conceptions of childhood, 139–43; education in, 865; father-child relationship in, 347–48; and hygiene hypothesis, 50–51; in Latin America, 553; organizations for youth in, 695; work and play in, 903, 1004, 1039–41. See also rural environments Agta people, 640 Aid to Dependent Children (ADC), 54, 151, 768, 1028–29 Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC), 54, 153, 163, 457, 768–69, 1028–29, 1030–34 AIDS. See HIV/AIDS Ainsworth, Mary D. Salter, 48, 74–77, 120, 122, 224, 494, 931 Aka people, 640 Alaska Native children, 14, 38, 245, 425, 496, 499, 570, 669–70, 974. See also Native American children Albania, 286 albinism, 107 alcohol, 17, 19–20, 306, 332, 388, 608, 635, 964–70; advertising for, 378–80; legal age for consumption of, 21–23, 202, 306, 326, 525, 968–70. See also fetal alcohol spectrum disorders; substance use and abuse

in d e x

alcohol-related neurodevelopmental disabilities (ARND), 357–58 Alexander, Karl, 861 Alexander v. Sandoval, 302 Alexei of Russia, Czarevitch, 111 Algeria, 338, 486, 645, 818–20 Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland (L. Carroll), 572 Allen, Frederick, 752 allergic diseases, 48–51, 124, 354, 389, 607, 704, 731, 837, 909. See also asthma Allport, Gordon, 648, 802 Alport’s syndrome, 446 Alta House Settlement, 937 alternative dispute resolution (ADR), 345 Amatruda, Catherine S., 119 Amazonia, 537, 553 AMBER Alerts, 533 amblyopia, 107, 442, 1014 Ambulatory Pediatric Association, 451, 714 amebic dysentery, 392 amenorrhea, 288 American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP), 532, 714; on abuse and neglect, 451, 882–84, 899–900; on appropriate medical care, 443, 468, 605, 675, 986; on breastfeeding, 125; on child care standards, 159; on corporal punishment, 215, 277; on drug testing, 968; on media use, 190; on SIDS, 974–75; on sleeping arrangements, 918–20 American Association of University Women, 299, 885 American Association on Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities (AAIDD), 504–5, 507 American Bar Association (ABA), 345, 567 American Board of Pediatrics (ABP), 714 American Camp Association (ACA), 132, 133 American Chemical Society, 582 American Civil Liberties Union, 298, 815 American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG), 125, 772, 775 American College of Sports Medicine, 949 American Council of Chief Defenders, 567 American Council on the Teaching of Foreign Languages, 102 American Diabetes Association, 478 American Dietetic Association, 125 American Educational Research Association, 993 American Family Foundation, 229

American Girl, The, 581–82 American history, 51–54; advice literature for parents in, 36–38; children’s hospitals in, 466; children’s literature in, 182–83; conceptions of childhood in, 139–43, 202, 790–91; consumption by children in, 211–13; education in, 280–81, 290–92, 417, 781–84, 815, 862, 864–70, 983, 994–95; family patterns in, 1, 3, 8–10, 23–24, 352–53, 374–76, 589–91, 640, 839, 878–82; immigration in, 482–83; juvenile justice system in, 242–43, 525–26, 530, 810–11; mortality in, 635–38; racial discrimination in, 41–43, 299–302; reform movements in, 3, 18–19, 24, 31, 52–53, 129, 149–53, 291, 344, 422, 443, 453, 502, 525–27, 530, 552, 612–13, 695–96, 758, 767, 937, 1026–29; welfare in, 1026–29 American Indian children. See Native American children American Indian Movement, 668 American Journal of Psychology, 828 American Law Institute (ALI), 233, 591, 820 American Library Association (ALA), 574, 624 American Medical Association (AMA), 19, 689, 690–91, 714, 775, 1028 American Montessori Society (AMS), 784 American Pediatrics Association, 170 American Psychiatric Association, 79, 88, 350, 618, 694, 766, 797, 964 American Psychological Association, 216, 836 American Public Health Association (APHA), 159 American Red Cross, 1025 American Revolution, 3, 52, 290, 572–73, 667 American Samoa, 396, 545. See also Samoa American School for the Deaf (ASD), 177, 386 American Sign Language (ASL), 100, 177, 186, 240, 386, 448, 906–7, 936 American Society of Reproductive Medicine, 827 American Spelling Book (Webster), 994 Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA), 275, 472 AmeriCorps, 571 Amish community, 201, 294–95, 499, 818–19 amniocentesis, 209, 308, 408 Anabaptists, 796 Anabolic Steroid Control Act, 721

• 1 06 1

Analects (Confucius), 206, 207 Anansi, 366 ancient Mediterranean world, 54–56, 144–45, 324, 589–90, 722. See also Greece, ancient and modern; Rome, ancient Andersen, Hans Christian, 366, 575 androgen insensitivity syndrome (AIS), 398, 889, 893 anemias, 80, 109–10, 112, 441–42, 535, 559, 585, 632, 644, 704, 773, 913, 986 anencephaly, 208–9, 681 anesthesia and analgesia, 606–7, 699, 701–3, 754 Angelman syndrome, 404 Anglicanism, 796 Angola, 180 animism, 56–57, 178, 195–96, 437, 583–84 Ankenbrandt v. Richards, 352 Anne of Green Gables (Montgomery), 374 Anno, Mitsumasa, 573 Anno’s Journey (Anno), 573 anorexia nervosa, 115, 117, 288–90, 614–15, 690 antibiotics, 283–84, 390–92, 449, 466, 489, 496–501, 607–8, 632, 837–38, 898, 909–10, 1015 antidepressants, 81, 89, 95, 255–56, 289– 90, 608–10, 614, 620, 754, 765–66, 878, 917 Anti-Drug Abuse Act, 973 Antidrug Media Campaign, 969 antiretroviral (ARV) drugs, 468–71, 632 antisocial personality disorder (APD), 12, 204, 400, 694, 991 anxieties and anxiety disorders, 47, 237, 273, 311, 349–52, 595, 607, 618–20, 796, 916, 1026; and behavior disorders, 80–81, 694; and family patterns, 11, 84–85, 242, 280, 410, 492, 495, 641, 796, 905; medicines for, 609; and other mental health issues, 89, 255, 766, 976, 997; and play, 743, 745, 752–53; and psychoanalysis, 538–39; resilience and coping measures for, 166, 584, 693; and self-esteem, 876–77; and selfinjury, 877–78; separation anxiety, 73–77; social factors in, 131–32, 323, 400, 457–58, 484–85, 731, 884, 962, 1010; and substance use and abuse, 964–66; and temperament, 990–91 Apache people, 474, 490. See also Native American children apartheid, 40, 180, 761–62, 801, 803–5 Apgar, Virginia, 675 Apgar score, 675 appendicitis, 427, 467

1062 •

in dex

Apple, Dorian, 420 Apple, Michael, 231 apprenticeship, 57–60, 839, 1046; in Africa, 44, 302–5; in American history, 9, 52, 57–60, 374–75, 671, 811, 1027; and conceptions of childhood, 1, 3, 9, 24, 142, 790; in European history, 325–26, 696, 1039, 1042; as informal education, 302–5, 562–63; and vocational education, 1019–21 Apprenticeship in Thinking (Rogoff ), 831 Apprenticeship Information Management System, 1020 Arab world, 44–45, 133, 145, 251–52, 337–38, 545 Arapaho people, 671. See also Native American children architecture, children and. See built environment, children and the Arctic America, 141 Ariel, Shlomo, 753 Ariès, Philippe, 1, 60–61, 139–40, 143, 324–25, 328, 813, 830, 895 Aristotle, 55, 61–62, 144–45, 578, 758 Arnett, Jeffrey, 950 Arnheim, Rudolf, 62–63, 65–66 Art and Visual Perception (Arnheim), 62 Art of the Story-Teller (Shedlock), 366 arthritis, 702; juvenile rheumatoid arthritis, 488, 577, 732–33, 1015; osteoarthritis, 698 artistic development, 62–66, 216–17, 643–44, 678–79 arts education, 33, 62–64, 66–67, 114, 232, 235–36, 867–68, 993–94, 996, 1012 Asante people, 639 Asbjørnsen, Peter Christen, 366 Ashcroft v. Free Speech Coalition, 764 Ashkenzazi Jews. See Jewish people Asia, 70–72, 128, 533, 643, 753, 800, 808, 991, 1039; cognitive and language development in, 78, 103, 514, 664; conceptions of childhood in, 139–43; education and literacy in, 331, 459, 570, 597, 664, 985, 1021; family patterns in, 2–3, 248–53, 335–38, 569, 589, 638, 649, 696, 956; folk tales in, 364–66; food and nutrition issues in, 123, 125–26, 370, 587; health issues and care in, 107, 207–11, 238, 428, 430, 436–37, 442, 470–71, 496, 499–500, 577, 607, 637, 684, 910; media and popular culture in, 182, 583, 758; mental health issues and care in, 351, 612, 618; poverty in, 151, 769; religion in, 517–21, 523–24; self development in, 875–76; social development in, 716, 844, 850, 1053;

substance use and abuse in, 965, 999; war and violence in, 1010–11, 1024–25. See also specific countries and peoples by name Asian American children, 67–70, 165–67, 220, 482–83, 643, 803, 850–51, 922, 991; and education, 41, 281, 332, 570, 866, 869, 1020; ethnic identity of, 321–24; family patterns of, 14, 37, 85–86, 244–48, 419–20, 494, 495, 855–56, 908, 956; health issues and care among, 15, 106, 319, 433, 675, 676, 677; and intelligence, 513–14; media portrayals of, 987–88; socioeconomic status of, 38–39, 1028, 1031, 1033; substance use and abuse among, 965, 999 Asperger disorder, 88, 414, 551 assisted reproductive technologies (ART). See reproductive technologies Association for Moral Education, 539 Association for Retarded Citizens (ARC), 937 Association for the Gifted (TAG), 414 Association of Medical Officers of American Institutions for Idiotic and Feeble-Minded Persons, 936 Association of Medical School Pediatric Department Chairs, 715 asthma, 48–51, 129, 467, 478, 491, 631– 34, 746; early influences on, 124, 780; education of children with, 732–33; and health disparities, 406, 427–29, 435–36, 457, 558, 587, 770, 962; and related medical conditions, 497, 689, 704, 837–38, 909 Atatürk, Kemal, 317, 519 ataxia-telangiectasia, 134 atheism, 820 athletic talent, development of, 72–73, 298–99, 415–16, 442, 643–44, 718, 720–22, 946–49. See also sports Ātman-Brahman, 875 atomism, 560 attachment, 73–76, 416, 962; among adopted children and orphans, 26–28, 696–97; and child care, 157–58; disturbances and disorders of, 76–77, 204, 618; and emotional development, 166, 224, 314, 317, 921, 874; and independence, dependence, and interdependence, 493–96; and mother-child relationship, 641–42, 691–92, 945–46, 951; and other family relationships, 11, 241, 536–38, 713, 730–32, 904; and personality, 724–25, 730; and sexual development, 885, 891, 896; and socialization, 931–32; and spirituality, 943–44; and

Strange Situation, 48, 74–76, 120, 494, 641; theories of, 48, 73–77, 120, 121–22, 265–68, 346–47, 424, 581 Attachment (Bowlby), 120, 122, 494 attention, 45, 77–79, 191, 197–98, 559, 621–22, 719, 787, 921; and language development, 542–43; and learning disabilities, 565, 809; and prenatal substance exposure, 971–72; and sleep, 915, 916 attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), 11, 79–81, 273, 400, 410, 414, 457–58, 587, 614–15, 618–20, 715, 780, 997; medicines for, 79–81, 609–10; and other behavior disorders and issues, 95, 204, 528, 693–94, 915; and prenatal substance exposure, 357–58, 972; and substance use and abuse, 964, 999; treatments for, 132, 261, 275, 673–74, 753 Auden, W. H., 748 Augustine of Hippo, Saint, 55, 137, 145, 324, 742 aural atresia, 446 Australia, 141, 212, 219, 285, 366, 448, 474, 764, 832, 1010; education in, 453, 734, 870–71, 873; ethnic identity and race in, 322, 803; family patterns in, 162, 326, 589, 640, 651, 700, 908, 1016; gender and sexual development in, 395, 461–62; health issues and care in, 135, 238, 240, 284, 632, 636, 690; media in, 34, 35, 362; mental health issues and care in, 165–67, 976; newborn care and rituals in, 169, 686–87; poverty in, 151, 769, 1030; substance use and abuse in, 964, 999; work and apprenticeship in, 1039, 1042; youth subcultures in, 963–64. See also Aboriginal Australian people Austria, 98, 404, 513, 636, 727, 752–53, 936, 952, 1034, 1042 authority, forms of parental, 81–86, 317, 333–38, 371, 694, 771, 962; and advice literature, 36–38; in Africa, 45–46; and aggression, 46–48; in American history, 51–54; in Asia and Pacific Island societies, 68–70, 70–72, 700–701, 723; and conceptions of childhood, 139–47; and cults, 228–30; and discipline and punishment, 8–9, 214–16, 276–79; in European history, 55, 324–27, 879; and family systems theories, 346–47; and father-child relationship, 347–49; and identity development, 475–77; and independence, dependence, and interdependence, 493–96; in Islam, 517–21;

in d e x

in Latin America and among Latinos, 553–54, 556; and legal dependency of minors, 253–54; and legal regulation of adolescents, 202–3; and morality, 629–31; and mother-child relationship, 638–42; and parental rights, 839, 841– 43; and personal boundaries, 722–23; and personality, 724–26; in Protestantism, 795; and self-esteem, 876–77; and social development, 920–24, 956; and violence, 1010–11 autism spectrum disorders (ASDs), 64– 65, 86–89, 98, 108, 199, 210, 409–10, 481, 614–15, 682, 749; and developmental delays, 271–72, 644; education of children with, 89, 90–91, 938; and language development and delay, 186, 199, 549, 551; medicines for, 89, 609; and MMR vaccine, 88–89, 491; and self-injury, 877–78; and social phobia, 350; treatments for, 132, 261, 273, 274, 731 autoimmune hemolytic anemia, 488 autoimmune thyroid disease, 488 autonomy. See independence “Aveyron, wild boy of,” 521–22, 936 Avi, 573 avian influenza, 496, 500 Awareness of Dying (Glaser and Strauss), 241 Axel, Richard, 980 Axline, Virginia, 752 Ayurveda, 451–52, 612, 998 Azande people, 460 Baba Yaga, 366 Babbitt, Natalie, 573 Baby Friendly Hospital Initiative, 676 baby talk, 545–49. See also communication, development of; language babysitters. See child care; kinship and child rearing Bacillus Calmette-Guerin (BCG) vaccine, 492 Back to Sleep program, 644 bacterial infections. See infectious diseases and specific infections by name Baddeley, Alan, 510, 610 Baden-Powell, Robert, 133, 695 Baer, Donald, 258, 261, 561 Bahamas, 755 Bais Yaacov schools, 524 Baka people, 141 Balch, Ernest, 132, 133 Baldwin, James Mark, 93–94, 118–19, 259, 262, 502, 739, 828, 873 Bali, 94, 96, 599, 687

Balkans, 338. See also specific countries by name Ball, Helen, 651 Baltes, Paul, 829 Baltics, 338. See also specific countries by name Baltimore Project (Ainsworth), 48 Baltimore-Washington Infant Study (BWIS), 208, 449–50 Bamberger, Jeanne, 415 Bangladesh, 70, 71, 174, 338, 384, 816; American immigrants from, 67–70, 87; health issues in, 499, 587 Banks, James A., 646–48 Banks, William Curtis, 802 Bantu people, 537, 651 Baoule people, 179, 511 baptism, 138, 145, 285, 324–25, 554, 634–35, 661, 794–96, 845–46, 853 Baptists, 794–96, 821, 845 bar and bat mitzvah, 138, 474, 525, 846–47, 850, 853, 855, 894 Barrie, J. M., 759 Barry, Herbert, 847 Bartlett, Frederic, 561–62 Basic Cognitive Processes (John Wright and Kagan), 829 Basotho people, 185 Bateson, Gregory, 94, 346, 599, 743 Battered Child, The (Helfer and Kempe), 451, 532 battered child syndrome, 9, 13, 451, 532 Baugh, John, 933 Baumrind, Diana, 84–85 Bayley Scales of Infant Development, 949 baylisascaris, 704 Beard, Daniel Carter, 695 Beattie v. Board of Education, 938 Beaumont, Marie Le Prince de, 365 beauty. See body image and modification “Beauty and the Beast,” 364–65, 662 Beckwith-Wiedemann syndrome, 134, 736 Bedouin people, 520 bedwetting, 94–95, 615, 1024 Before the Best Interests of the Child (J. Goldstein, A. Freud, and Solnit), 416, 935 behavior, 95, 158, 412–13, 559, 753, 962; adolescent, 18–23; and advice literature for parents, 36–38; aggression, 46–48; and attention, 77–79; and autism spectrum disorders, 86–91; and brain development, 147–48; bullying, 130–32; and children’s concepts of the world, 193–202; and corporal punishment, 214–16; disorders of, 81, 203–5, 255,

• 1 06 3

618, 693–94, 715, 798; and ethology, 580–81; family influences on, 11–13, 26–28, 81–86, 162, 457, 909, 972; and imitation, 480–81; infant, 74, 76–77, 118; and injuries, 15–17; and personality, 723–30; and psychotropic medicines, 608–10; and self development, 874–75; sexual, 887–97; and sleep, 914–17; and temperament, 990–92; theories of development, 259, 260–62, 264–65, 422, 911, 1026; twin studies of, 409–11, 650–51 Behavior and Evolution (Piaget), 739 behaviorism, 53, 237, 258, 259, 260–62, 264–65, 422, 560–61, 621, 740, 834, 911, 1026 Belarus, 355, 764 Belgium, 34, 330, 533, 592, 636, 1002 Belize, 396, 555 Bell, Alexander Graham, 386, 623, 936 Bell, J., 210 Bell, Terrel H., 995 Bellamy, Edward, 281 Bellotti v. Baird, 7–8, 202–3, 305, 841 Bellugi, Ursula, 829 Benedict, Ruth, 96, 141, 599, 897, 977 Beng people, 686, 688, 844 Bennett, William, 760 beriberi, 588 Berry, J. W., 321 Berryman, Jerome, 795 best interests of the child, 1, 96–98, 148–52, 253, 516, 593, 677, 706; in abuse and neglect cases, 935; in adoption, 23, 24, 25, 28–31, 97–98; in circumcision, 167, 170; in custody and visitation, 96–98, 232–35, 790, 820, 878, 882, 935, 1016–18; in foster and kinship care, 97–98, 373–78, 935; in guardianship, 421; and immigrant children, 487–88; in juvenile justice system, 530, 567; in medical care and procedures, 97–98, 203, 602–6; in sterilization, 789–90 Bettelheim, Bruno, 98 Beyond Black (Rockquemore and Brunsma), 804 Beyond the Best Interests of the Child (J. Goldstein, A. Freud, and Solnit), 416, 935 Bhutan, 67–70 Bible, 138, 974; in education, 142, 290, 348, 545, 815, 816–17, 818–19, 821; Hebrew Bible (Old Testament), 137, 144, 215, 242, 523–25, 653, 672; names from, 661–62; New Testament, 137, 144, 324, 672, 795; and punishment, 215, 242 bibliotherapy, 576

1064 •

in dex

bicultural identity, 323, 448, 850 Bidell, Thomas, 562 Big Brothers/Big Sisters program, 167, 695–96 Big Five model of personality, 727–28 Bijou, Sidney, 258, 261, 561 Bilingual Education Act, 557 bilingualism, 101–3, 477; and bilingual education, 68, 98–101, 292, 296, 414, 418, 515, 557, 571, 786, 862; critical periods for, 224, 680; and foreign language education, 372–73; and hearing impairments, 239, 448; among immigrant children, 483, 485, 488, 554, 557; and multicultural education, 645–48; multilingualism, 44, 524, 548; and school funding, 859–60; and sociolinguistic diversity, 934; and speech disorders, 941 Binet, Alfred, 103–4, 512–14, 828 Binet-Simon intelligence test, 103–4, 512–13, 739 binge eating. See eating disorders Biographical Sketch of an Infant (C. Darwin), 828 biological parents, 23–31, 409, 592–93, 711–13, 822–24. See also adoption; maternity; paternity Biological Sciences Curriculum Study (BSCS), 872 bipolar disorder, 20, 204, 254–55, 406, 609, 619–20, 796, 976 biracial children, 220, 245, 248, 323, 669, 803–5 birth control. See contraception birth defects. See congenital anomalies and deformations birth intervals, 44, 51, 54–55, 124, 328, 355–56, 637, 639. See also fertility birth order, 104–5, 495, 637, 904; and cognitive and language development, 185, 612, 680; and personality, 725, 729; and status within the family, 70–72, 701 birth weight. See low birth weight; physical growth and development birthmarks, 105–6, 909–10 bisexuality. See LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender) youth Black Boy (R. Wright), 575 Black Carib people, 396 black children. See African American children Black English. See African American Vernacular English (AAVE) Blackberry Winter (M. Mead), 599 Blatt, Burton, 275, 507

Blatz, William, 48 blindness, 106–9, 273, 276, 411, 423, 446–47, 587, 898, 899, 935–39. See also vision blood, 369; disorders, 109–11, 124, 136, 238, 407, 577; and HIV/AIDS, 468, 472; transfusions, 500, 818–19; types, 111–12, 238, 773 Bloom syndrome, 134 Blount’s disease, 698–99 blue baby syndrome, 448–50 Blue Fairy Book (Lang), 366 Blue Peter, 602 Bluebond-Langner, Myra, 241, 242, 478 Blue’s Clues, 602 Blumstein, Alfred, 362 Boal, Augusto, 996 Board of Education v. Dowell, 301 Board of Education v. Earls, 282 Board of Education v. Pico, 379 boarding schools, 53, 112–15, 667–72, 674, 844, 895, 1024 Boas, Franz, 96, 599, 831–32 Bob the Builder, 602 body image and modification, 19, 115–18, 413, 555, 876; in Africa, 45, 168–69; and eating disorders, 288–90; and gender socialization, 394, 399, 464, 988; and peer culture, 716–19 body mass index (BMI), 585, 587, 633–34, 689, 738, 889 Boer War, 695 Bondo society, 168–69 bone disorders. See orthopedic disorders Bonilla-Silva, Eduardo, 805 Book of Nonsense (Lear), 572 Bookbird, 574 Booklist, 574 Bookman, The, 624 books: advice literature for parents, 36– 38, 757; children’s, 572–77, 601, 693, 757–59; and family leisure time activities, 568–69, 770, 866, 988; landmark works on child development, 118–21; and reading instruction, 808–10. See also literacy; literature, children’s; textbooks; and specific books by name boot camps, 205, 363, 811 Bora, Katherine von, 794 borderline personality disorder, 47, 492 Born Alive Infants Protection Act (BAIPA), 677 Borneo, 67–70 Bornstein, Marc, 832 Boswell, John, 722 Botswana, 227, 473, 639 botulism, 124, 685

Bourdieu, Pierre, 548, 575, 744, 933 Bowen, Murray, 346 Bowlby, John, 48, 74–77, 120, 121–22, 224, 241, 257, 494, 641, 724, 896 bowlegs, 698–99 Boxer Rebellion, 285 Boy Scout Handbook (Seton), 133 Boy Scouts (United Kingdom), 327, 695 Boy Scouts of America, 53, 133, 171, 403, 466, 581–82, 635, 673, 695–96, 758 Boy Scouts of America v. Dale, 466 Boys and Girls Clubs of America, 171, 695–96 Boys Life, 581–82 Boys Own Paper, 759 Brace, Charles Loring, 122–23, 374, 767, 811, 1027 Bradley, Charles, 608–9 Braille, 107, 109, 275, 1018–19 brain development, 11, 147–48, 422, 514, 677–81, 949; and attention, 77–79; and autism spectrum disorders, 88–89; and brain injuries, 16, 17, 204, 675, 676, 681–82, 732–33, 948; and brain tumors, 134–37, 318, 682; and breastfeeding, 123–26; and cognitive development, 177–79, 243–44, 424; and developmental delays, 271–72; and emotional development, 310–12; and endocrine disorders, 318–20; and evolution, 327– 29; and headaches, 426; and hearing development, 444–45; and imitation, 480–81; and language development, 102, 422; and lead poisoning, 558–59; and learning disabilities, 563–64; and liver disorders and diseases, 577; and memory, 611–12; and neurological disorders, 681–84; and pain, 701–3; and prenatal substance exposure, 357–58, 971–72; and school readiness, 860–61; and sexual development, 887–95; and shaken baby syndrome, 899–900; and SIDS, 974; and speech disorders, 941; and tics and Tourette syndrome, 997; and vision development, 1012–13 Braine, Martin, 579–80 Branch Davidian community, 230 branchio-oto-renal (BOR) syndrome, 446 Brazelton, T. Berry, 36, 1001 Brazil, 212, 270, 554–55, 573, 912, 964; dream interpretation in, 914–15; family patterns in, 249, 337, 639, 707; formal and informal education in, 179, 380, 789; health issues and care in, 6, 685; moral development in, 628, 630; social

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development in, 40, 201, 384, 387; street children in, 456, 593–94, 959–61, 1011; theater and acting in, 996; welfare in, 1030 Brazil Early Childhood Development (World Bank), 1030 breastfeeding, 123–26, 286, 327, 353–56, 676, 891, 1005, 1017; cultural variations in, 46, 51, 113, 123, 430, 517, 687; and HIV transmission, 468–73; and morbidity and mortality, 50, 251, 283–84, 633, 636, 637, 690; and mother-child relationship, 639, 641, 653, 765; and sense of smell, 980–82; and sleeping arrangements, 918–20; weaning from, 116, 369, 370, 452, 553, 691, 847, 1005; wet nursing and origins of foster care, 374–75, 639. See also food Bridge to Terabithia (Paterson), 573 Bridgman, Laura Dewey, 936 Britain. See United Kingdom British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), 602, 640, 827, 1036 British Marriage and Divorce Act, 881 British Sign Language, 906 brittle bone disease, 309 Brockway, Zebulon, 811 Brody, Gene H., 905 bronchiolitis, 496, 837–38 bronchitis, 11–12, 497, 837–38 Bronfenbrenner, Urie, 260, 269–70, 830–32, 1004 Brontë family, 748 Brown, Louise, 824 Brown, Roger, 829 Brown Bear, Brown Bear, What Do You See? (B. Martin and Carle), 573 Brown v. Board of Education, 41, 151, 173, 293, 295–96, 299–302, 801–3, 840, 868, 937 Bruner, Jerome, 304, 664, 831 Brunsma, David, 804 Bruton, Ogden C., 489 Bryant, Peter, 579 Buck, Linda, 980 Buddha, 126–27 Buddhism, 126–27, 144–45, 200, 206, 228–30, 336–37, 595, 629, 817 Buff y the Vampire Slayer, 602 Bühler, Charlotte, 829 Bühler, Karl, 1034 built environment, children and the, 128–30, 485, 588, 623, 624, 916; and obesity, 690–91; and poverty, 770–71; spaces of childhood, 1007–9 Bukele, Dualu, 303 bulimia nervosa, 47, 288–90, 492

Bulletin of the Center for Children’s Books, The, 574 bullying, 70, 104, 130–32, 193, 220, 464–66, 877, 923, 962, 1011 Bunzel, Ruth, 554 Burkam, David T., 861 Burke, Carolyn, 809 Burkert, Nancy Ekholm, 367 Burkina Faso, 251 Burlingham, Dorothy Tiffany, 381 Burma, 67–70 burns, 15–16, 132, 467, 698 Burschenschaften, 1052 Bush, George H. W., 10, 114, 188, 212, 861 Bush, George W., 100, 114, 292, 425 Bushnell, Horace, 794 Caban v. Mohammed, 712 Cabo Verde, 380 Cahan, Emily, 829 Cahn, Edmond, 173 Cairns, Robert, 828 Caldecott Medal, 574 California Youth Authority (CYA), 800 Calvin, John, 145–46, 794–95 Cambodia, 475, 632; American immigrants from, 67–70, 322, 475, 812; and intercountry adoption, 92–93 Cameroon, 493 Camp Fire USA, 133, 695–96 camps, summer, 132–34, 217, 368, 478, 497, 673, 695–96, 910, 946 Canada, 40, 219, 330, 461, 483, 513, 731, 753, 832; corporal punishment in, 277; education in, 58, 99–100, 372, 453, 645, 870, 939, 978; emotional development in, 310–11, 313; family patterns in, 26, 163, 248–53, 254, 326, 378, 589–90, 592, 651, 825–26, 908; food aversions and preferences in, 369, 371; freedom of speech in, 379–80; health issues and care in, 135, 228, 238, 240, 390, 427, 429; language development in, 185, 186, 198; mental health issues and care in, 613, 976; popular culture in, 594, 761–62; poverty and welfare in, 151, 769, 1030, 1032; religion in, 285, 979; social development in, 46, 202, 387, 475, 477, 695, 718, 751 Canavan’s disease, 772 cancer, 132, 134–37, 306, 406, 426, 586– 87, 631; bone tumors, 698; brain tumors, 134–37, 318, 682; and disabilities, 273, 274, 682; and gastrointestinal disorders, 389, 390; genetic testing for, 407–8; and immune disorders and compromise, 488, 704; kidney, 534; liver, 577,

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721; and pain, 702; retinoblastomas, 134, 408, 1015–16; and sunburn, 910 cantilenas, 963 capital offenses. See death penalty, children and the Captain Kangaroo, 602 cardiac catheterization, 450 “Cardinal Principles of Education,” 291 cardiovascular disorders and diseases. See heart disorders and diseases Carey v. Population Services International, 203 Caribbean islands, 1007–8; American immigrants from, 857; family patterns in, 143, 248–53, 337–38; folk tales in, 366; gender development in, 461; health issues in, 110, 428; violence in, 1010; work in, 1039. See also Latin America and specific islands by name Caring for Our Children, 159–60 Carl D. Perkins Vocational and Applied Technology Act, 1020–21 Carle, Eric, 573 Carlin, John, 386 Carlisle Indian School, 668 Carmichael, Leonard, 829 Carmichael, Stokely, 934 Carnegie Corporation of New York, 332–33 Carpenter, Just, 510 Carpenter, Patricia, 510 Carroll, John B., 509 Carroll, Lewis, 572 Carter, Jimmy, 533–34 Casa dei Bambini (Children’s House), 623 Case, Robbie, 259, 562 Cassirer, Ernst, 1034 Castaneda v. Pickard, 296 Cat in the Hat, The (Seuss), 572 Catechesis of the Good Shepherd (Cavaletti), 139 Cathedral (Macaulay), 574 Catholicism, 137–39, 201, 369, 810; conceptions of childhood in, 144–45, 154; in European history, 1–2, 324–25; among Latino populations, 549, 553–54; marital and nonmarital unions and divorce in, 589–90, 879, 881; naming practices in, 661–62; among Native Americans, 667; parishes, 138–39; parochial schools, 139, 291, 294–95, 815, 820–22, 867, 869, 984; and public schools, 588, 815; and reproductive technologies, 825; rites of passage in, 537, 845–46, 855; sexual abuse scandal in, 139, 885 Cattell, Raymond B., 509

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Caucasian children. See white children Cavaletti, Sofia, 139 Caxton, William, 366 Ceauşescu, Nicolae, 697, 913 celiac disease, 389, 586 Celsus, 714 Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement (University of Maryland), 947 Center for Moral Development and Education (Harvard University), 539 Center for WorkLife Law, 1049 Center on Children and the Law (ABA), 345 Central America. See Latin America Centuries of Childhood (Ariès), 1, 60–61, 139–40, 143, 328, 830, 895 cerebral palsy, 112, 273, 276, 467, 499, 506, 644, 681–83, 698, 732–33, 736, 780, 899, 941 Ceylon, 624 Chaga Childhood (Raum), 744 Chagas disease, 705 Chall, Jean, 809 Chamberlain v. Surrey District School Board No. 36, 379–80 Changeover, The (Mahy), 573 Channel One, 34 Character Counts!, 696 Charcot-Marie-tooth disease (CMT), 684 Charlotte’s Web (E. B. White), 573, 575 charter schools, 292, 294, 860, 862–64, 984 Chemical Education Material Study (Chem Study), 872 ChemMatters, 582 chemotherapy, 136, 488, 604, 682, 825 Chenchu people, 1005 Cherlin, Andrew J., 419 Cherokee people, 667–68. See also Native American children Chess, Stella, 989–91 Cheuse, Alan, 575 Chewa people, 511 Chicago Institute of the Social Sciences, 552 Chicano Movement, 557 ChickaDEE, 582 chicken pox, 491, 496, 498, 500, 632, 772, 838, 910 Child Abuse and Neglect (journal), 532 Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act (CAPTA), 9, 13, 532, 567, 604–5, 885–86, 973, 1027 Child and Other Cultural Inventions, The (Kessel and Siegel), 830

child care, 13, 39–40, 70–72, 356, 440, 557, 709–10; in American history, 152–56, 158–60, 425, 440, 768, 771, 982–83, 1028; disease transmission and immunity development in, 50, 135, 283–84, 392, 497, 499, 704–5, 910; by grandparents, 419–20; and Montessori method, 623–24; by nannies, au pairs, and babysitters, 536–37, 639, 1005, 1042; outcomes of, 156–58, 383, 616, 640; and special educational needs, 272, 276; and toilet training, 1001; and welfare, 1026–34; and work–home life balance, 1046–50. See also kinship and child rearing Child Care and Development Block Grant (CCDBG), 158–60 Child Care Development Fund, 158–60 Child Development (journal), 805, 829, 832 Child Development Abstracts and Bibliography, 829 Child Development Unit (University of Nairobi), 1035 Child from Five to Ten, The (Gesell), 411 child life programs, 467–68, 480 Child-Parent centers, 167 Child Poverty in Rich Countries (UNICEF), 1030 Child Protection Act, 763 child protective services, 8–11, 13–15, 28, 344–45, 358, 566–67, 925–28, 973. See also abuse and neglect; foster and kinship care child support, 160–62, 163, 342–45, 349, 352–53, 420–21, 566–67, 592–93, 824, 842, 880, 908, 1018, 1029, 1032 Child Welfare Committee for the Commissions on the Welfare of Children and Young Persons (League of Nations), 552, 1026 child welfare system. See abuse and neglect; foster and kinship care Child’s Conception of Space, The (Piaget and Inhelder), 62 Child’s Construction of Reality, The (Piaget), 119 childbearing, adolescent, 47, 163–65, 245, 255, 356, 388, 587, 772, 807; in Africa, 45, 164–65; alternatives to, 5–8, 688, 1006; and contraception, 213–14; and education, 281, 298; and poverty and welfare, 767, 1031; and sex education, 432, 473 childbirth. See pregnancy and childbirth childhood, conceptions of: historical and cultural, 55, 71, 139–43, 572–73,

895–97; legal, 21–23, 148–52, 879–81; physiological, 147–48; religious and philosophical, 143–47, 324, 452, 672–74, 708–9 Childhood and Society (Erikson), 321 childhood disintegrative disorder (CDD), 88 Childhood in Contemporary Cultures (M. Mead), 599 childhood resilience. See resilience Children in Custody Survey (U.S. Department of Justice), 811 Children of Deaf Adults (CODA), 239 Children of Different Worlds (B. Whiting and C. Edwards), 397, 1035 Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Study, 322 Children of Six Cultures (B. Whiting and J. Whiting), 832, 1035 Children of the Poor (Riis), 502 Children’s Act (England), 1016 Children’s Advertising Review Unit (CARU), 212 Children’s Aid Societies, 3, 122, 376, 767, 811, 937, 1027 Children’s Club Hour, The, 758 Children’s Defense Fund, 1033 Children’s Experience of Place (Hart), 1008 Children’s Games in Street and Playground (I. Opie and P. Opie), 693 Children’s Games with Things (I. Opie), 693 Children’s Health Act, 676 children’s hospitals. See hospitalization Children’s Magazine, The, 581 Children’s Magazine Guide, 582 Children’s Society (Israeli kibbutz), 334–35 Children’s Television Act, 35, 212, 602, 989 Children’s Trust Fund, 451 Chile, 380 China, 70–72, 141, 216, 240, 365, 612, 721, 832, 950, 996; American immigrants from, 67–70; bedwetting and toilet training in, 95, 1001; consumption by children in, 34, 212; education in, 142, 225, 291, 597, 808; family patterns in, 233, 248–53, 263, 278, 336–38, 347–48, 456, 493, 494, 638–39, 650; gender and sexual development in, 461–62, 595; health issues and care in, 276, 320, 500, 686; identity development in, 474–75; language development in, 99, 198, 545, 665, 912; media in, 362, 600; mental health issues and care in, 256, 976; moral development

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in, 626, 630–31, 900–902; One Child Policy, abandonment, and intercountry adoption in, 2–3, 26, 92–93, 151, 650, 688; religion in, 127, 205–7, 285, 817, 820; self development in, 876, 877, 894; shame and guilt in, 313, 494, 900–902; social development in, 187, 201–2, 318, 387, 723, 778, 921, 924; war in, 1022, 1024 Chinese Martyrs, 285 Chinese Red Guards, 1052 chlamydia, 498, 897–98 cholera, 391–92, 491, 497–98, 500 Chomsky, Noam, 262, 541, 561–62, 621, 829 chorionic villus sampling (CVS), 209, 408 chrismation, 285 Christian Churches, 796 Christian Household, The (Schleiermacher), 146 Christianity, 56, 595, 724, 1004, 1030; in Africa, 45, 83, 164–65, 303; in Asia and Pacific Island societies, 72, 700–701; and children’s hospitals, 466; conceptions of childhood in, 144–46, 672–73; and cults, 228–30; in European history, 324–27; and family patterns, 24, 333– 37, 348, 589–90; and female circumcision, 167, 169; fundamentalist beliefs in, 214, 215, 232; Native American missions, 667–68, 672; religious schools and instruction in, 816–17, 820–22; rites of passage in, 844–46; and sacramental family life, 853–56; and spirituality, 943; youth movements in, 1053. See also Catholicism; Eastern Orthodoxy; Protestantism Christie, Agatha, 748 Christine de Pizan, 145 Christmas, 658–60, 816 Christmas Eve (Schleiermacher), 146 chronic granulomatous disease (CGD), 489 chronic kidney disease (CKD), 535–36 Chrysanthemum and the Sword, The (Benedict), 96 Chrysostom, Saint John, 145, 285 Church of Christ, 796, 845 “Cinderella,” 365–66, 822 circumcision, female, 45, 82, 115, 140, 152, 167–69, 220, 517, 518, 520–21, 885, 891 circumcision, male, 152, 168–71, 1004, 1006, 1035; in Africa, 45, 82, 115, 116, 140, 167–69, 518, 520–21; in Islam, 145, 168, 518, 520–21, 845, 848; in Judaism, 115, 144, 168–71, 525, 688, 819, 844–45,

853; as medical procedure, 168–71, 675, 677, 703 cities. See urban environments citizenship, 192, 302, 332, 631; and civic education, 171–73, 281, 860, 867, 994–95; and community service and service-learning, 187–89; and conceptions of childhood, 145–47, 502; and immigrant children, 486–87; and wartime socialization, 1024–25; and youth movements, 1052–53 Citizenship Through Sports Alliance, 947–48 civic education, 60, 171–73, 281, 295, 758, 860, 867; in American history, 53–54, 290, 293, 984, 994–95; and community service and service-learning, 187–89; and political activism, 755–57; and religious schools, 821–22 civil damages suits, 566 Civil Rights Act, 171, 300, 301–2, 756, 1049 civil rights movement, 53, 171, 229, 281, 475, 776, 790; and children’s literature, 572–73; and disabilities activism, 177, 274, 275, 646, 937–38; and education, 281, 292, 859, 862, 992–93; and ethnic identity, 321, 645; and gender discrimination, 220, 646, 947; and juvenile justice system, 526; and political activism, 756; and poverty and welfare, 768, 1028; and racial discrimination, 41, 173, 237–38; and Red Power (Native American) movement, 668; and youth movements, 1053 Civil Rights of Institutionalized Persons Act (CRIPA), 814 civil unions. See marital and nonmarital unions Civil War (U.S.), 180, 349, 662, 695, 864, 967, 1025; and education, 53, 291, 294; and family patterns, 3, 352, 843, 1027 Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), 188 Clap Hands (Oxenbury), 573 Clark, Cindy Dell, 479, 746 Clark, Kenneth B., 173–74, 801–3 Clark, Mamie Phipps, 173, 801–2 class size, 5, 174, 867 Classic Fairy Tales, The (I. Opie and P. Opie), 366 classical antiquity. See ancient Mediterranean world classroom culture, 174–77, 186, 227, 237, 414, 432, 666, 933–34 Claudius, Emperor, 997 Clay, Marie, 570, 809 Cleary, Beverly, 573

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cleft lip and palate, 207, 209, 284, 941, 986 Clement of Alexandria, 145 Clerc, Laurent, 177, 386, 522, 936 clinical trials, 136, 242, 606, 677, 836, 856 Clinton, Bill, 188 Clinton Foundation, 714 clothing, 58–59, 140, 601; advertising and consumption of, 34–36, 211–13; and body image and modification, 115–18, 367; and gender socialization, 212, 394, 400, 402; head scarves and veils in Islam, 152, 397, 518, 521, 627, 818–20, 855, 979; and popular music, 761–62; and prejudice and stereotyping, 778; and rites of passage, 52, 56, 138, 518, 625, 845; spiritual significance of, 201, 853–56; as status symbol, 113, 323, 545, 717, 744, 955; and youth subcultures, 963–64 clubfoot, 207, 208, 698, 699 coaches, 72–73, 330, 882–83, 947–49, 1003 Cobblestone, 582 cocaine, 19–20, 362, 966, 971–74. See also substance use and abuse cochlear implants, 238, 240, 446–48 Cocteau, Jean, 365 Coghill, George, 119 cognitive-behavioral therapy (CBT), 620, 703, 753, 765, 767, 878, 884, 928, 968, 1026 cognitive development, 136–37, 177–79, 257, 272, 620–22, 1021–22; and artistic development, 63–64, 65–66; and autism spectrum disorders, 88–91; and child care, 153, 156–58; and children’s concepts, 56–57, 193–202; and critical thinking, 225–27; and emotional development, 310–15, 316–18; environmental influences on, 128–30, 559, 888, 972, 1010; and expanding world of the child, 1007–9; and formal and informal education, 189–93, 304–5, 733–35, 809, 817, 857–59, 992–94; and gender and sexual development, 398, 400, 896; and intellectual disability, 504–6; and intelligence, 103–4, 509–12; landmark works on, 118–21; and language development, 99, 101–3, 185–87, 372, 549–51, 662–66; and learning, 560–63; and legal status of children, 21–23, 1038; and logical thinking, 578–80; and memory, 610–12; and moral development, 626–27; and multiple births, 651–52; and music, 655–58; and neurological development, 679–80, 681; and perception, 719–20;

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cognitive development (continued) and planning, 740–41; and play, 742–43, 745–47, 751–52; and poverty, 770–71; and prejudice and stereotyping, 776–79; and problem solving, 787–89; and racial identity, 802–3; and social development, 75, 383, 696–97, 920–24; theories of, 259, 261, 262–64, 738–40; and vision, 106–9 cohabitation. See marital and nonmarital unions Cohen, David, 748 Colby, Anne, 539 Cold War, 292, 556, 756, 995, 1025, 1030 Cole, Michael, 260, 303, 831–33, 1050 colic, 227–28, 677 college, preparation for: and ability grouping, 857, 868; and affirmative action, 38–41; AP and IB programs, 33, 515; among Asian American children, 68–69; at boarding schools, 112–15; and children with disabilities, 274; among gifted and talented, 414; and grading, 417–19; and home schooling, 455; and identity development, 475–76; among Latino children, 556–57; among Native American children, 670; and schooling inequalities, 866; and service-learning, 188–89 College Board, 33 Collier, Christopher, 572–73 Collier, James, 572–73 Collodi, Carlo, 572 coloboma, 107 Colombia, 133, 180, 201, 555, 1010 Color Purple, The (Walker), 748 Columbian Exchange, 370 Columbine High School shooting, 191, 760 Columbus, Christopher, 370 Comenius, John Amos, 572 Comer, James P., 858–59 comfort habits, 49, 181–82, 703, 944, 1036 comic books, 182–83, 364, 367, 572, 574, 601, 758–59, 1025 Comics Code Authority (CCA), 183 Coming of Age in Samoa (M. Mead), 599–600, 701, 896–97 Commager, Henry Steele, 994 Commentaries (Calvin), 145 Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children in the U.S., Canada, and Mexico, The (Estes and Neil A. Weiner), 792–93 Committee on Child Development (CCD) (National Research Council), 829–30

Committee on the Rights of the Child, 516 common cold, 283, 836–37, 966–67 common schools, 53, 290, 815, 859. See also public schools Common Sense Book of Baby and Child Care (Spock), 945–46 common variable immune deficiency (CVID), 489 Commonwealth Fund, 613 Commonwealth of Independent States, 252 communication, development of, 183–87, 197–99, 395, 878; and autism spectrum disorders, 86–91, 199; cognitive theories of, 262–64; and gestures, 411–12; and hearing development, 444–45; and language development, 541–52; and learning disabilities, 563–66; and neurological development, 679–80; and perception, 719–20; and sign language, 906–7. See also speech disorders communities, 522; gangs in, 387–89; identity development in, 474–77, 802–3; language development in, 542, 544–49, 664–66; and media, 20, 760–61, 996; and moral development, 626, 628–31; need to belong to, 19, 27, 46–47, 82, 102, 129, 132, 217, 322, 394–95, 934, 946; organizations based in, 14–15, 39, 47, 66, 153, 160, 171–72, 181, 332, 403, 424–25, 968; parenting in, 706–9; responsibility to children, 1, 9, 13, 24, 61, 348, 527, 884; schools in, 861, 862; service to, 33, 187–89, 755–57, 968, 1008–9; treatment in, 31, 274–76, 315, 331, 358, 528, 531, 615–17, 799, 800, 811, 814, 886–87; violence in, 1010–11 community-acquired methicillinresistant Staphylococcus aureus (CAMRSA), 498, 500 Community Parent Resource Centers, 275 Comparative Psychology of Mental Development (Werner), 1034 Comprehensive Childcare Act, 768 Comprehensive School Reform Demonstration Program, 864 compulsory schooling laws, 21–22, 53, 149–50, 202–3, 291, 294–95, 326, 340, 348, 402, 519, 706, 781, 790, 818–19, 841, 869, 936, 957, 1028, 1041, 1045 Computer Acquisition (Apple Computer, Inc.), 189 computer and video games, 189–93, 368, 600–602, 708–9, 720, 746, 751, 757–59, 947, 1002–4; advertising and consumption of, 34, 35, 211–12; and

exercise and physical activity, 331, 634, 710, 1009; and family leisure time activities, 568–69; and folk tales, 364, 367; and freedom of speech, 378–80; violence in, 130, 212, 1011–12 computerized tomography (CT), 136, 320, 446–47, 735 computers, 33, 132, 189–93, 226, 576, 817, 866, 993, 995. See also Internet, the Comstock, Anthony, 601 concentration camps, 98, 524, 812. See also Holocaust conception. See fertility; pregnancy and childbirth concepts, children’s: animistic beliefs, 56–57, 178, 195–96; of biology, 195–96; of death, 240–42, 244; and expanding world of the child, 1007–9; and language development, 543; and learning, 560–63; of morality, 199–202; of number, 178–79, 194–95, 262–64, 562, 596–97, 739, 953, 1038; of physics, 194, 195–97, 739–40; and problem solving, 787–89; of psychology, 194, 197–99; of social institutions, 199–202, 924, 1022; of spirituality, 944; of substance, 194, 579, 739, 953; of time, speed, and distance, 195–97, 739–40, 1038 conduct, legal regulation of children’s, 202–3, 956–59 conduct disorders (CD), 11, 203–5, 323, 410, 615, 976, 999–1000; and ADHD and ODD, 80–81, 693–94; and emotional development, 311, 313, 316 Confessions (Augustine of Hippo), 145 Confessions (Rousseau), 327, 852 confirmation (Christian), 138–39, 285, 634, 796, 845, 847, 850, 853, 855 Confucianism, 2, 71–72, 127, 205–7, 336, 494, 626–27, 630, 665, 723, 901–2 Confucius, 205–7, 901 congenital adrenal hyperplasia (CAH), 319, 398, 401, 442, 889, 893 congenital anomalies and deformations, 1, 207–11, 245, 467, 587–88, 632, 674, 676–77, 772–73, 898, 974; birthmarks, 106; blood disorders, 111; and developmental delays, 271–72; and embryology and fetal development, 306–9; and fetal alcohol spectrum disorders, 357–58; hearing impairments, 238, 240; and incest, 492–93; kidney disorders and diseases, 534–36; liver disorders and diseases, 577; in multiple births, 649–51; neurological disorders, 681; orthopedic disorders, 698–99; and re-

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productive technologies, 826–27; visual impairments, 107–8 conjunctivitis, 897–98, 1012 Connecticut Asylum for the Instruction of Deaf and Dumb Persons, 936 conscientização, 380 consent, informed. See medical care and procedures, consent to conservatorships, 791–92 constipation, 389–90, 1001 Constitution, U.S., 150, 151, 840; First Amendment, 152, 234, 295, 378–80, 605, 763–64, 815, 818–19, 821, 842, 958, 979; Fourth Amendment, 282–83, 333, 774, 786, 958; Fifth Amendment, 774, 786; Sixth Amendment, 1037; Eighth Amendment, 840; Tenth Amendment, 290, 293, 352; Fourteenth Amendment, 7–8, 170, 222, 233, 234, 293, 295–96, 300, 342, 377, 566–67, 605, 670, 774, 843, 859, 958, 978; Twenty-Sixth Amendment, 21 constructivism, 102, 193–95, 226, 273, 380, 501, 561–62, 740, 872, 929 Consumer Product Safety Commission, 754 consumers, children as, 211–13, 327, 593–94, 716, 757–59; and advertising and media, 34–36, 193, 582–83, 987–89; and children’s legal rights, 791; and folk tales, 366–67; and social studies curriculum, 925; and work, 1041, 1045 Contents of Children’s Minds, The (Hall), 502 Continuities and Discontinuities in Cultural Conditioning (Benedict), 897 contraception, 28, 213–14, 248–49, 356–57, 517, 596, 768, 786; adolescent access to, 19–20, 22, 152, 203, 378, 434, 603, 789–90, 884; and adolescent childbearing, 163, 165, 245; and sex education, 432, 441; and sexually transmitted diseases, 473 contract, right to, 21, 22, 149, 202, 305–6, 503–4, 602, 791–92, 793, 839 Controlled Substances Act, 968 Convention Concerning Minimum Age for Admission to Employment (ILO), 1045–46 Convention Concerning the Prohibition and Immediate Action for the Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labour (ILO), 249, 1041, 1046 Convention on Cybercrime (Council of Europe), 763 Convention on Protection of Children and Co-operation in Respect of Inter-

country Adoption (Hague), 29, 30, 92, 151, 913 Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction (Hague), 234, 534 Convention on the Right of Persons with Disabilities (United Nations), 276 Convention on the Rights of the Child (United Nations), 4, 172, 248, 249, 254, 516–17, 555, 706, 709, 790–91; on abuse and neglect, 8, 10, 220, 763–64, 807–8, 885; on best interests of the child standard, 97, 233; on child slavery and trafficking, 92, 913–14; on children’s rights, 147, 151, 566, 786, 820, 839–41, 961; on corporal punishment, 214–16, 276–77, 516; on education, 251, 979; on gender discrimination, 403–4; on immigration, 486–87; on juvenile justice, 223, 243, 527; on mental health care, 617; on violence, 1009–12; on work, 1041, 1046 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (United Nations), 487, 515, 812 Cook Islands, 700–701 Cooley, Charles, 873–74 Coolidge, Calvin, 552 coprolalia, 912, 997 Coptic Christianity, 825–26 corporal punishment, 9, 10, 214–16, 230, 276–79, 457, 706, 843, 1009–12, 1026; in American history, 51–53, 86, 588; in Asia and Pacific Island societies, 72, 700–701; and behaviorism, 119; and conceptions of childhood, 140, 141, 253; and Convention on the Rights of the Child, 214–16, 276–77, 516; in European history, 55, 254, 324–27; in Islam, 519; and moral development, 629; in Protestantism, 795 Corporation for National and Community Service, 188 correctional facilities, juvenile. See prisons; reform institutions; rehabilitative services Corsica, 915 Cortés, Hernán, 370 cortical visual impairment (CVI), 107–8 cosleeping, 71, 452, 536, 687–88, 708–9, 891, 917–20, 931, 974–75 cosmetics, 34, 115–18, 212 Costa Rica, 135, 143, 220, 428, 644 Côte d’Ivoire, 179, 686, 688, 844 Council for Exceptional Children, 414, 937 Council of Europe, 763

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counsel, legal. See legal representation of children Counter-Reformation, 661 Cox, Penny, 1018 CRAFFT questionnaire, 965, 968 cranial radiation therapy (CRT), 135 crawling, 74, 641, 643–44, 673, 678, 680, 687, 740, 1001 Crayola Kids, 583 creationism. See intelligent design creativity, 67, 216–17, 372, 385, 414, 655–56, 745, 747, 749, 996, 1002–4, 1036 crèches, 153, 155, 440, 1029 cretinism, 319 Creutzfeldt-Jakob disease (CJD), 319 crib death. See sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS) Cricket, 582 crime, juvenile, 81, 216, 217–19, 857, 880, 886; and firearms, 362–63; and the Internet, 192–93; and juvenile justice system, 31–33, 525–27, 530–31, 811, 813–14; and status offenses, 956–59; and theories of delinquency, 527–30 Crime Control Act, 968 crime victims, children as, 129–30, 219–21, 351, 362–63, 1009. See also homicide criminal procedure, children and, 221–23, 525–27, 529–31, 1036–39. See also juvenile court; juvenile justice system critical periods, 166, 223–25, 581, 950; for cognitive development, 178, 581; and health disparities, 429–30; for identity development, 757; for language development, 102, 224, 581; for musical development, 658; for sexual development, 889, 891; for vision development, 1014 critical thinking, 4, 114, 174–76, 225–27, 272, 412, 512, 576 Croatia, 731, 764 Crohn disease, 124, 389, 406, 586, 702 Crosby, Alfred W., 370 Cross, William, 802 croup, 837–38 Crouse, Mary Ann, 799 Crusades, the, 180 crying, 101, 227–28, 687; and emotional development, 310, 314, 316; and masturbation, 595; and shaken baby syndrome, 899–900; and sleep, 917–20; and social development, 920; and stress, 961–62 cryptosporidium, 392, 705 Cuba, 372, 428, 456, 483, 555–58 Cuban, Larry, 862 Cuban Revolution, 556

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Cult Awareness Network, 229 cults, 228–30, 944, 1053 Cultural Context of Learning and Thinking, The (Cole et al.), 831 Cultural Nature of Human Development, The (Rogoff ), 831 cultural psychology, 201–2, 563, 831–32 Cultural Psychology (Cole), 831 Cultural Revolution (China), 206, 207 Culture Theory (Shweder and LeVine), 831 curfew laws, 21, 221, 525, 957–58 Current Population Survey (U.S. Census Bureau), 281, 355 curriculum, 4–5, 121, 230–32, 291, 581–83, 859, 868–69, 984, 1024; critical thinking in, 226–27; in early childhood education, 783–84; and educational testing, 992–94; for health and sex education, 431–32; in home schooling, 453–56; and school reform, 864; in single-sex schools, 870–72; and textbooks, 994–95 Curtis, Christopher, 573 Cushing syndrome, 320, 737, 738 custodianships, 792 custody, 149, 230, 232–35, 376, 472, 516, 590–93, 670, 752–53, 820, 878–82; best interests of the child standard, 96–98, 416, 827, 935; and blended families, 822–24; changing patterns of, 347–49, 827; and child support, 160–62; and family court, 344–45; and gay and lesbian parents, 341, 392; and kidnapping, 532–34; and legal regulation of the family, 343, 352–53, 787, 790–91, 843, 881–82; legal representation of children in proceedings, 566–67; and sexual abuse, 885; and visitation, 1016–18 Custody of a Minor, 604 cutting. See self-injury Cyprian, Saint, 145 Cyprus, 286 cystic fibrosis, 407, 442, 535, 586–87, 684, 714, 772–73 cytomegalovirus, 446, 498, 506, 577, 677, 681, 736, 1015 Czech Republic, 355, 636 Dahl, Roald, 572 Damasio, Antonio, 620–21 Damon, William, 829 dance, 113, 217, 235–36, 525; African traditions of, 45, 518, 744; in education, 66–67, 385, 733; as extracurricular activity, 718, 868; and folk tales, 364–65; giftedness in, 415–16; raves, 761, 944, 964, 967

Dark Ghetto (K. Clark), 173 Darrow, Clarence, 995 Darwin, Charles, 118, 236, 258, 328, 386–87, 422, 512, 815, 821, 828, 930 Darwin, Erasmus, 386 dating. See romantic and sexual relationships D’Aulaire, Edgar, 573 D’Aulaire, Ingri, 573 Davis, Allison, 237–38 Davis, Kingsley, 236–37 Davis-Eells (Games) Test, 237 Davis v. Monroe County Board of Education, 220, 299 Dawes Act, 668 Dawson’s Creek, 602 day care. See child care de Brunhoff, Jean, 573 De Coccola, Raymond, 652 de Genlis, Stéphanie, 996 deafness, 177, 186, 238–40, 273, 386, 423, 447–48, 521–22, 664, 906–7, 935–39. See also hearing Deary, Ian, 510 death, children’s experience of, 200, 240–42, 244, 255, 350, 412, 726, 1024; and attachment, 121–22; and pets, 730–32; among refugees, 812–13; and sacramental family life, 853–56. See also mortality death penalty, children and the, 151, 223, 242–44, 801, 840 Death Registration Area life tables, 636–38 Debs, Eugene, 273 Declaration of the Rights of the Child (League of Nations), 515–16, 1026 Declaration of the Rights of the Child (United Nations), 167 Defense of Marriage Act, 352, 592 delayed sleep phase syndrome (DSPS), 917 delinquency. See juvenile delinquency Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 639–40, 922 democratic school movement, 674 demographic transition, 248–53, 338–41 demography of childhood, 237, 244–53, 338–41. See also fertility; mortality dengue, 498, 500 Denmark, 165–67, 276, 366, 710, 820; education in, 100, 857–58, 1021; family patterns in, 339, 651, 662; health issues and care in, 135, 636, 715; poverty in, 247, 769, 771; work and apprenticeship in, 1039, 1042

dental care and treatment, 424, 438, 985–87. See also teeth Department of Comparative Human Development (University of Chicago), 831 Department of Public Welfare v. Haas, 938 dependence, 493–96, 536, 538. See also independence; interdependence dependency, legal, 7–8, 21–23, 152, 202–3, 253–54, 503–4, 982–83 depression, 19–20, 254–56, 273, 311, 323, 382, 427, 614–17, 618–20, 689, 715, 721, 798, 1044; and abuse and neglect, 11–12, 884, 886; and behavior disorders and issues, 47, 80–81, 204; at boarding schools, 113, 114; and corporal punishment, 215, 277; and family patterns, 84–85, 242, 280, 410, 457, 492, 780, 823, 905, 909; and gender, 400, 665; among immigrants and refugees, 20, 484–85, 812; medicines and treatments for, 182, 609, 753; and other mental health issues, 89, 288–90, 584, 766, 877–78, 976; parental, 764–66, 796; and romantic breakups, 851; and self-esteem, 876–77; and shame and guilt, 902; and stress and resilience, 166, 962; and substance use and abuse, 965, 999–1000; and violence, 1010 Dershowitz, Alan, 416 Descartes, René, 620–21 DeShaney v. Winnebago County, 151 development, concept of, 223–25, 256–60, 271, 346, 411, 429–30, 501, 562, 581, 719, 833–36 development, theories of, 258–60, 346–47; behavioral, 53, 119–20, 259, 260–62, 346, 834, 1026; biological, 93– 94, 259, 401–2, 411, 834, 949–51; cognitive, 93–94, 119–20, 259, 262–64, 346, 400–401, 509–10, 953–54; dynamic systems, 119–20, 259–60, 261, 264–65, 510–11, 835, 949, 954; psychoanalytic, 259, 265–68, 346, 474–76, 724–25, 729–30, 951–53; social contextual, 121, 260, 268–71, 400–402, 476–77, 834, 1021–22. See also specific theorists and concepts by name Development of Imagination, The (Cohen and MacKeith), 748 developmental biology, 223–25, 262, 1034 developmental delays, 271–72, 411, 442, 469, 501, 506, 632, 705, 736, 883, 1001 developmental dislocated hip, 699 Developmental Psychology (journal), 832 Dewey, John, 59–60, 119, 226, 230, 272–73, 291, 742, 783, 830, 984, 994–95, 1052

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Dewey School, 272 dextrocardia, 308 dharmasastras, 451–52 Dia de los Muertos (Day of the Dead), 412 diabetes, 124, 132, 320, 354, 406, 602; children’s experience of, 475, 476, 746; education of children with, 732–33; and health disparities, 428, 429, 558; and obesity, 633–34, 689–90, 738, 947; and related health issues, 209, 449, 535, 1015 Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 3rd edition (DSM-III) (American Psychiatric Association), 766 Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 4th edition (DSM-IV) (American Psychiatric Association), 79, 88, 350, 618, 694, 766, 797, 964 Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 4th edition, text revision (DSM-IV-TR) (American Psychiatric Association), 203–4 dialysis, kidney, 535–36 Diamond, Adele, 611 diarrhea, 37, 46, 124, 125, 135, 251, 389–92, 443, 471, 490, 496, 497, 499, 607, 631–32, 856 Dickens, Charles, 129 Dictionary of Superstitions, A (I. Opie), 693 Dietary Supplement Health and Education Act, 721 dieting, 372, 689–91; and body image and modification, 115–18; and eating disorders, 288–90. See also food; malnutrition and undernutrition; nutrition digestive disorders. See gastrointestinal disorders Digo people, 1001 Ding Dong School, 602 Dioscerides, 558 Dioula people, 179 diphtheria, 490–92, 496, 497, 632 disabilities, children with, 183, 487, 646; abuse of and violence against, 10, 883, 1010–11; care of, 132, 273–76, 433, 604, 792, 1029; education of, 281, 292, 293, 295–97, 425, 571, 859–60, 868, 935–39, 978; identity development among, 476–77; and wrongful birth and wrongful life cases, 359–60, 409. See also specific disabilities by name disability rights movement, 177, 274, 275, 292, 359–60, 646, 937–38 Disciples of Christ, 845 Discipline and Punish (Foucault), 936

discipline and punishment, 214–16, 276–79; and advice literature for parents, 36–38, 53; children’s concepts of, 199–202; and juvenile delinquency, 527–30; legal forms of, 525–27, 530–31, 785, 798–801, 810–12, 813–15; and parental authority, 81–86, 317, 347–49, 709, 795, 922; in schools, 977–79; and shame and guilt, 900–902. See also authority, forms of parental; corporal punishment; juvenile justice system Discovery Learning, 226 discrimination. See education and specific forms and areas of discrimination by name Disney, 103, 583, 1003; and consumption by children, 211, 758; films and television programs by, 34, 360–62, 365, 367, 601, 693, 758, 759 disruptive behavior disorders, 203–5, 255, 618, 693–94, 715, 798. See also attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD); conduct disorders (CD); oppositional defiant disorder (ODD) divorce, 53, 417, 556, 589–93, 849, 878–81; annulment, 590, 881; and child support, 160–62; and custody, 232–35; and family court, 344–45; and family patterns, 333–44, 349, 420; legal regulation of, 352, 403, 878–82; and poverty and welfare, 768, 1031–32; and resilience, 165–67, 255; and remarriage, 822–24; and single parents, 906–8; and visitation, 1016–18; and work–home life balance, 1048–49. See also child support; custody; visitation DNA (deoxyribonucleic acid). See genetics Doctors without Borders, 714 Doctrine of the Mean, The (Confucius), 901 Dogon people, 652–53 Dollard, John, 237 Dolphin Log, 582 domestic partnerships. See marital and nonmarital unions domestic violence, 47, 279–80, 341, 343, 487, 566; and abuse and neglect, 9–10, 215, 277, 935; and divorce, 234, 590, 1016; and family privacy, 787; and foster and kinship care, 373, 377; and homelessness, 457–58; and stress and resilience, 165–67, 962; and welfare, 1027, 1032 Dominican Republic, 322 Dora the Explorer, 602 Douglas, William O., 818

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Down, J. Langdon H., 209 Down syndrome, 198, 209, 274, 276, 405; and intellectual disability, 209, 505; and language and speech disorders and delay, 186, 551, 941; and physical growth and development, 736–38, 986; prenatal testing for, 308, 407–8, 772; and related health issues, 134, 284, 389, 450 Draw-a-Man test (Goodenough), 62, 64 dreams, 381–82, 412–13, 671, 894, 914–15, 916. See also sleep dress. See clothing driving. See motor vehicles dropouts, 188, 246, 280–81, 332, 506, 922; and adolescent childbearing, 163–64; and juvenile delinquency, 47, 529; minimum age for, 203, 306; and schooling inequalities, 175, 302, 556, 770, 865–66; and substance use and abuse, 282, 965, 970, 999; and suspension and expulsion, 978; vocational education for, 54, 1020; and work, 1043 drowning, 15–17, 467, 477, 632 Drug Abuse Resistance Education (DARE) program, 969 drug testing, 221, 281–83, 332–33, 721–22, 840, 968, 979 drugs. See specific types of drugs by name Druze people, 201 dualism, 620 Du Bois, W. E. B., 41, 758, 802, 805 Dubai, 212 Duchenne muscular dystrophy (DMD), 211, 407, 644, 685–86, 698, 732–33 Dunn, Judy, 905 Duvall, Shelley, 367 Dykes, Mary, 1018 Dynamic Systems Approach to the Development of Cognition and Action, A (Thelen and Linda B. Smith), 120 dyslexia, 423, 564, 615, 809 dyspepsia, 390–91 dysthymia, 254 E. coli (Escherichia coli), 497–98, 500 ear infections, 50, 124, 207, 238, 283–85, 467, 497, 514, 608, 770, 837, 941 Early and Periodic Screening, Diagnostic, and Treatment (EPSDT) program, 438, 440, 441 Early Child Care Research Network (NICHD), 157 early childhood education, 167, 781–84, 862; and child care, 153, 155–56, 157, 160; Head Start, 424–25, 746, 861–62; kindergarten, 154, 157, 246, 385, 552, 781–84, 861, 867; Montessori method

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early childhood education (continued) of, 623–24; prekindergarten, 781–84, 862; preschool, 42, 246, 385, 716, 718, 746, 781–84, 860, 867, 1029–30; and school readiness, 79, 154, 157, 190, 424–25, 860–62, 950, 988. See also Head Start; Montessori, Maria Early Childhood Longitudinal Study– Kindergarten (ECLS-K), 68–69, 861 Early Head Start, 425, 440, 571 Early Learning Opportunities Act, 571 Easter, 816 Easter bunny, 412, 658, 660 Eastern Europe, 142, 827; health issues and care in, 470, 617, 683; Judaism in, 523–24; poverty and welfare in, 151, 1030; sexual abuse in, 91–92, 808. See also Europe and specific countries by name Eastern Orthodoxy, 144–45, 285–86, 845–46 eating. See food; nutrition eating disorders, 19–20, 47, 113, 115–18, 288–90, 372, 400, 492, 584, 614–15, 690, 902 Eaton v. Brant County Board of Education (Canada), 939 Eazy-E (Eric Lynn Wright), 760 Ebbinghaus, Hermann, 560 Ebonics, 693, 933–34 echolalia, 108 Eckert, Penelope, 934 Ecology of Human Development (Bronfenbrenner), 830 ECPAT USA, 220 ecstasy, 967. See also substance use and abuse eczema, 48, 50, 909 Eddings v. Oklahoma, 243 Edelman, Gerald, 621 Educating Families, The (Froebel), 385 education: in American history, 53–54, 150–51, 280–81, 290–92, 339, 422, 458– 59; in the ancient Mediterranean world, 55, 144; in Asia, 68, 71; gender discrimination in, 220, 292, 295–99, 402–4, 464–66; in European history, 324–27; ideal of universal primary schooling, 249, 251–52, 291, 385; informal and nonformal, 171–73, 302–5, 701, 710–11, 758, 960, 978, 1006; legal regulation of, 292–95, 453, 566; philosophies of, 272–73, 290–92, 380, 852; racial and ethnic discrimination in, 41–43, 54, 68, 173, 290–97, 299–302, 323, 528, 802–3, 840, 978; right to, 21–22, 516–17. See also schools and specific issues and curricular areas by name

Education (Kant), 146 Education Amendments of 1972. See Title IX (Education Amendments of 1972) Education Amendments of 1976, 1020 Education for All Handicapped Children Act (EAHCA), 296, 564, 868, 938. See also Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) Education for Homeless Children Program, 458 Education of Man, The (Froebel), 385 Educational Problems (Hall), 422 Educational Testing Service, 33 Edwards, Carolyn P., 397, 930, 1035 Edwards, Jonathan, 146, 501, 795 Edwards v. Aguillard, 815 Efe people, 141, 639–40, 922 Egypt, 212, 722; ancient, 54–56, 461, 474, 1003–4; family issues in, 234, 338, 492; health issues in, 449; religion in, 520, 816 Ehrhardt, Anke, 895 Eightball, 761 Eisen, George, 1004 Eisenstadt v. Baird, 786 El Salvador, 387 Electra (Sophocles), 691 Electra confl ict, 691–92, 892 electrocardiogram (ECG), 447, 450 electroencephalogram (EEG), 528, 552 electronic games. See computer and video games Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA), 54, 280, 413, 557, 810, 859, 863, 868 Eliminating Corporal Punishment (United Nations), 276–77 Elizabethan Poor Laws, 160–61, 376 Ella’s Big Chance (Hughes), 366 Elman, Jeffery, 120 Elwyn Institute, 936 emancipation, 152, 160, 305–6, 503–4, 602, 793, 840 Emancipation Proclamation, 41, 805 embodied capital hypothesis, 328–29 embryology, 223–25, 258, 306–10, 408. See also fetus Embryology of Behavior, The (Gesell and Amatruda), 119 emergency room care, 49, 432, 436, 467, 480, 496–97, 500, 535, 714 Emigration Plan (Brace), 122, 1027 Emile, or On Education (Rousseau), 146, 325, 852 Emminghaus, Hermann, 613 Emmons, Nathaniel, 588 emotional development, 20, 45–46,

69, 236, 310–16, 372, 510, 656, 679, 1002; and abuse and neglect, 11–12, 13, 806–8; and aggression, 46–48; and attachment, 26–28, 73–77, 121–22; and attention, 77–79; and body image and modification, 115–18; and comfort habits, 181–82; and divorce, 823, 878–82; and education, 414, 857–59, 860–62; education of children with disorders of, 315–16, 937; and empathy, 316–18; and friendship, 382–85; and legal regulation of adolescents, 21–23; and pain, 701–3; and personality, 723–30; and resilience, 165–67; and sense of smell, 980–82; and sexual development, 463–64, 897; and shame and guilt, 900–902; and social development, 920–24; theories of, 259, 260, 261 empathy, 11, 75, 119, 224, 312, 316–18, 528, 731, 782; and children’s literature, 575; and shame and guilt, 902; and social development, 651–52, 921, 924 empiricism, 118, 719, 740 employment. See work, children’s Employment and Training Administration (U.S. Department of Labor), 1020 Empty Fortress, The (Bettelheim), 98 encephalitis, 467, 491, 499, 683, 899 encephalocele, 208–9 encephalopathy, 839, 899 encopresis, 390, 619 enculturation, 302–5, 563, 929 Enders, John, 856 endocrine disorders, 318–20, 505, 559, 737–38, 891, 1016. See also diabetes Engel v. Vitale, 815 Engels, Friedrich, 129, 260 England, 140, 145–46, 148, 149, 381, 387, 448, 706, 839, 946, 979; American traditions transplanted from, 51–52, 96, 376; child witnesses in, 1036–37; children’s hospitals in, 466; children’s folklore in, 693; children’s literature and folk tales in, 364–66, 572–74; family patterns in, 1, 96, 232, 376, 378, 421, 589, 650, 651, 711, 806, 879–81, 1016; and immigration, 482–83; mental health issues and care in, 613, 752; mortality in, 636–38; names in, 661–62; organizations for youth in, 695–96; popular culture in, 757–59. See also United Kingdom English Fairy Tales (Jacobs), 366 English-language learners (ELL), 100, 296, 571. See also bilingualism Enlightenment, 52, 145–46, 225–27, 274, 290, 530, 795, 983, 1052

in d e x

enteritis, 497–98 Entertainment Software Ratings Board (ESRB), 191 Entwisle, Doris, 861 enuresis, 619, 917 epidemiological transition, 435 epigenesis, 266 epiglottis, 837 epilepsy, 191, 407, 613, 682, 683, 705 Episcopalianism, 821, 845–46 epistemology, 262, 270 Epperson v. Arkansas, 815 Erikson, Erik H., 118, 257, 320–21, 624, 745; and attachment theory, 74, 724; and identity development, 474–76, 803, 952–53; and stages of development, 267–68, 320–21, 474–76, 896, 929–30, 952–53, 955 Eritrea, 286 Ervin-Tripp, Susan, 934 Erznoznik v. City of Jacksonville, 202 esophageal reflux, 228 Essay Concerning Human Understanding (Locke), 578 Estes, Richard, 792–93 Estonia, 270–71, 330 Ethiopia, 180, 286, 523, 587, 720, 1025 ethnicity, 235–36, 643, 655, 794, 848; and affirmative action, 38–41; and body image and modification, 115–18; and disabilities, 273, 564, 566; and education, 171–73, 231, 291, 414, 645–48, 692–93, 816, 861–63, 868–70, 871, 937–38, 992– 94, 1020; and family patterns, 28–29, 37, 85–86, 163, 244–48, 279–80, 356, 373–78, 639–40, 850, 907–9; and gender and sexual development, 464, 692; and genetic testing, 407–9; and health issues and care, 134–35, 426–31, 435–38, 468, 622, 631–34, 635–38, 689–90, 737, 974; and identity development, 321–24, 474–77, 778; and intelligence, 512–14; and juvenile justice system, 31–32, 220, 345, 526; and language development and literacy, 569–71, 662–66, 933–34, 941; and mental health issues and care, 20, 86, 87, 618, 694, 767, 975–76; and names, 661–62; and organizations for youth, 695–96; and popular culture, 757–59; and race, 801, 803; and resilience, 165–67; and self development, 875–76; and self-esteem, 876–77; and social development, 42, 368, 718, 744, 776–79, 923, 947; and temperament, 991–92; and violence, 19, 1010–12; and youth movements and subcultures, 963–64, 1053. See also race

ethology, 580–81 eugenics, 386–87, 408, 789–90, 936 Europe, 217, 259, 262, 273, 324–27, 330, 357, 423, 581, 680, 800, 832, 950, 996; apprenticeship, vocational education, and work in, 57–60, 1019–21, 1045; built environment in, 128, 709–11; children’s literature and folk tales in, 364–66, 572–74; conceptions of childhood in, 139–47; corporal punishment in, 214–16; crying and colic in, 227–28; education in, 290–92, 331, 340, 372, 599, 734, 816, 859; eugenics in, 387, 408; family patterns in, 1–2, 15, 163, 248–53, 333–35, 337–38, 355, 419–20, 473, 493, 588–93, 638–42, 652–53, 696–97, 822, 878–82; food and nutrition issues in, 370, 690, 1005; gender and sexual development in, 461–62, 463, 595, 892, 895; health issues and care in, 134–35, 240, 319, 430, 443–44, 445, 466, 490, 534, 606, 632, 702, 714; immigration and ethnic identity in, 322, 483; intelligence in, 512–14; kidnapping in, 532–33; language socialization and literacy in, 548, 570; legal status of minors in, 254, 1037; media and popular culture in, 182, 212, 362, 583, 601, 758; mental health issues and care in, 289, 351, 612–14, 616–18, 976; moral development in, 628–30; names in, 661–62; personality in, 722, 723–26; play in, 745–49, 752–53, 1003–4; poverty and welfare in, 151, 153, 1029–30; religion in, 138–39, 285, 523–24; social development in, 200, 201, 383–84, 718, 778; substance abuse in, 282, 966, 969–70, 999; war and violence in, 1010–11, 1022, 1024–26; youth subcultures in, 963–64. See also specific countries by name European American children. See white children European Children’s Fund, 1025 European Commission of Human Rights, 913 European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, 515, 786 European Court of Human Rights, 254, 662 European Research in Cognitive Development (Mussen), 829 European Union. See Europe evaluation, educational. See grades; testing and evaluation, educational Even Start Family Literacy Program, 571

• 1 07 3

event-related potential (ERP) imaging, 552 evil eye, 687 evolution, theory of, 236, 258, 327–29, 386–87, 406; and attachment, 494, 641; and ethology, 580–81; and gender and sexual development, 401, 493, 692; and imitation, 480; and juvenile delinquency, 528; and neurological development, 177–78, 677–78; and personality, 730; recapitulation theory, 94, 118, 261, 422, 502, 553, 673, 693, 695, 739–40, 742–43; and senses of smell and taste, 980–82; and sleeping arrangements, 917–20; and spirituality, 945; teaching of, 815–16, 821, 872–73, 995 Ex parte Crouse, 530, 706, 799 exercise and physical activity, 79, 132–34, 287, 329–31, 429, 478, 585, 731; and athletic talent development, 72–73; and body image and modification, 115–18; and computer and Internet use, 191, 1003; dance as, 235–36; and eating disorders, 288–90; and health and physical education, 431–32, 441, 733–35; and obesity, 634, 689–91; and organizations for youth, 695–96; sports as, 946–49 Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals, The (C. Darwin), 236 expulsion. See suspension and expulsion extracurricular activities, 217, 235–36, 331–33, 397, 648, 868, 985, 996; and civic education, 171–73; and drug testing, 221, 282–83, 332–33, 979; and language development, 184–85; and moral development, 628–29. See also sports Eysenck, Hans, 510 Fade (E. Lewis), 804 Fadiman, Anne, 479 failure to thrive (FTT), 738 Fair Labor Standards Act, 150, 1041, 1045 Fairbairn, Ronald, 268 fairy tales, 98, 363–67, 572, 575, 660, 662, 757 Fairy Tales (Andersen), 366 familial adenomatous polyposis, 135 Familiaris Consortio (John Paul II), 138 family, 333–38, 417; adoption and models of, 23–31; African models of, 43–46, 164–65; American and European models of, 3, 51–54, 333–35; ancestors, 2, 24, 71, 144, 200, 206, 328, 333–37, 437, 686–87, 844, 853–56; Asian models of, 68–69, 70–72, 127; blended, 37, 343, 822–24, 849; Catholic model of, 137–38; and Centuries of Childhood, 60–61;

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family (continued) and the demographic transition, 248– 49; discipline and punishment in, 276– 79; economic and demographic forces on, 53, 141–42, 338–41; and education, 856–59, 861–62; in expanding world of the child, 1007–9; and genetics, 408–10; Hindu model of, 451–53; and identity development, 475–77; among immigrants and refugees, 481–88, 812–13; incest within, 492–93, 806–7; intergenerational issues in, 38–41, 43, 419–20; Islamic model of, 517–21; and kinship, 236, 237, 374–75, 536–38; and language development, 102–3; and legal dependency of minors, 253–54; legal regulation of, 341–46, 352–53, 711–13; leisure time activities, 568–69; in medical care of children, 274, 275–76, 467–68, 614–16; multigenerational, 43–46; and names, 661–62; Pacific Island models of, 700–701; privacy in, 786–87; religious instruction in, 816– 17; rituals, 52, 96, 137–38, 525, 849–50, 853–56; sacramental aspects of, 853–56; siblings, 902–6; and socialization, 929–33; and work, 1041–42, 1044–46. See also authority, forms of parental; father-child relationship; grandparents; kinship and child rearing; mother-child relationship; parents; siblings Family and Medical Leave Act, 353, 440, 1049 Family and the Law (J. Goldstein and Katz), 416 family court, 232–35, 344–46, 472, 881–82, 973 Family Court Act (New York), 345 Family International, The, 228–30 family planning. See contraception Family Support Act (FSA), 352–53 family systems theories, 75, 260, 346–47, 927–28 Faraday, Michael, 119 Farrell, Elizabeth E., 937 father-child relationship, 8–9, 347–49, 706–9, 1005, 1024; in Africa, 44, 82–83; in American history, 51–54; in Asia, 70–72; and attachment, 75–76; in Buddhism, 127; and conceptions of childhood, 139–47, 148–52, 790–91; and custody, 96–97, 232–35, 878–82; and family leisure time activities, 568– 69; and gender socialization, 395–96; and incest, 492–93; and language development, 185–86; and mental illness, 796–98; and mother-child relationship,

638–42; and Oedipus and Electra confl icts, 691–92; and parental rights, 839, 841–43; in Protestantism, 794–95; and work–home life balance, 1046–50. See also authority, forms of parental fears, 260, 261, 349–52, 412–13, 1010 Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), 764 Federal Campus Sex Crimes Prevention Act, 886 Federal Communications Commission (FCC), 34–35, 989 Federal Trade Commission (FTC), 34, 601–2 federalism: and families, 352–53; and school funding, 859–60 Federation of American Societies of Experimental Biology, 586 Feldman, David Henry, 217, 415 Ferber, Richard, 918 Ferenczi, Sandor, 538 fertility, 142, 236–37, 245, 284, 355–58, 707, 772, 1006; in Africa, 44, 164–65; in the ancient Mediterranean world, 54–55; in Asia, 70; and contraception, 213–14; in European history, 325; and evolution, 328–29; and family patterns, 333–41; and infertility, 28–29, 306–7, 357, 638, 824–28, 897; and reproductive technologies, 824–28 fetal alcohol spectrum disorders, 357–58, 506, 732–33, 772, 971–74. See also substance exposure, prenatal fetus: congenital anomalies and deformations of, 207–11, 357–58, 681, 772–73, 887–89; development of, 223–25, 306–10, 398, 595, 677–78, 734–38, 765, 771–74, 887–89, 1007; legal status of, 358–60, 774–77; miscarriage and stillbirth of, 285, 307, 308, 635–38, 773, 898; and teratogens, 210, 223, 272, 307, 357–58, 449, 505, 681, 682, 736, 772, 971–72 Fichte, Johann, 385 fictive kin, 138, 285, 375, 536–38, 553, 661, 693 50 Cent (Curtis James Jackson III), 762 Fighting Ground, The (Avi), 573 Fiji, 216, 701 filial piety, 71–72, 127, 142, 205–7, 278, 336–38, 630, 854, 901, 956 films, 96, 240, 348, 360–62, 411, 600–602, 690, 708, 757–59, 762; advertising in, 34, 36; and consumption by children, 211–12, 1003; and family leisure time activities, 568–69; and folk tales, 364–67; horror, 412–13; por-

nographic, 193; sexuality in, 361, 462; tobacco use in, 965; violence and war in, 212, 360–62, 1011–12, 1024–25 Finland, 270, 276, 637, 715, 999; Eastern Orthodoxy in, 285–86; education in, 808–9, 873, 1021; family patterns in, 339, 640; poverty in, 247, 769, 771, 1029 Finnish Twin Cohort study, 916 Firearm Suppression Program, 363 firearms, 362–63; and adolescent violence, 19, 132, 191, 760, 978, 1010–12; and domestic violence, 279; and injuries, 16, 633, 700; and juvenile crime, 218–19, 220, 531; and military service, 180; and substance use and abuse, 965, 1000; and suicide, 976 first Eucharist (first Communion), 138–39, 285, 845–46 Fischer, Kurt, 259, 260, 263, 264, 265, 562, 740 Fitzhugh, Louise, 572 Flammable Fabrics Act, 16 Flavell, John, 562, 829 Flesch, Rudolph, 809 Flintstones, The, 989 Flossie and the Fox (McKissack), 573 Fodor, Jerry, 621 folk tales, 363–67, 572, 902 folklore, children’s, 367–69, 421–13, 478, 658–59, 693, 757, 963–64 food: advertising, 34–36, 211–13, 602, 989; allergies, 48, 50, 354, 389; aversions and preferences, 123, 369–72, 500, 980–82; eating habits and rituals, 286–88, 369–72, 395, 690–91, 855; for infants, 37, 227–28, 353–55, 369, 371, 452, 639; and metabolic disorders, 622–23; milk as, 50, 109, 123–26, 228, 284, 287, 320, 353–55, 369, 371, 443, 471, 517, 553, 587, 636, 676, 920, 980–82, 1005; neophobia, 369, 371, 982; poisoning, 497–98, 636, 685; security and insecurity, 43–46, 586–88, 632, 636, 961, 1024; spiritual significance of, 201, 523–25. See also breastfeeding; dieting; malnutrition and undernutrition; nutrition; obesity food stamps, 54, 247, 439, 487, 973, 1031–33 foot binding, 115 Forbes, Esther, 572 Force v. Pierce City R-VI School District, 298 Ford, Gerald, 300–301 Ford, Harold Jr., 805 Ford Foundation, 861

in d e x

Fordham, Signithia, 692–93, 803, 934 foreign language education, 33, 98–101, 114, 372–73, 868 Forman, Henry James, 758 formula, infant, 109, 123–26, 283, 286, 353–55, 442, 470–71, 622–23, 636, 639, 919–20, 981–82 Forsyth, Dan, 692 Fortune, Reo, 599 Foster, William T., 758 foster and kinship care, 1, 3, 373–76, 430, 466, 472, 536–38, 793, 814, 820; of abused and neglected children, 14–15, 22; and adoption, 26–28, 29, 93, 122; in Africa, 43–46, 82–83, 336, 338, 419; in American history, 122, 150, 670, 1026–29; best interests of the child standard, 97–98, 373–78, 935; of children with disabilities, 275, 276; in European history, 326; and family court, 344–45; and gay and lesbian parents, 392; and homelessness, 457, 957; and immigration, 481–85; in Latin America, 553; legal aspects of, 353, 376–78, 421, 706, 841, 842, 844; and orphanages, 696–97; in Pacific Island societies, 700–701; and social workers, 925–28; and welfare, 1026–34. See also grandparents Foster Care Independence programs, 1029 Foucault, Michel, 744, 896, 936 foundling homes, 1–4, 325–26, 335, 466, 696. See also orphans and orphanages 4-H, 171, 695 Fowler, James, 944 fractures, bone, 699–700, 949 fragile X syndrome, 89, 210, 505, 737 France, 103, 140, 330, 348, 357, 387, 533, 583, 700, 711, 852, 877, 996, 1024; child care in, 153, 155, 156, 1049; education in, 67, 142, 291, 380, 453, 521–22, 545, 734, 936; family patterns in, 1–2, 334, 338, 339, 589–90, 651, 662; folk tales in, 364–66; health issues and care in, 438–41, 466, 636, 997; and immigration, 486, 645; intelligence in, 513; poverty and welfare in, 151, 1029–30; religious rights in, 152, 818–20, 979 Francis, Thomas, 856 Frank, Lawrence, 828, 832 free school movement, 453, 456, 674 Freedman, Russell, 573 Freedman’s Bureau Bill, 352 freedom of speech, 152, 193, 200, 201, 203, 378–80, 465–66, 516, 572, 840, 978–79

Freedom Summer, 756 Freeman, Derek, 600, 701, 896 Freeman v. Pitts, 301 Freire, Paulo, 380 French Revolution, 142, 589, 879–80 French Sign Language, 177 Freud, Anna, 98, 266–68, 321, 380–81, 416–17, 539, 624, 752, 829, 935, 1024, 1036 Freud, Martha, 381 Freud, Sigmund, 118, 327, 381–82, 502, 539, 828, 945, 1036; and attachment theory, 73–74; and dream interpretation, 914–15; and moral development, 624, 626, 628–29, 944; and Oedipus and Electra confl icts, 691–92; and personal boundaries, 722–23; and personality, 724–25, 729–30; and play, 743, 745, 752; and stages of psychosexual development, 73–74, 259, 265–68, 321, 381–82, 891–93, 895–97, 929–31, 951–52, 953 Friedreich’s ataxia, 683 Friends of Maiti Nepal, 220 friendship, 42, 119, 382–85, 648, 652, 977; and aggression, 46–48; and children’s folklore, 367–69; and gender, 42, 396, 892, 895; and the Internet, 192; and popular music, 760–61; and social development, 922–24; and sports, 947 Froebel, Friedrich, 290, 326, 385, 623, 781–83, 983–84 From Neurons to Neighborhoods (Shonkoff and Phillips), 832 Fulani people, 686, 688 functional abdominal pain syndrome (FAPS), 391 functionalism, 310–11, 929, 1034–35 Fung, Heidi, 69 Future of an Illusion, The (S. Freud), 944 Future of Children, The, 174, 862 Future of Pediatric Education II (FOPE II) Project, 715 Gag, Wanda, 573 Gahuka-Gama people, 743 galactosemia, 125, 441–42, 505, 577, 622–23, 1015 Galeano, Eduardo, 554 Gallaudet, Edward Miner, 386 Gallaudet, Thomas Hopkins, 177, 386, 936 Gallaudet University, 386 gallbladder disease, 689 Galton, Francis, 386–87, 512–13 gambling, 202 games, 186, 240, 656, 1002–4; and

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children’s folklore, 367–68, 658, 693, 757, 963; in education, 385, 733–35, 783; and friendship, 382–85; and gender, 393, 397; and play, 742–52; and social development, 922–23, 955. See also computer and video games Games and Songs of American Children (Newell), 693 Ganda people, 931 Gandhi’s Truth (Erikson), 321 gangs, 19, 180, 387–89, 1011; and firearms, 362–63; and immigrants, 485–86; and juvenile delinquency, 529, 957; and popular music, 760–61; and prostitution, 792 Gapun people, 701 García Coll, Cynthia, 322 Gardner, Howard, 67, 217, 510 Garrett v. Board of Education, 298 Garvey, Catherine, 742, 743 Gaskell, Elizabeth, 149 Gaskins, Suzanne, 1004 gastrointestinal disorders, 389–92, 457, 467, 497–98, 587, 636, 856; and breastfeeding, 124, 125; congenital anomalies and deformations, 207, 309, 676; and related health issues, 109, 577, 704–5 gay and lesbian youth. See LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender) youth gay and lesbian parents, 37, 392–93; and adoption, 25, 29, 341; and custody, 233, 234, 341; and legal regulation of the family, 341–44, 352, 712–13; and reproductive technologies, 29, 825–28. See also marital and nonmarital unions; parents Gebser v. Lago Vista Independent School District, 299 Geertz, Clifford, 896 gender, 398–402; and affirmative action, 38–41; in Africa, 44; and aggression and bullying, 46–48, 120, 130–32; in American history, 42, 51–54, 804; in the ancient Mediterranean world, 144–45; in Asia and Pacific Island societies, 70–72, 701; and bedwetting and toilet training, 94–95, 1002; and behavior disorders, 79, 694; birth ratios, sex selection, and infanticide, 355, 688, 825–26; and body image and modification, 115–18; and children’s literature, 182–83; and children’s rights, 840–41; and cognitive development, 217, 410, 612; and conceptions of childhood, 139–43, 599; and corporal punishment, 277–78; and crime, status offenses, and juvenile justice system, 217–21, 242–44,

1076 •

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gender (continued) 525–30, 784–85, 799, 814, 956–59; and eating disorders, 288–90; and education, 33, 112, 113, 120, 187, 231, 251–52, 281, 290–92, 295–99, 325, 332, 597, 734, 742, 810, 821, 856–59, 865–66, 870–72, 978, 983, 992–94; and emotional development, 181–82, 313–14, 317; and family patterns, 1–3, 10, 232–35, 279–80, 333–38, 342, 374, 419–20, 493, 537–38, 707–8, 880, 904; and handedness, 423; and health issues and care, 15, 111, 207–11, 230, 275, 283, 426–31, 445, 631–34, 635–38, 702, 715, 754, 974; in Hinduism, 451–53; identities and roles, 393–402, 887–97, 951–52, 1035; and identity development, 474–78; and immigration, 483, 484; and intelligence, 511–12, 514; in Islam, 517–21; in Judaism, 524–25; landmark books on, 120–21; and language and speech development, 102, 120, 542, 663, 665, 912, 941; in Latin America, 553–54; legal regulation of, 402–4; and LGBT youth, 398, 460–66; and media, 35, 190, 191, 360–62, 600–602, 988; and mental health issues and care, 88, 255, 350–51, 505, 618–20, 767, 975–76, 997; and military service, 180–81; and moral development, 627–28, 630; in Mormonism, 635; and names, 661–62; in Native American religious traditions, 571; and nature, 673, 730–31; and obesity, 689–90, 738; and personality, 730; and physical growth and development, 18–19, 986; and play, 130, 393, 744, 747, 749–52, 1002–4; and popular culture, 656, 757–59; and prostitution, 792–93; in Protestantism, 795; and rape and sexual abuse, 806–7, 883; and rites of passage, 846–48; and self development, 875–76; and self-esteem, 876; and sexual development, 595, 887–90; and social development, 382–85, 387–89, 716–19, 776–79, 902, 923, 954–56; socialization in, 393–98; and spirituality, 943; and sports, exercise, and physical activity, 73, 330, 947; and substance use and abuse, 721, 970, 999; and temperament, 991–92; theories of, 400–402; and violence, 1010–12; and work, 593–94, 1039–42; and youth movements and subcultures, 963–64, 1053 gender identity disorder, 402, 793 General Educational Development (GED) degree, 246, 281

generalized anxiety disorder, 350. See also anxieties and anxiety disorders Genetic Information Nondiscrimination Act, 409 genetic testing, 407–9, 772–73; of embryos, 825–26; for paternity, 592, 712–13. See also screening, health genetics, 25, 411, 489; behavioral, 409–11, 463–64; general principles of, 404–7 genital cutting, female. See circumcision, female genius. See giftedness genocide, 20, 812, 885, 1024 geography (curricular area), 1007–9. See also social studies Germain, C. B., 927 German Language Development (GLAD), 551 German measles. See rubella German Popular Stories (J. Grimm and W. Grimm), 366 Germany, 140, 141, 317, 408, 513, 561, 700, 721, 731, 828, 1051; American immigrants from, 52; apprenticeship and vocational education in, 58–60, 1020, 1042; children’s literature and folk tales in, 365–66, 572–74; education in, 67, 291, 326, 385, 674, 711, 734, 781–83, 808, 816, 935, 937; emotional development in, 165–67, 317; family patterns in, 48, 76, 338, 339, 416, 638, 662, 707, 908, 1049; health issues and care in, 238, 636; mental health issues and care in, 350, 613; Nazi era in, 98, 327, 372, 387, 524, 532, 756, 803, 1024–25; psychotherapy in, 752–53; religion in, 325, 820–21; sexual abuse and child pornography in, 533, 764, 807; social development in, 387, 751 Gesell, Arnold, 119, 271, 411, 443, 937, 950 Gesell Developmental Schedules, 271 Gesell Institute of Human Development (Yale University), 411, 950 Gestalt theory, 561, 621 gestures, 183, 185, 262–63, 411–12; and children’s folklore, 367–68; and deafness, 239, 412, 906–7; and imitation, 480–81; and language development, 542–46, 852, 932; and narrative, 664. See also sign language Ghana, 304, 639, 720, 755, 873 ghosts, 412–13, 671, 687, 748 giardia, 392, 705 Gibbs, J. T., 927 giftedness, 237–38, 387, 414–16; and creativity, 65, 216–17; and education,

4–5, 33, 65, 216–17, 413–14, 515, 648, 656–58, 868, 937 Gikuyu people, 318, 395–96 Gilligan, Carol, 627–28, 630, 750 Ginsberg v. New York, 202 Girl Guides, 327, 695–96 Girl Scouts of the USA, 133, 171, 403, 581–82, 648, 673, 695–96 Girls’ Games movement, 191 Girls Own Paper, 759 Glaser, Anselm, 241 Glass, Gene V, 174 glaucoma, 107 Global Competitiveness Report (World Economic Forum), 857–58 global developmental delay. See intellectual disability Global IDP Project, 812 Glock, Charles, 816–17 glomerulonephritis, 534 God: children’s closeness to, 452; children’s concepts of, 199–200, 584, 795; and father-child relationship, 348; and spirituality, 942–45 Goddard, Henry H., 513 Godly Play curriculum (Berryman), 795 godparents, 138, 285, 375, 536–38, 661 Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von, 1034 Goldberg, Arthur J., 786 Goldberg v. Kelly, 1032 Goldsmith, Lynn T., 415 Goldstein, Joseph, 381, 416–17, 935 Goldstein, Sonja, 416–17 Goleman, Daniel, 510 Gomez v. Perez, 840 Gomme, Alice Bertha, 693 gonorrhea, 498, 898 Gonzales, Alberto, 763 Gonzales v. Carhart, 359, 775 Good Night, Gorilla (Rathman), 573 Goode, William J., 417 Goodenough, Florence, 62, 64–65 Goodman, Ken, 809 Goodnow, Jacqueline, 831 Goodwin, Majorie Harness, 743–44, 933 Gorlin syndrome, 134 Goss v. Lopez, 840, 978–79 gossip, 47, 399, 716–19, 750, 923 Goulart, João, 380 grades, 34, 68, 175, 417–19, 460, 984. See also testing and evaluation, educational grammar and syntax, development of, 101–2, 178, 224, 373, 546, 549–52, 808–10, 906, 933. See also language Gramsci, Antonio, 759 grandparents, 101, 203, 246, 419–20, 707, 753; in Africa, 82–83, 113, 168–69;

in d e x

in Asia, 71; as child care providers, 54, 71, 75, 154–55, 276, 1005; child support by, 160, 592, 983; and custody and adoption, 28, 97, 234; and foster and kinship care, 44, 374–75, 421, 536–38; in Hinduism, 452; and incest, 492–93, 883; and names, 661–62; and socialization, 166, 394–95, 931; visitation rights of, 353, 786–87, 842, 1017–18. See also family Granholm, Jennifer, 786 Grannot, Nina, 562 graphic novels, 182–83. See also books; comic books Graunger, Thomas, 242 Graves disease, 319 Great Britain. See United Kingdom Great Depression, 53, 165, 291, 768, 1028, 1052 Great Ormond Street, 466 Greece, ancient and modern, 34, 54–56, 133, 513, 877; blood disorders in, 109–10, 772; conceptions of childhood in, 144–45, 257–58, 696–97, 741–42; Eastern Orthodoxy in, 285–86; education in, 98, 225, 808; family patterns in, 1, 347, 492, 589–90, 841, 879; folk tales and myths in, 364, 575, 691–92; identity development in, 474; LGBT identities in, 461; personal boundaries in, 722; personality in, 723; rites of passage in, 848, 896 Green, Ricky, 818–19 green infrastructure, 710 Green v. County School Board, 300 Greene, Graham, 575 Greenfield, Patricia, 191, 562, 832 Greenland, 1001 Gregory, Dick, 934 Gregory of Nyssa, Saint, 145 Griaule, Marcel, 652–53 grief. See death, children’s experience of Grimm, Jacob, 366 Grimm, Wilhelm, 366 Griswold v. Connecticut, 353, 786 Growing Up Bilingual (Zentella), 934 Growing Up in New Guinea (M. Mead), 599 growth. See physical growth and development growth hormone deficiency, 318–19. See also hormones Growth of Logical Thinking from Childhood to Adolescence, The (Piaget and Inhelder), 119–20, 579 guardianship, 253, 420–21, 843; in abuse and neglect proceedings, 567; and con-

sent to children’s medical procedures, 602–6; and family court, 344–45; in family patterns, 335–36; and property rights of children, 791–92 Guatemala, 92–93, 554–55, 644, 831, 919, 922 Guidance for Effective Discipline (American Academy of Pediatrics), 277 Guidelines for Adolescent Preventive Services, 19 Guideposts for Kids, 582 Guilford, J. P., 216 guilt. See shame and guilt Guinea, 194, 338 Guinea-Bissau, 380 Guinea worms, 705 Gulick, Mrs. Luther, 695 Gumperz, John, 743, 934 Gunnery Camp, 132 guns. See firearms Gusii people, 82–83, 140, 639, 931–32 Guttmacher Institute, 355, 357, 434 HAART (highly active antiretroviral therapy), 468–70 Hacking, Ian, 503 Hadith, 517–19, 820 Haeckel, Ernst, 118, 422 Haemophilus influenza type B (Hib), 443, 490, 631–32, 837 Hagen, John, 829, 832 Hague Conventions, 516. See also specific conventions by name Haight, Wendy, 776–79 Hain, Scott, 243 hair: and body image and modification, 115–18, 452, 495; and comfort habits, 181; covering of in Islam, 152, 397, 518, 521, 627, 818–20, 855, 979; and gender socialization, 394, 402, 848; and head lice, 704; as racial marker, 801; symbolic cutting of, 525, 631, 668, 845–47 Haiti, 176, 475, 844 Halford, Graeme, 580 Hall, G. Stanley, 326, 422–23, 502, 742, 783, 828, 1052 hallucinogenic drugs, 19–20, 942, 967. See also substance use and abuse Halpern, Diane, 511–12 Hamer, Dean, 463 Hamilton, Virginia, 573 Hampstead Clinic, 381, 416 Handbook of Child Psychology, 828–33 Handbook of Religious Experience (Hood), 944 handedness, 423, 888 “Hansel and Gretel,” 366

• 1 07 7

Hare Krishna, 228, 230 Harkness, Sara, 832 Harlem Youth Opportunities, Inc., 173 Harlow, Harry F., 74, 423–24 Harlow, Margaret K., 424 Harriet the Spy (Fitzhugh), 572 Harris, Paul, 749 Harry Potter books, 413, 573–74, 575, 601 Hart, Betty, 857 Hart, Roger, 1008 Hartmann, Heinz, 266 Hartup, Willard, 829 Harvard Civil Rights Project, 301 Harvard Comparative Adolescence Project, 1035 Harvard Project Physics, 872 Hatano, Giyoo, 831 Hausa people, 278–79, 518 Hauy, Valentin, 936 Havighurst, Robert, 950 Hawthorne, Nathaniel, 501 He-Said-She-Said (Goodwin), 744 head lice, 704 Head Start, 54, 79, 160, 238, 292, 424–26, 430, 440, 557, 571, 665, 717, 783, 861–62, 1026 headaches, 426, 702, 884, 962, 1024 health care, 15, 19, 156, 516; folk healing, 479, 558; in France, 438–41; and health disparities, 247, 426–31, 477, 557–58, 586–88, 631–34, 635–38, 689–90, 715, 769–71; pediatrics profession, 713–16; private vs. public insurance for, 240, 430–31, 432–41, 468, 503–4, 825–28; in the United Kingdom, 438–41; in the United States, 435–38, 487–88, 409, 670; in Vietnam, 438–41; and welfare, 1026–34 health education, 19–20, 183, 214, 431–32, 440–41, 465, 733, 984 Health Education Authority (United Kingdom), 329 Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA), 433 health supervision, 443–44, 713, 715 hearing, 78, 423, 610; and cochlear implants, 238, 240, 446–48; and congenital anomalies and deformations, 207, 238; deafness and other impairments of, 129, 177, 186, 238–40, 273, 386, 423, 442, 446–48, 450, 457, 521–22, 577, 664, 736, 906–7, 935–39; development of, 309, 444–46; and Down syndrome and intellectual disability, 209, 506; and ear infections, 283–84; education of children with impairments of, 100, 177,

1078 •

in dex

hearing (continued) 186, 240, 386, 447–48, 521–22, 935–39; and language and speech disorders and delay, 549, 551, 941; and music, 655; and perception, 719–20; and prematurity, 435, 780; screening of, 230, 441, 442, 446–47, 676; and sign language, 906– 7; and visual impairments, 1018–19 heart disorders and diseases, 11, 354, 407, 408, 448–51, 491, 559, 714, 735, 947; congenital anomalies and deformations, 207–11, 308–9, 676; coronary artery disease, 406, 449, 633; and health disparities, 406, 429, 587, 770; hypertension, 209, 406–7, 426, 441–43, 535, 558, 633, 689, 736, 738; and infectious diseases, 705, 898; rheumatic heart disease, 449, 632; and substance use and abuse, 721, 965–67, 999 Heath, Shirley Brice, 175, 575, 665, 1050 Hebrew school, 524–25 Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich, 257, 272 Helfer, Ray E., 451, 532 Helfer Society, 451 hemoglobinopathies, 110 hemolytic disease of the newborn, 112, 773 hemolytic uremic syndrome (HUS), 498 hemophilias, 111, 468 Henry Street Settlement, 937 Hentz, Carolyn Lee, 502 hepatitis (A, B, and C), 125, 443, 490–92, 577, 631–32, 773, 968 hepatorenal tyrosinemia, 622 Herbart, Johann Friedrich, 983–84 Herdt, Gilbert, 460–61, 896–97 hereditary spherocytosis, 110 Hereditary Genius (Galton), 512 Herndon, James, 453 heroin, 966, 967–68. See also substance use and abuse herpes simplex virus (HSV), 498, 577, 677, 898–99 Herrick, James, 110 Hewins, Caroline, 624 higher education, preparation for. See college, preparation for Higgins, Ann, 539 Highlights for Children, 582 Hill, Catherine, 651 Hillel, Rabbi, 881 Hillis, Cora Bussey, 828 Hinduism, 70, 115, 142, 200, 369, 451–53, 595; Ayurvedic medicine in, 451–52, 612, 998; conceptions of childhood in, 144–45; and cults, 228–30; experiences of death in, 240–41; family patterns in,

233, 336; moral development and rites of passage in, 625, 628–31, 844; religious instruction in, 817; and sacramental family life, 853–54 Hinton, S. E., 573 hip-hop, 760–62, 964 Hippocrates, 505, 714, 989 HIPPY (Home Instruction for Parents of Preschool Youngsters), 571 Hiroshima No Pika (Maruki), 574 Hirsch, E. D., 231–32 Hirschprung’s disease, 389 Hispanic children. See Latino children history (curricular area). See social studies History and Research in Child Development (Smuts and Hagen), 829 History of Psychology (Baldwin), 94 History of Sexuality, The (Foucault), 896 Hitch, Graham, 610 Hitler Youth, 327, 1024, 1053 HIV/AIDS, 132, 183, 468–70, 496, 498–500, 587; and adolescent risktaking behavior, 19–20, 894, 968; in Africa, 43–46, 171, 225, 338, 375, 469–73, 632, 1030; education of children with, 732–33; and health and sex education, 431–32, 441; and health disparities, 428, 558, 770; legal issues regarding, 471–73; and male circumcision, 168, 171; maternal transmission of, 125, 677, 773, 775; medicines and treatment for, 276, 468–71, 608, 632, 703; morbidity and mortality from, 251, 631–32; and orphaned children, 4, 43–46, 421, 696; and related health issues, 111, 488, 836; and sexual abuse, 884, 886 hives, 50 Hiwi people, 553 Hmong people, 67–70, 436–37, 475, 479 Hodgkin’s disease, 136 Hodja, 366 Holes (Sachar), 573 Hollingworth, Leta S., 937 Holocaust, 98, 165, 170, 524, 539, 574, 803, 1004, 1024–25 Holt, John, 453, 455 Home School Legal Defense Association, 295 home schooling, 139, 229–30, 254, 285, 292, 295, 402, 403, 453–56, 863, 984 homelessness, 1, 3–4, 46, 77, 345, 430, 442, 456–58, 502, 792–93, 797, 883, 959–61 Homer, 144, 722 homework, 81, 458–60, 710, 993 homicide, 16, 218–19, 221, 246, 531, 633, 851, 959, 1009–10; and the death

penalty, 242–44; fetal, 359–60; and firearms, 362–63; and health disparities, 54, 428, 558; medical neglect as, 604–5; and substance use and abuse, 964–65 homocystinuria, 737 homosexuality. See LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender) youth Hong Kong, 198, 201, 206, 483 Hood, Ralph, 944 hooks, bell, 760 hookworms, 109, 703–5 Hopi people, 643, 847–48. See also Native American children Hôpital des Enfants-Malades, 466 hormones: and breastfeeding, 123; and endocrine disorders, 318–20; human growth hormone (HGH), 209, 255, 318, 535, 606, 721, 735–38, 890, 915; as performance-enhancing drugs, 720–22; and prenatal development, 423, 652, 729, 751, 887–89; and sexual development, 309, 328, 463, 595, 596, 735, 887–97, 923; and skin disorders and diseases, 106, 910; and sleep disorders, 915–16; and stress, 961–63 Horn, John L., 509 Horn Book Magazine, The, 574, 624 hospitalization, 121, 124, 289, 466–68, 496–97, 676, 962; for allergic and respiratory diseases, 50, 428, 838; for childbirth, 169, 540–41, 774; children’s experience of, 479–80; children’s hospitals, 466–68; for injuries and poisoning, 15–17, 633, 754; for kidney disorders and diseases, 534–36; neonatal intensive care units (NICUs), 446, 467, 674, 714, 780; pain treatment in, 703 Hostile Hallways (American Association of University Women), 299, 885 House of Refuge movement, 530, 706, 799, 810, 957 Howe, Samuel Gridley, 527, 936 Hua people, 583–84 Hudley, Edith V. P., 776–77 Hug-Helmuth, Hermine, 752 Hughes, Shirley, 366 Hull House, 17–18, 272–73, 502, 552, 937 Human Development (journal), 832 Human Genome Project, 404–6 human immunodeficiency viral (HIV) syndrome. See HIV/AIDS human papillomavirus (HPV), 491, 498, 899 Human Relations Area Files, 1035 human T-cell lymphotropic virus (HTLV), 488 humanism, 274, 325

in d e x

Hume, David, 258 humor, 82, 186, 743; in children’s literature, 182–83, 365, 413; in peer culture, 717, 719 Humpty Dumpty and Other Rhymes (I. Opie and Wells), 573 Hundred Years’ War, 1022, 1024 Hungary, 538, 545, 636, 1030 hunger. See malnutrition and undernutrition Hunt, Earl, 510 Hunter, Robert, 767 hunter-gatherer societies, 141, 354, 407, 553, 1006 hydrocephaly, 207, 208, 681 hygiene hypothesis, 50–51, 389, 704, 731 Hyman, Trina Schart, 367 Hymes, Dell, 743 hyperactivity, 286–88. See also attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) hypertension, 209, 406–7, 426, 441–43, 535, 558, 633, 689, 736, 738. See also blood; heart disorders and diseases hyperthyroidism, 319, 577 hypnotherapy, 703 hypoglycemia, 318, 736, 1015 hypopituitarism, 318 hypothyroidism, 319, 441–42, 676, 737, 738 hypoxic ischemic encephalopathy (HIE), 681–82 I-ching, 207 I Saw Esau (I. Opie and P. Opie), 693 Ice-T (Tracy Marrow), 760 Iceland, 334, 637, 1021 identity, 19, 321, 474–77, 761–62, 952–53, 954–56; in adopted children, 25, 26–27; and body image and modification, 115–18; ethnic, 42, 43, 321–24, 523–25; gender, 393–402, 887–97, 951–52, 1035; and language development, 98–103, 183–87; in LGBT youth, 463–64; and personal boundaries, 722–23; and political activism, 756–57; racial, 42, 43, 802–5; and self development, 873–76; and social development, 388, 923–24; and youth movements, 1052–53 Identity (Erikson), 475 idiopathic thrombocytopenic purpura (ITP), 111 Ifaluk people, 687 IgA deficiency, 490 Igbo people, 844 Iliad (Homer), 722 illegitimacy. See out-of-wedlock births Illich, Ivan, 453

Illinois Juvenile Court Act, 527, 530 illness, chronic, 273, 329, 435, 439, 631–34, 704, 731; children’s experience of, 20, 49, 240–42, 477–80; and children’s hospitals, 466–67; HIV/AIDS as, 468–70, 471–73; and malnutrition and undernutrition, 586–88; and pain, 702; and pediatrics profession, 713, 715; and physical growth and development, 737–38; and stress, 962. See also morbidity and specific illnesses by name imaginal coping, 49 imaginary companions, 746–49 imagination. See creativity imitation, 93–94, 178, 184, 480–81, 729, 743, 920–21 immigrant children, 285, 366, 481–88, 695, 758, 792; adolescent issues of, 20, 69–70, 495, 1042; and affirmative action, 38–41; in American history, 18, 51–54, 67–70, 170, 273, 344, 552, 799, 936–37, 956–57; Asian American, 67–70, 87; bilingualism and bilingual education among, 98–103, 545–49, 554, 571; and colorism, 805; education of, 291, 296, 596, 692–93, 782, 864–66; family patterns of, 69–70, 155, 244–48, 374–75, 569, 662; and family rituals, 850, 855–56, 1006; and female circumcision, 168–69; health issues and care among, 426–31, 436–37, 442, 499–500, 587, 685, 704, 899–900; and homelessness, 456–58; identity development among, 321–24, 474–77; and intelligence, 513–14; Latino, 555–58; legal regulation of, 352, 482, 554, 566, 567, 968; refugees, 812–13; resilience of, 166–67; undocumented, 481–88, 557, 587, 792; and welfare, 1028, 1031 Immigration Act, 68 Immigration and Nationality Act, 487 immune system, 136, 559, 632, 704, 910; and blood types, 111; and breastfeeding, 124; disorders of, 467, 488–90, 491; and ear infections, 283–84; and pets, 731; and resilience, 167. See also HIV/AIDS immunizations, 159, 435, 440, 466, 490–92; in Africa, 46, 471; and allergic diseases, 50; and autism spectrum disorders, 88–89, 491; and blindness and deafness, 107, 238; and ear infections, 284; and health disparities, 428, 1032; and health supervision, 443–44; for HPV, 899; for immigrant children, 487–88; and infectious and parasitic diseases, 496–501, 704; in

• 1 07 9

Latin America, 553; and liver disorders and diseases, 577; and morbidity and mortality, 251, 631–32, 636; and neuromuscular disorders, 684–86; parental refusal of, 491–92, 842; for polio, 856; and respiratory diseases, 837–39; and school attendance, 424, 440–41, 458, 603, 706; and skin disorders and diseases, 910; for smallpox, 532 immunotherapy, 136, 535 imprinting, 224, 580–81 Improving America’s Schools Act, 488 In a Different Voice (Gilligan), 750 In Henry’s Backyard (Benedict), 96 In re Fetus Brown, 774 In re Gault, 150, 222, 345, 526, 530, 566–67, 706, 799, 840 In re Green, 818 In re Winship, 526 In Sickness and in Play (C. Clark), 746 In the Best Interests of the Child (J. Goldstein, A. Freud, and Solnit), 416, 935 in vitro fertilization (IVF), 209, 238, 357, 408, 605, 649–50, 780, 824–28 incest, 82–83, 364–65, 492–93, 630, 806–7, 882–87, 1038; and abortion, 203, 434; Freud’s theories of, 382, 691–92, 722–23; and reproductive technologies, 827; and sleeping arrangements, 919 independence, 75, 132, 493–96, 536–37, 694, 701, 707, 731, 955, 962, 1035; and identity development, 474–77; and language development, 183–87; and Montessori method, 623–24; and moral development, 624–31; and personal boundaries, 722–23; and self development, 875–76; and sleeping arrangements, 917–20; and toilet training, 1001–2; and youth movements, 1052–53. See also rebellion India, 70–71, 140, 423, 482, 595, 832, 875, 1011; affirmative action in, 40; American immigrants from, 67–70; child slavery in, 913; corporal punishment in, 215–16; education in, 142, 372, 623–24, 732; experiences of death in, 240–41; family patterns in, 10, 85, 92–93, 248–53, 336, 338, 347, 492, 536–38, 638–39, 688, 707, 1001, 1005; gender socialization in, 167, 394, 397; health issues and care in, 110, 135, 449, 472, 499, 587, 685, 856; Hinduism and Buddhism in, 127, 200, 451–53, 817; language development and socialization in, 99, 198, 549, 662, 912; media and consumption by children in, 35, 182, 212, 361, 583; mental health issues and

1080 •

in dex

India (continued) care in, 612, 998; moral development in, 201, 625, 628–31; Six Cultures Study in, 929–33; sleeping arrangements in, 931; substance use and abuse in, 964; work in, 593–94, 1042 Indian Child Welfare Act (ICWA), 150, 353, 421, 670, 820, 842–43 Indian Civilization Act, 667 Indian Guides, 695 Indian Health Service (IHS), 670 Indian Princesses, 349 Indian Shaker Religion, 672 individual family service plans (IFSP), 90, 272 individualized education programs (IEP), 296–97, 418, 570, 939; for autism spectrum disorders, 90; for developmental delays, 271–72; for emotional disorders, 315; for gifted and talented, 414; for intellectual disability, 506, 508 Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA), 90, 275, 296–97, 315, 413, 506, 508, 564, 810, 814, 859, 868, 937–39 Indonesia, 70, 142, 201, 318, 461; American immigrants from, 67–70; family patterns in, 249, 338, 687 Industrial Revolution, 52–53, 128, 141, 160, 259, 276, 326, 348, 864, 1019, 1039, 1041, 1045 industrial schools, 122. See also vocational education Inequality at the Starting Gate (Lee and Burkam), 861 Infancy in Uganda (Ainsworth), 48 Infant and Child in the Culture of Today (Gesell), 411 infant mortality. See mortality infanticide, 1–4, 517, 639, 692; in the ancient Mediterranean world, 54–55, 347–48, 839, 841; among multiple births, 651–53, 688 infectious diseases, 18, 54, 159, 405–6, 457, 467, 496–501, 553, 667, 731, 1009; and allergic diseases, 50; and blindness, 107; and blood disorders, 111; and breastfeeding, 123–26; and cancer, 135; and diabetes, 320; and fetal development, 307–9, 681, 736, 772–73, 779, 974, 1015; and gastrointestinal disorders, 289–92; and immune disorders, 488–90; and malnutrition and undernutrition, 587; morbidity from, 631–34; mortality from, 15, 435, 631, 636; among neonates, 676–77; and neurological disorders, 683; and orthopedic disorders, 698; and pain, 702;

parasitic infections, 703–5; polio, 856; and respiratory diseases, 836–37; and skin disorders and diseases, 909; STDs, 897–99; and substance use and abuse, 968; tuberculosis, 441, 442, 492, 496, 499–500, 587, 607–8, 631, 684, 836, 968; and urbanization, 128, 673 infertility, 28–29, 306–7, 357, 638, 824–28, 897. See also reproductive technologies inflammatory bowel disease, 124, 389, 577, 587, 704 influenza, 135, 490–91, 496–97, 837–38 inhalants, 281, 969. See also substance use and abuse Inhelder, Bärbel, 62, 119–20, 501, 579 inheritance, right to, 24, 25, 335, 358, 589–90, 592–93, 629, 711, 791–92, 843. See also property, right to Initiative on Children and Poverty (United Methodist Church), 795 injuries, 15–17, 435, 467, 631–34, 636; from abuse and neglect, 9, 11–12, 13; bone fractures, 699–700; and the built environment, 128–30, 710; children’s experience of, 477–80; and firearms, 362–63, 700; and health and physical education, 431–32, 733; and health disparities, 426–31, 770; pain from, 702; and shaken baby syndrome, 899–900, 1016; from sports, 235, 948–49; from violence, 388, 1010; and visual impairments, 108–9, 1016 innocence, childhood, 501–3, 601, 1045; in Centuries of Childhood, 60–61; in legal conceptions of childhood, 148–52, 1027; and myths of childhood, 658–60; and popular culture, 757–58; in religious and philosophical traditions, 71, 137, 143–47, 229, 324–25, 673, 845; and sexual development, 807, 895–97 Innocent III, Pope, 325 Innocenti Research Centre (UNICEF), 249, 1030 InSights Magazine, 582 Institute for Social Research (University of Michigan), 964–65 Institute of Justice Administration (IJA), 567 Institute of Museum and Library Services (IMLS), 653 Institutes of the Christian Religion (Calvin), 145 Institution Nationale des Jeunes Aveugles, 936 insulin, 320, 429, 478, 606, 689, 735. See also diabetes

insurance, children and, 248, 430–31, 432–41, 487–88, 503–4, 983. See also health care Insure Kids Now, 487–88 intellectual disability, 273, 275, 501, 504– 7, 613, 618; and artistic development, 64–65; and autism spectrum disorders, 88–89; and developmental delays, 271– 72, 644; and Down syndrome, 209, 505; education of children with, 504–9, 935–39; and fetal alcohol spectrum disorders, 357–58; and fragile X syndrome, 210, 737; and hemolytic disease of the newborn, 112, 773; and intelligence, 65, 504–6, 513, 618; and juvenile delinquency, 814; and low birth weight and intrauterine growth restriction, 457, 736; and malnutrition and undernutrition, 587, 632; and meningitis, 499; and metabolic disorders, 622–23; and neurological and neuromuscular disorders, 681–83, 686; and orphanages, 697; screening for, 442, 676; and self-injury, 877–78; and sterilization, 789–90; and visual impairments, 1019 intelligence, 26, 79, 124, 409–10, 509–12, 559, 615, 692–93, 770; and birth order, 104–5; and developmental delays, 271–72; and education, 4–5, 425, 856, 992–94; emotional, 510; and giftedness, 413–16; and intellectual disability, 65, 504–6, 513, 618; and learning disabilities, 563–64, 618; and music, 655–56; testing, 41, 79, 103–4, 216–17, 237, 271, 387, 413–16, 422, 425, 505, 509–14, 528, 651, 739, 770 intelligent design, 232, 815–16, 872–73, 995 interdependence, 278, 493–96, 536, 553, 626, 642, 687–88, 875–76, 901, 917–20 International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement, 808 International Association for the Study of Pain, 701 International Baccalaureate (IB) Program, 33, 514–15 International Board on Books for Young People, 574 International Camping Fellowship, 133 International Consensus Conference on Physical Activity Guidelines for Adolescents, 329 International Convention on the Human Rights of People with Disabilities, 939 International Council for Education of People with Visual Impairment (ICEVI), 1019

in d e x

International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 486–87, 515, 913 International Criminal Court, 885, 913 International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission (IGLHRC), 462 International Journal of Behavioral Development, 832 International Labour Organization (ILO), 249, 252, 912–14, 1012, 1039, 1041, 1045–46 International Lactation Consultants Association, 125 International Montessori Association (AMI), 784 International Reading Association, 574 International Research Society for Children’s Literature, 574 international rights of the child, 515–17, 527, 566, 763, 786, 789, 913–14, 1012. See also rights, children’s and specific conventions by name international schools, 515 International Society for Child Indicators, 249 International Society for the Prevention of Child Abuse and Neglect (ISPCAN), 532 International Society for the Study of Behavioral Development (ISSBD), 829, 832 International Youth Day, 696 International Youth Library, 574 Internet, the, 109, 189–93, 367, 420, 448, 454, 600–602, 757–59; advertising, 34–36; as advice source for parents, 36–38, 757; aggression on, 47; blogs, 185; chat rooms, 185, 190, 193; children’s folklore on, 368; and civic education, 172–73; e-mail, 185, 600–602, 1050; evaluation of information on, 190, 192–93, 491–92; and gender development, 399, 462; health information on, 20, 690; instant and text messaging, 185, 190, 600–602, 1009; and kidnapping, 534; and language development and socialization, 185, 545; and moral development, 628–29; and music, 656, 762; pornography, 502, 763–64; regulation of speech on, 979; social networking sites, 185; sports on, 947; substance use and abuse information on, 721, 968; violence on, 1011–12; and youth movements and subcultures, 964, 1053 Interpersonal Theory of Psychiatry, The (Sullivan), 977 Interpretation of Dreams, The (S. Freud), 691, 914–15, 1036

Inuit people, 47, 185, 186, 284, 310–11, 313, 652, 719 Iowa Child Welfare Research Station, 828 IQ (intelligence quotient), 104–5, 209–10, 217, 271, 425, 504–6, 509–14, 528, 549, 559, 563–64, 618–19, 682–83, 697, 783, 857, 972 Iran, 142, 462, 570 Ireland, 636, 908, 1029; American immigrants from, 482, 866; education in, 330, 820; folk tales in, 364–66 Iroquois people, 666. See also Native American children irritable bowel syndrome (IBS), 389–91, 702, 884 Irwin Toy Ltd. v. Quebec (Attorney General) (Canada), 379 ISKCON (International Society for Krishna Consciousness), 230 Islam, 201, 517–21, 719, 849; in Africa, 44–45, 169, 303; in Asia, 70; and children with disabilities, 87; conceptions of childhood in, 144, 145; corporal punishment in, 278–79; experiences of death in, 240–41; family patterns in, 233, 234, 335–38, 348, 589–90, 879; female circumcision in, 167, 169; male circumcision in, 145, 168, 518, 520–21, 845, 848; names in, 661, 688; newborn care and rituals in, 687–88; and religious rights, 152, 380, 818–20, 979; religious schools and instruction in, 142, 816–17, 820–22; reproductive technologies in, 825–26; rites of passage in, 844–45, 848; and sacramental family life, 853–56; youth movements in, 1053 Israel, 135, 170, 201, 212, 216, 523–25, 807, 917, 976; family patterns in, 48, 98, 334–35, 493, 638, 827; play therapy in, 753; religious instruction in, 817; war and violence in, 133, 240, 286, 1008, 1022–23 Italy, 95, 141, 154, 216, 330, 759, 1025; American immigrants from, 482, 526, 866; children’s literature and folk tales in, 364, 573; education in, 326, 623–24, 716, 718, 808, 935; family patterns in, 2, 338, 355, 640, 651, 825; food in, 370, 371; health issues and care in, 109–10, 408, 636; myths of childhood in, 659; peer culture in, 716–18, 963; poverty and welfare in, 769, 1029, 1032 Itard, Jean-Marc-Gaspard, 521–22, 936 Ivy, Marilyn, 503 “Jack and the Beanstalk,” 366 Jacklin, Carolyn N., 120–21

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Jackson, Andrew, 667 Jackson, Michael, 503 Jackson Nursery, 381 Jacobi, Abraham, 714 Jacobs, Joseph, 366 Jains, 200 Jamaica, 337, 645, 778, 964 James, Henry Sr., 522 James, William, 272, 502, 522–23, 873–74, 876, 1026 Japan, 70–72, 95, 96, 133, 141, 143, 423, 486, 554, 730, 832; American immigrants from, 67–70; children’s literature and folk tales in, 365–66, 413, 573; education in, 142, 372, 453, 455, 597, 674, 782, 808, 873, 1021, 1042; family patterns in, 2–3, 76, 85, 336–38, 492, 638, 650–51, 662, 688, 707, 843; gender socialization in, 397, 461; health issues and care in, 238, 445, 637, 677, 686, 974; intelligence in, 513; language socialization in, 548–49, 912, 932; media and music in, 183, 362, 602, 658, 762; mental health issues and care in, 613, 976; moral development in, 201, 628, 630; religions in, 127, 206, 817; self-esteem in, 877; Six Cultures Study in, 929–33; sleep and sleeping arrangements in, 917, 919–20, 931; social development in, 778, 924; war in, 1024–25 jaundice, 238, 577, 676–77, 736, 780 Java, 461 Javits Gifted and Talented Students Education Act, 413–14 Jay-Z (Shawn Corey Carter), 762 Jefferson, Thomas, 290 Jehovah’s Witnesses, 817–18 Jenkins, Henry, 600 Jenner, Edward, 490 Jenness, Diamond, 652 Jensen, Arthur, 510 Jervell and Lange-Nielsen (JLN) syndrome, 447 Jesuits, 996 Jesus, 137, 144, 285–86, 324, 795, 845–46, 854 Jeune France, 1052 Jewish Enlightenment (Haskalah), 523 Jewish Orthodox Union, 524 Jewish people, 532, 692; and education, 866; family patterns among, 348, 825–26, 881; health issues among, 238, 407, 622, 683, 772; and the Holocaust, 98, 165, 170, 524, 539, 574, 803, 1004, 1024–25; and intelligence, 513–14. See also Israel; Judaism Jimmy Neutron, 601

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Job Corps, 54, 1020 jobs. See work, children’s John Maximovitch of San Francisco, Saint, 285 John of Wales, 324 John Paul II, Pope, 138 Johnny Tremain (Forbes), 572 Johnson, Ben, 721 Johnson, Deborah, 804 Johnson, Lyndon B., 54, 188, 300, 424, 810 Johnson, Samuel, 997 Johnson-Laird, Philip, 580 Johnson v. State, 9 joint disorders. See orthopedic disorders jokes and riddles, 367–68, 478, 658, 693, 779, 963–64 Jones, Ernest, 538 Jones, Mary Cover, 1026 Journal of Black Psychology, 802 Judaism, 55, 201, 523–25, 595, 724, 849; conceptions of childhood in, 144, 672; male circumcision in, 115, 144, 168–71, 525, 688, 819, 844–45, 853; religious schools and instruction in, 142, 816–17, 819, 820–22; rites of passage in, 138, 474, 525, 844–47, 850, 853, 855, 894; and sacramental family life, 853–56; and spirituality, 943; youth movements in, 1053. See also Jewish people Juice, 762 Jung, Carl, 691, 828, 892 Just, Marcel, 510 Just Community School model, 539 juvenile court, 202, 525–31; and abuse and neglect, 14–15; in American history, 18, 21, 31, 52–53, 150, 552, 613, 790, 799, 813, 840, 841; and consent for children’s medical care, 604–5; and family court, 344–45; and juvenile crime, 218, 363; and parens patriae, 706; procedure in, 221–23; and rehabilitative services, 813–14; and status offenses, 956–59; and substance use and abuse, 968–70; and transfer to adult criminal justice system, 31–33, 243–44 juvenile delinquency, 150, 183, 202, 525–31, 613, 674, 798–801, 841; and aggression and violence, 47, 1010; and behavior disorders, 81, 203–5; and depression, 255; educational factors in, 332, 425, 978; and family court, 344–45; family factors in, 11, 162, 280, 880, 909; and immigrant children, 485–86; legal representation of children in proceedings, 566–67; and prenatal substance exposure, 357–58, 972; and

psychotropic medicines, 609; and social development, 922–24; and status offenses, 956–59; and substance use and abuse, 968–69, 1000 Juvenile Delinquency Act, 530 Juvenile Diabetes Research Foundation, 478 Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention Act, 958 Juvenile Justice Standards (ABA and IJA), 567 juvenile justice system, 525–31, 798–801, 956, 978; in American history, 145, 149, 150, 695; family court, 344–45; prisons, 784–86; procedure in, 221–23; reform institutions, 810–12; rehabilitative services, 813–15; and transfer to adult criminal justice system, 31–33, 306, 363; youth gun courts, 363. See also adult criminal justice system, children in the and specific institutions by name Juvenile Offenders and Victims (Snyder and Sickmund), 219–20 Juvenile Protection Association of Chicago, 18 Juvenile Psychopathic Institute (JPI), 613 Kagan, Jerome, 829 Kaluli people, 185, 548–49, 701 Kamehameha Early Education Program (KEEP), 175–76 Kanner, Leo, 86, 613 Kansas v. Hendricks, 886 Kant, Immanuel, 146, 196, 272, 621, 740 Kanuri people, 375 Kaplan, Bernard, 1034 Katrina, Hurricane, 457, 962 Katz, Jay, 416 Kauffman Foundation, 861 Kawasaki disease, 449, 498 Kazakhstan, 372 Kazdin, Alan, 752–53 Keepin’ It REAL program, 969 Keeping Children and Families Safe Act, 885, 973 Keeping Track (Oakes), 231 Kempe, C. Henry, 9, 13, 451, 532 Kendall, Amos, 386 Kennedy, Anthony, 294 Kennedy, John F., 114, 188, 505 Kent v. United States, 31, 222–23 Kenya, 140, 216, 270, 789, 1001, 1011, 1035; body modification in, 116; family patterns in, 82–83, 163, 164–65, 318, 639, 707; gender socialization in, 395– 96; and immigration, 482; intelligence in, 511; language in, 546–47; mental

health issues and care in, 613; moral development in, 630; Six Cultures Study in, 1035–36 Kerlin, Isaac, 936 Kerschensteiner, Georg, 59 Kessel, Frank, 830 Kessen, William, 828–31 Keyes v. School District No. 1, 300–301 Khmer people, 475, 812 kibbutz, 334–35, 493 kidnapping, 92–93, 180, 353, 516, 532–34, 1009, 1017 kidney disorders and diseases, 136, 433, 436–37, 498, 534–36, 559, 587, 689, 1015; branchio-oto-renal syndrome, 446; congenital anomalies and deformations, 207, 209, 309, 676; and hypertension, 442–43 Kierkegaard, Søren, 742 Kikuyu people, 164–65 kindergarten. See early childhood education Kindness of Strangers, The (Boswell), 722 Kingpin Skinny Pimp, 761 Kinsey, Alfred, 897 kinship and child rearing, 328, 373–76, 419–20, 536–38, 641–42, 707, 1005. See also foster and kinship care Kinzie, David, 812 Kipling, Rudyard, 364 Kipsigis people, 932 Kirk, Samuel, 563 Kitayama, Shinobu, 875–76 Klein, Melanie, 266–68, 381, 538–39, 691, 752, 1036 Klinefelter, H. F., 209 Klinefelter (XXY) syndrome, 209–10, 737, 887 Kohlberg, Lawrence, 93, 199–200, 539, 626–28, 630, 929–30, 954 Kohler, Wolfgang, 561 Komsomol, 1052 Konner, Melvin, 931 Kono people, 168–69 Korea, 70–72, 95, 201, 270, 276, 762, 873; American immigrants from, 67–70, 483, 486, 922; family patterns in, 26, 336–38, 355, 638, 650; giftedness in, 415–16; health care in, 434; intelligence in, 513; LGBT youth in, 461–62; male circumcision in, 170; peer culture in, 718–19; religion in, 206, 820; selfesteem in, 877; suicide in, 976 Korean War, 71 Kozol, Jonathan, 453 Kpelle people, 194, 1004 Kuhlman, Clementina, 829

in d e x

Kuhn, Deanna, 954 Kukla, Fran and Ollie, 601 Kulick, Don, 548 Külpe, Oswald, 1034 !Kung San people (Bushmen), 141, 227–28, 304, 396, 1007 Kuwait, 240–41 kwashiorkor, 585–86, 738 La Langue des Signes de Québécoise (LSQ), 240 La Leche League International, 125 labor, child. See work, children’s labor and delivery. See pregnancy and childbirth Laboratory for Comparative Human Cognition (University of California at San Diego), 831 Labov, William, 176, 933 Laennec, René, 450 Lakoff, George, 82, 620–21 Lakota people, 394, 462, 667. See also Native American children Lancy, David, 1004 Landsteiner, Carl, 111–12 Lane, Homer, 674 Lang, Andrew, 366 Langkawi, 537–38 language, 44, 94, 861, 875, 1038; and autism spectrum disorders, 86–91; behavioral theories of, 261; bilingualism and bilingual education, 98–103, 372–73; and brain and neurological development, 147–48, 423, 679–80, 888; in classroom culture, 174–76; cognitive theories of, 177–79, 262–64, 302–5; critical periods for, 102, 224, 581; development of, 541–45, 1051–52; disorders and delay, 271–72, 357–58, 506, 559, 549–52, 780, 941; and evolution, 236, 328–29; and gender development and socialization, 395, 398–400; and hearing, 238, 444–45, 447–48; and learning, 560–66; and narrative, 662–66; offensive, 911–12, 997; and peer culture, 383, 716–19; and perception, 719–20; and poverty, 770–71; pragmatics, 183–87; and problem solving, 787–89; sign language, 906–7; and socialization, 183–87, 545–49, 701, 743–45, 749–52, 921, 929–33, 1005, 1022; sociolinguistic diversity, 174–76, 564, 566, 693, 933–34; among twins, 651–52 Language in the Inner City (Labov), 933 Language Shift and Cultural Reproduction (Kulick), 548

Lao tze, 205–6 Laos, 67–70, 436–37 Lashley, Karl, 561–62 Lathrop, Julia Clifford, 552, 767–68 Latin America, 182, 370, 552–55, 643, 813, 1007–8, 1030; built environment in, 128, 711; conceptions of childhood in, 139–43; education in, 380, 734; family patterns in, 26, 92–93, 248–53, 337–38, 412, 537, 541, 696; folk tales in, 364–66; health issues and care in, 107, 320, 426, 428, 430, 442, 449, 470, 632, 686; language socialization in, 548–49; LGBT youth in, 460–61; race in, 803; religion in, 138–39, 523; rites of passage in, 844–46; toys and games in, 1003–4; war and violence in, 533, 1010, 1024; work in, 1039–40. See also specific countries and peoples by name Latino children, 54, 372, 482–83, 555–58, 692, 1042; and affirmative action, 38–41; Catholicism among, 138–39; and children’s literature, 574; and education, 4–5, 33, 41, 187, 281, 300, 301, 332, 372, 418, 864–66, 992, 1020; family patterns of, 6, 14, 37, 156, 163, 213, 377, 419–20, 494, 495, 639, 650, 822, 855–56, 908; health issues and care among, 15, 50, 135, 275, 276, 319, 330, 406, 426–31, 433, 435–38, 442, 468, 558–59, 587, 634, 675, 704–5; identity development among, 321–24, 474–77; and intelligence, 513–14; in juvenile justice system, 220, 526, 784, 811; language socialization and literacy among, 548–49, 570; and media, 987–88; mental health issues and care among, 79, 767, 976; as migrant workers, 557; play and children’s folklore among, 368, 751; poverty, homelessness, and welfare among, 38–41, 344, 456–58, 768–69, 1028, 1031, 1033; and race, 803; sexual development of, 19, 894; substance use and abuse among, 965–66, 970, 999; youth subcultures among, 964. See also bilingualism; immigrant children Latter-day Saints (LDS), Church of Jesus Christ of. See Mormonism Latvia, 764 Lau v. Nichols, 68, 296 Laura Spellman Rockefeller Memorial Fund (LSRM), 828 Lave, Jean, 563 Lawrence Kohlberg’s Approach to Moral Education (Kohlberg, Power, and Higgins), 539 Lawrence v. Texas, 787

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Laws, The (Plato), 144 Leach, Penelope, 36 lead poisoning, 80, 129, 426, 429, 441, 442, 514, 558–60, 632 Leaf, Munro, 573 League of Nations, 515–16, 552, 1026 Leamon, Molly McCarthy, 565–66 Lear, Edward, 572 learning, 189–93, 442, 509, 560–63, 719– 20, 861; and informal education, 302–5; theories of, 262–64, 1026, 1051–52 Learning Cycle, 226 learning disabilities, 273, 275, 423, 563–66, 618, 732–33, 736, 909; and behavioral issues, 204, 528; and developmental delays, 271–72, 644; education of children with, 315, 418, 454, 563–66, 937–38; and health issues, 238, 357–58, 559, 587, 704, 780, 997; and intelligence, 513; and reading, 570, 809–10 Learning to Read (Chall), 809 Lebanon, 755, 816 Lee, Valerie, 861 Lee v. Weisman, 815 legal representation of children, 221–23, 344–45, 526–27, 530–31, 566–68, 840–41 Legionnaires’ disease, 500 Lehr v. Robertson, 712 leisure time, family, 212, 349, 568–69, 653–55, 673, 865 Lenneberg, Eric, 224 Leont’ev, Alexei Nikoaevich, 745 l’Epée, Abbé Charles-Michel, 936 Lepman, Jella, 574 leprosy, 684–85 Lerner, Richard, 260, 829, 832 lesbianism. See LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender) youth Lesch-Nyhan syndrome, 878 Lesotho, 185, 460, 873, 1049 Lesueur, François, 936 Letter of the Pope to Children in the Year of the Family (John Paul II), 138 leukemias, 109, 111, 124, 134–37, 682 Leuner, Hans, 753 LeVine, Robert, 831–32 Levinson, Boris, 731 Levy v. Louisiana, 592 Lewin, Kurt, 621, 829 Lewis, C. S., 573, 748 Lewis, Elliott, 804 LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender) youth, 460–63; and birth order, 105; and body image and modification, 115–18; and education, 432, 646; identity development among, 19, 400,

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LGBT youth (continued) 392–93, 463–64, 476–77; legal concerns among, 378, 380, 403, 464–66; sexual abuse and harassment of, 220, 299, 883; sexual development of, 463– 64, 595, 691–92, 887–89, 893, 895–97; and prostitution, 792–93; romantic and sexual relationships among, 851; as street children, 960 Li-Fraumeni syndrome, 134, 135 Liberation Birds, 180 Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), 180 Liberia, 180, 194, 303–4, 1004, 1050 libraries, public, 366, 378–80, 574, 624 Lieberson, Stanley, 661 limited English proficiency. See bilingualism Lincoln, Abraham, 386, 552, 573, 805 Lindbergh, Charles Jr., 533 Lindgren, Astrid, 572 Lindsey, Ben, 526 Lion, the Witch, and the Wardrobe, The (C. S. Lewis), 573 listeria, 497, 500 literacy, 549, 569–72, 581–83, 707, 720, 808–10, 1050–51; and children’s literature, 572–77; digital, 192; and informal education, 302–5, 380; and language development, 186, 365; and sociolinguistic diversity, 933–34 literature, children’s, 361, 399, 572–74, 624, 662, 925; comic books as, 182–83; engagement with, 444, 574–77; and folk tales, 364–67; and war, 1024–25 Lithuania, 330, 513 Little League, 946, 948 Little Pretty Pocket-Book, A (Newbery), 572 Liu, Jae-Soo, 573 Lively, Penelope, 575 liver disorders and diseases, 12, 134, 577–78, 622–23, 689, 721 Lobel, Arnold, 573 Locke, John, 145–46, 258, 325, 501, 560, 578, 673, 740, 758, 852, 1004 logical thinking, 193, 194–95, 225–27, 578–80, 597, 621–22, 739, 787–89 Logoli people, 396, 789 long QT syndrome (LQTS), 408, 450 Longhouse Religion, 672 Looking Backward (Bellamy), 281 López Díaz, Xunka’, 554 Lorde, Audre, 464 Lore and Language of Schoolchildren, The (I. Opie and P. Opie), 366, 693 Lorenz, Konrad, 224, 580–81

Loss (Bowlby), 120, 122 Lovaas, Ivar, 261 Love Is Not Enough (Bettelheim), 98 Low, Juliette, 695 low birth weight, 71, 245, 276, 423, 435, 439, 445–46, 535, 559, 683, 735–36, 772–73, 898, 999; and health disparities, 427–29, 457, 558, 770; and malnutrition and undernutrition, 354, 587; and multiple births, 649, 650; and obesity, 689–90; and prematurity, 674–75, 779–81; and SIDS, 920, 974–75. See also physical growth and development lung diseases. See respiratory diseases Luo people, 140, 318 lupus, 488 Luria, Alexander, 580, 621–22, 831, 1022 Luther, Martin, 321, 794 Lutheranism, 794–96, 821, 845–46 Lyman School, 811 lymphomas, 124, 134 M. C. Higgins, The Great (Hamilton), 573 MacArthur Foundation Research Networks, 832 Macaulay, David, 574 Maccoby, Eleanor E., 120–21, 493 Machado, Ana Maria, 573 Mack, Julian, 526 MacKeith, Stephen, 748 Madagascar, 685 madrassas, 816–17, 821 magazines, 193, 399, 581–83, 690, 757–59, 866, 947, 1025; advertising in, 34–36, 211–13; as advice source for parents, 36–38, 757; and moral development, 628–29 Magic Circle, The (Napoli), 366 Magic, Science, and Religion (Malinowski), 896 Magical Child, The (Pearce), 1007–8 magical thinking, 412–13, 583–84, 944 Magnet Comics, 759 magnet schools, 294, 863, 868 magnetic resonance imaging (MRI), 134, 136, 148, 320, 563, 680, 735 magnetoencephalogram, 552 Maguzawa people, 278–79 Mahler, Margaret, 268 Mahony, Bertha, 624 Mahy, Margaret, 573 Main, Mary, 48 major depressive disorder. See depression Major Work program (Cleveland), 937 majority, age of legal, 21–23, 148, 160, 202–3, 305–6, 590, 705–6, 784 makeup. See cosmetics

malaria, 37, 46, 251, 492, 496, 500, 608, 631, 703–5, 770, 856, 1030 Malay people, 337, 479, 537–38 Malaysia, 67–70, 133, 167, 375, 1042 Mali, 355 Malinowski, Bronislaw, 140, 691–92, 895–96 malls, 593–94 malnutrition and undernutrition, 19, 125, 249, 584–88, 617, 644, 667, 680, 856, 913; in Africa, 43–46; in the ancient Mediterranean world, 54–55; in Asia, 72; and diarrhea, 391–92; and eating disorders, 288–90; fetal, 429; and immune disorders, 488, 490; and infectious and parasitic diseases, 499–500, 703–5, 838; and morbidity and mortality, 251, 631–34; and physical growth and development, 737–38, 986; and poverty and welfare, 54, 240, 770, 1027, 1030; among refugees, 812–13 Malthus, Rev. Thomas, 249 Mamluks, 461 Man & Woman, Boy & Girl (Money and Ehrhardt), 895 Mann, Horace, 290, 588, 815, 984 Mannheim, Karl, 1053 Manson, Marilyn, 760 Manu, 452 Maori people, 345, 632, 700, 762, 800 marasmus, 585–86 March of Dimes Foundation, 856 Marfan syndrome, 210, 450, 737, 772, 1015 Margaret Mead and Samoa (Freeman), 701 marijuana, 19–20, 281–82, 966, 968, 969, 971, 1000. See also substance use and abuse marital and nonmarital unions, 45, 75–76, 167, 417, 588–91; in Catholicism, 589–90; and family patterns, 246, 247, 248, 333–44, 356; interracial, 353; in Islam, 521, 589; legal regulation of, 352, 403, 588–93, 786–87, 840; of minors, 72, 163, 203, 251–52, 807; in Mormonism, 634–35; and paternity and maternity, 711–13; polygamy and polygyny, 82–83, 335–37, 352, 396, 589, 853; and poverty and welfare, 768, 1031–32, 1033; in Protestantism, 794–95; remarriage, 822–24; same-sex unions, 341–44, 352, 392–93, 394, 403, 460–63, 589, 591–92, 787, 827, 842, 855–56, 1017–18. See also divorce marketplace, children and the, 593–94, 959–61, 1008

in d e x

Marks, Amy, 322 Markus, Hazel, 85, 831, 875–76 Marquesas Islands, 700–701 Marshall, James, 367, 573 Marshall, Thurgood, 173 Martin, Bill Jr., 573 Martin, J. P., 210 Martu people, 640 Maruki, Toshi, 574 Marx, Karl, 249, 260 Mary, Saint, 286, 324 Masai people, 639 Massachusetts School for Idiotic and Feeble-Minded Youth, 936 Massey, Douglas, 805 Master P (Percy Miller), 760–61 Master Settlement Agreement (MSA), 970 masturbation, 169–70, 382, 432, 594–96, 613, 763, 892–95. See also sexual development Maternal and Child Health Bureau, 159–60 maternity, 711–13, 841; and adoption, 29; and reproductive technologies, 148, 827 mathematics (curricular area), 5, 33, 53, 61, 114, 230–32, 292, 576, 596–99, 782, 867–68, 988; and Asian American children, 68; and bilingual and multicultural education, 99, 646; concepts and reasoning in, 193–97, 262–64, 562, 596–97, 610; and gender, 298, 402, 410, 871; giftedness in, 217, 415–16; and informal education, 305, 960; and intelligence, 514; and Latino children, 556; and learning disabilities and other special needs, 109, 447, 508, 563–66; in madrassas, 821; and poverty and homelessness, 458, 771; and problem solving, 787–89; testing and evaluation in, 246, 418, 460, 863, 992–94; textbooks and electronic tools for, 189–93, 995 Matilda (Dahl), 572 Matter of Time, A (Carnegie Corporation of New York), 332 mature minor doctrine, 152, 306, 603, 790, 818, 840–41 Maus (Spiegelman), 574 Max Planck Institute for Development, 829–30 Maxwell, James Clerk, 119 Maya people, 549, 722, 993; animism among, 56–57; apprenticeship, work, and play among, 58–59, 480, 922, 1004, 1040; conceptions of childhood among, 553–54; family patterns among, 536–37,

640, 919; gender socialization among, 394, 460 Mayer, John, 510 McCall, Robert, 990–91 McClintock, Martha, 896 McDonald’s, 212 McGraw, Myrtle B., 119 McGuffey Readers, 601, 994 McGwire, Mark, 721 McKeiver v. Pennsylvania, 222 McKinney-Vento Homeless Assistance Act, 456, 458 McKissack, Patricia, 573 McKown, Clark, 803 McLoyd, Vonnie, 832 McNeal, James, 212 Mead, George Herbert, 93, 873–74, 977, 1022 Mead, Margaret, 82, 94, 96, 118, 599–600, 642, 700–701, 832, 895–97, 929–30, 977 measles, 443, 491, 496–500, 587, 631, 836, 838, 856, 910 Measurement of Moral Judgment, The (Kohlberg), 539 media, 79–80, 103, 240–41, 412–13, 533–34, 600–602, 668, 855, 947; advertising and consumption by children, 34–36, 211–13; advice for parents in, 36– 38; and body image, 115–18, 289; and ethnic identity, 322–23; and freedom of speech, 378–80; and gender development, 399; and language socialization, 545, 548; and moral development, 628–29; and peer culture, 716–19; and popular culture, 757–59; and social learning, 924–25; and substance use and abuse, 964–65, 969–70; and violence and aggression, 47–48, 1011–12; and war, 1024–25; and youth subcultures, 963–64. See also specific media by name Medicaid, 248, 276, 378, 430, 433–41, 487–88, 1031–32 medical care and procedures, consent to, 21, 22, 149, 152, 376, 602–6, 706, 824, 840–43; abortion among minors, 5–8, 202–3; best interests of the child standard, 97–98, 203, 602–6; circumcision, 168, 170; clinical trials on children, 242, 606; and emancipation, 305–6; religious objections to, 818–19; screening for health concerns, 441; sterilization, 789–90 Medicare, 247, 433–34 medicines, 408, 606–10, 753–55, 966–67. See also specific types of medicines by name

• 1 08 5

medium chain acyl-coenzyme A dehydrogenase (MCAD) deficiency, 622 Megan’s Law, 886 Melanesia, 140, 700–701, 932; family patterns in, 338, 537; sexual development in, 395, 896. See also specific islands and peoples by name Meltzoff, Andrew N., 480 memory, 178, 312, 382, 502–3, 509–10, 610–12, 621–22, 664; and child witnesses in legal cases, 1036–39; and language disorders and delay, 550–51; and learning, 560–63, 563–66, 809; and logical thinking, 579–80; and prenatal substance exposure, 357–58, 972; and related cognitive processes, 77, 480–81, 740, 787; and sense of smell, 980–82; and sexual abuse, 885–86; and sleep disorders, 915–16; during surgery, 606–7; and visual impairments, 108 Menchú Tum, Rigoberta, 554 Mencius, 205–6 Mendel, Gregor, 404 meningitis, 124, 238, 284, 426, 446, 496, 499, 608, 683, 770 meningococcus, 443, 491–92 meningomyelocele, 208, 681 Mennonites, 201, 622, 794, 821, 845 Meno (Plato), 741 menstruation: age of menarche, 18–19, 306, 587, 634, 701, 735, 846–48, 889–90, 893–94, 949, 1006; and eating disorders, 288–89; and nutrition, 287, 288, 587, 847; and peer culture, 717 Mental Development in the Child and the Race (Baldwin), 93, 118–19 Mental Health Act, 614 mental health issues and care, 20, 22, 434, 530, 612–14, 618–20, 799, 937; consent to care for minors, 603, 842; and family court, 344–45; and health disparities, 426–31; parental, 165–67, 204, 255–56, 277, 314, 444, 457–58, 615–16, 639, 764–66, 771, 796–98; among refugees, 812–13; residential treatment centers for, 612–18, 799–800, 814. See also specific disorders by name Mental Health Parity Act (MHPA), 434 Mental Measurements Yearbook, 513 mental processes. See cognitive development and specific processes by name mental retardation. See intellectual disability mentors, 166, 167, 172, 187, 217, 290, 363, 695–96, 814, 962, 1012 mercury poisoning, 88, 126, 369, 429, 491 Meru Tigania-Igembe people, 116

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metabolic disorders, 505, 577, 622–23, 644, 1015; and developmental delays, 271–72; metabolic syndrome, 689; and nutrition issues, 354, 632; screening for, 441–42, 676; and neurological disorders, 682–83; and physical growth and development, 737–38 methamphetamine, 19–20, 966–67, 971, 973. See also substance use and abuse Methodism, 795–96, 821, 845–46 Metric Intelligence Scale, 103–4 Mexico, 56–57, 133, 187, 318, 364, 394, 434, 552–55, 680, 721; American immigrants from, 50, 54, 372, 406, 435, 474–78, 482–83, 486, 555–58, 645, 692; apprenticeship, work, and play in, 58–59, 304, 562–63, 1004, 1040; family patterns in, 337, 536–37, 640, 903; food in, 370; peer culture in, 718–19; Six Cultures Study in, 929–33 Meyer v. Nebraska, 150, 786 Michael H. v. Gerald D., 593 Michaels, Sarah, 666 microcephaly, 681 Micronesia, 687, 700–701, 931. See also specific islands and peoples by name Middle East, 182, 252, 483, 529, 533, 643, 850, 1030; American immigrants from, 321; folk tales in, 365–66; gender socialization in, 167, 397, 462; health issues and care in, 110, 251, 442, 500, 684; Islam in, 517–21, 821; Judaism in, 523–24; youth movements in, 1053. See also specific countries by name Middlemore, Marjorie, 1036 midwives, 3, 304, 540, 687, 774 Migrant Head Start, 557 migrant workers, 425, 557 military schools, 298 military service, 20, 22, 166, 179–81, 220, 348, 504, 959, 1011; adolescent enlistment and draft registration for, 21, 22, 203, 1025; and child trafficking, 91; and emancipation, 305–6, 840; forced participation in, 516, 555, 812, 913, 1025; as rite of passage, 848; and war, 1022–26; as warriors in Pacific Island societies, 701 Mill, John Stuart, 146, 578 Millennium Challenge Corporation, 249 Millennium Declaration, 249 Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), 249 Miller, Jerry, 799 Miller, Joan, 201–2, 630, 831 Miller, Peggy J., 776–77, 831 Milliken v. Bradley, 301

Millions of Cats (Gag), 573 Mills v. Board of Education, 938 mind, theory of, 78, 94, 119, 185–86, 194, 197–99, 481, 544, 584, 731, 745, 875, 921, 955 Mind, Culture, and Activity, 831 Mind in Society (Vygotsky), 121, 788, 831 Mind of the Child, The (Preyer), 118, 828 Minimum Rules for the Administration of Juvenile Justice (United Nations), 222 Minuchin, Salvador, 346 Miranda v. Arizona, 221 Missing Children’s Act, 533 Missing Children’s Assistance Act, 533 Mississippi University for Women v. Hogan, 298 Missouri v. Jenkins, 301 MJG, 761 MMR (measles, mumps, and rubella) vaccine, 88–89, 491. See also immunizations Moe, Jørgen, 366 moles (nevi), 105–6, 909 Moll, Albert, 895 Momotaro, 366 Mondale, Walter, 9 Money, John, 895 Mongolia, 133 Monitoring the Future (MTF) study, 964–67 monkeypox, 500, 731 Montessori, Maria, 139, 326, 455, 522, 570, 623–24, 783–84 Montessori Education Association, 623 Montgomery, L. M., 374 mood disorders, 89, 204, 414, 619, 694, 766, 877, 977. See also anxieties and anxiety disorders; depression; and other specific disorders by name Moore, Anne Carroll, 624 Moore, Clement, 658 Moore, Dorothy, 453 Moore, M. Keith, 480 Moore, Raymond, 453 moral development, 236, 379, 528, 539, 624–31, 665, 730, 813, 852, 954; in Catholicism, 137–38; and friendship, 382–85; in Hinduism, 70, 452–53, 854; in Islam, 517–21; and morality, 62, 82–83, 629–31, 951–52; and organizations for youth, 695–96; and sexual development, 892, 897; and shame and guilt, 900–902 Moral Judgment of the Child, The (Piaget), 539 Morals and Manners among Negro Americans (Du Bois), 758 morbidity, 435, 587, 631–34, 674,

676–77, 733, 962; and children’s experience of chronic illness, 477–80; and children’s hospitals, 466–68; and health disparities, 426–31; and mortality, 635–38. See also specific illnesses by name Morgan, Lewis Henry, 742 Mormonism, 150, 589, 634–35, 692, 845 Morocco, 372, 486 morphology, development of, 542, 549–52, 906. See also language Morris, Edward K., 261 Morrison, Fred, 861 Morrison, Toni, 574 mortality, 143, 249, 253, 328, 477, 635–38, 674, 677; among abandoned and orphaned children, 1–3, 325–26, 335; among abused and neglected children, 14; from accidents and injuries, 15, 19–20; in Africa, 45–46, 251; in American history, 51–54, 245–46, 251, 435, 439, 558, 667–69, 1028; in the ancient Mediterranean world, 54–55; in Asia, 70–72, 251; from cancer, 135; during childbirth, 308; and children’s hospitals, 466–68; from diarrhea, 391–92; in European history, 251, 325–327; and family patterns, 338–41, 707–8; and health disparities, 426–31, 558; from infectious diseases, 496–501; from kidney disorders and diseases, 534–36; and morbidity, 631–34; among multiple births, 649; and nutrition issues, 124, 125, 639, 587; from poisoning, 754–55; and poverty, 251–52, 769–71; from respiratory diseases, 836–39; from substance use and abuse, 967; from suicide, 975–77; from violence, 388, 1010 Moses, 523 Moshman, David, 580 Mosteller, Frederick, 174 Mother and Child (Winnicott), 1036 mother-child relationship, 638–42, 655, 706–9, 1005, 1036; and abandonment and infanticide, 1–3; in Africa, 44, 82–83; in American history, 51–54; in Asia, 70–72; and attachment, 48, 73–77, 121–22, 424, 581, 724, 945–46, 951; and breastfeeding, 123–26, 676, 980–82; and child care, 152–60; and cognitive and language development, 179, 185–86, 261; and comfort habits, 181–82; and conceptions of childhood, 139–47, 148–52; and consumption by children, 211–12; and custody, 96–97, 232–35, 878–82; and expanding world of the child, 1007–9; and family leisure time activities, 568–69; and father-

in d e x

child relationship, 347–49; and gender socialization, 393–98; in Hinduism, 452; in Islam, 517–18; and mental health issues and care, 86, 94, 614, 796–98; and newborn care and rituals, 686–89; and Oedipus and Electra confl icts, 691–92; and personality, 977; and play, 216–17, 745–46, 750; and postpartum depression, 764–66; in psychoanalysis, 1047; and resilience, 166; and welfare, 1026–34; and work–home life balance, 1046–50 Mother Goose’s Melody (Newbery/ Thomas), 366, 572 Mother-Infant Rapid Intervention at Delivery study, 470 Mother-, Play-, and Nursery Songs (Froebel), 385 Mothers Against Drunk Driving (MADD), 202 mothers’ pensions programs, 153, 552, 767–68, 1028 motor development, 224, 265, 642–45, 673–74, 861, 949, 1002; and language and speech disorders and delay, 549, 551, 941; and neurological development, 678–79, 680, 685–86; and physical education, 733–35; and sexual development, 595, 891–95; and social development, 920–24; tics and Tourette syndrome, 997–99; and vision development, 108–9, 1012–13, 1018–19 motor vehicles: driving under the influence, 531; injuries and deaths from accidents, 16–17, 81, 129–30, 202, 245–46, 477, 609, 633, 699, 964–65; insurance for, 503–4; legal right to drive, 22, 171, 202, 203, 305–6, 326, 839, 846, 968–69; PTSD from accidents, 766; and somnambulism, 916 Moustakas, Clark, 752 movies. See films Mozambique, 181, 187, 632, 685 Mozart, Wolfgang Amadeus, 216, 658 Mozert v. Hawkins County Board of Education, 816 Muhammad, Prophet, 517–19, 816, 820–21, 845, 849, 853, 855 multicultural education, 645–48 multicultural identity. See bicultural identity Multiethnic Placement Act, 29 multilingualism. See bilingualism multimodal systemic therapy (MST), 205 multiple births, 440, 648–53, 661, 681–83, 688, 735–36, 780, 826 multiracial children. See biracial children

mumps, 443, 491, 632 Munchausen syndrome by proxy, 754 Munroe, Robert, 396 Münsterberg, Hugo, 828 Murchison, Carl, 829 Murik people, 660, 701 Murphy, Frank, 817–18 muscle: development of, 19, 117, 287, 308–9, 585, 596, 974–75; disorders, 115, 117, 211, 622, 644, 684–86; injuries, 235, 948–49; tone, 209, 643–44. See also neuromuscular disorders; orthopedic disorders museums, 66, 217, 361, 568–69, 653–55, 710–11, 866 music, 399, 600–602, 655–57, 757–63, 866; advertising and consumption of, 34, 211–12; in Africa, 45, 744; and children’s folklore, 368; development of skills in, 657–58; education in, 33, 66–67, 69, 655–57, 742, 757–58, 783, 867–68, 993–94; as extracurricular activity, 331, 868; giftedness in, 415–16; in other media, 192, 361–62; in youth subcultures, 963–64 Muslims. See Islam Mussen, Paul, 829 Mussolini, Benito, 623 My Brother Sam Is Dead (C. Collier and J. Collier), 572–73 Myanmar (Burma), 180, 685, 755 myasthenia gravis (MG), 685 myotonic dystrophy, 211 myths, childhood, 412–13, 658–60 Nabokov, Vladimir, 575 Nabozny v. Podlesny, 299, 465 Nader, Ralph, 16 naegleria, 705 Naftali the Storyteller and His Horse, Sus (Singer), 363–64 names, 661–62; in bullying, 130–31; naming ceremonies, 116, 285, 394, 395, 452, 474, 518, 525, 536–37, 634, 688, 844–45, 847, 853; among Native Americans, 668, 671; nicknames, 367, 478, 688; and paternity, 711; patriarchal practices of, 324, 395, 402, 631, 688; sacramental character of, 853 nannies. See child care Napoleonic Wars, 1019, 1024, 1041 Napoli, Donna Jo, 366 Napping House, The (A. Wood and D. Wood), 573 Napster, 762 narcolepsy, 915, 917 narrative, 185–86, 547, 561, 662–66,

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945; African traditions of, 45, 933; and children’s literature, 182, 572–77; in films, 360–61; in folk and fairy tales, 363–67; Latin American traditions of, 557; and literacy, 569–71; and memory, 611–12; myths of childhood as, 658–60; Native American traditions of, 666–68, 671–72; in peer culture, 716–19; and popular culture, 757–59; in popular music, 760–62; and self development, 874–75; in theater and acting, 996 Nast, Thomas, 658 Nation at Risk, A (National Commission on Excellence in Education), 67, 292, 459, 810, 863, 995 National Academy of Sciences, 829 National Alliance for Youth Sports, 948 National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), 246, 293, 425, 569–71, 808, 863, 992 National Association for Gifted Children (NAGC), 413–14 National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), 173, 300 National Association for the Education of Young Children, 157, 783–84 National Association of Counsel for Children, 566 National Association of Multicultural Education, 231–32 National Association of State Boards of Education, 861 National Association of the Deaf, 386 National Cancer Institute, 134 National Center for Catastrophic Sports Injuries (NCCSI), 948 National Center for Education Statistics (NCES), 296, 861 National Center for Fair and Open Testing (FairTest), 232, 993 National Center for Juvenile Justice, 958 National Center for Missing and Exploited Children, 533, 764 National Center for the Prevention and Treatment of Child Abuse and Neglect, 532 National Child Labor Committee, 18 National Child Traumatic Stress Network, 886–87 National Commission on Excellence in Education, 67, 459, 810, 863, 995 National Commission on Testing and Public Policy (NCTPP), 993 National Committee for Mental Hygiene, 937 National Congress of Mothers, 828

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National Council for Teachers of English, 574 National Council for the Accreditation of Teacher Education (NCATE), 414 National Council of Juvenile and Family Court Judges, 345 National Council of Teachers of Mathematics, 597 National Crime Victimization Survey, 529 National Education Association, 422, 460 National Education Goals, 861 National Geographic World, 582 National Health and Nutrition Examination Study (NHANES III), 559 National Health Service (NHS; United Kingdom), 170, 439–41 National Household Education Survey (NHES) program, 455 National Indian Youth Council, 668 National Institute for Youth Sports Administration, 948 National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (NICHD), 157–58, 570–71, 614, 1038 National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH), 614 National Institution for Deaf-Mutes (France), 521–22 National Joint Council on Learning Disabilities, 564 National Juvenile Defender Center, 567 National Literacy Panel on LanguageMinority Children and Youth, 100 National Literary Strategy (United Kingdom), 810 National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health, 965 National Mental Health Alliance, 457–58 National Parent Teacher Association, 460 National Reading Campaign (United Kingdom), 810 National Reading Panel, 570–71 National Recreation and Park Association, 133 National Research Center on the Gifted and Talented, 33 National Research Council (NRC), 586, 597, 829, 832 National Resource Center for Health and Safety in Child Care, 159 National Rifle Association, 582 National Right to Life Committee, 359 National School Readiness Indicators Initiative, The, 861–62 National Science Foundation, 596, 995 National Survey of Family Growth, 213, 245

National Task Force on Fetal Alcohol Syndrome and Fetal Alcohol Effect, 973 National Youth Sports Report Card (Citizenship Through Sports Alliance), 947–48 National Youth Tobacco Survey, 999 Nation’s Report Card. See National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) Native American children, 51–54, 150, 217, 220, 242, 643, 666–69, 719, 741, 1024; and education, 33, 53, 99–100, 281, 304, 425, 844, 869; family patterns among, 14, 28, 244–48, 353, 375, 421, 639, 843–44, 855–56; and folk tales, 364–66; gender socialization among, 394–95, 461–62; health issues and care among, 15, 284, 406, 426–31, 442, 490, 499, 675, 677, 974, 976; identity development among, 321, 474–75; legal regulation of, 97–98, 353, 669–70; literacy and narrative among, 570, 662; poverty and welfare among, 38, 1028; rites of passage among, 846–48; substance use and abuse among, 970 Native American Church (Peyote Road), 672 Native American religious traditions, 667, 670–72 Native Hawaiian children, 39, 154–55, 175–76, 669, 700–702, 741 nativism, 118, 259, 719–20, 740 natural disasters, 730, 959; and experiences of death, 240–42; hospital and mental health care for, 468, 614, 617; and PTSD, 766, 962 nature, children and, 130, 672–74; animistic beliefs, 56–57, 412–13; in camps, 132–34; in early childhood education, 385, 782–83; and expanding world of the child, 1007–9; and family leisure time activities, 568–69; parks and playgrounds, 709–11; pets, 730–32; phobias related to, 350–51; and science education, 872–73 Nature of Prejudice, The (Allport), 648 Navajo people, 490, 639, 662, 719, 741, 919. See also Native American children Nebraska Child Care Grant Fund, 275 neglect, child. See abuse and neglect neighborhoods: and built environment, 128–30, 690; Catholic parishes in, 138–39; as ethnic enclaves, 39–40, 322, 485, 1042; in expanding world of the child, 1008–9; and family leisure time activities, 568–69; and friendship, 383–84, 744; and gangs, 387–89; and

popular culture, 757–59; and poverty, 770–71; schools in, 301, 415, 862–63; and socialization, 395–97, 929–33; youth subcultures in, 963. See also communities Neill, A. S., 83, 674 Neimann-Pick disease, 308 neonate, 110, 636, 674–77, 735–36; and hemolytic disease of the newborn, 112, 773; intensive care for, 446, 467, 674, 714, 780; reflexes of, 264–65, 891; rituals for and care of the, 51, 518, 675–76, 686–89, 844–48, 917–20, 1004–5 neo-paganism, 228–30 Nepal, 67–70, 92–93, 142, 338, 396, 640, 644 nephrotic syndrome, 534 Nesbitt, Richard, 225 Netherlands, 327, 658, 800, 907; American immigrants from, 52; corporal punishment in, 277; crying and shaken baby syndrome in, 227, 899–900; education in, 623–24; family patterns in, 338, 416, 592, 651, 707, 1049; health issues and care in, 17, 636, 715, 974; intelligence in, 513; mental health issues and care in, 613; play in, 751, 753; sexual abuse in, 807, 885–86; substance use and abuse in, 969 neural tube defects, 207–8, 307, 681, 772 neuroblastomas, 134, 136, 1015 neurocysticercosis, 705 neurofibromatosis, 106, 134, 135, 210, 772 neurological development, 11, 147–48, 309, 607, 611, 677–81; and cognitive development, 177–79, 620–22; and congenital anomalies and deformations, 207–9, 307; and fetal alcohol spectrum disorders, 357–58; and headaches, 426; and hearing development, 238, 444–45; and language disorders and delay, 549–51; and lead poisoning, 559; and learning disabilities, 564, 565; and malnutrition and undernutrition, 587; and neurological disorders, 467, 676, 681–84, 732–33; and pain, 701–3; and prematurity, 780–81; and shaken baby syndrome, 899–900; and sleep, 914–17; and STDs, 469, 898–99; and violence, 1010; and vision development, 107, 1012–13. See also brain development neuromuscular disorders, 208, 407, 644, 678, 684–86, 732–33 Neuromuscular Maturation of the Human Infant, The (McGraw), 119 neurotransmitters, 148, 971; and attention and ADHD, 77–79, 80; and

in d e x

autism spectrum disorders, 88–89; and depression and suicide, 255–56, 976; and metabolic disorders, 622; and pain, 702, 878; and psychotropic medicines, 608–10; and resilience, 166 New Age/Human Potential movements, 228–30 New Caledonia, 700–701 New Deal, 552, 768 New England Asylum for the Blind, 936 New England Primer, The, 601 New Guinea. See Papua New Guinea New Jersey v. T.L.O., 203, 221, 282, 840 new religious movements, 228–30 New Right, 1052 New York Herald Tribune, The, 624 New York Longitudinal Study, 989–91 New York Public Library, 624 New York v. Ferber, 763–64 New Zealand, 6, 475, 545, 591, 664, 700–701, 762, 764, 1010; education in, 570, 870–71; family case conferencing in, 345, 378, 800; health issues and care in, 632, 636, 974; poverty and welfare in, 151, 1030; resilience in, 165–67 Newar people, 396 Newbery, John, 366, 572 Newbery Medal, 572, 574 newborn. See neonate Newell, William Wells, 693 Newmark v. Williams, 604 Newton, Sir Isaac, 258–59 Ngecha (B. Whiting and C. Edwards), 1035 Nicaragua, 555, 907 Nicaraguan Sign Language, 907 Nicholas and Alexandra (Massie), 111 Nicholson v. Scoppetta, 280 Nickelodeon, 583, 601–2 Nicomachean Ethics (Aristotle), 144 Nietzsche, Friedrich Wilhelm, 748 Niger, 117, 251, 355 Nigeria, 201, 235, 387, 593, 692; corporal punishment in, 278–79; family patterns in, 249, 338, 638; health issues and care in, 135, 492, 587, 684, 856; multiple births in, 649, 650, 688; rites of passage in, 518, 844, 847 nightmares, 351, 412–13, 916. See also sleep Nixon, Richard M., 155, 158, 300–301, 768 No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB), 151, 292, 293, 860, 861, 862–63, 868–69; and bilingualism and foreign language education, 103, 372; and curriculum, 232; and homeless and migratory children,

458, 488; and literacy and reading, 571, 810; and mathematics, 597; and special education, 938; and teacher qualification, 984; testing under, 992–94; and textbooks, 995 nonspecific febrile illness, 498–99 Noonan syndrome, 210 Nordic countries. See Scandinavia North Korea. See Korea Northern Ireland, 368, 870, 1025. See also United Kingdom Northside Center for Child Development (Harlem), 173 Norton, Lady Caroline, 880 Norway, 34, 105, 276, 330, 366, 387, 636– 37, 764; education in, 174, 1021; family patterns in, 339, 420, 590; poverty in, 247, 769, 771, 1029 Norwegian Fairy Tales and Folk Legends (Asbjørnsen and Moe), 366 nosebleeds, 111 Novak, Gary, 261 Nso people, 493 Nucci, Larry, 201 nucleic acid amplification tests (NAATs), 898 Nuffield curriculum, 872 nursery school. See early childhood education nutrition, 18–19, 107, 109–10, 286–88, 353–56, 457, 644, 738; and breastfeeding, 123–26; and fetal development, 307–9; and food advertising, 34–36, 211–13, 602, 989; and food aversions and preferences, 123, 369–72, 500, 980–82; and health education and supervision, 431–32, 441, 444, 467, 478; malnutrition and undernutrition, 584–88; and morbidity and mortality, 631–34, 635–38; and obesity, 690–91; in schools, 424–25. See also breastfeeding; food; malnutrition and undernutrition; obesity Oakes, Jeannie, 231 Oates, Joyce Carol, 575 Obama, Barack, 441, 805 obedience. See authority, forms of parental obesity, 19–20, 129, 286–88, 502–3, 631–34, 689–91, 715, 736; and breastfeeding and infant feeding, 124, 354; and depression, 255; and diabetes, 320; and eating habits, 371–72; and exercise and physical activity, 329–31, 568, 710, 947, 1009; and fetal alcohol spectrum disorders, 357–58; and health and

• 1 08 9

physical education, 431–32, 734; and health disparities, 406, 427–29, 435, 558; and malnutrition and undernutrition, 584–85; and media use patterns, 191, 212, 602, 989; and motor development, 643; and orthopedic disorders, 699; and sleep, 916 object permanence, 119, 178, 195, 678, 739 obsessive-compulsive disorder, 288–89, 351, 382, 584, 609, 618, 997 obstructive sleep apnea/hypopnea syndrome (OSAHS), 689, 916–17 Occom, Samson, 667 occupational therapy (OT), 272, 274, 275, 467, 508, 644–45, 683, 703, 732, 937, 939 Oceania. See Pacific Islands Ochs, Elinor, 548, 932 Ocuish, Hannah, 242 Oedipus confl ict, 381, 539, 691–92, 752, 892, 895–96, 945, 951 Oedipus in the Trobriands (Spiro), 692 Oedipus Tyrannus (Sophocles), 691 Ogbu, John U., 323, 692–93 Oksapmin people, 598–99 oligohydramnios sequence, 210–11 Olympics, 721 Oman, 338 On Liberty (Mill), 146 On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection (C. Darwin), 386–87 onchocerciasis (river blindness), 107 One Child Policy (China), 71 Operation Ceasefire, 363 Operation PAR (Parental Awareness and Responsibility), 973 Opie, Iona, 366, 573, 693 Opie, Peter, 366, 693 oppositional defiant disorder (ODD), 11, 80–81, 204, 609, 693–94 optic nerve hypoplasia (ONH), 107 Orbis International, 1019 Orbis Pictus (Comenius), 572 organ donation and transplantation. See transplantation, organ Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), 249, 769, 808, 873 organizations for youth, 53, 133, 171–73, 187–89, 695–96, 758. See also specific organizations by name Origen, 145 original sin, 137–39, 144–46, 285, 324–25, 501–3, 518, 601, 634, 672–73, 700, 795, 845, 1045 Origins of Intelligence in Children, The (Piaget), 119, 739

1090 •

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Orme, Nicholas, 140 orphans and orphanages, 1–4, 27, 28, 46, 337, 385, 466, 471, 696–97, 768, 878; in American history, 52–53, 122, 150, 552, 790, 1025, 1027–28; and apprenticeship and vocational education, 1019, 1039; and attachment issues, 75–77, 121–22, 224, 641; in European history, 325–26, 936, 1025; and foster and kinship care, 373–78; and intercountry adoption, 92–93; and juvenile justice system, 530; and orphan trains, 122, 1027; and parens patriae, 706, 799; and termination of parental rights, 844; and violence, 1011. See also abandoned children orthodontics, 986–87. See also teeth Orthodox Church. See Eastern Orthodoxy orthopedic disorders, 12, 309, 587, 697–700; education of children with, 732–33; and growth hormone deficiency, 318–19; and obesity, 634, 689; and physical growth and development, 737–38, 890; and sports injuries, 948–49 Oslo Accords, 1023 osteosarcomas, 134, 136 otitis media. See ear infections Our Movie-Made Children (Forman), 758 Our Young Folks, 1025 out-of-wedlock births, 237, 245, 298, 417, 590–93, 840, 908; and abandonment and infanticide, 1–4; among adolescent parents, 163–65; and adoption, 24, 28; and child support, 161–62; in family patterns, 333–44, 348, 419–20; and paternity and maternity, 711–13, 790; and visitation, 1017–18 outdoor education, 132–34, 171, 673, 695–96, 709–11, 1007–9 Outsiders, The (Hinton), 573 Outward Bound schools, 112 overweight. See obesity Oxenbury, Helen, 367, 573 Oxford Book of Children’s Verse, The (I. Opie and P. Opie), 693 Oxford Dictionary of Nursery Rhymes, The (I. Opie and P. Opie), 693 Pacific Coast Federation for Sex Hygiene, 758 Pacific Islander children in the United States, 14, 39, 220, 244–48, 570, 675– 77. See also Asian American children; Native Hawaiian children Pacific Islands, 700–701, 976, 999; body modification in, 115–18; conceptions

of childhood in, 139–43; family patterns in, 24–25, 248–53, 375; language socialization in, 545–49; LGBT youth in, 461–62. See also specific islands and peoples by name Packard Foundation, 861 pain, 309, 370, 390–91, 467, 479, 701–3, 948; headaches, 426; medicines for, 606–7; and self-injury, 878 Painter v. Bannister, 97 Pakistan, 70, 71, 249, 816, 1011; American immigrants from, 87; family patterns in, 338, 492, 919; health issues in, 499, 587, 856 Palestinian people, 286, 517, 1010, 1022–23 Palmore v. Sidoti, 234 Panama-Pacific International Exhibition, 623 panic disorder, 350, 609, 796, 798 Panther, 762 Papua New Guinea, 644, 700–701, 720, 734, 743, 1049; language development in, 185, 548–49, 932; magical thinking in, 583–84, 660; mathematical learning in, 598–99; research on child development in, 94, 96, 599–600, 1035; sexual development in, 18, 395, 460–61, 595, 894, 896–97 Papyrus Ebers, 714 paracosms, 748 Paradis, Maria Theresa von, 936 Paraguay, 337, 553 paramilitaries. See military service parasitic infections, 107, 109, 392, 608, 618, 636, 683, 686, 703–5, 731, 909, 913 PARC v. Pennsylvania, 938 parens patriae, 3, 149, 150, 705–6; and abuse and neglect, 10; and custody, 232; in education, 295; in health care, 602–3; in juvenile justice system, 530, 799; and status offenses, 956–57 Parent Management Training (Kazdin), 752–53 Parent Training and Information Centers, 275 Parental Kidnapping Prevention Act (PKPA), 234, 353, 534 parental leave. See work–home life balance parenting styles. See authority, forms of parental parents, 96, 173, 227; advice literature for, 36–38, 119; conceptions of parenthood, 139–47, 148–52, 333–38, 706–9; and incest, 492–93, 806–7, 882–87; legal definitions and responsibilities

of, 23–31, 305–6, 342, 420–21, 590–93, 711–13; and mental illness, 165–67, 204, 255–56, 277, 314, 444, 457–58, 615–16, 639, 764–66, 771, 796–98; in psychoanalytic theories and psychotherapy, 266–68, 752–53; substance use and abuse by, 14, 125, 165–67, 234, 665–66, 754, 765, 971–74, 999, 1017. See also authority, forms of parental; family; father-child relationship; gay and lesbian parents; mother-child relationship; rights, parental; single parents Parents Involved in Community Schools v. Seattle School District No. 1, 294, 302 Parham v. J.R., 602 Parintintin Indians, 914–15 parks, 568–69, 673–74, 691, 709–11 parochial schools. See religious schools and instruction Parten, Mildred, 921 Partial Birth Abortion Ban, 359 Partnership for a Drug-Free America, 969 Pasteur, Louis, 490 paternity, 343, 591–93, 711–13, 841–42; and adoption, 29, 148; and child support, 160–62, 1032; and family court, 344–45; and reproductive technologies, 827; testing for, 409, 592, 712–13 Paterson, Katharine, 573 Pathos of Power (K. Clark), 173 patriarchy, 278, 333–38; in American history, 51–52; in Asian societies and religions, 70, 127, 205; and child support, 160–61; and conceptions of childhood, 139–43; in European history, 324–27; and legal dependency of minors, 253– 54. See also authority, forms of parental; father-child relationship Patterns of Attachment (Ainsworth), 48, 74, 120 Patterns of Culture (Benedict), 96 Patz, Etan, 533 Paul, Saint, 144, 672 Pavlov, Ivan, 560 Payne Fund Studies of Motion Pictures and Youth, 758 Peace Corps, 188 Pearce, Joseph Chilton, 1007–8 Pedagogical Seminary, 422, 828 Pedagogy of the Oppressed (Freire), 380 Pediatric Academic Societies’ (PAS) Meeting, 714 pediatrics, profession of, 532, 616, 676, 713–16, 945–46; and children’s hospitals, 466–68; and health supervision, 443–44; and reporting of abuse and neglect, 13, 277, 807, 885–86, 973, 1027

in d e x

pedophiles, 193, 388, 461, 533, 806 Pedro and Me (Winick), 574 peers, 132, 656, 716–19, 977; and ADHD, 79–81; and aggression, 46–48; and athletic talent development, 72–73; bullying among, 130–32; and computers and Internet use, 192–93; and conceptions of childhood, 139–43; and consumption, 212; in education, 113, 114, 454, 455, 782; and emotional development, 313–14; and ethnic identity, 322–23; and family leisure time activities, 568–69; and female circumcision, 167–69; folklore among, 367–69; and friendship, 382–85; and gangs, 387–89; and gender socialization, 395–402; and independence, 493, 495–96; and juvenile crime, 218–19; and language development, 183–87; and moral development, 626, 628; and play, 745–52; and self-esteem, 876–77; sexual abuse and harassment among, 299, 882–84; and social development, 18–20, 21, 851, 920–24, 955; and socialization, 929–33, 1006; and substance use and abuse, 964–65; and violence, 1010–12; and youth movements and subcultures, 963–64, 1052–53 Peirce, Charles Sanders, 272 Pelaez, Martha, 261 pellagra, 588 Pemberton v. Tallahassee Memorial Regional Medical Center, 774 Pendred’s syndrome, 447 People First, 507 Pepper, Stephen, 259, 268 perception, 272, 509, 621–22, 719–20, 787, 903, 1034, 1051; and learning, 560– 63; and learning disabilities, 563–66 performance, school. See achievement, school performance-enhancing drugs, 117, 606, 720–22, 948 performing arts schools, 66 periventricular leukomalacia (PVL), 682 Perkins Institution, 936 Perrault, Charles, 366 Perry Pre-school Program, 856 personal boundaries, 722–23 Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Act, 151 personality, 11, 530, 595, 599–600, 904, 964; behavioral theories of, 261; and birth order, 104–5; and creativity, 216–17; development of, 75, 98, 237, 409–10, 452, 723–26, 797, 977, 1005; psychoanalytic theories of, 729–30; and

self development, 874; and temperament, 989–92; traits, 726–29, 923 pertussis (whooping cough), 443, 490–92, 631–32, 836, 838–39 Peru, 198, 375, 537, 639, 660 pervasive developmental disorders (PDDs), 88, 306, 618. See also autism spectrum disorders (ASDs) Pestalozzi, Johann Heinrich, 290, 326, 385, 623, 781, 983–84, 1019–20 pesticides, 129, 135, 754–55 pet therapy, 731 Peter Pan, 759 Peter the Aleut, Saint, 285 Peter the Great, 997 pets, 48–51, 242, 716, 730–32, 910 Pettit v. Liston, 791 phenylketonuria (PKU), 407, 441–42, 505, 622–23, 676, 682 Philippines, 170, 475, 743, 764; American immigrants from, 67–70, 482–83; family patterns in, 336–37, 375, 640, 919; Six Cultures Study in, 929–33 Phillips, Deborah, 832 Phinney, Jean, 321 phobias, 260, 349–52, 382, 618, 982, 1010, 1026 phonology, development of, 101, 542, 546, 549–52, 808–9, 906, 933. See also language physical activity. See exercise and physical activity physical education, 170, 235, 329–31, 422, 431, 733–35, 742, 867–68, 946–48, 993 physical growth and development, 18–19, 26, 54, 258, 409–10, 444, 535, 559, 704, 734–38; and congenital anomalies and deformations, 209–10; and evolution, 327–29; failure to thrive (FTT), 738; and fetal alcohol spectrum disorders, 357–58; and food and nutrition, 286– 88, 353–55, 584–88, 632; and growth hormones, 209, 255, 318, 535, 606, 721, 735–38, 890, 915; and growth plates, 698–700, 721; intrauterine growth restriction, 677, 735–36, 971 Physical Sciences Study Committee (PSSC), 872 physical therapy (PT), 272, 274, 275, 467, 644–45, 683, 703, 732, 937, 939 Piaget, Jean, 93, 119–20, 184, 237, 272, 381, 501, 510, 539, 621, 624, 738–40, 829, 1022; and animistic beliefs and magical thinking, 56–57, 583–84; and artistic development, 62–63, 65–66; and creativity and play, 216–17, 745–47, 1002; and learning, 562, 783; and logical

• 1 09 1

thinking, 578–80; and moral development, 624, 626, 628–29; and stages of cognitive development, 119–20, 193–96, 199–200, 257, 259–60, 262–64, 479, 578–80, 739–40, 742, 852, 896, 929–30, 932, 953–54, 1008 pica, 618, 753 Pierce v. Society of Sisters, 150, 294, 786 piercing, 115–18, 367, 452, 846 Piggle, The (Winnicott), 1036 Pioneers, 327 Pippi Longstocking (Lindgren), 572 Pirahā people, 179 pitch, absolute (perfect), 657–58 Pizarro, Francisco, 370 plague, 500 Plains Indians, 394, 395. See also Native American children Planned Parenthood v. Danforth, 7–8, 152 planning, 195, 621–22, 740–41, 972, 1051 Planter’s Northern Bride, The (Hentz), 502 Plato, 55, 61, 144–46, 259, 741–42, 758 play, 18, 94, 119, 157, 351, 552, 554, 594, 642, 652, 667, 679, 742–44; and autism spectrum disorders, 88–89; and children’s folklore, 367–68, 478; and conceptions of childhood, 139–43; and creativity, 216–17, 522–23; development of, 745–47; in early childhood education, 781–84; and evolution, 236; and expanding world of the child, 1007– 9; and friendship, 383; and gender, 44, 396–97, 398–99, 744, 747, 749–52, 888–89, 892–94, 1005; as informal education, 304; and nature, 673–74, 709–11; and peer culture, 716–19; pretend, 178, 198, 216–17, 382, 383, 387, 554, 746–49, 1022, 1040; and psychoanalysis, 538–39; sexual forms of, 892–94, 895; and social development, 920–24, 955; and theater and acting and dance, 235, 996; and toys and games, 1002–4; and war, 1022, 1025; and work, 1040 Play Dreams and Imitation (Piaget), 747 play therapy, 49, 121, 752–53, 884, 927 Play Your Way program, 1003 Player Fly, 761 playgrounds, 130, 331, 367, 397, 402, 552, 709–11; children’s folklore on, 368, 383, 757–59; and family leisure time activities, 568–69; violence on, 1011 Pledge of Allegiance, 368, 818–19, 1025 Plomin, Robert, 905 Plummer, Mary Wright, 624 Plyler v. Doe, 488 pneumococcus, 443, 490

1092 •

in dex

pneumonia, 46, 124, 135, 251, 496–97, 608, 632, 780, 838, 897 Poison Prevention Packaging Act, 754 poisoning, 16, 753–55, 976. See also lead poisoning Poland, 482, 524, 526, 650, 731, 1004 Polaris Project, 220 Police Athletic League, 695–96 polio, 443, 490–92, 499, 632, 684, 856 political activism, children and, 755–57; and civic education, 171–73; and concepts of politics and government, 199–202; and freedom of speech, 378–80; and the Internet, 192; and youth movements and subcultures, 963–64, 1052–53 Politics (Aristotle), 144 pollution. See toxins, environmental Polynesia, 24–25, 700–701, 719, 896–97. See also specific islands and peoples by name Ponce de Léon, Pedro, 935 Popper, Karl, 1035 popular culture, 176, 378–80, 693, 757–59, 1006. See also specific elements of popular culture by name popular music. See music pornography, child, 182–83, 516, 763–64, 808, 883, 885; and child slavery, 913–14; and child trafficking, 91–93; and consumption of pornography by children, 192–93, 202, 378–80; and freedom of speech, 378–80; and the Internet, 192–93, 502–3, 885 portfolios, as evaluation tool, 984, 993–94 Portugal, 330, 523, 711, 873 positron-emission tomography (PET), 136 postpartum depression, 228, 764–66, 962 posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), 16, 181, 242, 351, 477, 766–67, 961–62; among refugees and immigrants, 20, 70, 484, 812–13; and sexual abuse, 884; and violence and war, 1010, 1024 Potter, Beatrix, 572 Potter sequence, 534 poverty, 146–47, 769–71; and abuse and neglect, 12, 14–15; and affirmative action, 38–41; in Africa, 43–46; among African Americans, 41–43, 173, 299–302; in American history, 51–54, 132, 767–69; in the ancient Mediterranean world, 54–55; and built environment, 128–30; and child care, 152–60; and child trafficking, 91–93; and domestic violence, 279–80; and education, 380, 414, 424–25, 576, 781–84,

810, 816, 821, 859–60, 864–66, 868–69, 978; in European history, 324–27; and family court, 345; and family patterns, 1–4, 24, 76–77, 162, 244–53, 342, 373–78, 688, 696–97, 807, 878–82, 907–9; and health issues and care, 15, 49, 50–51, 272, 426–35, 439, 468–73; and homeless, street, and runaway children, 456–58, 959–61; and identity development, 474–77; among immigrants and refugees, 70, 485–88, 812–13; and juvenile delinquency, 527–30; and juvenile justice system, 525–27, 799; in Latin America, 554–55; among Latinos, 555–58; and literacy, 569–71; and malnutrition and undernutrition, 240, 586–88; and mental health issues and care, 613–18, 694; and military service, 179–81; and morbidity and mortality, 631–34, 635–38; among Native Americans, 668–70; and personality, 725; and prostitution, 792–93; and Protestantism, 795; and status offenses, 956–59; and stress and resilience, 165–67, 962; and substance use and abuse, 964; and welfare, 1026–34; and work, 1041, 1044–46 Powell, Lewis, 294 Power, Clark, 539 Prader-Willi syndrome, 404, 738 pragmatics, development of. See communication, development of prayer, 943–44; in Catholicism, 138–39, 855; children’s concepts of, 200, 584; in Eastern Orthodoxy, 285; in Hinduism, 625, 854; in Islam, 87, 145, 518–20, 818, 845; in Judaism, 525, 821, 845; in Mormonism, 635; in Native American religious traditions, 671, 846; in public schools, 150, 815, 818 preformationism, 119 pregnancy and childbirth, 771–74; Cesarean sections, 208–9, 469–70, 541, 650, 773–75, 826, 899, 826, 899; embryology and fetal development, 306–10; genetics of conception, 404–6; gestational diabetes, 612, 650, 689–90, 773, 780; and HIV and STD transmission, 468– 73, 897–99; labor and delivery, 308, 540–41, 675; legal regulation of, 774– 77, 972–74; miscarriage and stillbirth, 285, 307, 308, 635–38, 773, 898; multiple births, 648–51; and postpartum depression, 764–66; preeclampsia, 650, 736, 772–73, 779; and prematurity, 779–81; prenatal care and precautions, 27, 306–10, 357–58, 430, 439–40, 457,

470, 472–73, 636–37, 677, 771–77; and reproductive technologies, 824–28. See also childbearing, adolescent; substance exposure, prenatal preimplantation genetic diagnosis (PGD), 408 prejudice and stereotyping, 776–79; and gender, 47, 130, 233, 296–98, 394, 397– 403, 514, 600, 871–72, 876, 923, 947, 988, 1010, 1049; and race and ethnicity, 68–70, 103, 321–24, 486, 647–48, 666, 692, 802–3, 856, 923, 956, 970, 988 Prejudice and Your Child (K. Clark), 173 Pre-K Now, 783 prematurity, 308, 423, 427, 435, 467, 674, 676–77, 772–73, 779–81; health issues associated with, 107, 238, 273, 442, 497, 500, 534–36, 631, 636, 644, 681–83, 735–36, 780, 962, 1015; and maternal HIV and STDs, 469, 898; among multiple births, 649–51; and reproductive technologies, 826; and SIDS, 974–75 Presbyterianism, 796, 825, 845–46 preschool. See early childhood education Preschool in Three Cultures (Tobin, Wu, and Davidson), 782 prescription drugs, 19–20, 967–68. See also substance use and abuse Presidential Panel on Mental Retardation, 505 President’s Commission on Civil Rights, 237 Presley, Elvis, 760 Preyer, Wilhelm T., 118, 828 primates, nonhuman, 328, 423–24, 579, 641, 678, 742–43, 751, 917, 920, 931, 955, 981 Prince on the Pond, The (Napoli), 366 Prince v. Massachusetts, 706, 817–18 Principles of Psychology (W. James), 502, 522, 876 Principles of the Law of Family Dissolution (ALI), 591, 820 prisons, 122, 363, 388, 670, 784–86, 814, 840, 936, 968; and family court, 344– 45; juvenile vs. adult, 31–33, 526–27, 530–31, 784–86, 800; and reform institutions, 810–12; violence in, 1011 Pritchett, V. S., 575 privacy, family, 150, 342, 353, 786–87; and abuse and neglect, 8–10; and adoption, 29; and child care, 154–55; and family court, 344–45; and gender development, 402–4; and incest, 806–7; and legal dependency of minors, 253–54, 958 private schools, 112–15, 291–92, 294–95, 786, 866–70; arts education in, 66–67;

in d e x

bilingual education in, 103; early childhood education in, 782–83; gender discrimination in, 402, 403; LGBT youth in, 465–66; teachers in, 984; vouchers for, 862–64. See also boarding schools; religious schools and instruction Private Worlds of Dying Children, The (Bluebond-Langner), 241 problem solving, 166, 178, 189–93, 194, 199, 621–22, 787–89, 1022; and critical thinking, 225–27, 272; and intelligence, 509–10, 512; and learning, 561–62, 563–66; in mathematics, 596–99; and planning, 740–41; and prenatal substance exposure, 357–58, 972; and writing, 1051 Procedures for Establishing Relationship Skills curriculum, 316 procreate, right to, 789–90. See also abortion; contraception prodigies, 216–17, 415. See also giftedness profanity, 911–12, 997 Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA), 808, 810, 873 Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (PIRLS), 808, 810 Progressive Era, 24, 150–52, 422, 443, 502, 525–26, 530, 552, 613, 695, 758, 767, 937 Project Exile, 363 Project for Enhancing Effective Learning (PEEL), 873 Promoting Safe and Stable Families Amendments, 1029 property, children as, 96, 143–47, 149, 232–35, 515, 517, 590, 602, 790–91, 879–80 property, right to, 3, 21, 22, 202, 306, 420, 503–4, 589–90, 592–93, 706, 711, 791–92. See also inheritance, right to prostitution, child, 10, 13, 18, 55, 516, 529, 792–94, 808, 880, 883, 885, 1011; and child slavery, 913–14; and child trafficking, 91–93, 151, 220, 252, 439; and gangs, 388; and street and runaway children, 957, 959 PROTECT Act, 764 Protestantism, 794–96; in American history, 51–54, 133, 810; conceptions of childhood in, 144–46, 672–73; and education, 112, 142, 290, 453, 588, 815; in European history, 2, 325; experiences of death in, 240–41; family patterns in, 348, 589–90; in Latin America, 554; among Native Americans, 667; religious schools and instruction in, 348, 820–22; rites of passage in, 845–46. See

also specific Protestant denominations and groups by name Prussia, 142, 290 PSAT (Preliminary Scholastic Aptitude/ Assessment Test), 33 Psychic Disturbances of Childhood (Emminghaus), 613 psychoanalysis, 120–21, 380–82, 538–39, 609, 614, 895, 989, 1036; and custody issues, 416, 935; and family relationships, 691–92, 1047; and personal boundaries, 722–23; in play therapy, 752–53; and sexual abuse, 1038; and shame and guilt, 901–2; in social work, 928; and theories of development, 265–68 Psychoanalysis, Psychiatry and Law (J. Goldstein, Katz, and Dershowitz), 416 Psychological Care of Infant and Child (Watson), 119, 260, 1026 Psychology of Sex Differences, The (Maccoby and Jacklin), 120–21 Psychotherapy with Children (Allen), 752 psychotropic medicines, 205, 608–10, 614, 620, 694, 720–22, 754, 878, 998. See also antidepressants; stimulants PTSD. See posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) puberty. See adolescence; sexual development public schools, 4–5, 21–22, 188–89, 488, 515, 977–79; in American history, 18, 53, 122, 290–92, 588, 866–70; arts education in, 66–67; bilingual education in, 98–101, 103; discrimination in, 41–43, 68, 295–302, 402–4, 465; early childhood education in, 782–83; funding for, 859–60; religion in, 232, 290–92, 294–95, 378–80, 815–16, 818–21; special education in, 935–39; teachers in, 983–85; textbooks in, 994–95 Puerto Rico, 427, 877; American immigrants from, 50, 54, 102, 406, 555–58, 692, 934; family patterns in, 338, 921 Puff Daddy (Sean John Combs), 762 punishment. See corporal punishment; discipline and punishment Puritans, 52, 96, 145, 290, 501, 661, 688, 723, 794–95 Quakerism, 799, 821 Quebec, 100, 240, 590, 622. See also Canada Quetelet, Adolphe, 387 Quilloin v. Walcott, 712 quinceañera ceremony, 474 Quinn, Naomi, 932–33 Quintara, Stephen, 832

• 1 09 3

Qur’an, 87, 142, 335, 517–21, 661, 688, 816, 820–21, 845, 879 rabies, 491, 496, 500, 731 race, 801–6; and affirmative action, 38–41; and athletic talent development, 73, 947; and behavior disorders and issues, 527–30, 694; and children’s rights, 840–41; and colorism, 805; and dance, 235–36; and education, 150–51, 281, 291–97, 299–302, 332, 414, 455, 645–48, 692–93, 816, 856–59, 861–66, 868–71, 937–38, 978, 984, 992–94, 1020; and family court, 345; and family patterns, 26–29, 85–86, 163, 234, 244–48, 279–80, 356, 373–78, 419–20, 775, 907–9; and folk tales, 364; and health issues and care, 15, 273, 275, 406, 426–31, 435–38, 442, 445, 449–50, 468, 631–34, 635–38, 677, 779–80, 974; and homelessness, 456–58; and identity development, 321–24, 474–78; and intelligence, 512–14; and juvenile justice system, 31–32, 219–20, 525–27, 810–11, 814, 958; and language development and literacy, 569–71, 662–66, 912, 933–34; and LGBT youth, 464; and media, 987–88; and mental health issues and care, 86, 614–16, 767; and names, 661–62; and peer culture, 716–19; and play, 744, 750; and political activism, 756–57; and popular culture, 757–59, 760–62; and prejudice and stereotyping, 776–79; and prostitution, 792; and social development, 42, 237–38, 630, 923; and status, 954–56; and violence, 19–20, 1010–12; and youth subcultures, 963–64 Race (Benedict), 96 Racial Transformation and the Changing Nature of Segregation (Harvard Civil Rights Project), 301 radiation treatment, 135–36, 318, 319, 682, 825 radio, 34, 36–38, 211, 545, 600–602, 757–59, 947, 987, 989, 1006, 1025 Ragged Dick, 502 Raise Up a Child (Hudley, Haight, and P. Miller), 776–77 Ramadan, 518, 816, 845 RAND Corporation, 372 RangerRick, 582 Rank, Otto, 752 rape, 180–81, 219–21, 243, 434, 521, 691–92, 793, 806–8, 851, 882–87, 894; child witnesses in cases of, 1036–39; statutory, 219, 807–8, 840, 886. See also incest; sexual abuse

1094 •

in dex

rashes, 909 Rastafarians, 964 Rathman, Peggy, 573 Raum, Otto, 744 Ravitch, Diane, 231–32 Rayner, Rosalie, 1026 Reach Out and Read program, 444 reactive attachment disorder (RAD), 77. See also attachment Readhead, Zoe, 674 reading (curricular area), 33, 53, 129, 230– 32, 444, 458, 808–10, 863, 865, 867–68, 988; and Asian American children, 68; and children’s literature and magazines, 572–77, 582–83; and classroom culture, 174–76; in early childhood education, 782; and gender, 400; homework in, 460; and Latino children, 556; and learning disabilities and other special needs, 447–48, 508, 563–66; and literacy, 186, 569–71; and sociolinguistic diversity, 933–34; testing in, 246, 992–94; textbooks and electronic tools for, 189–93, 995; and theater and acting, 996; and writing, 1050–51 Reading Recovery program, 570, 571 Reagan, Ronald, 677, 862, 989 Rebel without a Cause, 54 rebellion, 56, 202, 283; in American history, 53–54, 613–14; and birth order, 104–5; and body image and modification, 115–18; and cults, 228–30; in films, 362; and friendship, 384; and parental forms of authority, 83, 493–96; and sexual development, 896; and youth movements, 1052–53. See also independence Recherche (Piaget), 739 Reconstruction, 352, 756 Red Fairy Book (Lang), 366 reductionism, 620 Rees, Judith, 697 reflexes, 264–65, 358, 522, 560–61, 643–44, 675, 677–78, 687, 739 Reform Christians, 794–96 reform institutions (juvenile justice system), 52–53, 344–45, 798–801, 810–12, 814, 936, 1011 Reformation, Protestant, 142, 145, 290, 321, 325, 589, 794–95, 879, 881 refugee children, 1, 3–4, 10, 20, 482–83, 812–13; in Africa, 43–46; from Asia, 67–70, 322, 436–37; legal status of, 487; resilience of, 166–67; and war and violence, 1010–12, 1023–24 Reggio Emilia method, 216, 455 Rehabilitation Act, 275, 472, 814

rehabilitative services (juvenile justice system), 31–32, 530–31, 785, 798–801, 813–15, 969 Reid, D. Kim, 565–66 reincarnation, 70, 144, 240, 653, 686, 844 Reinterpreting Freud from a Modern Psychoanalytic Anthropological Perspective (Forsyth), 692 religion, 37, 143–47, 522–23, 1017; and animism, 56–57; children’s concepts of, 199–202; and cults, 228–30; and experiences of death, 240–41; and moral development, 626, 628–31; and objections to children’s medical procedures, 604–5; and spirituality, 942–45. See also specific religious traditions by name religious schools and instruction, 133, 465–66, 581–82, 815–17, 820–22, 867, 869; in Catholicism, 137–39, 291, 294–95, 815, 820–22, 867, 869, 984; day schools, 453, 456, 816; in Eastern Orthodoxy, 285–86; in Islam, 87, 518–19, 521, 816, 819; in Judaism, 523–25, 816–17, 819; in Mormonism, 634–35; in Native American religious traditions, 671–72; in Protestantism, 348, 794–96, 820–22; and spirituality, 942–45 remarriage. See marital and nonmarital unions renal artery stenosis (RAS), 535–36 Renowned History of Little Goody Two Shoes, The (Newbery), 572, 757 Report on Mental Health (WHO), 796 reproductive technologies, 148, 357, 638, 824–26, 842; and definition of parenthood, 341, 344, 713, 827; and gay and lesbian parents, 29, 825–28; and genetic engineering, 238, 357; legal regulation of, 826–28; multiple births from, 649–51; and prematurity, 779–80 Republic, The (Plato), 144, 742 research on child development, 677; and advice literature for parents, 37; history of, 118–21, 828–33, 929–33; methods of, 833–36. See also specific researchers by name resilience, 20, 49, 136, 165–67, 415, 756, 813, 955, 1006, 1010; and family relationships, 642, 797–98, 824; and PTSD and other mental health issues, 615, 767, 961–63 respiratory diseases, 50, 467, 491, 496– 97, 499–500, 534, 636, 836–39; and breastfeeding, 124; congenital anomalies and deformations, 308–9, 676; and

ear infections, 283–84; and prematurity, 780; and tobacco use, 999 respiratory syncytial virus (RSV), 491, 496–98, 837–38 Response to Intervention approach, 571 Rethinking Innateness (Elman et al.), 120 Rethinking Schools, 231–32 retinitis pigmentosa (RP), 107–8, 446–47 retinoblastomas, 134, 408, 1015–16 retinopathy of prematurity (ROP), 107, 780, 1015 Rett syndrome, 88, 682–83 Return to Never Land, 759 Reynolds, Pamela, 479 Rh system (blood types), 112 rickets, 354, 588, 698 Rickford, John, 934 rights, children’s, 326, 578, 839–43, 860; and conceptions of childhood, 148–52, 253–54, 790–91; and consent to medical procedures, 602–6; and discipline and punishment, 276–79; and emancipation, 305–6; and family court, 344– 45; and female circumcision, 167–68; and foster and kinship care, 376–378; and freedom of speech, 378–80; in international law, 515–17; and juvenile justice system, 810–11; and legal regulation of adolescents, 7–8, 21–23, 202–3; of out-of-wedlock children, 711–13; and parens patriae, 705–6; religious, 604–5, 817–20, 979; and violence, 1012 rights, parental, 294, 342, 578, 839–43; and adoption, 23–25, 38–31, 93; and best interests of the child standard, 96–98; and child support, 160–62; and conceptions of childhood, 148–52, 253–54, 790–91; and consent to children’s medical procedures, 602–6; and corporal punishment, 278; and emancipation of minors, 305–6; and family court, 344–45; and female circumcision, 167–68; and foster and kinship care, 376–78; and freedom of speech, 378–80; and HIV/AIDS, 472–73; and juvenile justice system, 810–11; and legal regulation of adolescents, 7–8, 21–23, 202–3, 958; among Native Americans, 670; and parens patriae, 705–6; and paternity and maternity, 711–13; religious, 604–5, 817–20, 979; termination of, 28–31, 160–161, 353, 376–77, 420–21, 592–93, 670, 705–6, 786, 827, 842–44, 973; and visitation, 1016–18 Riis, Jacob, 129, 502 Riley, Todd R., 857

in d e x

ringworm, 731 rites of passage, 19, 844–48, 894–97, 949, 1006; in Africa, 45, 167–69, 336; in the ancient Mediterranean world, 55–56; body modification as, 115–18; in Catholicism, 138–39; and conceptions of childhood, 139–43; in Eastern Orthodoxy, 285; and gender socialization, 394–95; in Hinduism, 451–53, 625; and identity development, 474; in Islam, 167–69, 518, 520–21; in Judaism, 138, 474, 525, 850, 853, 855, 894; in Latin America, 554; and myths of childhood, 658–60; for Native American children, 51, 671; in Pacific Island societies, 701; in Protestantism, 795–96; and sacramental family life, 853–56; and spirituality, 942–45. See also circumcision, female; circumcision, male ritual insult, 176, 717, 750, 933–34 rituals, family, 52, 96, 137–38, 525, 849–50, 853–56 Rivière, Joan, 1036 Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, 973 Robinson, Reginald, 758 Robinson v. Cahill (New Jersey), 859 Rockefeller Foundation, 612 Rockquemore, Kerry Ann, 804 Rocky Mountain spotted fever, 498 Rodari, Gianni, 573 Roe v. Wade, 7–8, 358–60, 774–75, 786–87 Rogers, Carl, 752 Rogoff, Barbara, 217, 260, 562–63, 831, 932 Romania, 95, 133, 778; orphanages and intercountry adoption in, 696–97, 878, 913; street children in, 959–61 romantic and sexual relationships, 19, 165, 701, 751, 848, 850–52, 890–97; and contraception, 213–14; and friendship, 384; and independence, 493, 495–96; among LGBT youth, 460–61, 465; and rape, 807; and social development, 923– 24, 955. See also sexual development Rome, ancient, 54–56, 98, 714, 722, 997; conceptions of childhood in, 144–45; family patterns in, 1, 24, 96, 232, 325–26, 347–48, 421, 589–90, 711, 722, 839, 841, 879, 881 Rome Statute (International Criminal Court), 913 Rooney, Mickey, 758–59 Roosevelt, Franklin D., 114, 188 Roots & Shoots, 731 Roper v. Simmons, 243–44, 801, 840 Rose v. Council for Better Education (Kentucky), 860

Ross, Charles Brewster, 532–33 Ross, E. A., 929 rotavirus, 490, 496–98, 632 Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, 146, 290, 325, 326, 327, 578, 673, 742, 852, 895 Rowley, Stephanie, 803 Rowley v. Board of Education, 939 Rowling, J. K., 573–74 Rowntree, R. S., 767 rubella, 238, 308, 443, 446, 491, 506, 577, 632, 681, 736, 772–73, 1015 Rudolf Steiner Schools. See Waldorf Schools Rudolph the Red-Nosed Reindeer, 658 Rumbaut, Ruben, 322 rumination, 618 Ruml, Beardsley, 828–29 runaway children. See street and runaway children rural environments, 55, 122; in Africa, 43– 46; in Asia and Pacific Island societies, 70–72, 700; camps and reform institutions in, 132–34, 811; and conceptions of childhood, 139–43; education in, 192, 859–60, 864–66, 996; and expanding world of the child, 1007–9; family patterns in, 152–53, 374, 375; health issues and care in, 50–51, 426–31, 631–34, 635–38; mental health issues and care in, 614, 976; moral development in, 518, 628–29, 631; organizations for youth in, 695–96; poverty in, 40, 43–46, 247, 456–58, 587, 769, 1028; violence in, 387, 1011; work in, 396–97, 746–47, 913, 1039–41. See also agricultural environments Rush, Benjamin, 290 Russell, Bertrand, 743 Russia, 111, 133, 262, 270, 456, 831, 997; abandonment and infanticide in, 2, 326; education in, 291; family patterns in, 334, 338; folk tales in, 366; gangs in, 387; health issues and care in, 466, 636; orphanages and intercountry adoption in, 26, 696–97; religion in, 285–86, 820; war in, 1024. See also Soviet Union Russian Fairy Tales (Afanasyev), 366 Russian Revolution, 111, 142, 820 Ruth (Gaskell), 149 Rutter, Michael, 697 Rwanda, 200, 1024 Rylant, Cynthia, 573 Sabin, Albert, 856 Sachar, Louis, 573 Safe and Drug Free Schools and Communities Act (SDFSCA), 969–70

• 1 09 5

safety laws, child, 16–17, 159–60, 443, 709–10 Salk, Jonas, 856 Salk Institute for Biological Studies, 856 salmonella, 391, 497, 500, 731 Salovey, Peter, 510 Sambia people, 460–61, 894 Samoa, 700–701; language development in, 198, 545, 549; research on child development in, 96, 599–600, 701, 896–97. See also American Samoa San Antonio Independent School District v. Rodriguez, 294, 859 Sands, Bobby, 1025 Santa Claus, 412, 583, 658, 660, 663 Santosky v. Kramer, 345 São Tomé and Príncipe, 380 Sapir, Edward, 96, 599, 977 sarcomas, soft-tissue, 134 SAT (Scholastic Aptitude/Assessment Test), 33, 298, 414, 993 Saudi Arabia, 234, 361, 520 Save the Children Fund, 1025 Sawyer, Ruth, 366 Sawyer, Tom, 502 Sayre, Lewis, 168–69 scabies, 703–4, 919 Scandinavia, 361, 710; corporal punishment in, 214–16; education in, 432, 810, 937, 1009; family patterns in, 123, 162, 334, 338, 908; folk tales in, 364–65; health issues and care in, 15, 17, 320, 430, 613, 677; juvenile justice system in, 798, 800; poverty and welfare in, 420, 769, 771, 1030, 1032. See also specific countries by name scarification, 115–18, 1004–5 Scarlet Letter, The (Hawthorne), 501 Scarr, Sandra, 512 Scheper-Hughes, Nancy, 744 Schieffelin, Bambi, 548, 932 schistosomiasis, 704–5 schizophrenia, 20, 94, 346, 584, 614, 619, 743, 772, 796, 942, 977 Schlegel, Alice, 847 Schleiermacher, Friedrich, 146, 794 Schneirer, Sara, 524 Scholastic Inc., 581–83 school achievement. See achievement, school School Class-Size (Glass), 174 School Development Program (Yale Child Study Center), 858–59, 864 School Library Journal, 574 School of Social Service Administration (University of Chicago), 552

1096 •

in dex

schooling, inequalities in, 4–5, 128–30, 174–76, 292–95, 485–86, 557, 588, 597, 645–48, 770–71, 864–66, 868–70, 984 schools, 866–70; administration of, 869; advertising in, 34; built environment of, 128–30, 710; and conceptions of childhood, 139–43, 145–47, 148–52; corporal punishment in, 214–16, 276–79, 984; crime and violence in, 191, 220, 760, 978, 1011; drug testing in, 281–83; field trips, 653–55; funding for, 150–51, 292–95, 432, 571, 670, 859–60, 862–66, 868–70; lunch and breakfast programs in, 247–48, 424, 487, 570, 690–91, 1033; readiness for, 79, 154, 157, 190, 424–25, 860–62, 950, 988; reforms of, 53, 291, 571, 810, 860, 862–64; singlesex, 112, 297–99, 402–4, 870–72; teachers, 983–85; vouchers for, 292, 294–95, 821, 860, 862–63. See also education and specific types of schools by name Schor, Juliet, 212 Schwartzmann, Helen, 743 science (curricular area), 33, 114, 230–32, 292, 576, 582, 863, 867–68, 872–73, 996; and Asian American children, 68; and bilingual and multicultural education, 99, 646; and children with special educational needs, 109, 508; and creativity, 217; and critical thinking, 225; environmental education, 673, 1007–9; evolution and intelligent design controversy, 815–16, 821; and field trips to museums, 653–55; and gender, 298, 400, 402, 410; giftedness in, 415–16; grading in, 418; and intelligence, 514; and Latino children, 556; in madrassas, 821; and pets, 731; in single-sex schools, 870–71; textbooks for, 995 Science and Human Behavior (Skinner), 261 Science in the Service of Children, 1893–1935 (Cahan), 829 Scientology, 228–30 Scieszka, Jon, 367, 572 scoliosis, 441, 698–99 Scopes, John T., 995 Scotland, 651, 674, 800. See also United Kingdom Scouting for Boys (Baden-Powell), 133, 695 screening, health, 407–9, 428, 438, 440, 441–43, 968; of hearing and vision, 230, 441, 442, 446–47, 676, 1013–14; for lead poisoning, 559; neonatal, 209, 230, 319, 445, 446, 490, 505, 577, 622–23, 675, 676, 772–73; for scoliosis, 698–99. See also drug testing

Scribner, Sylvia, 303, 1050 Sears, Martha, 36 Sears, William, 36 Seashore, Carl, 828 Secret Ingredients of Summer Camp Success, The (ACA), 133 Seduction of the Innocent, The (Wertham), 183 Seeds of Peace, 133 segregation, racial: and affirmative action, 38–41; and prejudice and stereotyping, 776–77; of schools, 173, 291–97, 299–302, 864–66, 868. See also race Seguin, Edouard, 522, 623, 936 seizures, 89, 204, 289, 318, 447, 491, 498–99, 578, 609, 623, 755; epilepsy and seizure disorders, 191, 407, 506, 613, 682–83, 705, 732–33; and shaken baby syndrome, 899; and substance use and abuse, 966–67 selective mutism, 350 selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs), 256, 609, 620, 754 self development, 379, 728, 873–76; and emotional development, 310–15; and identity development, 474–77; among LGBT youth, 463–64; and personal boundaries, 722–23 self-esteem, 18–20, 132, 494–95, 615, 731, 876–77; and bedwetting, 95; and body image and modification, 115–18; and contraception, 213–14; and education, 733, 857; and family patterns, 26, 280, 823; and gender, 400; and morality, 631; and obesity, 633–34; and race and ethnicity, 173, 322–23, 725, 778, 802; and sexual abuse, 884; and shame and guilt, 901–2; among street children, 961; and substance use and abuse, 964; and suicide, 976; and violence, 1010 self-injury, 115, 182, 289, 492, 766, 877–78, 884 self-regulation, 21, 77–79, 84–85, 310–15, 414, 494–95, 615–16, 619, 694, 740, 746, 875, 922, 990 Sellers, Robert, 803 semantics, development of, 542, 549–52, 808–10, 906. See also language Sendak, Maurice, 572 Senegal, 755 sensitive periods. See critical periods sensorimotor development, 93–94, 120, 197, 257, 260, 263, 739, 742 sensory development, 77–79, 89, 108–9, 224, 309, 678, 719–20. See also specific senses by name sensory integration dysfunction, 878

Separate Lives (Dunn and Plomin), 905 separation. See divorce Separation (Bowlby), 120, 122 separation anxiety disorder, 350, 798. See also attachment sepsis, 608 septicemia, 496 Serrano v. Priest (California), 859–60 service-learning, 172, 187–89 Sesame Street, 212, 602 Seton, Ernest Thompson, 133, 695 Seuss, Dr. (Theodor Seuss Geisel), 572 Seventh-Day Adventism, 796, 821 severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS), 492, 500 severe combined immunodeficiency (SCID), 489 Sex and Repression in Savage Society (Malinowski), 691–92 Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive Societies (M. Mead), 600 sex education, 19–20, 183, 214, 382, 402–3, 431–32, 441, 444, 465, 472–73, 868, 884. See also health education sexual abuse, 9–10, 13, 203, 219–21, 382, 595, 731, 882–84, 893, 957, 1009–12; and child pornography, 763–64; and child slavery, 913–14; child witnesses in cases of, 1036–39; by clergy, 139, 883, 885; and custody and visitation, 234, 1017; and harassment, 296, 299, 464–65, 871, 978; incest, 492–93, 691–92; and the Internet, 192–93; in juvenile justice system, 800, 814; and kidnapping, 532–34; legal responses to, 885–87; and mental health issues, 289, 766, 976; and personal boundaries, 722–23; and prostitution, 793; rape, 806–8; and STDs and urinary tract infections, 498, 897–99; and substance use and abuse, 964. See also abuse and neglect Sexual Behavior in the Human Male (Kinsey), 897 sexual development, 19, 114, 204, 734–38, 823, 887–97, 1005, 1006; and congenital anomalies and deformations, 209–10, 398; and contraception, 213–14; effects of sexual abuse and rape on, 807–8, 884; and female juvenile delinquency, 526, 528–29; ideal of sexual purity, 144, 146, 214, 335–36, 511, 701, 807; masturbation, 594–96; and media, 212, 378–80, 760, 998; and moral development, 624, 627; and personality, 730; psychoanalytic theories of, 265–68, 381–82; and romantic and sexual relationships,

in d e x

850–52; and substance use and abuse, 964–65, 1000 sexual harassment. See sexual abuse Sexual Life of the Child, The (Moll), 895 sexual offender and predator laws, 806–7, 886 sexual orientation. See LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender) youth; sexual development sexual tourism, 461, 808. See also prostitution, child sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), 19–20, 165, 498, 851, 897–99; and circumcision, 168–71; and contraception, 213–14; and legal regulation of adolescents, 22, 203, 306, 603, 790; and sex education, 432, 441, 473; and sexual abuse, 884; and substance use and abuse, 968. See also HIV/AIDS Shabiba, 1052 Shades of Black (Cross), 802 shaken baby syndrome (SBS), 228, 899–900, 1016 Shakespeare, William, 902 Shakur, Tupac, 760–62 Shamai, Rabbi, 881 shame and guilt, 96, 313, 797, 900–902; and bedwetting, 95; and eating disorders, 288; in Islam, 520–21; and moral development, 626, 628, 630–31; and parenting styles, 52, 69, 82–83, 96, 278, 554; and personality, 725; and sexual abuse, 883–84, 1038; and sexual development, 595, 892; and suicide, 976 Shari’a, 234 Sharif by Salahuddin v. New York State Education Department, 298 Shedlock, Marie, 366 Sheley, Joseph, 362–63 Sheppard-Towner Maternity and Infancy Act, 552, 1028 Shintoism, 817 Shiun-tze, 205 Shonkoff, Jack, 832 shopping. See consumers, children as; marketplace, children and the Shriver, R. Sargent, 424 Shweder, Richard, 201, 563, 628–31, 831–32, 931 shyness, 158, 236, 730; and social development, 494, 921–22; and temperament, 724, 900, 990–91 Sibling Relationships (Brody), 905 siblings, 72, 166, 902–6, 987, 1017; and birth order, 104–5; as child care providers, 44–45, 75, 82–83, 104, 536–38, 553–54, 640, 700–701, 860,

903, 1005–6, 1031, 1035, 1039–40; and conceptions of childhood, 139–43; and domestic violence, 279; and emotional development, 313–14; and experiences of death, 241–42; and incest, 492–93; and language development, 185–86; as medical donors, 110; multiple births as, 651–52; and names, 661–62; and play, 216–17; rivalry between, 914–15; and socialization, 929–33. See also family sickle-cell disease, 110, 406, 407, 442, 467, 702, 703, 772 Sickmund, Melissa, 219 SIDS. See sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS) Siegel, Alexander, 830 Siegler, Robert S., 562, 788 Sierra Leone, 143, 168–69, 180, 637 Silverman, Frederic N., 13 Silvey, Robert, 748 sign language, 100, 177, 186, 239, 386, 412, 448, 522, 548, 664, 906–7, 935–39 Sign Language of the Netherlands, 907 Sikhism, 228–30, 820, 855, 979 Silverstein, Shel, 572 Simmons, Christopher, 243 Simon, Herbert, 561 Simon, Theodore, 103–4, 512–14, 739 Sinatra, Frank, 758–59 Singapore, 67–70, 99, 206, 637, 677, 778 Singer, Isaac Bashevis, 363–64 Singing Game, The (I. Opie and P. Opie), 693 single parents, 44, 214, 246, 247, 248, 338–44, 430, 707–9, 907–9; and abandonment and infanticide, 1–3; and adoption, 24, 25; and biracial children, 804; and child support, 160–62; and foster and kinship care, 374; and grandparents, 419–20; and guardianship, 421; and poverty, homelessness, and welfare, 39, 40, 349, 456–58, 767–69, 1026–34; and reproductive technologies, 713, 826–28. See also childbearing, adolescent; out-of-wedlock births; parents sinusitis, 50, 426, 497, 837 Sister Outsider (Lorde), 464 Six Cultures Study of Socialization, 929–33, 1035–36 600 Schools (New York), 937 666 Mafia, 761 Sjoberg, Svein, 873 skeletal disorders. See orthopedic disorders skin disorders and diseases, 105–6, 498, 608, 909–11 skinheads, 963–64

• 1 09 7

Skinner, B. F., 258, 259, 260–61, 560–61, 621, 911, 1026 slang, 185, 911–12 slavery, child, 55, 91–93, 220, 252, 839, 912–14, 1011; in American history, 41, 51, 790, 843; and war, 180–81. See also trafficking, child sleep, 443, 914–17, 997; and anxiety disorders and depression, 255–56, 350–51; and bedwetting, 94–95; disorders and disturbances, 81, 108, 412–13, 457, 609, 689, 884, 914–17, 1010; dreams, 381–82, 412–13, 671, 894, 914–15, 916; and masturbation, 595; and myths of childhood, 658–60; nightmares and night terrors, 351, 412–13, 615, 916–17; and obesity, 689; and SIDS, 37, 644, 974–75; sleeping arrangements, 71, 82–83, 116, 128, 182, 395, 452, 536, 687–88, 708–9, 891, 895, 917–20, 931; and stress, 962, 1024; and temperament, 990 slipped capital femoral epiphysis, 699 Slovenia, 513 small-schools movement, 67 smallpox, 490, 532, 667 smell, development of. See taste and smell, development of Smith, Frank, 809 Smith, Job Lewis, 714 Smith, Lane, 367, 572 Smith, Linda B., 120 Smith-Hughes Act, 1020 Smith-Magenis syndrome, 877–78 Smith v. Organization of Foster Families for Equality and Reform, 377, 1028 Smitherman, Geneva, 933 smoking. See tobacco Smuts, Alice, 829 Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs, 367, 822 Snyder, Howard N., 219 Social and Ethical Interpretations in Mental Development (Baldwin), 93–94, 118–19, 502 Social Competence Intervention Package for Preschool Youngsters, 316 social development, 95, 261, 528, 741, 920–24, 1040; and aggression, 46–48; and attachment, 73–77; and autism spectrum disorders, 86–91; and child care, 156–58; and children’s concepts, 197–202; critical periods for, 224; and eating patterns, 286–88; and education, 188–89, 782, 857–59, 860–62; and emotional development, 310–15; expanding world of the child, 1007–9; and friendship, 382–85; and gender

1098 •

in dex

social development (continued) development, 398–402; and identity development, 474–77; landmark works on, 118–21; and moral development, 624–31; and narrative, 662–66; and neurological development, 679; and shame and guilt, 900–902; and visual impairments, 108–9 Social Emergency, The (Foster), 758 social phobia, 350, 351 Social Science Research Council (SSRC), 829–31, 929 Social Security, 244, 247, 273, 433, 661, 768, 792, 908 Social Security Act, 275, 276, 376, 377, 430, 592, 1028 social studies (curricular area), 33, 99, 109, 114, 189, 230–32, 273, 576, 582, 867–68, 924–25; and civic education, 171–73; and geographic understanding, 1007–9; and political activism, 755–57 social work, 16, 552, 613, 858, 925–28; with abused and neglected children, 9–10, 13–15, 1027; and adoption, 24, 29–30; with children with disabilities, 274, 275–76, 937; and family court, 233, 344–45; and foster and kinship care, 373–78; in juvenile justice system, 531; and mental health care, 616 socialization, 112–15, 236–37, 528, 594, 929–33, 988, 1004–7, 1034–36; bullying as, 130–32; gender, 393–98, 701, 1003–4; and home schooling, 455–56; language, 183–87, 543, 545–49, 664–66; moral, 631; and organizations for youth, 695–96; and parenting, 81–86, 707–8; play as, 744–46, 751; political, 180; racial and ethnic, 42, 321–24, 523–25, 801–6; religious, 816–17; and youth movements, 1052–53 Societies for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children (SPCCs), 3, 9, 1027 Society for Pediatric Research (SPR), 714 Society for Prevention of Pauperism, 799 Society for Research in Child Development (SRCD), 805, 829–32, 836 Society for the Reformation of Juvenile Delinquents, 799 socioeconomic differences: and African Americans, 38–43; and affirmative action, 38–41; in American history, 51–54; and Asian Americans, 67–70; and behavior disorders and issues, 204, 1002; and body image and modification, 115–18; and built environment, 128–30; and child care, 152–60; and children’s rights, 840–41; and cognitive

development, 179, 612; and education, 4–5, 33, 41–43, 112–15, 171–73, 174–76, 187, 231, 281, 291, 292–95, 299–302, 332, 372, 380, 597, 781–84, 856–59, 861–62, 864–66, 868–71, 936–37, 984, 992–94, 1020; and family patterns, 12, 14–15, 37, 76–77, 163–64, 213–14, 244–53, 277, 279–80, 373–78, 417, 419–20, 538, 569, 639–40, 707, 775, 822, 844, 905; and gangs, 387–89; and giftedness, 413–16; and health issues and care, 15, 50–51, 135, 207–11, 273, 275, 283, 426–31, 432–38, 442, 447, 449–50, 468–73, 558–59, 586–88, 631–34, 635–38, 702, 779–80, 941, 974; in Hinduism, 451–53; and identity development, 474–78; and intelligence, 104, 512–14; in Judaism, 524–25; and juvenile delinquency, 19, 527–30; and juvenile justice system, 525–27; and language development, 542, 545–46, 662–66, 933–34; in Latin America, 554–55; and Latinos, 555–58; and literacy, 569–71; and media, 35, 192, 600–602, 656, 987–88; and mental health issues and care, 20, 86, 613–18, 764–65; and moral development, 625, 628; and names, 661–62; and obesity and physical activity, 330, 689–90; and organizations for youth, 695–96; and personality and temperament, 725, 991–92; and physical and motor development, 644, 986; and play, 744, 746, 749–51, 1003; and political activism, 756–57; and popular culture, 757–59; and prenatal substance exposure, 357–58, 974; and race, 802; and sexual abuse, 883, 885; and sexual development, 464, 692, 890; and social development, 204, 317, 718, 778, 848, 921; and sports, 73, 947; and status, 212, 954–56; and status offenses, 956–59; and stress and resilience, 165–67, 962; and substance use and abuse, 964, 967; and work, 593–94, 1041; and work–home life balance, 1046–48; and youth movements and subcultures, 963–64, 1053 sociolinguistic diversity, 174–76, 564, 566, 693, 933–34 Socrates, 742 soldiers. See military service; war Solnit, Albert J., 381, 416–17, 935 Solomon Islands, 662, 700 Solomon Schaechter schools, 524–25 Some Thoughts Concerning Education (Locke), 145–46, 578 Somalia, 151, 215, 223, 243, 516, 791, 1046

Some Thoughts Concerning Education (Locke), 325 Somerville, Margaret, 826 Sonia Shankman Orthogenic School (University of Chicago), 98, 937 Sophocles, 691–92 Soranus of Ephesus, 714 South Africa, 215, 384, 387, 462, 844; antiapartheid struggle in, 180, 761–62, 801, 803–5; education in, 225, 810, 859; family patterns in, 337–38, 493, 592, 827; fetal alcohol spectrum disorders in, 357–58; popular music in, 761–62; self development in, 875–76; youth subcultures in, 963–64 South America. See Latin America South Korea. See Korea Southern Arawak people, 660 Soviet Union, 459, 512, 617, 800, 1004, 1030; education in, 142, 416, 1025; orphanages in, 696–97; youth movements in, 327. See also Russia and other countries by name Spain, 326, 372, 420, 482, 636–37, 700, 711, 915, 1029; education in, 99–100, 623–24, 808, 935; folk tales in, 365–66; Judaism in, 523–24; marital and nonmarital unions in, 589, 592 Spanish Civil War, 623 Spanish Inquisition, 523–24 spanking. See corporal punishment spatial skills, 64, 120, 190, 191, 193, 509, 514, 751–52, 888, 1003 Spearman, Charles E., 509 special education, 272, 431, 567, 935–39, 978; history of, 521–22, 563–65, 862, 984; testing and evaluation in, 418, 863. See also specific types of special education by name special needs, children with. See specific types of special needs by name specific language impairment (SLI), 549–52 speech, development of. See communication, development of speech disorders, 939–42 speech therapy, 272, 274, 275, 508, 683, 732, 937, 939, 941–42 Spellings, Margaret, 293 Spemann, Hans, 223 Spencer, Herbert, 422 Spencer, Margaret Beale, 802–3, 832, 956 spermarche, 847, 893–94 Spider, 582 Spider-Man, 602 Spiegelman, Art, 574 spina bifida, 208–9, 681, 698–99, 732–33

in d e x

spinal muscular atrophy (SMA), 684 spine and spinal cord, 678, 948; and congenital anomalies and deformations, 208–11, 307, 390, 676, 681; and neuromuscular disorders, 684–86; and orthopedic disorders, 697–700; and pain, 701–3, 878. See also meningitis; neurological development; orthopedic disorders Spirit Catches You and You Fall Down, The (Fadiman), 479 spirituality, 132–33, 626, 628–31, 942–45, 946 Spiro, Melford, 692 Spitz, René, 1036 Spock, Benjamin, 36, 53, 519, 599, 945–46, 1001 Sport Education curriculum, 734 sports, 19, 648, 746, 757–59, 946–48, 1002–4; athletic talent development, 72–73; camps, 132; drug testing in, 282–83, 332–33, 968; as exercise and physical activity, 329–31; as extracurricular activity, 331–33, 868, 1009; and family leisure time activities, 349, 568–69; fantasy forms of, 947; and gender development, 400, 751, 923; gender discrimination in, 296, 297–99, 402–4, 857; injuries from, 235, 948–49; and organizations for youth, 695; and physical education, 733–35; and status, 955–56; and youth subcultures, 963–64 Sports Illustrated for Kids, 582–83 Spring and Autumn (Confucius), 207 Sputnik, 459 Sri Lanka, 67–70, 180, 336–37, 428 stages of childhood, 949–55. See also development, theories of, and specific stage theorists by name Stages of Faith (Fowler), 944 standard English, 564, 693, 718, 933–34. See also sociolinguistic diversity standardized testing. See testing and evaluation, educational Standards for Lawyers Who Represent Children in Abuse and Neglect Cases (ABA), 567 Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale, 103–4, 513–14 Stanford v. Kentucky, 243 Stanley v. Illinois, 592–93, 712 staphylococcal infections, 497–98, 607–8 Starr, Ellen Gates, 552 starvation. See malnutrition and undernutrition State Children’s Health Insurance

Program (SCHIP), 248, 430, 433–34, 437–38 State of the World’s Children (UNICEF), 249, 428 status, 113, 954–56; and aggression and bullying, 46–48, 130–32; and body image and modification, 115–18; and children’s folklore, 368, 413; and consumption, 212; and identity development, 476–77; and peer culture, 717–18; and race, 44, 802 status offenses, 221, 344–45, 403, 525, 530, 956–59 Stearns, Charles, 996 Steele, Claude, 803 Stefani, Gwen, 762 Steig, William, 573 stem cells, 307, 489 Stephens, Sharon, 744 stepparents, 51, 341, 343, 484, 822–24; and incest, 492–93, 806–7, 883; legal relationship to children, 28, 161, 234, 591–93, 712, 787, 842, 1017–18 Stepping Stones to Using Caring for Our Children, 159–60 stereotyping. See prejudice and stereotyping sterilization, forced, 274, 789–90, 936 Stern, William, 1034 Sternberg, Robert, 510, 993 steroids, anabolic, 19–20, 389, 606, 720–22, 1000 Stevenson, Harold, 829 Stevenson, Robert Louis, 748 stimulants, 79–81, 86, 608–10, 620, 694, 721, 917, 966–67 Stinky Cheese Man and Other Fairly Stupid Tales (Scieszka and Lane Smith), 572 Stinney, George Junius Jr., 243 STOP Underage Drinking Act, 969–70 Story of Babar (de Brunhoff ), 573 Story of Ferdinand, The (Leaf ), 573 storytelling. See narrative Stowe, Harriet Beecher, 502 Strachey, James, 1036 Strange Situation, 48, 74–76, 120, 494, 641 Strauss, Anselm, 241 street and runaway children, 10, 202, 221, 306, 337, 617, 959–61, 1006, 1039; in American history, 502, 695–96, 758, 810–11; juvenile delinquency among, 528–29; in Latin America, 456, 555, 789, 1011; prostitution and sexual abuse among, 792–93, 883; status offenses among, 956–59. See also homelessness street drugs, 19–20, 282, 388, 865, 966–

• 1 09 9

68. See also substance use and abuse and specific drugs by name streptococcal infections, 449, 497–98, 534, 607–8, 631, 677, 773 stress, 114, 595, 961–63, 1038; and attachment, 74, 76; and bedwetting and nightmares, 95, 916; and built environment, 128–30; and comfort habits, 181–82; and emotional development, 310–15; and family patterns, 12, 279–80, 642, 708, 797–98, 823–24; and health disparities, 429–30; and immigration, 482, 484–85; and mental health issues and care, 254–55, 976; and nature, 673– 74; and poverty, 770–71; and resilience, 165–67; and substance use and abuse, 964; and war, 1024; and work, 1044 stroke, 682, 941 structuralism, 310–11, 365–66 Student and Schoolmate, The, 1025 Student League for Industrial Democracy, 1052 Students for a Democratic Society, 1053 Studies in the Black English Vernacular (Labov), 176 Study of Early Child Care (NICHD), 157 stuttering, 423, 941–42 subcultures, youth, 672, 963–64 Substance Abuse Prevention and Treatment Block Grant (SAPT), 973 substance exposure, prenatal, 27, 135, 307–9, 618, 682, 736, 773, 775, 962, 971–74; and congenital anomalies and deformations, 207–11, 357–58; and fetal alcohol spectrum disorders, 357–58, 506, 732–33, 772, 971–74; legal regulation of, 359–60, 972–74; and prematurity, 779–80; and SIDS, 974–75 substance use and abuse, 19–20, 113, 114, 614, 720–22, 754, 964–68, 999–1000; and behavior disorders, 81, 204; and drug testing, 281–83; family factors in, 11, 12, 84–85, 105, 216, 347, 357–58, 410, 492, 823, 880, 909; and gender, 400; and health disparities, 322, 429; and health education and supervision, 431–32, 441, 444; and juvenile delinquency, 529–31; and juvenile justice system, 800; legal regulation of, 968–70; and malnutrition and undernutrition, 586–88; and mental health issues and care, 255–56, 288–90, 609, 615, 976–77; among Native Americans, 668; and prostitution, 792–93; and sexual abuse and rape, 492, 807, 884, 886; and social development, 851, 922–24, 955–56; and stress and resilience, 167, 961; and

1100 •

in dex

substance use and abuse (continued) suspension and expulsion, 978; treatment for, 132, 306, 603, 790, 811, 814, 968; and violence and aggression, 47, 1011; and work, 1044; and youth subcultures, 964. See also specific substances by name suburban environments, 50–51, 138–39, 349, 673; education in, 292, 301, 859– 60, 864–66, 869; poverty in, 247, 769 Success for All program, 864 Sudan, 593–94, 718 sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS), 37, 245, 427, 632, 644, 680, 780, 919–20, 974–75 Sufism, 228–30 suicide, 19, 114, 246, 614–15, 633, 975–77; and cults, 230; and family patterns, 11, 216, 242, 323, 492, 909; by firearms, 16, 362–63; and mental health issues and care, 254–56, 690, 877–78; by poisoning, 754; and poverty and violence, 20, 54, 1010; and romantic breakups, 851; and sexual abuse, 492, 884, 886; and substance use and abuse, 609, 721, 964–65, 1000; suicide bombers, 180 Sullivan, Harry Stack, 977 Summerhill School (Neill), 674 Sunday schools, 695, 816–17, 821 Super, Charles, 830, 832 supernatural creatures, 412–13, 670–72, 758 Supplemental Security Income (SSI), 247, 275–76, 487, 792 Supreme Court, U.S. See specific cases by name Supreme Court of Canada, 277, 379–80 Surdas, 452 surgery, 467, 714; analgesia and experience of pain during, 606–7, 701, 703; for cancer, 136; circumcision, 45, 116, 170–71; for congenital anomalies and deformations, 207–8; cosmetic, 115, 117, 403; dental, 116; for endocrine disorders, 318–20; for gastrointestinal disorders, 389; for heart disorders and diseases, 450–51; sex reassignment, 403, 462, 792, 895. See also transplantation, organ surrogacy (reproductive), 93, 148, 344, 713, 824–28, 842 Surveillance, Epidemiology, and End Results (SEER) Program (National Cancer Institute), 134 suspension and expulsion, 282, 567, 840, 968, 977–79 Sutton-Smith, Brian, 658

Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education, 300 Swaziland, 1049 swearing, 911–12, 997 Sweden, 34, 448, 715, 718, 751, 1029; affirmative action in, 40; child care in, 154, 156; corporal punishment in, 214, 216, 276, 843; education in, 100, 871, 1021; family patterns in, 162, 233, 337–39, 590, 908, 931, 1049; health issues and care in, 135, 276, 427, 636–37; intelligence in, 513; resilience in, 165–67 Switzerland, 99, 326, 385, 501, 515, 636, 673, 731, 738–40, 781, 852, 1002; intelligence in, 513; moral development in, 624, 626; work and apprenticeship in, 1042 Sylvester and the Magic Pebble (Steig), 573 sympathy, 224, 236, 316–18 syphilis, 170, 498, 773, 898, 1015 Taft, William Howard, 552 Tahiti, 700–701 Taiping Rebellion, 1024 Taira clan, 397 Taiwan, 483, 493, 694, 948; conceptions of childhood in, 141, 143; intelligence in, 510, 513; moral development in, 206, 626, 628, 630–31, 900–901; narrative in, 664–65; self development and selfesteem in, 876, 877 Tajfel, Henri, 321, 474, 476–77 Tale of Peter Rabbit (Potter), 572 Tale people, 304 talent. See giftedness Tales of Mother Goose, The (Perrault), 366 Taliban, 180 talk. See communication, development of Talmud, 523–25, 821 Tanglewood Tales (Hawthorne), 501 Tanner staging system, 889 Tanzania, 744, 913 Tao-de-jing (Lao tze), 205–6 Taoism, 205–6 Tape v. Hurley, 68 Task Force on the Education of African American Children, 693 taste and smell, development of, 123, 309, 719–20, 980–82 Tatum, Beverly, 805 tattoos, 115–18, 367, 846, 963–64 Tavistock Institute for Human Relations, 48, 121 taxation, 792, 982–83; family tax credits, 352, 356, 439, 440, 843, 908, 983, 1029–32; and school funding, 859–60, 862–66

Tay-Sachs disease, 407, 622, 683, 772 Taylor, Graham, 552 teachers, 166, 192, 616, 631, 726, 928, 983–85, 990; and achievement of students, 42, 856–59; in American history, 53, 588; and AP, IB, and gifted programs, 33, 413–16; and children with special educational needs, 107–9, 565–66, 732–33, 938–39, 1018–19; and class size, 174; and classroom culture, 174–76; and conceptions of childhood, 143–47; corporal punishment by, 214–16, 1011; and early childhood education, 425, 781–84, 861–62; and health, sex, and physical education, 431–32, 733; and home schooling, 295, 453–56; and homework, 458–60; and language development and writing, 184, 186, 1051; and multicultural education, 646–48; and religious instruction, 817; and reporting of abuse and neglect, 13, 885, 1027; and school reform, 863–64; and schooling inequalities, 128, 129, 864–66; and science, 872–73; sexual abuse and harassment by, 299, 882–83, 885; in single-sex schools, 871–72; and testing and evaluation, 417–19, 992–94; and textbooks, 994–95 Teaching for Change, 231–32 Teaching Games for Understanding curriculum, 734 teasing, 82–83, 94, 102, 130, 185, 289, 383–84, 393, 397, 554, 716–19, 746, 904 teen pregnancy. See childbearing, adolescent teeth, 117, 182, 286, 289, 327, 426, 588, 618, 658, 878, 898, 985–87 Tela, 761 teletypewriting (TTY), 275 television, 71, 79–80, 109, 240, 600–602, 757–59, 915, 947, 987–89; advertising and consumption by children, 34–36, 211–12, 1003, 1006; in American history, 53, 211–12; and children’s folklore, 368; and folk tales, 364, 367; and gender development, 399, 462; and language socialization, 545, 662; and moral development, 628–29; and obesity and physical activity, 331, 634, 710, 690–91; and other media, 190–91, 192, 360–62, 1003; and parents, 36–38, 348, 568–69, 708–9; and prejudice and stereotyping, 322, 779; violence on, 212, 1011–12 temperament, 78, 119, 204, 415, 530, 599, 921, 989–92, 1001; and aggression, 46–48; and attachment, 74–75, 494; and comfort habits, 181–82; and crying,

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227–28; and emotional development, 310–15; and family relationships, 639, 904; and gender, 395, 398, 401; and mental health issues and care, 615, 766–67; and personality, 723–30; and stress and resilience, 165, 166, 962 Temple, Shirley, 211 Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF), 158–60, 247, 439–40, 457, 487, 592, 908, 1028–29, 1030–34 Ten Commandments, 144 Ten Core Principles for Providing Quality Delinquency Representation through Indigent Defense Delivery Systems (National Juvenile Defender Center and American Council of Chief Defenders), 567 tendinitis, 191 Tennessee Student Teacher Achievement Ratio (STAR), 174 Terman, Louis, 103–4, 513 termination of parental rights. See rights, parental terrorism, 180, 240–42, 500, 617, 766, 1053 Tertullian, 145 testing and evaluation, educational, 11, 84–86, 121, 189–93, 291–92, 869, 992–94; and ability grouping, 4–5; and achievement in school, 856–59; among African American children, 41, 176; AP Program tests, 33; among Asian American children, 68; and creativity, 216–17; in early childhood education, 783; and gender, 298; grades, 34, 68, 175, 417–19, 460, 984; and homework, 460; and learning disabilities, 563–64; in mathematics, 597; under No Child Left Behind Act, 232, 571, 597, 863, 868; and schooling inequalities, 414, 864–66; in science, 872; in social studies, 925; teachers’ role in, 984–85; and textbooks, 995 tetanus (lockjaw), 443, 490–92, 631–32, 677 tetralogy of Fallot, 449–50 textbooks, 150, 171, 176, 297, 372, 613, 994–96, 1024; and children’s literature, 572, 576–77; and curriculum, 230–32, 455, 597, 646–48, 815, 925 Thailand, 198, 216, 372, 470, 548, 686, 764 thalassemia, 109–10, 772 thalidomide, 309, 449 Theaetetus (Plato), 741–42 theater and acting, 66–67, 113, 217, 648, 718, 744, 866, 993–94, 996–97, 1012

Theatre of the Oppressed, 996 Thelen, Esther, 120, 260, 264, 265, 949 theme parks, 758 theories of development. See development, theories of Theory and Thought in Language (Vygotsky), 121 Therborn, Göran, 143 thimerosal, 88–89, 491 Thinking Through Cultures (Shweder), 831 Third International Math Science Study (TIMSS), 869 Thomas, Alexander, 989–91 Thomas, Isaiah, 366 Thomas Aquinas, Saint, 145, 742 Thompson, Wayne, 243 Thompson v. Oklahoma, 94 thought-action fusion (TAF), 584 Thought and Language (Vygotsky), 747 Thought and Things (Baldwin), 94 Thought in the Young Child (Kessen and Kuhlman), 829 “Three Billy Goats Gruff,” 366, 573 Three Essays on Sexuality (S. Freud), 895 Three Little Pigs, The, 367 thrombocytopenia, 111 Thurstone, L. L., 509 thyroid disorders, 209, 319, 447, 505, 559, 588, 632 tics and Tourette syndrome, 81, 609, 618, 912, 997–99 Time for Kids, 582 Timor Leste, 143 Tinker v. Des Moines Independent Community School District, 152, 203, 379, 840, 979 Titchener, Edward, 1026 Title VI (Civil Rights Act), 296, 301–2 Title IX (Education Amendments of 1972), 220, 296, 297–99, 465, 734, 857, 870, 947 Tizard, Barbara, 697 tobacco, 19–20, 255, 306, 322, 329, 370, 429, 441, 961, 965–66, 968, 999–1000; advertising for, 35–36, 378–80; and allergic and respiratory diseases, 129, 283, 633, 837; and breastfeeding, 125, 981; and cancer, 134, 135; and dieting, 690; legal regulation of, 202, 965, 968–70; prenatal exposure to, 207, 772, 779–80, 971, 974–75; religious prohibition of, 635; and SIDS, 920 Tobin, Joseph, 782 Tocqueville, Alexis de, 188 Tohono O’odham people, 667. See also Native American children toilet training, 452, 691, 1000–1002, 1005

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Tonga, 537, 700–701 tonsillitis, 426 tooth fairy, 412, 583, 658, 660 Torah, 144, 523–25, 845–46, 894 touch, development of, 309. See also neurological development; pain Tourette, Georges Gilles de la, 997 Tourette syndrome. See tics and Tourette syndrome toxins, environmental: air and water pollution, 128–29, 477, 633, 636, 639, 673, 704–5, 1009; and asthma, 49–51, 129, 633; and autism spectrum disorders, 88–89; and cancer, 134–37; and headaches, 426; and health disparities, 429–30; and intellectual disability, 505–6; pesticides, 129, 135, 754–55; and poisoning, 753–55; and sanitation practices, 128–29, 632, 636, 684, 704–5; and sexual development, 306, 890. See also specific toxins by name toxocara, 704 toxoplasmosis, 107, 506, 577, 677, 681, 705, 731, 772, 1015 toys, 56, 130, 157, 572, 601, 759, 1002–4; advertising for, 34, 35; and body image, 115, 212; in education, 385, 623–24; and gender, 130, 393, 397, 398; and lead poisoning, 632; and play, 49, 367, 745–53. See also games; play Trabasso, Tom, 579 trachoma, 107 tracking (school). See ability grouping Traditional Games of England, Scotland, and Ireland, The (Gomme), 693 Traditional Healers and Childhood in Zimbabwe (Reynolds), 479 trafficking, child, 3, 91–93, 151, 220, 252, 439, 487, 516, 792–93, 885, 912–14, 1012. See also slavery, child training, child, 119, 1004–7. See also socialization transgender identity. See LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender) youth transitional objects. See comfort habits transplantation, organ, 241, 500, 623; bone marrow, 110, 136, 488–89, 682; heart, 449–51; kidney, 433, 436–37, 535; liver, 577–78; and organ donation by minors, 605 Treasure of the City of Ladies, The (Christine de Pizan), 145 Trent, Council of, 589 Tribal Youth Program Mental Health Project, 970 trichinosis, 686 trichomonas, 498, 898

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Trinidad and Tobago, 216, 755 triplets. See multiple births Trobriand Islands, 140, 493, 691–92, 895–96 Troxel v. Granville, 345, 593, 787, 1017–18 truancy, 221, 345, 525, 956–59, 978 Truants from Life (Bettelheim), 98 trusts (financial), 791–92 Tswana people, 493 Tuareg people, 518 tuberculosis, 441, 442, 492, 496, 499– 500, 587, 607–8, 631, 684, 836, 968 tuberous sclerosis, 89, 106, 134, 135, 210 Tuck Everlasting (Babbitt), 573 Tudge, Jonathan, 270–71 Tulsidas, 452 Turcot syndrome, 135 Turiel, Elliot, 200, 627 Turkey, 366, 821; family patterns in, 317, 337, 536–37, 687–88; Islam in, 518–21; language and folk tales in, 366, 545 Turkmenistan, 821 Turner, H. H., 209 Turner, John, 321, 474, 476–77 Turner syndrome, 209, 887 tutors, 69, 143, 172, 174, 187 Twain, Mark, 572 twin studies, 409–11, 463–64, 511–12, 528, 549, 650–52, 728, 834, 916 twin-twin transfusion syndrome (TTTS), 649, 651 twins. See multiple births Two Treatises of Government (Locke), 578 Tyack, David, 862 Tylor, Edward Burnett, 56, 742 tympanometry, 284 typhoid fever, 491, 498 Ubakala people, 235 Uexküll, Jakob von, 1034 UFO groups, 228–30 Uganda, 48, 74, 122, 180, 514, 931, 996 “Ugly Duckling, The,” 366 Ukraine, 285, 600, 764 ulcerative colitis, 389 ulcers, 390 ultrasound: cardiac (echocardiogram), 450; kidney, 535; prenatal, 308, 358, 534, 540, 649, 698, 771, 773, 779 Unborn Victims of Violence Act, 359 Uncle Remus tales, 364 Uncle Tom’s Cabin (Stowe), 502 undernutrition. See malnutrition and undernutrition UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization), 187, 249, 569–70, 977

Ungraded Class Teachers’ Association, 937 UNICEF (United Nations Children’s Fund), 4, 125, 247, 249, 251, 428, 471, 600, 676, 696, 715, 1026, 1030, 1039 Uniform Child Custody Jurisdiction and Enforcement Act (UCCJEA), 234 Uniform Crime Reports (Federal Bureau of Investigation), 218, 529 Uniform Marriage and Divorce Act, 1016 Uniform Parentage Act, 827 Uniform Transfers to Minors Act (UTMA), 420, 792 Union of National European Pediatric Societies and Associations (UNEPSA), 714 United Kingdom, 121, 216, 241, 513, 700, 731, 751, 764, 912, 943; behavioral disorders in, 79, 694; education in, 114, 188–89, 624, 781, 810, 870–71, 872, 935, 978; family patterns in, 26, 77, 162, 214, 337–38, 339, 416, 697, 765, 825, 904, 908, 1049; health issues and care in, 227–28, 276, 330, 408, 429–30, 438–41, 631–34, 635–38; and immigration, 487, 645; media in, 35, 602; mental health issues and care in, 165–67, 289, 615, 616; organizations for youth in, 327, 695–96; parks and playgrounds in, 710; poverty in, 151, 767, 769, 1029, 1030; violence in, 219, 387; and war, 1024–25; work in, 180, 1039, 1041, 1045; youth subcultures in, 963–64. See also England; Northern Ireland; Scotland; Wales United Nations, 45–46, 276–77, 515–17, 554, 566, 635, 790–91, 812, 882, 913, 958, 959, 1024, 1026. See also Convention on the Rights of the Child and other conventions by name United States v. Dost, 763 United States v. Knox, 763 United States v. Virginia, 296 United Way of America, 571 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 251, 486–87 Universal Design for Learning (UDL), 507 University of Chicago Laboratory Schools, 272 unschooling, 454, 455 Untouchables, The, 601 Upanayana, 452, 625, 854 Upside Down (Galeano), 554 urban environments, 204, 668, 746–47, 1005–6; in Africa, 43–46; in American history, 51–54, 122, 152–53, 170, 340, 344, 462; in Asia and Pacific Island so-

cieties, 70–72, 700; built environment in, 128–30, 710–11; and conceptions of childhood, 139–43; education in, 192, 236, 301, 332, 782, 859–60, 864–66, 868–69; in Europe, 55, 334–35; and expanding world of the child, 1007–9; family patterns in, 1, 3, 348–49, 374, 375, 696–97; gangs in, 387–89; health issues and care in, 15, 18, 50, 426–31, 442, 443, 558–59, 919–20; immigrant children in, 485–86; in Latin America, 555; mental health issues and care in, 617, 976; moral development in, 626, 628–29; and nature, 132–34, 673–74, 710–11; organizations for youth in, 695– 96; popular culture in, 757–59, 760–62; poverty in, 40, 41–43, 43–46, 247, 587, 768–71, 964, 1027; religion in, 138–39, 518, 521; sociolinguistic diversity in, 933–34; street and runaway children in, 456–58, 959–61; violence in, 131, 240–41, 362–63, 1011, 1024, 1025; work in, 1039, 1041–42 urinary tract disorders and diseases, 94–95, 124, 170, 207, 228, 467, 498, 535 Uruguay, 1010 U.S. Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms (ATF), 363 U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, 670 U.S. Census Bureau, 38, 245, 248, 281, 355, 428, 432–33, 569, 769–70, 811 U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), 20, 329–30, 363, 559, 633, 734, 897, 965, 975 U.S. Children’s Bureau, 18, 26, 443, 552, 636–37, 767–68, 811, 885, 1028 U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA), 586–88, 695 U.S. Department of Education, 292, 293, 297, 447–48, 570–71, 871, 992 U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 26, 275, 424, 430, 571, 1001, 1003 U.S. Department of Justice, 764, 811, 814, 886, 969 U.S. Department of Labor, 1020, 1028 U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, 1009 U.S. Federal Parent Locator Service, 534 U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA), 256, 609, 620, 721, 737, 754, 898 U.S. Infant Formula Act, 353 U.S. Institute of Medicine, 689, 715, 966 U.S. Joint Committee on Infant Hearing, 446 U.S. Maternal and Child Health Bureau, 273

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U.S. National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS), 354, 355 U.S. National Hospital Ambulatory Medical Care Survey (NHAMCS), 633 U.S. National Institute of Drug Abuse, 721 U.S. Office for Civil Rights, 301, 978 U.S. Office of Economic Opportunity, 424, 783 U.S. Office of Educational Research and Improvement (OERI), 413 U.S. Office of National Drug Control Policy, 969 U.S. Pediatric AIDS Clinical Trials Group, 469 U.S. Supreme Court. See specific cases by name U.S. Surgeon General’s Office, 969–70 USA Baseball Medical and Safety Advisory Committee, 948 Uses of Enchantment, The (Bettelheim), 98 Usher’s syndrome, 446–47 vacations, 212, 568–69, 673, 865 vaccinations. See immunizations Vai people, 303–4, 1050 Van Caster, Marcel, 816 van der Lely, Heather, 551 van Geert, Paul, 264 Vanuatu, 700–701 varicella. See chicken pox Vatican II Council, 137–39, 845 vegetarianism, 287, 371–72, 629, 644, 690, 773 velocardiofacial syndrome, 405 Venezuela, 133, 553, 555 Verb Yellowball, 1003 Verbal Behavior (Skinner), 561, 521 verbal skills, 45, 113, 141, 143, 153, 509–10, 933; in autism spectrum disorders, 88–90; in children’s folklore, 367–68; and gender, 120, 398–402, 751–52; and intelligence testing, 513–14; and language development, 541–52. See also language Vernon, Philip E., 509 Vernon-Feagans, Lynne, 861 Veronica School District v. Acton, 282 Very Hungry Caterpillar, The (Carle), 573 vestibular senses, development of, 108, 446, 680 video games. See computer and video games Vietnam, 70, 72, 278, 387, 919, 1022; American immigrants from, 67–70, 475, 476; family patterns in, 336–38; health care in, 438–41; identity devel-

opment in, 475, 476; and intercountry adoption, 92–93 Vietnam War, 53–54, 69–70, 152, 202, 228, 572–73, 766, 840, 946, 969, 979 violence, 19–20, 636, 146–47, 516, 962, 1009, 1009–12; and aggression, 46–48, 130, 212, 379, 988–89; and bullying, 130–32; and corporal punishment, 277– 78; and crimes by and against children, 217–21; cycle of, 11–12, 132, 277, 280; domestic, 279–80; and experiences of death, 240–42; and firearms, 362–63; and foster and kinship care, 373, 376– 78; and freedom of speech, 378–80; and gangs, 388; and gender, 400; and health disparities, 429, 430; and health education, 431–32, 979; among immigrant and refugee children, 482–83, 812–13; and juvenile delinquency, 528–31; and media, 183, 191, 212, 360–62, 600–602; and poverty and homelessness, 458, 770–71; and PTSD, 766; racial, 70; and resilience, 166–67; in schools, 978; and sexual abuse, 883, 885; and shaken baby syndrome, 899–900; and war, 1022–26 Violence against Women Act, 487 viral infections. See infectious diseases and specific infections by name Virginia Military Institute (VMI), 298 vision, 78, 423, 426, 610; blindness and other impairments of, 106–9, 196, 273, 276, 411, 423, 442, 446–47, 457, 587, 736, 898, 899, 935–39, 1014–16; development of, 106, 309, 1012–14; and Down syndrome and intellectual disability, 209, 506; education of children with impairments of, 106–9, 935–39, 1018–19; eye infections and STDs, 897–98; and hearing impairments, 238, 446–47; and neurological development, 678–79, 680; and perception, 719–20; and prematurity, 435, 780; and retinoblastomas, 134, 408, 1015–16; screening of, 441, 442 Vision International Eye Missions, 1019 Vision 2020: The Right to Sight program, 107 visitation, 349, 472, 786–87, 843, 1016– 18; best interests of the child standard, 97–98; and custody, 232–35, 593; and family court, 344–45; by grandparents, 353, 786–87, 842, 1017–18; legal representation of children in proceedings, 566–67; by stepparents, 824 vitamins and minerals, 46, 109, 319, 286–88, 370, 961; and breastfeeding and infant feeding, 124, 125, 354; and mal-

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nutrition and undernutrition, 584–88; and metabolic disorders, 622–23; and morbidity and mortality, 251, 631–34; prenatal, 772–73, 775; sunscreen and vitamin D, 910; and teeth development, 986; and visual impairments, 107, 1019. See also food; nutrition; malnutrition and undernutrition Vives, Juan Luis, 326 vocabulary, development of, 178, 865, 995; and bilingualism, 101, 373; and children’s concepts, 198, 852; and children’s literature and folk tales, 365, 573, 576; and communication and speech disorders, 183, 940; and intelligence, 509, 514; and language development and socialization, 542–46, 549–52, 679, 932, 933; and literacy programs and reading, 444, 570–71, 808–9 vocational education, 45, 57–60, 274, 291, 296, 556, 868, 985, 1019–21, 1042–44. See also apprenticeship; work, children’s Vocational Education Act, 1020 Völkerpsychologie (Wundt), 830 volunteer work, 171–73, 187–89, 631, 695–96, 755–57, 947, 1043 Volunteers in Service to America (VISTA), 188, 571 von Bertalanfy, Ludwig, 259 von Hippel-Lindau syndrome, 134 von Schelling, Friedrich, 385 voting, 21, 22, 149, 171, 172, 188, 202, 305–6, 755–57, 839, 947 vouchers, school, 292, 294–95, 821, 860, 862–63 Vygotsky, L. S., 93, 119, 121, 189, 257, 260, 272, 510, 621, 664, 788, 831, 1021–22; and learning, 562–63; and play, 198, 216–17, 745–47; theories of, 262–64, 269, 303, 479 W, X, Y, and Z v. United Kingdom (European Commission on Human Rights), 913 Waardenburg’s syndrome, 446 Wald, Lillian, 937 Walden Two (Skinner), 261 Waldorf Schools, 455, 784 Wales, 636–38, 662, 1016 Walker, Alice, 748 walking, 223, 261, 265, 268, 643–44, 675, 678, 680–81, 753, 847, 949, 951; and attachment, 74, 641; and built environment, 129, 690; and orthopedic disorders, 699; somnambulism, 916 Wall Street Journal: Classroom Edition, 582

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Wallace, Anthony F. C., 658 Wallace v. Jaffree, 815 Wallach-Kogan test, 216 Wallin, W. E. W., 937 Walsh, Adam, 533 Walt Disney Company. See Disney Wandervögel, 1052 Wapner, Seymour, 1034 war, 885, 959, 1010, 1022–26; in Africa, 43–46; and child slavery and trafficking, 91, 885, 913; and experiences of death, 240–42; and family patterns, 3, 375, 708, 1030; and health issues and care, 468, 631; in Latin America, 555; and mental health issues and care, 351, 766, 617; and military service, 179–81; refugees from, 482–83, 812–13; and resilience, 166–67; and youth movements, 1053. See also military service and specific wars by name War on Poverty, 54, 424, 557, 768, 810 Warlpiri people, 686–87 Warner, William Lloyd, 237, 805 Warren, Earl, 859 warriors. See military service Washington, Booker T., 41 Watson, John B., 119, 120, 259, 260, 560–61, 621, 1026 Watsons Go to Birmingham, 1963, The (Curtis), 573 Way of the Storyteller (R. Sawyer), 366 Way Things Work, The (Macaulay), 574 Ways with Words (Heath), 175, 665 weaning. See breastfeeding Web, the. See Internet, the Webster, Noah, 994 Weekly Reader, 582 weight issues: and body image and modification, 113, 115–18; and eating disorders, 288–90. See also obesity Weinberg, Richard, 512 Weiner, Neil A., 792–93 Weiner, Norbert, 743 welfare, 247–48, 254, 1026–34; and adolescent childbearing, 163–64; in American history, 54, 153, 342–44, 457, 768–69, 1026–29, 1032–34; and child support, 160–62; among immigrant children, 487–88; outcomes of, 1030–32; reform of, 156, 158–60, 973, 1028–29, 1031–34, 1048; and single parents, 907–9 well-child care, 438, 440, 443–44, 552, 713, 715 Wells, Rosemary, 573 Werner, Heinz, 257, 259, 621, 1034 Wertham, Fredrick, 183, 601

Wertheimer, Max, 561 Wertsch, James, 260, 562 Weschler, David, 513 Weschler Intelligence Test for Children (WISC), 103, 513–14 Wesley, John, 146, 795 West Nile virus, 492 Western Europe. See Europe Where the Sidewalk Ends (Silverstein), 572 Where the Wild Things Are (Sendak), 572 White, E. B., 573 White, Sheldon, 830–32, 860, 932 white children: and crime, 219–20; and education, 41, 187, 281, 301, 332, 455, 858–59, 869, 992; family patterns of, 14, 37, 163, 213, 244–48, 277, 337, 377, 419–20, 649, 650, 655, 662, 822, 908, 1002; health issues and care among, 15, 112, 238, 273, 319, 426–31, 433, 435–38, 442, 587, 636–38, 675, 677, 689, 772–73, 974; identity development among, 474–77, 693; and intelligence, 513–14; juvenile delinquency among, 529; and kidnapping, 532–34; language socialization and literacy among, 548, 569–70; mental health issues and care among, 289, 618, 976; physical and motor development among, 643, 986; play and peer culture among, 368, 716–19, 751; and race, 776, 801–6; resilience of, 165–67; and romantic and sexual relationships, 852; self development among, 875–76; self-esteem among, 876–77; sexual development among, 19, 890, 894; shame and guilt among, 902; sleep among, 915, 918–20; socioeconomic status of, 344; status offenses among, 958; substance use and abuse among, 965–66, 970, 999; temperament among, 991; welfare among, 1028, 1031, 1033; and work, 1042 White House Task Force on the Gifted, 237–38 Whitehead, A. N., 743 Whiting, Beatrice B., 118, 397, 832, 930, 1034–35 Whiting, John W. M., 118, 832, 919, 929–30, 1035–36 Whitner v. State, 359, 775 Why Johnny Can’t Read (Flesch), 809 Wicca, 583 Wiesner, David, 367 Williams, W. L., 461–62 Williams syndrome, 551 Willinger, Marian, 974 Wilms tumor, 136, 534, 1015 Wilson, Edward O., 730

Wilson, William Julius, 39 Wilson’s disease, 577 Winick, Judd, 574 Winner, Ellen, 217 Winnicott, D. W., 257, 268, 723, 745, 1036 Wisconsin General Test Apparatus (WGTA), 424 Wisconsin v. Yoder, 294–95, 818–19 Wiskott-Aldrich syndrome, 134 Witmer, Lightner, 937 witnesses, children as legal, 886, 1036–39 Wittgenstein, Ludwig, 545 Wizard of Oz, The (Baum), 574 Wolf, Shelby Anne, 575 Wolof people, 640 Women, Infants, and Children (WIC) program, 487, 1033 Wonder Book, A (Hawthorne), 501 Wood, Audrey, 573 Wood, Don, 573 Woodcraft League of America, 133, 695 Woodworth, Robert, 829 Wordsworth, William, 325, 326, 722 work, children’s, 328, 493, 839, 922, 1011, 1039–42; in Africa, 43, 45, 116, 252, 471; in American history, 51–54, 1026–29; in the ancient Mediterranean world, 55; in Asia, 70–72, 252; and child slavery, 912–14; child trafficking for, 91–93, 439, 913–14; and children as consumers, 34, 593–94; chores, 1005–6, 1041, 1048; and conceptions of childhood, 139–43, 148–52, 790–91; and education, 280–81, 291, 332; in European history, 252, 324–27; gangs as alternative to, 387–89; and gender, 396–97; in identity development, 475–77; by immigrant children, 482–83; in Latin America, 252, 553; legal restrictions on, 18, 203, 552, 787, 790, 841, 983, 1044–46; and organizations for youth, 695; outcomes of, 1042–44; in Pacific Island societies, 252; and play, 747, 1040; and poverty, 767; as preparation for adult employment, 39, 188–89, 231, 506, 508, 1019–21, 1042–44; prostitution, 792–93; in reform institutions, 810–11; as servants, 3, 149–50, 242, 326, 334, 790, 913, 1027; during wartime, 1025; and youth unemployment, 252. See also apprenticeship work–home life balance, 1046–48; and affirmative action, 38–41; in American history, 51–54, 1048–50; and child care, 152–60, 419–20, 783; and family patterns, 233, 276–79, 338–44, 417, 536–38, 568–69, 908; and gender

in d e x

development, 399, 400; and Head Start, 424–25; and home schooling, 455–56; and mother-child relationship, 122, 123, 639–40; and parental leave laws, 151, 356, 430, 439–40, 771, 841, 1029–30, 1048–50; and poverty, 769; and toilet training, 1001–2; and welfare reform, 1031 Work of the Imagination, The (Harris), 749 World Bank, 769–70, 1030 World Changes in Divorce Patterns (Goode), 417 World Council of Churches, 380 World Economic Forum, 857–58 World Health Organization (WHO), 76, 121, 273, 430, 439, 632–34, 684, 714, 856, 999; on abuse and neglect, 10, 882–83, 885; on breastfeeding, 125, 676; growth charts of, 354, 585; on health care, 468, 755, 774; on hearing and visual impairments, 107, 446, 448; on HIV/AIDS, 470–71; on malnutrition and undernutrition, 129, 587; on mental health issues and care, 614, 617, 796, 975–76; on war and violence, 20, 1009–10 World Health Organization Disablement Model, 273 World Hypotheses (Pepper), 268 World Mental Health Survey (WHO), 796 World Report on Violence against Children (United Nations), 1009–10 World Report on Violence and Health (WHO), 10, 1009 World Revolution and Family Patterns (Goode), 417 World War I, 317, 327, 674, 756, 977, 1024–25, 1036 World War II, 53–54, 121, 533, 668, 945,

977, 1024–25; and baby boom, 244; and children’s literature, 572, 574; and conceptions of childhood, 724, 945; and education, 281, 291, 339, 373, 563, 624, 865, 924, 937, 983; Holocaust, 98, 165, 170, 524, 539, 574, 803, 1004, 1024–25; and international rights of the child, 515; and mental health issues and care, 613–14; and Naziism, 98, 327, 372, 387, 524, 532, 803, 1024–25; and polio epidemic, 856; and popular culture, 759; and poverty and welfare, 768, 1030; and refugees, 812; and research on child development, 599, 950; and sexual behavior, 170, 462, 893, 894; and suburbanization, 673; and voting patterns, 756 worms, parasitic, 703–5 Wright, James, 362–63 Wright, John, 829 Wright, Richard, 575 writing (curricular area), 33, 53, 68, 867, 1012, 1050–51; evaluation in, 993–94; and gender, 400; and language development and literacy, 186, 569–71; and learning disabilities, 563; and reading, 808–10; and sociolinguistic diversity, 933–34 Wundt, Wilhelm, 422, 560, 621, 828–31, 1051–52 X-Men, 602 xeroderma pigmentosum, 134 xerophthalmia, 107 Yale Child Study Center, 381, 411, 416–17, 858–59, 935 Yang, Shih-ying, 510 Yanomami people, 553

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yellow fever, 491 Yellow Umbrella (Liu), 573 Yemen, 107, 338, 439 YMCA (Young Men’s Christian Association), 53, 133, 349, 695–96, 946 Yoruba people, 650, 688 Young Americans for Freedom, 1053 Young Communist League, 327 Young Democrats, 1053 Young European Federalists, 1052 Young Man Luther (Erikson), 321 Young Republicans, 1053 Young Women’s Leadership School (East Harlem), 298 Youth Crime Gun Interdiction Initiative, 363 Youth Employment and Demonstration Project Act, 1020 youth movements, 53–54, 211–13, 327, 1052–53 Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance System, 330, 965 YWCA (Young Women’s Christian Association), 53, 695–96, 946 Zambia, 511, 1011 Zelman v. Simmons-Harris, 295 Zentella, Ana Celia, 934 Zero Tolerance Bill, 969 Zezuru people, 479 Zhuang tze, 206 Zillions, 582 Zimbabwe, 479, 511 Zincanteco people, 58–59, 304 Zionism, 523–24 zone of proximal development (ZPD), 121, 260, 269, 479, 562, 831 zoonotic diseases, 731 zoos, 568–69, 653–54, 710–11, 730