The Cambridge Social History of Britain, 1750-1950, volume 1: Regions and Communities

THE CAMBRIDGE SOCIAL OF BRITAIN

HISTORY

1750-1950

W h i l s t i n c e r t a i n q u a r t e r s it m a y b e f a s h i o n a b l e to s u p p o s e that t h e r e is n o s u c h t h i n g as s o c i e t y , s o c i a l h i s t o r i a n s h a v e h a d n o difficulty i n f i n d i n g t h e i r s u b j e c t . T h e difficulty, r a t h e r , is t h a t t h e a d v a n c e of social history into every sphere of h u m a n activity and experience has o c c u r r e d t h r o u g h s u c h a n o u t p o u r i n g o f r e s e a r c h a n d w r i t i n g that it is h a r d for a n y o n e b u t t h e s p e c i a l i s t to k e e p u p w i t h t h e literature or g r a s p t h e o v e r a l l p i c t u r e . In t h e s e t h r e e v o l u m e s , as is t h e tradition i n C a m b r i d g e Histories, a tqam of specialists has assembled the jigsaw of r e c e n t m o n o g r a p h i c r e s e a r c h a n d p r e s e n t e d a n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f m o d e r n B r i t i s h s o c i e t y s i n c e 1 7 5 0 , from t h r e e c o m p l e m e n t a r y p e r s p e c t i v e s : t h o s e o f r e g i o n a l c o m m u n i t i e s , of t h e working and living environment, and of social institutions. Each v o l u m e is self-contained, and each c o n t r i b u t i o n , thematically de­ f i n e d , c o n t a i n s its o w n c h r o n o l o g y o f t h e p e r i o d u n d e r r e v i e w . T a k e n as a w h o l e t h e y offer a n a u t h o r i t a t i v e a n d c o m p r e h e n s i v e v i e w o f t h e m a n n e r a n d m e t h o d o f t h e s h a p i n g o f s o c i e t y i n t h e t w o c e n t u r i e s of unprecedented demographic and economic change. T h e intensive study of particular localities and c o m m u n i t i e s char­ a c t e r i s e s m u c h r e c e n t w o r k i n s o c i a l h i s t o r y . V o l u m e 1, Regions and communities, the

d r a w s o n t h i s a p p r o a c h to p r e s e n t a s e r i e s o f s t u d i e s of

social history

of various

regions

of the

B r i t i s h Isles.

Two

i n t r o d u c t o r y c h a p t e r s o n t h e c o u n t r y s i d e a n d o n t h e c i t y b a l a n c e the geographical specificity of the other chapters, s h o w i n g h o w

the

s o c i a l c o h e s i o n o f r e g i o n a l c o m m u n i t i e s is s t r o n g l y i n f l u e n c e d b y r e g i o n a l e c o n o m i e s . Regions

and communities

offers i m p o r t a n t

new

perspectives on the links b e t w e e n e c o n o m i c and social history and the interaction of e c o n o m y and society. C o n t r i b u t o r s to V o l u m e 1: F . M . L .

T H O M P S O N ;

S M O U T ;

D . W .

W . A .

H O W E L L

and

A R M S T R O N G ; c.

B A B E R ;

R O S A L I N D

J . K . W A L T O N ;

M I T C H I S O N ; D.J.

R O W E ;

T . C . P . L .

G A R S I D E .

F . M . L .

T H O M P S O N

was Director of the Institute of Historical Research

a n d P r o f e s s o r o f H i s t o r y at t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f L o n d o n , 1 9 7 7 - 1 9 9 0 , a n d is a F e l l o w o f t h e B r i t i s h A c a d e m y .

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

THE CAMBRIDGE

SOCIAL

HISTORY

O F B R I T A I N 1750-1950 VOLUME 1

Regions and communities

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

THE

CAMBRIDGE

SOCIAL HISTORY OF B R I T A I N 1750-1950 V O L U M E

1

Regions and communities Edited by F. M . L.

THOMPSON

Director of the Institute of Historical Research and Professor of History, University of London

U CAMBRIDGE ""

UNIVERSITY PRESS

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

Published by the Press Syndicate of the University of Cambridge The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge CB2 1RP 40 West 20th Street, New York, NY 10011-4211 USA 10 Stamford Road, Oakleigh, Melbourne 3166, Australia © Cambridge University Press 1990 First published 1990 First paperback edition 1993 Reprinted 1996 British Library cataloguing in publication data The Cambridge social history of Britain 1750-1950. Vol. 1: Regions and communities. 1. Great Britain. Social conditions, 1714I. Thompson, F. M. L. (Francis Michael Longstreth) 941.07 Library of Congress cataloguing in publication data The Cambridge social history of Britain 1750-1950. Includes bibliographies and indexes. Contents: v. 1. Regions and communities v. 2. People and their environment - v. 3. Social agencies and institutions. 1. Great Britain - Social conditions. 2. Social structure - Great Britain - History. 3. Social institutions - Great Britain - History. I. Thompson, F. M. L. (Francis Michael Longstreth). HN385.C14 1990 306'.0941 89-9840 ISBN 0 521 25788 3 (v. 1) ISBN 0 521 25789 1 (v. 2) ISBN 0 521 25790 5 (v. 3) ISBN 0 521 25788 3 hardback ISBN 0 521 43816 0 paperback

Transferred to digital printing 2002

BS

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

Contents

List of t a b l e s

page vi

List of c o n t r i b u t o r s

vni

Editorial p r e f a c e 1

M.

L.

T H O M P S O N

The countryside W.

3

1

T o w n a n d city F.

2

XI

A.

87

A R M S T R O N G

Scotland 1750-1850 ROSALIND

155 M I T C H I S O N

Scotland 1850-1950 T.

4

281 H O W E L L

and

C.

BABER

K.

J.

L.

415

ROWE

London and the H o m e Counties P.

355

W A L T O N

The north-east D.

7

W.

The north-west J.

6

209

SMOUT

Wales D.

5

C.

471

GARSIDE

Bibliographies

541

Index

575

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

Tables

1.1

Percentage of the population of E n g l a n d and W a l e s living in t o w n s , 1 7 0 0 - 1 9 5 1

page 8

1.2

Relative and absolute growth of the urban population

3.1

P e r c e n t a g e o f e m p l o y e d p o p u l a t i o n e n g a g e d in v a r i o u s

of E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s , 1 7 0 0 - 1 9 5 1

11

o c c u p a t i o n s , 1 8 5 1 - 1 9 7 1 , all S c o t l a n d

211

3.2

Percentage of Scottish employed population and

3.3

P e r c e n t a g e o f S c o t t i s h e m p l o y e d p o p u l a t i o n e n g a g e d in

S c o t t i s h total p o p u l a t i o n in different r e g i o n s , 1 8 5 1 - 1 9 7 1 various occupations, 1851-1971, by regions

214

3.4

Percentage of Scottish insured population

3.5

P e r c e n t a g e of S c o t t i s h p o p u l a t i o n l i v i n g in c o m m u n i t i e s

unemployed,

1927-39 of different s i z e s , 1 8 6 1 - 1 9 5 1 3.6

213

225 244

P e r c e n t a g e o f S c o t t i s h p o p u l a t i o n l i v i n g in c o m m u n i t i e s of o v e r 5 , 0 0 0 , b y g e o g r a p h i c a l a r e a , 1 8 6 1 - 1 9 5 1

245

3.7

P o p u l a t i o n o f t h e six l a r g e s t S c o t t i s h t o w n s , 1 8 6 1 - 1 9 5 1

245

3.8

P e r s o n s p e r r o o m in S c o t t i s h h o u s e s , 1 8 6 1 - 1 9 5 1

253

3.9

P e r c e n t a g e o f S c o t t i s h p o p u l a t i o n i n h o u s e s o f different sizes, 1 8 6 1 - 1 9 5 1

254

3 . 1 0 N u m b e r s o f m a l e s e m p l o y e d in a g r i c u l t u r e , 1 8 8 1 , 1 9 1 1 a n d 1 9 5 1 , as a p e r c e n t a g e o f t h e n u m b e r s e m p l o y e d in 1851

258

3 . 1 1 P e r c e n t a g e o f m a r r i a g e s in S c o t l a n d t a k i n g p l a c e in c h u r c h e s o f different d e n o m i n a t i o n s , 1 8 6 1 - 1 9 5 0

271

3 . 1 2 P e r c e n t a g e of t h e p o p u l a t i o n a t t e n d i n g c h u r c h in Scotland and England, 30 March 1851 3 . 1 3 U n i v e r s i t y p l a c e s in E n g l a n d a n d S c o t l a n d , 1 8 3 0 - 1 9 5 0 6.1

272 278

P o p u l a t i o n a n d h o u s i n g s t o c k in t w o e a s t D u r h a m colliery v i l l a g e s , 1 8 3 1 - 8 1 : r a t e s o f i n c r e a s e ( p e r c e n t a g e ) by decade

vi

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446

Tables 6.2

vii

P o p u l a t i o n a n d h o u s i n g s t o c k in N e w c a s t l e a n d Sunderland, 1 8 1 1 - 7 1 : rates of increase (percentage) by decade

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

446

Contributors

w.

A.

A R M S T R O N G

is P r o f e s s o r o f E c o n o m i c a n d S o c i a l H i s t o r y at

t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f K e n t at C a n t e r b u r y . H e h a s w o r k e d e x t e n s i v e l y in t h e field o f n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y historical d e m o g r a p h y , a n d r e c e n t l y p u b l i s h e d Farmworkers: c.

BABER

a Social and Economic History,

1770-1980

(1988).

is S e n i o r L e c t u r e r in E c o n o m i c H i s t o r y at t h e U n i v e r s i t y

of W a l e s C o l l e g e o f Cardiff. H e h a s w r i t t e n m a i n l y o n t h e i n d u s t r i a l h i s t o r y o f S o u t h W a l e s , a n d is t h e j o i n t e d i t o r o f Modern South Wales: Essays in Economic History ( 1 9 8 6 ) . p.

L.

GARSIDE

is S e n i o r L e c t u r e r in E n v i r o n m e n t a l H e a l t h

and

H o u s i n g at the U n i v e r s i t y o f S a l f o r d . S h e h a s w o r k e d e x t e n s i v e l y o n the h o u s i n g a n d p l a n n i n g

h i s t o r y o f L o n d o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y in the

t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y , a n d is c o - a u t h o r o f Metropolitan Urban Change, 1837-1981 D.

w.

H O W E L L

London: Politics and

(1982).

is S e n i o r L e c t u r e r in H i s t o r y at t h e U n i v e r s i t y C o l l e g e

of S w a n s e a . H i s w o r k h a s c o n c e n t r a t e d o n t h e h i s t o r y o f rural s o c i e t y in W a l e s , a n d h i s b o o k s i n c l u d e Land and People in

Nineteenth-Century

Wales (1978) a n d Patriarchs and Parasites: The Gentry of South-West in the Eighteenth R O S A L I N D

Wales

Century ( 1 9 8 6 ) .

M I T C H I S O N

is E m e r i t u s P r o f e s s o r o f S o c i a l H i s t o r y at

t h e U n i v e r s i t y of E d i n b u r g h . H e r w o r k h a s c o v e r e d a w i d e r a n g e of S c o t t i s h agricultural, d e m o g r a p h i c , a n d social h i s t o r y , a n d h e r b o o k s i n c l u d e Lordship to Patronage: Scotland, 1603-1745

(1983).

D . j . R O W E is S e n i o r L e c t u r e r in E c o n o m i c H i s t o r y at t h e U n i v e r s i t y

of N e w c a s t l e u p o n T y n e . H e h a s w r i t t e n m a n y articles o n t h e s o c i e t y a n d e c o n o m y o f t h e n o r t h - e a s t in t h e e i g h t e e n t h a n d n i n e t e e n t h c e n ­ turies. T.

c.

S M O U T

is P r o f e s s o r of S c o t t i s h H i s t o r y at t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f

viii

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Contributors

ix

S t A n d r e w s . H e h a s w o r k e d e x t e n s i v e l y in m o d e r n S c o t t i s h e c o n o m i c h i s t o r y , a n d h i s b o o k s i n c l u d e A History of the Scottish People ( 1 9 6 9 ) . F.

M.

L. T H O M P S O N

is D i r e c t o r o f t h e I n s t i t u t e o f H i s t o r i c a l R e s e a r c h

a n d P r o f e s s o r o f H i s t o r y at t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f L o n d o n . H i s b o o k s i n c l u d e English Landed Society in the Nineteenth

Century (1963) a n d The

Rise of Respectable Society ( 1 9 8 8 ) . j.

K. W A L T O N

is S e n i o r L e c t u r e r in H i s t o r y at t h e U n i v e r s i t y of L a n c a s ­

ter. A h i s t o r i a n o f l e i s u r e as w e l l as o f t h e n o r t h - w e s t , h i s b o o k s i n c l u d e The Blackpool Landlady: A Social History (1978) a n d The English Resort: A Social History,

1750-1914

(1983).

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

Seaside

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

Editorial preface

T h e h i s t o r i a n ' s j o b is to find o u t a b o u t t h e p a s t a n d m a k e it intelligible a n d a c c e s s i b l e to t h e p r e s e n t . S u c h a n a p p a r e n t l y

straightforward

t a s k is b y n o m e a n s as s i m p l e a s it m a y s o u n d . F i n d i n g o u t w h a t h a p p e n e d a n d i n t e r p r e t i n g it in p a t t e r n s a n d d e s i g n s w h i c h m a k e s e n s e o f t h e p a s t are c o m p l i c a t e d a n d d e m a n d i n g p r o c e s s e s , r e q u i r i n g scholarship and expertise of a high order, but their value remains l i m i t e d u n l e s s t h e r e s u l t s are c o m m u n i c a t e d in a l a n g u a g e a n d f o r m w h i c h reach b e y o n d t h e restricted circle of fellow-specialists. C o m m u n i ­ c a t i o n is p a r t i c u l a r l y i m p o r t a n t for social h i s t o r y , a field w h o s e c o n ­ t o u r s a n d b o u n d a r i e s h a v e a l t e r e d o u t o f all r e c o g n i t i o n in t h e last g e n e r a t i o n , a s u b j e c t w h i c h is b u b b l i n g w i t h t h e vitality o f a n o u t p o u r ­ i n g o f m o n o g r a p h s a n d j o u r n a l articles, a n d a y o u n g d i s c i p l i n e w h i c h lacks the settled framework of a conventional orthodoxy or a received i n t e r p r e t a t i o n w i t h i n w h i c h or a g a i n s t w h i c h n e w d e p a r t u r e s o r o p e n rebellions can b e placed or assessed. T h e old stand-bys - constitutional h i s t o r y , political h i s t o r y , d i p l o m a t i c h i s t o r y , e c c l e s i a s t i c a l h i s t o r y , for e x a m p l e - all h a v e t h e s e e s t a b l i s h e d f r a m e w o r k s w h i c h d e f i n e t h e i r subject matters and enshrine explanations of the course of history. T h e s e are w i d e l y familiar, a l t h o u g h o f t e n m i s l e a d i n g o r m i s t a k e n ; this m e a n s that the terms of debate are well understood, that revisions are e a s i l y r e c o g n i s e d as r e v i s i o n s , a n d t h a t t h e i c o n o c l a s m o f o v e r t u r n ­ ing entrenched views does not go unnoticed. E c o n o m i c history, while much younger than these other subjects, has nevertheless established its r u l e s o f e n q u i r y , its m e t h o d o l o g i e s , a n d its c a n o n s o f d e b a t e , e v e n if it h a s n e v e r s u c c e e d e d in s t a k i n g o u t a territory w i t h s h a r p l y d e f i n e d a n d s t a b l e b o u n d a r i e s . S o m e m i g h t s a y t h a t it h a s d u g a g r o o v e for itself w h i c h s u c c e e d s in s h u t t i n g o u t a d e q u a t e c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f factors of c e n t r a l i m p o r t a n c e , for e x a m p l e t h e n a t u r e a n d o p e r a t i o n o f d e m a n d a n d o f c o n s u m p t i o n , in w h i c h social h i s t o r y c a n b e i l l u m i n a t i n g a n d supportive. xi

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xii

Editorial preface

S o c i a l h i s t o r y d e r i v e s its a p p e a l a n d f a s c i n a t i o n in n o s m a l l m e a s u r e f r o m its o p e n - e n d e d n e s s , its f r e e d o m f r o m t h e c o n s t r a i n t s o f a f o r m a l tradition, its eclectic h a b i t s , a n d s t a n d s in n o n e e d o f b e i n g r e n d e r e d i n t o a n a u t h o r i s e d v e r s i o n . T h i s is j u s t as w e l l , for o r t h o d o x i e s are n o t c r e a t e d b y editorial d e c r e e a n d if p e r c h a n c e t h e y are f a s h i o n e d b y b a n d s o f d i s c i p l e s t h e n t h e t h r e e v o l u m e s o f this s e r i e s are in little d a n g e r o f b e c o m i n g a C a m b r i d g e g o s p e l , for t h e a u t h o r s d o n o t b e l o n g to a n y o n e s i n g l e c a m p a n d d o n o t h a v e a c o m m o n a x e t o g r i n d . T h a t is n o t to s a y t h a t t h e y are a particularly d i s p u t a t i o u s or d o g m a t i c b u n c h , b u t s i m p l y t h a t t h e y are a t e a m o f i n d i v i d u a l i s t s e a c h o f w h o m h a s b e e n i n v i t e d to b r i n g t h e i r o w n s c h o l a r l y j u d g m e n t t o b e a r o n t h e t a s k in h a n d . T h a t t a s k is to c o m m u n i c a t e t h e fruits of r e c e n t w r i t i n g a n d t h e m o s t r e c e n t r e s e a r c h in social h i s t o r y to t h e w i d e r a u d i e n c e o f s t u d e n t s w h o are c u r i o u s t o k n o w w h a t t h e s p e c i a l i s t s h a v e b e e n d o i n g a n d h o w t h e i r w o r k fits i n t o a g e n e r a l p i c t u r e o f t h e w h o l e p r o c e s s o f social c h a n g e a n d d e v e l o p m e n t . T h e r e are t w o w a y s o f p r o d u c i n g a s y n t h e s i s : s i n g l e - h a n d e d c o m b a t , in w h i c h o n e a u t h o r t a k e s o n t h e w h o l e field a n d p r o d u c e s a d i g e s t a n d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f a l a r g e slice o f h i s t o r y ; or a t e a m effort, in w h i c h t h e field is s l i c e d u p a m o n g c o n t r i b u t o r s a c c o r d i n g t o t h e i r e x p e r t i s e a n d t h e o v e r v i e w is a c o - o r d i n a t e d p a c k a g e o f s e p a r a t e a u t h o r i t a t i v e elements. A s with individual sports a n d t e a m g a m e s , tennis a n d cricket or golf a n d football, e a c h a p p r o a c h h a s its o w n a t t r a c t i o n s a n d d i s a d v a n t a g e s , for p l a y e r s a n d s p e c t a t o r s alike, a n d e a c h h a s its p a r t i s a n s . T h e r e are s e v e r a l e x a m p l e s o f s o l o s y n t h e s e s o n offer in t h e field o f m o d e r n social h i s t o r y , n o t a b l y f r o m P e n g u i n , F o n t a n a C o l l i n s , a n d H u t c h i n s o n . A s t h e a u t h o r o f o n e o f t h e s e it is n o t m y p u r p o s e to d e c r y t h e i r m e r i t s . N o d o u b t t h e i r m a i n s t r e n g t h c o m e s from the coherence and unity which a picture of an entire landscape m a y h a v e w h e n s e e n t h r o u g h o n e pair o f e y e s a n d p a i n t e d b y o n e h a n d , a n d t h e i r m a i n w e a k n e s s f r o m t h e inability o f a s i n g l e pair of e y e s t o s e e e v e r y t h i n g or t o b e w e l l e d u c a t e d a n d w e l l i n f o r m e d a b o u t t h e s t r u c t u r e a n d m e a n i n g o f all t h e f e a t u r e s in t h a t l a n d s c a p e . S u c h v i r t u e s a n d v i c e s are n e a t l y b a l a n c e d b y t h e c o l l a b o r a t i v e s y n ­ t h e s i s , in w h i c h e a c h m a j o r f e a t u r e is g i v e n critical a p p r a i s a l b y a l e a d i n g specialist, w h i l e t h e l a n d s c a p e as a w h o l e is left to l o o k after itself in t h e e x p e c t a t i o n t h a t a n i m p r e s s i o n will f o r m in t h e m i n d of t h e b e h o l d e r . It w o u l d b e u n w i s e to try to c o m p e n s a t e for this b y raising an overarching superstructure over the individual contribu­ t i o n s in t h e s e v o l u m e s , for t h a t w o u l d c o m e c l o s e t o c o u r t i n g a d i s a s t e r

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xiii

a k i n to t h o s e w h i c h c u s t o m a r i l y visit u n i v e r s i t y b u i l d i n g s d e s i g n e d in c o m m i t t e e . T h e d e s i g n o f t h i s , t h e first e n t e r p r i s e to m a r s h a l t h e r e s o u r c e s o f t h e m u l t i - a u t h o r t e c h n i q u e to v i e w t h e e n t i r e s w e e p o f m o d e r n B r i t i s h social h i s t o r y , d o e s , h o w e v e r , call for e x p l a n a t o r y c o m ­ ment and description. I n t h e last g e n e r a t i o n or s o social h i s t o r i a n s h a v e b e e n c a s t i n g t h e i r nets wider and wider, into waters previously unnoticed and unex­ p l o r e d b y h i s t o r i a n s as w e l l as i n t o t h o s e f o r m e r l y fished w i t h t h e conventional equipment

o f t h e political, a d m i n i s t r a t i v e , or t r a d e -

u n i o n h i s t o r i a n . S o far h a s this g o n e t h a t it is s o m e t i m e s said t h a t all h i s t o r y w h i c h is n o t c o n c e r n e d w i t h t h e t e c h n i c a l i t i e s o f h i g h poli­ tics, d i p l o m a c y , or e c o n o m e t r i c s h a s b e c o m e a k i n d o f social h i s t o r y . T h i s social h i s t o r y h a s m o v e d a l o n g w a y , in its i n t e l l e c t u a l a p p r o a c h as w e l l as in its s u b j e c t m a t t e r , f r o m t h e ' h i s t o r y w i t h t h e politics left o u t ' w h i c h still s e r v e d as a definition o f social h i s t o r y in t h e 1 9 4 0 s . T h e r e m a y n o t b e a ' n e w ' social h i s t o r y in t h e s a m e w a y t h a t t h e r e is a ' n e w ' e c o n o m i c h i s t o r y as a s c h o o l o f t h o u g h t a p p l y i n g e c o n o ­ metrics a n d models d r a w n from e c o n o m i c theory to the u n d e r s t a n d i n g of h i s t o r i c a l e c o n o m i c p h e n o m e n a ; b u t social h i s t o r i a n s d r a w w i d e l y o n c o n c e p t s f r o m h i s t o r i c a l d e m o g r a p h y , social a n t h r o p o l o g y , s o c i o ­ l o g y , social g e o g r a p h y , a n d political s c i e n c e , as w e l l as f r o m e c o n ­ omics, and are well aware of the importance of quantification. Social h i s t o r i a n s o p e r a t i n g in this c o n c e p t u a l l y eclectic a n d e x p e r i m e n t a l f a s h i o n d o n o t h a v e t h e m e t h o d o l o g i c a l c e r t a i n t y , u n i t y , or rigidity of ' n e w ' e c o n o m i c h i s t o r y , a n d d e a l in c o n c l u s i o n s w h i c h are p r o b a b l e a n d p l a u s i b l e r a t h e r t h a n directly verifiable. T h i s social h i s t o r y h a s g e n e r a t e d m a n y v i g o r o u s c o n t r o v e r s i e s a n d d e b a t e s o n t o p i c s w i t h i n t h e p e r i o d c o v e r e d b y this s e r i e s : o n t h e s t a n d a r d o f living, c l a s s f o r m a t i o n , t h e l a b o u r a r i s t o c r a c y , or social c o n t r o l , for e x a m p l e , a n d m o r e r e c e n t l y o n g e n d e r r o l e s a n d w o m e n ' s e m a n c i p a t i o n . T h e s e i s s u e s h a v e n o t b e e n p i c k e d o u t for s e p a r a t e t r e a t m e n t in t h e s e v o l u m e s . T h e d e b a t e s are b e s t f o l l o w e d in t h e orig­ inal e x c h a n g e s , or in t h e s e v e r a l a d m i r a b l e s u r v e y s w h i c h are avail­ a b l e , a n d r e f e r e n c e s c a n b e f o u n d in t h e b i b l i o g r a p h i e s h e r e . T h e i s s u e s , m o r e o v e r , are b e s t u n d e r s t o o d w h e n p l a c e d w i t h i n t h e f r a m e ­ work of the conditions, customs, and institutions that shaped the w a y in w h i c h t h e p e o p l e l i v e d . H e n c e q u e s t i o n s o f c l a s s , social r e l a t i o n ­ s h i p s , g e n d e r d i f f e r e n c e s a n d r o l e s , a n d social conflict are d i s c u s s e d in t h e c o n t e x t o f a s e r i e s o f p a r t i c u l a r t h e m e s w h i c h c o n s t i t u t e t h e m a i n e l e m e n t s in t h a t f r a m e w o r k . T h e t h e m a t i c s t r u c t u r e m e a n s t h a t

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m u c h m a t t e r o f i n t e r e s t is left o u t , b e c a u s e it c h a n c e s to fall i n t o o n e of t h e o u b l i e t t e s b e t w e e n t h e m e s ; b u t w h i l e t h e r e is n o a t t e m p t at a literally c o m p l e t e c o v e r a g e , t a k e n t o g e t h e r t h e c h a p t e r s a d d u p to a c o m p r e h e n s i v e a n d b a l a n c e d a c c o u n t o f t h e c o m p l e x i t y , a n d diver­ sity, o f t h e i n t e r a c t i o n s b e t w e e n c o n t i n u i t y a n d c h a n g e w h i c h h a v e d e t e r m i n e d t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of B r i t i s h s o c i e t y in t h e t w o c e n t u r i e s since 1750. T h e s e r i e s , i n d e e d , p r o v i d e s t h r e e social h i s t o r i e s o f t h e s e t w o c e n ­ t u r i e s , e a c h o n e c o m p l e t e in itself at a l e v e l o f partial c o v e r a g e . T h a t is to say, t h e v o l u m e s t h e m s e l v e s are n o t d i v i d e d c h r o n o l o g i c a l l y , b u t i n t o t h r e e b r o a d t h e m a t i c c l u s t e r s : r e g i o n a l c o m m u n i t i e s ; social e n v i r o n m e n t ; a n d social i n s t i t u t i o n s . M u c h o f t h e r e c e n t p i o n e e r i n g w o r k in social h i s t o r y h a s a d v a n c e d t h r o u g h i n t e n s i v e s t u d y o f particu­ lar localities a n d c o m m u n i t i e s , a n d V o l u m e 1, Regions and

Communities,

d r a w s o n this a p p r o a c h b y p r e s e n t i n g a s e r i e s o f c h a p t e r s o n t h e social h i s t o r i e s o f d i s t i n c t i v e r e g i o n s . T h i s is n o t a n a t t e m p t to p a r c e l up the w h o l e of Britain into a n u m b e r of regions, which could run t h e risk o f r e d u c i n g social h i s t o r y to a s u b - b r a n c h o f local h i s t o r y . It is, r a t h e r , a c o l l e c t i o n o f s t u d i e s o f r e g i o n s - if S c o t l a n d a n d W a l e s c a n forgive t h e l a b e l - w h o s e s e p a r a t e i d e n t i t y is clearly e s t a b l i s h e d b y t h e i r distinctive n a t i o n a l , i n s t i t u t i o n a l , legal, a n d

administrative

h i s t o r i e s , a n d o f t h o s e o f u n d i s p u t e d significance as e x a m p l e s o f i m m e n s e social a n d e c o n o m i c c h a n g e ( t h e n o r t h - w e s t ) , c o n c e n t r a t i o n of p o w e r a n d w e a l t h ( t h e m e t r o p o l i s ) , a n d v i o l e n t c h a n g e s in f o r t u n e ( t h e n o r t h - e a s t ) . T h e o b v i o u s g e o g r a p h i c a l g a p s in this d i s p o s i t i o n are b r i d g e d b y t w o c h a p t e r s , o n t h e c o u n t r y s i d e a n d o n t h e city, w h o s e ' r e g i o n s ' are n o t localities w i t h fixed b o u n d a r i e s b u t shifting social territories d e f i n e d b y e n v i r o n m e n t a l , o c c u p a t i o n a l , a n d cultural criteria. R e g i o n a l c o m m u n i t i e s , t h e i r social c o h e s i o n , d i s i n t e g r a t i o n , a n d r e f o r m a t i o n , are s t r o n g l y i n f l u e n c e d b y r e g i o n a l e c o n o m i e s , a n d this v o l u m e , t h e r e f o r e , is m o r e directly c o n c e r n e d t h a n t h e f o l l o w i n g t w o w i t h t h e l i n k s b e t w e e n e c o n o m i c h i s t o r y a n d social h i s t o r y , a n d w i t h explicit c o n f r o n t a t i o n of t h e i n t e r a c t i o n o f e c o n o m y a n d s o c i e t y . W h e r e q u e s t i o n s o f social s t r u c t u r e a n d c l a s s r e l a t i o n s are r a i s e d in t h e s e t t i n g o f specific localities in V o l u m e 1, in V o l u m e 2 , People and their Environment,

t h e y are a p p r o a c h e d , u s i n g n a t i o n a l d a t a a n d

n a t i o n a l p a t t e r n s , t h r o u g h a c o l l e c t i o n o f s t u d i e s o f t h e living a n d w o r k i n g e n v i r o n m e n t . T h e f a m i l y a n d h o u s e h o l d , t h e social impli­ cations of demographic change, domesticity and the separation of h o m e and workplace, housing and the changing meaning of the h o m e ,

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t h e w o r k i n g e n v i r o n m e n t a n d e m p l o y e r - w o r k e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s , nutri­ tion and patterns of food and drink c o n s u m p t i o n , a n d leisure a n d p o p u l a r c u l t u r e are t h e t h e m e s o f this v o l u m e . T o g e t h e r t h e y s h o w h o w t h e social o r d e r w a s s h a p e d , r e p r o d u c e d , a n d c h a n g e d t h r o u g h t h e p r o c e s s e s o f g e t t i n g , s p e n d i n g , a n d s t a y i n g alive, t h r o u g h family, marriage, h o m e , work, consumption, and leisure. T h e s e agencies both g e n e r a t e d a n d m e d i a t e d social t e n s i o n s , b u t t h e m o r e explicit, institu­ t i o n a l i s e d , efforts to p r o t e c t t h e social o r d e r , to c o n t r o l or s u p p r e s s conflicts, to i n f l u e n c e a t t i t u d e s a n d b e h a v i o u r , a n d to m a n i p u l a t e social c o n d i t i o n s are r e s e r v e d for V o l u m e 3, Social Agencies and Institu­ tions. M u c h o f t h e r u n n i n g w a s m a d e b y t h o s e in p o w e r a n d a u t h o r i t y , and the chapters on government and society which explain the chang­ i n g i m p a c t o f g o v e r n m e n t o n p e o p l e ' s lives a n d t h e c h a n g e s in p o p u l a r e x p e c t a t i o n s o f w h a t g o v e r n m e n t c o u l d a n d s h o u l d p r o v i d e , as w e l l as t h e c h a p t e r o n c r i m e a n d p o l i c i n g , are c e n t r a l to t h i s t h e m e . M o s t socialisation, h o w e v e r , t o o k p l a c e t h r o u g h v o l u n t a r y a n d non-official i n s t i t u t i o n s t h a t w e r e l a r g e l y g e n e r a t e d f r o m w i t h i n a social g r o u p a n d n o t i m p o s e d u p o n it. T h e s e are t h e s u b j e c t o f c h a p t e r s o n phil­ anthropy and voluntary associations; while education, religion, and h e a l t h w e r e in a h a l f - w a y p o s i t i o n , p a r t l y t h e p r o v i n c e of official a n d often c o e r c i v e a c t i o n , partly a s p h e r e o f v o l u n t a r y i s m , self-help, a n d self-determination. E a c h v o l u m e is s e l f - c o n t a i n e d , w i t h its o w n set o f b i b l i o g r a p h i e s , a n d w i t h e a c h c h a p t e r c a r r y i n g its o w n c h r o n o l o g y o f t h e 2 0 0 y e a r s . T o g e t h e r t h e t h r e e v o l u m e s , w i t h t h e i r t h r e e different a n d c o m p l e ­ m e n t a r y a n g l e s o f a p p r o a c h , are d e s i g n e d to offer a n i n t e g r a t e d a n d w e l l - r o u n d e d social h i s t o r y t h a t is e x c i t i n g a n d c h a l l e n g i n g , as w e l l as b e i n g as u p - t o - d a t e as t h e c o n t r i b u t o r s , w h o h a v e w r i t t e n at differ­ e n t t i m e s w i t h i n t h e last five y e a r s , c a n m a k e it. F.

M.

L.

T H O M P S O N

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

CHAPTER 1

Town and city F. M . L. T H O M P S O N

A r e g i o n a l a p p r o a c h t o social h i s t o r y o b v i o u s l y w o r k s p r i m a r i l y w i t h i n g e o g r a p h i c a l b o u n d a r i e s , a n d it is t h e l o n g a c c u m u l a t i o n o f t h e effects o f t o p o g r a p h y a n d its i n f l u e n c e o n p a t t e r n s o f s e t t l e m e n t a n d a d m i n i s ­ trative a n d e c o n o m i c s t r u c t u r e s w h i c h is at t h e r o o t o f t h o s e r e g i o n a l identities that c a n b e o b s e r v e d t h r o u g h the m a n y s u p e r i m p o s e d layers of n a t i o n a l a n d i n t e r n a t i o n a l f o r c e s , r e l i g i o u s a n d c l a s s d i v i s i o n s , a n d i n w a r d a n d o u t w a r d m i g r a t i o n . A s i m p l i f i e d p i c t u r e s u g g e s t s that b y the early s e v e n t e e n t h century Britain p o s s e s s e d a reasonably unified a n d integrated ruling class, predominantly landed, following o n the u n i o n of the c r o w n s a n d the T u d o r d e v e l o p m e n t of central p o w e r . A l t h o u g h the eighteenth century w a s to b e half over before m a n y o f t h e S c o t t i s h e l e m e n t s s l o t t e d firmly i n t o p l a c e in t h i s class, it w a s o n e w h i c h w a s b r o a d l y h o m o g e n e o u s in c u l t u r e , in life style a n d a s p i r a t i o n s ; its m e m b e r s s p o k e t h e s a m e l a n g u a g e , if n o t a l w a y s t h e s a m e dialect u n t i l t h e s e c o n d h a l f o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , t h e y i n t e r m a r r i e d freely, a n d a n y s u r v i v i n g r e g i o n a l d i f f e r e n c e s b e t w e e n t h e m were romantic displays of c u s t o m rather than matters of serious social o r political c o n s e q u e n c e . B y t h e m i d - e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y t h e p r o f e s s i o n a l , financial, a n d m e r c a n t i l e m i d d l e c l a s s w e r e similarly b r o a d l y u n i f i e d , w i t h v a l u e s y s t e m s a n d social c u s t o m s w h i c h tran­ scended

regional

boundaries,

although

the

marked

differences

b e t w e e n t h e l e g a l s y s t e m s o f E n g l a n d a n d S c o t l a n d m e a n t that p r o f e s ­ s i o n a l l y t h e B r i t i s h l e g a l w o r l d h a s n e v e r b e c o m e fully i n t e g r a t e d . It is t r u e t h a t m a n u f a c t u r e r s a n d i n d u s t r i a l i s t s , w h o in a n y c a s e w e r e o n l y b e g i n n i n g t o r i s e a b o v e p r o v i n c i a l o b s c u r i t y in t h e early n i n e ­ t e e n t h c e n t u r y , s t o o d a p a r t f r o m t h i s b o u r g e o i s circle, a n d to s o m e e x t e n t c o n t i n u e d t o d o s o i n t o t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y . It is also t r u e that a m o n g the farmers w e r e to b e found m a n y families of authenti­ cally m i d d l e - c l a s s w e a l t h a n d s t a t u s w h o n e v e r t h e l e s s r e m a i n e d p r o v 1

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2

F. M.

L. T H O M P S O N

incial a n d d i s t i n c t i v e l y r e g i o n a l in t h e i r social h o r i z o n s a n d b e h a v i o u r . All t h e s a m e it c a n b e a r g u e d t h a t b y t h e later e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y r e g i o n a l differences of a n y significance, in s p e e c h , d r e s s , diet, h o u s i n g , w o r k p r a c t i c e s , e m p l o y m e n t c u s t o m s , s p o r t s , e n t e r t a i n m e n t s , a n d to s o m e e x t e n t in r e l i g i o u s p r a c t i c e s a n d o t h e r rituals, h a d b e c o m e t h e preserve of the working classes, a m o n g w h o m farm workers and country craftsmen w e r e the chief transmitters of tradition and c u s t o m a l t h o u g h t h e y w e r e c l o s e l y s u p p o r t e d in this b y m a n y m o r e u r b a n t r a d e s at l e a s t i n t o t h e later n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . T h i s c l a s s - c h r o n o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e o n t h e r e g i o n a l d i m e n s i o n s in B r i t i s h social h i s t o r y , w h i c h is implicit in t h e o t h e r c h a p t e r s in this v o l u m e , n e e d s to b e c o m p l e m e n t e d b y a parallel a p p r o a c h to different k i n d s o f social r e g i o n , w h i c h are a l s o spatial b u t w h o s e d e f i n i n g c h a r ­ acteristics are e n v i r o n m e n t a l r a t h e r t h a n g e o g r a p h i c a l . T o w n a n d c o u n t r y , u r b a n a n d rural are distinct, m u t u a l l y e x c l u s i v e , c a t e g o r i e s p a r t of e v e r y d a y t e r m i n o l o g y for d e s c r i b i n g p l a c e s a n d e x p r e s s i n g p e r c e p t i o n s , l a b e l s u s e d in d r a w i n g a d m i n i s t r a t i v e , fiscal, a n d l e g a l distinctions b e t w e e n places and b e t w e e n the inhabitants of those p l a c e s , b u t t h e y are a t t a c h e d to a r e a s w h i c h e x p a n d a n d c o n t r a c t t h r o u g h c h a n g e s in u s e a n d s e t t l e m e n t , a n d are n o t territorially p r e d e ­ t e r m i n e d in t h e f a s h i o n o f traditional p r o v i n c e s a n d r e g i o n s . T h e t a s k of t h i s c h a p t e r is t o e n q u i r e in w h a t w a y s , a n d for h o w l o n g , u r b a n e n v i r o n m e n t s s h a p e d , or c o n t a i n e d , a d i s t i n c t i v e social e x p e r i e n c e , p e r h a p s c u t t i n g a c r o s s c l a s s differences a n d r e g i o n a l d i f f e r e n c e s , w h i c h c o n t r a s t e d w i t h t h e life a n d m a n n e r s o f t h e c o u n t r y s i d e . T h e c h r o n o l o g y is t h a t o f t h e m o v e f r o m a m i n o r i t y u r b a n c u l t u r e to a n urban domination so complete that urban ways and urban values h a v e taken over the w h o l e of society. Urbanisation has b e e n so t h r o u g h g o i n g in t h e t w o c e n t u r i e s s i n c e 1 7 5 0 t h a t is h a s in effect l i q u i d a t e d w h a t w a s a social r e g i o n , b y t u r n i n g it i n t o t h e n a t i o n .

I T h e t o w n a n d c o u n t r y d i c h o t o m y is a useful a n a l y t i c a l d e v i c e , b u t its d r a w b a c k s a n d l i m i t a t i o n s in d e s c r i b i n g e c o n o m i c a n d social real­ ties, o r i n d e e d political a n d a d m i n i s t r a t i v e facts, n e e d to b e u n d e r s t o o d from the outset. Rural society was proclaimed b y the census authori­ ties to h a v e b e c o m e a m i n o r i t y o f t h e n a t i o n in 1 8 5 1 : 5 0 . 1 p e r c e n t of t h e p o p u l a t i o n o f E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s , a n d 5 1 . 8 p e r c e n t o f t h e

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Town and city

3

population of S c o t l a n d , w e r e reported to b e living in u r b a n a r e a s .

1

T h e c e n s u s a u t h o r i t i e s , h o w e v e r , h a d o n l y i m p e r f e c t m e a n s for c l a s s i ­ fying a r e a s as e i t h e r u r b a n o r rural, n o t s i m p l y b e c a u s e t h e l e g a l a n d local g o v e r n m e n t a r r a n g e m e n t s prevailing in 1 8 5 1 w e r e i n a d e q u a t e for d r a w i n g a s h a r p l i n e b e t w e e n t o w n a n d c o u n t r y , b u t m o r e i m p o r ­ tantly because the organisation and structure of the e c o n o m y , and the patterns of settlement a n d of social relations, m e a n t that n o such sharp line existed in reality. In defining the t o w n population, legal status w a s indeed of considerable help; the inhabitants of municipal b o r o u g h s a n d o f p l a c e s a d m i n i s t e r e d u n d e r a specific T o w n I m p r o v e ­ m e n t Act w e r e obviously t o w n s p e o p l e . B u t in addition t h e c e n s u s c o u n t e d as u r b a n all w h o l i v e d i n ' t o w n s o f s o m e 2 , 0 0 0 o r m o r e i n h a b i ­ tants, without any organisation other than the parish vestry', pro­ v i d e d , t h a t is, t h e r e w e r e 2 , 0 0 0 o r m o r e p e o p l e i n a s i n g l e e n u m e r a t i o n district, w h i c h w a s n o r m a l l y a c o m p l e t e p a r i s h o r t o w n s h i p . A t o w n can,

n a t u r a l l y , b e d e f i n e d i n a n u m b e r o f different w a y s ,

taking

account of size, function, occupational structure, h o u s i n g density, a n d l e g a l s t a t u s ; b u t o n a n y d e f i n i t i o n it is a p p a r e n t t h a t t h e 1 8 5 1 classification is l i k e l y t o h a v e o v e r s t a t e d t h e d e g r e e o f u r b a n i s a t i o n b y i n c l u d i n g m a n y p a r i s h e s t h a t w e r e i n r e a l i t y l a r g e a g r i c u l t u r a l vil­ l a g e s firmly a n c h o r e d i n r u r a l s o c i e t y . T h e p r e v a l e n c e o f v e r y s m a l l b u r g h s in S c o t l a n d , w h i c h w e r e m u n i c i p a l i n f o r m , c o u p l e d w i t h t h e circumstance that several Scottish ' t o w n s ' with less than 2,000 inhabi­ t a n t s w e r e c l a s s e d a s u r b a n i n 1 8 5 1 , a c c o u n t s for t h e r a t h e r u n e x p e c ­ t e d , a n d a s it t u r n s o u t m i s l e a d i n g , i m p r e s s i o n t h a t S c o t l a n d w a s s l i g h t l y m o r e u r b a n i s e d t h a n E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s , w i t h its i m p l i e d corollary that Scottish u r b a n g r o w t h h a d b e e n faster in the previous h u n d r e d years or s o .

2

T h e s e criteria c o n t i n u e d t o b e u s e d for e n u m e r a t i n g t h e u r b a n p o p u ­ lation until the 1881 c e n s u s , b y w h i c h time the recently established urban sanitary districts, created b y the public health legislation of 1872 a n d 1875, w e r e available as c o n v e n i e n t l y appropriate units. F r o m 1

2

1851 Census of Great Britain, I, Table VII (England and Wales), pp. cciv-ccvii, Table XIV (Scotland), pp. ccxviii-ccix. A. F. Weber, The Growth of Cities in the Nineteenth Century (1899; reprinted 1967), pp. 46, 58. Later recalculations give the urban popula­ tion of England and Wales as 54 per cent in 1851: C .M. Law, 'The Growth of Urban Population in England and Wales, 1801-19ir, Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 41 (1967), pp. 125-43. 1871 Census of England and Wales, TV, Introd., p. xxxii. In 1851 thirteen burghs in Scotland and eight boroughs in Wales had less than 1,000 inhabitants: 1851 Census of Great Britain, I, Tables VII and XIV.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

4

F. M.

L.

T H O M P S O N

1 9 0 1 o n w a r d s t h e u r b a n district c o u n c i l s , e s t a b l i s h e d b y t h e 1894 L o c a l G o v e r n m e n t A c t in t h e w a k e o f t h e c r e a t i o n o f c o u n t y c o u n c i l s in 1888, w e r e u s e d in c e n s u s e s , along with c o u n t y b o r o u g h s a n d munici­ p a l b o r o u g h s , to d i s t i n g u i s h u r b a n a r e a s a n d u r b a n p o p u l a t i o n f r o m t h e rural r e s i d u e . F o r t h e 1 8 5 1 - 7 1 p e r i o d , t h e r e f o r e , t h e c e n s u s ' t o w n ' w a s a p l a c e , w h e t h e r p a r i s h or t o w n s h i p , w h i c h h a d 2 , 0 0 0 or m o r e i n h a b i t a n t s ; m o s t h i s t o r i a n s h a v e t a k e n t h i s to m e a n , p l a u s i b l y b u t n o t strictly a c c u r a t e l y , t h a t t h e c e n s u s ' t o w n ' h a d a m i n i m u m p o p u l a ­ tion of 2 , 5 0 0 .

3

F r o m 1 9 0 1 t h e c e n s u s ' t o w n ' w a s , at t h e l e a s t , a n

a r e a a d m i n i s t e r e d b y a n u r b a n district c o u n c i l ; a l t h o u g h n o m i n i m u m p o p u l a t i o n w a s p r e s c r i b e d for q u a l i f y i n g for t h i s f o r m o f l o c a l g o v e r n ­ m e n t , it h a s b e e n w i d e l y a s s u m e d , b e c a u s e it is c o n v e n i e n t t o b e l i e v e that c e n s u s returns are a reliable source of a l o n g run of c o m p a r a b l e figures, t h a t u r b a n district c o u n c i l s also h a d a m i n i m u m p o p u l a t i o n of 2 , 5 0 0 .

4

I n p r a c t i c e u r b a n district c o u n c i l s c o u l d w e l l o w e t h e i r

e x i s t e n c e to h i s t o r y , t r a d i t i o n a n d l o c a l p o l i t i c s , r a t h e r t h a n to s i z e or t h e p o s s e s s i o n o f r e c o g n i s a b l y u r b a n p h y s i c a l or e c o n o m i c f e a t u r e s . T h u s in 1 9 0 1 , 15 p e r c e n t o f t h e u r b a n district c o u n c i l s i n E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s , 170 of t h e m , h a d populations of less t h a n 2,500. T h e smal­ lest, C h i l d w a l l in L a n c a s h i r e , o n t h e f r i n g e s o f L i v e r p o o l , h a d n o m o r e t h a n 2 1 9 p e o p l e ; i n all t h e r e w e r e 2 8 districts w i t h l e s s t h a n 1 , 0 0 0 i n h a b i t a n t s . M o r e o v e r , t h e 1 7 0 t i n y t o w n s or p s e u d o - t o w n s i n c l u d e d 22 municipal boroughs, hangovers from the days of medieval charters, i n t o a n a g e in w h i c h l o c a l g o v e r n m e n t e x p e r t s t h o u g h t t h a t a b o r o u g h n e e d e d 1 0 , 0 0 0 p e o p l e at t h e v e r y l e a s t . Two

5

c o n c l u s i o n s c a n b e d r a w n f r o m t h i s . F i r s t , at t h e e n d o f t h e

n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y after u p w a r d s o f a c o u p l e o f c e n t u r i e s o f r a p i d u r b a n g r o w t h t h e r e w e r e still m a n y p l a c e s t h a t w e r e 'towns'

which were

(Suffolk),

indubitably

exceedingly small. For example,

Aldeburgh

Appleby (Westmorland), Bromyard (Hereford),

Church

Stretton (Salop), Fishguard (Pembroke), Lampeter (Cardigan), L y m e Regis

(Dorset),

Montgomery,

Padstow

(Cornwall),

Rothbury

(Northumberland), Seaton (Devon), Stow-on-the-Wold (Gloucester), W a l t o n - o n - t h e - N a z e ( E s s e x ) , or W o o d s t o c k ( O x f o r d ) , all l o o k e d a n d 3

4

5

B. T. Robson, Urban Growth: An Approach (1973), pp. 46-60, discusses the efforts, particularly by C. M. Law, to recalculate census returns from 1801 to 1911 taking a 2,500 town population threshold. P. J. Waller, Town, City and Nation: England, 1850-1914 (Oxford, 1983), pp. 2 - 8 , gives urban population figures for 1851 to 1911 using the 2,500 population threshold. 1911 Census of England and Wales, PP1912/13, CXI, Table 8, pp.10-40. In Scotland forty-three burghs had less than 2,000 inhabitants, eighteen of them less than 1,000: 1911 Census of Scotland, I, p. xvii.

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Town and city

5

b e h a v e d like t o w n s . T h e y h a d i n n s , h o t e l s , b o a r d i n g h o u s e s , b a n k s , a variety of shops, professional services, markets, and well-established h i n t e r l a n d s ; t h e y w e r e s o m e t h i n g different f r o m e i t h e r o v e r g r o w n villages or merely residential clusters. Several of t h e m w e r e ancient b o r o u g h s ; all o f t h e m in 1 9 0 1 h a d l e s s t h a n 2 , 5 0 0 , m a n y o f t h e m less t h a n 2,000, i n h a b i t a n t s . S e c o n d , there w e r e also m a n y administra­ t i v e a r e a s w i t h s m a l l p o p u l a t i o n s w h i c h w e r e classified as u r b a n t h a t h a d a few genuinely 'urban' characteristics. For example, the Lincoln­ s h i r e v i l l a g e s o f R o x b y ( p o p u l a t i o n in 1 9 0 1 , 3 8 9 ) a n d

Ruskington

( p o p u l a t i o n 1,196) h a d t h e s t a t u s o f u r b a n districts , b u t w e r e in fact far m o r e rural a n d a g r i c u l t u r a l t h a n t h e m a r k e t t o w n o f S p i l s b y , w h i c h 6

a d m i n i s t r a t i v e l y w a s s i m p l y p a r t o f a l a r g e rural d i s t r i c t . T h e s e t w o f a c t o r s p u l l e d t h e u r b a n - r u r a l c a l c u l a t i o n s in o p p o s i t e d i r e c t i o n s , b u t it c a n n o t b e a s s u m e d t h a t t h e y n e a t l y c a n c e l l e d e a c h o t h e r o u t . It w a s i n d e e d argued b y С. M . L a w that the administrative definitions, a n d s u b j e c t i v e j u d g m e n t s o f i n d i v i d u a l e n u m e r a t o r s , in t h e 1 8 5 1 a n d 1861 censuses caused a marked understatement of the urban popula­ t i o n , t h r o u g h t h e e x c l u s i o n o f m a n y s u b u r b s , w h i c h lay b e y o n d t h e administrative boundaries of their parent towns, and the exclusion of m a n y m u s h r o o m i n g i n d u s t r i a l , m i n i n g , or d o r m i t o r y v i l l a g e s w h i c h particular e n u m e r a t o r s h a p p e n e d not to think of as ' t o w n s ' although their populations e x c e e d e d the notional 2,000 threshold that w a s sup­ p o s e d to h a v e b e e n uniformly applied. L a w t h e n recalculated the u r b a n p o p u l a t i o n in all t h e p r e - 1 9 1 4 c e n s u s e s u s i n g h i s o w n t h r e s h o l d of a m i n i m u m p o p u l a t i o n o f 2 , 5 0 0 in a p a r i s h o r t o w n s h i p , w i t h a m i n i m u m d e n s i t y o f o n e p e r s o n p e r a c r e , s h o w i n g for e x a m p l e t h a t o n these definitions 54 per cent of the people of E n g l a n d and W a l e s w e r e u r b a n in 1 8 5 1 , r a t h e r t h a n t h e 5 0 . 1 p e r c e n t s t a t e d in t h e c e n s u s i t s e l f .

7

T h e i m p o r t a n t p o i n t is n o t w h e t h e r t h e u r b a n p o p u l a t i o n w a s 5 0 p e r c e n t or 5 4 p e r c e n t o f t h e w h o l e in 1 8 5 1 , b u t t h a t t h e r e is n o simple, straightforward, objective, a n d generally applicable definition of a t o w n , a n d h e n c e t h e r e are n o c l e a r - c u t b o u n d a r i e s o f u r b a n s o c i e t y . A r b i t r a r y d e c i s i o n s are i n e s c a p a b l e in a n y s y s t e m o f classifica­ tion. L a w defended his choice of a population threshold of 2,500 partly o n t h e g r o u n d s t h a t in p r a c t i c e it e x c l u d e d t h e s m a l l e r m a r k e t t o w n s w h o s e activities w e r e c l o s e l y c o n n e c t e d w i t h t h e rural w a y o f life. It is r e a s o n a b l e t o w a n t to e x c l u d e s m a l l e r m a r k e t t o w n s f r o m t h e 6

7

R. J. Olney, Rural Society and County Government in Nineteenth-Century (Lincoln, 1979), p. 141. Law, 'Growth of Urban Population', pp. 125-43.

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Lincolnshire

6

F . M. L . T H O M P S O N

u r b a n f a m i l y w h e n i n t e r e s t is c o n c e n t r a t e d o n t h e d i s t a n c e s e p a r a t i n g a t o w n ' s e c o n o m y f r o m a g r i c u l t u r e . Y e t for o t h e r p u r p o s e s t h e e x c l u ­ s i o n m u s t s e e m a r b i t r a r y a n d s u b j e c t i v e , for a s t h e 1 8 5 1 c e n s u s R e p o r t itself o b s e r v e d t h e i n t e r d e p e n d e n c e o f t o w n a n d c o u n t r y , o f a g r i c u l ­ ture a n d trade a n d industry, w a s in m a n y respects increasing rather 8

than diminishing with the growth of the urban e l e m e n t . T h e exclu­ sion of places w h i c h w e r e almost w h o l l y d e v o t e d to servicing agricul­ t u r e m i g h t r e s u l t , i n e x t r e m e c a s e s , i n refusal t o a c c e p t t h a t C h i c a g o or W i n n i p e g , o r n e a r e r h o m e G r a n t h a m o r L u t o n , w e r e t o w n s at all u n t i l t h e y c u t l o o s e f r o m d i r e c t l y a g r i c u l t u r a l l y d e p e n d e n t

indus­

tries a n d b u s i n e s s e s at a l a t e s t a g e i n t h e i r d e v e l o p m e n t . L a w c o n ­ cluded that b y 1841, 4 8 . 3 per cent of the population of E n g l a n d and W a l e s w a s u r b a n . B y a d d i n g b a c k t h e s m a l l e r m a r k e t t o w n s to h i s figure it m i g h t w e l l b e a r g u e d t h a t t h e h a l f - w a y m a r k i n u r b a n i s a t i o n h a d a l r e a d y p a s s e d i n 1 8 4 1 . S u c h a n a d j u s t m e n t is u n i m p o r t a n t e x c e p t as a n i n d i c a t i o n t h a t t h e e c o n o m i c r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n t o w n

and

c o u n t r y r a n g e d all t h e w a y f r o m c o m p l e t e d e p e n d e n c e o n t h e f a r m i n g of t h e i m m e d i a t e r e g i o n t o c o m p l e t e i s o l a t i o n f r o m t h e i m m e d i a t e region and dependence on the operations of international markets, a n d t h a t p e r h a p s t h e o n l y e c o n o m i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c w h i c h all t o w n s h a d in c o m m o n w a s that a majority of their economically active p o p u ­ l a t i o n w a s n o t e n g a g e d i n tilling t h e fields. T h e spatial r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n t o w n a n d c o u n t r y , o r m o r e a c c u ­ rately the spatial configuration of t o w n s , adds a further complication t o t h e d e l i n e a t i o n o f u r b a n a n d rural p o p u l a t i o n s . I n t h e m i d - n i n e ­ teenth century the administratively urban areas, particularly of the largest a n d m o s t rapidly growing t o w n s , understated the size of urban populations b e c a u s e suburbs a n d satellites lay b e y o n d city limits, far m o r e t h a n t h e y o v e r s t a t e d t h e s i z e b e c a u s e t h e y e m b r a c e d t h i n l y p o p u l a t e d rural f r i n g e s . B y t h e e n d o f t h e c e n t u r y t h e b o o t w a s o n t h e o t h e r foot, after h a l f a c e n t u r y o f m u n i c i p a l i m p e r i a l i s m h a d s u c ­ c e e d e d in a n n e x i n g considerable rural territories t h r o u g h

boundary

e x t e n s i o n s i n t e n d e d t o s a f e g u a r d l i n e s o f future e x p a n s i o n a n d a p p r o ­ p r i a t e t h e i r r a t e a b l e v a l u e s for t h e m o t h e r - c i t y . T h e statistical effect w a s m o r e to exaggerate the physical area occupied b y t o w n s

than

to inflate t h e i r t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n s , s i n c e t h e s e o p e n s p a c e s a n d f a r m l a n d fringes r e m a i n e d l i g h t l y p e o p l e d , b u t t h e p o p u l a t i o n effect w a s n o t n e g l i g i b l e . It w a s n o t u n t i l 1 9 5 1 t h a t t h e c e n s u s t r i e d t o t a c k l e t h i s

8

1851 Census of Great Britain, I, Report, p. lxxxiv.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

Town and city

7

p r o b l e m . T h e R e p o r t t h e n a c k n o w l e d g e d t h a t ' f o r s o m e t i m e it h a s b e e n felt t h a t t h e c u s t o m a r y a n a l y s i s o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n b y t y p e s o f Administrative Area m a y not give an accurate picture of urban develop­ m e n t ' , b e c a u s e t h e a r e a o f b o r o u g h a n d u r b a n district c o u n c i l s o f t e n c o n t a i n e d ' t r a c t s o f l a n d t h a t c a n n o t fairly b e c a l l e d u r b a n i n c h a r a c t e r ' w h i l e r u r a l district c o u n c i l s c o n t a i n e d s o m e l a n d t h a t o u g h t t o b e c a l l e d u r b a n . T h e 1 9 5 1 d a t a w e r e , t h e r e f o r e , a n a l y s e d o n n e w defini­ tions w h i c h classified every w h o l e w a r d or parish as either 'built-up l a n d ' if it h a d a p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y o f m o r e t h a n t e n p e o p l e t o t h e acre, or rural land. T h e result s h o w e d that m o r e t h a n 12 per cent of the p e o p l e living in u r b a n administrative areas s h o u l d m o r e pro­ p e r l y b e t e r m e d rural, w h i l e 7 p e r c e n t o f t h o s e i n r u r a l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e a r e a s w e r e i n fact u r b a n i s e d . T h e m o s t d r a m a t i c d i s t o r t i o n s i n t h e conventional measures which were revealed were that well over one third of t h e ' t r u e ' rural population w e r e to b e f o u n d in u r b a n adminis­ t r a t i v e districts; t h a t W a l e s t a k e n o n its o w n w a s e v e n l y b a l a n c e d , h a l f u r b a n a n d h a l f rural, r a t h e r t h a n b e i n g 7 0 p e r c e n t u r b a n ;

and

that n o m o r e than 72 per cent of the population of E n g l a n d and W a l e s w e r e urbanised, against the 81 per cent of the conventional calcula­ tion.

9

T h e r e is n o w a y o f p r o j e c t i n g t h e s e c o r r e c t i o n s b a c k w a r d s

t o p r e - 1 9 5 1 c e n s u s e s w i t h a n y d e g r e e o f reliability; b u t t h e fact t h a t the 1951 urban proportion, 72 per cent, h a d already b e e n surpassed i n 1 8 9 1 i n b o t h t h e official c o n t e m p o r a r y c e n s u s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n a n d i n L a w ' s r e v i s e d e s t i m a t e s , m u s t g i v e p a u s e for t h o u g h t a b o u t t h e scale, timing, and pace of the w h o l e process of urban growth. A l l t h i s a m o u n t s t o s a y i n g t h a t all m e a s u r e s o f t o w n s a n d o f t h e i r p l a c e i n t h e n a t i o n w h i c h r e l y u p o n criteria o f p o p u l a t i o n s i z e , p o p u l a ­ tion density, a n d administrative treatment are inherently uncertain a n d i m p r e c i s e at t h e m a r g i n b e t w e e n t o w n a n d c o u n t r y . Y e t t h e r e a r e n o o t h e r criteria w h i c h offer at l e a s t t h i s d e g r e e o f a p p r o x i m a t e precision a n d this possibility of reasonably comparable m e a s u r e m e n t s o v e r a l o n g p e r i o d o f t i m e . If t h i s is t r u e o f t h e p e r i o d s i n c e 1 8 0 1 , with

the

decennial censuses supplying

sophisticated

figures,

increasingly reliable

and

it is e v e n m o r e t r u e o f t h e p r e - c e n s u s a g e . A

goodly n u m b e r of local h e a d c o u n t s , h o w e v e r , w e r e m a d e in the course of the eighteenth century, either b y t o w n g o v e r n m e n t s or by private individuals curious about the population a n d resources of their locality. T h e historian of eighteenth-century t o w n s , P. J . Corfield, 9

1951 Census of England and Wales, General Report (1958), pp. 60, 83, and General Tables (1956), Table 3.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

8

F. M.

L. T H O M P S O N

T a b l e 1.1 Percentage of the population of England and Wales living in towns,

1700 1750 1801 1851 1901 1951 [1951

1700-1951 Towns 2,50010,000

Towns 10,000100,000

Towns over 100,000

All towns

5 6 10 10 9 1

2 6 13 19 25 16

11 11 11 25 44 55 54

18 23 34 54 78 72 81]

Sources: 1700: Corfield, Impact of Towns, Table II; 1750: ibid.; 1801: Law, 'Growth of Urban Population', Table XI; 1851: ibid.; 1901: ibid.; 1951: 1951 census, new definitions; [1951]: 1951 census, old definitions. has e x a m i n e d m o r e than 125 such listings, a n d from their evidence a n d t h e n o n q u a n t i t a t i v e e v i d e n c e o f t o p o g r a p h i c a l a n d literary s o u r c e s has provided informed estimates of eighteenth-century urban popula­ tion. A b s e n c e of evidence prevents her estimates from incorporating t h e fine a d j u s t m e n t s o f t h e c e n s u s - b a s e d c a l c u l a t i o n s , a n d in p a r t i c u l a r t h e difficulty o f i d e n t i f y i n g a n d q u a n t i f y i n g t h e s m a l l e r a n d m o r e obscure places a m o n g the 500 market centres of 1700 which might have passed the 2,500 population threshold she adopts, may have l e d t o s o m e u n d e r c o u n t i n g , b u t t h e y p r o v i d e a firm f o u n d a t i o n for depicting the broad outlines of long-run urban g r o w t h .

10

T h e s e o u t l i n e s are s u m m a r i s e d in T a b l e 1 . 1 , a n d b o t h t h e i m m e n s e impact of urban growth and the long-drawn-out nature of the transfor­ m a t i o n o f a p r e d o m i n a n t l y rural s o c i e t y i n t o a p r e d o m i n a n t l y u r b a n s o c i e t y are r e a d i l y a p p a r e n t . T h e full p o w e r o f t h e u r b a n i s i n g i m p u l s e c a n b e b e t t e r a p p r e c i a t e d if g r o w t h r a t e s are c o n s i d e r e d a l o n g s i d e t h e static p r o p o r t i o n s o f T a b l e 1 . 1 . I n e a c h fifty-year p e r i o d u n t i l 1 9 0 1 t h e u r b a n p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e d at m o r e t h a n t w i c e t h e r a t e o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n as a w h o l e , w i t h e s p e c i a l l y s t r o n g s p u r t s in t h e first h a l f of t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y a n d t h e first h a l f o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . T h e scale o f u r b a n e x p a n s i o n b e t w e e n 1 7 0 0 a n d 1 7 5 0 w a s , o f c o u r s e , t i n y b y later s t a n d a r d s : t h e u r b a n p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e d f r o m 9 7 0 , 0 0 0 to 1 , 3 8 0 , 9 0 0 w h i l e in 1 9 0 1 it n u m b e r e d 2 5 . 3 m i l l i o n , a n d in 1 9 5 1 b e t w e e n 3 1 . 5 a n d 3 5 . 3 m i l l i o n a c c o r d i n g t o w h i c h definition is u s e d . 10

P. J. Corfield, The Impact of English Towns, 1700-1800 (Oxford, 1982), Tables I and II, pp. 6-9. See also C. W. Chalklin, The Provincial Towns of Georgian England (1974), pp. 3-54.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

Town and city

9

B u t it t o o k p l a c e i n a p e r i o d o f o n l y m o d e s t i n c r e a s e in t h e p o p u l a t i o n a s a w h o l e , r o u g h l y f r o m 5 m i l l i o n to 6 m i l l i o n , b e i n g q u i t e l a r g e l y s u s t a i n e d b y i m m i g r a t i o n f r o m t h e c o u n t r y districts; a n d it h a p p e n e d b e f o r e a n y o f t h e g r e a t t e c h n i c a l a n d o r g a n i s a t i o n a l c h a n g e s in m a n u ­ f a c t u r i n g i n d u s t r y , a l t h o u g h t h e r e w e r e i m p o r t a n t d e v e l o p m e n t s in t r a d e a n d f i n a n c e , a n d to s o m e e x t e n t in i n l a n d t r a n s p o r t , in t h e first h a l f o f t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y . T h i s is n o t to s u g g e s t t h a t t h e r e w e r e n o e c o n o m i c c a u s e s a n d effects o f t h e e x p a n s i o n o f t o w n s . B u t it d o e s s h o w both the importance of 'pre-industrial urbanism', which had b e e n gathering pace from the later s e v e n t e e n t h century, a n d the clear c o n c e p t u a l as w e l l as c h r o n o l o g i c a l d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n u r b a n i s a t i o n and industrialisation.

11

T h a t d i s t i n c t i o n i n e v i t a b l y b e c o m e s b l u r r e d after 1 7 5 0 , s i n c e t h e g r o w t h of industry a n d the growth of the urban population so clearly c o i n c i d e d , a n d s i n c e s o m a n y o f t h e r i s i n g g i a n t s a m o n g cities - G l a s ­ g o w , B i r m i n g h a m , M a n c h e s t e r , L e e d s a n d S h e f f i e l d , for e x a m p l e were closely associated with manufacturing. E v e n though the most rapidly growing t o w n s included ports and resorts which h a d compara­ tively m i n o r i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r s , if a n y - L i v e r p o o l , B r i s t o l , N e w c a s t l e , H u l l , B a t h , or B r i g h t o n - it c a n b e a r g u e d t h a t t h e y o w e d t h e i r liveli­ h o o d s to i n d u s t r i a l w e a l t h a n d to t h e c o m m e r c e g e n e r a t e d b y i n d u s t r y . W h i l e L o n d o n , far a n d a w a y t h e l a r g e s t t o w n o f all, w a s a l s o far a n d a w a y t h e l a r g e s t m a n u f a c t u r i n g t o w n in t h e c o u n t r y , a l t h o u g h n o t t h e s e a t o f l a r g e - s c a l e or h e a v y i n d u s t r y . N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e oscilla­ t i o n s in t h e i n t e n s i t y o f u r b a n g r o w t h o v e r l o n g p e r i o d s s u g g e s t t h a t if it w a s n o t a u t o n o m o u s , t h e n it w a s d e p e n d e n t o n i n d u s t r i a l d e v e l o p ­ m e n t , a n d e c o n o m i c g r o w t h m o r e g e n e r a l l y , o n l y in i n d i r e c t a n d c o m ­ plicated w a y s . T h u s , the early years of the industrial revolution a n d t h e significant i n c r e a s e in t h e r a t e o f e c o n o m i c g r o w t h in t h e s e c o n d half of the eighteenth century rather surprisingly p r o d u c e d a decele­ r a t i o n in u r b a n e x p a n s i o n : total u r b a n p o p u l a t i o n i n d e e d

doubled

b e t w e e n 1750 a n d 1 8 0 1 , but while this w a s twice the rate of growth of t h e p o p u l a t i o n as a w h o l e , in t h e p r e v i o u s h a l f - c e n t u r y t o w n s h a d g r o w n t w o a n d a h a l f t i m e s as fast as t h e w h o l e p o p u l a t i o n . B e t w e e n 1 8 0 1 a n d 1 8 5 1 , w h i c h m a y b e p i c t u r e d as t h e h a l f - c e n t u r y in w h i c h the k e y industries of early industrialisation, cotton, iron, and coal, c o n s o l i d a t e d t h e i r p o s i t i o n in t h e e c o n o m y , u r b a n g r o w t h a g a i n accel­ e r a t e d t o t w o a n d a h a l f t i m e s t h e p a c e o f t h e i n c r e a s e in p o p u l a t i o n

11

Corfield, Impact of Towns, pp. 7-15; Chalklin, Provincial Towns, pp. 17-20.

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10

F . M. L . T H O M P S O N

as a w h o l e . T h i s familiar p i c t u r e o f t h e m o s t r a p i d u r b a n g r o w t h g o i n g h a n d in h a n d with the most rapid industrial expansion did not, h o w ­ e v e r , p e r s i s t i n t o t h e s e c o n d h a l f o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . It is n o w fashionable to see the seeds of industrial decline germinating in this h a l f c e n t u r y , a n d it is t r u e t h a t i n t e r m s o f i n t e r n a t i o n a l c o m p a r i s o n s B r i t a i n w a s l o s i n g its p o s i t i o n a s l e a d i n g i n d u s t r i a l n a t i o n b y t h e last q u a r t e r o f t h e c e n t u r y . Still, t h e y e a r s b e t w e e n 1 8 5 1 a n d 1 9 0 1 w e r e the years w h e n industrialisation really took hold, the years w h e n steam p o w e r and m a c h i n e m e t h o d s b r o a d e n e d out from their pre­ viously narrow base and took over the whole general range of manu­ f a c t u r e s , t h e y e a r s w h e n t h e r a i l w a y s p r o d u c e d t h e i r full i m p a c t o n the e c o n o m y , a n d the years in w h i c h total industrial

production

i n c r e a s e d m o r e t h a n i n a n y o t h e r fifty-year p e r i o d i n t h e last t w o and a half centuries.

1 2

Urban expansion of course remained vigorous;

b u t it fell b a c k t o n o m o r e t h a n d o u b l e t h e r a t e o f g e n e r a l p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h , t h u s l e a v i n g t h e first h a l f o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y a s t h e period of t h e m o s t i n t e n s e relative growth of t o w n populations in B r i t i s h h i s t o r y , e v e n t h o u g h it w a s t h e s e c o n d h a l f o f t h e c e n t u r y w h i c h s a w b y far t h e g r e a t e s t a d d i t i o n t o t h e a b s o l u t e n u m b e r s o f towndwellers ever experienced. T h e different, a n d at t i m e s c o n t r a s t i n g , d i m e n s i o n s o f t h e s c a l e , a n d o f t h e p r o c e s s , o f u r b a n i s a t i o n a r e q u a n t i f i e d i n T a b l e 1.2. P e r h a p s t h e m o s t s t r i k i n g f e a t u r e is t h e g r e a t c h a n g e w h i c h h a s c o m e o v e r t h e s c e n e s i n c e t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y . It c e r t a i n l y c a n n o t b e a r g u e d t h a t t h e first h a l f o f t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y w a s a p e r i o d o f s p e c t a c u l a r , let a l o n e u n i n t e r r u p t e d , e c o n o m i c g r o w t h , w i t h the disruption of two world wars and the troubles of the interwar economy. Nonetheless, the years between 1901 and 1951 saw the arrival o f m o t o r v e h i c l e s , t h e s p r e a d o f e l e c t r i c i t y , a n d t h e d e v e l o p ­ m e n t o f m a n y n e w i n d u s t r i e s , a n d it w a s m a i n l y b e c a u s e o f t h e s e t h a t t o t a l i n d u s t r i a l p r o d u c t i o n i n fact i n c r e a s e d n e a r l y a s m u c h i n t h e s e fifty y e a r s a s it h a d d o n e b e t w e e n 1 8 5 1 a n d 1 9 0 1 . U r b a n i s a t i o n , h o w e v e r , s h o w e d n o r e s p o n s e t o t h i s i n d u s t r i a l g r o w t h . O n a n y defi­ nition of 'urban' the process of urban growth slowed to a snail's pace after 1 9 0 1 ; o n t h e n e w , m o r e s o p h i s t i c a t e d , d e f i n i t i o n s p r o d u c e d i n t h e 1 9 5 1 c e n s u s it e v e n s e e m e d t h a t a r e v e r s e f l o w h a d d e v e l o p e d , 12

Industrial production and broad rates of increase in it, taken from P. Deane and W. A. Cole, British Economic Growth 1688-1959, 2nd edn (Cambridge, 1967), Table

37, p. 166, and C. H. Feinstein, Statistical Tables of National Income, Expenditure, and Output of the U.K. 1855-1965

(Cambridge, 1976), Table 51, T l l l - 1 3 .

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Town and city

11

T a b l e 1.2 Relative and absolute growth of the urban population of England and Wales,

1700-1951

Total urban population (000s) 1700 1700-50 1750 1750-1801 1801 1801-51 1851 1851-1901 1901 1901-51 1951 1901-51 1951

Increase in urban population (000s)

Increase in urban population as multiple of total population increase

970

—

411

2.47

1,381

—

—

—

1,344 — 6,679

2.15 — 2.52

3,009

— 9,688

—

—

—

15,684

2.0 — 1.14

25,372

—

— —

10,277 — 6,147

31,519

—

35,336

— 0.71

—

Sources: 1700-50: Corneld, Impact of Towns, Table I; 1750-1801: ibid.; 1801-51: Law, 'Growth of Urban Population', Table XI; 1851-1901: ibid.; 1901-51: 1951 census, old definitions (first set of figures); 1901-51: 1951 census, new defini­ tions (second set of figures). p o s s i b l y f r o m as e a r l y as t h e 1 9 2 0 s , w i t h rural p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s i n g slightly faster t h a n t h e u r b a n for t h e first t i m e s i n c e t h e s e v e n t e e n t h century. A l a r g e p a r t o f t h i s t w e n t i e t h - c e n t u r y h a l t in u r b a n g r o w t h w a s s i m p l y t h e n e c e s s a r y d e m o g r a p h i c effect o f t h e p r e v i o u s u r b a n e x p a n ­ sion. O n c e the urban population h a d b e c o m e the decisively predomi­ n a n t part o f total p o p u l a t i o n , t h e n t h e m a j o r part o f a n y

further

i n c r e a s e s in total p o p u l a t i o n w a s b o u n d t o b e g e n e r a t e d b y t h e u r b a n p o p u l a t i o n itself, s o t h a t t h e g r o w t h r a t e s o f t h e t w o w e r e likely t o c o n v e r g e . T h i s is b r o a d l y w h a t h a s h a p p e n e d s i n c e 1 9 0 1 . T h e t w e n ­ tieth-century demonstration that urbanisation has reached saturation p o i n t w h e n s o m e w h e r e b e t w e e n t h r e e - q u a r t e r s a n d four-fifths o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n live in t o w n s n e v e r t h e l e s s r e m a i n s i m p o r t a n t . T h e y e a r 1901 m a r k e d the e n d of a process of urban expansion which h a d started in t h e s e v e n t e e n t h c e n t u r y , a n d t h e a p p e a r a n c e o f a m a t u r e , fully u r b a n i s e d s o c i e t y . It w o u l d b e g r o s s l y m i s l e a d i n g , h o w e v e r , t o l e a v e any impression that the mature urban society of the twentieth century h a s b e e n in a n y w a y static. F o r o n e t h i n g t h e u r b a n p o p u l a t i o n h a s c o n t i n u e d t o i n c r e a s e , a n d b e t w e e n 1 9 0 1 a n d 1 9 5 1 at l e a s t 6 m i l l i o n

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

12

F. M. L . T H O M P S O N

p e o p l e w e r e a d d e d t o t h e t o w n s . B u t a b o v e all i n t e r n a l shifts w i t h i n t h e u r b a n s t r u c t u r e a n d b e t w e e n different l e v e l s o f t h e h i e r a r c h y o f towns, w h i c h h a d b e e n h a p p e n i n g throughout the centuries of urban g r o w t h , c o n t i n u e d a n d w e r e i n t e n s i f i e d in t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y . T h e rise o f t h e l a r g e t o w n s w i t h p o p u l a t i o n s o v e r 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 c a n b e s e e n in T a b l e 1 . 1 . T h r o u g h o u t t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y L o n d o n w a s t h e s o l e t o w n o f t h i s s i z e , a n d w i t h its p o p u l a t i o n r i s i n g f r o m j u s t o v e r h a l f a m i l l i o n t o j u s t u n d e r o n e m i l l i o n in t h e c o u r s e o f t h e c e n t u r y it w a s i n a c l a s s o f its o w n , as it h a s r e m a i n e d . B y t h e 1 8 2 0 s L o n d o n h a d b e e n j o i n e d in t h e 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 - t o w n l e a g u e b y L i v e r p o o l , M a n c h e s t e r , a n d B i r m i n g h a m . B y 1 8 5 1 f o u r m o r e t o w n s B r a d f o r d , Bristol, L e e d s , a n d Sheffield h a d p a s s e d t h i s m a r k ; i n 1 9 0 1 t h e r e w e r e t w e n t y - e i g h t t o w n s , o u t s i d e L o n d o n , w i t h m o r e t h a n 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 p e o p l e , a n d forty six in 1 9 5 1 ( o n e , Halifax, e n t e r e d t h e l e a g u e briefly in 1 9 0 1 a n d 1 9 1 1 , a n d t h e n fell b a c k b e l o w t h e t h r e s h o l d ) . O u t s i d e L o n d o n , a q u a r t e r of t h e u r b a n p o p u l a t i o n l i v e d in t h e s e t o w n s in 1 8 5 1 , two-fifths in 1 9 0 1 , a n d m o r e t h a n t w o - t h i r d s in 1 9 5 1 . T o p u t it in a n o t h e r w a y , if t h e ' t y p i c a l ' t o w n is p i c t u r e d as t h e k i n d o f p l a c e i n w h i c h m o r e t h a n half o f t h e u r b a n p o p u l a t i o n l i v e s , t h e n l e a v i n g L o n d o n a s i d e again, for m o s t o f t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y t h i s w a s a t o w n w i t h l e s s than 10,000 inhabitants; b y the beginning of the nineteenth century this h a d b e c o m e a t o w n w i t h u n d e r 2 0 , 0 0 0 p e o p l e , a n d b y m i d - c e n t u r y one with under 50,000. B y 1901 m o r e than half the urban population outside L o n d o n lived in t o w n s with m o r e than 50,000 people, but it w a s o n l y after 1 9 3 1 t h a t t h e l a r g e t o w n s w i t h m o r e t h a n 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 i n h a b i t a n t s b e c a m e t y p i c a l i n t h i s s e n s e . M o r e o v e r , it w a s t h e t w e n ­ tieth c e n t u r y w h i c h c o i n e d t h e t e r m ' c o n u r b a t i o n ' to d e s c r i b e t h e super-large u r b a n concentrations that are agglomerations of o n c e s e p a r a t e t o w n s , a n d for a b r i e f spell b e t w e e n 1 9 7 4 a n d 1 9 8 6 g a v e t h e c o n c e p t a d m i n i s t r a t i v e e x p r e s s i o n in t h e six M e t r o p o l i t a n C o u n t i e s of G r e a t e r L o n d o n , s o u t h - e a s t L a n c a s h i r e , t h e W e s t M i d l a n d s , W e s t Yorkshire, M e r s e y s i d e , and T y n e s i d e . T h e conurbation of Greater L o n d o n , as a p r a c t i c a l l y c o n t i n u o u s b u i l t - u p a r e a m u c h l a r g e r t h a n the administrative areas of the Cities of L o n d o n a n d W e s t m i n s t e r , h a d e x i s t e d as a p h y s i c a l , e c o n o m i c a n d social fact at l e a s t s i n c e t h e sixteenth century, and had b e e n recognised by the census from the start, l o n g b e f o r e t h e i n n e r c o r e o f g r e a t e r L o n d o n w a s officially d e l i n ­ e a t e d b y t h e M e t r o p o l i t a n B o a r d o f W o r k s in 1 8 5 6 a n d t h e L o n d o n C o u n t y C o u n c i l in 1 8 8 8 . T h e p r o v i n c i a l c o n u r b a t i o n s w e r e t a k i n g s h a p e in t h e last q u a r t e r o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , a l t h o u g h s o m e

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Town and city

13

w e l l - k n o w n e x a m p l e s o f p h y s i c a l u n i o n d e s p i t e civic s e p a r a t i o n , s u c h as M a n c h e s t e r a n d Salford or N e w c a s t l e a n d G a t e s h e a d , h a d occurred earlier. T h e terminology to describe t h e m w a s n o doubt invented, b y Patrick G e d d e s in 1 9 1 5 , b e c a u s e t h e p h e n o m e n o n already existed on t h e g r o u n d . B u t it w a s t h e i n t e r w a r d e v e l o p m e n t s o f h o u s i n g e s t a t e s a n d b u s r o u t e s w h i c h finally k n i t t e d t h e s e c o n u r b a t i o n s t o g e t h e r as p h y s i c a l e n t i t i e s , a n d t h e c e n s u s a u t h o r i t i e s w e r e n o t m o v i n g far b e h i n d t h e t i m e s w h e n t h e y first r e c o g n i s e d t h e s i x c o n u r b a t i o n s a s distinctive areas in 1951; 4 0 p e r cent o f the total population a n d nearly 50 per cent of t h e u r b a n population w e r e t h e n living in t h e m , a n d 37 per cent of the n o n - L o n d o n urban population. Arguably, the rep­ resentative t o w n s m a n h a d b e c o m e a resident in a million-strong s p r a w l ( t h o u g h o n e o f t h e six c o n u r b a t i o n s , T y n e s i d e , r e m a i n e d j u s t b e l o w the million m a r k ) .

1 3

This survey of a few of t h e m o r e p r o m i n e n t features in the history of u r b a n p o p u l a t i o n a n d t o w n s i z e s s i n c e t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y is m o s t n o t a b l e for t h e u n c e r t a i n a n d e v e n c o n t r a d i c t o r y n a t u r e o f t h e p o i n t e r s it p r o v i d e s for t h e a r r a n g e m e n t a n d p e r i o d i s a t i o n o f a n y treat­ m e n t o f t h e u r b a n p r o c e s s . F r o m a d i s t a n c e 1 8 5 1 s t a n d s o u t as t h e great landmark,

t h e w a t e r s h e d b e t w e e n p r e d o m i n a n t l y rural p r e -

m o d e r n Britain a n d predominantly urban m o d e r n Britain; but on a c l o s e r a p p r o a c h its s i g n i f i c a n c e d i s s o l v e s a s d o u b t s o v e r t h e m e a n i n g of ' u r b a n ' r e d u c e it t o a m e r e statistical a b s t r a c t i o n . If w e f o l l o w W a l l e r in agreeing that a 'proper' town, of a size, appearance, and presence t o m a r k it off c l e a r l y f r o m b e i n g a v i l l a g e , w a s a p l a c e w i t h o v e r 1 0 , 0 0 0 people, t h e n this l a n d m a r k s h o u l d b e m o v e d forwards to 1 8 7 1 .

1 4

This

is a t e n a b l e p o s i t i o n ; b u t s c a r c e l y m o r e t e n a b l e t h a n a p r o p o s i t i o n that the essential difference b e t w e e n p r e - m o d e r n a n d modern, 13

It is interesting to note that Scotland showed a greater degree of urbanisation, and of concentration in a single town, than England and Wales, but a less pro­ nounced general development of large towns, apart from Edinburgh and Glasgow, there being only a further two with more than 100,000 people: Aberdeen (from 1881) and Dundee (from 1871).

1801 1851 1901 1951 14

in

Urban pop. as percentage of total pop.

Increase in urban pop. as multiple of total pop. increase

30 52 74 83

2.65 2.2 1.93

_

Pop. of Glasgow as percentage of total pop.

Pop. of towns over 100,000 as percentage of total pop.

4.7 12.5 20.1 21.3

0 19.5 36.0 37.6

Waller, Town, City and Nation, p. 6.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

14

F . M. L. T H O M P S O N

u r b a n t e r m s , lies n o t in t h e p r e s e n c e o f u n d i f f e r e n t i a t e d t o w n s b u t in t h e p r e s e n c e o f ' l a r g e ' t o w n s . ' L a r g e ' t o w n s , in t u r n , m a y b e d e f i n e d as t h o s e w i t h m o r e t h a n 5 0 , 0 0 0 p e o p l e , in w h i c h c a s e t h e l a n d m a r k shifts t o 1 9 0 1 ; or t h o s e w i t h o v e r 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 w h e n it b e c o m e s 1 9 3 1 . A g a i n , a qualitative r a t h e r t h a n q u a n t i t a t i v e j u d g m e n t c o u l d s e l e c t 1 8 1 1 as o n e t u r n i n g p o i n t , w h e n t h e first t o w n s o u t s i d e L o n d o n p a s s e d t h e 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 t h r e s h o l d ( L i v e r p o o l , E d i n b u r g h a n d G l a s g o w , in size o r d e r ) , a n d 1 9 1 1 as a s e c o n d , w h e n G l a s g o w b e c a m e t h e first city o u t s i d e L o n d o n t o e x c e e d t h e 1 m i l l i o n m a r k , t o b e f o l l o w e d in 1 9 3 1 b y B i r m ­ i n g h a m . I n t h e i r w a y t h e s e are all useful m i l e s t o n e s , m a r k i n g signifi­ cant and interesting points along the path of urbanisation, and others c a n b e r e a d i l y d e v i s e d to r e c o r d k e y c h a n g e s in u r b a n p e r c e p t i o n s , e n v i r o n m e n t s , o r i n s t i t u t i o n s . T h e t r u t h is, h o w e v e r , t h a t t h e c o n c e p t of u r b a n s o c i e t y as a h o m o g e n e o u s a n d a u t o n o m o u s s e c t o r o f s o c i e t y is t o o m u c h o f a n a b s t r a c t i o n for it to b e s e n s i b l e to a t t e m p t to c o n s t r u c t a n u r b a n c h r o n o l o g i c a l f r a m e w o r k w h i c h is i n d e p e n d e n t o f t h e c o n ­ v e n t i o n a l p e r i o d i s a t i o n e m p l o y e d in d i s c u s s i n g t h e b r o a d e r c o n t e x t of e c o n o m i c , political, t e c h n o l o g i c a l , a n d d e m o g r a p h i c c h a n g e s a n d developments within which urban society was shaped. W h i c h m e a n s in p r a c t i c e t h a t t h e t w o c e n t u r i e s after 1 7 5 0 are m o s t c o n v e n i e n t l y sliced at 1 8 1 5 a n d 1 9 1 4 , e v e n if t h i s m a k e s t h e h i s t o r i a n ' s k n i f e c u t through many important urban threads. II I n t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y a n y o n e w h o s a i d ' t o w n ' w a s likely t o m e a n L o n d o n . L o n d o n w a s unique in Britain, well over ten times larger t h a n t h e s e c o n d city ( N o r w i c h in 1 7 0 0 , Bristol b y 1 7 5 0 ) , a n d w i t h o u t e q u a l in E u r o p e . T h e t r a p p i n g s o f b i g city life, t h e g r a n d e u r a n d t h e s q u a l o r , t h e w e a l t h a n d t h e m i s e r y , t h e e l e g a n c e a n d t h e filth, t h e p e r p e t u a l b u s t l i n g activity, t h e p o w e r , t h e p l e a s u r e , a n d t h e p a i n , w e r e to b e f o u n d in L o n d o n a l o n e . T o b e s u r e , N o r w i c h h a d w e a l t h , B r i s t o l h a d b u s t l e , a n d B a t h h a d g r a c e ; b u t in c o m p a r i s o n w i t h L o n d o n a n y w h e r e e l s e s e e m e d s m a l l , s l e e p y , a n d o f little a c c o u n t . E c h o e s o f L o n d o n ' s d o m i n a n c e o f t h e l a n g u a g e o f t o w n s c a n o f c o u r s e still b e h e a r d . T h e ' t o w n ' in t h e d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n t o w n a n d c o u n t r y m e m b e r s h i p , subscriptions, or clothes, of m a n y clubs, associations, o r f a s h i o n g u i d e s refers o n l y to L o n d o n . ' G o i n g u p to t o w n ' is a p h r a s e u n d e r s t o o d n o t m e r e l y in t h e s o u t h - e a s t b u t t h r o u g h o u t e d u ­ c a t e d E n g l a n d , for g o i n g to L o n d o n , a n d u n t i l t h e 1 9 6 0 s at r a i l w a y stations

'up'

platforms

and

'down'

platforms

were

universally

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Town and city

15

intelligible as s e r v i n g t r a i n s g o i n g t o , a n d c o m i n g f r o m , L o n d o n . It w a s this equation of ' t o w n ' with L o n d o n w h i c h gave eighteenthc e n t u r y v i e w s o n t h e m e r i t s a n d d e m e r i t s o f u r b a n life m o s t o f t h e i r s h a r p flavour, for it w a s t h e v i r t u e s a n d v i c e s o f L o n d o n in p a r t i c u l a r w h i c h w e r e at i s s u e . T h e debate o n the threat to morality a n d public order p o s e d b y t h e g i a n t city w a s a l r e a d y o l d w h e n t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y s t a r t e d . A r g u m e n t s w e r e r e i t e r a t e d r a t h e r t h a n r e f i n e d or d e v e l o p e d ; t h e s i n k of i n i q u i t y , t h e b o t t o m l e s s pit o f c o r r u p t i o n , t h e u n r u l y m a s s o f u n g o v ­ ernable people, remained opposed by the counter-images of the bas­ tion of civilisation against barbarism, the cradle of e n l i g h t e n m e n t , refinement, and taste, and the heart and brain of the w h o l e k i n g d o m , in t h e d a y s o f C o b b e t t a n d W o r d s w o r t h - w h o d e n o u n c e d t h e ' i n f e r n a l w e n ' a n d t h e ' d i s s o l u t e c i t y ' - at t h e e n d o f t h e c e n t u r y , j u s t as t h e y h a d b e e n a h u n d r e d years earlier. T h e eighteenth century adds t w o n a m e s to those w h o h a v e s h o w n appreciation of L o n d o n ' s c h a r m s in m e m o r a b l e p h r a s e s , A l e x a n d e r P o p e a n d S a m u e l J o h n s o n ; b u t it did not add a n y n e w i d e a s .

1 5

Contemporaries were

understandably

fascinated, e v e n m e s m e r i s e d , b y the e n o r m o u s size a n d complexity of L o n d o n a n d its a p p a r e n t p o w e r to d i r e c t a n d c o n t r o l t h e life o f the entire nation, not only through the instruments of government, but t h r o u g h the c h a n n e l s of trade, credit, i n v e s t m e n t , opinion, fashion a n d t a s t e . It w a s n o t u n t i l t h e 1 8 3 0 s a n d 1 8 4 0 s t h a t p e r c e p t i o n s o f t o w n life c e a s e d t o b e m o n o p o l i s e d b y L o n d o n a s s o l e e x e m p l a r , a n d w e r e generalised to register feelings about large t o w n s in general. A l t h o u g h t h e t o w n - c o u n t r y d e b a t e c o n t i n u e d in e d u c a t e d o p i n i o n a n d in l i t e r a t u r e , a n d i n d e e d w a s s h a r p e n e d u n d e r t h e i n f l u e n c e o f Ruskin and William Morris, the 'country party' increasingly focussed t h e i i p o l e m i c o n t h e u g l i n e s s , filth, a n d s q u a l o r o f t h e g r e a t i n d u s t r i a l cities w h i c h h o u s e d t h e s m o k e s t a c k i n d u s t r i e s .

16

W h a t w a s left f r o m

the earlier tradition w a s a feeling of e n v y a n d r e s e n t m e n t of L o n d o n ' s d o m i n a n c e , o f political p o w e r , o f w e a l t h , o f i n t e l l e c t u a l a n d c u l t u r a l life, a f e e l i n g s h a r e d b y a n d p e r h a p s n u r t u r e d i n t h e g r e a t p r o v i n c i a l cities. T h e t o w n - c o u n t r y d i c h o t o m y h a d b e c o m e overlayed b y the c a p i t a l - p r o v i n c e s split, a n d f r o m t h e 1 8 7 0 s t h e m a j o r i t y o f t h e p r o v i n ­ cial p o p u l a t i o n w a s itself u r b a n . 15

16

Alexander Pope: 'this dear, damn'd distracting town' ('Farewell to London'). Samuel Johnson: 'When a m a n is tired of London he is tired of life' (Boswell's Life of Johnson, 20 Sept. 1777). F. M. L . Thompson, 'Towns, Industry, and the Victorian Landscape', in S. R. J. Woodell, ed., The English Landscape (Oxford, 1985), pp. 168-72.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

16

F . M. L . T H O M P S O N

It is u n d e r s t a n d a b l e t h a t m a n y p e o p l e t h o u g h t o f e i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y L o n d o n a s s o m e s t r a n g e a n d u n f a m i l i a r m o n s t e r , a n d it is t r u e t h a t it c o n t a i n e d m a n y m y s t e r i o u s a n d d a n g e r o u s c o u r t s a n d w a r r e n s , a n d w h o l e districts, w h i c h w e r e s e l d o m p e n e t r a t e d b y o u t s i d e r s . Y e t o n e socially i m p o r t a n t p a r t o f L o n d o n life w a s s i m p l y a n a n n u a l m i g r a t i o n f r o m t h e c o u n t r y s i d e . T h e r o o t s o f t h e L o n d o n s e a s o n g o b a c k to the m o v e m e n t s of the Court and the meetings of Parliament, just as t h e t o w n h o u s e s o f t h e n o b i l i t y a n d g e n t r y c a n b e t r a c e d b a c k to t h e i n n s a n d p a l a c e s k e p t b y m e d i e v a l b i s h o p s a n d m a g n a t e s , m a i n l y along the strand connecting the City and Westminster. T h e establish­ m e n t of the regular, and lengthy, winter and spring season, h o w e v e r , was an eighteenth-century development, strongly influenced b y the regularity of parliamentary sessions that followed the Glorious Revo­ l u t i o n a n d t h e a r i s t o c r a t i c d o m i n a n c e w h i c h it, a n d its s e q u e l o f t h e H a n o v e r i a n s u c c e s s i o n , e n t r e n c h e d . T h e social life o f t h e s e a s o n , w i t h plays, operas, concerts, m a s k e d balls, soirees, salons, a n d firework displays, b e c a m e increasingly elaborate, and required an increasing s u p p l y o f i m p o s i n g r e s i d e n c e s , a s w e l l as s p e c i a l i s e d p u b l i c b u i l d i n g s , t o s u p p o r t it. M a n y o f t h e w e a l t h i e s t a n d m o s t p o w e r f u l a r i s t o c r a t s built a n d re-built t h e i r L o n d o n h o t e l s i n t h e I t a l i a n a t e o r P a l l a d i a n m o d e o n the grand scale; D e v o n s h i r e , Chesterfield, Burlington, a n d S p e n c e r H o u s e s d u r i n g t h e r e i g n o f G e o r g e II, for e x a m p l e , a n d L a n s d o w n e , C h a n d o s , D e r b y , a n d Carlton H o u s e s in the 1770s a n d 1780s; B u c k i n g h a m H o u s e , built b y J o h n Sheffield, D u k e of B u c k i n g h a m , in t h e e a r l y e i g h t e e n t h

century and

subsequently purchased

by

G e o r g e III, w a s a r e d b r i c k m e m b e r o f t h i s g r o u p . M o s t o f t h e n o b i l i t y a n d t h e c o u n t y f a m i l i e s w h o c a m e t o L o n d o n for P a r l i a m e n t a n d t h e season were content with more modest, though

still s u b s t a n t i a l ,

h o u s e s in the fashionable W e s t E n d squares; the m a i n thrust b e h i n d the development of elegant Georgian London, indeed, came from their d e m a n d .

1 7

T h e s e a s o n w a s a n a n n u a l g a t h e r i n g o f t h e c o u n t r y ' s elite for p u r ­ p o s e s o f political, social, s e x u a l , a n d c o m m e r c i a l i n t e r c o u r s e . It w a s a t i m e for b u s i n e s s a n d for p l e a s u r e , for p o l i t i c k i n g , m a t c h m a k i n g , horse-trading,

seeing

bankers,

raising

loans,

consulting

family

l a w y e r s , g a m b l i n g , d a n c i n g , a n d i n t r i g u i n g . It w a s a t i m e w h e n a r c h i ­ t e c t s a n d artists, a c t o r s a n d m u s i c i a n s , m e d i c a l m e n a n d a m b i t i o u s preachers found patrons and audiences and secured employment, 17

John Summerson, Georgian London (1945) remains the standard work on the architec­ tural history of 'polite' eighteenth-century London.

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Town and city

17

w h i l e w i t s a n d c o u r t e s a n s m a d e t h e i r r e p u t a t i o n s . Its start b r o u g h t a n a n n u a l flurry o f o r d e r s a n d activity to a n a r r a y o f l u x u r y t r a d e s , in d r e s s m a k i n g , m i l l i n e r y , t a i l o r i n g , a n d h a t m a k i n g , i n j e w e l l e r y a n d clockmaking,

in

cabinetmaking

and

coachbuilding;

and

its

end

b r o u g h t a s l a c k s u m m e r a n d u n e m p l o y m e n t . T h e r i p p l e effects o f the s e a s o n e x t e n d e d m o r e widely than this, into the food a n d drink, a n d s e r v i c e , t r a d e s a n d o c c u p a t i o n s ; a n d t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s i n t h e social life o f h i g h s o c i e t y w e r e n o t l i m i t e d t o a r i s t o c r a c y a n d g e n t r y , t h e financial a n d m e r c a n t i l e elite o f t h e C i t y b e c o m i n g m o r e n e a r l y o n t e r m s o f social e q u a l i t y i n t h e c o u r s e o f t h e c e n t u r y .

1 8

The important

p o i n t , h o w e v e r , is t h a t t h e elite w h i c h w e n t in a n d o u t o f L o n d o n like t h e t i d e w a s t h e c o u n t r y elite, t h e l a n d e d elite o f l a n d e d m a g n a t e s , county

families,

and

knights

of the

shires.

Eighteenth-century

E n g l a n d is o f t e n d e p i c t e d as b e i n g g o v e r n e d b y a n e t w o r k o f c o u n t r y h o u s e s ; for n e a r l y h a l f o f e v e r y y e a r t h i s n e t w o r k m o v e d t o L o n d o n a n d b e c a m e a n e t w o r k o f t o w n h o u s e s . T h e elitist e x p e r i e n c e o f L o n d o n a n d t h e elitist v i e w o f u r b a n s o c i e t y , w a s d i s t i n c t l y l i m i t e d a n d c a l c u l a t e d to a v o i d u n p l e a s a n t n e s s . B u t it is i m p o r t a n t t h a t t h e m o s t p o w e r f u l , i n f l u e n t i a l a n d w e a l t h y l a y e r o f s o c i e t y w a s at h o m e i n b o t h rural a n d u r b a n w o r l d s , e v e n if s c r e e n e d f r o m t h e p o o r e s t a n d m o s t d i s t r e s s i n g p a r t s o f e i t h e r . T h e y d i s p l a y e d in t h e i r o w n p e r s o n s a n d life s t y l e t h e i n t e r d e p e n d e n c e o f t o w n a n d c o u n t r y , a n d their outlook w a s unlikely to encourage the d e v e l o p m e n t of any strong or p o w e r f u l a n t i - u r b a n or a n t i - L o n d o n f e e l i n g s . A t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y it is q u i t e p r o b a b l e t h a t t h o s e p e r s o n s o f q u a l i t y w h o h a d a n y e x p e r i e n c e o f t o w n life at all w e r e m o r e familiar w i t h L o n d o n , a n d a c c u m u l a t e d a m o r e p r o l o n g e d a c q u a i n t a n c e w i t h it, t h a n w i t h t h e i r o w n local t o w n . It is t r u e t h a t t h e f u n c t i o n a l l i n k s b e t w e e n t h e local g e n t r y a n d m a r k e t a n d c o u n t y t o w n s , in m a t t e r s o f t r a d e a n d j u s t i c e , w e r e o f l o n g - s t a n d i n g ,

and

b e c a m e stronger as the administrative role of the justices of the peace, m e e t i n g i n q u a r t e r s e s s i o n s in t h e c o u n t y t o w n , i n c r e a s e d . S o c i a l l i n k s , h o w e v e r , d i d n o t b e g i n to d e v e l o p s t r o n g l y u n t i l t h e l a t e r s e v e n t e e n t h century; by the mid-eighteenth

century most county towns

had

b e c o m e i m p o r t a n t s o c i a l c e n t r e s for t h e g e n t r y , a n d m a n y h a d d e v e ­ l o p e d r e g u l a r s o c i a l s e a s o n s , p r o v i d i n g for t h o s e w h o c o u l d n o t afford t h e visit to L o n d o n a n a t t e n u a t e d v e r s i o n o f its r o u n d o f c u l t u r e d pleasure and entertainment. In the eighteenth century m a n y of the 18

N. Rogers, 'Money, Land and Lineage: The Big Bourgeoisie of Hanoverian London', Social History, 4 (1979), pp. 437-54.

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county gentry and s o m e of the lesser nobility cultivated the habit of r e s i d i n g in t h e i r c o u n t y t o w n for p a r t o f t h e y e a r , a n d a c q u i r e d t o w n h o u s e s , to w h i c h the surviving G e o r g i a n parts of m a n y provin­ cial t o w n s still b e a r s o m e w i t n e s s . T h e m o r e a t t r a c t i v e a n d i m p r e s s i v e c a t h e d r a l cities, w h e r e d i g n i f i e d c a t h e d r a l c l o s e s p o p u l a t e d w i t h c o n ­ genial social b r e t h r e n in the s h a p e of the gentry-clergy of d e a n a n d c h a p t e r w e r e at h a n d , w h e r e p e r h a p s t h e p r e f e r r e d s i t e s for t h i s f o r m of a r i s t o c r a t i c u r b a n i s a t i o n : t h e b u i l d i n g o f s u c h t o w n h o u s e s i n Y o r k , C h e s t e r , L i n c o l n , N o r w i c h , S a l i s b u r y , a n d W i n c h e s t e r is p a r t i c u l a r l y notable. Non-cathedral towns, h o w e v e r , w e r e also the subject of con­ temporary c o m m e n t o n the n u m b e r a n d style of their resident gentry: Preston, Derby, Shrewsbury, Stamford and Bury St Edmunds would figure in a n y l i s t . The

19

gentry w h o o w n e d t o w n h o u s e s w e r e greatly

outnumbered

b y t h e g e n t r y w h o c a m e as v i s i t o r s for t h e m a j o r s o c i a l e v e n t s , as to r a c e w e e k at Y o r k f r o m t h e 1 7 3 0 s , o r s i m p l y for t h e e v e n i n g , a s to t h e a n n u a l

'stuff ball' in Lincoln from the 1 7 8 0 s .

2 0

S o c i a l life

required special cultural buildings, a n d the central features of the gentrification of the t o w n s w e r e the theatre a n d the a s s e m b l y r o o m , meeting the d e m a n d of the country gentry and the cultured

town

elite for e n t e r t a i n m e n t , d a n c i n g , m u s i c , c a r d s , a n d g o s s i p . P u r p o s e built t h e a t r e s , r e p l a c i n g e a r l i e r m a k e s h i f t a n d t e m p o r a r y r o o m s i n i n n s a n d b a r n s u s e d b y t r a v e l l i n g c o m p a n i e s , b e g a n to a p p e a r i n t h e l a r g e s t p r o v i n c i a l t o w n s in t h e 1 7 4 0 s a n d 1 7 5 0 s . It is i n d i c a t i v e o f the general, a n d not exclusively aristocratic-gentry, complexion of this n e w stage in urban culture that the earliest provincial theatres w e r e built i n ' n o n - g e n t r y ' t o w n s like B i r m i n g h a m , L i v e r p o o l a n d P l y m o u t h , a s w e l l as i n N o r w i c h , w h i c h a l t h o u g h a c o u n t y t o w n o f g e n t r y r e s o r t w a s also the largest manufacturing t o w n in the country until the 1780s. In t h e l a t e r e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y t h e a t r e - b u i l d i n g b e c a m e w i d e s p r e a d , and b y 1815 there were well over 100 provincial theatres: they were part of the u r b a n furniture of every self-respecting t o w n with cultural a s p i r a t i o n s . It is n o t s u r p r i s i n g t h a t t h e l a r g e r t o w n s w i t h a p r o s p e r o u s resident commercial and professional middle class could support 19

20

Peter Clark, 'Introduction', in Peter Clark, ed., The Transformation of English Provincial Towns, 1600-1800 (1984), pp. 2 7 - 9 . 48. J. V. Beckett, The Aristocracy in England, 16601914 (Oxford, 1986), p. 368. Peter Borsay, ' "All the Town's a Stage": Urban Ritual and Ceremony, 1660-1800', in Clark, ed., Transformation p. 233. Olney, Nineteenth-Century Lincolnshire, p. 14: the stuff ball was so-named because each year the patroness of the ball chose the colour of the year, and the purchase of woollen ball dresses was meant to encourage the local cloth industry.

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t h e a t r e s . T h e i m m e d i a t e p o i n t is t h a t s o a l s o c o u l d t h e s m a l l e r c o u n t y t o w n s a n d lesser places, drawing in their gentry patronage: places such as Colchester, Stamford, Salisbury, Chichester, W i n c h e s t e r , Devizes, Maidstone and Newbury.

2 1

S o a l s o , at a r a t h e r m o r e rarified l e v e l , w i t h a s s e m b l y r o o m s , w h i c h d r e w for t h e i r m o d e l n o t o n L o n d o n , w h o s e p o l i t e s o c i e t y w a s far t o o l a r g e a n d c o m p l e x t o fit i n t o a s i n g l e m u l t i - p u r p o s e s o c i a l b u i l d i n g , b u t o n t h e s p a s , e s p e c i a l l y B a t h w h o s e first a s s e m b l y r o o m w a s built in 1 7 0 8 . M a j o r r e g i o n a l c e n t r e s like Y o r k , L i n c o l n , C a n t e r b u r y , a n d Norwich h a d acquired assembly rooms b y the 1750s and smaller c e n t r e s s u c h a s B e v e r l e y o r N e w a r k f o l l o w e d suit l a t e r i n t h e c e n t u r y . As with theatres, assembly rooms were not an exclusive gentry pre­ serve, a n d the rising industrial and port t o w n s equipped themselves w i t h t h e m in t h e s e c o n d h a l f o f t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y . I n t h e l o n g established a n d m u c h slower g r o w i n g provincial t o w n s , w h i c h in 1815 still c o n t a i n e d p e r h a p s h a l f o f t h e c o u n t r y ' s u r b a n p o p u l a t i o n o u t s i d e London, the theatre and the assembly room, along with the elegant t o w n h o u s e s , w e r e t h e a r c h i t e c t u r a l e v i d e n c e o f t h e e n t r y o f t h e aris­ tocracy a n d gentry into u r b a n society in the course of the e i g h t e e n t h century. Their simultaneous appearance in B i r m i n g h a m and Liver­ pool, M a n c h e s t e r a n d N e w c a s t l e , L e e d s a n d P l y m o u t h , signified that there w a s s o m e t h i n g of a c o m m o n u r b a n culture, in artefacts p e r h a p s m o r e t h a n i n t h e i r m a n n e r o f u s e , at a t i m e w h e n u r b a n e c o n o m i e s a n d social structures w e r e rapidly diverging o n t o increasingly separate paths. T h e m a i n g r o w t h p a t h b e t w e e n 1 7 5 0 a n d 1 8 1 5 , a s it w a s to c o n t i n u e to b e thereafter, lay with industrial a n d commercial t o w n s w h i c h h a d n o direct links with or d e p e n d e n c e o n the countryside or agriculture a n d its f o r t u n e s , a n d w h o s e s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s h a d at t h e i r a p e x a b o u r ­ geois elite. T h e older regional centres, the county t o w n s , the t o w n s with a gentry p r e s e n c e a n d a distinct reliance o n the prosperity of their agricultural hinterlands, w e r e o n a path of slow growth;

the

s m a l l e s t m a r k e t t o w n s , w i t h little o r n o g e n t r y p a t r o n a g e , w e r e a l r e a d y o n a s t a g n a n t o r d e c l i n i n g p a t h as b e t t e r r o a d , a n d a b o v e all c a n a l , transport rendered t h e m redundant. T h e r e w a s o n e group of rapidly g r o w i n g t o w n s , h o w e v e r , in w h i c h the l a n d e d aristocracy supplied t h e e n g i n e o f g r o w t h : t h e s p a s a n d r e s o r t s . T h e f a s h i o n for t a k i n g 21

C. W . Chalklin, 'Capital Expenditure on Building for Cultural Purposes in Provincial England, 1730-1830', Business History, 22 (1980), pp. 51-70. The resident populations of Stamford, Chichester, and Devizes, for example, were under 4,000 in 1801.

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the waters spread rapidly from the chronic invalids seeking cures to the leisured classes seeking pleasure in Restoration E n g l a n d , and for a t i m e in t h e late s e v e n t e e n t h c e n t u r y w e a l t h y L o n d o n e r s m a d e the wells and springs of Hampstead, E p s o m , and Dulwich into the f o c u s o f lively little r e s o r t s for m o d i s h d a y - t r i p p e r s . It w a s t h e h u g e l y s u c c e s s f u l e x p l o i t a t i o n o f t h e r e d i s c o v e r y o f t h e t h e r m a l b a t h s at B a t h , h o w e v e r , a n d t h e i n v e n t i o n o f a n attractive a n d h i g h l y m a n n e r e d social ritual o f a m u s e m e n t s , d i s t r a c t i o n s , a n d i n d u l g e n c e s to s u r r o u n d t h e s u l p h u r o u s b u s i n e s s o f b a t h i n g a n d p u r g ­ i n g , w h i c h l a u n c h e d t h e first f r e e - s t a n d i n g s p a t o w n o n its e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y c a r e e r as t h e r e s o r t at w h i c h t h e a r i s t o c r a c y a n d t h e f a s h i o n ­ able h a d to b e s e e n . N e x t to t h e L o n d o n s e a s o n a s t a y in B a t h b e c a m e a l m o s t o b l i g a t o r y for t h e social elite, a n d in t h e p e r m a n e n t l y l e i s u r e d atmosphere and close quarters of a holiday town Bath m a y even, for a w h i l e , h a v e s u p e r s e d e d L o n d o n as t h e a r i s t o c r a c y ' s m o s t effec­ tive m a r r i a g e m a r k e t . In t h e 1 6 6 0 s B a t h h a d a p o p u l a t i o n o f s c a r c e l y m o r e t h a n 1,000; b y 1 7 5 0 it w a s in t h e r e g i o n o f 7 , 0 0 0 a n d b y 1 8 0 1 w a s only just short of 35,000 - growth rates which more than m a t c h e d t h o s e o f m o s t o f t h e ' n e w ' i n d u s t r i a l t o w n s , a n d a n a b s o l u t e size w h i c h p u t it o n a p a r w i t h N e w c a s t l e a n d P o r t s m o u t h , a n d w e l l a h e a d of B r a d f o r d , Halifax, o r H u l l , at t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n ­ t u r y . T h e s e figures are for t h e r e s i d e n t p o p u l a t i o n , w h i c h b y t h e m i d e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y i n c l u d e d n u m b e r s o f r e t i r e d , or p e r m a n e n t l y i n v a ­ lid, g e n t r y a n d rich b o u r g e o i s , a l t h o u g h b y far t h e g r e a t e r p a r t o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n w a s e m p l o y e d in t h e s e r v i c e s w h i c h s u s t a i n e d t h e r e s o r t ' s a m e n i t i e s , n o t l e a s t in t h e b u i l d i n g t r a d e s w h i c h w e r e e n g a g e d in m a k i n g B a t h i n t o E n g l a n d ' s e i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y a r c h i t e c t u r a l s h o w ­ piece. T h e n u m b e r of visitors to Bath, m a n y of w h o m spent a w h o l e sum­ m e r s e a s o n t h e r e , is n o t r e c o r d e d . T h e y w e r e n u m e r o u s e n o u g h to s u p p o r t a t h i r d set o f a s s e m b l y r o o m s , l a u n c h e d in 1 7 6 9 , as w e l l as a n u n r i v a l l e d c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f v a l e t u d i n a r i a n a n d social facilities in the baths, p u m p rooms, several theatres, promenades, bowling green, a n d p u b l i c g a r d e n s ; a n d t h e y w e r e l a r g e l y aristocratic, or m e m b e r s of f a s h i o n a b l e L o n d o n s o c i e t y . B a t h h a d i m i t a t o r s b u t n o s e r i o u s rivals, b e f o r e 1 8 1 5 , as a r e s o r t t o w n . T u n b r i d g e W e l l s w a s r e a d i l y a c c e s s i b l e f r o m L o n d o n , a n d a t t r a c t e d s o m e r o y a l , a n d aristocratic, a t t e n t i o n ; it c o p i e d m a n y o f B a t h ' s a r r a n g e m e n t s , f r o m q u i t e e a r l y in t h e e i g h ­ t e e n t h c e n t u r y , b o t h for a m e n i t i e s a n d for a carefully m a n a g e d social c a l e n d a r , b u t it n e v e r a c h i e v e d t h e s a m e k i n d o f f a s h i o n a b l e g l a m o u r .

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T o w a r d s t h e e n d o f t h e c e n t u r y it w a s b e c o m i n g m o r e o f a n u p p e r - c l a s s retirement t o w n a n d less of a smart resort. With rather u n d e r 5,000 i n h a b i t a n t s in 1 8 0 1 it w a s m o d e s t l y t h r i v i n g , b u t s o m e w h a t l e s s s o t h a n its n o r t h e r n e q u i v a l e n t , S c a r b o r o u g h , w h i c h d e v e l o p e d initially as a s p a m o r e t h a n as a s e a s i d e t o w n , a n d w h i c h a t t r a c t e d m a n y o f t h e n o r t h e r n n o b i l i t y a n d g e n t r y to its s u m m e r s e a s o n s a r o u n d m i d c e n t u r y . A m o n g t h e i n l a n d s p a s o n l y C h e l t e n h a m h a d b e g u n to g r o w r a p i d l y b e f o r e 1 8 1 5 (its p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e d f o u r f o l d b e t w e e n 1 8 0 1 a n d 1 8 2 1 ) , b u t it w a s still a v e r y s m a l l p l a c e at t h e e n d o f t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y e v e n t h o u g h w e l l e n o u g h k n o w n as a s e d a t e a l t e r n a t i v e to B a t h for G e o r g e III to h a v e m a d e a visit in 1 7 8 8 . Its d a y l a y a h e a d i n t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , as d i d t h a t o f L e a m i n g t o n , H a r r o g a t e , o r Buxton, in times w h e n the patronage of the ever-expanding n u m b e r s of l e i s u r e d w e a l t h y , r a t h e r t h a n t h e c u s t o m o f t h e l i m i t e d a n d a l m o s t finite r a n k s o f t h e l a n d e d c l a s s e s , b e c a m e t h e k e y t o s u c c e s s . In the longer run Bath, the high society resort, w a s o v e r s h a d o w e d b y t h e e x p a n s i o n o f t h e affluent m i d d l e c l a s s e s a n d t h e diffusion o f the holiday habit, o u t n u m b e r e d b y the n e w resorts w h i c h catered for t h i s m a r k e t , a n d f o r s a k e n b y t h e f a s h i o n a b l e s e t w h o s o u g h t n o v e l and more exclusive watering holes on the Continent. In the short run the challenge, in the closing years of the eighteenth century, arose from the sea, b a t h i n g in w h i c h h a d b e e n g r o w i n g in popularity since the 1740s. S c a r b o r o u g h w a s obviously well placed to m a k e the switch from spa to sea-bathing town, a n d did so. But b y general c o n s e n t t h e s e a s i d e p h e n o m e n o n o f t h e a g e w a s B r i g h t o n . It a l r e a d y h a d s e a w a t e r b a t h s a n d a s s e m b l y r o o m s b y t h e 1 7 7 0 s ; b u t its d i z z y r i s e a s a f a s h i o n a b l e , r a c y , b u t a r i s t o c r a t i c , r e s o r t d a t e d f r o m t h e arrival o f the Prince of W a l e s (Prince R e g e n t , later G e o r g e IV) a n d his entourage i n 1 7 8 3 , a n d h i s b u i l d i n g o f t h e R o y a l P a v i l i o n , at o n c e e x o t i c , m y s t e r ­ i o u s , risque, a n d r o y a l . B e t w e e n 1 7 8 3 a n d 1 8 0 1 B r i g h t o n ' s p o p u l a t i o n d o u b l e d , t o r e a c h 7 , 0 0 0 ; it d o u b l e d a g a i n b e t w e e n 1 8 1 1 a n d 1 8 2 1 , to 24,000 and in the following decade grew b y another 70 per cent, s h o w i n g the highest growth rates of a n y t o w n in Britain. Already b y the early 1820s Cobbett w a s remarking disapprovingly and increduously on the stock-jobbers w h o 'skip backward and forward

on

the c o a c h e s , a n d actually carry o n stock-jobbing in C h a n g e Alley, t h o u g h t h e y r e s i d e at B r i g h t o n ' .

2 2

N o doubt extremely few stock­

jobbers, or a n y o n e else, attempted regular c o m m u t i n g before the 22

Quoted by J. H. Clapham, An Economic History of Modern Britain: The Early Railway Age, 1820-50 (Cambridge, 1950 edn), p. 9.

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L.

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r a i l w a y , t h o u g h it is j u s t c o n c e i v a b l e t h a t t h e o d d o n e m a y h a v e k e p t a w e e k e n d h o u s e i n B r i g h t o n ; b u t t h e m o r e g e n e r a l i m p l i c a t i o n is quite true, that the majority of B r i g h t o n ' s well-to-do residents, a n d of h e r v i s i t o r s , w e r e n o t g e n t r y at all. M a n y o f t h e P r i n c e R e g e n t ' s c r o n i e s , after all, w e r e m o r e t h a n a s h a d e v u l g a r , a l t h o u g h o t h e r s of t h e m w e r e a r i s t o c r a t i c W h i g s . N e v e r t h e l e s s , B r i g h t o n w a s m u c h f r e q u e n t e d b y t h e l e s s u n b e n d i n g a r i s t o c r a c y a n d g e n t r y i n its e a r l y d a y s ; a n d it c o n t i n u e d to h a v e a f o r m a l M a s t e r o f C e r e m o n i e s o n the Bath m o d e l , orchestrating the major social events, until 1855, while a d e c i d e d l y aristocratic a u t u m n a n d p r e - C h r i s t m a s s e a s o n l i n g e r e d o n until a b o u t 1 8 7 0 .

2 3

If ' o l d o c e a n ' s b a u b l e ' w a s t h e g a y e s t a n d

m o s t fashionable place in R e g e n c y E n g l a n d , W e y m o u t h w a s t h e p r e m ­ ier r e s o r t o f t h e o l d e r a n d m o r e e l d e r l y a r i s t o c r a c y w h o h a d g o t u s e d to its q u i e t e r a n d m o r e d e c o r o u s w a y s w h i l e a c c o m p a n y i n g G e o r g e III o n h i s a n n u a l s e a s i d e trips f r o m 1 7 8 9 o n w a r d s . W e y m o u t h w a s s m a l l a n d it d i d n o t e x p e r i e n c e a n y p e r i o d o f h e c t i c g r o w t h ; y e t i n 1 8 0 1 it w a s a s m u c h as h a l f t h e s i z e o f B r i g h t o n , w h i l e b e f o r e 1 8 5 1 it h a d s h r u n k , r e l a t i v e l y , to o n e e i g h t h o f B r i g h t o n ' s p o p u l a t i o n . Apart from these three, Brighton, Scarborough, and W e y m o u t h , t h e o n l y s e a s i d e r e s o r t o f n o t e in t h e first d e c a d e o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , a n d i n t h e s a m e p o p u l a t i o n l e a g u e as t h e m , w a s M a r g a t e . In the early, exploratory, days of sea-bathing M a r g a t e h a d attracted s o m e aristocratic visitors, but b y the 1790s this p h a s e w a s past. In 1 8 0 0 it w a s e s t i m a t e d t h a t t h e K e n t h o y s , w h i c h w e r e b a r g e s t a k i n g T h a n e t g r a i n t o L o n d o n , b r o u g h t b a c k a r e t u r n c a r g o , b a l l a s t as it w e r e , o f 1 8 , 0 0 0 v i s i t o r s to M a r g a t e . T h i s m a d e it t o o p o p u l o u s a r e s o r t for h i g h s o c i e t y , t h o u g h n o t e x a c t l y a p l e b e i a n o n e ; t h e c r o w d s w e r e w e l l - d r e s s e d L o n d o n e r s , ' d e c e n t t r a d e s m e n ' a n d t h e like, a n d M a r ­ gate was a long w a y yet from b e c o m i n g Whitechapel b y the sea. For traditional high society of aristocracy, gentry, a n d court to have scored t h r e e r e s o r t s o u t o f f o u r w a s i m p r e s s i v e , b u t l e s s significant t h a n its c o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e t o t a l i t y o f t h e a r i s t o c r a t i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n in, a n d f a m i ­ liarity w i t h , a l a r g e slice o f e i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y u r b a n life, in L o n d o n , c o u n t y t o w n s , spas, a n d seaside resorts. T h e y did not

dominate

s u c h t o w n s , b y a n d l a r g e t h e y w e r e n o t p e r m a n e n t r e s i d e n t s in t h e m , a n d o n l y i n s m a l l e r r e s o r t s c o u l d it b e a r g u e d t h a t t h e i r c u s t o m w a s t h e b a s i s o f a n y t o w n ' s e c o n o m y . T h e p o i n t is, h o w e v e r , t h a t t h e l a n d e d c l a s s e s far f r o m b e i n g a l i e n a t e d o r d i s t a n c e d f r o m 23

towns

Waller, Town, City and Nation, p. 143. J. A. R. Pimlott, The Englishman's Holiday (Hassocks, Sussex, 1976 edn), p. 122.

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23

b e c a m e m o r e closely involved with t h e m in the course of the eigh­ teenth-century, a n d got into the w a y of thinking of t o w n s as pleasant p l a c e s a r r a n g e d for t h e i r c o m f o r t , c o n v e n i e n c e , p l e a s u r e , a n d a m u s e ­ m e n t . V i e w e d from the top, while there w e r e physical differences, in the m a i n agreeable, b e t w e e n t o w n a n d country, there w e r e n o t e n s i o n s o r conflicts b e t w e e n rural s o c i e t y a n d u r b a n s o c i e t y ; t h e y were simply seasonally c o m p l e m e n t a r y parts of society. U n p l e a s a n t t o w n s w e r e t h o s e o u t s i d e t h e a r i s t o c r a t i c orbit; a l t h o u g h occasionally visited out of curiosity b y explorers, they remained largely u n k n o w n territory not o n a n y social route, w h e r e n e w forms of u r b a n society d e v e l o p e d with minimal links with agriculture or rural society. Individuals naturally might have strong preferences and prejudices, a n d n o t all a r i s t o c r a t s l i k e d or a d m i r e d t h e ' p l e a s a n t ' t o w n s . W h e n o n e o f t h e o l d s c h o o l , L o r d T o r r i n g t o n , c o m m e n t e d in 1 7 8 8 t h a t 'Brighton a p p e a r ' d in a fashionable, u n h a p p y , bustle, with such a h a r p y s e t o f p a i n t e d h a r l o t s , as t o a p p e a r to m e as b a d as B o n d S t . in t h e s p r i n g ' , h e m i g h t a l m o s t h a v e b e e n a n t i c i p a t i n g t h e d i s d a i n of C o b b e t t , t h e a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l .

24

Torrington's view of Manchester

in 1 7 9 0 , h o w e v e r , w o u l d h a v e b e e n s h a r e d b y m a n o f f a s h i o n a n d old-fashioned dyspeptic n o b l e m a n alike: 'this great, nasty, manufac­ turing t o w n ; looking exactly like Spitalfields, a n d t h o s e environs . . . w h o b u t a m e r c h a n t c o u ' d live i n s u c h a h o l e ; w h e r e t h e s l a v e w o r k i n g a n d d r i n k i n g a s h o r t life o u t , is e t e r n a l l y r e a l i n g [sic] b e f o r e y o u f r o m f a t i g u e , or d r u n k e n n e s s . '

2 5

Cobbett, on the other h a n d , since his chief

g r o u n d for c o n d e m n i n g B r i g h t o n w a s t h a t it w a s a p a r a s i t e , a n e x c r e s ­ cence, which produced nothing - 'a place of n o trade; of n o c o m m e r c e at all; it h a s n o h a r b o u r ; it is n o p l a c e o f d e p o s i t o r o f t r a n s i t for c o r n o r for g o o d s or for c a t t l e ' - w o u l d h a v e b e e n l o g i c a l l y o b l i g e d to h a v e approved of M a n c h e s t e r , p e r h a p s only grudgingly b e c a u s e t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e w h i c h it p r o c e s s e d w a s o f f o r e i g n o r i g i n .

26

A t t e m p t s to sort t o w n s into s h e e p a n d goats o n s o m e criterion of utility, c l a s s i n g as w o r t h y t h o s e w h i c h m a d e u s e f u l t h i n g s o r h a n d l e d useful c o m m o d i t i e s , a n d the others as frivolous a n d harmful, appealed to neo-physiocrats a n d M a n c h e s t e r m e n , w h o divided m a n k i n d into the industrious and the idle, but w e r e inherently flawed. Cobbett h i m s e l f , for e x a m p l e , d i d n o t r e c k o n t e a w a s a u s e f u l article at all, 24

25

26

C. Bruyn Andrews, ed., (a selection from) The Torrington Diaries (1954 edn), 'A Tour into Sussex, 1788', p. 127. Ibid.,' A Tour in the Midlands, 1790', pp. 2 5 8 - 9 . Quote by Pimlott, Englishman's Holiday, p. 10.

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24

F.

M.

L.

T H O M P S O N

r e g a r d i n g it as d e b i l i t a t i n g a n d d e g r a d i n g . S o c i a l a n d m o r a l j u d g m e n t s of t o w n s did i n d e e d r e l a t e to t h e i r f u n c t i o n s , b u t r e f l e c t e d n o t i o n s of a c c e p t a b i l i t y a n d familiarity w h i c h in t u r n d e p e n d e d o n t h e s t a n d ­ p o i n t o f t h e o b s e r v e r a n d w h e t h e r t h e r e w a s a n y t h i n g t o d o or s e e in t h i s t o w n or t h a t . ' U n p l e a s a n t ' t o w n s , in t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y , w e r e o n t h e w h o l e n o t e s p e c i a l l y g r u b b y or s q u a l i d ; t h e y w e r e m e r e l y u n f a m i l i a r to p o l i t e society. T h e y w e r e of two main kinds: ports (with w h i c h dockyard t o w n s c a n b e b r a c k e t e d , slightly artificially, s i n c e t h e s e w e r e distincti­ vely royal naval creations) and manufacturing towns. T h e ports were o n e o f t h e striking u r b a n g r o w t h p o i n t s o f t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y . L o n d o n , naturally, was the country's unrivalled premier port w h i c h h a n d l e d t h r e e - q u a r t e r s of E n g l a n d ' s e n t i r e o v e r s e a s t r a d e at t h e b e g i n ­ n i n g o f t h e c e n t u r y . N o t o n l y did t h e v o l u m e o f o v e r s e a s t r a d e i n c r e a s e d r a m a t i c a l l y d u r i n g t h e c e n t u r y , p e r h a p s sixfold, b u t w i t h L o n d o n ' s s h a r e o f t h e i n c r e a s e d total falling to p e r h a p s 6 0 p e r c e n t b y 1 8 0 0 a n d c o n t i n u i n g to d e c l i n e u n t i l it s t a b i l i s e d at a r o u n d o n e t h i r d f r o m 1850 onwards, the outports flourished mightily. This redistribution of t r a d e c h a n n e l s s t e m m e d f r o m t h e n a t u r e o f t h e g o o d s b e i n g h a n d l e d , t h e i r o r i g i n s a n d d e s t i n a t i o n s w h e t h e r for p r o c e s s i n g , c o n ­ s u m p t i o n , or e x p o r t , a n d t h e m e a n s a n d c a p a c i t y of i n l a n d t r a n s p o r t ; it d i d n o t c u t L o n d o n o u t f r o m t r a d i n g in s u g a r , t e a , coffee, t o b a c c o , c o t t o n , or g r a i n , o r f r o m e x p o r t i n g w o o l l e n s , c o t t o n s , h a r d w a r e , o r p o t t e r y , b u t it g a v e o p e n i n g s for s o m e o u t p o r t s to rival o r s u r p a s s L o n d o n in p a r t i c u l a r l i n e s . T h e effects w e r e t o b e s e e n clearly in t h e g r o w t h o f Bristol f r o m a p o p u l a t i o n o f a b o u t 2 2 , 0 0 0 in 1 7 0 0 to 5 0 , 0 0 0 b y 1 7 5 0 a n d 6 1 , 0 0 0 in 1 8 0 1 ; a n d m o s t clearly o f all in t h e rise o f L i v e r ­ p o o l , its g r e a t rival in t h e A t l a n t i c t r a d e , w h i c h h a d p e r h a p s 5 , 0 0 0 or 6 , 0 0 0 p e o p l e in 1 7 0 0 , 2 2 , 0 0 0 in 1 7 5 0 a n d 8 3 , 0 0 0 in 1 8 0 1 . T h e t h i r d p o r t o f t h i s size a n d i m p o r t a n c e , N e w c a s t l e u p o n T y n e , w h i c h w i t h G a t e s h e a d h a d a p o p u l a t i o n o f a b o u t 2 9 , 0 0 0 in 1 7 5 0 a n d 4 2 , 0 0 0 in 1 8 0 1 , p r o s p e r e d as a r e s u l t of L o n d o n ' s g r o w t h n o t as a reflection of L o n d o n ' s relative d e c l i n e in o v e r s e a s t r a d e , a n d w a s e n g a g e d in t h e c o a s t a l t r a d e in c o a l far m o r e t h a n in e x p o r t s , a l t h o u g h it w a s far f r o m b e i n g m e r e l y a coal p o r t . T h e s e t h r e e w e r e j o i n e d b e f o r e 1 8 0 1 , as p o r t s w i t h o v e r 2 0 , 0 0 0 p e o p l e , b y H u l l a n d S u n d e r l a n d , a n d by 1811 Y a r m o u t h h a d just slipped into the same c o m p a n y . T h e dock­ y a r d t o w n s , b y c o n t r a s t , did n o t g r o w o u t o f t r a d e flows b u t o u t of s t r a t e g i c a n d a d m i n i s t r a t i v e n a v a l d e c i s i o n s . C h a t h a m w a s t h e ear­ liest, m u c h f a v o u r e d in t h e later s e v e n t e e n t h c e n t u r y w h i l e t h e D u t c h

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Town and city

25

w e r e t h e c h i e f n a v a l e n e m i e s , a n d b y 1 7 0 0 it h a d at l e a s t 5 , 0 0 0 p e o p l e . In t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y t h e A d m i r a l t y ' s a t t e n t i o n t u r n e d to F r a n c e a n d t h e C h a n n e l , a n d t h e C h a t h a m d o c k y a r d s c e a s e d to b e t h e m a i n point of expansion. Along with the other M e d w a y t o w n s Rochester and Gillingham, C h a t h a m formed part of an expanding Victorian u r b a n a r e a w h i c h w a s to r e a c h a c o m b i n e d p o p u l a t i o n o f o v e r 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 b y 1 9 0 1 , b u t its e c o n o m i c drive c a m e m u c h m o r e f r o m c e m e n t a n d agricultural m a c h i n e r y than from naval work. T h e favoured dockyards of t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y w e r e P o r t s m o u t h a n d P l y m o u t h , a n d m u c h A d m i r a l t y i n v e s t m e n t w a s c o n c e n t r a t e d t h e r e ; at P l y m o u t h , i n d e e d , t h e A d m i r a l t y f o u n d e d a n e w t o w n , D o c k , for t h e s h i p y a r d w o r k e r s in 1 6 8 9 , w h i l e P o r t s m o u t h p r o p e r l y d e n o t e d t h e d o c k y a r d a r e a w i t h t h e m a j o r i t y o f t h e i n h a b i t a n t s l i v i n g in P o r t s e a w h i c h o r i g i n a t e d as a suburb in the 1730s. B y mid-century both h a d populations of over 10,000 and by 1801 Plymouth h a d 40,000 and Portsmouth 3 3 , 0 0 0 .

2 7

T h e p o r t s b e l o n g e d to a v e r y o l d a n d t r a d i t i o n a l t y p e o f t o w n w i t h a w e l l - e s t a b l i s h e d social s t r u c t u r e h e a d e d b y d y n a s t i e s o f g r e a t e r m e r ­ c h a n t s , filled in t h e m i d d l i n g r a n k s w i t h t h o s e i n v o l v e d in t h e fitting out a n d provisioning of ships a n d sailors, a n d largely supplied with shipyard and boatyard workers, s e a m e n and their hangers-on, and dockers, in the lower levels. T h e y h a d corporations of long-standing, a n d if t h e s e w e r e o f v a r y i n g d e g r e e s o f c o m p e t e n c e a n d c o r r u p t i o n t h e y w e r e at l e a s t a r e c o g n i s e d f o r m o f e s t a b l i s h e d m u n i c i p a l a u t h ­ o r i t y . T h e f a s t - g r o w i n g p o r t s c e r t a i n l y f a c e d social s t r e s s e s a s w e l l as e c o n o m i c o p p o r t u n i t i e s d u r i n g t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y ; t h e y w e r e d i g e s t i n g a g r e a t i n c r e a s e a n d d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n in t h e n u m b e r s a n d t y p e s of ' q u a y s i d e ' i n d u s t r i e s a n d t h e i r w o r k e r s , at t h e s a m e t i m e as h o u s i n g and services c a m e u n d e r pressure from straightforward trade

and

port expansion. Expansion, h o w e v e r , w a s within the framework of a n e s s e n t i a l l y s t a b l e a n d o r d e r l y s o c i e t y ; if t h e d o c k y a r d t o w n s c o u l d n o t d r a w o n t h e s a m e t r a d i t i o n o f social o r d e r a s t h e p o r t s , t h e y c o u l d substitute the disciplines of naval control. T h e r e w a s h e r e not so m u c h a n e w f o r m o f u r b a n s o c i e t y as a n o l d o n e w r i t l a r g e . T h e n e w f o r m o f s o c i e t y w a s i n t h e m a n u f a c t u r i n g t o w n s , itself a novel t e r m in the early eighteenth century, although m a n y instances

27

Population figures from Corneld, Impact of Towns, pp. 15, 44; Chalklin, Provincial Towns pp. 13, 20, 2 3 - 4 , 44, 4 8 - 5 1 . Southampton did not top the 20,000 mark until the 1830s; its great growth period, as an Atlantic terminal, came in the second half of the nineteenth century.

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26

F . M. L. T H O M P S O N

c o u l d h a v e b e e n c i t e d b e f o r e 1 7 0 0 o f c o n c e n t r a t i o n s o f textile m a n u f a c ­ t u r e in o l d t o w n s : N o r w i c h , t h e l a r g e s t o f t h e m all, b u t a m o n g t h e second-rank regional centres Canterbury, Colchester, Coventry, or E x e t e r w o u l d c e r t a i n l y h a v e b e e n n u m b e r e d a m o n g t h e textile t o w n s . D e f o e , o n e o f t h e first t o s p e a k o f ' m a n u f a c t u r i n g t o w n s ' ,

captured

t h e i r n o v e l t y in t h e 1 7 2 0 s : Let the Curious examine the great Towns of Manchester, Warrington, Maccles­ field, Hallifax, Leeds, Wakefield, Sheffield, Birmingham, Froom, Taunton, Tiverton, and many Others. Some of these are meer Villages; the highest Magistrate in them is a Constable, and few or no Families of Gentry among them; yet they are full of Wealth and full of People, and daily encreasing in both; all of which is occasion'd be the meer Strength of Trade, and the growing Manufactures establish'd in them. 28

D e f o e ' s g l i m p s e i n t o t h e future w a s i n s p i r e d if n o t 1 0 0 p e r c e n t a c c u r ­ ate; h e c o u l d b e a w a r d e d e i g h t o u t o f t e n (literally, o u t o f e l e v e n ) for s p o t t i n g i n d u s t r i a l w i n n e r s , four w h i c h w e r e d e s t i n e d t o l e a d t h e first d i v i s i o n a n d four to b e c o m e s o l i d m e m b e r s o f t h e s e c o n d e l e v e n . H i s f o r e c a s t i n g m i s t a k e s are at l e a s t as i n t e r e s t i n g a s h i s e m p h a s i s o n t h e a b s e n c e of g e n t r y p a t r o n a g e o r t r a d i t i o n s o f c o r p o r a t e g o v e r n ­ m e n t , a n d its c u s t o m a r y a c c o m p a n i m e n t o f craft o r g a n i s a t i o n s , a s c o m m o n i n g r e d i e n t s in c o m m e r c i a l s u c c e s s . F r o m e , T a u n t o n ,

and

T i v e r t o n c e r t a i n l y d o n o t a p p e a r o n a n y o n e ' s list of t h e g r e a t i n d u s t r i a l t o w n s o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . Y e t in t h e 1 7 2 0 s T i v e r t o n w a s t h e chief manufacturing

centre of serges, in the s e r g e m a k i n g

district,

which included Taunton, that w a s centred commercially o n the Exeter m a r k e t a n d w h o s e t r a d e , m a i n l y in e x p o r t s , w a s o r c h e s t r a t e d b y E x e t e r merchants. With a population of around 9,000 Tiverton was a more considerable manufacturing t o w n than Birmingham, Manchester, or L e e d s at t h i s t i m e . I n t h e e v e n t it s t a g n a t e d i n t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y , w i t h a c o l l a p s e in t h e d e m a n d for s e r g e s w h i c h h a d a l r e a d y b e g u n w h e n Defoe w a s writing, a n d actually lost population. F r o m e , the c e n t r e of S o m e r s e t ' s fine c l o t h i n d u s t r y , w e n t t h r o u g h a s i m i l a r c y c l e of p r o s p e r i t y a n d d e c l i n e , w i t h a fifty-year l a g .

2 9

T h e s e t h r e e textile t o w n s w h i c h fell b y t h e w a y s i d e in t h e c o u r s e of t h e e i g h t e e n t h o r e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s , h o w e v e r , w e r e at t h e

28

29

Quoted by Corfield, Impact of Towns, p. 23. C. Wilson, England's Apprenticeship, 1603-1763 (1965), pp. 189, 290. Clark, 'Introduc­ tion', in Clark, ed., Transformation, p. 26. Chalklin, Provincial Towns, p. 33. Clapham,

Early Railway Age, p. 46.

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Town and city

27

time of D e f o e ' s writing using precisely the s a m e spinning and weaving t e c h n o l o g y , a n d p r e c i s e l y t h e s a m e m e r c a n t i l e o r g a n i s a t i o n , as t h o s e w i t h w h o m t h e future l a y . O f D e f o e ' s ' w i n n e r s ' o n l y t w o , B i r m i n g h a m a n d Sheffield, w e r e non-textile t o w n s . T h e e x p a n s i o n a n d prosperity of t h e r e s t d e p e n d e d , at l e a s t u n t i l t h e 1 7 8 0 s , o n h a n d s p i n n i n g a n d handloom weaving and on the enterprise of merchant-manufacturers w h o organised and financed increasingly elaborate and extensive put­ ting-out s y s t e m s . M a n c h e s t e r p a s s e d the 20,000 population m a r k in the 1750s a n d L e e d s in the 1780s, a n d probably b o t h h a d equalled or surpassed Norwich, also reliant o n traditional m e t h o d s a n d organi­ s a t i o n i n its c l o t h m a n u f a c t u r i n g , b e f o r e t h e f a c t o r y a n d m e c h a n i s e d production

made

much

impact.The urbanisation

of industry,

in

other words, p r e c e d e d ' m o d e r n industrialisation' of factories a n d m a c h i n e s , chiefly b e c a u s e u r b a n l o c a t i o n s offered a d v a n t a g e s i n a c c e s s to markets, m e r c h a n t s , services, a n d labour supplies, particularly of skilled labour, w h i c h o u t w e i g h e d the c h e a p e r labour of cottage a n d village i n d u s t r y . T h e n e w m a c h i n e s o f t h e i n d u s t r i a l r e v o l u t i o n , p a r ­ ticularly t h e s p i n n i n g m a c h i n e s , w e r e i n a n y c a s e w a t e r p o w e r e d , a n d p e r h a p s a m a j o r i t y o f t h e g r e a t n e w s p i n n i n g mills o f t h e 1 7 7 0 s a n d 1780s, employing their h u n d r e d s of w o m e n and children, w e r e to b e f o u n d i n i s o l a t e d rural or s m a l l v i l l a g e l o c a t i o n s r a t h e r

than

in the major t o w n s . At the s a m e time u r b a n water-power sources w e r e d e v e l o p e d w i t h c o n s i d e r a b l e e n g i n e e r i n g i n g e n u i t y , for e x a m p l e i n t h e s m a l l t o w n s o f t h e G l o u c e s t e r s h i r e c l o t h district i n a n d a r o u n d S t r o u d , b u t a b o v e all i n t h e r i n g o f satellite c o t t o n t o w n s r o u n d M a n ­ c h e s t e r t h a t w e r e g r o w i n g v e r y fast i n t h e c l o s i n g d e c a d e s o f t h e c e n ­ t u r y , a n d i n t h e s e c o n d tier o f W e s t R i d i n g w o o l l e n a n d

worsted

towns. It w a s in 1 7 8 1 t h a t t h e M a n c h e s t e r m a n u f a c t u r e r s w e n t , ' S t e a m Mill M a d ' , a s B o u l t o n r e p o r t e d to W a t t o n t h e effects o f t h e i n t r o d u c ­ t i o n o f t h e r o t a t i v e s t e a m e n g i n e w h i c h c o u l d b e a p p l i e d to d r i v i n g spinning machinery.

3 0

Before then there had b e e n scarcely a handful

of m i l l s a c t u a l l y i n M a n c h e s t e r , w h i c h a c t e d r a t h e r a s t h e c o m m e r c i a l c e n t r e o f t h e c o t t o n i n d u s t r y a n d t h e p l a c e w h e r e t h e s p e c i a l i s e d finish­ ing p r o c e s s e s w e r e carried out, t h a n as the location of the primary spinning and weaving. Thereafter mill-building w e n t o n apace; b y 1 8 0 2 M a n c h e s t e r a n d S a l f o r d h a d m o r e t h a n fifty s p i n n i n g m i l l s , a n d

30

Quoted by A. E. Musson, 'Industrial Motive Power in the United Kingdom, 1800-70',

Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 29 (1976) p. 429.

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28

F.

M.

L.

T H O M P S O N

b y 1 8 1 5 h a l f a s m a n y a g a i n , v i r t u a l l y all s t e a m - d r i v e n , b y t h i s t i m e i n c l u d i n g t h e first f e w mills h o u s i n g p o w e r l o o m s . T h e mill c h i m n e y h a d b e c o m e the characteristic, dominant, feature of the skyline; but it w a s still m u c h l e s s d o m i n a n t in t h e s e c o n d a r y c o t t o n t o w n s like Bury or O l d h a m , w h i c h u s e d a high proportion of water power, or in t h e o t h e r textile t o w n s s u c h as t h o s e o f t h e W e s t R i d i n g w o o l l e n s a n d w o r s t e d s , N o t t i n g h a m w i t h its l a c e , o r C o v e n t r y w i t h its r i b b o n s , w h e r e t h e a d o p t i o n o f t h e mill o r f a c t o r y f o r m o f o r g a n i s a t i o n a s w e l l as the adoption of s t e a m p o w e r w e r e m u c h m o r e gradual.

31

A s late as 1 8 5 0 w e l l o v e r h a l f t h e s t e a m p o w e r u s e d in m a n u f a c t u r i n g - t h a t is, e x c l u d i n g m i n i n g , w h i c h g e o l o g y m a d e i n t o a l a r g e l y n o n u r b a n i n d u s t r y - w a s in t h e textile i n d u s t r i e s , a n d a t h i r d or m o r e w a s in t h e c o t t o n m i l l s a l o n e .

3 2

Before 1815 the concentration of the

e a r l y s t e a m e n g i n e s in c o t t o n s p i n n i n g m i l l s , a n d o f c o u r s e i n c o p p e r m i n e s a n d collieries, w a s m u c h m o r e m a r k e d .

3 3

This might prompt

the conclusion that factory c h i m n e y s , s m o k e , a n d grime w e r e b e c o m ­ i n g p a r t o f t h e u r b a n s c e n e in t h e v e r y late e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y , a n d before 1815, only in a few, exceptional, cotton t o w n s . This w o u l d c e r t a i n l y b e t r u e o f t h e c h i m n e y s , b u t n o t o f t h e s m o k e . It w a s S h e f f i e l d w h i c h s t r u c k L o r d T o r r i n g t o n i n 1 7 8 9 as ' a g r e a t b l a c k m a n u f a c t u r i n g t o w n ' , a n d Sheffield h a d n o f a c t o r i e s , n o s t e a m e n g i n e s ; it w a s a t o w n o f s m a l l w o r k s h o p s , a n d its c u t l e r y , files, a n d c h i s e l s w e r e m a d e with h a n d tools and water-driven tilt-hammers and grinding w h e e l s . It w a s b l a c k , as T o r r i n g t o n o b s e r v e d f r o m o n e o f t h e

surrounding

hills, b e c a u s e t h e r e w e r e ' i n t h e v a l l e y b e n e a t h , t h e f u r n a c e s v o m i t i n g f o r t h t h e i r a m a z i n g fires, w h i c h m a k e t h i s c o u n t r y in a n smoke'.

3 4

eternal

It w a s , i n d e e d , t h e i n d u s t r i e s w h i c h u s e d c o a l as a fuel

w h i c h w e r e c r e a t i n g d a r k a n d dirty t o w n s , n o t t h o s e w h i c h w e r e a d o p t i n g p o w e r e d m a c h i n e r y . B i r m i n g h a m , w i t h its m e t a l - w o r k i n g w o r k s h o p s , its b u t t o n s , a n d its s c r e w s , w a s o n e s u c h , b u t t h e r e a l dirt w a s in t h e s m a l l e r satellite t o w n s w h e r e t h e h e a v y f o r g e w o r k

31

Ibid., pp. 417, 431.

32

Ibid., p. 435. The precise figures, but not the general proportions of industrial distri­ bution, are modified by J. W . Kanefsky, 'Motive Power in British Industry and the Accuracy of the 1870 Factory Return', Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 32 (1979), pp. 360-75. For the industrial distribution of the early steam engines, see J. R. Harris, 'The Employment of Steam Power in the Eighteenth Century', History, 52 (1967). Andrews, ed., Torrington Diaries, 'A Tour in the Midlands, 1789', p. 170. Wolver­ hampton, in 1792, was termed 'a large black ill-paved town' by Torrington, and Wednesbury 'another overgrown village, blacken'd with its trees and hedges by the forge fires', pp. 449-50.

33

34

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Town and city

29

w a s d o n e a n d w h e r e t h e r e w e r e collieries a n d i r o n w o r k s : W o l v e r ­ hampton, Walsall, Willenhall,Wednesbury, Darlaston, Dudley, and t h e r e s t w h i c h w e r e a l r e a d y g e t t i n g k n o w n as t h e B l a c k C o u n t r y . M e r t h y r Tydfil w a s a n o t h e r , t h e classic o n e - i n d u s t r y i r o n t o w n , g r o w ­ i n g f r o m n o t h i n g in 1 7 5 0 to b e t h e s e c o n d l a r g e s t t o w n in W a l e s b y 1 8 0 1 a n d t h e l a r g e s t b y 1 8 2 1 , all b l a s t f u r n a c e s a n d rolling mills a n d 17,000 people entirely dependent o n them. T h e Potteries, notoriously five t o w n s as w e l l as S t o k e a n d n e v e r h a p p i l y u n i t e d i n t o a s i n g l e city e v e n in t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y , m a d e a f o u r t h g r i m y district, a n embryonic conurbation which housed more than 20,000 people by 1 8 0 1 a n d in 1 8 1 1 w a s l a r g e r t h a n B o l t o n or B r a d f o r d ,

Huddersfield

or O l d h a m . T h e r e w e r e s o m e e n g i n e h o u s e s a n d c h i m n e y s in t h e P o t t e r i e s b y t h e late e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y , b u t t h e y w e r e u s e d in p r e p a r a ­ t o r y p r o c e s s e s for d r i v i n g clay a n d flint mills a n d c o l o u r g r i n d i n g pans,

while the main production

processes remained

practically

u n t o u c h e d b y m e c h a n i s a t i o n until t h e 1 8 4 0 s ; t h e d o m i n a n t

feature

of t h e i n d u s t r i a l l a n d s c a p e b e f o r e t h e n w a s t h e coal-fired b o t t l e o v e n . M a n u f a c t u r i n g t o w n s b e f o r e 1 8 1 5 w e r e t h u s n o t , in e s s e n c e , factory towns; and only the minority a m o n g t h e m w h o s e industries centred r o u n d furnaces, forges, and ovens were b e c o m i n g visually unattrac­ tive a n d p h y s i c a l l y r e p e l l e n t t h r o u g h t h e i r s m o k e a n d g r i m e . E v e n this factor c a n b e e x a g g e r a t e d , s i n c e in all t h e l a r g e r t o w n s d o m e s t i c fires w e r e t h e m a i n s m o k e p r o d u c e r s , a n d t h e h o u s e h o l d m a r k e t p r o ­ b a b l y a c c o u n t e d for m o r e t h a n h a l f o f total B r i t i s h c o a l c o n s u m p t i o n at t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . T h e d i s t i n c t i o n is useful, h o w e v e r , for it i n d i c a t e s t h a t this initial p h a s e o f u r b a n g r o w t h , b y a n d l a r g e b e f o r e factories a n d b e f o r e s t e a m - p o w e r e d m a c h i n e r y , p r o ­ d u c e d o n l y a h a n d f u l o f t o w n s w h i c h w e r e s t r a n g e , alien, a n d p o t e n ­ tially a l a r m i n g . T h u s o f t h e s e v e n t e e n l a r g e s t p r o v i n c i a l t o w n s w h i c h h a d p o p u l a t i o n s o f o v e r 2 0 , 0 0 0 in 1 8 1 1 , e i g h t w e r e p o r t s or d o c k y a r d t o w n s , a m o n g w h i c h o n l y S u n d e r l a n d , w h o l l y d e v o t e d to t h e c o a l t r a d e a n d c o a l s h i p p i n g , w a s p e r h a p s e n t i r e l y alien to t r a d i t i o n a l e l i t e s . T h e o t h e r n i n e w e r e m a n u f a c t u r i n g t o w n s , a n d t h e y are h a r d e r to c a t e g o r i s e ; b u t o n l y t w o , Sheffield a n d S t o k e , w e r e definitely, a n d a further t w o , B i r m i n g h a m a n d M a n c h e s t e r , p o s s i b l y , s e r i o u s l y s o o t b l a c k e n e d ; six o f t h e n i n e , i n c l u d i n g B i r m i n g h a m , M a n c h e s t e r a n d Sheffield, h a d t h e a t r e s a n d a s s e m b l y r o o m s as early as t h e 1 7 7 0 s , a n d m e r c h a n t - g e n t r y elites t h a t w e r e c u l t u r e d a n d h a d s o m e c o n t a c t s with neighbouring gentry society; only three, the cotton t o w n s of S t o c k p o r t a n d B o l t o n , a n d S t o k e , m a y h a v e b e e n alien in t h e w a y

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

30

F. M.

L.

T H O M P S O N

that S u n d e r l a n d was alien.

35

It m a y i n d e e d b e m o r e u s e f u l to v i s u a l i s e

the groups of secondary manufacturing towns, of which only Bolton a n d S t o c k p o r t h a d as y e t p a s s e d t h e 2 0 , 0 0 0 p o p u l a t i o n m a r k , as t h e radically n e w feature of the period before 1815, p h e n o m e n a r e m o t e from previous urban experience, r a w in their stark structure of indus­ trial w o r k e r s a n d e m p l o y e r s u n r e l i e v e d b y a n y c o n s i d e r a b l e c o m m e r ­ cial o r p r o f e s s i o n a l e l e m e n t s , v i s u a l l y a n d a r c h i t e c t u r a l l y m e a n a n d m o n o t o n o u s , c o m m i t t e d t o u n r e m i t t i n g w o r k a n d d e v o i d o f cultural trap­ pings. T h e s e were the cotton t o w n s of south-east Lancashire, outside Manchester; the towns of the Black Country, outside Birmingham; a n d in lesser degree, b e c a u s e m a n y of t h e m h a d ancient

urban

traditions and were not m u s h r o o m growths, the W e s t Riding cloth t o w n s , o u t s i d e L e e d s . T h e y d i d n o t c a u s e m u c h o f a stir, s i m p l y b e c a u s e t h e y w e r e n o t as y e t v e r y l a r g e a n d h e n c e w e r e fairly u n o b t r u ­ sive; b u t t h e y c o n t a i n e d t h e e s s e n c e o f i n d u s t r i a l - u r b a n s o c i e t y . T h e n e w - s t y l e m a n u f a c t u r i n g t o w n s o f t h e front r a n k w h i c h w e r e e m e r g i n g in t h e s e c o n d half of t h e e i g h t e e n t h century w e r e obviously different i n e c o n o m i c f u n c t i o n s a n d o c c u p a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e s f r o m t h e l a r g e r s e a p o r t s , w h i c h t h e y w e r e b e g i n n i n g t o e q u a l in s i z e . B u t w h i l e c o n t e m p o r a r i e s w e r e correct to stress t h e essential distinction that t h e former w e r e p e o p l e d a l m o s t entirely b y t r a d e s m e n a n d manufacturers, w h i l e t h e l a t t e r h a d m o r e v a r i e t y a n d c o l o u r in t h e i r social s t r u c t u r e s , t h e b r o a d s i m i l a r i t i e s s h o u l d n o t b e o v e r l o o k e d . T o start w i t h , n o n e of t h e m w e r e n a r r o w l y b a s e d e c o n o m i c a l l y o n a s i n g l e i n d u s t r y o r b r a n c h o f a n i n d u s t r y : t h e i r d i r e c t l y m a n u f a c t u r i n g activities w e r e d i v e r s e , t e n d i n g to a c o n c e n t r a t i o n o n t h e m o r e s k i l l e d a n d s p e c i a l i s e d f i n i s h i n g a n d a s s e m b l i n g p r o c e s s e s , a n d i n a d d i t i o n t h e y w e r e all important regional centres with the variety a n d r a n g e of trades that i m p l i e d . M a n c h e s t e r , for e x a m p l e , a l t h o u g h i n m a n y w a y s t h e l e a d i n g e x e m p l a r o f a ' n e w t o w n ' o f t h i s sort, w a s a l r e a d y a c o n s i d e r a b l e e n o u g h t o w n in 1 6 5 3 t o h a v e b e e n m a d e a p a r l i a m e n t a r y b o r o u g h , 36

short-lived, in the P r o t e c t o r a t e . T o b e sure, in the second-rank m a n u ­ f a c t u r i n g t o w n s it m a y a l s o h a v e b e e n literally t r u e t h a t t h e i n d u s t r i a l w o r k e r s did n o t f o r m a m a j o r i t y o f t h e w o r k i n g p o p u l a t i o n ; b u t in their case the supporting a n d economically d e p e n d e n t role of the 35

36

Torrington visited the new theatre in Sheffield (built in 1773 to replace the original 1763 building) in 1789 and approved of it warmly: ibid., 'A Tour in the Midlands, 1789', p. 171. For the merchant-gentry of Leeds see R. G. Wilson, Gentlemen Merchants: The Merchant Community in Leeds, 1700-1830 (Manchester, 1971). The Instrument of Government, 1653, ci. X, S. R. Gardiner, The Constitutional Docu­ ments of the Puritan Revolution, 1625-60 (Oxford, 1947 edn), p. 408.

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31

non-manufacturing labourers and tradesmen was obvious. O f greater significance, t h e m a n u f a c t u r e r , as a n e n t r e p r e n e u r a n d e m p l o y e r , w a s typically a m e r c h a n t - m a n u f a c t u r e r .

The modern

industrialist,

as

o w n e r o f t h e m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n a n d direct e m p l o y e r a n d m a n a g e r of t h e p r o d u c t i o n w o r k e r s , w a s o f c o u r s e b e g i n n i n g to a p p e a r : t h i s is w h a t R i c h a r d A r k w r i g h t , R o b e r t P e e l , S a m u e l O l d k n o w , B e n j a m i n Gott, James Marshall, Josiah W e d g w o o d , Matthew Boulton, and the o t h e r s in t h e w e l l - k n o w n g a l l e r y o f t h e e a r l y c a p t a i n s o f i n d u s t r y w e r e all a b o u t . T h e y w e r e t h e h a r b i n g e r s of t h e future, b u t

down

t o 1 8 1 5 , a n d i n d e e d for m a n y f u r t h e r d e c a d e s , t h e g r e a t b u l k o f i n d u s ­ trial p r o d u c t i o n w a s o r g a n i s e d a n d m a n a g e d o n m o r e t r a d i t i o n a l l i n e s , while the early industrialists themselves w e r e successful precisely b e c a u s e t h e y w e r e g o o d at t r a d i n g a n d m a r k e t i n g . T h e l a r g e s t i n d u s ­ trial e m p l o y e r s in 1 8 1 5 w e r e t h e m a n u f a c t u r e r s w h o h a d t h o u s a n d s of o u t w o r k e r s , h a n d l o o m w e a v e r s , o n t h e i r b o o k s , p e r h a p s c o m b i n i n g t h i s w i t h t h e m o r e direct e m p l o y m e n t o f a f e w h u n d r e d s p i n n e r s in s p i n n i n g mills w h i c h t h e y o w n e d . T h e i m p l i c a t i o n s o f t h i s w e r e t w o f o l d . First, t h e m e r c h a n t - m a n u f a c ­ t u r e r s in t h e o r d i n a r y r u n n i n g of t h e i r b u s i n e s s e s h a d to m a i n t a i n extensive and

regular contacts not merely with

a multitude

of

o u t w o r k e r s b o t h in t o w n a n d in t h e s u r r o u n d i n g c o u n t r y v i l l a g e s , but also with the rest of the country, particularly with L o n d o n , w h e r e t h e y f o u n d t h e i r m a r k e t s . E s p e c i a l l y if t h e s e m a r k e t s i n c l u d e d e x p o r t s t h e y m o v e d in t h e s a m e orbit as t h e g r e a t o v e r s e a s m e r c h a n t s w h o f o r m e d t h e m e r c a n t i l e a r i s t o c r a c y o f t h e s e a p o r t s . It w o u l d b e u n d u l y mechanistic to claim that the w h o l e aura of sophisticated and refined mercantile

culture,

itself

enmeshed

with

aristocratic t a s t e

and

i n f l u e n c e s in f a s h i o n , m a n n e r s , a n d fine arts, a u t o m a t i c a l l y r u b b e d off o n e v e r y o n e in t h e p r o v i n c e s w h o b e c a m e a m e r c h a n t o n a l a r g e scale; b u t clearly t h e c h a n n e l s w e r e o p e n for t h i s cultural flow. S e c o n d , s i n c e factory or mill w o r k e r s still f o r m e d s u c h a s m a l l e l e m e n t o f t h e i n d u s t r i a l w o r k f o r c e , t h e g r e a t m a j o r i t y o f w o r k e r s in t h e m a n u f a c ­ turing t o w n s , despite the obvious occupational differences b e t w e e n t h o s e in c o t t o n , w o o l , m e t a l s , a n d p o t s , l i v e d in b r o a d l y similar c o n ­ d i t i o n s w i t h similar social a n d i n d u s t r i a l r e l a t i o n s . T h e s e in t u r n did n o t differ g r e a t l y f r o m c o n d i t i o n s in t h e g r e a t s e a p o r t s . T h i s w a s v e r y e v i d e n t in h o u s i n g , w h e r e t h e r e w a s a s i m u l t a n e o u s d e v e l o p m e n t in t h e last q u a r t e r o f t h e c e n t u r y o f b u i l d i n g o n a large s c a l e specifically for w o r k i n g - c l a s s o c c u p a t i o n , as distinct f r o m earlier i m p r o v i s a t i o n s a n d t e n e m e n t i n g of once-grander h o u s e s . Courtyard

tenements,

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F. M. L . T H O M P S O N

c r a m m i n g the m a x i m u m n u m b e r of dwellings o n to narrow plots with tunnel access to a street, a n d back-to-backs, placing the largest a m o u n t of h o u s i n g o n r a t h e r l a r g e r p l o t s , m a d e t h e i r a p p e a r a n c e at t h i s t i m e in L i v e r p o o l , M a n c h e s t e r , L e e d s , H u l l , B i r m i n g h a m , a n d N o t t i n g h a m , for e x a m p l e .

3 7

T h e r e w e r e differences within the family of large t o w n s . Liverpool, for i n s t a n c e , a l r e a d y w e n t i n for cellar d w e l l i n g s o n a s c a l e o f i n s a l u ­ brity u n k n o w n e l s e w h e r e ; a n d there appears to h a v e b e e n a norths o u t h d i v i s i o n , if B i r m i n g h a m is t e m p o r a r i l y m a d e a n h o n o r a r y m e m ­ ber of the north, in t h e s e n s e that the back-to-back n e v e r b e c a m e c o m m o n in L o n d o n , B r i s t o l , P o r t s m o u t h , o r P l y m o u t h , w h e r e t e r r a c e d c o t t a g e s for t h e w o r k e r s w e r e t h e n o r m . T h e r e w e r e a l s o g r e a t differ­ ences in working conditions a n d in the pattern of e m p l o y m e n t . T h e r e w e r e m a n y m o r e o p e n i n g s for w o m e n t o h a v e j o b s i n t h e textile t o w n s t h a n in t h e m e t a l t o w n s - t h o u g h i n t h e B l a c k C o u n t r y t h e y w o r k e d in t h e n a i l m a k i n g f o r g e s - o r i n t h e s e a p o r t s , w h e r e t h e g a i n f u l l y e m p l o y e d w e r e t h o u g h t t o b e all d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t s o r p r o s t i t u t e s . W o r k o n the quays, a n d later docks, w a s m o r e intermittent and casual t h a n in a n y o t h e r o c c u p a t i o n . A t t h e o t h e r e x t r e m e s k i l l e d a r t i s a n s in t h e m e t a l t r a d e s o r i n t h e d o c k y a r d s c o u l d e x p e c t t o b e i n r e g u l a r work; while domestic outworkers w h o o w n e d their o w n equipment were m o r e i n d e p e n d e n t than t h o s e w h o did not, but hired l o o m a n d f r a m e f r o m a n e m p l o y e r . D i f f e r e n c e s a n d d i s t i n c t i o n s in g r a d e s a n d conditions, s u c h as t h e s e , m e a n t that there w a s n o t h i n g like a uniform or c o h e r e n t u r b a n w o r k i n g c l a s s , e v e n if t h e difficulties o f c o m m u n i c a t ­ ing b e t w e e n the separate t o w n s h a d not b e e n so great. O n the w h o l e , at t h e l o w e r l e v e l , e a c h t o w n w a s its o w n s o c i e t y , w i t h l i n k s t o t h e surrounding country from which so m a n y of the t o w n ' s inhabitants had migrated and with which there were m a n y working connections, r a t h e r t h a n l i n k s w i t h o t h e r t o w n s ; e x c e p t t h a t i n s o m e o f t h e traditio­ n a l crafts, e s p e c i a l l y i n t h e s k i l l e d b u i l d i n g t r a d e s , m e n t r a m p e d f r o m t o w n to t o w n o n r e c o g n i s e d j o b - f i n d i n g r o u t e s . A n d o n t h e w h o l e that society w a s small scale a n d cellular, revolving r o u n d family, neighbourhood, pub, a n d small w o r k s h o p , l o o m - s h e d , or w o r k r o o m , in a m a n n e r w h i c h for t h o s e w h o did n o t h a v e t h e h i s t o r i a n ' s a d v a n ­ t a g e o f k n o w i n g w h a t w a s t o c o m e after e x h i b i t e d m u c h

37

stronger

S. D. Chapman, 'Working-Class Housing in Nottingham', and M. W . Beresford, 'The Back-to-Back House in Leeds, 1787-1937', both in S. D. Chapman, ed., The History of Working-Class Housing (Newton Abbot, 1971). Chalklin, Provincial Towns, pp. 196-220.

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33

signs of continuity with traditional forms than marks of revolutionary changes. In a somewhat paradoxical w a y the period w h e n

urban

e x p a n s i o n first b e c a m e m a r k e d , b u t w h e n u r b a n s o c i e t y still r e m a i n e d in a minority position w h i c h m i g h t h a v e b e e n e x p e c t e d to highlight its p e c u l i a r i t i e s , w a s i n fact a p e r i o d w h e n it s e e m e d familiar, c o m f o r ­ t a b l e , a n d u n t h r e a t e n i n g , i n a r e m a r k a b l e n u m b e r o f different w a y s , to aristocracy, gentry, bourgeoisie, a n d working people.

Ill U r b a n s o c i e t y b e c a m e m o r e c o m p l i c a t e d , m o r e stratified a n d m o r e r e g u l a t e d i n t h e c o u r s e o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . It b e c a m e m o r e settled a n d accepted, in t h e s e n s e that b y 1900 t h e great majority of its m e m b e r s w e r e t o w n - b o r n a n d t h e d a y s w h e n f i r s t - g e n e r a t i o n towndwellers w h o h a d m o v e d in from the country, or from Ireland, formed from half to nearly three-quarters of the adult populations o f a l m o s t all t h e l a r g e r t o w n s , w e r e h a l f a c e n t u r y a w a y .

3 8

Whether

it h a d g r o w n t o m a t u r i t y m a y b e d o u b t e d , if t h e c o n c e p t o f m a t u r i t y i m p l i e s stability, for t h a t h a d n o t b e e n a t t a i n e d . W h a t c a n n o t b e d o u b t e d is t h a t at s o m e p o i n t i n t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , c l o s e r to 1881 than 1851, urban society b e c a m e the normal setting of more than h a l f o f t h e B r i t i s h p e o p l e , a n d t h a t b y 1 9 1 4 it s o d o m i n a t e d t h e n a t i o n t h a t i n f i g u r e s , if n o t i n s e n t i m e n t , it w a s t h e n a t i o n . Y e t o n e o f t h e p a r a d o x e s of the century w a s that as u r b a n living b e c a m e normal a n d typical, rather t h a n unusual a n d unrepresentative, t o w n s b e c a m e l e s s familiar, l e s s u n d e r s t o o d ,

a n d less acceptable to the educated

and propertied classes. M o r e precisely, the triumph of urbanisation p r o v e d to b e a socially divisive m o r e t h a n a socially unifying process, and the divisions within Victorian urban society, b e t w e e n the agree­ able a n d the disagreeable, the comfortable a n d the bleak, the amusing and the shocking, the pleasing and the menacing, were sharper than any eighteenth-century divisions b e t w e e n t o w n and country. T h e social divisions a n d tensions within the nation - never so simple as the c o n v e n t i o n a l three-class w i s d o m suggests - h a d m a n y roots: t h e o w n e r s h i p a n d o r g a n i s a t i o n o f i n d u s t r y a n d b u s i n e s s , t h e distribu­ tion of wealth a n d property, the distribution of incomes, education, o c c u p a t i o n , a n d r e l i g i o n a r e t h e c h i e f e l e m e n t s . T h e specifically u r b a n e l e m e n t in the d e v e l o p m e n t of social structure a n d in the expression 38

Michael Anderson, Family Structure in Nineteenth-Century 1971), p. 73.

Lancashire (Cambridge,

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F . M. L. T H O M P S O N

of social conflict l a y in t h e p h y s i c a l e n v i r o n m e n t o f t h e t o w n s , w h i c h w a s t h e m o s t t y p i c a l s e t t i n g w i t h i n w h i c h t h e p r i m a r y factors o p e r ­ a t e d ; in t h e r e s i d e n t i a l s o c i a l s e g r e g a t i o n , w h i c h c a m e to c h a r a c t e r i s e all t h e l a r g e r t o w n s , a n d w h i c h e m p h a s i s e d t h e s e p a r a t e i d e n t i t i e s of different social g r o u p s e v e n if it d i d n o t n e c e s s a r i l y stir u p conflict b e t w e e n t h e m ; a n d i n t h e p h y s i c a l p r o x i m i t y o f g r o u p s at t h e m a r g i n , w h i c h n u r t u r e d t h e p a s s i o n for fine d i s t i n c t i o n s a n d s u b t l e n u a n c e s of differentiation o f s t a t u s w h i c h m a r k e d all l e v e l s o f V i c t o r i a n s o c i e t y , a n d w e r e only slightly less cherished b y the working classes t h a n b y t h e m i d d l e c l a s s e s . T o w e r i n g o v e r all t h e s e u r b a n f e a t u r e s w a s t h e g r o w t h in t h e s h e e r size o f t h e l a r g e s t t o w n s a n d t h e s e c o n d - r a n k i n d u s t r i a l a n d c o m m e r c i a l t o w n s , w h i c h s o far o u t d i s t a n c e d

the

c o u n t r y t o w n s t h a t r e m a i n e d s i m p l e m a r k e t c e n t r e s as to l e a v e t h e m in a different, traditional, ' B a r c h e s t e r ' w o r l d - m o r e p a r t o f rural or ecclesiastical s o c i e t y t h a n o f V i c t o r i a n u r b a n s o c i e t y . T h e i n c r e a s e in s c a l e l a y at t h e r o o t o f a p r o f o u n d c h a n g e in t h e u r b a n c o n s c i o u s n e s s o f t h e i n t e l l e c t u a l a n d political c l a s s e s , w h i c h s u r f a c e d in p u b l i c d i s c o u r s e a n d p o l i c y p r o p o s a l s in t h e 1 8 3 0 s a n d 1 8 4 0 s n o t o n l y directly c o n c e r n i n g h e a l t h a n d h o u s i n g in t o w n s , b u t also r e l a t i n g to e d u c a t i o n , r e l i g i o n , a n d p o l i c i n g , w h i c h all c a m e t o b e s e e n as p r i m a r i l y u r b a n p r o b l e m s ; o n l y t h e p o o r l a w , a n a c h r o n i s t i cally, w a s still t r e a t e d as e s s e n t i a l l y a rural m a t t e r .

39

There were many

r e a s o n s for t h i s c o n c e r n w i t h t h e t o w n s , a n d m o t i v e s o f self-interest a n d s e l f - p r e s e r v a t i o n m a y w e l l h a v e o u t w e i g h e d t h e stirrings o f social c o n s c i e n c e o r t h e p r o m p t i n g s o f b r o t h e r l y l o v e : fear o f t h e d i s o r d e r l y , subversive, and perhaps insurrectionary potential of unregulated and masterless urban masses, and dread of the uncontrollable spread of d i s e a s e f r o m t h e g r e a t u n w a s h e d to p o l i t e s o c i e t y , w e r e

powerful

r e a s o n s for c o n c e r n . B u t at t h e s a m e t i m e as t h e r u l e r s , t h e p o l i c y ­ m a k e r s , t h e critics, a n d t h o s e i n v o l v e d i n f o r m i n g w h a t t h e y c o n v i n c e d o n e another w a s 'informed public opinion' w e r e paying increasing attention to the towns - b y which were meant the s o m e w h a t loosely d e f i n e d T a r g e ' t o w n s - t h e y , a n d t h e i r social g r o u p s , w e r e b e c o m i n g i n c r e a s i n g l y d i s t a n c e d f r o m , a n d d e t a c h e d f r o m , l a r g e districts in t h e t o w n s a n d l a r g e a r e a s o f u r b a n life, w h i c h t h e y t h e r e u p o n p e r ­ c e i v e d as ' p r o b l e m s ' . T h e o t h e r p r i m e effect o f t h e i n c r e a s e in s c a l e , b e s i d e s s e r v i n g t o f o c u s a t t e n t i o n o n t o w n s , w a s to d i v i d e a n d a t o m i s e u r b a n s o c i e t y i n t o s e p a r a t e social p a r t s , s o t h a t i n m a n y l o c a t i o n s

39

For fuller treatment of these topics, see Volumes 2 and 3.

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Town and city

35

a n d in m a n y r e s p e c t s u r b a n s o c i e t y c e a s e d t o e x i s t a s a c o h e r e n t s t r u c ­ ture a n d b e c a m e m o r e of a collection of distinct c o m m u n i t i e s or social structures sharing a c o m m o n infrastructure of buildings and services, cohabiting in an a t m o s p h e r e of m u t u a l i g n o r a n c e a n d suspicion. D i s e n g a g e m e n t and retreat into select segregation w a s most obvious a m o n g aristocratic a n d gentry circles. B y the 1850s t h e habit of k e e p i n g t o w n h o u s e s h a d all b u t v a n i s h e d , e x c e p t i n L o n d o n a n d , for a r e m ­ nant of non-metropolitian lairds, in E d i n b u r g h . In E d i n b u r g h , indeed, it is m o r e a c c u r a t e t o s a y t h a t t h e g r a n d e s t a n d m o s t e l e g a n t o f t h e t o w n h o u s e s in t h e N e w T o w n w e r e t a k e n o v e r b y a p r o f e s s i o n a l a n d e c c l e s i a s t i c a l elite, for it r e m a i n e d a c a p i t a l c i t y for a d v o c a t e s a n d m i n i s t e r s o f t h e C h u r c h o f S c o t l a n d t h o u g h n o t o n e for a r i s t o c r a t i c h i g h s o c i e t y o r for p o l i t i c i a n s . E l s e w h e r e s o m e t o w n s b e c a m e s o a l t e r e d i n c h a r a c t e r t h a t t h e g e n t r y w e r e d r i v e n a w a y b y t h e dirt a n d s m o k e : t h u s the c h a r m s of P r e s t o n as a m a r k e t t o w n , port, a n d social c e n t r e w e r e o b l i t e r a t e d b y t h e r i s e o f t h e mill c h i m n e y s w h i c h h a d m a d e it i n t o a l a r g e c o t t o n s p i n n i n g t o w n b y m i d - c e n t u r y . I n m o s t cases, h o w e v e r , the gentry o p t e d out of continuing to k e e p h o u s e s in t h e provincial t o w n s , a n d w e r e n o t s q u e e z e d out b y the growth of m a n u f a c t u r i n g o r a n y o t h e r e c o n o m i c c h a n g e t h a t m i g h t r e n d e r a t o w n disagreeable. T h e y opted out of the likes of York a n d Stamford, Shrewsbury

and

Carmarthen,

if a n y t h i n g

because

such

towns

r e m a i n e d t o o q u i e t , dull, o l d - f a s h i o n e d , a n d u n e x c i t i n g , n o t b e c a u s e they b e c a m e too p o p u l o u s or p l e b e i a n .

4 0

C o u n t y families c o n t i n u e d

to patronise race m e e t i n g s , assemblies, a n n u a l balls, a n d other social e v e n t s w i t h a c o u n t y t o w n s e t t i n g , b u t t h e y c a m e as v i s i t o r s a n d n o longer as seasonal residents. I m p r o v e m e n t s in c o m m u n i c a t i o n s , oiling the w h e e l s of fashion, c o n c e n t r a t e d the s e a s o n s of t o w n resi­ dence more and more exclusively on L o n d o n and on the more agree­ a b l e r e s o r t s , at h o m e o r o n t h e C o n t i n e n t , w h e r e t h e g e n t r y

and

aristocracy could congregate together. In L o n d o n t h e a r i s t o c r a t i c p r e s e n c e w a s h i g h l y v i s i b l e , h i g h l y c o m ­ pact, a n d increasingly divorced from the rest of the city. T h e 1820s w e r e a t i m e o f g r o w i n g rivalry in p o m p a n d d i s p l a y a m o n g t h e t o w n m a n s i o n s o r a r i s t o c r a t i c h o t e l s , t h e r e s p o n s e o f t h e p r i v a t e s e c t o r to t h e s c h e m e s o f N a s h a n d G e o r g e I V for g i v i n g t h e i m p e r i a l capital a suitably royal and m o n u m e n t e d 40

facelift.

The extravagance

and

David W. Howell, Patriarchs and Parasites: The Gentry of South-West Wales in the Eigh­ teenth Century (Cardiff, 1986), p. 190, noting the town houses of the gentry in Carmarthen.

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F. M. L. T H O M P S O N

s p l e n d o u r of the c o n v e r s i o n of H o l d e r n e s s e H o u s e into L o n d o n d e r r y H o u s e , Park Lane, b y the third M a r q u e s s , and the refacing and exten­ s i o n o f A p s l e y H o u s e for t h e D u k e o f W e l l i n g t o n , w e r e b u t l e a d i n g examples of a general process of enlarging and embellishing the lead­ i n g t o w n h o u s e s to c a t e r for h i g h s o c i e t y ' s c o m p e t i t i v e d r i v e for p r i v a t e b a l l r o o m s o r p r i v a t e art g a l l e r i e s . B u i l d i n g , or e x t e n s i v e r e b u i l d i n g , c o n t i n u e d , as w i t h H e r t f o r d H o u s e off P a r k L a n e w h i c h t h e M a r q u e s s of H e r t f o r d built in t h e 1 8 5 0 s l a r g e l y to h o u s e h i s art c o l l e c t i o n , a n d w h i c h h e left to h i s i l l e g i t i m a t e s o n S i r R i c h a r d W a l l a c e , w h o s e w i d o w in t u r n left t h e c o l l e c t i o n to t h e n a t i o n . A f e w o f t h e g r e a t h o u s e s v a n i s h e d , as w h e n t h e m a g n i f i c e n t s i x t e e n t h - c e n t u r y

Northumber­

l a n d H o u s e w a s d e m o l i s h e d in 1 8 7 4 t o m a k e w a y for N o r t h u m b e r l a n d A v e n u e , a n d t h e D u k e w a s f o r c e d b a c k o n S y o n H o u s e as h i s n e a r e s t a p p r o a c h to a t o w n r e s i d e n c e . O n t h e w h o l e , t h e g r e a t a r i s t o c r a t i c t o w n m a n s i o n s s u r v i v e d in full r e s i d e n t i a l a n d s o c i a l w o r k i n g o r d e r u n t i l 1 9 1 4 . T h e y h a d to s h a r e t h e i r s p a c e i n P i c c a d i l l y a n d M a y f a i r with clubs, w h i c h in s o m e respects w e r e t h e poorer g e n t r y ' s substitute for

a private residence, with hotels - the Ritz appeared in 1906 -

a n d with the wealthiest, m o s t socially acceptable, or m o s t

deter­

minedly aspiring m e m b e r s of the non-landed m o n i e d and propertied classes. D e n i e d continued exclusive possession of their eighteenthc e n t u r y territory, b y c o m m e r c i a l p r e s s u r e s a n d r i s i n g p r o p e r t y v a l u e s , t h e aristocratic a n d f a s h i o n a b l e w o r l d r a p i d l y s e t t l e d B e l g r a v i a as it d e v e l o p e d f r o m t h e late 1 8 2 0 s t h r o u g h to t h e 1 8 5 0 s , a district o f e l e g a n t squares and frontages, not of individual palaces, but emphatically a n aristocratic district. T h e r u l i n g c l a s s did n o t m a k e as e m p h a t i c a n d i m p o s i n g a n a r c h i t e c ­ tural s t a t e m e n t in t h e i r c a p i t a l city as did, for e x a m p l e , t h e H a b s b u r g nobility in nineteenth-century V i e n n a .

4 1

O n e reason was that

the

r u l i n g c l a s s in B r i t a i n w a s l e s s a m a t t e r o f s t a t u s a n d p r e c e d e n c e , which required outward show, than of influence and connections, w h i c h r e q u i r e d i n d o o r s p l e n d o u r a n d facilities; a n o t h e r w a s t h a t t h e English (and the Scottish and W e l s h ) lavished their main architectural attentions on their country houses, which were their p o w e r bases. E v e n so, Victorian L o n d o n h a d a well defined, and opulent, aristocra­ tic q u a r t e r ; a n d its d e m a n d s for s e r v i c e , f o o d a n d d r i n k , f a s h i o n a b l e clothes, luxuries of m a n y kinds, and entertainment, while seasonal, w e r e of decisive importance to the e c o n o m y of the entire W e s t E n d .

41

Donald J. Olsen, The City as a Work of Art: London, Paris, Vienna (1986), pp. 13-15.

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Town and city

37

In that part of the year which was not appropriated b y the winter a n d s p r i n g s e a s o n in L o n d o n , or b y r e s i d e n c e o n t h e i r c o u n t r y e s t a t e s for s h o o t i n g a n d h u n t i n g , t h e n o m a d i c g e n t r y c a m e to c o n c e n t r a t e their periods of recuperation a n d refreshment on a relatively small s e l e c t i o n o f r e s o r t s w h i c h w e r e a b l e to m a i n t a i n t h e r i g h t t o n e of seclusion and

enjoyability. Bath was

largely abandoned,

having

b e c o m e t o o c o m m o n ; e v e n C h e l t e n h a m , g r o w i n g fast in t h e 1 8 2 0 s as a m o r e s e d a t e a n d l e s s c r o w d e d v e r s i o n o f B a t h , a t t r a c t e d r e t i r e d p e o p l e o f m e a n s , m i l i t a r y a n d n a v a l officers, a n d I n d i a n a n d c o l o n i a l servants, rather than the aristocracy. Alone a m o n g the inland spas in t h e late n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , H a r r o g a t e e n j o y e d a r e p u t a t i o n attracting

aristocratic

society,

England's

answer

to

for

Wiesbaden,

M a r i e n b a d , or K a r l s b a d , w h i c h w e r e t h e m o s t s t y l i s h a n d c o s m o p o l i t i a n c u r i n g - g r o u n d s for t h e n o b i l i t y o f E u r o p e f r o m t h e 1 8 6 0 s .

4 2

At

t h e s e a s i d e , a l s o , t h e a r i s t o c r a c y a n d g e n t r y c e a s e d t o visit t h e w i d e l y s c a t t e r e d s m a l l r e s o r t s , in f a m i l y g r o u p s , as t h e y h a d d o n e in t h e late eighteenth century; w i t h d r e w from Brighton a n d W e y m o u t h b y the 1840s, with the demise of royal patronage; and a b a n d o n e d

the

g r e a t m a j o r i t y o f t h e r e s o r t s to t h e m i d d l e c l a s s e s a n d t h e s u p e r i o r working classes. B y 1871 probably only Hastings and Torquay, out of t h e f o r t y - e i g h t s e a s i d e r e s o r t s l i s t e d in t h e c e n s u s , e n j o y e d a r i s t o c r a ­ tic f a v o u r ; H a s t i n g s b e c a u s e it w a s q u i e t , dignified, a n d at t h e s a m e t i m e sufficiently i n e x p e n s i v e to a p p e a l to i m p o v e r i s h e d g e n t r y , a n d T o r q u a y b e c a u s e it offered a w i n t e r s e a s o n for t h o s e w h o c o u l d n o t afford L o n d o n .

4 3

F r o m the 1830s o n w a r d s the aristocracy might be wintering

in

C a n n e s o r N i c e , a n d t h i r t y y e a r s later c o u l d b e h e a d i n g for D e a u v i l l e o r Biarritz o r a n y o n e o f a d o z e n F r e n c h a n d Italian r e s o r t s . Rail t r a v e l a n d C h a n n e l s t e a m e r s h a d o p e n e d o u t , a n d virtually c r e a t e d o u t o f f o r m e r t i n y fishing v i l l a g e s , a w h o l e n e w a r r a y o f e m i n e n t l y a g r e e a b l e t o w n s which greatly expanded

t h e h o r i z o n s of aristocratic u r b a n

e x p e r i e n c e , a l t h o u g h i n t r o d u c i n g little g r e a t e r v a r i e t y i n t o its q u a l i t y . T h e effect w i t h i n B r i t a i n , h o w e v e r , w a s to n a r r o w d o w n a n d restrict t h e r a n g e o f t o w n s o f w h i c h a r i s t o c r a c y a n d g e n t r y h a d t h e direct e x p e r i e n c e o f r e s i d e n c e a n d o f f o r m i n g , for c o n s i d e r a b l e p a r t s o f t h e y e a r , p a r t o f a n u r b a n c o m m u n i t y . T h i s c o n t r a c t i o n o f t h e aristocratic e l e m e n t i n u r b a n s o c i e t y , a n d its n e a r total c o n c e n t r a t i o n o n t h e c a p i t a l 42

Waller, Town, City and Nation, p. 134; E . J. Hobsbawm, The Age of Capital, 1848-75

43

Pimlott, Englishman's Holiday, pp. 114, 269.

(1975), pp. 204-5.

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38

F . M. L . T H O M P S O N

a n d j u s t o n e o r t w o o t h e r t o w n s , i n s o m e w a y s left t h e s t a g e c l e a r for t h e n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l , n o n - l a n d e d , u p p e r m i d d l e c l a s s t o s u p p l y t h e d o m i n a n t u r b a n e l i t e s . B u t it w a s a l s o offset, i n s o m e d e g r e e , b y t h e role of s o m e l a n d o w n e r s , as individual estate o w n e r s rather than as m e m b e r s o f a social g r o u p , a s u r b a n l a n d l o r d s . This w a s a role w h i c h e x p a n d e d almost automatically with

the

g r o w t h a n d p h y s i c a l e x p a n s i o n o f t o w n s , b u t f o r t u i t o u s l y i n its parti­ c u l a r l o c a t i o n s s i n c e it d e p e n d e d v e r y l a r g e l y o n t h e l u c k y a c c i d e n t s of l o n g - o w n e d a n d i n h e r i t e d fields a n d f a r m s c h a n c i n g t o lie i n t h e path of urban development. Thus, Sir J o h n R a m s d e n o w n e d the major part of Huddersfield in t h e 1880s not b e c a u s e h e h a d created the t o w n but b e c a u s e the R a m s d e n family estate already controlled m o s t of the land in t h e direction of Huddersfield's

r a p i d e x p a n s i o n after

the 1830s; although b e i n g a s h r e w d b u s i n e s s m a n Sir J o h n did take the precaution of acquiring o n e or t w o small adjoining estates in order to p r o t e c t h i s l a n d m o n o p o l y .

4 4

M u c h the s a m e can b e said of the

m a n y other l a n d o w n e r s w h o w e r e t u r n e d into very large, often locally dominant, urban landlords b y the process of urban growth. A ques­ tionnaire a d d r e s s e d to 2 6 1 provincial t o w n s in E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s in 1 8 8 6 r e v e a l e d t h a t at l e a s t 1 0 9 o f t h e m h a d T a r g e a r e a s ' o w n e d by individual ground landlords, m o s t of w h o m w e r e also large land­ owners of the landed classes. O n the other hand, n o less than 134 t o w n s r e p l i e d t h a t t h e y d i d n o t h a v e a n y l a r g e g r o u n d l a n d l o r d s at all; H a l i f a x , for e x a m p l e , c l o s e t o H u d d e r s f i e l d g e o g r a p h i c a l l y a n d industrially, a n d in size a n d rate of growth, claimed to h a v e n o large or p a r t i c u l a r l y n o t i c e a b l e g r o u n d o w n e r s .

4 5

It w a s t h u s l a r g e l y a m a t t e r o f c h a n c e w h e t h e r a n y p a r t i c u l a r t o w n h a d any strategically placed large l a n d o w n e r s , m a d e wealthy

and

influential b y t h e c o u r s e o f n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y e x p a n s i o n , j u s t a s it was a matter of c h a n c e w h e t h e r a n y particular large l a n d o w n e r found himself e n r i c h e d b y crops of h o u s e s o n his estate. T h e o n e area in which landowners perhaps created their o w n urban wealth by their o w n i n i t i a t i v e s , a s d i s t i n c t f r o m r e c e i v i n g it a s a p r e s e n t f r o m m a r k e t forces w h i c h t h e y did not control, w a s in the creation of s o m e of 44

45

Richard Dennis, English Industrial Cities of the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge, 1984), pp. 1 4 8 - 9 , 1 5 7 . SC on Town Holdings, PP 1887, XIII, questionnaire circulated by Charles Harrison, solicitor, pp. 677-812. Many of the large landowners who were significant urban landlords are listed by D. Spring, 'English Landowners and Nineteenth-Century Industrialism , in J. T. Ward and R. G. Wilson, eds., Land and Industry (Newton Abbot, 1971), pp. 39-40, 4 2 - 3 . ,

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39

the n e w resorts which grew o n virgin sites. Classic examples were E a s t b o u r n e , c o n j u r e d b y the D u k e of D e v o n s h i r e out of virtually n o t h i n g b u t fields a n d cliffs i n t h e t h i r t y y e a r s after 1 8 4 9 ; S k e g n e s s , raised b y the Earl of S c a r b o r o u g h o n s o m e u n p r o m i s i n g Lincolnshire sand dunes from the 1870s; and Bexhill, propelled into unlikely but successful

h i g h - c l a s s rivalry

with

neighbouring

Eastbourne

and

H a s t i n g s b y t h e efforts o f E a r l d e la W a r r i n t h e 1 8 8 0 s a n d 1 8 9 0 s . There were many more landowner promotions among the nineteenthcentury resorts, s o m e successful, s o m e not. T h e r e w e r e also m a n y n e w , or rapidly expanding, resorts w h i c h w e r e not the creatures of l a n d o w n e r initiatives: Brighton, Blackpool, Clacton, or S o u t h e n d , to cite e x a m p l e s a c r o s s t h e s p e c t r u m o f s o c i a l r e p u t a t i o n s .

46

There has b e e n m u c h discussion a m o n g u r b a n a n d social historians of t h e effects o f t h e s t r u c t u r e o f l a n d o w n e r s h i p o n t h e p h y s i c a l a n d s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r o f u r b a n d e v e l o p m e n t s . T h e p i c t u r e is a c o m p l i c a t e d o n e , b u t it is c l e a r t h a t u n i f i e d o w n e r s h i p o f a s i z e a b l e tract o f p o t e n t i a l b u i l d i n g l a n d d i d n o t n e c e s s a r i l y a n d u n i f o r m l y l e a d to t h e d e v e l o p ­ m e n t o f h i g h - c l a s s r e s i d e n t i a l districts o r t o w n s o f a s u p e r i o r

and

elegant style e v e n a m o n g s t the n e w resorts; in the w o r k i n g towns, w h e r e industry, trade, c o m m e r c e , a n d the professions w e r e carried on, the c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n unified o w n e r s h i p a n d fashionable, or c o m f o r t a b l e m i d d l e - c l a s s , districts w a s e v e n l e s s c e r t a i n . L o c a l t o p o ­ graphy, accessibility, proximity of industries, especially the obnoxious ones, and the character of adjoining areas were a m o n g the determi­ nants of the social configuration of n e w u r b a n d e v e l o p m e n t s w h i c h frequently cut across or n e g a t e d the influence of patterns of landownership.

4 7

It is a l s o c l e a r t h a t i n m a n y t o w n s t h o s e w h o b e c a m e

l a r g e u r b a n l a n d l o r d s a l s o b e c a m e p o w e r f u l a n d i n f l u e n t i a l figures i n t h e p o l i t i c a l a n d s o c i a l life o f t h e t o w n , a n d t h i s h a p p e n e d w h e t h e r or not t h e l a n d o w n e r a t t e m p t e d to, or s u c c e e d e d in, p e o p l i n g his urban property with a superior class of residents. T h e D u k e of D e v o n ­ s h i r e a n d h i s a g e n t d o m i n a t e d t h e life o f E a s t b o u r n e u n t i l t h e 1 8 9 0 s , a n d i n t h e 1 8 9 0 s t h e E a r l d e la W a r r w a s p e r s o n a l l y t h e l e a d e r o f Bexhill society: these w e r e instances w h e r e the t o w n s w e r e indeed successfully m o u l d e d in t h e i m a g e of their aristocratic o w n e r s . T h e Earl of S c a r b o r o u g h a n d his agent, h o w e v e r , w e r e similarly h o n o u r e d 46

47

David Cannadine, Lords and Landlords: The Aristocracy and the Towns, 1774-1967 (Leicester, 1980), pp. 6 2 - 6 , 408-12. John K. Walton, The English Seaside Resort: A Social History, 1750-1914 (Leicester, 1983), chap. 5. Cannadine, Lords and Landlords, pp. 391-416, summarises this discussion and exam­ ines its historiography.

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40

F. M. L . T H O M P S O N

a n d t r e a t e d w i t h d e f e r e n c e b y S k e g n e s s , a l t h o u g h t h e t o w n w a s deli­ b e r a t e l y d e v e l o p e d for l o w e r - c l a s s t r i p p e r s a n d h a d n o p r e t e n s i o n s to a h i g h t o n e . Moreover,

individual

aristocrats w e r e the u n c r o w n e d

several of the largest t o w n s , a n d w h e t h e r their urban

kings of properties

h o u s e d t h e w e a l t h i e s t a n d s m a r t e s t q u a r t e r i n t o w n or t h e i n d u s t r i a l a n d w o r k i n g - c l a s s a r e a s , t h e y w e r e t r e a t e d as g r a n d e e s . I n Cardiff, virtually the creation of the s e c o n d M a r q u e s s of B u t e w h o built the first c o a l d o c k s i n t h e 1 8 3 0 s a n d o w n e d m u c h o f t h e l a n d o n w h i c h t h e e x p a n d i n g t o w n w a s built, t h e B u t e i n t e r e s t w a s d o m i n a n t u n t i l t h e 1 8 7 0 s , w h i l e t h e E a r l s o f D e r b y w e r e c o n t i n u o u s l y i n f l u e n t i a l in Liverpool society a n d politics e v e n t h o u g h their party allegiances v e e r e d b a c k a n d forth b e t w e e n W h i g a n d T o r y . T h e s e t w o f a m i l i e s h a d d i g n i f i e d s e a t s in o r c l o s e to t h e i r t o w n s , C a r d i f f C a s t l e a n d K n o w s l e y , j u s t as t h e D e v o n s h i r e s a n d d e la W a r r s h a d r e s i d e n c e s in E a s t b o u r n e a n d Bexhill, a n d this real p r e s e n c e n o doubt h e l p e d t h e aristocratic i n f l u e n c e . T h e D u k e s o f N o r f o l k , h o w e v e r , w e r e r a r e l y s e e n in S h e f f i e l d , w h e r e t h e y o w n e d a l a r g e i n d u s t r i a l a n d w o r k i n g c l a s s district, b u t n o n - r e s i d e n c e did n o t curtail t h e i r i n f l u e n c e i n t h e town. T h e reverse could equally well b e true: Lord Calthorpe and h i s a g e n t s carefully n u r s e d t h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f h i s E d g b a s t o n e s t a t e i n t o t h e h o m e o f B i r m i n g h a m ' s elite, b u t t h e C a l t h o r p e s , a l t h o u g h t h e y t e m p o r a r i l y r e v e r t e d f r o m b e i n g a b s e n t e e l a n d o w n e r s l i v i n g in H a m p s h i r e to r e s i d i n g i n r e a c h o f B i r m i n g h a m at P e r r y H a l l i n t h e middle years of the century, n e v e r established t h e m s e l v e s as the leaders of that elite.

48

T h e s o c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e o f t h e rise o f t h e a r i s t o c r a c y as l a r g e u r b a n l a n d o w n e r s t h u s v a r i e d w i d e l y f r o m p l a c e to p l a c e . I n e s s e n c e t h e r e were three groups of towns: those which had no outstanding land­ o w n e r s , w e r e built o n l a n d i n f r a g m e n t e d o w n e r s h i p , a n d w e r e p r e d o ­ minantly freehold towns; those w h i c h did h a v e large tracts of building l a n d in s i n g l e , o f t e n a r i s t o c r a t i c , o w n e r s h i p , w e r e l e a s e h o l d t o w n s , b u t h a d n o d o m i n a n t a n d influential a r i s t o c r a t i c i n t e r e s t ; a n d finally those w h e r e dominant estates and dominant influence w e n t h a n d in h a n d . M a n c h e s t e r , L e e d s , N e w c a s t l e , a n d B r i s t o l w e r e l e a d i n g m e m b e r s o f t h e first g r o u p , to w h i c h B r i g h t o n a n d B l a c k p o o l a l s o 48

M. J. Daunton, Coal Metropolis: Cardiff, 1870-1914

(Leicester, 1977), pp. 167-9.

P. J. Waller, Democracy and Sectarianism: A Political and Social History of Liverpool, 1868-1939 (Liverpool, 1981), pp. 7 1 - 4 , 179-80. Cannadine, Lords and Landlords, pp. 41-5,155.

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b e l o n g e d ; B i r m i n g h a m , B r a d f o r d (Earl o f R o s s e ) , S t o c k p o r t ( L o r d Egerton of Tatton), and Sunderland (Bishop of Durham, Sir Hedworth W i l l i a m s o m o f W h i t b u r n ) m a y b e p l a c e d in t h e s e c o n d c a t e g o r y ; w h i l e B a r r o w - i n - F u r n e s s ( D u k e o f D e v o n s h i r e ) , P r e s t o n (Earl o f D e r b y ) , S o u t h p o r t ( t h e S c a r i s b r i c k s ) , or W h i t e h a v e n (Earl o f L o n s d a l e ) c a n r e a d i l y b e a d d e d to Cardiff, H u d d e r s f i e l d , L i v e r p o o l , Sheffield, B e x hill, a n d E a s t b o u r n e in t h e final g r o u p w i t h o u t in a n y w a y c o m p l e t i n g the roll-call.

49

W h e r e a n aristocratic p r e s e n c e o n t h e g r o u n d w a s t r a n s l a t e d i n t o effective social a n d political l e a d e r s h i p it s e e m s to h a v e b e e n t h e r e s u l t of a c o m b i n a t i o n o f f a c t o r s : t h e a b s o l u t e size a n d w e a l t h o f t h e p a r t i c u ­ lar u r b a n e s t a t e , a n d its relative size in r e l a t i o n to t h a t o f t h e t o w n a n d t h e t o w n ' s b u s i n e s s a n d cultural a r e a s ; r e s i d e n c e a n d p e r s o n a l appearances that were not too infrequent; and personal c o m m i t m e n t , or at l e a s t i n v o l v e m e n t o f a local e s t a t e office a n d a t e a m o f local e s t a t e officials, in t h e c u l t i v a t i o n o f a n i n t e r e s t . T h r e e s t a g e s h a v e b e e n d i s c e r n e d in t h e V i c t o r i a n life-cycle o f t h e s e ' a r i s t o c r a t i c ' t o w n s . A p h a s e o f r a p i d e x p a n s i o n a n d b u i l d i n g o n t h e e s t a t e l a s t i n g , in m o s t c a s e s , until t h e 1 8 6 0 s or 1 8 7 0 s , d u r i n g w h i c h p a t e r n a l i s t d i r e c t i o n a n d c o n t r o l w e r e as e v i d e n t in local g o v e r n m e n t as in t h e p r o v i s i o n of b a s i c utilities a n d a m e n i t i e s , a n d t h e l a n d o w n e r a c t e d as t h e f o c u s b o t h for d e f e r e n t i a l a n d o b s e q u i o u s a d h e r e n t s s e e k i n g a d v a n c e m e n t a n d p o w e r , a n d for radical o p p o n e n t s o f p r i v i l e g e a n d

dependence

a l s o s e e k i n g a d v a n c e m e n t a n d p o w e r . T h e s e c o n d p h a s e , in t h e 1 8 7 0 s a n d 1 8 8 0 s , s a w t h e t r i u m p h o f t h e m u n i c i p a l critics o f aristocratic d o m i n a t i o n , t h e f l o w e r i n g o f civic i n d e p e n d e n c e , a n d t h e r e l e g a t i o n of t h e l a n d o w n e r s to a l o w e r profile in social a n d political affairs. Finally, f r o m 1 8 9 0 t o 1 9 1 4 , t h e l i b e r a t e d a n d self-confident cities t u r n e d t o t h e i r e r s t w h i l e aristocratic p a t r o n s as d e c o r a t i v e a n d o r n a m e n t a l f i g u r e h e a d s , a n d m a d e t h e m l o r d m a y o r s a n d m a y o r s , dignified c e r e ­ m o n i a l figures w h o s e r a n k r u b b e d off o n t h e m u n i c i p a l i t i e s b u t w h o h a d b e c o m e harmless and powerless. T h e third Marquess of Bute, b e c o m i n g m a y o r o f Cardiff in 1 8 9 1 , w a s ' t h e first p e e r to h o l d t h e h i g h e s t m u n i c i p a l office in a n y E n g l i s h or W e l s h b o r o u g h for s e v e r a l generations - certainly since the Reform A c t ' , and h e was followed i n t h e n e x t t w e n t y y e a r s b y a p a r a d e o f t h e m a j o r local l a n d o w n e r s

The listing is illustrative, not comprehensive. Complete analysis would require, in particular, detailed local knowledge of the society and politics of the 109 towns which were stated, in 1886, to have one or more very considerable groundowners.

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F . M. L . T H O M P S O N

into t h e mayoralties of Belfast, D u d l e y , L o n g t o n , Liverpool, Preston, and Sheffield.

50

In theory a m a r k e d distinction might have b e e n expected b e t w e e n t h e u r b a n e l i t e s o f t h e first t w o g r o u p s o f t o w n s , a b l e t o p r o d u c e their o w n leaders, their o w n ethos, a n d their o w n culture without a r i s t o c r a t i c i n t e r f e r e n c e a n d free f r o m a n y t a i n t o f t o a d y i n g t o a r i s t o ­ cratic w h i m s o r v a l u e s ; a n d t h o s e o f t h e t h i r d g r o u p , w h o s e s e p a r a t e a n d i n d e p e n d e n t social d e v e l o p m e n t might h a v e b e e n stunted a n d distorted b y deference a n d paternalism. In practice no such clear differentiation b e t w e e n the u p p e r middle classes of the major Victor­ i a n t o w n s is r e a d i l y a p p a r e n t , a l t h o u g h t h e s t r i k i n g i m p r e s s i o n m a d e b y M a n c h e s t e r , B i r m i n g h a m , a n d L e e d s , at r a t h e r different t i m e s a n d in different w a y s , i n n a t i o n a l political life, i n f o r m i n g p u b l i c o p i n i o n , a n d i n i n t e l l e c t u a l a n d c u l t u r a l life, i n c o n t r a s t t o t h e m o r e m u t e d a n d conformist s h o w i n g of Liverpool or Sheffield, m a y o w e s o m e t h i n g to t h e s e influences. Neither w a s a n y differentiation m o r e discernible in t h e t i e r o f r a t h e r s m a l l e r t o w n s w h e r e d i r e c t c o n t a c t b e t w e e n l e a d i n g business a n d professional m e n a n d the local l a n d o w n e r a n d his agents w a s m o r e feasible as an i n s t r u m e n t of social control. T h e u p p e r middle c l a s s o f Cardiff, t h e l e a d i n g c o a l s h i p p e r s a n d s h i p o w n e r s , w a s n o m o r e deferential or subservient t h a n that of N e w c a s t l e , i n d e e d w a s p o s s i b l y l e s s s o s i n c e a h i g h e r p r o p o r t i o n o f N e w c a s t l e ' s l e a d i n g citi­ z e n s h a d family or property links with N o r t h u m b r i a n c o u n t y society, a n d C a r d i f f ' s m e r c h a n t s w e r e , at l e a s t b y t h e 1 8 8 0 s , d e f i a n t l y i n d e p e n ­ dent of the Bute interest.

51

M o r e o v e r , w h i l e it is t r u e t h a t t h e t o p

l a y e r o f s o c i e t y i n l a n d o w n e r - c r e a t e d r e s o r t s w a s v e r y different f r o m that in the great manufacturing a n d port t o w n s , there w a s not a great deal of difference b e t w e e n E a s t b o u r n e , w h e r e D e v o n s h i r e w a s an active influence, a n d B o u r n e m o u t h , w h e r e t h e t w o or t h r e e consider­ able l a n d o w n e r s c h o s e to r e m a i n passive a n d u n o b t r u s i v e .

5 2

Differ­

ences in the top level of urban society w e r e primarily functional. Resort-town elites, heavily w e i g h t e d with retired people a n d rentiers, w e r e m o r e socially conservative, m o r e preoccupied with the c o n v e n ­ tions of gentility a n d respectability, a n d m o r e derivative a n d imitative in t h e i r o p i n i o n s , t h a n t h e e l i t e s o f t h e g r e a t i n d u s t r i a l a n d c o m m e r c i a l towns with their business and professional leaders. T h e presence or 50

51

52

Cannadine, Lords and Landlords, pp. 46-52. Daunton, Coal Metropolis, pp. 155-9. Richard Roberts, 'The Corporation as Impresario: The Municipal Provision of Enter­ tainment in Victorian and Edwardian Bournemouth', in John K. Walton and James Walvin, eds., Leisure in Britain, 1780-1939 (Manchester, 1983), pp. 140-2

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a b s e n c e of an active a n d interventionist urban aristocrat w a s of mar­ ginal importance. T h e limited range of l a n d o w n e r influence w a s a function of t o w n s i z e . I n a v e r y s m a l l t o w n it r e m a i n e d p o s s i b l e for t h e w h o l e c o m ­ m u n i t y to feel v e r y c o n s c i o u s t h a t it l i v e d i n t h e s h a d o w o f t h e c a s t l e , a n d in A r u n d e l o r P e t w o r t h , A l n w i c k o r S t a m f o r d , t h e s m a l l m i d d l e class of lawyers, other professional m e n , a n d larger m e r c h a n t s w e r e as deferential towards the D u k e of Norfolk, L o r d Leconfield, the D u k e of N o r t h u m b e r l a n d , o r t h e M a r q u e s s o f E x e t e r a s w e r e t h e h u m b l e r townsfolk, d o w n to 1914 a n d b e y o n d . T h e very large t o w n s w e r e simply too big a n d too complicated in their b u s i n e s s a n d social a r r a n g e m e n t s for t h i s t y p e o f p e r s o n a l a t t a c h m e n t t o f u n c t i o n , s o t h a t t h e a r i s t o c r a t i c e l e m e n t , w h e r e it e x i s t e d at all, w a s n o m o r e t h a n a m i n o r t h r e a d i n t h e fabric o f t h e u r b a n m i d d l e c l a s s e s , w h o s e p a t t e r n was determined by more weighty, and more uniform, considerations of i n c o m e , w e a l t h , r e l i g i o n , e d u c a t i o n , a n d political p a r t y . T h e a r i s t o ­ cratic i n f l u e n c e , at l e a s t a s a m a t t e r o f s e n t i m e n t a n d p r e j u d i c e , m a y indeed have w o r k e d m o r e strongly o n the lower middle class a n d the deferential working classes, especially w h e r e they s a w their pros­ perity, a n d their t o w n ' s prosperity, as b e i n g closely identified with a s i n g l e , p r e f e r a b l y titled, l a n d o w n e r . O w n e r s h i p w a s , therefore, m o r e important as a b o n d joining certain aristocrats a n d m e m b e r s of the gentry to the urban s c e n e a n d linking t h e i r f o r t u n e to t h e h e a l t h o f c e r t a i n t o w n s , t h a n a s a factor i n m o u l d i n g t h e t e x t u r e o f u r b a n s o c i e t y . T h e i d e a a n d p r a c t i c e o f t h e aristocratic life w a s , h o w e v e r , a c o u n t e r v a i l i n g f o r c e w h i c h e x e r t e d a s u b s t a n t i a l i n f l u e n c e o n V i c t o r i a n u r b a n s o c i e t y , b o t h i n f u r n i s h i n g s o m e o f its v a l u e s a n d a t t i t u d e s , a n d i n i n d u c i n g s o m e o f its w e a l t h i e r m e m b e r s into partially or c o m p l e t e l y deserting the city. T h e gentrification of t h e b o u r g e o i s i e i n m a n n e r s , b e h a v i o u r , f a m i l y life, a n d s o c i a l c o n v e n ­ tions, frequently remarked and most marked a m o n g the upper middle class of the leading b u s i n e s s m e n , industrialists, a n d m e m b e r s of the older professions, w a s clearly s o m e t h i n g w h i c h h a p p e n e d in t o w n s .

5 3

It is n o t s o c l e a r t h a t it w a s a n u r b a n p h e n o m e n o n , i n t h e s e n s e o f a s o c i a l i s i n g p r o c e s s d e r i v i n g f r o m t h e specifically u r b a n c h a r a c t e r of t h e c o n d i t i o n s i n w h i c h t h e s e m i d d l e c l a s s e s h a d t h e i r b e i n g . A c c e p ­ t a n c e o f t h e m o d e l o f g e n t i l i t y , a n d o f its r u l e s o f s o c i a l c o n d u c t , e v o l v e d b y t h e a r i s t o c r a c y a n d g e n t r y c a m e , it c a n b e a r g u e d , b e c a u s e 53

Lawrence Stone and Jeanne C. Fawtier Stone, An Open Elite? England, (Oxford, 1984), pp. 409, 411.

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1540-1880

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F. M. L . T H O M P S O N

t h a t a r i s t o c r a t i c elite w a s s o d o m i n a n t i n t h e political a n d s o c i a l life of t h e n a t i o n a n d b e c a u s e its d o m i n a t i o n w a s n o t s o rigidly e x c l u s i v e as to r e n d e r u n a t t a i n a b l e h o p e s o f s o m e d e g r e e o f s o c i a l a c c e p t a n c e and assimilation, through emulation o n the part of the wealthy middle classes.

54

S u c h a c c e p t a n c e d i d n o t c o m e a u t o m a t i c a l l y n o r w a s it

unchallenged within the bourgeoisie. Otherwise there would have b e e n n o call for M a t t h e w A r n o l d ' s c o n t e m p t u o u s d i s m i s s a l o f t h e crass materialism a n d n a k e d m o n e y - w o r s h i p of the middle class in Culture

and Anarchy

( 1 8 6 8 ) ; n e i t h e r w o u l d it h a v e b e e n p o s s i b l e t o

c l a i m to i d e n t i f y a n i n d e p e n d e n t , n o n - d e f e r e n t i a l a n d n o n - a r i s t o c r a t i c , middle-class culture in mid-Victorian cities.

55

T h e c i t y p r o v i d e d a h o m e for b o t h t y p e s , a n d m a y b e c o n s i d e r e d a m o r e or l e s s n e u t r a l e n v i r o n m e n t . T h e s t u r d i l y i n d e p e n d e n t m i d d l e class c u l t u r e w a s p e r h a p s m o r e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f t h e m a j o r p r o v i n c i a l towns than of L o n d o n ; and, a m o n g t h e m , m o r e characteristic of the great industrial t o w n s t h a n of the great ports, s u c h as Liverpool a n d Bristol w h i c h w e r e s o c i a l l y m o r e i n t h e h a n d s o f t r a d i t i o n a l m e r c a n t i l e elites w i t h t h e i r l e a n i n g s t o w a r d s g e n t r y v a l u e s . T h e i n d e p e n d e n c e was e x p r e s s e d in p r o u d self-reliance, disdain of aristocratic patronage, repudiation of idleness, luxury, a n d c o n s p i c u o u s display, belief in t h e c a r e e r o p e n t o t a l e n t r a t h e r t h a n t o b r e e d i n g a n d r e w a r d s for i n d i v i d u a l effort a n d m e r i t r a t h e r t h a n for g o o d c o n n e c t i o n s , a n d fer­ vent c o m m i t m e n t to the virtues of work, earnestness, sobriety, and strict s e x u a l m o r a l i t y . T h e w o r k e t h i c is t h e s h o r t h a n d p h r a s e c u s t o ­ marily u s e d to describe these qualities. T h e y have also b e e n enlisted as t h e c o r e o f t h e e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l i d e a l w h i c h d e f i n e d m i d d l e - c l a s s values; but t h e y are p e r h a p s b e s t u n d e r s t o o d as constituting the secu­ lar a r m o f t h e e v a n g e l i c a l m o v e m e n t t h a t w a s p r o b a b l y t h e s i n g l e m o s t p o w e r f u l f o r c e i n B r i t i s h s o c i e t y i n t h e first h a l f o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h century.

56

T h e t r o u b l e w i t h e v a n g e l i c a l i s m is t h a t it c u t a c r o s s t h e

c l a s s e s . It m a y i n d e e d h a v e a c h i e v e d a s o l i d a n d w i d e s p r e a d m i d d l e class b a s e b y t h e e a r l y V i c t o r i a n y e a r s , e v e n t h o u g h it h a d o r i g i n a t e d 54 55

56

Leonore Davidoff, The Best Circles: Society, Etiquette and the Season (1973), pp. 2 1 - 2 . An independent middle-class culture, with strong sectarian and evangelical roots, is identified in Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class, 1780-1850 (1987); and, with intellectual roots, in R. }. Morris, 'Middle-Class Culture, 1700-1914', in Derek Fraser, ed., A History of Modern Leeds (Manchester, 1980), esp. pp. 212-14. In a different way, uneasily linked to the emergence of an English national consciousness, it is the central theme of Gerald Newman, The Rise of English Nationalism, 1740-1830(1987). The 'entrepreneurial ideal' is defined and discussed by H. J. Perkin, The Origins of Modern English Society, 1780-1880 (1969), esp. pp. 221-30, 276-81.

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a m o n g m e m b e r s of the gentry a n d the gentry fringe; b u t evangeli­ c a l i s m c e r t a i n l y a p p e a l e d t o , a n d i n f l u e n c e d , a s e c t i o n o f t h e aristo­ c r a c y , w h o t u r n e d f r o m frivolity a n d i n d o l e n c e t o s e r i o u s b u s i n e s s a n d g o o d w o r k s , a n d its i n f l u e n c e i n s p r e a d i n g n o t i o n s o f s e l f - r e s p e c t and respectability to sections of the working classes was i m m e n s e . T h e p a n - c l a s s a p p e a l o f e v a n g e l i c a l i s m w a s a s o u r c e o f s t r e n g t h in t h e r i s e o f V i c t o r i a n i s m a n d t h e V i c t o r i a n f a m i l y i d e a l , b u t its v e r y diffusion, a s w e l l a s its s e c t a r i a n a s p e c t s , m a d e it a w e a k v e h i c l e for defining a distinctive urban middle-class culture, capable of making a sustained and independent contribution to the development of the nation. A s e c o n d , a n d e v e n t u a l l y m o r e s e r i o u s , s o u r c e o f w e a k n e s s in t h e c o h e s i o n of the u r b a n middle class w a s that fractions of the class n e v e r accepted the evangelical c a n o n s of behaviour, seeing comfort, pleasure, a n d display as p r o p e r r e w a r d s a n d n e c e s s a r y confirmations of t h e i r w o r l d l y s u c c e s s , a n d c a m e t o h a v e r e s e r v a t i o n s a b o u t living i n t h e c i t y at all. A d u l t e r y , i n d e e d , m a y n e v e r h a v e b e c o m e a c c e p t a b l e , o r at l e a s t t o l e r a t e d , i n t h e f a m i l i e s o f t h e V i c t o r i a n civic patriciate; o t h e r w i s e t h e r e w a s little d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n l i v e s i n t h e i r h o u s e s , w i t h droves of servants, teams of gardeners, coach-houses, conservatories, m u s i c r o o m s , billiard r o o m s , a n d b a l l r o o m s , a n d c o u n t r y - h o u s e l i v i n g . T o b e sure, m a n y grandees continued to build their grand mansions in t h e city or in t h e n e a r outskirts. T h u s , t h e blanket

manufacturer

B e n j a m i n G o t t a n d t h e flax s p i n n e r J o h n M a r s h a l l b u i l t t h e m s e l v e s l a r g e m a n s i o n s o n t h e hills a b o v e t h e A i r e , a l l e g e d l y t o d o m i n a t e the w o r k e r s in their factories d o w n b e l o w in L e e d s ; Titus Salt's son b u i l t a ' W a g n e r i a n r e t r e a t ' i n t h e w o o d s a b o v e h i s f a t h e r ' s mill c o m ­ p l e x o f S a l t a i r e , B r a d f o r d ; t h e c a r p e t m a n u f a c t u r i n g C r o s s l e y s built i m p o s i n g h o u s e s o n t h e e d g e of Halifax, close to their mills, and E d w a r d Akroyd, worsted manufacturer, placed his great h o u s e across t h e s t r e e t f r o m h i s mill a n d m o d e l f a c t o r y v i l l a g e o f A k r o y d o n , Halifax; J o h n Fielden, cotton manufacturer, built D o b r o y d Castle, towering o v e r t h e f a m i l y t o w n o f T o d m o r d e n ; a n d l e a d i n g B i r m i n g h a m families, t h e C h a m b e r l a i n s a n d t h e C a d b u r y s , l i v e d i n e n o r m o u s h o u s e s set in private parks c o m p l e t e w i t h private golf c o u r s e s , t o w a r d s the south­ ern edge of the city. 57

5 7

V e r y m a n y m o r e o f t h e u p p e r m i d d l e class,

Morris, 'Middle-Class Culture', p. 208. C. Treen, 'The Process of Suburban Develop­ ment in North Leeds, 1870-1914', in F. M. L. Thompson, ed., The Rise of Suburbia (Leicester, 1982), p. 182. M. Girouard, The Victorian Country House (1979), pp. 10, 207-10, 404, 414.

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F. M.

L.

T H O M P S O N

affluent b u t l e s s w e a l t h y t h a n t h e n o t a b i l i t i e s , l i v e d in s l i g h t l y m o r e m o d e s t g r a n d e u r i n t h e g r a n d villas o f E d g b a s t o n , V i c t o r i a P a r k i n M a n c h e s t e r , S e f t o n P a r k in L i v e r p o o l , H e a d i n g l e y i n L e e d s , K e l v i n s i d e in G l a s g o w , B r o o m h a l l i n S h e f f i e l d , T h e P a r k i n N o t t i n g h a m , a n d t h e i r e q u i v a l e n t s in o t h e r l a r g e t o w n s .

5 8

A f u r t h e r fraction, h o w ­

ever, took to living outside the city altogether, a n d t h u s established a d e t a c h e d or s e m i - d e t a c h e d r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h t h e i r s o u r c e o f i n c o m e and place of business. B o t h E n g e l s a n d F a u c h e r , f r o m v e r y different i d e o l o g i c a l s t a n d ­ p o i n t s , o b s e r v e d o f M a n c h e s t e r i n t h e 1 8 4 0 s t h a t t h e g r e a t mill o w n e r s and other leading citizens deserted the t o w n every evening, retiring to t h e i r h o u s e s in t h e c o u n t r y at s o m e d i s t a n c e f r o m t h e c e n t r e .

5 9

This kind of wealthy c o m m u t i n g w a s not n e w to the nineteenth cen­ t u r y ; for c e n t u r i e s s o m e o f t h e w e a l t h i e s t L o n d o n m e r c h a n t s h a d l i v e d in c o u n t r y h o u s e s , or c o u n t r y v i l l a g e s , a d o z e n o r m o r e m i l e s f r o m the City, either year-round or during the heat and stench of s u m m e r . W h a t w a s p e r h a p s n e w w a s t h e a d o p t i o n o f t h e h a b i t in t h e p r o v i n c e s a n d b y the prosperous middle class b e l o w the top level of wealth. The very wealthiest, w h o acquired country houses and landed estates, can b e divided into t w o groups: those w h o c o n t i n u e d in b u s i n e s s , o f t e n financial b u t i n s e v e r a l i n s t a n c e s i n d u s t r i a l , a n d b e c a m e c o m ­ m u t i n g a m p h i b i a n s , e q u a l l y at h o m e i n t h e w o r l d o f t h e h u n t i n g field and the world of counting house; and those w h o transformed them­ selves a n d their heirs into l a n d e d gentry. T h e n u m b e r s in the t w o groups taken together w e r e small, a matter of n o m o r e t h a n 2 0 0 or 3 0 0 i n d i v i d u a l s o v e r t h e c e n t u r y ; b u t p o s s i b l y as m u c h as 8 0 p e r c e n t of t h e v e r y w e a l t h i e s t m e m b e r s o f t h e u p p e r m i d d l e c l a s s , w h o left p e r s o n a l f o r t u n e s at d e a t h o f £}/i m i l l i o n o r m o r e , b e l o n g e d t o o n e or o t h e r g r o u p .

6 0

T h i s m o v e m e n t w a s t h e c o n t i n u a t i o n o f a l o n g tra­

d i t i o n , m a g n i f i e d i n s c a l e b y t h e n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y e x p a n s i o n in t h e overall n u m b e r s of the very w e a l t h y .

58

59

60

61

6 1

More novel was the settlement

Glasgow, Nottingham, and Sheffield are discussed in M. A. Simpson and T. H. Lloyd, eds., Middle-Class Housing in Britain (Newton Abbot, 1977). See also Cannadine, Lords and Landlords pp. 124, 402; and Donald J. Olsen, 'House upon House', in H. J. Dyos and Michael Wolff, eds., The Victorian City, vol. 1: Images and Realities (1978 edn), pp. 341-5. F. Engels, The Condition of the Working Class in England (Panther edn, 1969), pp. 79-80. L. Faucher, Manchester in 1844 (1844), p. 26. F. M. L . Thompson, 'Life after Death: How Successful Nineteenth-Century Busi­ nessmen Disposed of their Fortunes', Economic History Review (forthcoming). W . D. Rubinstein, Men of Property: The Very Wealthy in Britain since the Industrial Revolution (1981), esp. chap. 2.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

Town and city

47

of t h e ' s t o c k b r o k e r b e l t ' o f S u r r e y a n d B e r k s h i r e f r o m t h e 1 8 5 0 s o n w a r d s b y b u s i n e s s a n d p r o f e s s i o n a l m e n w h o d i d ' s o m e t h i n g in the City' and were well-heeled without being super-wealthy.

62

This

w a s a leap out of and b e y o n d suburbia, over intervening countryside to d e s i r a b l e r e s i d e n c e s in L e a t h e r h e a d o r W o k i n g , S u n n i n g d a l e o r W o k i n g h a m , a n d w a s o n l y m a d e p o s s i b l e b y t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f train s e r v i c e s . A g e n e r a t i o n later t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f similar d o r m i t o r y satellites, as distinct f r o m t h e earlier s u b u r b s , c o u l d b e s e e n r o u n d the great conurbations of Merseyside and Manchester, the W e s t Riding towns and Birmingham, and Clydeside. T h e s e m o v e m e n t s m a y or m a y not h a v e p r o d u c e d a h a e m o r r h a g e of w e a l t h a n d t a l e n t f r o m t h e city, b u s i n e s s , a n d i n d u s t r y , f l o w i n g to w a s t e in t h e c o u n t r y s i d e : it is a l w a y s p o s s i b l e t o a r g u e t h a t s t o c k ­ b r o k e r s d o b e t t e r b u s i n e s s o n golf c o u r s e s . It is c l e a r , h o w e v e r , t h a t t h e s e d e v e l o p m e n t s w e a k e n e d , d i l u t e d , or d e s t r o y e d a n y p s y c h o l o g i ­ cal, social, o r political i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h t h e city in w h i c h b u s i n e s s life w a s c a r r i e d o n , o n t h e p a r t o f a significant s e c t i o n o f t h e u p p e r m i d d l e c l a s s , a n d w e a k e n e d it m o r e s e r i o u s l y a m o n g t h e p s e u d o g e n t r y c o u n t r y d w e l l e r s t h a n a m o n g t h o s e w h o m e r e l y l i v e d in leafy s u b u r b s . I n e v i t a b l y affinities w i t h t h e p l a c e w h e r e h o m e w a s , w h e r e the family lived, a n d w h e r e w e e k e n d s w e r e spent, p e r h a p s formerly a s m a l l c o u n t r y t o w n o r o v e r g r o w n v i l l a g e , w e r e l i k e l y to b e s t r o n g e r than those with the place where the working days were spent. Leader­ s h i p o f t h e w o r k - t o w n p a s s e d b y default t o t h o s e w h o l i v e d t h e r e all t h e t i m e : t h e local b u i l d e r s , t r a d e r s , s h o p k e e p e r s , p e r h a p s t h e resi­ d e n t d o c t o r s a n d solicitors, e v e n t h e t e a c h e r s , all o f w h o m w e r e in the middling to lower e n d of the middle class. Fractured in these s e v e r a l w a y s t h e u p p e r m i d d l e c l a s s w a s n o t in a s t r o n g p o s i t i o n to nourish a vigorous or coherent urban culture, or to form a powerful i n d e p e n d e n t force in politics o r g o v e r n m e n t . T h e f r a g m e n t s o f t h e b o u r g e o i s elites w h i c h d i d identify c l o s e l y w i t h t h e i r cities, for relati­ v e l y s h o r t p e r i o d s a n d a g a i n s t t h e s e o t h e r t r e n d s , left t h e i r m a r k o n t h e city c e n t r e s w i t h t h e i m p o s i n g , s e l f - c o n f i d e n t , a n d didactic m i d V i c t o r i a n t o w n h a l l s , libraries, a n d m u s e u m s t h a t w e r e p l a n t e d b y s h o r t b u r s t s o f civic p r i d e a n d free s p e n d i n g in M a n c h e s t e r a n d L e e d s , B i r m i n g h a m a n d Sheffield, a n d m a n y o t h e r t o w n s . T h e y are a s m a l l taste of w h a t might have b e e n achieved b y prolonged a n d consistent civic l e a d e r s h i p a n d w i l l i n g n e s s t o s p e n d m o n e y o n p u b l i c p r o j e c t s , 6 2

M. H. Ferguson, 'Land-Use, Settlement, and Society in the Bagshot Sands Region, 1840-1940' (unpublished PhD thesis, University of Reading, 1980), pp. 199-213.

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48

F. M. L . T H O M P S O N

to counteract the prevailing impression of muddle, m e a n n e s s , a n d materialism in Victorian cities. T h e p a t c h w o r k nature of the u r b a n e n v i r o n m e n t , islands of dignity a n d g r a n d e u r in a great dreary sea of t h e n o n d e s c r i p t , t h e m o n o t o n o u s , t h e d i n g y , a n d t h e s q u a l i d , w a s s y m p t o m a t i c o f t h e f r a g m e n t e d n a t u r e o f u r b a n s o c i e t y a n d its failure t o d e v e l o p a s t r u c t u r e a n d a s t y l e c l e a r l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d f r o m rural s o c i e t y , o r f r o m s o c i e t y at l a r g e . T h e failure w a s l e s s a p r o d u c t o f social t e n s i o n s a n d conflicts w i t h i n t h e u r b a n e n v i r o n m e n t t h a n a p r o d u c t o f t h a t e n v i r o n m e n t itself w h i c h i m p e l l e d t h o s e w h o c o u l d e s c a p e it to quit, a n d a p r o d u c t o f t h e w i d e r s o c i a l a n d

property

a r r a n g e m e n t s o f t h e c o u n t r y , w h i c h p e r m i t t e d t h o s e w h o w a n t e d to q u i t to m a k e g o o d t h e i r e s c a p e .

U r b a n society, in the large t o w n s , w a s continually losing p e o p l e from t h e t o p ; at t h e b o t t o m it w a s c o n t i n u a l l y r e c r u i t i n g , i n far g r e a t e r numbers, from the surrounding countryside, from the smaller towns, f r o m I r e l a n d , a n d in t h e 1 8 8 0 s f r o m E a s t e r n E u r o p e . T h e i m m i g r a n t s w e r e a m i x e d b u n c h , far f r o m u n i f o r m i n c l a s s , e d u c a t i o n , o r skills. S o m e u s e d the large t o w n s , especially L o n d o n a n d Liverpool, as stag­ i n g p o s t s for e v e n t u a l l o n g - d i s t a n c e m i g r a t i o n to N o r t h A m e r i c a o r Australasia, and were only transient m e m b e r s of British urban society. The

c o u n t r y girls w h o w e r e t h e f a v o u r e d d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t s o f t h e

c o m f o r t a b l e m i d d l e c l a s s e s w e n t t o live i n r e s p e c t a b l e districts a n d amply-provided h o u s e h o l d s , e v e n t h o u g h their o w n living and work­ ing conditions m a y have b e e n deplorable, a n d a few of t h e m r e m a i n e d i n s e r v i c e for t h e r e s t o f t h e i r l i v e s . A f t e r a s p e l l o f s e v e r a l y e a r s s p e n t i n p r o p p i n g u p t h e u r b a n m i d d l e - c l a s s life s t y l e t h e y m i g h t marry into the urban lower middle class or respectable w o r k i n g class, or t h e y m i g h t w i t h d r a w f r o m u r b a n s o c i e t y a l t o g e t h e r a n d r e t u r n to t h e c o u n t r y . S o m e i m m i g r a n t s w e r e a l r e a d y e s t a b l i s h e d i n m i d d l e class careers, and m o v e d directly into n e w h o u s e s in the n e w e s t sub­ u r b s o f t h e e d g e s o f t h e l a r g e t o w n s : it is a m i s t a k e t o s u p p o s e t h a t n e w suburbs were entirely populated b y townsfolk moving out from increasingly

unattractive

inner

city

areas.

6 3

Others,

with

skilled

trades, m o v e d into quarters already appropriated by their brethren. Urban growth was a very complicated process, physically and demographically, not a simple matter of incoming hordes of the penniless m a k i n g for t h e c e n t r e a n d d i s p l a c i n g e s t a b l i s h e d r e s i d e n t s i n r i p p l e 63

J. M. Rawcliffe, 'Bromley: Kentish Market Town to London Suburb 1841-81', in Thompson, ed., Rise of Suburbia, pp. 27-91.

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Town and city

49

m o t i o n s t o w a r d s t h e o u t e r r i n g s ; t h e r e w a s a l s o a b e e - s w a r m i n g effect, w i t h t h e l a t e s t arrivals c l i n g i n g t o t h e e d g e o f t h e u r b a n s w a r m . Nevertheless, an inward m o v e m e n t of the poor migrants and an o u t w a r d m o v e m e n t of the better-off a n d m o r e respectable w e r e the r h y t h m s o f t h e u r b a n p r o c e s s m o s t v i s i b l e to c o n t e m p o r a r i e s , a n d t h o s e m o s t l i k e l y t o a p p a l o r terrify t h e m w i t h t h e p r o s p e c t o f a runaway growth and explosion of inner areas bursting with over­ c r o w d i n g , d e s t i t u t i o n , dirt, d i s e a s e , a n d d i s c o n t e n t . T h e f a s t e s t g r o w ­ i n g t o w n s i n t h e first s i x t y o r s e v e n t y y e a r s o f t h e c e n t u r y w e r e b y d e f i n i t i o n t o w n s d r a w i n g in a g r e a t a n d c o n t i n u o u s influx o f p e o p l e . Levels of urban mortality, b e c o m i n g accurately established in the 1830s a n d 1840s, w e r e s u c h that n o u r b a n population w a s capable of repro­ d u c i n g itself let a l o n e f u r n i s h i n g a n y n a t u r a l i n c r e a s e . It w a s o n l y in

1840 that

William Farr, in the

recently established Registrar

G e n e r a l ' s Office, e x p r e s s e d w h a t at t h e t i m e s e e m e d t h e v e r y o p t i m i s ­ tic v i e w t h a t ' t h e r e is r e a s o n t o b e l i e v e t h a t t h e a g g r e g a t i o n o f m a n k i n d i n t o w n s is n o t i n e v i t a b l y d i s a s t r o u s ' p r o v i d e d s o m e t o l e r a b l e s t a n ­ dards of sanitation and limits o n overcrowding could b e a c h i e v e d .

6 4

P r e v i o u s l y , all l a r g e t o w n s h a d b e e n r e g a r d e d a s g r a v e y a r d s ; figures m a d e f a m o u s b y E d w i n C h a d w i c k w h e n h e q u o t e d t h e m in his 1842 Report on the Sanitary Condition of the Labouring Population s h o w e d t h a t t h e a v e r a g e a g e at d e a t h o f w o r k e r s in M a n c h e s t e r w a s l e s s t h a n h a l f t h a t o f rural l a b o u r e r s i n R u t l a n d ; a n d c o n s t a n t r e p l e n i s h m e n t was the sole m e a n s of sustaining urban populations.

65

The general

perception of observers, w h o were mostly clergymen and medical m e n , w a s that the replenishments w e r e young, inexperienced, and unfamiliar with the t e c h n i q u e s a n d c o n v e n t i o n s of living in t o w n s , w h i c h w a s t r u e ; a n d t h a t t h e y h u d d l e d t o g e t h e r in u r b a n p o c k e t s w h i c h t h e y swiftly m a d e i n t o s l u m s , a w a s h w i t h all m a n n e r o f filth, ordure, irreligion, immorality, ignorance, a n d l a w l e s s n e s s , w h i c h w a s a melodramatic distortion of the truth. Irish i m m i g r a n t s s t u c k o u t l i k e s o r e t h u m b s f r o m t h e i r h o s t p o p u l a ­ t i o n s , b e i n g different in d r e s s , s p e e c h , a n d a b o v e all in r e l i g i o n , a n d were

readily

identified

as

distinct,

sub-standard,

communities.

B e c a u s e t h e y c a m e f r o m a v e r y different c u l t u r a l b a c k g r o u n d , as w e l l as f r o m a rural life, it w a s e a s i l y a s s u m e d t h a t t h e y b r o u g h t

with

64

Second Annual Report of the Registrar-General, PP 1840, XVII, William Farr, Appendix, p. xi.

65

Edwin Chadwick, Report on the Sanitary Condition of the Labouring Population of Great Britain (1842), pp. 155-60.

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50

F. M. L . T H O M P S O N

t h e m a s e t o f h a b i t s w h i c h w e r e w i l d l y i n a p p r o p r i a t e to u r b a n l i v i n g , a n d i n d e e d w e r e c a l c u l a t e d to foul t h e u r b a n n e s t . P e r h a p s t h e m o s t remarkable expression of the conventional w i s d o m about the Rightful­ n e s s o f t h e Irish a n d t h e i r u r b a n s q u a l o r c a m e f r o m E n g e l s , s u p p o s e d l y t h e h u m a n e , r a t i o n a l , l a b o u r e r ' s f r i e n d , b u t n o m o r e i m m u n e t o racial p r e j u d i c e t h a n t h e m o s t b i g o t e d c a p i t a l i s t . T h e m o s t h o r r i b l e district w h i c h h e k n e w i n t h e M a n c h e s t e r o f t h e 1 8 4 0 s w a s c a l l e d Little I r e l a n d , a g r o u p o f a f e w h u n d r e d m e a n c o t t a g e s s e t in ' m a s s e s o f r e f u s e , offal, a n d s i c k e n i n g filth', i n h a b i t e d b y ' a h o r d e o f r a g g e d w o m e n a n d c h i l d r e n s w a r m [ i n g ] a b o u t h e r e , as filthy a s t h e s w i n e t h a t t h r i v e u p o n the garbage h e a p s a n d in the p u d d l e s ' .

' T h e race that lives

in t h e s e r u i n o u s c o t t a g e s , ' h e c o n c l u d e d , ' b e h i n d b r o k e n w i n d o w s , m e n d e d w i t h o i l s k i n s , s p r u n g d o o r s , a n d r o t t e n d o o r p o s t s , o r in d a r k , w e t , c e l l a r s , i n m e a s u r e l e s s filth a n d

s t e n c h , in t h i s

atmosphere

p e n n e d in a s if w i t h a p u r p o s e , t h i s r a c e m u s t r e a l l y h a v e r e a c h e d the lowest stage of h u m a n i t y . ' That race, he argued, w a s disposed b y n a t u r e a n d e n v i r o n m e n t to c a r e l e s s a n d f e c k l e s s b e h a v i o u r , a n d h a d b r o u g h t its dirty h a b i t s w i t h it i n t o t h e h e a r t s o f t h e g r e a t E n g l i s h and Scottish towns. 'Filth and drunkenness, too, they have brought with t h e m ' , importing a mud-cabin level of existence into Britain a n d degrading and corrupting the English workers through their presence a n d their competition in the labour market. T h e Irishman, h e claimed, deposits all garbage and filth before his house door here, as he was accustomed to do at home, and so accumulates the pools and dirt-heaps which disfigure the working-people's quarters and poison the air. He builds a pig-sty against the house wall as he did at home, and if he is prevented from doing this, he lets the pig sleep in the room with himself. This new and unnatural method of cattle-raising in cities is wholly of Irish origin . . . he eats and sleeps with it [his pig], his children play with it, ride upon it, roll in the dirt with it, as anyone may see a thousand times repeated in all the great towns of England . . . The Irishman is unaccustomed to the presence of furniture; a heap of straw, a few rags, utterly beyond use as clothing, suffice for his nightly couch. A piece of wood, a broken chair, an old chest for a table, more he needs not . . . when he is in want of fuel, everything combustible within reach, chairs, doorposts, mouldings, flooring, finds its way up the chimney . . . At home in his mud-cabin there was only one room for all domestic purposes; more than one room his family does not need in England. So the custom of crowding many persons into a single room, now so universal, has been chiefly implanted by the Irish immigration. 66

It is all t o o e a s y , w h e n s t r o n g e m o t i o n s are i n v o l v e d , t o m i s t a k e the 66

effects

of

poverty

and

ignorance

for

the

effects

Engels, Condition of the Working Class, pp. 9 3 , 1 2 3 - 5 .

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of

racial

Town and city

51

c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , a n d E n g e l s h a d m a n y s u c c e s s o r s , a s w e l l as p r e d e ­ c e s s o r s , w h o a t t r i b u t e d i n c o r r i g i b l e w i c k e d n e s s to r a c e . H i s pig-effect differed f r o m t h e c o m m o n i n t e r w a r c o a l s - i n - t h e - b a t h s y n d r o m e o n l y i n t h a t t h e latter w a s a c l a s s , r a t h e r t h a n a racial, p r e j u d i c e , h o l d i n g that the British working class was congenitally of too low intelligence t o g r a s p t h e p r o p e r u s e o f b a t h s . T h e p h y s i c a l c o n d i t i o n s o f Little Ireland undoubtedly existedasEngelsdescribedthem;whathesawwere the living conditions of the poorest a n d m o s t destitute families cata­ p u l t e d f r o m a rural m i d d e n - h e a p w h i c h t h e y h a d left u n d e r t h e p r e s ­ s u r e o f e x t r e m e w a n t a n d t h e h o p e o f f i n d i n g m o r e to eat in t h e t o w n s , struggling to survive in an urban m i d d e n - h e a p . T h e y c h a n c e d , in this case, to h a v e c o m e from Ireland, a n d Irish immigrants with t h e i r l a c k o f skills a n d l a c k o f u s e f u l c o n t a c t s in B r i t i s h t o w n s w e r e e a s i l y p u s h e d to t h e b o t t o m o f t h e h e a p i n t h e B r i t i s h l a b o u r m a r k e t . B y n o m e a n s all I r i s h i m m i g r a n t s , h o w e v e r , l i v e d in s u c h s u b - h u m a n conditions. Disregarding the very small n u m b e r s w h o were already in middle-class professions before t h e y migrated, a n d the s o m e w h a t larger n u m b e r s w h o w e r e in skilled trades, m a n y immigrants found r e a s o n a b l y regular e m p l o y m e n t , especially in the building, construc­ t i o n , c l o t h i n g , a n d textile i n d u s t r i e s , e v e n if it t e n d e d to b e in t h e lower-paid e n d s of those occupations, and lived above the middenh e a p l e v e l . T h e Irish n a v v i e s , b u i l d i n g m a n y o f t h e r a i l w a y s i n t h e 1 8 4 0 s a n d l a t e r , a l t h o u g h n o m a d i c a n d at m o s t o n l y t e m p o r a r i l y u r b a n , were highly paid and lived boisterously a n d extravagantly. Neither, o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , w e r e all t h e i n h a b i t a n t s o f t h e n o t o r i o u s h u m a n c e s s p i t s o f t h e l a r g e t o w n s I r i s h . K e e p i n g p i g s in t h e b a c k y a r d o r in t h e h o u s e w a s h e l d b y m a n y b e s i d e s E n g e l s t o b e a n Irish b a d g e . But in the 'Potteries' of N o r t h K e n s i n g t o n , a festering spot only slightly less notorious than the rookeries of S t Giles, Holborn, there w e r e three times as m a n y k e e p e r s of pigs as there w e r e Irish-born h e a d s of families in 1851; a n d in t o w n s such as Ipswich, W e s t Hartle­ pool, Stratford-upon-Avon, or Stirling, w h i c h h a d n o Irish colonies, pig-keeping w a s a r a m p a n t n u i s a n c e until late in the century, strongly d e f e n d e d b y t h e p o o r a s a c h e a p a n d efficient a d d i t i o n t o t h e i r d i e t s .

67

It is l e s s s u r p r i s i n g t h a t i n c o m i n g w a v e s o f c o u n t r y b u m p k i n s , i n n o ­ cent of previous urban experience, brought their country habits and p r a c t i c e s t o t o w n , t h a n t h a t it t o o k m u n i c i p a l a u t h o r i t i e s a g e n e r a t i o n 67

Lynn Holies Lees, Exiles of Erin: Irish Migrants in Victorian London (Manchester, 1979), pp. 93-115, 119-21. Anthony S. Wohl, Endangered Lives: Public Health in Victorian Britain (1983), pp. 8 2 - 3 .

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F . M. L. T H O M P S O N

or s o to g r a s p t h a t t h e t h r e a t to p u b l i c h e a l t h w a s s e r i o u s a n d t h a t s o m e t h i n g h a d to b e d o n e a b o u t it. O p e n m i d d e n - h e a p s b e g a n t o be tackled b y bye-laws and inspectors of nuisances from the 1840s, b u t in s o m e p l a c e s it w a s n o t u n t i l t h e 1 8 7 0 s t h a t t h e p i g s c a m e i n for official a t t e n t i o n . T h e Irish s p r e a d o u t o v e r m o s t o f u r b a n B r i t a i n , b u t in m o s t t o w n s t h e y w e r e t h i n o n t h e g r o u n d : o n l y in L o n d o n , Liverpool, M a n c h e s t e r , a n d G l a s g o w w e r e there large Irish colonies in 1851 of m o r e t h a n 50,000 apiece, although there w e r e also several r a t h e r s m a l l e r t o w n s , s u c h as N e w c a s t l e , B r a d f o r d , o r S t o c k p o r t , w h e r e t h e I r i s h - b o r n f o r m e d a r o u n d 10 p e r c e n t o f t h e total p o p u l a t i o n a n d definitely m a d e t h e i r p r e s e n c e f e l t .

68

Every large town, however,

h a d its b l a c k s p o t s , its s i n k s o f m i s e r y a n d d e g r a d a t i o n , its s l u m s , L e e d s , Sheffield, or B i r m i n g h a m with a r o u n d 4 per cent of their p o p u ­ l a t i o n s I r i s h - b o r n j u s t as m u c h as L i v e r p o o l o r M a n c h e s t e r . T h e v e r y poorest, the friendless, the u n e m p l o y a b l e and the casually e m p l o y e d g r a v i t a t e d to t h e s e a r e a s , e x c i t i n g p i t y , p h i l a n t h r o p y ,

evangelising

m i s s i o n s , a n d s o u p k i t c h e n s , w h e n t h e y d i d n o t i n s p i r e fear a n d dis­ g u s t . V i c t o r i a n s o f t e n p i c t u r e d t h e s e e n c l a v e s as n e s t s o f t h e c r i m i n a l class; they m a y well h a v e contained s o m e professional thieves a n d f e n c e s , for F a g i n w a s n o t a n e n t i r e l y i m a g i n a r y c h a r a c t e r , e v e n if t h e c r i m i n a l c l a s s itself w a s n o m o r e t h a n a n i r r a t i o n a l f a n t a s y . T h e i n h a b i ­ t a n t s a r e b e t t e r t h o u g h t o f as a n u r b a n u n d e r - c l a s s , e k i n g o u t a n e x i s ­ t e n c e in t h e t o w n s b u t b a r e l y p a r t o f u r b a n s o c i e t y . T h e y w e r e s o little a t t a c h e d t o t h e m a i n s t r e a m o f s o c i e t y t h a t t h e f a v o u r e d s o l u t i o n of s o c i a l r e f o r m e r s at t h e e n d o f t h e c e n t u r y to t h e p r o b l e m o f t h i s r e s i d u u m , b o t h o f B o o t h o f t h e S a l v a t i o n A r m y a n d B o o t h o f Life and Labour of the People in London,

w a s to detach t h e m altogether and

b a n i s h t h e m to i s o l a t e d l a b o u r c o l o n i e s . T h e r e t h e y m i g h t b e r e f o r m e d p h y s i c a l l y a n d m o r a l l y , b u t t h e l a b o u r m a r k e t w o u l d at l e a s t b e i n s u ­ l a t e d f r o m t h e i r baleful i n f l u e n c e s .

69

T h i s u n d e r - c l a s s c o n t a i n e d s o m e o f t h e n e w m i g r a n t s as w e l l a s s o m e o f t h e l o n g e r - s e t t l e d u r b a n p o p u l a t i o n , b u t it l a c k e d t h e i n n e r c o h e s i o n or stability o f o t h e r c l a s s e s i n s o c i e t y . Its m e m b e r s w e r e constantly o n the m o v e , m o s t often in a ceaseless recycling process as t h e y flitted f r o m s l u m t o s l u m t o e s c a p e t h e r e n t c o l l e c t o r o r t h e bailiff, b u t o c c a s i o n a l l y m o v i n g u p w a r d s i n t o g r e a t e r s e c u r i t y o f j o b 68

69

Dennis, English Industrial Cities, pp. 36-7, Table 2.3, gives figures of the Irish-born for 1851 and 1901 for a selection of thirty English and Welsh towns. J. Brown, 'Charles Booth and Labour Colonies, 1889-1905,' Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 21 (1968). The Salvation Army also bought some farms to turn into labour colonies.

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Town and city

53

and h o m e ; they could hardly sink any lower, except into the grave, for

theirs

mobile.

7 0

was

the

basement

l e v e l for t h e

downwardly

socially

T h e y p o s s e s s e d a s u b - c u l t u r e , d o m i n a t e d b y t h e tricks a n d

d o d g e s o f k e e p i n g alive o n n o r e s o u r c e s , t h e art o f ' s h o o t i n g

the

m o o n ' a s m o o n l i g h t flitting w a s t e r m e d , a n d e s p e c i a l l y l a t e r in t h e c e n t u r y b y p r a c t i s e d c u n n i n g in e x p l o i t i n g to m a x i m u m

advantage

the multiplicity of charities b e n t o n alleviating distress. I m p e r m a n e n c e of r e s i d e n c e , w h i c h f r e q u e n t l y c h a n g e d e v e r y f e w m o n t h s , i n h i b i t e d the g r o w t h of c o m m u n i t y feeling a n d solidarity, a n d not surprisingly t h i s g r o u p w a s n o t e a s i l y p o l i t i c i s e d a n d w a s m o r e n o t a b l e for its c o n s i s t e n t a p a t h y t h a n for a n y t h r e a t t o r i s e u p a n d t e r r o r i s e

and

r a n s a c k t h e r e s p e c t a b l e , d e s p i t e b o u r g e o i s a p p r e h e n s i o n s a n d , as i n t h e r a m p a g e d o w n Pall M a l l i n 1 8 8 6 , o n e or t w o g e n u i n e a l a r m s .

7 1

This group was the most deprived, the most downtrodden, and the m o s t d e g e n e r a t e in s o c i e t y , b u t a l s o p e r h a p s t h e l e a s t

dangerous

b e c a u s e it w a s s o a t o m i s e d a n d d e m o r a l i s e d . T h e h e r d i n s t i n c t o f h u d d l i n g t o g e t h e r for m u t u a l s u p p o r t , c o m f o r t , a n d s e l f - p r e s e r v a t i o n in a s t r a n g e a n d p o s s i b l y u n f r i e n d l y s u r r o u n d ­ i n g w o r l d w a s m u c h i n e v i d e n c e in t h e c h a n n e l l i n g o f t h e g r e a t m i g ­ r a t i o n f l o w s i n t o t h e cities; a n d o p e r a t e d in o n l y a r a t h e r m o r e s t a t e l y a n d m e a s u r e d f a s h i o n in g u i d i n g t h e m o v e m e n t s o f m o r e s e t t l e d towndwellers t o w a r d s socially h o m o g e n e o u s a n d segregated residen­ tial d i s t r i c t s . It w a s p l a i n for all t o s e e t h a t all t h e m a j o r u r b a n r e c e p t i o n c a m p s h a d d i s t i n c t i v e Irish q u a r t e r s in w h i c h n e w arrivals c o u l d e x p e c t a w e l c o m e and help from compatriots w h o were frequently from the s a m e c o u n t y o r v i l l a g e b a c k h o m e ; a n d t h a t t h e y t e n d e d to s t a y t h e r e , for t h e s a k e o f c o m p a n i o n s h i p , f r o m t h e s i m i l a r i t y o f j o b s , a n d a b o v e all t o s u s t a i n t h e i r r e l i g i o n , n o t o f f e n d t h e i r p r i e s t , a n d - at l e a s t b y the 1870s - conserve access to their Catholic schools. T h e m o r e the Irish p r e s e r v e d t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l i t y t h e m o r e t h e y w e r e l i k e l y to b e derided or disliked b y their Scottish or English fellow-workers, the h a r d e r it b e c a m e t o m e l t a w a y i n t o t h e g e n e r a l s t r u c t u r e o f u r b a n society a n d the more their separation w a s perpetuated. S o m e melting a w a y , o r a s s i m i l a t i o n , a n d i n t e r m a r r i a g e d i d o c c u r , as a l s o d i d g e o g r a ­ p h i c a l d i s p e r s a l w i t h i n t h e city w i t h o u t l o s s o f I r i s h n e s s ; for in a n urban way

o f life i n w h i c h

social n e t w o r k s

and

contacts

could

70

David Englander, Landlord and Tenant in Urban Britain, 1838-1918 pp. 9-10, 3 4 - 5 .

71

G. Stedman Jones, Outcast London: A Study in the Relationship between Classes in

(Oxford, 1983),

Victorian Society (Oxford, 1971), pp. 291-2.

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54

F. M. L. T H O M P S O N

increasingly be maintained

through associations which were

not

necessarily rooted in tightly-knit residential c o m m u n i t i e s , spatially c o m p a c t Irish quarters lost s o m e of their rationale. T h e size a n d scale of t h e Irish q u a r t e r s is difficult t o e s t a b l i s h . T h e Irish p r o b a b l y c o l o n i s e d discrete blocks of housing, enclaves of courtyard dwellings, or streets, r a t h e r t h a n e n t i r e n e i g h b o u r h o o d s like t o w n w a r d s o r p a r i s h e s , s o t h a t at t h e l e v e l o f c e n s u s e n u m e r a t o r s ' districts, e v e n i n 1 8 5 1 w h i c h reflected a preceding period of p e a k immigration, the Irish-born s h o w u p as a large minority in their places of concentration not as d e n i z e n s of c o m p l e t e l y I r i s h g h e t t o e s . T h e flow o f f r e s h i m m i g r a n t s fell a w a y i n t h e s e c o n d h a l f o f t h e c e n t u r y , p a r t i c u l a r l y as t h e I r i s h o u t f l o w w a s increasingly directed across the Atlantic, and this explains the d e c l i n e in t h e p r o p o r t i o n o f L i v e r p o o l ' s p o p u l a t i o n w h i c h w a s Irishb o r n from 22 per cent in 1851 to u n d e r 7 per cent in 1 9 0 1 , or in B r a d f o r d ' s w h i c h fell f r o m 9 t o 1.5 p e r c e n t . T h e I r i s h , h o w e v e r , d i d n o t d w i n d l e as a n e l e m e n t i n t h e u r b a n s c e n e at q u i t e t h e p a c e w h i c h t h e s e figures s u g g e s t . T h e c e n s u s o n l y r e c o r d e d b i r t h p l a c e s , n o t reli­ gion, nationality or ethnicity, a n d u n d o u b t e d l y a high proportion of the second and third generation descendants of immigrants regarded t h e m s e l v e s a s I r i s h . It w a s p r o b a b l y p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e c a s e i n t h e m a j o r centres that the London-Irish, the Glasgow-Irish, or the LiverpoolI r i s h , w h o c a r r i e d I r i s h c u l t u r a l a n d social t r a d i t i o n s i n t o t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y , w e r e far m o r e n u m e r o u s t h a n m e r e l y t h e I r i s h - b o r n w h o l i v e d i n t h o s e cities: it c o u l d b e p l a u s i b l y a s s e r t e d i n t h e e a r l y t w e n t i e t h century that Liverpool w a s a quarter or a third ' I r i s h ' .

7 2

T h e I r i s h t e n d e d to r e m a i n t o g e t h e r a n d a p a r t f r o m t h e r e s t o f t h e u r b a n c o m m u n i t y for d e c a d e s a n d g e n e r a t i o n s after t h e initial t r a n s i ­ t i o n s to t h e t o w n . D u r i n g t h e s e c o n d h a l f o f t h e c e n t u r y t h e i r s e t t l e ­ m e n t s t e n d e d to b e c o m e m o r e d i s p e r s e d , i n a l a r g e r n u m b e r o f s m a l l e r c l u s t e r s , a n d t o l o o k m o r e like o t h e r w o r k i n g - c l a s s districts t h a n t h e pig-sties w h i c h h a d so s h o c k e d E n g e l s , differentiated m a y b e only b y their church, their school, a n d p u b s m o n o p o l i s e d b y Irish labourers. T h e J e w s , arriving in large n u m b e r s from E a s t e r n E u r o p e a n d R u s s i a in t h e 1880s a n d 1890s, f o r m e d the s e c o n d w a v e of foreign immi­ gration, a n d very m u c h followed the Irish m o d e l as t h e y settled in distinct quarters in Spitalfields a n d W h i t e c h a p e l , L e e d s a n d M a n c h e s ­ ter, a n d established their d o m i n a n c e of the clothing trades. English migrants, o n the other h a n d , a n d in a slightly m o r e ambivalent w a y

72

Lees, Exiles of Erin, pp. 4 6 - 8 , and chap. 3

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55

t h e W e l s h m i g r a n t s w h o m o v e d i n c o n s i d e r a b l e n u m b e r s to L i v e r p o o l a n d L o n d o n a s w e l l a s t o t h e t o w n s o f t h e S o u t h W a l e s coalfield, pursued a strategy of clustering settlement which saw t h e m through the

first s h o c k o f u r b a n i s a t i o n

and

then

rather

rapidly

became

a b s o r b e d a n d a s s i m i l a t e d i n t o t h e different o c c u p a t i o n a l a n d social s t r a t a o f u r b a n life. The

capacity of urban society to absorb and assimilate incomers

did not only d e p e n d

o n t h e ability t o f u r n i s h j o b s a n d

housing,

a l t h o u g h t h a t w a s o b v i o u s l y v e r y i m p o r t a n t , a n d t h e fact t h a t t h e expansion of jobs a n d h o u s e - r o o m not infrequently got out of p h a s e w i t h t h e i n f l o w o f p e o p l e w a s a s e r i o u s c a u s e o f h a r d s h i p a n d social friction. It a l s o d e p e n d e d , critically, o n t h e m i g r a n t s ' h a b i t o f m a k i n g for t h e s a m e t o w n , a n d t h e s a m e s t r e e t w i t h i n it, as f o r e r u n n e r s f r o m t h e i r f a m i l y o r v i l l a g e h a d d o n e . It h a s l o n g b e e n k n o w n t h a t a m a r k e d feature of t o w n w a r d migration w a s the p r o m i n e n c e of short-distance m o v e m e n t s from villages a n d lesser t o w n s in the i m m e d i a t e hinter­ land of the larger, reception, t o w n s , with the longer distance m o v e ­ m e n t s o f t h e I r i s h f r o m a c r o s s t h e s e a s t a n d i n g o u t as e x c e p t i o n a l , a n d this pattern h a s b e e n confirmed in m a n y s t u d i e s .

73

T h i s in itself

created a possibility that a n e w c o m e r w o u l d not b e a lonely and iso­ l a t e d i n d i v i d u a l adrift i n a s t r a n g e a n d i n t i m i d a t i n g t o w n , b u t w o u l d h a v e the opportunity of settling with, or near, relatives or friends. Detailed confirmation that this opportunity w a s grasped c o m e s from t h e s t u d y o f m i d - n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y P r e s t o n , w h i c h s h o w s t h a t it w a s q u i t e c o m m o n for e x t e n d e d f a m i l i e s o f g r a n d p a r e n t s ,

uncles,

aunts a n d cousins to assemble t h e m s e l v e s a r o u n d the parent-child n u c l e a r f a m i l y as t h e p r o d u c t o f s t a g e s o f m i g r a t i o n , n o t i n d e e d a l w a y s u n d e r o n e roof or in a single h o u s e h o l d , but s o m e t i m e s in a n u m b e r of a d j o i n i n g a n d n e i g h b o u r i n g h o u s e s .

7 4

This arrangement provided

a life s u p p o r t s y s t e m i n w h i c h t h e m u t u a l , a n d p e r h a p s carefully reci­ procated, aid of kin could h e l p with s u c h crises a n d catastrophes as sickness,

childbirth,

job-finding,

unemployment,

baby-minding,

w i d o w h o o d a n d o l d a g e . It is p o s s i b l e t h a t t h e n e e d to c o n s t r u c t s u c h 73

74

A. Redford, Labour Migration in England, 1800-50, 2nd edn (Manchester, 1964). Den­ nis, English Industrial Cities, pp. 33-4, and J. R. Kellett, The Impact of Railways on Victorian Cities (1969), pp. 406-8, give summaries of several of the post-Radford studies. The continuing dominance of comparatively short-distance migration post 1945 is shown by M. C. Carr, T h e Development and Character of a Metropolitan Suburb: Bexley, Kent', in Thompson, ed., Rise of Suburbia, Table 19, p. 241. Among some categories of skilled workers, and the professions, longer distance migration was always present. Anderson, Family Structure, esp. pp. 56-67, 136-61, 170-9.

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F. M. L . T H O M P S O N

k i n s h i p n e t w o r k s as a f o r m o f b a s i c s o c i a l s e c u r i t y , i n t h e f a s t - g r o w i n g t o w n s w h e r e e x t e r n a l a g e n c i e s like t h e p o o r l a w , d i s p e n s a r i e s , h o s p i ­ tals, a l m s h o u s e s , o r l a b o u r e x c h a n g e s w e r e u n r e l i a b l e , i n a d e q u a t e , h o s t i l e , or n o t y e t i n v e n t e d , w a s t h e c o m p e l l i n g r e a s o n for r e c o n s t i t u t ­ i n g t h e e x t e n d e d f a m i l y in a n u r b a n s e t t i n g . F o r in t h e rural s o c i e t y from w h i c h m o s t migrants c a m e the e x t e n d e d family w a s completely unknown

as a k i n s h i p g r o u p

l i v i n g in a s i n g l e h o u s e h o l d ;

and

a l t h o u g h it u n d o u b t e d l y e x i s t e d as a s o c i a l c o n s t r u c t for o c c a s i o n s of c o n v i v i a l i t y a n d s o c i a b i l i t y , it w a s e i t h e r u n n e c e s s a r y o r i m p o s s i b l e as a s o c i a l s e c u r i t y n e t w o r k , d e p e n d i n g o n t h e e f f e c t i v e n e s s o f t h e rural p a t e r n a l i s m o f s q u i r e a n d p a r s o n o r t h e d e p t h s o f rural p o v e r t y w h i c h m i g h t p u t a i d i n g a r e l a t i v e in d i s t r e s s b e y o n d c o n t e m p l a t i o n . T h e s e urban e x t e n d e d families w e r e characteristic of mid-century O l d h a m as w e l l as P r e s t o n .

7 5

It is p o s s i b l e t h a t t h e f o r m w a s m o r e

e x t e n s i v e in c o t t o n t o w n s t h a n i n o t h e r s , p e r h a p s b e c a u s e g r e a t e r o p e n i n g s for t h e e m p l o y m e n t o f w o m e n a n d c h i l d r e n , a n d t h e g e n e r ­ ally h i g h e r l e v e l o f f a m i l y e a r n i n g s , m a d e aid m o r e affordable a n d m o r e certain of being reciprocated. But unless the entire arrangement is t h o u g h t to h a v e b e e n a p r o d u c t o f r a t i o n a l a n d financial c a l c u l a t i o n , w i t h little p l a c e for s e n t i m e n t , affection, a n d u n c o s t e d n e i g h b o u r ­ l i n e s s , it is r e a s o n a b l e t o s u p p o s e t h a t it w a s to b e f o u n d

throughout

t h e V i c t o r i a n u r b a n s c e n e as a significant f o r m o f s o c i a l o r g a n i s a t i o n . It m a y w e l l h a v e b e e n a t r a n s i e n t f o r m , l a s t i n g for a g e n e r a t i o n in i n d i v i d u a l m i g r a n t f a m i l i e s a n d d w i n d l i n g i n g e n e r a l i m p o r t a n c e as most t o w n s b e c a m e demographically self-sustaining and h e n c e less r e l i a n t o n i n - m i g r a t i o n , in t h e l a t e r n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . T h e c o n s t a n t m o v i n g about of working-class households, with no m o r e than o n e fifth r e m a i n i n g in t h e s a m e h o u s e f r o m o n e c e n s u s to t h e n e x t a n d a b o u t a q u a r t e r s t a y i n g at t h e s a m e a d d r e s s for l e s s t h a n a y e a r as the typical pattern of mobility in the middle of the century, w o u l d i n a n y c a s e s e e m l i k e l y t o h a v e m a d e it difficult t o m a i n t a i n f a m i l y c o n t a c t s , or i n d e e d t h e c o h e s i o n o f s t r e e t - n e i g h b o u r h o o d b a s e d o n p r o p i n q u i t y r a t h e r t h a n , or as w e l l a s , k i n s h i p .

7 6

groups It c o u l d

be argued with s o m e plausibility that the vigorous family n e t w o r k s a n d the tightly-knit n e i g h b o u r h o o d c o m m u n i t i e s w e r e likely to b e c o n f i n e d to t h e m i n o r i t y o f l o n g s t a y e r s w h o p u t d o w n r o o t s , t h e o n e fifth w h o s t a y e d p u t for at l e a s t t e n y e a r s o r t h e o n e t h i r d o r s o w h o l a s t e d for at l e a s t five y e a r s ; t h e m a j o r i t y w h o w e r e f o o t l o o s e 75

76

John Foster, Class Struggle and the Industrial Revolution (1974), pp. 96-7. Dennis, English Industrial Cities, Table 8.1, pp. 256-7.

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57

m a y h a v e b e e n s o , at l e a s t in p a r t , p r e c i s e l y b e c a u s e t h e y l a c k e d t h e attachment to particular h o u s e s a n d streets w h i c h w a s created b y these arrangements. F u t u r e r e s e a r c h m a y clarify t h e s e p r o b l e m s o f t y p i c a l i t y . M e a n t i m e , t h e p e r s i s t e n c e o f e x t e n d e d f a m i l y n e t w o r k s , a s c e n t r e s o f f a m i l y (fre­ q u e n t l y g r a n d m o t h e r l y ) m o r a l a u t h o r i t y as w e l l as o f crisis m a n a g e ­ ment,

and of n e i g h b o u r h o o d

s o c i a l c e l l s , albeit s e l e c t i v e i n t h e i r

m e m b e r s h i p o n i n t e r n a l criteria o f r e s p e c t a b i l i t y a n d r o u g h n e s s , a r e w e l l a t t e s t e d in t h e c l a s s i c s l u m i n S a l f o r d i n t h e 1 9 0 0 s , r e c o l l e c t e d b y Robert Roberts, in the post-1945 B e t h n a l G r e e n studied b y Y o u n g a n d W i l l m o t t , a n d in s e v e r a l o t h e r s t u d i e s .

77

T h e r e is a s t r o n g s u g g e s ­

tion in this evidence of a highly durable social formation; originating i n t h e h u d d l i n g t o g e t h e r o f m i g r a n t k i n for m u t u a l c o m f o r t a n d s u p ­ p o r t i n a s t r a n g e e n v i r o n m e n t , it w a s p e r p e t u a t e d

in the c u s t o m s

of s e t t l e d a n d t o w n b r e d f a m i l i e s , a n d b e c a m e g r a f t e d o n t o , o r s h a d e d a w a y into, the non-kinship groupings of friends and

neighbours.

T h e s e networks, w h i c h b y the early twentieth century h a d c o m e to b e t h o u g h t o f as t r a d i t i o n a l , b e g a n to b e s e r i o u s l y e r o d e d i n t h e i n t e r w a r y e a r s b y s l u m c l e a r a n c e s c h e m e s a n d r e h o u s i n g in c o u n c i l h o u s i n g e s t a t e s , w h i c h split u p w i d e r f a m i l y g r o u p i n g s i n t o n u c l e a r cells a n d a t o m i s e d a n d scattered street c o m m u n i t i e s . After 1950 t h e y virtually collapsed, in the t o w e r block a n d n e w t o w n s p h a s e of massive decant­ ing of population from the old inner city areas, aided a n d

abetted

b y m a n y o t h e r f a c t o r s a m o n g w h i c h t h e r o l e o f t h e w e l f a r e s t a t e as a s u b s t i t u t e for f a m i l i e s a n d n e i g h b o u r s m u s t b e r e c o g n i s e d . In their prime t h e s e n e t w o r k s w e r e the m a i n sinews giving the social fabric o f t h e t o w n s s o m e stability, c o h e s i o n , a n d o r d e r l i n e s s . T h e y were the main reasons w h y the anomie, anarchy, and collapse of social o r d e r , s o m u c h f e a r e d b y e a r l y V i c t o r i a n o b s e r v e r s o f t h e l a r g e towns,

never

materialised.

Investigators

and

reporters

from

the

middle classes - medical m e n , clergymen, social reformers - w e r e s h o c k e d a n d horrified b y m a n y things w h i c h t h e y s a w a n d smelt in the poor quarters of the major t o w n s : overcrowding,

malnutrition,

r a g g e d n e s s , i g n o r a n c e , ill-health, t h e s t e n c h o f t h e g r e a t

unwashed

a n d of s e w a g e suppurating in the courtyards a n d r u n n i n g in the streets, 77

all t h e s e

things

were

evident

and

were

described

and

Robert Roberts, The Classic Slum (Manchester, 1971), esp. chap. 3. Michael Young and Peter Willmott, Family and Kinship in East London (1957), pp. 104-16. See also

Standish Meacham, A Life Apart: The English Working Class, 1890-1914 45-59.

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(1977), pp.

58

F. M. L . T H O M P S O N

measured. But what alarmed them most about what they saw was the structural a n d moral collapse of society in the great cities. T h e y s a w t h e c o m f o r t a b l e a n d e d u c a t e d c l a s s e s w i t h d r a w i n g to t h e i r o w n e l e g a n t a n d s a l u b r i o u s p r e s e r v e s , a b d i c a t i n g t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s for the working classes and leaving t h e m to their o w n devices; a n d they t h o u g h t t h e y s a w the working classes as m e r e l y t e e m i n g m a s s e s of individuals promiscuously t h r o w n together, scurrying about b e t w e e n work, pub, and lodgings in r a n d o m and rudderless throngs, an incho­ ate h o r d e p o r t e n d i n g t h e b r e a k d o w n o f s o c i e t y a n d a r e t u r n to s o m e ­ t h i n g l i k e t h e l a w o f t h e j u n g l e . A n o b s c u r e cleric, g i v i n g e v i d e n c e to a s e l e c t C o m m i t t e e , m a y s t a n d for t h e c o n v e n t i o n a l m i d - c e n t u r y v i e w w h e n h e d r e w a t t e n t i o n to the gradual separation of the classes which takes place in towns . . . whereas formerly rich and poor live in proximity and the superior classes exercised that species of silent but very efficient control over their neighbours . . . In small towns there must be a sort of natural police . . . operating upon the conduct of each individual who lives . . . under the public eye; but in a large town he lives, if he chooses, in absolute obscurity. 78

T h e r e m e d i e s p r o p o s e d w e r e such things as s e w e r s a n d p i p e d water, s t r e e t p a v i n g a n d h o u s i n g b y e - l a w s , for t h e p h y s i c a l c o n d i t i o n s ; a n d p o l i c e , s c h o o l s , t e a c h e r s , c h u r c h e s , a n d m i n i s t e r s for t h e s o c i a l a n d moral conditions. Providing t h e s e w a s w h a t Victorian social policy, v o l u n t a r y as w e l l a s g o v e r n m e n t a l , w a s all a b o u t . I n c r e a s i n g s u p p l i e s , m a i n l y f r o m t h e 1 8 3 0 s a n d 1 8 4 0 s o n w a r d s , b u t in t h e c a s e o f s o m e sewering a n d s o m e schooling from the earlier decades of the century, definitely m a d e t o w n s h e a l t h i e r a n d p e o p l e b e t t e r e d u c a t e d b y t h e early 1900s; less decisively, t h e y contributed to m a k i n g t o w n s m o r e o r d e r l y a n d d i s c i p l i n e d p l a c e s w h e r e p o p u l a r b e h a v i o u r , at l e a s t in p u b l i c , c o u l d for t h e m o s t p a r t b e r e l i e d u p o n n o t t o o f f e n d t h e m i d d l e classes. S u c h agencies, however, played no more than a minor part i n v a n q u i s h i n g a n o m i e or u r b a n a l i e n a t i o n , s i n c e t h o s e w e r e i m a g i n e d r a t h e r t h a n r e a l d r a g o n s . T h e f a m i l y a n d s t r e e t n e t w o r k s w e r e affairs of r e l a t i o n s h i p s , n o t o f v i s i b l e o b j e c t s a n d c o n d i t i o n s , a n d it is u n d e r ­ standable that they remained u n s e e n and u n r e m a r k e d b y observers p r e o c c u p i e d w i t h t h e p h y s i c a l , s o c i a l , a n d m o r a l d e f e c t s o f u r b a n liv­ ing conditions. T h e informal network communities were indeed sup­ p l e m e n t e d b y , a n d i n t i m e t o a significant e x t e n t r e p l a c e d b y , m o r e formal and selective associations that w e r e easily visible to outsiders. 78

SC on Criminal and Destitute Juveniles, PP 1852, XXIII evidence of M. D. Hill, q. 386.

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M o s t of these were generated from within the working classes, and frequently rested on workplace contacts. Friendly societies and trade u n i o n s w e r e o f this k i n d ; s a v i n g s g r o u p s like h o l i d a y c l u b s , c l o t h i n g clubs, and the early 'terminating' building societies of the 1830s and 1840s, and mutual interest groups of the pigeon-fancying, dog-breed­ i n g , or d a r t - p l a y i n g v a r i e t y , m i g h t s t e m f r o m e i t h e r w o r k p l a c e or p u b . Other associations, notably the w o r k i n g m e n ' s clubs of the 1860s, were i n i t i a t e d b y m i d d l e - c l a s s r e f o r m e r s b u t q u i c k l y a p p r o p r i a t e d b y selfg o v e r n i n g w o r k i n g m e n ; w h i l e c h u r c h or c h a p e l d r e w in a s e c t i o n of t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s e s , a n d a l t h o u g h c h u r c h r e m a i n e d firmly in t h e c o n t r o l o f t h e s u p e r i o r c l a s s e s s o m e c h a p e l s at least w e r e in effect r u n b y a n d for t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s e s . All t h e a s s o c i a t i o n s , s o c i e t i e s , clubs, and congregations of these types served - alongside their prim­ ary p u r p o s e s - t o r e i n f o r c e t h e identification o f t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l m e m ­ b e r s w i t h a social g r o u p , a n d t h u s s t r e n g t h e n e d t h e fabric o f u r b a n s o c i e t y as a c o h e s i v e social s t r u c t u r e a n d n o t a m e r e a g g r e g a t i o n o f r o o t l e s s a n d shiftless i n d i v i d u a l s . T h e overwhelming majority of these associations were male pre­ s e r v e s - w o r k i n g w o m e n , for e x a m p l e in t h e c o t t o n m i l l s , p e r h a p s finding a p l a c e in t h e mill h o l i d a y c l u b b u t in n o t h i n g e l s e - a n d , w i t h i n t h a t g e n d e r r e s t r i c t i o n , w e r e l a r g e l y c o n f i n e d t o t h e skilled a n d m o r e h i g h l y p a i d m e n . T h e i r effects in w e l d i n g i n d i v i d u a l s i n t o groups,

although

marked,

were therefore limited. T h e

informal

n e t w o r k s , b y c o n t r a s t , b y definition i n v o l v e d t h e active p a r t i c i p a t i o n of w o m e n , w h o often c o n t r o l l e d t h e c o m p l i c a t e d a p p a r a t u s o f family c u s t o m s , rituals, a n d o b l i g a t i o n s , a n d w h o m a n a g e d t h e f r i e n d s h i p s a n d a n i m o s i t i e s o f t h e s t r e e t . M o r e o v e r , t h e s e n e t w o r k s s e e m to h a v e b e e n s p r e a d w i d e l y a m o n g s t all l e v e l s o f t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s e s , a n d m a y w e l l h a v e b e e n m o s t i m p o r t a n t for s u r v i v a l in t i m e s o f h a r d s h i p , a n d for c o m p a n i o n s h i p , a n d h a v e b e e n m o s t p e r s i s t e n t , in t h e p o o r e s t s e c t i o n s . A p a r t f r o m t h e n u c l e a r f a m i l y itself t h e y w e r e t h e m o s t w i d e s p r e a d f o r m o f social i n s t i t u t i o n in t h e g r e a t m a n u f a c t u r i n g a n d commercial t o w n s of Victorian Britain, and arguably they were the m o s t p u r e l y u r b a n e l e m e n t in u r b a n s o c i e t y . T h a t is, t h e e x t e n d e d family, e v e n as a set o f r e g u l a r c o n t a c t s b e t w e e n m e m b e r s w h o l i v e d in i n d e p e n d e n t h o u s e h o l d s , a p p a r e n t l y did n o t exist or w a s u n c o m ­ m o n in p r e - i n d u s t r i a l B r i t a i n , e x c e p t in h i g h e r social r e a c h e s s u c h as t h e a r i s t o c r a c y , w h o s e k i n k e p t in t o u c h for financial, social or political a d v a n t a g e , o r t h e c o u s i n h o o d s o f Q u a k e r s , U n i t a r i a n s , a n d other sects, which underpinned very successful banking and trading

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F. M. L . T H O M P S O N

services; while t h e s t r e e t - n e i g h b o u r h o o d w a s a product of the environ­ m e n t o f s i n g l e - c l a s s s t r e e t s , itself a p r o d u c t o f t h e l a r g e t o w n s .

7 9

Residential social segregation m a y not h a v e b e e n entirely a nine­ t e e n t h - c e n t u r y i n v e n t i o n , b u t if it e x i s t e d b e f o r e it w a s m a i n l y at a h o u s e - b y - h o u s e level, a n d in small-scale t o w n s individual streets a n d districts w e r e c o m m o n l y s o c i a l l y m i x e d in c h a r a c t e r . E i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y L o n d o n p o i n t e d t h e w a y t o t h e f u t u r e , for t h e g r e a t W e s t End

d e v e l o p m e n t s w e r e u n m i s t a k a b l y d e s i g n e d for p r e d o m i n a n t l y

s i n g l e - c l a s s o c c u p a t i o n s , a l t h o u g h i n m a k i n g p r o v i s i o n for t h e s e r v i c e needs and convenience of the wealthy residents the developments also e n s u r e d s o m e degree of discreetly h i d d e n social mixture. Social s e g r e g a t i o n c a m e to all t h e g r e a t n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y t o w n s , a n d it s t r u c k e a r l y V i c t o r i a n s as a r e c e n t d e v e l o p m e n t . It w a s f u n d a m e n t a l l y a p r o d u c t o f t h e p r e s s o f n u m b e r s , t h e r e s u l t i n g c o n g e s t i o n , dirt, a n d s t e n c h o f t h e o l d e r c e n t r a l districts, a n d o f t h e E n g l i s h p r e f e r e n c e for l o w - r i s e f a m i l y h o u s i n g . H i g h - r i s e a p a r t m e n t o r t e n e m e n t b l o c k s offered a s o l u t i o n to p r o b l e m s o f dirt, n o i s e , a n d s m e l l b y r i s i n g a b o v e t h e m , a n d c o u l d p r o d u c e a f o r m o f v e r t i c a l s o c i a l stratification o p e r a t ­ i n g t h r o u g h differential r e n t l e v e l s , a s h a p p e n e d in P a r i s ; t e n e m e n t s in G l a s g o w , h o w e v e r , w e r e b r o a d l y o n e - c l a s s h a b i t a t i o n s , a l t h o u g h a c c o m m o d a t i n g different l a y e r s o f s t a t u s a n d i n c o m e w i t h i n t h e w o r k ­ i n g c l a s s e s . T w o - or t h r e e - s t o r e y e d h o u s i n g , o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , n e c e s ­ sarily l e d t o lateral o r s p a t i a l s e g r e g a t i o n if t h e r e w a s t o b e

any

s e g r e g a t i o n at all. T h e p r o c e s s o f s e g r e g a t i o n h a d g e n e r a l l y b e e n s e e n as a m o v e b y t h o s e w h o c o u l d afford it t o e s c a p e f r o m i n s a l u b r i o u s a n d u n p l e a s a n t a r e a s , a n d to c l u s t e r i n g r o u p s i n m o r e a t t r a c t i v e dis­ tricts a c c o r d i n g to h o u s e v a l u e s a n d i n d i v i d u a l t a s t e s , l e a v i n g t h e great residue of the working classes to m a k e do with w h a t e v e r h o u s i n g w a s left u n c l a i m e d . T h e c l u s t e r i n g o f g r o u p s w i t h s i m i l a r s t a n d a r d s , a s p i r a t i o n s , a n d i n c o m e l e v e l s w a s a l s o s t i m u l a t e d , if n o t d i c t a t e d , f r o m t h e s u p p l y s i d e b y t h e t e n d e n c y o f b u i l d e r s a n d d e v e l o p e r s to construct blocks or small n e i g h b o u r h o o d s of a uniform h o u s i n g type for r e a s o n s o f c o n s t r u c t i o n e c o n o m i e s a n d profit m a x i m i s a t i o n , a n d sometimes because ground landlords stipulated that they should do so. The

working classes w e r e not relegated to vast

undifferentiated

g h e t t o e s , as t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e s t r e e t - n e i g h b o u r h o o d s

showed

in social a n d cultural t e r m s . Physically there w e r e differences in the 79

Davidoff and Hall, Family Fortunes, pp. 86-7, 99-103, 321-2, discuss middle-class, mainly Quaker, extended family networks.

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61

size a n d q u a l i t y o f t h e w o r k i n g - c l a s s h o u s i n g s t o c k b e t w e e n t w o - , four-,

and

six-roomed

houses,

between

pre-

and

post-bye-law

h o u s i n g , a n d b e t w e e n all t h e s e a n d ' m a d e d o w n ' m i d d l e - c l a s s f a m i l y h o u s i n g w h i c h w a s t e n e m e n t e d o f t e n i n o n e - r o o m u n i t s for w o r k i n g c l a s s u s e . A l l t h e s e g r a d e s a n d q u a l i t i e s w e r e m a r k e d b y different r e n t s , a n d w e r e t e n a n t e d b y f a m i l i e s w i t h different e a r n i n g s a n d at different stages o f their life-cycles. T h u s t h e r e w a s residential segrega­ tion within the working classes, with strong occupational lines of demarcation, so that railwaymen's quarters, bus and tram w o r k e r ' s q u a r t e r s , a n d d o c k e r ' s districts c o u l d b e r e a d i l y d i s t i n g u i s h e d as w e l l as t h e m o r e o b v i o u s l y s u p e r i o r districts f a v o u r e d b y s k i l l e d c r a f t s m e n ; w h i l e s l u m s w h i c h a p p e a r e d i n d i s t i n g u i s h a b l y awful to t h e f a s h i o n ­ able visitors of the 1880s w e r e unerringly sorted out into the deserving a n d the disreputable b y their residents. T h e working classes also remained m u c h more intermixed with other classes than was sug­ gested b y the clearcut separation

and

segregation which Engels

claimed to see in M a n c h e s t e r of the 1840s and other great industrial towns.

8 0

T h i s w a s p a r t l y a n effect o f t h e d e s i r e o f t h e s u p e r i o r c l a s s e s

to h a v e t h e i r s u p p o r t i n g s e r v i c e s a n d t h e i r l o w l y p r o v i d e r s c l o s e at h a n d , b u t w a s chiefly t h e effect o f t h e s l o w p a c e o f d e v e l o p m e n t o n a n y p a r t i c u l a r tract o f l a n d , a n d o f t h e f r a g m e n t e d a n d p o o r l y targeted nature of building operations. T o w n s as entities g r e w a n d e x p a n d e d t h e i r h o u s i n g s t o c k s at a s p a n k i n g p a c e ; b u t s o m a n y s e p a r ­ ate building estates w e r e likely to b e active simultaneously that every s i z e a b l e o n e o f s a y 5 0 a c r e s or m o r e w a s liable t o b e fifty y e a r s in t h e b u i l d i n g f r o m t h e first h o u s e s t o t h e c o m p l e t e l y b u i l t - u p s t a t e .

8 1

The result w a s that c o n s u m e r fashions and tastes c h a n g e d during t h e p r o l o n g e d d e v e l o p m e n t p e r i o d , b u i l d e r s c a m e a n d w e n t w i t h dif­ f e r e n t i d e a s a n d r e s o u r c e s , a n d it w a s u n l i k e l y t h a t a l a r g e tract c o u l d s u s t a i n a u n i f o r m social c h a r a c t e r o r a v o i d h a v i n g d e s i r a b l e a n d l e s s desirable sections. Moreover, the fragmented building industry, oper­ a t i n g i n t h o u s a n d s o f s m a l l b u s i n e s s e s , t e n d e d t o b e h a v e l i k e a flock of s h e e p , all s u r g i n g t o g e t h e r i n t o a n u p s w i n g in t h e b u i l d i n g c y c l e a n d all s t o p p i n g t o g e t h e r w h e n t h e m a r k e t b e c a m e o v e r s u p p l i e d , a n d all t r y i n g to b u i l d h o u s e s o f t h e h i g h e s t v a l u e a n d h i g h e s t c l a s s w h i c h a n o p t i m i s t m i g h t t h i n k s u i t a b l e for t h e i r p l o t s a n d l o c a t i o n s . T h e r e s u l t o f t h i s w a s a c o n t i n u a l t e n d e n c y to o v e r s t o c k t h e m a r k e t with h i g h e r class h o u s e s , a n d to force the least well capitalised builders 80 81

Engels, Condition of the Working Class, p. 79. Thompson, ed., Rise of Suburbia, p. 22.

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62

F. M.

L.

T H O M P S O N

to let t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s e s i n t o h o u s e s , o r districts, w h i c h h a d initially b e e n i n t e n d e d for h i g h e r c l a s s o c c u p a t i o n , in o r d e r t o g e t q u i c k r e t u r n s o n their outlays. T h e e n d product of these factors, despite the undoubtedly

strong

h e r d i n s t i n c t i m p e l l i n g l i k e to s e e k t o live w i t h l i k e for a w h o l e c o m p l e x of c u l t u r a l , financial, m o r a l , s a n i t a r y , a n d a e s t h e t i c r e a s o n s , w a s t h a t the actual social g e o g r a p h y of Victorian t o w n s w a s m o r e of a mosaic of s m a l l p i e c e s o f c l a s s p r e s e n c e t h a n a b o l d p a t t e r n o f b r o a d s w e e p s of c l a s s s e p a r a t i o n s u c h as s e g r e g a t i o n t h e o r y m i g h t i m p l y .

8 2

Within

t h i s s t r u c t u r e it w a s t h e u p p e r m i d d l e c l a s s o f t h e m o s t s u c c e s s f u l p r o f e s s i o n a l a n d b u s i n e s s f a m i l i e s w h i c h w a s a b l e to l a y c l a i m to u n d i s p u t e d p o s s e s s i o n o f t h e l a r g e s t c o n t i n u o u s slices o f u r b a n terri­ tory and preserve t h e m from u n w e l c o m e intruders, because they were t h e g r o u p b e s t a b l e to afford d e f e n c e s - s o m e t i m e s p h y s i c a l b a r r i e r s , like g a t e d r o a d s - a g a i n s t i n v a s i o n o r s o c i a l d e t e r i o r a t i o n o f t h e i r n e i g h ­ b o u r h o o d s , b e s t a b l e to afford t o m o v e to t h e m o s t u p - t o - d a t e h o u s e s a n d t h e l a t e s t i n f a s h i o n a b l e districts, a n d b e s t a b l e t o afford l a r g e h o u s e s , large gardens, and low densities which necessarily m a d e their u r b a n q u a r t e r s m u c h l a r g e r in e x t e n t , p e r h o u s e h o l d , t h a n t h o s e o f any other class. B e n e a t h this s u m m i t of exclusiveness, h o w e v e r , segre­ gation w a s a matter of a street or small group of streets, rather than a question of entire parishes, wards, or e v e n c e n s u s e n u m e r a t o r s ' districts ( w h i c h t y p i c a l l y h a d a p o p u l a t i o n o f 2 0 0 t o 3 0 0 h o u s e h o l d s ) having a single-class character. T h e socially m i x e d nature of m o s t u r b a n p r e c i n c t s m a d e it difficult for l o y a l t i e s t o t h e city, t o political c a u s e s , o r to r e l i g i o u s o r c u l t u r a l activities to g r o w o u t o f strictly l o c a ­ l i s e d territorial r o o t s . S o c i a l l y h o m o g e n e o u s o r l i k e - m i n d e d e l e m e n t s r e q u i r e d to b e b r o u g h t t o g e t h e r a n d m o b i l i s e d t h r o u g h w o r k p l a c e , p u b , c h u r c h , c h a p e l , friendly s o c i e t y , t r a d e u n i o n , c l u b , a n d a s s o c i a ­ t i o n ; it c o u l d n o t b e a s s u m e d t h a t t h e y w o u l d b e in t o u c h t h r o u g h living c h e e k b y jowl. W h e t h e r the proximity a n d intermixture of the c l a s s e s f o s t e r e d s o c i a l h a r m o n y a n d t o l e r a n c e t h r o u g h familiarity a n d mutual understanding,

or e m p h a s i s e d class feelings a n d

tensions

t h r o u g h t h e c o n s t a n t r e m i n d e r s o f d i f f e r e n c e s , is a n o t h e r q u e s t i o n .

8 3

T h e r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n w h i c h m a t u r e d in t h e s e c o n d h a l f o f t h e century c o n t a i n e d h u n d r e d s of internal frontiers b e t w e e n class a n d 82

Dennis, English Industrial Cities, pp. 211-21. Booth's 'Descriptive Maps of London Poverty', 1889, in Charles Booth, ed., Life and Labour of the People in London, 1st ser., Poverty, 4 vols. (1889-91) and the later 'Descriptive Maps' of 1897-8 in 3rd ser., Religious Influences, 7 volumes (1902-3), show the mosaic effect in colour.

83

Waller, Town, City and Nation, p. 115.

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Town and city

63

c l a s s , s o m e t i m e s c l e a r l y m a r k e d b y a p h y s i c a l f e a t u r e like a r a i l w a y t r a c k , b u t as o f t e n a n i n v i s i b l e l i n e b e t w e e n t h e right s i d e a n d t h e w r o n g s i d e o f a s t r e e t t h a t w a s v e r y a p p a r e n t to t h e r e s i d e n t s w h o d e f e n d e d it. T h e m o s t j e a l o u s l y g u a r d e d frontier w a s t h e l i n e b e t w e e n c l a s s e s w i t h m a r g i n a l d i f f e r e n c e s in i n c o m e s o r w e a l t h , t h e l o w e r m i d ­ dle class a n d the u p p e r w o r k i n g class. T h e l o w e r middle class of s h o p ­ keepers, small b u s i n e s s m e n and clerks rarely h a d i n c o m e s any higher t h a n those of skilled workers, a n d family earnings m a y well h a v e b e e n l o w e r s i n c e it w a s n o t d o n e for w i v e s t o g o o u t to w o r k . N e v e r t h e ­ less, the lower middle classes considered t h e m s e l v e s socially superior, i n e d u c a t i o n , r e s p e c t a b i l i t y , r e f i n e m e n t , a n d life s t y l e . L o w e r m i d d l e class h o u s i n g and the better kind of artisan h o u s i n g w e r e very similar. B o t h c l a s s e s l i v e d i n t e r r a c e h o u s e s w i t h front p a r l o u r s dignified w i t h s e p a r a t e e n t r a n c e s l e a d i n g off d i m i n u t i v e front p a s s a g e s , o r h a l l s ; both w o u l d h a v e back extensions housing a scullery with an extra b e d r o o m o n top; a n d both w o u l d have to put up with outside privies, at l e a s t u n t i l t h e 1 8 9 0 s . T h e l o w e r m i d d l e c l a s s e s m i g h t w e l l l o o k for m o r e b a y w i n d o w s a n d a m o r e p r o m i n e n t display of fancy brickwork or s t o n e w o r k for l i n t e l s a n d o t h e r e m b e l l i s h m e n t s , a n d m i g h t e x h i b i t a greater e x p a n s e of lace curtains, t h a n their working-class rivals. Inside, the working-class terraces probably housed a higher propor­ t i o n o f l o d g e r s , s i n c e m i d d l e - c l a s s v a l u e s did n o t p e r m i t o p e n a c k n o w ­ l e d g m e n t o f r e l i a n c e o n t h i s s o u r c e o f s u b s i d i a r y i n c o m e as a m e a n s of affording t h e r e n t , a l t h o u g h t h e p a y i n g - g u e s t e u p h e m i s m h e l p e d to get r o u n d this obstacle. This difference b e t w e e n the t w o classes, h o w e v e r , w a s not readily visible to the public e y e .

8 4

Lacking emphatic architectural statements of their superiority, and b e i n g u n a b l e to afford, i n t h e l o w e r r u n g s o f c l e r k d o m , t h e e a s i l y recognisable middle-class badge of servant-keeping, the lower middle c l a s s d e v e l o p e d t h e cult o f t h e g e n t e e l a s t h e i r d i s t i n g u i s h i n g m a r k . T h i s h a d m a n y e l e m e n t s , o f thrift, s o b r i e t y , a b s t e m i o u s n e s s , d i s a p p r o ­ v a l o f frivolity, a b h o r r e n c e o f d e b t , s u p p r e s s i o n o f s e x u a l i t y , careful p a r a d i n g o f a t t e n d a n c e at c h u r c h o r c h a p e l , a n d e m p h a s i s o n k e e p i n g u p a p p e a r a n c e s , w h i c h c o u l d b e f o u n d in o t h e r s o c i a l g r o u p s a s w e l l . T h e distinctive feature w a s the merging of these values into a culture of self-consciously virtuous small-mindedness w h o s e purity w a s pro­ tected from contamination by elevating the practices of privacy and 84

The refinements, subtleties, and contortions in the architectural expression of class and sub-class distinctions are graphically discussed by Stefan Muthesius, The English Terraced House (1982), esp. pp. 236-56.

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F. M. L . T H O M P S O N

of k e e p i n g o n e s e l f to o n e s e l f t o t h e l e v e l o f a d o c t r i n e . T h i s c r e e d prevented strangers prying into the reality b e h i n d the facade, a reality w h e r e m a t e r i a l p o s s e s s i o n s o r m o r a l c o n d u c t m i g h t differ f r o m t h e claims of outward appearance. A w a y from the h o m e base y o u n g clerks o n h o l i d a y i n M a r g a t e o r S o u t h e n d , o r o n a S a t u r d a y n i g h t o u t at t h e m u s i c h a l l , m i g h t b e as l e c h e r o u s , v u l g a r , o r d r u n k e n as a n y o n e else; but the prim a n d prudish respectability of the h o m e , hypocritical or n o t , w a s t h e n e c e s s a r y g u a r a n t e e o f t h e i r s t a t u s . C a r e f u l l y i s o l a t i n g themselves from the groups below, the lower middle class m a d e t h e m ­ s e l v e s i n t o t h e m o s t solitary, l e a s t n e i g h b o u r l y , a n d l e a s t g r e g a r i o u s c l a s s in V i c t o r i a n s o c i e t y . T h e y c o u l d n o t j o i n i n t h e p u b

culture,

or j o i n f r i e n d l y s o c i e t i e s o r g a r d e n i n g c l u b s , b e c a u s e o f t h e i r w o r k i n g class a s s o c i a t i o n s ; t h e y c o u l d s c a r c e l y b r i n g t h e m s e l v e s to u s e p u b l i c l y subsidised or publicly provided services like voluntary schools, B o a r d schools, the hospitals which grew out of poor law provisions from the 1860s o n w a r d s , s o m e t i m e s e v e n the public libraries, b e c a u s e t h e s e c o m p r o m i s e d self-reliance; and, except towards the u p p e r e n d of the class a m o n g t h e r i c h e r s h o p k e e p e r s a n d t h e v e r y h i g h e s t p a i d s u p e r i o r c l e r k s , t h e y c o u l d n o t j o i n t h e s e c u r e m i d d l e - c l a s s w o r l d o f lit. a n d phil. societies, subscription libraries, local a t h e n a e u m s , c h a m b e r s of c o m m e r c e , a n d , o f l o w e r e s t e e m a n d at t h e e n d o f t h e c e n t u r y , r o t a r y clubs. C h u r c h or c h a p e l w e r e t h e o n l y c o m m u n i t i e s t o w h i c h t h e l o w e r middle class could b e l o n g without r u n n i n g a n y risk of tainting their social s t a n d i n g o r r u i n i n g t h e i r p o c k e t s . T h i s m i g h t s e e m t o d e f i n e t h e c l a s s in r e l i g i o u s r a t h e r t h a n i n s o c i a l o r o c c u p a t i o n a l t e r m s . Y e t d e s p i t e t h e p r o m i n e n c e o f r e l i g i o n in f a m i l y life a n d i n t h e u p b r i n g i n g of t h e i r c h i l d r e n , a n d d e s p i t e t h e c l o s e l i n k s b e t w e e n c h u r c h o r c h a p e l membership

and

respectability, white-collar workers

m e a n s c o n s p i c u o u s for r e g u l a r c h u r c h a t t e n d a n c e .

8 5

were by

no

Thus, although

a r e l i g i o u s b a s i s for t h e i r v a l u e s w a s vital, a s s i d u o u s

participation

in o r g a n i s e d r e l i g i o n d o e s n o t s e e m t o h a v e b e e n e s s e n t i a l . H e n c e the lower middle class did not balance their deliberate rejection of tightly-knit s t r e e t o r n e i g h b o u r h o o d c o m m u n i t i e s , w h i c h w e r e w o r k ­ ing class, b y identification with c o h e s i v e religious c o m m u n i t i e s , a n d could not aspire to integrate with the mutual interest clubs a n d associ­ a t i o n s of t h e e s t a b l i s h e d m i d d l e c l a s s . T h i s left t h e m a s f u n d a m e n t a l l y a

class w i t h o u t

cohesion,

isolated

85

Hugh McLeod, 'White Collar Values and the Role of Religion', in Geoffrey Crossick,

ed., The Lower Middle Class in Britain, 1870-1914

in

their

family

units

(1977), esp. pp. 6 1 - 8 , 8 6 - 8 .

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where

Town and city

65

h o u s e h o l d s uncluttered with either servants or resident kin gave the p u r e s t V i c t o r i a n p e r f o r m a n c e o f t h e n u c l e a r f a m i l y t u r n e d i n o n itself a n d s u r v i v i n g o n its o w n m a t e r i a l , m o r a l a n d i n t e l l e c t u a l r e s o u r c e s . This strongly individualistic existence h a d

a tough

fibre o f self-

discipline a n d self-improving motivation, a n d the urge to distance themselves from the working classes was c o m p l e m e n t e d by an almost o b s e q u i o u s deference to their social superiors a n d desire to emulate their m a n n e r s , speech, dress, and p r e s u m e d opinions. T h e atomisation a n d fragmentation of the lower middle class did not, therefore, threaten

social order in a n y w a y with a rising tide of rootless,

u n a t t a c h e d , u n d i r e c t e d , i n d i v i d u a l s . N e v e r t h e l e s s , it r e p r e s e n t e d t h e closest a p p r o a c h to the generation of an a m o r p h o u s a n o m i e in Victor­ i a n u r b a n s o c i e t y ; a n d it w a s e s s e n t i a l l y a p r o d u c t o f t h e g r o w t h o f l a r g e t o w n s , for w i t h o u t t h e m w h i t e - c o l l a r o c c u p a t i o n s h a r d l y e x i s t e d at all o r at m o s t i n s u c h s m a l l n u m b e r s i n t h e l e s s e r c o u n t r y t o w n s that n o distinct group could e m e r g e . The

8 6

l o w e r m i d d l e c l a s s , t h e m o s t a m o r p h o u s a n d m o s t cellular,

the least c o h e s i v e a n d least assertive, g r o u p in society, w e r e under­ s t a n d a b l y n o t r e m a r k a b l e for t h e i r c u l t u r a l o r i n t e l l e c t u a l a c h i e v e m e n t s or i n d e p e n d e n c e . S u c c e s s f u l m e n o f t a l e n t f r o m t h i s s o c i a l b a c k g r o u n d w e r e , b y definition, propelled u p w a r d s b y their success into the mid­ dle or u p p e r middle class, as H . G . W e l l s w a s propelled from his d r a p e r ' s assistant b e g i n n i n g s into fashionable literary society. T h e d o m e s t i c p r o b l e m s , s o c i a l life, a n d d a i l y little c r i s e s a n d a n x i e t i e s o f t h e c l a s s w e r e i n d e e d p r e s e r v e d for all t i m e i n The Diary of a Nobody ( 1 8 9 2 ) , w h i c h m a d e M r P o o t e r i n t o t h e s t o c k figure o f h i g h V i c t o r i a n petty gentility; b u t that did n o t h i n g to raise the standing of the class. The great petty bourgeois colony of south L o n d o n was described by W a l t e r B e s a n t in 1899 as a city without a municipality, without a centre, without a civic history; it has no newspapers, magazines or journals; it has no university, it has no colleges, apart from the medical; it has no intellectual, artistic, scientific, musi­ cal, literary centre . . . its residents have no local patriotism or enthusiasm . . . it has no theatres except of a very popular or humble kind; it has no clubs, it has no public buildings. 87

T h e y m a y h a v e created a cultural desert a n d attracted the nearly 86

87

Geoffrey Crossick, 'The Emergence of the Lower Middle Class in Britain: A Discus­ sion', in Crossick, ed., Lower Middle Class, pp. 11-60; see also Geoffrey Crossick, 'Urban Society and the Petty Bourgeoisie in Nineteenth-Century Britain', in Derek Fraser and Anthony Sutcliffe, eds., The Pursuit of Urban History (1983), pp. 306-25. Walter Besant, South London (1899), quoted by Waller, Town,City and Nation, p.41.

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F . M. L. L. T H O M P S O N

u n i v e r s a l c o n t e m p t o f t h e i n t e l l e c t u a l a n d literary c l a s s e s , b u t t h e s m a l l shopkeepers, tradesmen, and businessmen, abetted by the growing n u m b e r s o f w h i t e - c o l l a r w o r k e r s , v i r t u a l l y t o o k c o n t r o l o f t h e cities in t h e c o u r s e o f t h e fifty y e a r s b e f o r e 1 9 1 4 . T h e y did t h i s i n a t h r e e - p r o n g e d infiltration o f u r b a n affairs, as r a t e p a y e r s , a s c o u n c i l l o r s , a n d as t h e h e a r t o f t h e n e w local g o v e r n ­ m e n t b u r e a u c r a c y . T h e first t w o r o l e s fell to t h e m l a r g e l y t h r o u g h the voluntary withdrawal and retreat of the m o r e substantial middle c l a s s e s , a n d t h e t h i r d as a r e s u l t o f t h e e x p a n s i o n o f m u n i c i p a l r e s p o n ­ sibilities o f w h i c h t h e y , as r a t e p a y e r s , g e n e r a l l y d i s a p p r o v e d

on

grounds of expense and ideology. Municipal greatness, therefore, w a s t h r u s t u p o n t h e l o w e r m i d d l e c l a s s , in m e a s u r e a g a i n s t its will if it h a d b e e n c a p a b l e o f h a v i n g a will, n o t a c h i e v e d b y a c o l l e c t i v e s t r u g g l e or as t h e fulfilment o f c h e r i s h e d c l a s s a s p i r a t i o n s . L o w e r m i d d l e - c l a s s h o u s e h o l d e r s did n o t p a y l a r g e a m o u n t s o f r a t e s as i n d i v i d u a l s , c o m ­ p a r e d w i t h t h o s e h i g h e r u p t h e s c a l e w h o o c c u p i e d l a r g e villas a n d m a n s i o n s , but collectively t h e y w e r e a considerable force with a con­ s i d e r a b l e p o t e n t i a l for f e e l i n g a g g r i e v e d . S m a l l t r a d e r s a n d b u s i n e s s ­ m e n w e r e o p p r e s s e d b y t h e b u r d e n o f r a t e s o n t h e i r b u s i n e s s e s as w e l l a s t h e i r h o m e s , a n d r e c k o n e d t h i s b e c a m e a triple i m p o s i t i o n when

they w e r e also small property

o w n e r s with their

savings

i n v e s t e d in a r o w o f c o t t a g e s o f t h e k i n d n o r m a l l y let to w o r k i n g - c l a s s t e n a n t s w h o did n o t p a y r a t e s s e p a r a t e l y b u t c o m p o u n d e d for t h e m as a n e l e m e n t i n t h e w e e k l y r e n t , l e a v i n g t h e h o u s i n g l a n d l o r d to p a y t h e r a t e t o t h e c o u n c i l . Little w o n d e r t h a t r a t e p a y e r s ' a s s o c i a t i o n s w e r e e n d e m i c in t h e m u n i c i p a l life o f V i c t o r i a n t o w n s , m a i n l y d r a w n from the petty bourgeoisie, mainly short-lived, and mainly c o n c e r n e d with

o r g a n i s i n g r e s i s t a n c e to s o m e p a r t i c u l a r p i e c e o f

municipal expenditure.

T h e reputation

proposed

of these associations, not

u n d e s e r v e d l y , w a s for b e i n g s m a l l - m i n d e d a n d s h o r t s i g h t e d ,

dedi­

c a t e d to k e e p i n g r a t e s d o w n at t h e c o s t o f b e i n g t h e m a i n s t a y o f t h e ' d i r t y p a r t y ' w h i c h r e g a r d e d s e w e r s a n d s a n i t a t i o n as u n n e c e s s a r y , and the stand-by of the ' e c o n o m i s e r s ' w h o rejected any rate-provided civic i m p r o v e m e n t s o r a m e n i t i e s .

8 8

N e v e r t h e l e s s , Victorian t o w n s w e r e s w e p t into the era of sanitary i m p r o v e m e n t s , s e w a g e s c h e m e s , paved streets, n e w t o w n halls, pub­ lic p a r k s , p u b l i c l i b r a r i e s , p u b l i c w a s h h o u s e s a n d b a t h s ,

rate-sup­

p o r t e d s c h o o l s , a n d i n c r e a s i n g l y in t h e last q u a r t e r o f t h e c e n t u r y 88

Avner Offer, Property and Politics 1870-1914:

Landownership, Law, Ideology and Urban

Development in England (Cambridge, 1981), pp. 297-301.

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municipally o w n e d w a t e r w o r k s , g a s w o r k s , t r a m w a y s , a n d electricity undertakings. S o m e t i m e s they were swept kicking a n d screaming into the nineteenth century, prodded and p u s h e d b y central government a n d statute; but just as often t h e y m a d e their o w n w a y u n d e r local leaders with larger views of the physical necessity,

humanitarian

d e s i r a b i l i t y , a n d l o n g e r t e r m c o m m e r c i a l b e n e f i t s o f civic i m p r o v e ­ m e n t s . S o m e t i m e s these local leaders w e r e m e m b e r s of the urban elite, p r o m i n e n t b u s i n e s s a n d professional m e n securely located in the upper middle class. J o s e p h Chamberlain, mayor of B i r m i n g h a m b e t w e e n 1 8 7 3 a n d 1 8 7 6 a n d t h e d r i v i n g f o r c e o f a civic g o s p e l o f d y n a ­ m i c i m p r o v e m e n t s a n d b e t t e r m e n t , is m o s t c o m m o n l y c i t e d a s t h e p a r a d i g m o f t h i s t y p e . H e is i n d a n g e r o f b e i n g t h e s o l e e x a m p l e . T h e attempt to elevate S a m u e l S m i t h , o n e of Bradford's leading m a n u ­ f a c t u r e r s , m a y o r f r o m 1 8 5 1 t o 1 8 5 4 , a n d m o v i n g spirit i n t h e b u i l d i n g of S t G e o r g e ' s H a l l for p u b l i c c o n c e r t s , t o t h e C h a m b e r l a i n l e v e l h a s not been notably successful.

89

There were indeed

other

wealthy

b u s i n e s s m e n w h o b e c a m e civic b e n e f a c t o r s a n d d i g n i t a r i e s - S i r P e t e r Fairbairn, brother of the better k n o w n engineer, William, w h o w a s knighted b e c a u s e h e h a p p e n e d to b e mayor of L e e d s w h e n Victoria o p e n e d the magnificent n e w t o w n hall in 1 8 5 8 , or Sir W . H . Wills, tobacco millionaire a n d Bristol t o w n councillor in t h e 1870s a n d 1880s, a r e c a s e s i n p o i n t - b u t t h e y t e n d t o b e r e m e m b e r e d for t h e i r b e n e f a c ­ t i o n s r a t h e r t h a n for t h e i r m u n i c i p a l a c h i e v e m e n t s .

9 0

It is e v e n p o s s i b l e

t h a t t h e t i m e w a s n e v e r r i p e for t h e u r b a n m i d d l e c l a s s t o p l a y t h e d e c i s i v e l e a d i n g r o l e i n civic affairs: u n t i l t h e 1 8 7 0 s t h e y w e r e o v e r ­ s h a d o w e d b y the landed patricians, and w e r e in general reluctant t o d e v o t e t i m e t o p u b l i c life; after t h e 1 8 7 0 s t h e y i n c r e a s i n g l y w i t h d r e w into the c o u n t r y a n d did not involve t h e m s e l v e s in t h e everyday running of their cities.

91

S o m e t i m e s , h o w e v e r , the local leaders of municipal e x p a n s i v e n e s s c a m e f r o m b e l o w t h e elite l e v e l , a n d t h i s m a y h a v e b e e n t h e m o r e typical situation. T h e largest m e r c h a n t s a n d manufacturers h a d indus­ try-wide regional, national, a n d world interests a n d markets, and their fortunes w e r e not closely d e p e n d e n t o n the condition or standing of a n y p a r t i c u l a r m u n i c i p a l i t y , u n l e s s it h a p p e n e d t o w i e l d direct control over s u c h essentials as their transport services. T h e r e w a s , 89

90

91

Asa Briggs, Victorian Cities (1963), p. 155. H. E. Mellor, Leisure and the Changing City, 1870-1914 (1976), pp. 8 9 - 9 3 , 1 0 4 - 5 . David Cannadine, 'Introduction', in David Cannadine, ed., Patricians, Power, and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Towns (Leicester, 1982), pp. 8-11. Mellor, Changing

City, p. 93.

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F . M. L . T H O M P S O N

t h e r e f o r e , n o s t r o n g e c o n o m i c m o t i v e for i n v o l v i n g t h e m s e l v e s in m u n i c i p a l g o v e r n m e n t , a n d w h e n t h e y d i d d o s o it w a s l i k e l y t o b e for

reasons

of

political

ambition,

religious

duty,

humanitarian

i m p u l s e , o r social c o n s c i e n c e . T h e l i v e s a n d l i v e l i h o o d s o f l e s s e r m e n , by contrast, were centred o n and largely circumscribed by the o n e p a r t i c u l a r t o w n in w h i c h t h e y l i v e d a n d c a r r i e d o n t h e i r b u s i n e s s e s , and their fortunes were b o u n d up with the good order, health, ameni­ ties, a n d r e p u t a t i o n o f t h a t t o w n . I n a d d i t i o n t o a n y calls o f local p a t r i o t i s m o r civic d u t y s u c h m e n c o u l d h a v e s t r o n g , b u t n o t n e c e s s a r ­ ily n a r r o w or v e n a l , s e l f - i n t e r e s t e d m o t i v e s for e n t e r i n g m u n i c i p a l g o v e r n m e n t , m o t i v e s w h i c h c o u l d l e a d to s u p p o r t for civic i m p r o v e ­ m e n t s as b e i n g g o o d b u s i n e s s a l m o s t as e a s i l y as t h e y c o u l d l e a d to c h e e s e - p a r i n g inaction as b e i n g g o o d for k e e p i n g t h e rates d o w n . Local solicitors, d o c t o r s , e s t a t e a g e n t s , a n d o t h e r p r o f e s s i o n a l m e n , f r o m t h e m i d d l i n g p a r t o f t h e m i d d l e c l a s s , w e r e f r e q u e n t l y to b e f o u n d a m o n g t h e i m p r o v e r s , a n d w e r e p e r h a p s t h e m o s t disinterested parties. But there w e r e also m e m b e r s of the petty bourgeoisie, s h o p k e e p e r s , t r a d e r s , b u i l d e r s , a n d t h e like w h o s e e n l i g h t e n e d s e l f - i n t e r e s t l e d t h e m to s u p p o r t , a n d p a y for, n o t m e r e l y t h e utilitarian s a n i t a r y i m p r o v e ­ m e n t , o f t h e i r t o w n b u t also its e m b e l l i s h m e n t w i t h a m e n i t i e s .

9 2

Moreover, the tensions and oscillations b e t w e e n e c o n o m y

and

i m p r o v e m e n t w e r e n o t t h e o n l y , or n e c e s s a r i l y t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t , issues

affecting p a r t i c i p a t i o n

administration

of building

in

municipal

bye-laws,

government.

housing

Routine

regulations,

street

c l e a n s i n g , l i g h t i n g , fire b r i g a d e s , a n d o t h e r f e a t u r e s o f m u n i c i p a l h o u s e k e e p i n g appeared h u m d r u m a n d boring to the professional a n d b u s i n e s s elites, a n d m a d e council w o r k s e e m petty, unattractive, a n d u n r e w a r d i n g . B u t t h e s e t h i n g s affected t h e b u s i n e s s p r o s p e c t s , t r a d i n g conditions and property-owning interests of the petty bourgeoisie v e r y directly, a n d q u i t e a p a r t f r o m a n y s u s p i c i o n o f s e l f - s e e k i n g s u c h as local b u i l d e r s w e r e p r o n e to attract, t h e y c o u l d l e g i t i m a t e l y find t h e detail o f c o u n c i l w o r k i m p o r t a n t a n d r e w a r d i n g . T h e i r c o m m i t ­ m e n t to t h e t o w n a n d i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h its i n t e r e s t s w a s m i r r o r e d b y t h e m i g r a t i o n o f t h e w e a l t h y to leafy o u t e r s u b u r b s w h i c h m i g h t n o t b e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e l y w i t h i n t h e c o r e b o r o u g h at all, or t o s m a l l country t o w n s swelling into satellites u n d e r railway stimulation b y t h e c l o s i n g d e c a d e s o f t h e c e n t u r y , w h i c h w e r e definitely i n a s e p a r a t e m u n i c i p a l s p h e r e . T h e political t r a d i t i o n s a n d c o m p l e x i o n s o f b o t h

92

Daunton, Coal Metropolis, pp. 149-63.

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large and middle-rank t o w n s w e r e very varied, and so too w a s the social c o m p o s i t i o n o f t h e i r c o u n c i l s . It w o u l d b e w r o n g to s u p p o s e that there was a uniform trend towards domination by publicans, high-street traders,

a n d local builders; indeed,

the study

o f Bir­

m i n g h a m a n d L e e d s s u g g e s t s t h a t a l o w e r m i d d l e - c l a s s grip

was

b r o k e n b y t h e e n t r y , or r e - e n t r y , o f b i g b u s i n e s s i n t o t h e c o u n c i l c h a m b e r in f o r c e i n t h e 1 8 7 0 s in t h e first city a n d t h e 1 8 9 0 s in t h e second.

9 3

T h a t m a y w e l l h a v e b e e n a n effect o f s w i n g s in l o c a l p a r t y

politics m o r e t h a n o f c h a n g e s in t h e a t t i t u d e s o f e i t h e r t h e b u s i n e s s elite o r t h e b o r o u g h v o t e r s . I n a n y c a s e , it is w e l l e s t a b l i s h e d t h a t s m a l l t r a d e r s a n d b u s i n e s s m e n f o r m e d a significant e l e m e n t o n t o w n c o u n c i l s at l e a s t f r o m t h e 1 8 3 5 M u n i c i p a l R e f o r m A c t o n w a r d s ,

and

that b y the early 1900s they, plus the local professional m e n

who

w e r e generally middling middle class rather than u p p e r middle class in i n c o m e , status, a n d outlook, together normally furnished the clear majority of t o w n councillors. The

94

m a j o r i t y , r e c k o n e d in t e r m s o f social a n d o c c u p a t i o n a l b a c k ­

g r o u n d s , did n o t n e c e s s a r i l y c o m m a n d p o w e r a n d i n f l u e n c e in t h e b o r o u g h s . T h a t d e p e n d e d o n political a l i g n m e n t s , for it is a carefully c u l t i v a t e d c o n s e r v a t i v e m y t h t h a t l o c a l g o v e r n m e n t w a s in s o m e w a y apolitical a n d n o n - p a r t y u n t i l t h e r u d e i n t r u s i o n o f L a b o u r i n t o a p r e ­ v i o u s l y u n s u l l i e d h e l d . P a r t y spirit a n d o r g a n i s a t i o n , n o t a l w a y s c o i n ­ cident with national or parliamentary parties, w a s vigorously and often viciously present t h r o u g h o u t the Victorian p e r i o d .

95

It d e p e n d e d

o n l e a d e r s h i p , o f t e n p r o v i d e d b y i n d i v i d u a l s f r o m m i n o r i t y , elitist, social g r o u p s . M o r e o v e r , effective p o w e r w a s t e n d i n g , f r o m a r o u n d t h e 1 8 8 0 s o n w a r d s , to slip a w a y f r o m e l e c t e d c o u n c i l l o r s i n t o t h e h a n d s of t h e p e r m a n e n t officials: t o w n c l e r k s , c o m m o n l y s o l i c i t o r s , h a d l o n g b e e n important; they were joined by engineers, surveyors, architects, and 93

career administrators,

who

had

great empires of gasworks,

E. P. Hennock, T h e Social Composition of Borough Councils in Two Large Cities, 1 8 3 5 - 1 9 1 4 in H. J. Dyos, ed., The Study of Urban History (1968); E . P. Hennock, Fit and Proper Persons: Ideal and Reality in Nineteenth-Century Urban Government (1973), part II, chap. 5. Daunton, Coal Metropolis, pp. 152-3; Mellor, Changing City, p. 87; Waller, Democracy and Sectarianism, pp. 151-2; Waller, Town, City and Nation, p. 291; Richard Roberts, 'Leasehold Estates and Municipal Enterprise: Landowners, Local Government, and the Development of Bournemouth, c. 1850 to 1914', in Cannadine, ed., Patricians, Power, and Politics, p. 198; R. Newton, 'Society and Politics in Exeter, 1837-1914', in Dyos, ed., Study of Urban History, p. 313; Derek Fraser, Urban Politics in Victorian England (Leicester, 1976), pp. 130-3. Fraser, Urban Politics, pp. 13, 92-3; Derek Fraser, Power and Authority in the Victorian City (1979), pp. 148-55. ,

/

94

95

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70

F . M. L . T H O M P S O N

waterworks, sewage systems, power stations, tramways, schools, libraries, parks, a n d from t h e 1890s, in a small w a y , h o u s i n g projects, t o d e s i g n , c o n s t r u c t , a n d o p e r a t e . M u n i c i p a l b u r e a u c r a c y a n d its s e r ­ vants w e r e a large, e x p e n s i v e , a n d in their ' m u n i c i p a l trading' or 'municipal socialist' hats, very controversial sector of late Victorian and Edwardian urban life.

96

C h i e f officers' j o b s w e r e i m p o r t a n t o p e n ­

i n g s for t h e n e w p r o f e s s i o n s ; a l t h o u g h t h e i r s a l a r i e d n a t u r e p o s e d p r o b l e m s for t h e c o n s u l t a n t - c l i e n t v e r s i o n o f t h e p r o f e s s i o n a l e t h i c , t h e s a l a r i e s t h e m s e l v e s w e r e h a n d s o m e e n o u g h i n t h e l a r g e s t cities, at a r o u n d £ 1 , 0 0 0 a y e a r t o w a r d s t h e e n d o f t h e c e n t u r y , t o p l a c e s o m e b o r o u g h e n g i n e e r s o r m e d i c a l officers o f h e a l t h s a f e l y i n t h e u p p e r middle class.

9 7

M a n y of the municipal servants, particularly w h e r e

a b o r o u g h e m p l o y e d direct labour o n construction w o r k s , w e r e part of t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s e s , n o r m a l l y w i t h t h e p r i v i l e g e d s t a t u s o f s e c u r e a n d r e g u l a r e m p l o y m e n t . I n b e t w e e n t h e r e c a m e a l a r g e slice o f m i d d l e - t o l o w e r m i d d l e - c l a s s j o b s : t h e c h i e f officers o f t h e l e s s e r o r m o r e p a r s i m o n i o u s b o r o u g h s , t h e s u b o r d i n a t e p r o f e s s i o n a l staff, t h e clerical w o r k e r s , a n d , after 1 9 0 2 , t h e m a i n m a s s o f s c h o o l t e a c h e r s , w h o had previously been employees of the School Boards. The b u s i n e s s o f t o w n g o v e r n m e n t , a s it m o v e d f r o m t h e m i n i m a l f u n c t i o n s of t h e 1 8 3 0 s t o t h e w i d e a r r a y o f a c t i v i t i e s o f t h e 1 9 0 0 s , b e c a m e a n important engine of middle- and lower middle-class growth, and m a d e the genteel, respectable, unadventurous, conventional middle-brow tone of urban society self-perpetuating. As the p r o c e s s of urbanisation p e a k e d a n d levelled out in the years j u s t b e f o r e 1 9 1 4 it w a s a p p a r e n t t h a t it h a d s p a w n e d a n u r b a n e n v i r o n ­ ment with considerable areas of squalor, nastiness, and

drabness,

w h i c h p o s e d u n r e s o l v e d p r o b l e m s t h a t i n c r e a s i n g l y c l a m o u r e d for attention. Urban society, on the other h a n d , h a d developed a reasona­ bly s t a b l e s t r u c t u r e : t h e r e w e r e conflicts, c o m p l a i n t s , a n d d i s c o n t e n t s , b u t t h e s e o p e r a t e d w i t h i n a s o c i a l o r d e r w h i c h , a l t h o u g h its l e g i t i m a c y m i g h t n o t b e u n i v e r s a l l y a c c e p t e d b y all c l a s s e s , w a s n o t l i k e l y t o collapse into anarchy or social revolution, n o r yet the aimless incoher­ ence w h i c h h a d b e e n the nightmare of s o m e intelligent early Victor­ ians. That social order h a d

outgrown

its e a r l i e r a r i s t o c r a t i c

and

p a t r i c i a n c o c o o n , o f w h i c h t h e o n l y s i g n i f i c a n t t r a c e s left w e r e i n L o n ­ d o n high society a n d in t h e o r n a m e n t a l a n d c e r e m o n i a l a p p e a r a n c e s of i n d i v i d u a l a r i s t o c r a t s i n w h a t h a d o n c e b e e n ' t h e i r ' t o w n s . It h a d 96

97

Offer, Property and Politics, pp. 221-2, 302-8. Wohl, Endangered Lives, pp. 186-7.

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also largely s h e d the urban aristocracy, w h i c h m a y b e variously t e r m e d t h e aristocratic b o u r g e o i s i e , t h e b u s i n e s s a n d p r o f e s s i o n a l elite, or t h e u p p e r m i d d l e c l a s s . T h i s c l a s s , i n s o f a r as it h a d n o t w i t h d r a w n entirely into the country, might retain very large e c o n o m i c interests w h i c h w e r e located in t o w n s , but w a s extensively gentrified in man­ n e r s , e d u c a t i o n , v a l u e s , a n d r e s i d e n t i a l s t y l e ; it w a s n o m o r e t h a n s e m i - u r b a n , a n d its m e m b e r s did n o t r e a d i l y identify w i t h t h e f o r t u n e s a n d aspirations of any o n e particular t o w n . T h e m o s t purely urban elements in urban society, substantially created b y urbanisation, were t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s a n d t h e l o w e r m i d d l e c l a s s . N e i t h e r in fact w a s a c l a s s w i t h a n y r e a d i l y p e r c e p t i b l e c o h e s i o n , c o n s c i o u s n e s s , or culture. T h e working class of manual workers was a bundle of classes d e f i n e d b y e a r n i n g s , skill, o c c u p a t i o n , r e g u l a r i t y o f e m p l o y m e n t , unionisation, or religion: distinctions w h i c h existed within

urban

settings but did not derive from t h e m . T h e urban r e s p o n s e of the working classes, the n e i g h b o u r h o o d community, tended to promote a n i n w a r d - l o o k i n g cellular s t r u c t u r e , n o t c l a s s s o l i d a r i t y . E v e n m o r e , t h e l o w e r m i d d l e c l a s s w a s a s o c i a l a n a l y s t ' s c o n v e n i e n c e , as a c a t e g o r y of

discourse, rather

than

a s o c i a l reality; its m e m b e r s w e r e

so

p e r m e a t e d with the introversion of family privacy and i n d e p e n d e n c e t h a t t h e y h a d difficulty in r e l a t i n g at all c l o s e l y e v e n t o n e i g h b o u r s in t h e s a m e o c c u p a t i o n a l a n d c u l t u r a l fraction o f t h i s m u c h f r a g m e n t e d c l a s s . T h e e c o n o m i c , social, a n d political d y n a m i c s o f u r b a n i s a t i o n , however, h a d projected the lower middle class into a prominence w h i c h far e x c e e d e d its e x p e c t a t i o n s a n d its c a p a c i t y t o

develop

c o n s t r u c t i v e , r a t h e r t h a n m e r e l y n e g a t i v e , i d e a s o n h o w t o u s e this position. T h e w o r k i n g c l a s s e s w e r e t h e first t o m o v e , s e e k i n g u n i t y t h r o u g h political a n d i n d u s t r i a l o r g a n i s a t i o n , a n d i n t h e t w e n t y y e a r s b e f o r e 1914 b e g i n n i n g to break into urban local g o v e r n m e n t o n a m u c h wider front t h a n t h e y w e r e a c h i e v i n g n a t i o n a l l y at t h e p a r l i a m e n t a r y l e v e l . After 1 9 1 8 t h e i r p o w e r i n t h e t o w n s , a n d n a t i o n a l p o l i c i e s i n t e n d e d e i t h e r t o p r o p i t i a t e t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s or i m p r o v e its w e l f a r e , i n i t i a t e d a destruction of the social texture a n d culture of the Victorian t o w n that w a s m o r e widespread than the concomitant demolition of parts of its p h y s i c a l fabric. T h e l o w e r m i d d l e c l a s s m o v e d l a t e , o f t e n s e e m e d t o b e d e f e a t e d , e v e n a n n i h i l a t e d , i n detail, a n d n e v e r c a p i t a l i s e d o n its u r b a n p o t e n t i a l w i t h i n strictly u r b a n l i m i t s . B u t w h e n it f o u n d its v o t e s , a n d its v o i c e , it e n t e r e d i n t o its n a t i o n a l i n h e r i t a n c e i n 1 9 7 9 , w i t h far m o r e d e v a s t a t i n g effects.

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72

F . M. L . T H O M P S O N

IV

In t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y t h e t o w n s r o s e to n u m e r i c a l

dominance

w i t h o u t g r a v e l y e m b a r r a s s i n g t h e o l d o r d e r s a v e in t h e f e w y e a r s before 1832 w h e n the unrepresented

t o w n s s e e m e d to p o s e a r e a l

t h r e a t to t h e u n r e f o r m e d p a r l i a m e n t a r y s y s t e m . I n 1 8 8 5 t h e a n c i e n t d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n c o u n t y a n d b o r o u g h s e a t s in P a r l i a m e n t v a n i s h e d w i t h o u t c a u s i n g a t r e m o r , e x c e p t a m o n g t h e political p a r t i e s j o c k e y i n g for p o s i t i o n , a n d t h e c o u n t r y s e t t l e d a l m o s t w i t h o u t n o t i c i n g i n t o a political s y s t e m in w h i c h t h e t y p i c a l c o n s t i t u e n c i e s w e r e , a n d a r e , c e n t r e d o n t o w n s or are s u b - d i v i s i o n s o f t h e l a r g e r t o w n s . N o t t h e l e a s t o f t h e r e a s o n s for t h i s b a r e l y r e s i s t e d or r e g r e t t e d

abandonment

of t r a d i t i o n w a s t h a t at t h e political l e v e l t h e t o w n s h a d t u r n e d o u t to h o u s e b o t h p a r t i e s , L i b e r a l s a n d C o n s e r v a t i v e s , a n d t o offer p r o s ­ p e c t s a n d p i c k i n g s for b o t h , a n d h a d n o t d e v e l o p e d as t h e e x c l u s i v e e l e c t o r a l p r o p e r t y o f o n e s i d e . M o r e o v e r , at t h e i d e o l o g i c a l a n d social l e v e l it h a d t u r n e d o u t t h a t t h e t o w n s h a d n o t d e v e l o p e d a s t r o n g , independent, a n d separate identity or culture of a kind w h i c h could rival a n d o v e r w h e l m t h e c o u n t r y - b a s e d f o r c e s o f t h e t r a d i t i o n a l r u l i n g class. U r b a n elites, indeed, h a d s h o w n considerable p r o p e n s i t y

to

m e r g e w i t h t h e a r i s t o c r a t i c - g e n t r y u p p e r c l a s s , s o t h a t in m a n y vital respects urban society was a structure without a top storey. This does not m e a n that s o m e general process of gentrihcation and infiltration o f g e n t r y v a l u e s p r e c i p i t a t e d B r i t i s h e c o n o m i c d e c l i n e b y s a p p i n g t h e spirit o f e n t e r p r i s e a n d o v e r t h r o w i n g t h e w o r k e t h i c .

98

F a r f r o m it. B u s i n e s s m e n c o n t i n u e d t o w o r k in t o w n s , s o m e v e r y s u c c e s s f u l l y , s o m e l e s s s o , a n d a l m o s t all i n d u s t r i a l firms a n d t h e i r w o r k s w e r e l o c a t e d in t o w n s : t h a t w a s w h e r e t h e w e a l t h c a m e f r o m . M a n y b u s i n e s s m e n , h o w e v e r , a n d in t h e c o u r s e o f t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n ­ t u r y m o s t , d e t a c h e d t h e m s e l v e s for all o t h e r p u r p o s e s - r e s i d e n c e , social life, e d u c a t i o n , r e c r e a t i o n , i n v o l v e m e n t i n p u b l i c life -

from

t h e i r w o r k p l a c e . T h e l o s s o f i n t e r e s t in m u n i c i p a l g o v e r n m e n t b y t h e city f a t h e r s , a l r e a d y e v i d e n t i n t h e late n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , b e c a m e a l m o s t total after t h e First W o r l d W a r .

9 9

It is s y m p t o m a t i c t h a t w h e r e ­

as V i c t o r i a n m i l l i o n a i r e s w e r e likely to g i v e art g a l l e r i e s , p u b l i c p a r k s , or c o l l e g e s to t h e i r n a t i v e t o w n s , t w e n t i e t h - c e n t u r y t y c o o n s a r e m u c h m o r e likely t o e n d o w O x b r i d g e c o l l e g e s o r set u p n a t i o n a l c h a r i t a b l e 98

99

The argument of Martin J. Wiener, English Culture and the Decline of the Industrial Spirit, 1850-1980 (Cambridge, 1981). B. T. Robson. 'Coming Full Circle: London versus the Rest, 1890-1980', in George Gordon, ed., Regional Cities in the U.K. 1890-1980 (1986), pp. 227-8.

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or e d u c a t i o n a l f o u n d a t i o n s ; e v e n w h e n a n art c o l l e c t i o n is g i v e n to a city, a s t h e B u r r e l l c o l l e c t i o n t o G l a s g o w , it is o u t h o u s e d i n a p a r k w h e r e , in c o n s i d e r a b l e a r c h i t e c t u r a l p r e s e n c e , it a p p e a r s to b e l o n g t o t h e p u b l i c at l a r g e m o r e t h a n to t h e c i t i z e n s o f G l a s g o w . B u t if o n e t w e n t i e t h - c e n t u r y d e v e l o p m e n t h a s b e e n t h e e r o s i o n o f t h e parti­ cularity of individual

towns

and

the

disappearance

of loyalties

f o c u s s e d o n t h e m , e x c e p t for p o p u l a r a t t a c h m e n t s t o city f o o t b a l l t e a m s w h i c h c a n b e savagely violent in their partisanship,

another

h a s b e e n t h e c o m p l e t i o n o f t h e a l m o s t total u r b a n i s a t i o n o f B r i t i s h s o c i e t y a n d its c u l t u r e . This happened

in s p i t e of, a n d i n d e e d to a c o n s i d e r a b l e e x t e n t

b e c a u s e of, t h e flight f r o m t h e c i t y o f t h e b e t t e r - o f f c o m m u t e r s , t h e r e n t i e r s , a n d t h e r e t i r e d , w h o b e t w e e n t h e m c o m p r i s e d a l a r g e slice of t h e u p p e r a n d m i d d l i n g m i d d l e c l a s s . M u c h o f t h i s d i s p e r s a l p e o ­ pled the outer suburbs w h o s e interwar sprawling w a s the chief instru­ m e n t of the physical spread of the great conurbations, but m u c h of it a l s o l e a p t b e y o n d t h e m i n t o w h a t a p p e a r e d t o g e o g r a p h e r s

and

s t a t i s t i c i a n s t o b e t h e c o u n t r y s i d e . T h i s last p r o c e s s c e r t a i n l y h a d its mid-Victorian origins in the appearance of the 'stockbroker belt' p h e ­ n o m e n o n f r o m t h e 1 8 6 0 s o n w a r d s , a n d its a n t e c e d e n t s i n t h e m o v e of s o m e o f t h e v e r y r i c h i n t o ' h o u s e s i n t h e c o u n t r y ' ; b u t it m o v e d i n t o a different g e a r w i t h t h e availability o f m o t o r v e h i c l e s . N i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y dispersal w a s d e p e n d e n t o n railways, a n d the h o r s e a n d car­ r i a g e for r e a c h i n g t h e s t a t i o n f r o m a n y d i s t a n c e , a n d t h i s l i m i t e d s e t t l e ­ m e n t i n t h e c o u n t r y b y t o w n s f o l k to t h e w e a l t h y a n d t h e v e r y r i c h ; nevertheless, railways w e r e already creating country-village satellites, like R a d l e t t i n H e r t f o r d s h i r e , b y t h e 1 8 8 0 s .

1 0 0

Already before 1914

t h e m o t o r c a r s o f t h e v e r y rich w e r e o p e n i n g u p p a r t s o f t h e c o u n t r y ­ s i d e h i t h e r t o c o n s i d e r e d t o o r e m o t e for c o n v e n i e n t a c c e s s to t o w n : the n e w country h o u s e of E w e l m e D o w n in the T h a m e s valley near W a l l i n g f o r d w a s d e s c r i b e d as a n e x a m p l e o f t h i s in 1 9 1 2 .

1 0 1

T h i s effect

m o v e d d o w n the social scale into the middle classes in the 1920s a n d 1 9 3 0 s a s m o t o r t r a n s p o r t s p r e a d . M o t o r b u s e s b e c a m e t h e k e y to o u t e r suburbia, which was admittedly a form of low-density urban environ­ m e n t usually lacking any town-like features b e y o n d the bare essentials of s h o p s a n d a c i n e m a . M o t o r c a r s o p e n e d u p n e w p o s s i b i l i t i e s for the evolution of n e w breeds of middle-class amphibians w h o lived J. T. Coppock, 'Dormitory Settlements around London', in J. T. Coppock and H. C. Prince, eds., Greater London (1964), pp. 279-84.

Country Life, 31 (1912), p. 430.

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F . M. L . T H O M P S O N

i n t h e c o u n t r y a n d w o r k e d i n t h e t o w n ; t h e i r a p p e t i t e for r i b b o n d e v e ­ l o p m e n t , p a r t i c u l a r l y a l o n g arterial r o a d s i n t h e s o u t h - e a s t , w a s s o v o r a c i o u s t h a t w i t h i n little m o r e t h a n a d e c a d e a n e w t e r m h a d b e e n a d d e d t o t h e l a n g u a g e , t h e p r o c e s s itself h a d b e e n s u b j e c t e d to s o m e a t t e m p t at official c o n t r o l i n 1 9 3 3 , a n d m u c h p r o f e s s i o n a l p l a n n i n g o p i n i o n h e l d t h a t it w a s fast b e c o m i n g i m p o s s i b l e t o tell w h e r e t o w n ended and country began.

1 0 2

F a n n i n g o u t i n t o t h e c o u n t r y s i d e h a d n o t p r o g r e s s e d v e r y far b e f o r e it w a s h a l t e d b y t h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r . It w a s r e s u m e d w i t h i n c r e a s ­ ing intensity in the 1950s a n d 1960s as car o w n e r s h i p spread widely a n d two-car h o u s e h o l d s b e c a m e c o m m o n in t h e middle class, but it r e s u m e d u n d e r a p o w e r f u l p l a n n i n g r e g i m e w i t h strictly e n f o r c e d g r e e n b e l t p o l i c i e s , w h i c h at l e a s t m a d e it p l a i n p h y s i c a l l y a n d v i s u a l l y w h e r e t h e l a r g e t o w n s e n d e d a n d t h e c o u n t r y b e g a n , e v e n if it c o u l d not oblige country dwellers to abjure urban habits. Villages a n d small towns in a n d b e y o n d the green belts w e r e colonised a n d taken over by the middle classes w h o s e livelihoods w e r e e a r n e d in the nearest larger t o w n s or conurbations, a n d n e w settlements w e r e carved out b e y o n d the green belt fringe. T h e w o o d l a n d inhabitants of T e w i n W o o d in Hertfordshire, with their large d e t a c h e d h o u s e s in individual clearings in t h e w o o d , c o m m u t i n g to w o r k in n e a r b y W e l w y n G a r d e n City or going u p to L o n d o n , e n j o y i n g their rural e n v i r o n m e n t a n d their d e t a c h m e n t from a n y rural labours, b e c a m e the sociologist's par­ adigm of the urban-rural middle class of the 1 9 6 0 s .

1 0 3

These move­

m e n t s c o n t r i b u t e d t o p r o d u c i n g t h e statistical effect o f a s h a r p s l o w i n g d o w n o f t h e p r o c e s s o f u r b a n i s a t i o n after t h e 1 8 9 0 s , a n d its a r r e s t or e v e n s l i g h t r e v e r s a l f r o m t h e 1 9 2 0 s , w h e n t h a t p r o c e s s is c o n s i d e r e d s i m p l y a s a g e o g r a p h i c a l q u e s t i o n o f c h a n g e s in t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f people b e t w e e n u r b a n a n d rural s e t t l e m e n t s .

1 0 4

T h e m o v e m e n t s also

suggest, h o w e v e r , that urbanisation as a social a n d cultural p r o c e s s c o n t i n u e d u n a b a t e d , its i n f l u e n c e p e n e t r a t i n g d e e p i n t o t h e c o u n t r y ­ side o n t h e w h e e l s of t h e n e w transport t e c h n o l o g y without m a k i n g the physical environment decisively and brutally non-rural. T h e n e w urban-rural middle classes, moreover, w e r e part of a generalised a n d 102

103 104

The Ribbon Development Restrictions Act, 1933, was ineffective. In practice ribbon development was ended by the Second World War, and was not resumed after it, at least in such a crude manner. A. A. Jackson, Semi-Detached London: Suburban Development, Life and Transport, 1900-39 (1973), p. 321; Gerald Dix, 'Patrick Abercrombie', in Gordon Cherry, ed., Pioneers in British Planning (1981), p. 113. R. E . Pahl, Urbs in Rure (1965), esp. pp. 43-62. See above, pp. 10-11, pp. 10-11.

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unspecific urban society, not m e m b e r s of the society of s o m e particular a n d identifiable city. A m a j o r c o m p o n e n t o f t h e i r u r b a n n a t u r e w a s d i s p l a y e d in t h e i r h o m e s a n d t h e i r c o n t e n t s , a n d t h e r e m a i n d e r w a s e x p r e s s e d in a n u m b e r o f l i n k s a n d a t t a c h m e n t s to w h a t c o u l d b e a w h o l e r a n g e o f different t o w n s w h i c h p r o v i d e d j o b s , s h o p s , s e r v i c e s , e n t e r t a i n m e n t , a n d w h a t are t e r m e d ' h i g h o r d e r ' cultural a n d c o m m e r ­ cial facilities o f a k i n d o n l y available in a m e t r o p o l i s . T h e s o c i e t y t o which they belonged was emphatically urban,

y e t it c o u l d

not

m e a n i n g f u l l y b e l a b e l l e d w i t h a p l a c e - n a m e . It w a s t h e q u i n t e s s e n t i a l twentieth-century

phenomenon,

the

signal that

the nation

had

b e c o m e one great e x t e n d e d town. T h e urban-rural divide has b e c o m e increasingly blurred and indis­ tinct in t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y in a n o t h e r w a y . T h e p l a t e a u o f u r b a n i s a ­ t i o n left s o m e w h e r e b e t w e e n a fifth a n d a q u a r t e r o f t h e

total

p o p u l a t i o n officially classified as n o n - u r b a n at e v e r y c e n s u s s i n c e 1 8 9 1 , but the proportion of this rather stable non-urban section w h i c h w a s directly i n v o l v e d in f a r m i n g d e c l i n e d all t h e t i m e , s t e a d i l y a n d fairly g r a d u a l l y until 1 9 4 5 , t h e r e a f t e r s t e e p l y . A g r i c u l t u r e itself, t a k i n g f a r m e r s a n d l a b o u r e r s t o g e t h e r , still e m p l o y e d n e a r l y 1 0 p e r c e n t o f t h e B r i t i s h m a l e l a b o u r force b e f o r e 1 9 1 4 . If it is a s s u m e d , for w a n t of a n y direct statistics, t h a t as m a n y a g a i n o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n living in t h e c o u n t r y w e r e e m p l o y e d in s e r v i c i n g a g r i c u l t u r e or p r o c e s s i n g its p r o d u c t s , t h a n a c l e a r m a j o r i t y o f t h e p r e - 1 9 1 4 ' r u r a l ' p o p u l a t i o n w a s still c l o s e l y c o n n e c t e d w i t h t h e l a n d . B y 1 9 5 1 a g r i c u l t u r e e m p l o y e d l e s s t h a n 6 p e r c e n t o f t h e l a b o u r force, a n d s i n c e i n d u s t r i a l i s e d m e t h o d s o f s e r v i c i n g f a r m i n g h a d l a r g e l y r e p l a c e d rural c r a f t s m e n it m a y b e d o u b t e d w h e t h e r as m u c h as h a l f t h e ' r u r a l ' p o p u l a t i o n a n y l o n g e r h a d e c o n o m i c ties w i t h t h e c o u n t r y s i d e in w h i c h it l i v e d . T h e t r e n d w a s u n d e r w a y w h i c h b y t h e 1 9 7 0 s , w i t h a further m u c h s l i m m e d f a r m l a b o u r force, w o u l d r e d u c e f a r m i n g to a m i n o r , t h o u g h h e a v i l y s u b s i d i s e d , o c c u p a t i o n in t h e c o u n t r y s i d e , w h i l e e l e v a t i n g t h e g r e a t m a j o r i t y o f t h e ' r u r a l ' p o p u l a t i o n , p e r h a p s as m u c h as 7 5 p e r c e n t o f it, i n t o o n e f o r m o r a n o t h e r o f u r b a n e x p a t r i a t e . T h e s e w e r e retired people, remittance m e n living o n i n c o m e s d r a w n from invest­ m e n t s in r e m o t e i n d u s t r i e s a n d p l a c e s , a n d p e o p l e w o r k i n g in t h e i n d u s t r i e s w h i c h electrification a n d r o a d t r a n s p o r t b r o u g h t b a c k i n t o t h e c o u n t r y s i d e , as w e l l as c o m m u t e r s . T h e i r e x i s t e n c e s h o w e d t h a t m a n y p e o p l e f o u n d t h e c o u n t r y s i d e a p l e a s a n t a n d attractive p l a c e t o live, s o l o n g as t h e y d i d n o t h a v e t o w o r k o n t h e l a n d . T h e y o f t e n literally c h a n g e d p l a c e s w i t h f a r m w o r k e r s h e a d i n g for t h e city l i g h t s

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and the higher living standards of industrial a n d urban jobs, w h o d e s e r t e d t h e l o w w a g e s a n d l i m i t e d a m e n i t i e s o f f a r m w o r k j u s t as m u c h as t h e y w e r e d r i v e n a w a y b y m e c h a n i s a t i o n : t h e i m p r o v e m e n t a n d g e n t r i h c a t i o n o f f a r m l a b o u r e r s ' c o t t a g e s , s o m e as d e s i r a b l e m i d ­ dle-class r e s i d e n c e s a n d s o m e as h o l i d a y h o u s e s , a c c o r d i n g t o l o c a t i o n , b e g a n in a s e l e c t w a y i n t h e 1 9 3 0 s a n d b l o s s o m e d i n t o a s p e c u l a t o r ' s and estate agent's paradise in the 1950s. B y the 1970s deserted barns s u i t a b l e , w i t h s o m e i m a g i n a t i o n , for c o n v e r s i o n i n t o c o m f o r t a b l e c e n ­ t r a l l y - h e a t e d p r o p e r t i e s h a d b e c o m e p r i z e s for t h e u r b a n - r u r a l m i d d l e class. T h e g r e a t c l a s s s w i t c h , w h i c h i n g l o b a l t e r m s e n s u r e d t h a t rural d e p o p u l a t i o n w a s r o u g h l y b a l a n c e d b y rural r e p o p u l a t i o n - a l t h o u g h at t h e r e g i o n a l l e v e l t h e n e t effect w a s a d e c l i n e in p o p u l a t i o n in t h e u p l a n d a r e a s a n d a shift t o w a r d s t h e s o u t h - e a s t - d e m o n s t r a t e d t h a t m a n y of t h o s e w h o c o u l d afford it p r e f e r r e d t o live in t h e c o u n t r y , a n d r e j e c t e d s o m e u n c o n g e n i a l a s p e c t s o f t h e q u a l i t y o f life i n t h e t o w n s . It a l s o d e m o n s t r a t e d t h a t m a n y o f t h o s e w h o d i d n o t live w e l l in t h e c o u n t r y f o u n d its c h a r m s r e s i s t i b l e , a n d v o t e d w i t h t h e i r feet for t h e s u p e r i o r a t t r a c t i o n s o f t h e q u a l i t y o f life i n t h e t o w n s . T h e first g r o u p b r o u g h t t h e i r u r b a n v a l u e s w i t h t h e m i n t o t h e c o u n t r y and, since they were never 'ruralised', b e c a m e o n e of the principal a g e n c i e s , a l o n g s i d e s u c h e c o n o m i c a n d t e c h n o l o g i c a l factors as r a d i o , c i n e m a , a n d a d v e r t i s i n g , o f t h e diffusion o f a s t a n d a r d i s e d

urban-

b a s e d c u l t u r e . T h e s e c o n d g r o u p , like t h e i r V i c t o r i a n p r e d e c e s s o r s , m a y h a v e b r o u g h t c o u n t r y - b r e d h a b i t s w i t h t h e m as i n d i v i d u a l s i n t o the towns, but they rapidly b e c a m e thoroughly urbanised, merging i n t o t h e u r b a n social s t r u c t u r e r a t h e r t h a n m o d i f y i n g o r a d d i n g to it. U n l i k e t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , h o w e v e r , t h e u r b a n s t r u c t u r e in t h e i n t e r w a r p e r i o d w a s c h a n g i n g in w a y s t h a t e n c o u r a g e d t h e a t o m i s ation o f s o c i e t y i n t o a c o l l e c t i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l s , r a t h e r t h a n f o s t e r i n g the growth of tight-knit local c o m m u n i t i e s . T h e a n o m i e anticipated a n d f e a r e d b y t h e e a r l y V i c t o r i a n s h a d at l e n g t h a r r i v e d . I n t h e s h o r t r u n , c e r t a i n l y u n t i l 1 9 3 9 a n d p e r h a p s u n t i l t h e 1 9 6 0 s , t h e effect w a s to s t r e n g t h e n c l a s s c o n s c i o u s n e s s a n d c l a s s a n t a g o n i s m b y w e a k e n i n g t h e p o w e r o f a l t e r n a t i v e foci o f g r o u p l o y a l t i e s , s o t h a t w h a t c a m e to b e s e e n as t h e t r a d i t i o n a l c l a s s s t r u c t u r e o f B r i t i s h s o c i e t y w a s more a result of the decay of Victorian urban society t h a n an intrinsic part of that s o c i e t y ' s m a k e - u p . I n t h e l o n g e r r u n , f r o m t h e b o o m i n g Britain o f t h e 1 9 6 0 s o n w a r d s , t h e effect w a s m o r e t o b l u r t h e d i s t i n c ­ tions b e t w e e n classes, encourage the d e v e l o p m e n t of an

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almost

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classless low-brow version of standardised urban culture, coupled w i t h t h e s e g r e g a t i o n o f a d e - c l a s s e d a n d r e - s t y l e d r e s i d u u m in t h e crumbling inner cities. P a r a d o x i c a l l y t h e q u a l i t y o f life i n t h e l a r g e t o w n s w a s b y a n d l a r g e i m p r o v i n g m a r k e d l y , i n m a t e r i a l t e r m s , at t h e v e r y m o m e n t

when

l a r g e r n u m b e r s o f t h e m i d d l e c l a s s e s t h a n e v e r b e f o r e d e c i d e d t o quit. T h e i m p r o v e m e n t w a s m o s t visible in housing, but w a s also noticeable in other areas like health care, nutrition, schooling, a n d social security. F r o m t h e standpoint of t h e 1980s conditions in t h e late 1930s w e r e appalling, or o n a charitable v i e w primitive, as t h o s e w e r e reflected i n s t a n d a r d m e a s u r e s o f m o r t a l i t y , life e x p e c t a n c y , i n f a n t m o r t a l i t y , school leaving age, or average level of educational attainment. There w e r e i n d e e d m a n y t r e n c h a n t critics o f t h e s t a t e o f s o c i e t y i n t h e 1 9 3 0 s , w h o revealed the gross inequalities in the incidence of infant mortality, m a j o r d i s e a s e s l i k e t u b e r c u l o s i s , a n d i n t h e q u a l i t y a n d availability o f e d u c a t i o n , b e t w e e n different s o c i a l c l a s s e s ; a n d w h o w e r e p i o n e e r ­ ing the thinking w h i c h b e c a m e e m b o d i e d in w a r t i m e nutritional m e a ­ s u r e s a n d t h e p o s t - 1 9 4 5 w e l f a r e s t a t e . N e v e r t h e l e s s , s h o c k i n g as t h e i n f a n t m o r t a l i t y r a t e o f 5 3 p e r t h o u s a n d live b i r t h s i n 1 9 3 8 m a y n o w a p p e a r , it w a s a g r e a t d e a l l e s s s h o c k i n g t h a n t h e 1 9 1 0 r a t e o f 1 0 9 , a n d t h e d e c l i n e is a fair i n d i c a t i o n o f t h e g e n e r a l i m p r o v e m e n t i n health in t h e interwar years. Similarly, the state of education obviously left m u c h t o b e d e s i r e d i n 1 9 3 9 , w h e n t h e g r e a t m a j o r i t y o f c h i l d r e n left s c h o o l at f o u r t e e n a n d u n t o l d a m o u n t s o f p o t e n t i a l t a l e n t w e r e allowed to go u n d i s c o v e r e d a n d u n d e v e l o p e d : but a near doubling in t h e a m o u n t of public m o n e y , central a n d local, spent o n education b e t w e e n 1 9 2 0 a n d 1 9 3 9 , a n d a n i n c r e a s e o f t w o a n d a h a l f t i m e s in the n u m b e r of pupils in secondary schools b e t w e e n 1914 and 1938, spoke of considerable c h a n g e s . All these, since the overwhelming majority of the population was urban, were things which mainly hap­ p e n e d in t o w n s .

1 0 5

O t h e r g r e a t c h a n g e s i n t h e q u a l i t y o f life, a n d p o s s i b l y t h o s e w h i c h m a d e m o s t impact o n m o s t p e o p l e like t h e s p r e a d of c i n e m a s or the rise of g r e y h o u n d tracks in the 1930s, w e r e the w o r k of private enter­ p r i s e ; a f e w , o f l e s s p o p u l a r a p p e a l , l i k e t h e C a r n e g i e g r a n t s to t h e less

flourishing

public libraries, w e r e the w o r k of philanthropy. M o s t

of t h e i m p r o v e m e n t s i n h e a l t h a n d w e l f a r e , h o w e v e r , w e r e c o n n e c t e d with 105

the

work

of

local government,

backed

by

some

central

B. R. Mitchell and P. Deane, Abstract of British Historical Statistics (Cambridge, 1962), pp. 37, 3 9 8 - 9 , 418.

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F. M.

L.

T H O M P S O N

g o v e r n m e n t f i n a n c e - itself l e s s a p p a r e n t to m a n y b o r o u g h s t h a n strin­ g e n t a n d u n f e e l i n g financial c o n t r o l b y t h e T r e a s u r y w h i c h w a s a n interwar anticipation of the m o r e refined rate-capping of the 1 9 8 0 s .

1 0 6

A b o v e all l o c a l g o v e r n m e n t - a n d t h i s m e a n t p r i m a r i l y b o r o u g h s a n d u r b a n districts - a c q u i r e d a n a l t o g e t h e r n e w r o l e f r o m 1 9 1 9 o n w a r d s as providers a n d controllers of working-class h o u s i n g . All this m e a n t that local g o v e r n m e n t w a s o f i n c r e a s i n g l y d i r e c t i m p o r t a n c e to t h e l i v e s of o r d i n a r y p e o p l e . C e n t r a l g o v e r n m e n t a l s o l o o m e d m u c h l a r g e r after t h e First W o r l d W a r , e s p e c i a l l y in p r o v i d i n g , f i n a n c i n g , a n d p o l i c i n g t h e s e v e r a l s y s t e m s o f u n e m p l o y m e n t relief, b u t a l s o i n p r o v i d i n g p e n s i o n s , a l a r g e p a r t o f t h e f i n a n c e for t h e p u b l i c e d u c a t i o n s y s t e m , and the framework of the ' p a n e l ' system of national health insurance doctors; in addition there w a s a growing public perception that the g o v e r n m e n t w a s r e s p o n s i b l e for t h e g e n e r a l s t a t e o f t h e e c o n o m y , if o n l y b e c a u s e it h a d e n a c t e d , u n d e r w a r t i m e p r e s s u r e s , t h e m e a s u r e s that h a d disrupted the allegedly self-regulating pre-1914 e c o n o m y . Nevertheless, the interwar years w e r e the h e y d a y of local g o v e r n m e n t , i n t h e r a n g e a n d c o n t e n t o f its s e r v i c e s if n o t i n t h e q u a l i t y o f its a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . A f t e r 1 9 3 9 c e n t r a l g o v e r n m e n t s t e p p e d in, f r o m 1 9 4 5 p e r m a n e n t l y ( i n s o f a r a s forty y e a r s a m o u n t to ' p e r m a n e n c e ' ) , a s t h e a l l - i m p o r t a n t p r o v i d e r a n d c o n t r o l l e r o f u n e m p l o y m e n t relief, h e a l t h , education, h o u s i n g , a n d social security, using local g o v e r n m e n t as its a g e n t i n a d m i n i s t e r i n g t h e s e p o l i c i e s o n l y w h e r e s p e c i a l i s e d a n d centrally controlled agencies did not appear m o r e convenient. One

g e n e r a l r e s u l t w a s t h a t it m a t t e r e d w h o w a s in t h e t o w n h a l l .

M o r e p r e c i s e l y , i n t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y c o n t r o l o f t h e t o w n hall h a d mattered to ratepayers, w h o sought local p o w e r either to cut m u n i c i p a l s p e n d i n g or to s e e t h a t it w a s efficiently m a n a g e d ,

and

to m i n o r i t y g r o u p s like s a n i t a r y i m p r o v e r s or r e f o r m e r s o f p u b l i c m o r a l s . I n t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y it m a t t e r e d to t h e i m p o v e r i s h e d a n d t h e d e p r i v e d , a n d t o t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s e s i n g e n e r a l , a n d it b e c a m e w o r t h w h i l e for t h e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s e s to s e e k p o w e r . T h e politicisation of local g o v e r n m e n t w a s a direct c o n s e ­ q u e n c e o f m a k i n g its f u n c t i o n s a p r i z e w o r t h fighting for, a n d o f m a k i n g a large proportion of rate-financed expenditure into a form of i n c o m e a n d w e l f a r e r e d i s t r i b u t i o n . T h e effects w e r e s e e n i n t h e widespread entry of Labour into the council chambers, broadening out in the 1920s from the n a r r o w b r i d g e h e a d s established before 1914 106

Pat Thane, Foundations of the Welfare State (1982), pp. 185-9; John Stevenson, British Society, 2924-45(1984), pp. 318, 398-9.

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in t h e m o s t t h o r o u g h l y w o r k i n g - c l a s s w a r d s o f t h e l a r g e s t c i t i e s . L a b o u r t o o k t e m p o r a r y c o n t r o l o f a f e w b o r o u g h s in 1 9 2 0 a n d in 1 9 2 9 e s t a b l i s h e d a f i r m e r grip o n a s c o r e o r s o ; a g r e a t t r i u m p h c a m e i n the local elections of 1933 a n d 1934 w h e n , with the parliamentary p a r t y still s h a t t e r e d after t h e 1 9 3 1 split, L a b o u r w o n c o n t r o l o f L e e d s , s o m e f o r t y o t h e r b o r o u g h s , a n d t h e g r e a t e s t p r i z e o f all, t h e L o n d o n C o u n t y C o u n c i l . A f t e r 1 9 4 5 L a b o u r e n t e r e d i n t o its u r b a n i n h e r i t a n c e , b e c o m i n g t h e n o r m a l r u l i n g p a r t y i n all t h e n o r t h e r n a n d M i d l a n d t o w n s , a n d L o n d o n , a n d e l s e w h e r e i n t h e s o u t h at l e a s t t h e a l t e r n a t i v e ruling party. W h e t h e r L a b o u r control m a d e m u c h difference to w h a t actually h a p ­ p e n e d in the t o w n s h a s b e e n q u e s t i o n e d .

1 0 7

T h a t is i m p o r t a n t

in

a s s e s s i n g t h e r e c o r d o f l o c a l g o v e r n m e n t o r political p a r t i e s , b u t is n e i t h e r h e r e n o r t h e r e b e s i d e t h e k e y p o i n t t h a t in o r g a n i s i n g s u p p o r t at t h e w a r d l e v e l t h e L a b o u r p a r t y w a s t h e a g e n t o f c l a s s f o r m a t i o n , a n d i n d e e d , t h r o u g h e q u a l b u t o p p o s i t e s t i m u l a t i o n o f its rivals, t h e c a t a l y s t for a g e n e r a l c l a s s p o l a r i s a t i o n i n t h e t o w n s . T o b e s u r e , t h e rise o f t h e L a b o u r p a r t y h a d m a n y f a c e t s a n d t h e m o v e m e n t

had

m a n y sources of nourishment, notably the trade unions and the broth­ e r l y i d e a l i s m o f t h e left s t i f f e n e d b y t h e c o m r a d e l y d i s c i p l i n e o f 1 9 1 7 . T h e peculiarly urban element, however, s t e m m e d from the structure of m u n i c i p a l g o v e r n m e n t a n d t h e u r g e to fight l o c a l e l e c t i o n s , w h i c h c a l l e d f o r t h a political o r g a n i s a t i o n t h a t w e l d e d t o g e t h e r g r o u p s a n d individuals from a b r o a d b a n d of roughly similar e c o n o m i c a n d social conditions w h o h a d previously lacked either the m e a n s or the n e e d for a s p i r i n g t o t h e c o h e s i o n o f c l a s s . It d i d n o t g r e a t l y signify t h a t t h e l e v e l o f t u r n o u t at l o c a l e l e c t i o n s w a s l o w , w i t h 3 0 o r 4 0 p e r c e n t p o l l s b e i n g u s u a l , a l t h o u g h t h i s d i d s u g g e s t t h a t political a n d c l a s s c o n s c i o u s n e s s h a d its l i m i t s . O f g r e a t e r i m p o r t a n c e , l o c a l e l e c t i o n s w e r e annual, except in L o n d o n w h e r e they w e r e triennial, and called for m o r e c o n t i n u o u s political activity a n d o r g a n i s a t i o n t h a n t h e m u c h more widely spaced parliamentary elections. T h e fundamental

fact

of s o c i a l i m p o r t a n c e , h o w e v e r , w a s t h a t t h e f o r m o f political o r g a n i s a ­ tion w a s widely perceived, b y w o r k i n g m e n a n d w o m e n a n d b y antisocialists alike, as b e i n g s h a p e d o n class lines. T h e politics w e r e e s s e n ­ tially n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c s , a l t h o u g h t h e r e w e r e u s u a l l y p a r t i c u l a r b u r n i n g local issues as well, a n d t h e general object w a s to gain control of For example by A. J. P. Taylor, English History, 1914-1945 (Oxford, 1965), p. 367, for the 1930s, or Anthony Sutcliffe, 'The "Midland Metropolis": Birmingham, 1890-1980', in Gordon, ed., Regional Cities, p. 32, for the 1950s and 1960s.

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c e n t r a l g o v e r n m e n t ; b u t it w a s i n t h e u r b a n s e t t i n g t h a t a n i d e n t i t y w a s f o r g e d for t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s , a n d b y r e a c t i o n for t h e l o w e r m i d d l e class. U r b a n society m o v e d a long w a y in the interwar years from b e i n g a cellular society to b e i n g a class society. That process, nurtured in the w o m b of municipal

government,

q u i c k e n e d u n d e r t h e i n f l u e n c e o f c h a n g e s i n t h e fabric o f t h e u r b a n environment which were largely shaped b y municipal government itself e v e n t h o u g h it w a s l a r g e l y c e n t r a l g o v e r n m e n t w h i c h c a l l e d t h e t u n e a n d p a i d t h e bills. It is n o a c c i d e n t t h a t m o s t a c c o u n t s o f t o w n s a n d municipal corporations in the interwar period concentrate o n h o u s i n g , a n d m o r e specifically o n c o u n c i l h o u s i n g in t h e 1 9 2 0 s , p r i v a t e s e c t o r h o u s i n g in t h e 1 9 3 0 s , a n d t h e r e a f t e r c o u n c i l h o u s i n g a g a i n f r o m 1945 i n t o t h e 1 9 5 0 s .

1 0 8

Publicly subsidised h o u s i n g w a s the o n e great

n e w departure of the projected post-1918 reconstruction which pro­ d u c e d a m a j o r a n d l a s t i n g i m p r e s s i o n o n B r i t i s h s o c i e t y . It h a d s o m e impact on the countryside, where m a n y farm workers were rehoused in starkly sanitary cottages, but the m a i n thrust w a s in the larger t o w n s . T h e initial p h a s e , i n t h e 1 9 2 0 s , w a s i n t e n d e d to b r i n g t h e c o u n ­ trified ideal o f t h e g a r d e n city a n d g a r d e n s u b u r b t o t h e w o r k e r , suita­ bly filtered t h r o u g h t h e T u d o r W a l t e r s r u l e s o n m i n i m u m

standards

for r o o m s i z e s a n d n u m b e r s , a n d a d j u s t e d t o t h e f i n a n c e s a v a i l a b l e . The

109

result w a s an e c o n o m y version, or p e r h a p s m o r e accurately a

proletarianised version, of the ideal, in w h i c h council h o u s i n g estates concentrated o n providing the greatest n u m b e r of dwellings a n d elimi­ nated most of the community-building features and amenities that h a d b e e n i n t e g r a l t o t h e o r i g i n a l g a r d e n city b l u e p r i n t s . T h e i n d i v i d u a l h o u s e s , built to T u d o r Walters specifications, low-rise, g r o u p e d in pairs or small blocks, set in gardens, a n d e q u i p p e d with indoor w a t e r closets, baths a n d b a t h r o o m s , a n d arranged in curves, contours, a n d corners rather t h a n gridiron street layouts, w e r e a great advance o n most pre-1914 working-class housing; only the improvement over the

See, for example, Waller, Democracy and Sectarianism, pp. 287-90, for Liverpool in the 1920s: Michael Meadowcraft, 'The Years of Political Transition, 1914-39', in Fraser, ed., Modern Leeds, pp. 416-22; Gordon, ed., Regional Cities, for chapters on Birmingham, Manchester, Liverpool, Glasgow, Leeds, Newcastle, Edinburgh, Cardiff, and Belfast. The Tudor Walters Report, 1918, was the report of a departmental committee on 'the provision of dwellings for the working classes of England and Wales, and Scotland', and amongst other things made the first official recommendation that working-class houses ought to have bathrooms: Mark Swenarton, Homes Fit for Heroes: The Politics and Architecture of Early State Housing in Britain (1981), esp. chap. 5.

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best of prewar terraced parlour houses could be considered aesthetic m o r e t h a n m a t e r i a l . T h e earliest c o t t a g e e s t a t e s o f 1 9 1 9 - 2 2 , s u c h as R o e h a m p t o n a n d a s m a l l p a r t o f B e c o n t r e e ( D a g e n h a m ) for t h e L C C a n d T a n g H a l l in Y o r k , w e r e a r c h i t e c t u r a l l y r e a s o n a b l y s a t i s f y i n g .

110

W i t h t h e r e d u c e d s u b s i d i e s a n d c o s t - c u t t i n g later in t h e 1 9 2 0 s t h e c o t t a g e e s t a t e s e n m a s s e , as in t h e b u l k o f t h e D a g e n h a m e s t a t e o r i n t h e v a s t o u t - c i t y H u y t o n e s t a t e built b y L i v e r p o o l C o r p o r a t i o n , b e c a m e m o n o t o n o u s , architecturally unadventurous, a great deal less bosky, and featureless and characterless. B y the 1930s, 30,000 people w e r e l i v i n g in H u y t o n w i t h o u t a s i n g l e c o m m u n i t y c e n t r e h a v i n g b e e n built. H e r e w a s t h e f r a m e w o r k for u r b a n o r s e m i - u r b a n

anomie,

erected by authority. T h e c o t t a g e e s t a t e s , a l t h o u g h s u b s i d i s e d , still h a d r e n t s b e y o n d t h e r e a c h o f t h e p o o r e s t . M o r e o v e r , c o u n c i l h o u s i n g m a n a g e r s , after a n initial p e r i o d o f g i v i n g a p r e f e r e n c e t o e x - s e r v i c e m e n , t e n d e d to s e l e c t as t e n a n t s t h o s e o f g o o d c h a r a c t e r a n d a c l e a n r e c o r d w h o c o u l d c o n ­ v i n c i n g l y c l a i m ability to p a y r e n t r e g u l a r l y , t h u s at a s t r o k e e l i m i n a t i n g m o s t o f t h o s e w i t h t h e m o s t p r e s s i n g n e e d for h o u s i n g a n d s h e l t e r ­ ing b e h i n d the convenient theory that the poorest and most deprived w o u l d b e n e f i t b y 'filtering u p ' i n t o t h e a c c o m m o d a t i o n left v a c a n t b y the better-paid w h o h a d m o v e d out. T h u s , although the cottage estates normally contained a mixture of two-, three-, and four-bedr o o m e d h o u s e s w h i c h c o u l d c a t e r for families o f different i n c o m e s a n d different life-cycle s t a g e s t h e y b e c a m e s i n g l e - c l a s s s e t t l e m e n t s of r e g u l a r l y e m p l o y e d a n d m o d e r a t e l y w e l l - p a i d w o r k e r s t o t h e e x c l u ­ sion of both the best-paid w h o were quite comfortable w h e r e they w e r e a l r e a d y , a n d t h e w o r s t - p a i d . T h i s c a r r i e d r e s i d e n t i a l social s e g r e ­ g a t i o n t o a m o r e r e f i n e d a n d h i g h e r p i t c h t h a n it h a d a t t a i n e d in the free-market conditions of the nineteenth century. A n d , because t h e t r a n s p l a n t i n g w a s o f i n d i v i d u a l families a n d n o t o f e x i s t i n g n e i g h ­ b o u r h o o d s o r n e t w o r k s , m o v i n g i n t o w h a t w e r e often h o u s i n g d e s e r t s d e v o i d o f o a s e s o f c o m m u n i t y or c u l t u r a l r e f r e s h m e n t , t h e e s t a t e s w e a k e n e d or d e s t r o y e d ties o f k i n s h i p o r o c c u p a t i o n a n d e n c o u r a g e d a social r e s p o n s e w h i c h w a s e i t h e r i n w a r d - t u r n i n g t o r e s i g n a t i o n a n d a p a t h y , o r o u t w a r d - l o o k i n g to a c l a s s c o n s c i o u s n e s s w h i c h r a n in n a t i o n a l a n d n o t p a r t i c u l a r l y u r b a n , o r i n d i v i d u a l city, g r o o v e s . C o u n c i l h o u s i n g efforts in t h e 1 9 3 0 s , s t e e r e d b y g o v e r n m e n t p o l i c y , c h a n g e d d i r e c t i o n a n d b r o a d l y w e r e directly e n g a g e d in t a c k l i n g t h e Swenarton, Homes, pp. 166-86.

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n e e d s o f t h e p o o r e s t , in c e n t r a l - d i s t r i c t s l u m c l e a r a n c e a n d r e h o u s i n g s c h e m e s . T h e s e h a d a n a l o g o u s s o c i a l effects to t h e c o t t a g e e s t a t e s , w h i l e affecting a different l a y e r o f t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s e s . I n c e n t r a l dis­ tricts l a n d w a s t o o v a l u a b l e t o i n d u l g e in t h e l u x u r i e s o f l o w - d e n s i t y r e d e v e l o p m e n t with two-storey housing, a n d large blocks of council flats b e c a m e t h e t y p i c a l i n s t r u m e n t s o f t h e s e s c h e m e s . F l a t - l i v i n g o r t e n e m e n t - d w e l l i n g w a s u n f a m i l i a r i n t h e E n g l i s h w o r k i n g - c l a s s tra­ d i t i o n , u n l i k e t h e S c o t t i s h , a n d i n itself t e n d e d t o i n d u c e d i s c o n t e n t a n d alienation, quite apart from the disturbance a n d breaking u p of established local c o m m u n i t i e s usually inseparable from slum clear­ a n c e s . T h e h e i g h t o f 1 9 3 0 s h i g h - r i s e for t h e w o r k e r s ( a l t h o u g h n o t for s o m e o f t h e f a s h i o n a b l e o c c u p a n t s o f l u x u r y flats) w a s a l m o s t i n s i g ­ nificant if s e t a l o n g s i d e t h e s y s t e m - b u i l t t o w e r b l o c k s w h i c h w e r e to r i s e i n t h e 1 9 6 0 s a n d b e c o m e a b y w o r d for d i l a p i d a t i o n a n d d e s p a i r in t h e 1 9 7 0 s . B u t t h e y w e r e h i g h e n o u g h , cell-like e n o u g h , a n d b l e a k e n o u g h i n t h e i r c o m m o n s t a i r w a y s a n d facilities, n o t t o b e l o v e d a n d c h e r i s h e d a n d t o p l a y t h e i r p a r t in b r e e d i n g s o c i a l d i s l o c a t i o n a n d its h a r v e s t o f e i t h e r h e i g h t e n e d c l a s s f e e l i n g o r a s u b - c u l t u r e t h a t r e p u ­ diated normal standards of behaviour. The

private sector consistently out-built the local authorities in

numbers

of h o u s e s c o m p l e t e d per year in every year from 1924

o n w a r d s , a n d c a m e i n t o its o w n i n t h e 1 9 3 0 s , w i t h a n n u a l n u m b e r s far

surpassing the highest pre-1914 years and consistently ranging

b e t w e e n t w i c e a n d six t i m e s a s m a n y a s t h e p u b l i c s e c t o r .

1 1 1

These

w e r e the h o u s e s of t h e n e w w a v e s of owner-occupiers in the middle a n d l o w e r m i d d l e c l a s s e s , s p r e a d o u t in t h e o u t e r s u b u r b s by

spawned

all t h e l a r g e r t o w n s , i n w h a t m a y b e t e r m e d t h e s p e c u l a t i v e

builders' s e m i - d e t a c h e d version of the garden city d r e a m . B y 1938 a b o u t 3 5 p e r c e n t o f all t h e h o u s e s in B r i t a i n w e r e o w n e r - o c c u p i e d , a n d although this average conceals a large spread from 14 per cent in N o t t i n g h a m to 6 8 p e r c e n t i n P l y m o u t h t h e c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f t h e high ratings in the b o o m t o w n s of the period like C o v e n t r y , Oxford, a n d B r i s t o l , a n d t h e l o w r a t i n g s o f t h e o l d i n d u s t r i a l t o w n s s u c h as M a n c h e s t e r , Hull, Sheffield, M e r t h y r , B i r m i n g h a m , W o l v e r h a m p t o n , or S t o k e , let a l o n e t h e e v i d e n c e o f t h e r i n g o f o u t e r s u b u r b s a n d s a t e l ­ lites w h i c h s p r o u t e d r o u n d L o n d o n f r o m P o t t e r s B a r , R i c k m a n s w o r t h , and

Ruislip, to

Surbiton,

Sanderstead,

Orpington,

and

Bexley,

B. R. Mitchell and H. G. Jones, Second Abstract of British Historical Statistics (Cam­ bridge, 1971), p. 117. After 1945 the private sector did not overtake the local authori­ ties in annual numbers of houses built until 1958.

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suggests t h e strongly middle-class character of t h e surge in o w n e r occupation.

1 1 2

T h i s T u d o r i s e d , electrified, a n d m o t o r i s e d (at l e a s t i n

b u s s e r v i c e s ) r e n d e r i n g o f t h e g a r d e n city v i s i o n m i g h t b e h e l d to h a v e paid slightly m o r e attention to c o m m u n i t y n e e d s , in a basic c o m mercial-philistine way, t h a n the council cottage estates, in the lavish provision of shopping parades and super-Tudorised roadhouses; and the actual semi-detached h o u s e s , energetically plugged

as

'ideal

h o m e s ' in high-pressure s a l e s m a n s h i p , w e r e u n d o u b t e d l y

superior.

It c a n a l s o b e a r g u e d t h a t t h e s e m a s s - p r o d u c e d e s t a t e s , r u n u p at i n c r e d i b l e s p e e d b y n e w l y e m e r g i n g l a r g e - s c a l e b u i l d i n g firms w h i c h b e c a m e h o u s e h o l d n a m e s - Costain, Ideal H o m e s t e a d , Laing, TaylorW o o d r o w , a n d W i m p e y , for e x a m p l e - p r o v i d e d for t h e first t i m e a semi-urban environment which exactly suited the tastes and the p e n t - u p l a t e n t d e m a n d o f t h e m i d d l e a n d l o w e r m i d d l e c l a s s e s for comfort, refinement, privacy, and detachment from the unpleasant social a n d industrial features of u r b a n living. T h e s e h o u s i n g e s t a t e s a t e i n t o t h e c o u n t r y s i d e at a r a t e w h i c h d e e p l y alarmed the proto-environmentalists of the time. Their alarm, coupled w i t h c o n c e r n at t h e u n f o r t u n a t e r e g i o n a l d i s t r i b u t i o n o r m a l d i s t r i b u ­ t i o n o f f r e e - m a r k e t i n d u s t r i a l a n d office d e v e l o p m e n t i n t h e i n t e r w a r y e a r s , l a y at t h e r o o t o f t h e t o w n p l a n n i n g l e g i s l a t i o n o f 1 9 4 7 a n d the planning system which controlled the main lines of physical urban development into the 1 9 8 0 s .

1 1 3

T h e system altered the contours and

t h e d e t a i l e d l o c a l g e o g r a p h y o f n e w d e v e l o p m e n t , b u t d i d n o t seri­ o u s l y affect, o r curtail t h e c o n t i n u e d g r o w t h of, t h e c o m m u t i n g h a b i t s o n which these dispersed settlements ultimately depended. For there w a s n o d o u b t t h a t t h e s e h o u s i n g e s t a t e s w e r e p l e a s a n t p l a c e s to live for f a m i l i e s w h o s e c h i e f a m b i t i o n w a s to k e e p t h e m s e l v e s t o t h e m ­ s e l v e s , t o a v o i d a n y p r e s s u r e s for a n u n d u e s h o w o f n e i g h b o u r l i n e s s , a n d to c o n d u c t their social lives a w a y from h o m e territory, a n o n y ­ mously, and among networks which were not necessarily based on residential propinquity. T h e conflicting desires to express individu­ ality a n d y e t t o s e e k s a f e t y i n c o n f o r m i t y w e r e r e f l e c t e d i n t h e s p e c u l a ­ tive b u i l d e r s ' gimcrack differentiation of near-identical h o u s e s b y 112

113

Mark Swenarton and Sandra Taylor, T h e Scale and Nature of the Growth of Owner-Occupation in Britain between the Wars', Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 38 (1985), p. 377 and Table 4, p. 387. No pre-1914 figure can be given: the notion that there were 10 per cent of owner-occupiers before 1914 is a myth or a guess, there being no reliable data or estimates. For an informative, critical, assessment of the post-1947 period see Alison Ravetz, The Government of Space (1986).

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F . M. L. T H O M P S O N

arbitrary v a r i a t i o n s in t h e s h a p e o r a m o u n t o f J a c o b e t h a n o r G o t h i c f e a t u r e s p i n n e d t o t h e i r fabrics, a n d b y a d j o i n i n g o w n e r s ' careful c h o i c e o f c l a s h i n g c o l o u r s for t h e i r p a i n t w o r k . P r i v a c y w a s

safe­

guarded more b y garden fences than b y the lace curtains that h a d b e e n t h e m a r k o f V i c t o r i a n r e s p e c t a b i l i t y in h o u s e s w h i c h h a d f r o n t e d directly o n to t h e s t r e e t . F i n a l l y , r e s p e c t a b i l i t y n o l o n g e r d e m a n d e d regular S u n d a y parades to church or chapel, w h i c h h a d b e e n the c h i e f v e h i c l e for f o r m i n g c o m m u n i t i e s in m i d d l e - a n d l o w e r m i d d l e class Victorian suburbs.

W h e r e a church or chapel or

probably

several of t h e m , h a d b e e n essential to the tone and prospects of any substantial nineteenth-century suburban development of character, n e w c h u r c h e s w e r e s o t h i n o n t h e g r o u n d in i n t e r w a r e s t a t e s as to b e virtually i n v i s i b l e . T h e s e c u l a r a l t e r n a t i v e s , like t h e c i n e m a , w e r e p l a c e s for i n d i v i d u a l s or c o u p l e s to r e t r e a t i n t o r o m a n t i c f a n t a s y , n o t c e n t r e s o f c o m m u n i t y life; a n d t h e f r a t e r n i s a t i o n o f t h e golf c l u b d i d n o t b e g i n to p e r c o l a t e b e l o w t h e l e v e l o f t h e affluent m i d d l e - c l a s s elite b e f o r e t h e 1 9 6 0 s . F o r n o n - w o r k i n g w i v e s in p a r t i c u l a r - a n d t h e y w e r e t h e g r e a t m a j o r ­ ity o f w i v e s - t h e s e a c r e s o f s e m i s c r e a t e d a c u l t u r a l d e s e r t a n d a life o f e x t r e m e m o n o t o n y , s o m e w h a t r e l i e v e d b y t h e r a p i d

spread

of r a d i o i n t o t h e h o m e in t h e later 1 9 2 0 s a n d t h e 1 9 3 0 s , w h i c h itself w a s a foretaste of the standardisation and nationalisation of culture, centrally produced b y professionals and individually absorbed inside t h e h o m e , t h a t w a s to s w e e p all b e f o r e it in t h e p o s t - 1 9 5 0 t r i u m p h of t e l e v i s i o n . I n o n l y l e s s e r d e g r e e for t h e m e n a l s o , a n d for t h e u n m a r ­ r i e d w o m e n w h o in t h e m a i n d i d g o o u t t o w o r k , t h e s e e s t a t e s e m b o ­ d i e d a w a y o f life w h i c h w a s a t o m i s e d a n d i n d i v i d u a l i s e d , t h a t l a c k e d social c o h e s i o n e x c e p t o f a p a s s i v e , f l o c k - o f - s h e e p , v a r i e t y , a n d w h i c h generated no networks

o f a s s o c i a t i o n s o r c o m m u n i t i e s to

stand

b e t w e e n individuals, or families, and the state. T h e s e suburbanites, a l t h o u g h l i v i n g in g r e a t e r m a t e r i a l c o m f o r t , w e r e f u n d a m e n t a l l y n o l e s s i s o l a t e d , n o l e s s d e t a c h e d f r o m t h e i r p r e v i o u s social, a n d u r b a n , m o o r i n g s , t h a n t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s e s in t h e c o u n c i l e s t a t e s o v e r w h i c h t h e y w e r e s o k e e n t o p r o c l a i m t h e i r s u p e r i o r i t y . O n l y t h e i r politicisation, their d e v e l o p m e n t of anything approaching a class identity a n d class c o n s c i o u s n e s s , w a s m o r e hesitant a n d m u t e d , a n d m u c h slower in b e c o m i n g a s s e r t i v e . T o b e s u r e , 'villa T o r y i s m ' , t h e p r o p e n s i t y o f t h e s u b u r b s to v o t e C o n s e r v a t i v e , h a d b e e n a p p a r e n t s i n c e t h e 1 8 8 0 s , a n d w a s p r a c t i c a l l y a x i o m a t i c in t h e n e w s u b u r b s o f t h e 1 9 3 0 s , o n e of t h e n e c e s s a r y c o n v e n t i o n s as it w e r e o f r e s p e c t a b i l i t y . T h i s s u b u r b a n

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Town and city

85

C o n s e r v a t i s m , h o w e v e r , w a s n o t m u c h m o r e t h a n that, a reflex a c t i o n b y m u t e f o l l o w e r s c o n t e n t to act as reliable b a l l o t - b o x f o d d e r w h i l e l e a v i n g p o w e r in t h e h a n d s o f a g e n t r y , p r o f e s s i o n a l , a n d b u s i n e s s elite. It w a s t h e s h o c k a n d h o r r o r o f t h e L a b o u r v i c t o r y in 1 9 4 5 , a n d t h e r e s p o n s e t o it, w h i c h m a d e it t h i n k a b l e t o c h a l l e n g e a n d e v e n t u a l l y supplant the p o w e r and authority within the party of the old guard. It w a s a l o n g , s l o w , b u s i n e s s , w o r k i n g t h r o u g h p e r m e a t i o n o f c o n s t i t u ­ e n c y a s s o c i a t i o n s a n d p e n e t r a t i o n o f a d o p t i o n c o m m i t t e e s , a n d o n to the enthronement of lower middle-class values - though n o w held by key individuals w h o h a d risen personally above lower middle-class l e v e l s o f e d u c a t i o n o r i n c o m e - in t h e 1 9 8 0 s . It is fair to s a y t h a t b y t h e 1 9 6 0 s t h e s u b u r b a n m a s s e s h a d m a t u r e d f r o m b e i n g a s i m p l e col­ l e c t i o n o f politically p a s s i v e i n d i v i d u a l s i n t o a c o h e r e n t n a t i o n a l e n t i t y : t h e y c o h e r e d in t h e c o n t e x t o f P a r l i a m e n t , c e n t r a l g o v e r n m e n t , a n d a n a t i o n a l p o w e r s t r u g g l e , n o t in t h e c o n t e x t o f a n u r b a n e n v i r o n m e n t . T h e n e w kinds of interwar housing - the council cottage estates, t h e c o u n c i l flats, a n d t h e o u t e r s u b u r b s o f s e m i - d e t a c h e d s for o w n e r o c c u p i e r s - h a d a g r e a t i m p a c t o n s o c i e t y , for b y 1 9 3 9 t h e y w e r e p r o v i d ­ i n g o v e r o n e t h i r d o f t h e total h o u s i n g s t o c k in B r i t a i n . W h e n b u i l d i n g w a s r e s u m e d after t h e w a r t h e i m p a c t w a s i n t e n s i f i e d , w i t h s o m e l a r g e l y superficial c h a n g e s : s t r i p e d t r o u s e r s a n d b o w l e r h a t s f a d e d f r o m t h e s c e n e a n d c o m m u t e r trains w e r e p a c k e d w i t h a h i g h e r p r o ­ p o r t i o n t h a n b e f o r e o f s e c r e t a r i e s , t y p i s t s , a n d o t h e r f e m a l e officew o r k e r s . I n 1 9 5 0 m a j o r c h a n g e s still l a y in t h e future: l a r g e - s c a l e i m m i ­ g r a t i o n , t h e d e c a y o f i n n e r cities, t h e rise a n d fall o f t o w e r b l o c k s , a n d t h e gentrification, o r re-gentrification, o f r u n - d o w n b u t f o r m e r l y e l e g a n t p a r t s o f t h e o l d c e n t r a l a n d i n n e r d i s t r i c t s . T h e s e further m o d i ­ fied a n d t r a n s f o r m e d t h e u r b a n s e t t i n g . It w a s a l r e a d y

abundantly

clear b y 1 9 5 0 , h o w e v e r , t h a t ' u r b a n s o c i e t y ' h a d b e c o m e little m o r e t h a n a l o o s e l y d e f i n e d d e s c r i p t i v e t e r m for t h e l o c a t i o n a n d t y p e o f physical environment in w h i c h people, groups, and classes lived, a n d h a d c e a s e d t o b e a t e r m d e n o t i n g a specific k i n d o f social s t r u c t u r e t h a t differed f r o m s o m e o t h e r k i n d s o f social s t r u c t u r e e l s e w h e r e in Britain.

114

It c a n r e a s o n a b l y b e d o u b t e d w h e t h e r t h e r e e v e r w a s a p e r i o d w i t h i n t h e t w o c e n t u r i e s e n d i n g in t h e 1 9 5 0 s w h e n B r i t i s h t o w n s collec­ tively s u s t a i n e d a c o m p l e t e s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e , w i t h i n t e r r e l a t e d 114

and

Although it remained meaningful to call British society as a whole an 'urban society' in contrast to 'peasant societies' or 'rural societies' in other parts of the world.

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86

F . M. L . T H O M P S O N

c o h e r i n g c l a s s e s a n d s o c i a l c i r c l e s a n d its o w n i n t e r l o c k i n g e l i t e s , o f the kind that constituted a distinctive a n d i n d e p e n d e n t urban society. In t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y , a n d w e l l i n t o t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , m u c h of t h e t o p l a y e r w a s a r i s t o c r a t i c , w i t h r o o t s i n t h e c o u n t r y s i d e a n d a primary role in rural society, while m u c h of the l o w e r layers consisted of r e c e n t , a n d s o m e t i m e s t r a n s i e n t , t r a n s p l a n t s f r o m r u r a l life. I n t h e nineteenth century m u c h of the top layer w h i c h h a d b e e n generated f r o m w i t h i n t h e city r e m o v e d itself f r o m t h e s c e n e , b y g e n t r i f i c a t i o n or b y h i g h - c l a s s s u b u r b a n i s a t i o n , a n d left t h e u r b a n s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e i n c o m p l e t e . It w a s i n t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y t h a t t h e u r b a n s o c i a l s t r u c ­ t u r e b e c a m e n o t s o m u c h m o r e i n c o m p l e t e a s m o r e diffused a n d m o r e i n d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e f r o m s i m p l y t h e s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e o f B r i t a i n at l a r g e . Plenty of urban problems remained, a n d intensified: poor housing a n d health, inner city decay, crime a n d violence, h i g h u n e m p l o y m e n t , e d u c a t i o n a l n e g l e c t , s q u a l o r , traffic c o n g e s t i o n , a n d a l o n g list o f d e p r i v a t i o n s . U r b a n r e g i o n s r e m a i n e d , a s u n i t s for b u r e a u c r a t s a n d p l a n n e r s to m a r k o u t a n d e x a m i n e . U r b a n s o c i e t y , h o w e v e r , m e r g e d into the n a t i o n . 115

had

1 1 5

Andrew Lees, Cities Perceived: Urban Society in European and American Thought, 18201940 (Manchester, 1985), pp. 258-68, examines the question why 'the British evinced relatively low levels of interest in and concern about the specifically urban aspects of their society' in the 1920s and 1930s.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

CHAPTER

2

The countryside W.

A.

ARMSTRONG

I ' E n g l a n d w a s e a r l y i n t h e field w i t h a p r o d u c t i v e , e x p a n s i b l e a g r i c u l ­ ture.'

1

Among

specialists in

agrarian

history

there

are

diverse

opinions c o n c e r n i n g the extent of c h a n g e s in farming practices a n d t h e r a t e at w h i c h i n c r e a s e s i n o u t p u t w e r e a c h i e v e d b e f o r e a n d d u r i n g the e i g h t e e n t h century, but n o o n e disputes that E n g l a n d s t o o d in t h e v a n g u a r d o f a g r a r i a n p r o g r e s s . M o r e o v e r it is g e n e r a l l y a g r e e d that the agrarian sector w a s commercialised to an extent u n m a t c h e d e l s e w h e r e , except in Holland. T h e s e a d v a n c e s h a d b e e n a c c o m p a n i e d a n d n o d o u b t i n s o m e r e s p e c t s facilitated b y c h a n g e s i n t h e c o m p o ­ sition of rural society. F r o m the v a n t a g e point of t h e later e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y a m a r k e d contrast with the position in c o n t e m p o r a r y E u r o p e w a s discernible. English rural society in n o w a y r e s e m b l e d that of territories east of the Elbe, characterised b y e n o r m o u s estates w o r k e d b y h o r d e s o f u n e m a n c i p a t e d s e r f s ; n o r d i d it e x h i b i t t h e p a t t e r n c o m ­ m o n to m u c h of W e s t e r n E u r o p e , w h e r e m u c h land c o n t i n u e d to be

held in relatively tiny units farmed b y peasants. In E n g l a n d ,

t h r o u g h a l e n g t h y p r o c e s s o f e v o l u t i o n t h e r e h a d e m e r g e d a tripartite system, featuring landlords w h o were essentially rent receivers but w h o b o r e c e r t a i n r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s for t h e p r o v i s i o n o f fixed c a p i t a l ; s u b s t a n t i a l t e n a n t f a r m e r s , d i r e c t l y r e s p o n s i b l e for t h e w o r k i n g o f the land through the application of their entrepreneurial energies and w o r k i n g capital; a n d landless or virtually landless w a g e earners w h o s e c o n t r i b u t i o n d e r i v e d f r o m t h e i r a p p l i c a t i o n o f s t r e n g t h a n d skill a n d w h o w e r e surprisingly n u m e r o u s e v e n in the sixteenth c e n t u r y . Implicit in t h e commercialisation of agriculture w a s a

2

powerful

1

E. L. Jones, Agriculture and Economic Growth in England, 1650-1850 (1967), p. 47. 2

A. M. Everitt, 'Farm Labourers', in J. Thirsk, ed., The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. 4: 1500-1640 (Cambridge, 1967), p. 462.

87

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88

sW. A. A R M S T R O N G

t e n d e n c y for t h e s w e e p i n g a w a y o f m e n w h o d i d n o t fit n e a t l y i n t o these categories. T h e s e included small owner-occupiers ( ' y e o m e n ' ) , lesser

tenants

and

cottagers

occupying

a

position

intermediate

b e t w e e n the w a g e earner and the small farmer. Small occupiers were e s p e c i a l l y v u l n e r a b l e to m a r k e t f o r c e s , a n d it is n o w a p p a r e n t t h a t t h e e r a o f l o w p r i c e s , 1 6 5 0 - 1 7 5 0 , h a d s e e n a t e n d e n c y for l a n d to accumulate in the h a n d s of larger proprietors.

3

Such commercial

i n f l u e n c e s w e r e p r o b a b l y m o r e effective t h a n t h e G e o r g i a n e n c l o s u r e acts i n r e d u c i n g t h e n u m b e r o f p e t t y f a r m e r s . I n t h e c a s e o f t h e s m a l l o w n e r s , it is a c c e p t e d t h a t t h e c o s t s o f e n c l o s u r e m u s t a l w a y s h a v e b e e n disproportionately h e a v y , yet t h e y w e r e also variable, as w a s t h e c a p a c i t y to b e a r t h e m . A t all e v e n t s t h e a g g r e g a t e n u m b e r o f indivi­ d u a l h o l d i n g s a p p e a r s to h a v e h e l d u p after 1 7 8 0 in a c l i m a t e o f r i s i n g 4

p r i c e s , a s s t u d i e s b a s e d o n t h e l a n d t a x s u g g e s t . A s for s m a l l t e n a n ­ c i e s , e n c l o s u r e a f f o r d e d g o o d o p p o r t u n i t i e s for l a n d l o r d s t o e m b a r k u p o n c o n s o l i d a t i o n , b u t s u c h s t e p s w e r e n o t u n k n o w n in u n e n c l o s e d villages and i n d e e d other considerations might w e i g h with landlords, s u c h as t h e fact t h a t o c c u p a n t s o f t e n h a d v o t e s a n d p a i d a h i g h e r rent per acre. Today, few historians consider that enclosure invariably s p e l t c a t a s t r o p h e for t h e s m a l l o c c u p i e r . E v e n a m o n g t h o s e w h o r e g a r d e n c l o s u r e as socially r e g r e s s i v e , t h e talk is o f t h e ' l i k e l y e x i s t e n c e o f a filter d o w n t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l l a d d e r p r o d u c i n g s o m e d e g r e e o f l a n d 5

l e s s n e s s ' . T h e p o s i t i o n is l e a s t c l e a r w i t h r e s p e c t to c o t t a g e r s , t h o u g h t especially vulnerable b e c a u s e of their d e p e n d e n c e o n c o m m o n land for g r a z i n g a n d fuel. S i n c e t h e r e is n o q u a n t i f i a b l e s o u r c e w h i c h b e a r s d i r e c t l y o n t h i s p r o b l e m , h i s t o r i a n s h a v e to j u d g e b e t w e e n c o n t e m p o r ­ a r y c h a r g e s a n d c o u n t e r - c h a r g e s . H o w e v e r , it is g e n e r a l l y a g r e e d t h a t for m a n y i n d i v i d u a l s , l o s s e s m a y h a v e b e e n s e r i o u s . N o t for n o t h i n g d i d a n e x p e r i e n c e d e n c l o s u r e c o m m i s s i o n e r c o m e to l a m e n t t h a t h e h a d b e e n a n a c c e s s o r y to i n j u r i n g at l e a s t 2 , 0 0 0 p o o r p e r s o n s at t h e rate of t w e n t y families per parish, a n d this a n d similar evidence even­ tually led A r t h u r Y o u n g to the conclusion that, in m a n y cases, 'the poor had unquestionably been injured': however, he

continued,

' t h e s e i n j u r i e s . . . are n o t m e n t i o n e d t o s h o w t h a t s u c h e n c l o s u r e s s h o u l d n o t h a v e t a k e n p l a c e ; n o r to a s s e r t t h a t a n i n c r e a s e in r e g u l a r e m p l o y m e n t . . . m i g h t n o t m o r e t h a n m a k e a m e n d s for t h e m , w h i c h 3

G. E . Mingay, Enclosure and the Small Farmer in the Age of the Industrial Revolution (1968), pp. 26-30.

4

See J. A. Yelling, Common Field and Enclosure in England, 1450-1850 (1977), pp. 103-9.

5

M. E. Turner, in Agricultural History, papers presented to the Economic History Con­ ference (Canterbury, 1983), p. 50.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

The countryside is

another

where

it

question'. entailed

6

the

The

suggestion

cultivation

that

of former

89

enclosure, especially wastelands

(which

a c c o u n t e d for s o m e 2 8 p e r c e n t o f l a n d e n c l o s e d b e f o r e 1 7 9 3 a n d m o r e 7

thereafter ),

lifted t h e a g g r e g a t e l e v e l o f w a g e p a i d

employment

f o r m s a m a j o r p l a n k in t h e a r g u m e n t s w h i c h s e v e r a l m o d e r n h i s t o r i a n s h a v e o p p o s e d to earlier c a t a c l y s m i c v i e w s . T h e w e l l - k n o w n s e a s o n a l i m b a l a n c e s i n t h e l a b o u r r e q u i r e m e n t for a r a b l e c u l t i v a t i o n s h o u l d , h o w e v e r , b e b o r n e in m i n d .

8

T h u s , the impact of enclosure w a s

far f r o m s i m p l e a n d in v i e w o f t h e u n e v e n n e s s o f c h a n g e , t h e tripartite s c h e m e m u s t b e t r e a t e d w i t h c i r c u m s p e c t i o n . It h a s v a l u e a s a m o d e l , summarising s o m e essential features of English agrarian relationships, t o w a r d s w h i c h t h e c u r r e n t s o f c h a n g e w e r e r u n n i n g . It d o e s n o t offer a c o m p r e h e n s i v e d e s c r i p t i o n o f a g r a r i a n s o c i e t y at a n y p a r t i c u l a r p o i n t i n t i m e . E v e n at t h e c l o s e o f t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y , t h e r e r e m a i n e d t w e l v e c o u n t i e s in w h i c h s m a l l f a r m s o f 1 0 0 a c r e s o r l e s s a c t u a l l y p r e d o m i n a t e d a n d t h e y w e r e c o m m o n in six m o r e , w h i l e f a r m s o f o v e r 3 0 0 a c r e s w e r e v e r y u n u s u a l in m a n y p a r t s o f t h e c o u n t r y .

9

In a n o t h e r r e s p e c t , o v e r e m p h a s i s o n t r i p a r t i s m c a n m i s l e a d . E s s e n ­ tially, it p r e s e n t s a s e t o f f u n c t i o n a l e c o n o m i c c a t e g o r i e s , e a c h p e o p l e d by individuals of very varying rank or status. At the p e a k of the land-owning pyramid stood a nobility w h i c h in E n g l a n d w a s tightly defined to include n o m o r e t h a n about 170 i n d i v i d u a l s , at l e a s t b e f o r e t h e p e e r a g e c a m e t o b e e x t e n d e d w i t h n e w c r e a t i o n s b y t h e y o u n g e r Pitt. M o d e r n e s t i m a t e s w o u l d s u g g e s t t h a t t h e i r a v e r a g e a n n u a l i n c o m e s w e r e a b o u t £ 5 , 0 0 0 to £ 6 , 0 0 0 i n t h e 1 6 9 0 s a n d p e r h a p s d o u b l e t h a t a c e n t u r y later, a l t h o u g h in c a s e s s u c h as t h e D u k e s o f B e d f o r d , D e v o n s h i r e , a n d N o r t h u m b e r l a n d , might reach £ 4 0 , 0 0 0 or £ 5 0 , 0 0 0 .

1 0

they

T h e exclusivity of their marriage

a l l i a n c e s is l e g e n d a r y . S t r i c t s e t t l e m e n t s w e r e u s e d t o a d v a n c e t h e l o n g - r u n i n t e r e s t s o f t h e s e f a m i l i e s a n d j o i n t u r e s a n d p o r t i o n s for w i v e s a n d c h i l d r e n o n r e a c h i n g m a j o r i t y w e r e carefully s p e c i f i e d . L e s s

6

7 8

9

10

A. Young, General Report on Enclosures, 1808 (reprint, New York, 1971), pp. 12, 13,158. M. E. Turner, English Parliamentary Enclosure (Folkestone, 1980), p. 71. E.g. J. D. Chambers and G. E Mingay, The Agricultural Revolution, 1750-1880 (1966), pp. 98-9; see also K. D. M. Snell, 'Agricultural Seasonal Employment, the Standard of Living, and Women's Work in the South and East, 1690-1860', Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 34 (1981), or his Annals of the Labouring Poor: Social Change and Agrarian England, 1660-1900 (Cambridge, 1985), chap. 1. G. E . Mingay, 'The Size of Farms in the Eighteenth Century', Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 14 (1962), p. 469. G. E. Mingay, English Landed Society in the Eighteenth Century (1963), p. 21.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

90

W. A. A R M S T R O N G

discrimination was practised by the gentry w h o were technically com­ m o n e r s , yet they included s o m e of the greatest landowners, including T. W . C o k e the famous agricultural improver of H o l k h a m in Norfolk. Their ranks w e r e repeatedly infused with n e w e l e m e n t s w h i c h in Lin­ colnshire included b a n k e r s a n d m e r c h a n t s such as the Ellisons from Hull, the Becketts and D e n n i s o n s of L e e d s , a n d the Abel S m i t h s and Wrights from Nottingham; but they also e n c o m p a s s e d

numerous

m i n o r squires in C u m b e r l a n d , W e s t m o r l a n d , a n d W a l e s w h o , t h o u g h relatively impoverished,

maintained a considerable pride in their

o r d e r . T h e l o w e r b o u n d a r y l i n e w a s e s p e c i a l l y difficult t o d r a w . S o m e 890 baronets and knights and 6,000 esquires were accorded indubitable gentry status, but m a n y others laid claim to b e c o n s i d e r e d gentlefolk. T o s u s t a i n s u c h p r e t e n s i o n s s u c c e s s f u l l y , h o w e v e r , it is s u g g e s t e d , a n i n c o m e o f £ 1 , 0 0 0 a y e a r w o u l d b e e x p e c t e d i n E n g l a n d at t h e c l o s e of t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y . S o m e 7 0 0 - 8 0 0 f a m i l i e s m i g h t b e c o n s i d e r e d to fall w i t h i n t h e h i g h e r g e n t r y , r e c e i v i n g £ 3 , 0 0 0 o r m o r e , w i t h a n o t h e r 3 , 0 0 0 - 4 , 0 0 0 families of lesser gentry, with estates s o m e t i m e s confined to a s i n g l e s u b s t a n t i a l r e s i d e n c e a n d a c o u p l e o f f a r m s c a p a b l e o f being let.

11

A s w e l l as e x e r c i s i n g t h e i r r i g h t s a s p r o p e r t y

holders,

t h e n o b i l i t y a n d g e n t r y a l s o e n j o y e d i n f l u e n c e o v e r all t h o s e w h o w e r e in s o m e s e n s e their clients or d e p e n d a n t s .

Patronage

was

e x t e n d e d to c o v e r v i r t u a l l y all p o s i t i o n s i n s o c i e t y , e x t e n d i n g e v e n to t h e p o o r e s t t h r o u g h t h e d i s b u r s e m e n t o f c h a r i t y to t h e d e s e r v i n g . T h e proper exercise of such responsibilities w a s regarded as a major l e g i t i m a t i o n o f l a n d o w n e r s ' a u t h o r i t y a n d in r e t u r n s u c h f a m i l i e s claimed and usually received due deference. T h e s e relationships were strong e n o u g h to survive a long-standing t e n d e n c y o n the part of the wealthy to detach t h e m s e l v e s from too intimate an involvement i n v i l l a g e life, a s t h e y s e t t h e m s e l v e s a p a r t i n w a l l e d a c r e s o f p a r k l a n d , and, as well, their seasonal migrations to L o n d o n a n d s u n d r y watering p l a c e s for m o n t h s at a t i m e . A m o n g the tenantry too, there existed m a n y gradations of status. W h e n t h e y o u t h f u l M a r q u i s d e la R o c h e f o u c a u l d w a s b e i n g c o n d u c t e d by Arthur Y o u n g on a tour of East Anglia he visited a n u m b e r of l a r g e h o l d i n g s i n c l u d i n g a 3 , 0 0 0 - a c r e f a r m at R o u g h a m ( N o r f o l k ) , e m p l o y i n g f o r t y - s e v e n p e r s o n s , a n d a n o t h e r at S o u t h C r e a k e c o n s i s t ­ i n g o f 1 , 3 0 0 a c r e s w i t h a r e g u l a r staff o f t h i r t y - s i x , i n t h i s c a s e f a r m e d b y a tenant w h o o w n e d another, e v e n larger, farm elsewhere. Not

Ibid., p. 23.

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surprisingly the y o u n g Marquis was impressed by the answers given by such m e n to Y o u n g ' s questions, w h i c h w e r e replied to 'with m o r e intelligence than one would expect from p e a s a n t s ' .

1 2

It w a s m e n s u c h

as t h e s e w h o w e r e t h o u g h t e s p e c i a l l y at risk f r o m b u r g e o n i n g s o c i a l p r e t e n s i o n s . Y o u n g b e g r u d g e d n o efficient f a r m e r a r o o m y k i t c h e n , a r o a r i n g fire, a b o t t l e o f g o o d p o r t after d i n n e r w h e n c o m p a n y w a s being entertained, a n d a g o o d nag. But his strictures against

'shew

of a n y k i n d ' faithfully r e f l e c t e d p r e v a i l i n g c o n c e p t i o n s o f s o c i e t y : 'all these things imply a departure from that line w h i c h separates these different o r d e r s o f b e i n g s , let all t h e s e t h i n g s a n d all t h e folly, f o p p e r y e x p e n s e a n d a n x i e t y t h a t b e l o n g s to t h e m r e m a i n a m o n g g e n t l e m e n ' . As

we

have

seen,

however,

tenant

farmers

on

the

1 3

grand

scale w e r e b y n o m e a n s typical. T h e extensive farms of w e s t Norfolk w e r e b a l a n c e d b y n u m e r o u s s m a l l o n e s e s p e c i a l l y o n t h e w e t t e r soils of t h e e a s t , a n d r e a d e r s o f t h e General

Views o f a g r i c u l t u r e p u b l i s h e d

f r o m t h e 1 7 9 0 s w e r e left in n o d o u b t a b o u t t h e i n e f f i c i e n c y a n d p r e c a r i o u s n e s s of farmers of a n o t h e r sort - the 'miserably indigent' of north D e v o n ; o r t h e little f a r m e r s o f H e r e f o r d s h i r e w h o o f t e n l i v e d l e s s comfortably t h a n cottagers a n d w h o s e only advantage over the latter w a s t h a t t h e y c o u l d b e idle for a d a y w h e n t h e y p l e a s e d . Finally, important distinctions m a y be d r a w n a m o n g the hired h a n d s at t h e b e d r o c k o f a g r a r i a n s o c i e t y . O n e l a y b e t w e e n l i v i n g - i n s e r v a n t s who

a c c o u n t e d for b e t w e e n

one third

and

o n e h a l f o f all f a r m

e m p l o y e e s in an array of parish listings m a d e b e t w e e n 1599 a n d 1 7 9 6 . For

most, farm service was an interlude

e n t e r e d i n t o at

1 4

adoles­

c e n c e , for a l t h o u g h t h e life-long f a r m s e r v a n t w a s n o f i g m e n t o f t h e i m a g i n a t i o n , t h e m a j o r i t y left u p o n m a r r i a g e . N e v e r t h e l e s s ,

among

married labourers occupying farm cottages there remained important d i s t i n c t i o n s b a s e d o n a c q u i r e d s p e c i a l i s t skills. H o r s e m e n ,

plough­

m e n , and shepherds c o m m a n d e d higher levels of remuneration

and

perquisites, a n d could rely on greater security of e m p l o y m e n t

than

d a y - m e n , i n c r e a s i n g l y l i k e l y to b e p a i d b y t h e p i e c e . T h e e x i s t e n c e of p o s i t i o n s o f s p e c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y afforded a s o c i a l l a d d e r o f a l i m i t e d sort, a l t h o u g h w i t h t h e l o n g - r u n t r e n d t o t h e r e d u c t i o n o f s m a l l f a r m s , o p p o r t u n i t i e s to c l i m b o u t o f t h e r a n k s o f a g r a r i a n w a g e e a r n e r s w e r e 12

13

14

S. C. Roberts, ed., A Frenchman in England, 1784: Being the 'Melanges sur VAngleterre' ofFranqois de la Rochefoucauld (Cambridge, 1933), pp. 173, 217, 229, 233-4. A. Young, 'Gleanings in an Excursion to Lewes Fair', Annals of Agriculture, 27 (1792), pp. 152-7.

A. Kussmaul, Servants in Husbandry in Early Modern England (Cambridge, 1981), p. 4.

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92

W.

A.

A R M S T R O N G

s c a n t . A r a r e s t u d y o f m o b i l i t y i n d i c a t e s t h a t at C a r l t o n H u s t h w a i t e (Yorkshire) t w e n t y - o n e of twenty-six farmers h a d fathers w h o h a d b e e n f a r m e r s , a n d o n l y t h r e e h a d f a t h e r s w h o w e r e l a b o u r e r s ; at R a s k e l f all b u t o n e o f t w e n t y - f i v e w e r e f a r m e r s ' s o n s a n d if a n y t h i n g , t h e t e n d e n c y w a s for y o u n g e r s o n s t o d e s c e n d i n t o t h e r a n k s o f labourers.

15

T h e p o s i t i o n in l a r g e f a r m districts m u s t h a v e b e e n still

more unfavourable. V i e w e d f r o m a n o t h e r a n g l e , all a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s fell w i t h i n t h e e m b r a c ­ ing c o n c e p t of an 'agricultural interest' w h i c h in principle e x t e n d e d f r o m t h e r i c h e s t l a n d l o r d to t h e h u m b l e s t d a y - l a b o u r e r . T h e t h e o r y w a s e x p r e s s e d b y N a t h a n i e l K e n t , in 1 7 9 6 : In the prosperity of agriculture there are three persons who have a natural tye upon each other: the gentleman of landed interest - the farmer - and the labourer. Their degrees of interest are different, but their connection must be permanent as they cannot subsist without the aid of each other. Protection is due from the first - humanity from the second - and obedience from the third. 16

M o r e o v e r the concept of an 'agricultural interest' m a y b e extended to cover a wide range of occupations and so enables our discussion of rural s o c i e t y to b e b r o a d e n e d b e y o n d t h e a g r a r i a n e l e m e n t s w h o , so far, h a v e h e l d t h e c e n t r e o f t h e s t a g e . T h e o u t l a y s o f f a r m e r s a n d l a n d o w n e r s s u p p o r t e d a w i d e r a n g e of services in villages a n d country t o w n s . Their variety a n d sophistication varied according to size of settlement, but e v e n villages with a population of 5 0 0 or so usually exhibited a group of craftsmen or retailers including the ubiquitous b l a c k s m i t h , c a r p e n t e r , m i l l e r , p u b l i c a n , s h o e m a k e r , a n d tailor. O f t e n , t r a d e s m e n w o u l d c o m b i n e t h e s e activities w i t h r u n n i n g s m a l l h o l d i n g s a n d t h e i r s t a t u s fell u s u a l l y b e t w e e n t h a t o f t h e f a r m e r a n d t h e c o t t a g e r or b e t t e r - o f f l a b o u r e r . A t a h i g h e r l e v e l o f p o p u l a t i o n , for e x a m p l e at P e t w o r t h ( S u s s e x ) , w i t h 2 , 0 0 0 s o u l s , w e r e t o b e f o u n d m o r e s p e c i a l ­ i s e d t r a d e s p e o p l e s u c h as f o u r b a k e r s , six b u t c h e r s , a b r e w e r , t h r e e maltsters, four saddlers, a n d e v e n a c o u p l e of clock a n d w a t c h m a k e r s . H e r e a l s o w e r e t w o s u r g e o n - a p o t h e c a r i e s w h o t o d a y w o u l d b e dis­ t i n g u i s h e d as ' p r o f e s s i o n a l s ' a l t h o u g h s u c h c l a i m s m i g h t t h e n h a v e b e e n sustained m o r e easily b y attorneys, or land agents a n d surveyors e n t r u s t e d w i t h t h e affairs o f e s t a t e s b o t h g r e a t a n d s m a l l . A c o u n t y t o w n w i t h a h i g h e r p o p u l a t i o n a g a i n , t h o u g h still d e p e n d e n t o n rural 15

16

B. A. Holderness, 'Personal Mobility in Some Rural Parishes of Yorkshire, 1 7 7 7 1812', Yorkshire Archaeological Journal, 42 (1971), pp. 447-50. Quoted in E. J. Hobsbawm and G. Rude, Captain Swing (1969), pp. 4 7 - 8 .

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d e m a n d , m i g h t b e e x p e c t e d to f e a t u r e all t h e s e t r a d e s a n d p r o f e s s i o n s a n d s o m e o f a n a l t o g e t h e r m o r e e x o t i c n a t u r e . T h u s , in t h e 1 7 7 0 s York (population about 16,000) could boast booksellers, engravers, jewellers, musicians, tobacco-pipe makers, and an optician.

17

The

social s t a n d i n g o f t r a d e s p e o p l e v a r i e d e n o r m o u s l y a c c o r d i n g to t h e i r wealth, w h e t h e r they actually h a n d l e d processed goods, and o n the r a n g e o f t h e i r s o c i a l c o n n e c t i o n s . W e m a y b e s u r e t h a t r e l a t i v e l y little w a s n o r m a l l y a c c o r d e d t o i t i n e r a n t v e n d o r s , w h o still a c c o u n t e d for a s i z e a b l e p r o p o r t i o n o f all retail t r a n s a c t i o n s , t h r o u g h p e d d l i n g a n d h a w k i n g , a n d a t t e n d a n c e at c o u n t r y fairs. The

church, too, b l e n d e d into the c o n t e m p o r a r y social landscape.

Benefices worth several h u n d r e d a year w e r e comparatively rare and, m u c h in the w a y that progressive farmers s o u g h t to add o n e holding to another, clerics e n g a g e d t h e m s e l v e s in the vigorous pursuit of plural l i v i n g s . S e v e r a l c h o i c e o n e s , e s p e c i a l l y if h e l d i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h a c a t h e d r a l office, c o u l d y i e l d a n i n c o m e h a n d s o m e b y a n y s t a n d a r d s t h o u g h o n t h e o t h e r h a n d J a m e s H a k e w e l l in O x f o r d s h i r e , h o l d i n g four, c o u l d still a t t a i n o n l y £ 1 1 7 p e r a n n u m i n t h e 1 7 8 0 s .

1 8

To achieve

a d v a n c e m e n t , c o n n e c t i o n s w e r e a l l - i m p o r t a n t , a n d n o n - r e s i d e n c y left m a n y parishes tended only b y curates subsisting on tiny stipends w h o c o u l d b e r e g a r d e d as a clerical p r o l e t a r i a t . W h i l s t t h e d e g r e e of a t t e n t i o n g i v e n to t h e s o u l s u n d e r t h e i r c a r e b y e i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y c l e r g y m e n defies e a s y g e n e r a l i s a t i o n , P a r s o n W o o d e f o r d e o f W e s t o n L o n g u e v i l l e i n N o r f o l k is o f t e n t a k e n as t y p i c a l . H i s e x t e n s i v e d i a r i e s

19

b e a r w i t n e s s to a n a b s o r b i n g i n t e r e s t i n f o o d a n d i n f o s t e r i n g c l o s e relations with Squire C u s t a n c e . T h e y also suggest a h u m a n e disposi­ t i o n t o w a r d s l o w - r a n k i n g v i l l a g e r s , b u t v e r y little o f a p e n c h a n t for spiritual reflection. A s a w h o l e , the c h u r c h perfectly mirrored

the

salient features of eighteenth-century rural social structure. B y virtue of t h e t i t h e , t h e c l e r g y m a n w a s a p a r t o f t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l i n t e r e s t , a n d t h e c h u r c h m a i n t a i n e d a n h i e r a r c h i c a l s t r u c t u r e w h i c h fitted p e r ­ fectly i n t o t h e p y r a m i d i c a l c o n c e p t i o n o f E n g l i s h s o c i e t y . I n 1800, W i l ­ liam Scott defended

t h e m a n i f e s t l y i n e q u i t a b l e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f its

r e v e n u e s a r g u i n g t h a t ' t h e c l e r g y , a s a p r o f e s s i o n , find a n e a s y a n d i n d e p e n d e n t a c c e s s to e v e r y g r a d a t i o n o f s o c i e t y . . . A l t e r t h e m o d e of d i s t r i b u t i o n , a n d y o u r u n t h e risk o f p r o d u c i n g a b o d y o f c l e r g y 17

G. H. Kenyon, T e t w o r t h Town and Trades, 1610-1760', Sussex Archaeological Collec­

tions, 95 (1958), p. 63; P. M. Tillott, ed., Victoria County History: City of York (1961), 18

19

p. 219. D. McClatchey, Oxfordshire Clergy, 1777-1869 (Oxford, 1960), pp. 42, 53. J. Beresford, ed., The Diary of a Country Parson, 5 vols. (Oxford, 1924-31).

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W.

A.

A R M S T R O N G

resembling only the lower orders of s o c i e t y /

2 0

His argument implied

t h a t as w e l l a s offering spiritual g u i d a n c e , t h e c l e r g y h a d a l e a d i n g r o l e to p l a y in p r o m o t i n g s o c i a l c o h e s i o n . T h i s t a s k w a s n o t e a s i l y d i s c h a r g e d , for a p a r t f r o m i n d i v i d u a l s h o r t ­ c o m i n g s a m o n g t h e c l e r g y , v i l l a g e s w e r e m o r e d i v e r s e in c h a r a c t e r t h a n is u s u a l l y a s s u m e d . T h e r e w e r e , i n d e e d , n u m e r o u s s e t t l e m e n t s dominated b y a single landed proprietor, w h e r e villagers acquiesced in h i s a u t h o r i t y w i t h o u t d e m u r . A f e w s u c h p r o p r i e t o r s f o l l o w e d a c o n s c i o u s p o l i c y o f ' c l o s i n g ' t h e i r p a r i s h e s to o u t s i d e r s . O n e m e a n s of a c h i e v i n g t h i s w a s to pull d o w n v a c a n t c o t t a g e s t h a t m i g h t h a r b o u r potential paupers. In this the objective of the landlord might agree with that of the overseers representing village ratepayers, and there w a s a s i d e - b e n e f i t to l a n d l o r d s in t h a t t h e i r grip o n v i l l a g e s o c i e t y w a s t h e r e b y likely to b e e n h a n c e d . Yet n o village, h o w e v e r tightly r u n , c o u l d b e e n t i r e l y self-sufficient a n d , c e r t a i n l y , n o n e w e r e c h a r a c ­ t e r i z e d b y a total l a c k o f m o b i l i t y , w h i c h w a s p a r t i c u l a r l y m a r k e d a m o n g y o u n g f a r m s e r v a n t s w h o w e r e r e n o w n e d for t h e i r r o v i n g d i s p o s i t i o n albeit o v e r s h o r t d i s t a n c e s . M o r e o v e r , t h e v e r y s u c c e s s of s o m e l a n d l o r d s in c l o s i n g t h e i r p a r i s h e s i m p l i e d t h e e x i s t e n c e o f a v e r y different t y p e o f s e t t l e m e n t , u s u a l l y in t h e n e a r v i c i n i t y . ' O p e n ' parishes w e r e characterised b y a multiplicity of small freeholders, w h e r e village t r a d e s m e n followed their short-term interests b y run­ ning up rows of cottages or patching up hovels w h i c h a respectable l a n d l o r d w o u l d c e r t a i n l y h a v e r e g a r d e d a s a b l o t o n his e s t a t e . S u c h places w e r e often nests of n o n c o n f o r m i t y a n d w e r e also regarded as p l a c e s o f r e f u g e b y p o a c h e r s a n d p e t t y c r i m i n a l s . A n o t h e r c a t e g o r y o f v i l l a g e s h a v i n g m u c h in c o m m o n w i t h ' o p e n ' agricultural settlements w e r e t h o s e primarily c o n c e r n e d with m a n u ­ factures. T h o u g h the m a y p o l e o n the village green s y m b o l i s e d the still e s s e n t i a l l y r u r a l n a t u r e o f B u r s l e m i n 1 7 5 0 , n i n e t e e n y e a r s l a t e r Arthur Y o u n g r e c k o n e d that hereabouts pot-manufacture w o r k for n e a r l y 1 0 , 0 0 0 p e r s o n s .

2 1

provided

S o m e 5 0 m i l e s to t h e e a s t , l a y

n u m e r o u s v i l l a g e s d e v o t e d to f r a m e w o r k k n i t t i n g , w h i c h , it h a d b e e n d i s c o v e r e d , c o u l d b e p e r f o r m e d h e r e m o r e c h e a p l y t h a n in L o n d o n . By 1782 the three counties of Nottinghamshire, Leicestershire, and D e r b y s h i r e a c c o u n t e d for o v e r 8 5 p e r c e n t o f 2 0 , 0 0 0 f r a m e s in t h e United Kingdom 20

21

22

2 2

and Chambers's pioneering work on the buoyant

W. R. Ward, Religion and Society in England, 1790-1850 (1972), pp. 106-7. J. Thomas, The Rise of the Staffordshire Potteries (Bath, 1971), pp. 7, 9.

J. D. Chambers, Nottinghamshire in the Eighteenth Century, 2nd edn (1966), pp. 9 4 - 5 .

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population growth of the industrial villages of the East Midlands h a s r e c e i v e d c o n f i r m a t i o n f r o m m o r e r e c e n t w o r k , n o t a b l y in a n e x h a u s ­ tive study of S h e p s h e d (Leicestershire). In this village, consisting of unregulated freehold land, a population of s o m e 600 or 700 in the s e v e n t e e n t h c e n t u r y r o s e a b o u t fivefold b y 1 8 1 2 , at w h i c h d a t e a b o u t 1,000 f r a m e s w e r e i n u s e .

2 3

Ironically, the n e w factory villages asso­

c i a t e d w i t h t h e first, w a t e r - p o w e r e d p h a s e o f t h e i n d u s t r i a l r e v o l u t i o n in t e x t i l e s f r o m t h e 1 7 7 0 s r e s e m b l e d m o r e c l o s e l y t h e c h a r a c t e r o f tightly controlled estate villages. A case in point w a s Mellor in Cheshire, w h e r e S a m u e l O l d k n o w controlled and directed the lives of a w h o l e c o m m u n i t y b y t h e e x e r c i s e o f b e n e v o l e n t d e s p o t i s m . H e r e the master cotton spinner could be seen, each S u n d a y morning, escort­ ing his parish apprentices to Marple church, well breakfasted

and

dressed

mill

in t h e i r b e s t c l o t h e s . E q u a l l y p a t r i a r c h a l

were

the

c o m m u n i t i e s o f t h e D e r w e n t v a l l e y in D e r b y s h i r e . A l t h o u g h firm disci­ p l i n e w a s e n f o r c e d o u t s i d e t h e f a c t o r y w a l l s as w e l l a s w i t h i n t h e m , u s u a l l y b y fines, e m p l o y e r s s u c h a s t h e S t r u t t s p a i d c o n s i d e r a b l e a t t e n ­ t i o n t o t h e m a t e r i a l as w e l l as t h e m o r a l w e l f a r e o f t h e i r w o r k p e o p l e . At Cromford, Arkwright annually entertained his p e o p l e to a feast a n d w a s g e n e r o u s in distributing b o n u s e s , receiving due deference in the form of c h o r u s e s with a positively 'feudal' ring: To our noble master, a Bumper then fill, The matchless inventor of this cotton mill.

24

W h i l s t a c k n o w l e d g i n g t h e e x i s t e n c e o f t e n d e n c i e s t o w a r d s a simplifi­ c a t i o n o f its a g r a r i a n c o r e , o u r p o r t r a y a l o f E n g l i s h r u r a l s o c i e t y h a s s t r e s s e d its h e t e r o g e n e i t y a n d e m p h a s i s e d t h e e x i s t e n c e o f a s e r i e s of g r a d a t i o n s o f s t a t u s a n d r a n k . C o n t e m p o r a r i e s , it s e e m s , h a d y e t to learn the language of class. However, influenced by M a r x ' s sugges­ t i o n t h a t t h e h i s t o r y o f all h i t h e r t o e x i s t i n g s o c i e t y is t h e h i s t o r y o f c l a s s s t r u g g l e s , s o m e s u s p e c t t h a t t h e u n d e r l y i n g realities a r e o b s c u r e d by uncritically adopting the vocabulary of social gradation. In a recent contribution to the debate E . P. T h o m p s o n h a s argued that c o n v e n ­ tional models of eighteenth-century society do not take account of t h e c o m m o n p e o p l e ' s p e r c e p t i o n s a n d t h a t it is t h e b u s i n e s s o f t h e historian to articulate their views b y decoding their behaviour. 23

24

He

J. D. Chambers, The Vale of Trent, 1670-1800 (Economic History Review, Supplement No. 3,1957), pp. 19-35, 53; D. Levine, Family Formation in an Age of Nascent Capitalism (1977), pp. 4, 6. G. Unwin, Samuel Oldknow and the Arkwrights (Manchester, 1924), pp. 135, 159, 174; R. S. Fitton and A. P. Wadsworth, The Strutts and the Arkwrights (Manchester, 1958), pp. 99-100, 232-9, 249-60.

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g o e s o n to d i s c u s s e v i d e n c e o f t h e e x i s t e n c e o f a l i v e l y p l e b e i a n c u l t u r e w h i c h t h e ' h e g e m o n y ' o f t h e g e n t r y d i d n o t s u c c e e d i n stifling, through paternalism, or repression, a n d suggests that w e m a y 'read eighteenth c e n t u r y social history as a s u c c e s s i o n of confrontations between an innovative market e c o n o m y and the customary moral e c o n o m y o f t h e p l e b s ' . H e r e , h e c o n c l u d e s , is e v i d e n c e o f c l a s s s t r u g ­ gle w h i c h p r e c e d e d t h e f o r m a t i o n o f s e l f - c o n s c i o u s c l a s s e s i n t h e n i n e ­ teenth-century sense.

2 5

C e r t a i n l y t h e r e is n o s h o r t a g e o f i n s t a n c e s

of conflict, a n d a t t e n t i o n h a s f o c u s s e d c h i e f l y o n t h e c r o w d d i s t u r ­ bances p r o v o k e d occasionally b y the operations of the Militia Acts, e n c l o s u r e s , o r t u r n p i k i n g , b u t e s p e c i a l l y (in t w o c a s e s o u t o f e v e r y three) by s u d d e n rises in the price of f o o d .

2 6

P r o b l e m s r e m a i n in

assessing the broader significance of such incidents, h o w e v e r ,

and

amongst historians opinion ranges from t h o s e w h o are p e r s u a d e d t h a t t h e r e w a s c l a s s conflict i n t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y , t h r o u g h t h o s e w h o think the evidence 'fragmentary, but e n o u g h to leave a questionmark against the " c l a s s l e s s n e s s " of the eighteenth c e n t u r y '

2 7

to others

s c e p t i c a l o f t h e v a l u e o f s u c h a n a p p r o a c h b e c a u s e it e m b o d i e s s u c h v e n t u r e s o m e inferential leaps. G i v e n the subjective nature of this d e b a t e , t h e r e is a s t r o n g c a s e for d e f e r r i n g f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n o f c l a s s at t h i s p o i n t , a n d for t u r n i n g t o a l e s s s h a d o w y e n g i n e o f c h a n g e . Despite experiencing net losses of population b y migration, e v e n counties relatively u n t o u c h e d b y industrialisation e x p e r i e n c e d con­ siderable population

increases from

the

mid-eighteenth

century.

Between 1751 and 1789 sixteen such counties exhibited an increase of t h e o r d e r o f 2 2 p e r c e n t .

2 8

This w a s part of a national increase

w h i c h h a s b e e n t r a c e d r e c e n t l y t o a fall in m o r t a l i t y , b u t

more

e s p e c i a l l y t o a n i n c r e a s e i n fertility c o n s e q u e n t u p o n a r i s i n g i n c i d e n c e of

and

falling a g e at m a r r i a g e .

2 9

Whether the balance of these

influences w a s similar in t o w n a n d country, a n d as b e t w e e n industria­ lising a n d p r e d o m i n a n t l y a g r i c u l t u r a l d i s t r i c t s , r e m a i n s to b e s e e n .

25

26

27 28

29

E . P. Thompson, 'Eighteenth-Century English Society: Class Struggle without Class?', Social History, 3 (1978), pp. 33-65. See G. Rude, The Crowd in History, 1730-1848 (1964), pp. 33-7, and A. Charlesworth, An Atlas of Rural Protest in Britain, 1548-1900 (1983), pp. 83-106. R. J. Morris, Class and Class Consciousness in the Industrial Revolution (1979), p. 18. W. A. Armstrong, 'La Population de l'Angleterre et du Pays de Galles, 1789-1815', Annates de Demographic Historique, 1 (1965), pp. 184-6, using the list of counties identified as agricultural in P. Deane and W. A. Cole, British Economic Growth 16881959 (Cambridge, 1962), p. 103. E . A. Wrigley and R. S. Schoheld, The Population History of England, 1541-1871: A Reconstruction (1981), pp. 240-4.

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The countryside

97

L o n g - t e r m shifts i n t h e s t r u c t u r e o f r u r a l s o c i e t y m a y w e l l h a v e s e r v e d to w e a k e n traditional constraints o n marriage a n d procreation. Thus, at T e r l i n g ( E s s e x ) , w h i c h i n t h e e a r l y s e v e n t e e n t h c e n t u r y a l r e a d y s h o w e d large farms a n d m a n y landless labourers, stable and mode­ r a t e l y y o u t h f u l a g e s at m a r r i a g e w e r e t h e o r d e r o f t h e d a y u n t i l 1 7 7 5 , after w h i c h t h e y fell. Y e t t h e y w e r e e v e n l o w e r ( t w e n t y - t h r e e for m e n , t w e n t y - t w o for w o m e n ) at M e l b o u r n e , a n o p e n o r ' p e a s a n t ' village set i n t h e c o r n - g r o w i n g a r e a o f C a m b r i d g e s h i r e w h i c h r e m a i n e d u n e n ­ closed until 1 8 3 9 .

3 0

O b v i o u s l y m u c h w o r k r e m a i n s t o b e d o n e in clari­

fying t h e l i n k s b e t w e e n s o c i o - e c o n o m i c c h a n g e a n d m a r r i a g e a n d ferti­ lity. M o r e o v e r , t h e p a r t p l a y e d b y falling m o r t a l i t y m a y also h a v e b e e n considerable in rural areas. A valuable study of infant mortality i n r u r a l n o r t h S h r o p s h i r e h a s s h o w n t h a t it r a n at 2 0 0 p e r t h o u s a n d at r i s k b e t w e e n t h e m i d - s i x t e e n t h a n d e a r l y e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s , fall­ i n g t o 1 6 0 - 7 0 i n t h e m i d - e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y a n d t o 1 3 0 b e f o r e its close.

3 1

W h a t e v e r t h e p r o v e n a n c e of the rural u p s w i n g in population,

it c o u l d h a r d l y fail t o s w e l l t h e n u m b e r o f l a b o u r e r s a n d to w e a k e n their market position. Already, from the middle of the century more e l a b o r a t e a r r a n g e m e n t s for t h e r e l i e f o f t h e p o o r w e r e s e e n to b e r e q u i r e d i n s o m e d i s t r i c t s , as e v i d e n c e d i n t h e b u i l d i n g o f n e w w o r k ­ h o u s e s in Dorset, Norfolk, a n d Suffolk. In s o m e parishes, well before the F r e n c h W a r s , recourse w a s h a d to the ' r o u n d s m a n ' s y s t e m which a p p e a r e d to involve an undesirable e l e m e n t of w a g e subsidisation c a l c u l a t e d t o l o w e r t h e r e c i p i e n t s ' s e l f - r e s p e c t a n d m a k e for indifferent standards of performance. T h e twin impact of population growth and p r i c e i n c r e a s e s m a d e itself a p p a r e n t i n a d o u b l i n g o f p e r c a p i t a relief i n m a n y E n g l i s h v i l l a g e s , for e x a m p l e at M e l b o u r n e , b e t w e e n t h e 1 7 5 0 s and the 1780s. Both causes w e r e a c k n o w l e d g e d b y the rector of Barkh a m ( B e r k s h i r e ) , i n a f a m o u s t r e a t i s e w h i c h a l s o a d d u c e d as f a c t o r s , enclosures, engrossing, ale-houses, an insufficiency of e m p l o y m e n t for m e n in w i n t e r , a n d for f e m a l e s at all s e a s o n s . It i n c l u d e d a n o v e l series of family b u d g e t s w h i c h m o s t l y s h o w e d deficiencies w h e n annual i n c o m e s w e r e c o m p a r e d to annual o u t l a y s .

30

31

32

3 2

This approach

Levine, Family Formation, pp. 120-4; D. Mills, T h e Quality of Life in Melbourne, Cambs., in the Period 1800-50', International Review of Social History, 23 (1978), p. 402. R. E . Jones, 'Infant Mortality in Rural North Shropshire, 1561-1810', Population Studies, 30 (1976), p. 313. D. Davies, The Case of the Labourers in Husbandry Stated and Considered (1795), pp. 50-66, 7 8 - 9 4 , 1 3 0 - 2 0 0 .

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W. A. A R M S T R O N G

was emulated b y E d e n w h o substantially endorsed Davies's conclu­ s i o n s s o far as t h e s o u t h e r n l a b o u r e r w a s c o n c e r n e d , b u t s t r e s s e d t h a t t h e n o r t h e r n l a b o u r e r w a s b e t t e r p l a c e d w i t h r e s p e c t to reliability of e m p l o y m e n t , w a g e l e v e l s , a n d d i e t s ,

33

a v i e w w h i c h is s u p p o r t e d

by m o d e r n w o r k o n dietary patterns, w a g e levels, and the regional incidence of poor law relief.

34

S u c h w a s t h e s t a t e a n d c o n d i t i o n o f E n g l i s h rural s o c i e t y at t h e o n s e t of t h e F r e n c h W a r s . B e t w e e n 1 7 8 9 a n d 1 8 1 5 t h e r u r a l

population

increased b y a further 26 per cent, but the influence of the d e m o g r a p h i c factor w a s o v e r l a i d b y t h e d r a m a t i c i m p a c t o f i n f l a t i o n a r y w a r t i m e c o n d i t i o n s u p o n a g r i c u l t u r e . F a r m p r i c e s , h a v i n g g e n t l y a s c e n d e d for s o m e t i m e , r o s e s m a r t l y , in t h e c a s e o f w h e a t b y s o m e 1 0 6 p e r c e n t if 1 7 9 0 - 4 is c o m p a r e d w i t h 1 8 1 0 - 1 4 ; t h o u g h a n y s u c h figure m a y m i s ­ l e a d , b e c a u s e i n y e a r s o f b a d h a r v e s t s , s u c h as 1 7 9 5 - 6 , 1 8 0 0 - 1 a n d 1812-13, prices rose very high indeed. T h e pace of agrarian improve­ m e n t l i k e w i s e q u i c k e n e d . A b o u t 4 9 p e r c e n t o f all l a n d e n c l o s e d u n d e r parliamentary acts b e t w e e n 1750 a n d 1829 w a s dealt with during the w a r y e a r s , i n v o l v i n g s o m e 2 . 9 m a c r e s in a d d i t i o n to o t h e r a r e a s e n c l o s e d u n d e r p r i v a t e a g r e e m e n t . T h e s e activities w e r e p a r t i c u l a r l y m a r k e d in e a s t e r n E n g l a n d , b u t w e r e b y n o m e a n s c o n f i n e d t h e r e , n o r to o p e n field a r a b l e . A n i n c r e a s e d p r o p o r t i o n c o n s i s t e d o f c o m ­ m o n s a n d w a s t e s , as m o r e m a r g i n a l l a n d w a s b r o u g h t i n t o u s e , s u c h as S h e r w o o d Forest (Nottinghamshire), Enfield C h a s e (Middlesex), Canford Heath (Dorset), and Bexley Heath (Kent).

3 5

In the early years

of t h e w a r f a r m e r s p r o s p e r e d : as o n e , f r o m N o r t h u m b e r l a n d ,

put

it, T h e f a r m e r s in y e district a r e full o f m o n e y . . . as e v e r y t h i n g t h e f a r m e r s h a v e to sell are at a h i g h e r p r i c e t h a n I e v e r k n e w b e f o r e /

3 6

In d u e c o u r s e , l a n d l o r d s m o v e d t o t a p t h e i n c r e a s e d r e v e n u e s o f t h e i r t e n a n t s , a n d w i t h m u c h v a r i a t i o n f r o m o n e e s t a t e t o a n o t h e r , it is thought that rent increases over the war years averaged about 90 per cent. 33 34

35

36

37

3 7

M o r e o v e r , d e s p i t e t h e i m p r e s s i o n g i v e n b y s o m e a u t h o r s , it

F. M. Eden, The State of the Poor, 3 vols., vol. 1, pp. viii, 496-548. See the discussions by W. A. Armstrong and J. B. Huzel in G. E . Mingay, ed., The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. 6: 1750-1850 (Cambridge, 1989), p p . 6 9 6 - 8 , 738-40, 762-6. Turner, Parliamentary Enclosure, pp. 71, 77-9; A. Redford, Labour Migration in England, 1800-50, 2nd edn (Manchester, 1964), pp. 72-3. Quoted in S. MacDonald, 'Agricultural Response to a Changing Market during the Napoleonic Wars', Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 33 (1980), p. 64. F. M. L. Thompson, English Landed Society in the Nineteenth Century (1963), pp. 218-20.

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The countryside is n o t o b v i o u s t h a t t h e p o s i t i o n o f t h e f a r m l a b o u r e r s

99

deteriorated

absolutely in c o n s e q u e n c e of the w a r s . T o s o m e degree, t h e y w e r e protected b y p a y m e n t s in k i n d from t h e worst of t h e price

fluctuations,

a n d t h e y did not feature to a n y great extent in the disorders arising from food prices, in 1795, 1800, a n d 1812. T h e diversion of m a n y m e n into the a r m e d services ( a m o u n t i n g to 4 3 0 , 0 0 0 b y 1809) t e n d e d t o curtail t h e g r o w t h o f l a b o u r s u p p l y at a t i m e w h e n t h e

demand

w a s relatively buoyant, a n d brought m a n y complaints of seasonal labour shortages. In these circumstances, wages broadly kept pace with prices and, t h o u g h variable, m a y in m a n y cases h a v e m a t c h e d the doubling experienced b y landlords and farmers.

3 8

S u c h a conclu­

sion would be consistent with evidence collected b y the Board of Agri­ c u l t u r e , w h i c h s u g g e s t e d t h e e x p e n s e s o f c u l t i v a t i n g 1 0 0 a c r e s attribu­ t a b l e t o r e n t ( 2 1 p e r c e n t ) , t i t h e s a n d r a t e s (9 p e r c e n t ) , a n d l a b o u r ( 2 1 p e r c e n t ) w a s v i r t u a l l y t h e s a m e i n 1 8 1 3 a s it h a d b e e n i n 1 7 9 0 .

3 9

T h i s s a i d , it w a s i n e v i t a b l e t h a t a d o u b l i n g o f m o n e y i n c o m e s all r o u n d w o u l d s e r v e v i s i b l y t o i n c r e a s e d i s c r e p a n c i e s i n life s t y l e a n d enlarge the social distance b e t w e e n major constituent e l e m e n t s in rural society. S o m e landlords laid t h e m s e l v e s o p e n to c h a r g e s of rapacity i n e x p l o i t i n g t h e t e n a n t r y w h i l e at t h e s a m e t i m e , it w a s h e l d , b e c o m ­ i n g l e s s m i n d f u l o f t h e i r s o c i a l o b l i g a t i o n s , a n d tart o b s e r v a t i o n s o n the demeanour of progressive farmers b e c a m e commonplace. How­ e v e r , t h e b u l k o f r e c o r d e d c r i t i c i s m w a s a i m e d at t h e l o w e r o r d e r s a n d at c h a n g e s i n t h e i n s t i t u t i o n a l a r r a n g e m e n t s for t h e r e l i e f o f t h e able-bodied poor, notably against t h e ' S p e e n h a m l a n d s y s t e m ' insti­ t u t e d b y a g r o u p o f B e r k s h i r e m a g i s t r a t e s i n t h e crisis y e a r o f 1 7 9 5 w h i c h c a m e to b e widely imitated in southern a n d eastern E n g l a n d in t h e y e a r s t h a t f o l l o w e d . U n d e r t h i s s y s t e m r e l i e f p a y m e n t s w e r e tied to the price of b r e a d a n d t h e size of a m a n ' s family. T h o u g h h u m a n e i n i n t e n t i o n , it w a s t h o u g h t t o f u r t h e r d e m o r a l i s e t h e p o o r a n d , a s w e l l , t o e n c o u r a g e r e c k l e s s b r e e d i n g . L o o k i n g b a c k , it is n o w e v i d e n t t h a t c o n t e m p o r a r y f e a r s w e r e e x a g g e r a t e d . N o t o n l y is t h e r e no evidence linking S p e e n h a m l a n d with excessive procreation, the increase in t h e p o o r rates (which r e a c h e d £ 5 . 7 m b y 1815) w a s general throughout E n g l a n d a n d not especially m a r k e d in the ' S p e e n h a m l a n d '

38

39

M. W . Flinn, 'Trends in Real Wages, 1750-1850', Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 27 (1974), pp. 404, 407; P. H. Lindert and J. G. Williamson, 'English Workers' Living Standards during the Industrial Revolution: A New Look', Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 36 (1983), pp. 1 0 , 1 3 . Calculated from the table in Chambers and Mingay, Agricultural Revolution, p. 118.

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100

W. A. A R M S T R O N G

counties.

Moreover, modern

research o n three of t h e m (Kent,

S u s s e x a n d E s s e x ) s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e r e a l i n c i d e n c e o f p o o r l a w relief barely rose o n c e the impact of price c h a n g e s a n d population g r o w t h are t a k e n i n t o a c c o u n t .

4 1

S u c h nice calculations were not within the

c o m p e t e n c e o f a n y o n e to m a k e at t h e t i m e , w h e n it w a s c o m m o n l y suggested that the poor were simply ' m o r e importunate than their n e c e s s i t i e s r e q u i r e d ' o r t h a t i n c r e a s e s in p o o r l a w e x p e n d i t u r e r e ­ flected ' a r e l a x a t i o n o f d i s c i p l i n e a n d a c o r r u p t i o n o f m o r a l s ' .

4 2

In

short, while the war years scarcely transformed the character of Eng­ lish rural s o c i e t y , t h e y c e r t a i n l y p r o v i d e d a s e t t i n g w i t h i n w h i c h s o m e s o u r i n g o f s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s is l i k e l y to h a v e o c c u r r e d .

II ' B e t w e e n 1813 a n d the accession of Q u e e n Victoria', wrote Ernie, 'falls o n e o f t h e b l a c k e s t p e r i o d s o f E n g l i s h f a r m i n g . P r o s p e r i t y n o l o n g e r s t i m u l a t e d p r o g r e s s . . . falling p r i c e s , d w i n d l i n g r e n t s , v a n i s h ­ i n g profits . . . c r u s h e d t h e spirit o f a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s . '

43

Enquiries con­

d u c t e d b y t h e B o a r d o f A g r i c u l t u r e i n 1816 a n d b y p a r l i a m e n t a r y S e l e c t C o m m i t t e e s in 1 8 2 1 , 1 8 3 3 , a n d 1 8 3 6 p r o d u c e d s u p p o r t i n g e v i d e n c e of w i d e s p r e a d d i s t r e s s . T o b e s u r e , m o d e r n r e s e a r c h h a s m o d i f i e d these impressions of sustained and comprehensive adversity. Within t h e a r a b l e s e c t o r , t h e g r e a t e r a d a p t a b i l i t y o f l i g h t soils as a g a i n s t c o l d wet claylands has b e e n stressed by agrarian historians. Moreover, it h a s b e e n s h o w n t h a t t h e a n i m a l r e a r i n g a n d d a i r y districts, p a r t i c u ­ larly t h o s e a d j a c e n t to l a r g e u r b a n m a r k e t s , w e r e n o t n e a r l y s o s e r ­ i o u s l y affected; i n d e e d it is s u g g e s t e d t h a t t h e y b a r e l y d e p r e s s i o n at a l l .

44

suffered

Despite these important reservations, the climate

of deflation w a s a d i s a g r e e a b l e e x p e r i e n c e a g a i n s t a b a c k g r o u n d o f forty y e a r s o f r i s i n g p r i c e s , a n d w a s p a r t i c u l a r l y hurtful t o t h o s e w h o h a d incurred heavy c o m m i t m e n t s u n d e r the assumption that swollen wartime prices w o u l d b e permanent. T h e Corn L a w of 1815, w h i c h

40

41

42

43 44

J. B. Huzel, 'The Demographic Impact of the Old Poor Law: More Reflexions on Malthus', Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 33 (1980), pp. 369-75; J. D. Marshall, The Old Poor Law, 1795-1834 (1968), p. 23. D. A. Baugh, 'The Cost of Poor Relief in South-East England, 1790-1834', Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 28 (1975), p. 60. Correspondent to the Gentleman's Magazine (1792), pp. 1194-5; T. Ruggles, 'On the Police and Situation of the Poor', Annals of Agriculture, 16 (1791), p. 367. Lord Ernie, English Farming, Past and Present, 5th edn (1936), p. 319. E. L. Jones, The Development of English Agriculture, 1815-73 (1968), pp. 12-13.

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101

s o u g h t t o p r o t e c t a g r i c u l t u r e b y f o r b i d d i n g t h e i m p o r t a t i o n of w h e a t w h e n t h e m a r k e t p r i c e w a s b e l o w 8 0 s . a q u a r t e r , t u r n e d o u t to b e l e s s effective t h a n h a d b e e n h o p e d a n d p e r i o d i c c l a m o u r s for a h i g h e r l e v e l o f p r o t e c t i o n w e r e a f e a t u r e o f t h e p e r i o d . It w a s p r e s s u r e f r o m a n e w A s s o c i a t i o n o f A g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s c l a i m i n g to r e p r e s e n t fifty local g r o u p s in t w e n t y E n g l i s h c o u n t i e s t h a t b r o u g h t a b o u t a n e n q u i r y i n t o t h e o p e r a t i o n o f t h e c o r n l a w s in 1 8 2 1 . A g a i n , i n t h e y e a r s after 1 8 3 2 w h e n p r i c e s s t a g e d a fall c o i n c i d i n g w i t h t h e a d v e n t o f a n e n l a r g e d electorate (the C h a n d o s clause of the Reform Act having enfranchised the £ 5 0 tenant), a rash of agricultural associations flourished, whilst in 1 8 4 3 - 4 a lively a n t i - l e a g u e w h i c h s o u g h t to c o m b a t t h e a r g u m e n t s of t h e A n t i - C o r n L a w L e a g u e w a s b u s y in t h e rural c o n s t i t u e n c i e s . W i t h i n p r o t e c t i o n i s t circles P e e l ' s r e p e a l o f t h e c o r n l a w s ( J a n u a r y 1 8 4 6 ) w a s v i e w e d as a n act o f b e t r a y a l a n d w h e n p r i c e s o n c e a g a i n fell s h a r p l y at t h e c l o s e o f t h e d e c a d e , h u g e m e e t i n g s a n d e v e n o n e o r t w o f a r m e r s ' r i o t s o c c u r r e d , c a u s i n g G r e v i l l e t o n o t e i n h i s diary ' t h e r e is g o o d r e a s o n to fear . . . t h a t t h e y will . . . b r e a k t h r o u g h all t h e o l d p a t r i a r c h a l ties a n d g o to a n y l e n g t h s w h i c h t h e y /may f a n c y t h e y c a n m a k e i n s t r u m e n t a l to t h e i r r e l i e f ' .

45

This, no doubt,

was

a n e x a g g e r a t e d v i e w . I n r e t r o s p e c t it c a n b e s e e n t h a t s u p p o r t for protection a m o n g farmers w a x e d a n d w a n e d with price fluctuations; t h a t t h e e c o n o m i c i n t e r e s t s of c e r e a l p r o d u c e r s a n d l i v e s t o c k f a r m e r s w e r e n o t i d e n t i c a l ; a n d t h a t t h e s e m o v e m e n t s did n o t s e e k to s u p p l a n t e x i s t i n g ' n a t u r a l ' l e a d e r s b u t m e r e l y to p r e s s t h e m to b e a r in m i n d their responsibilities towards the land. At the s a m e time

farmers

e v i n c e d a c a p a c i t y for i n d e p e n d e n t t h o u g h t a n d a c t i o n w h i c h a m p l y d e m o n s t r a t e d t h a t t h e i r o p i n i o n s n e e d n o t p a s s i v e l y reflect t h e w i s h e s of t h e i r l a n d l o r d s . If a g r i c u l t u r a l deflation w a s o n e p r i m e d e t e r m i n a n t o f c o n d i t i o n s in t h e E n g l i s h c o u n t r y s i d e d o w n to t h e m i d - c e n t u r y , t h e o t h e r w a s t h e c o n t i n u i n g g r o w t h of t h e r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n . I n N o r f o l k , Suffolk,

and

E s s e x , e a c h of t h e fifty-six registration districts exhibited increases in 1 8 1 1 2 1 , 1 8 2 1 - 3 1 a n d 1 8 3 1 - 4 1 , w i t h o n l y four s h o w i n g d e c r e a s e s in t h e following decade. In D e v o n , Wiltshire, and S o m e r s e t the n u m b e r of districts i n d i c a t i n g d e c l i n e s r o s e f r o m t w o ( 1 8 2 1 - 3 1 ) to four ( 1 8 3 1 - 4 1 ) a n d r a t h e r n o t i c e a b l y , to t w e n t y - f o u r population

45

(1841-51). Overall the

rural

c o n t i n u e d to s w e l l in n u m b e r s . A l t o g e t h e r , t h e c o u n t i e s

T. L. Crosby, English Farmers and the Politics of Protection, 1815-52 (Hassocks, Sussex, 1977), pp. 37, 8 4 - 5 , 101, 130, 162.

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W . A. A R M S T R O N G

identifiable as primarily agricultural in 1811 i n c r e a s e d their aggregate p o p u l a t i o n b y n o l e s s t h a n 5 3 p e r c e n t i n t h e e n s u i n g forty y e a r s . In

s o m e districts t h e n u m b e r

reduced.

Without

producing

of small occupations was

any

figures,

4 6

further

Davies suspected

that

n u m e r o u s small o w n e r s paying from 4 s . - £ 1 0 in land tax, s u c c u m b e d in the bleak years w h i c h followed the cessation of hostilities.

47

In

C u m b e r l a n d G r a h a m described h o w consolidation w a s applied to his 30,000 acres b e t w e e n 1822 and 1827 and b y 1850 the Lowther and Carlisle estates h a d also s u c c e e d e d in reducing the n u m b e r of indivi­ dual tenancies, in o n e case forming a 300-acre farm out of e l e v e n small-holdings. O n t h e L e v e s o n - G o w e r estates in Staffordshire the p r o p o r t i o n o f h o l d i n g s o v e r 2 0 0 a c r e s i n s i z e i n c r e a s e d f r o m 5 2 to 5 9 p e r c e n t b e t w e e n 1 8 0 7 - 1 3 a n d 1 8 2 9 - 3 3 at t h e e x p e n s e o f t h o s e in the r a n g e 2 0 - 1 0 0

acres.

4 8

H o w c o m m o n such tendencies

were

r e m a i n s u n c l e a r , b u t at l e a s t w e m a y b e s u r e t h a t i n c r e a s e d s u b - d i v ­ i s i o n d i d n o t o c c u r . C o n s e q u e n t l y , it w a s i n e v i t a b l e t h a t t h e n u m b e r s e e k i n g e m p l o y m e n t w o u l d i n c r e a s e i n c i r c u m s t a n c e s t h a t w e r e far from propitious.

Shifts in the balance of farm e m p l o y m e n t

were

e n c o u r a g e d . Contrary to popular belief, servants w e r e not generally o u s t e d f r o m f a r m h o u s e s d u r i n g t h e F r e n c h W a r s ; it w a s i n t h e p o s t w a r situation of labour a b u n d a n c e that the pent-up desire of farmers to rid t h e m s e l v e s o f s e r v a n t s m a d e r a p i d h e a d w a y . B y 1 8 5 1 i n d o o r s e r ­ vants as a proportion

of the hired agricultural labour force w e r e

reduced to 4 a n d 7 per cent in Hertfordshire a n d

Northamptonshire,

a n d i n o n l y six E n g l i s h c o u n t i e s ( D e v o n , C o r n w a l l , C u m b e r l a n d , Staf­ fordshire, W e s t m o r l a n d , and the East Riding) did they e x c e e d 4 0 per cent.

4 9

A l t h o u g h an approximation to farm service conditions conti­

n u e d t o e x i s t for c h o i c e m e n ( h i r e d o n a y e a r l y b a s i s , w i t h a c o t t a g e , higher wages, and s o m e perquisites), the decay of indoor service could serve only to increase the social distance b e t w e e n master a n d m a n . F u r t h e r , it w a s c o n d u c i v e t o d e m o g r a p h i c i n c r e a s e ; t h i s is s t r o n g l y s u g g e s t e d b y a m o d e r n s t u d y i n w h i c h a v e r a g e a g e at m a r r i a g e is

46

47

48

49

G. B. Longstaff, 'Rural Depopulation', Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, 56 (1893), pp. 385-6; B. R. Mitchell and P. Deane, Abstract of British Historical Statistics (Cam­ bridge, 1962), p. 20, using data for the counties mentioned in n. 28, above. E. Davies, 'The Small Landowner, 1780-1832, in the Light of the Land Tax Assess­ ments', Economic History Review, 1 (1927), p. 112. B. A. Holderness, 'The Victorian Farmer', in G. E. Mingay, ed., The Victorian Country­ side, 2 vols. (1981), vol. 1, p. 230; J. R. Wordie, 'Social Change on the Leveson-Gower Estates, 1714-1832', Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 27 (1974), p. 596. Kussmaul, Servants in Husbandry, pp. 2 0 , 1 2 5 .

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estimated to h a v e b e e n lower b y t w o years (males) a n d s e v e n t e e n m o n t h s ( f e m a l e s ) i n r u r a l r e g i s t r a t i o n districts c h a r a c t e r i s e d a s u n d e r 15 p e r c e n t ' t r a d i t i o n a l ' , i . e . w h e r e l a b o u r e r s w e r e a b u n d a n t a n d c o r ­ respondingly fewer of the labour force consisted of farmers, their rela­ tives, and servants.

5 0

F o r t h e d a y - l a b o u r e r t h e s e w e r e y e a r s o f u n u s u a l difficulty i n r e t a i n ­ ing regular employment. With the coming of peace the problems of reintegrating

men

discharged

from

the

forces

were

frequently

remarked u p o n and the cry of 'surplus population' c a m e to b e widely v o i c e d . W e m e e t it, for e x a m p l e , i n t h e e v i d e n c e g i v e n b y t w o B e d f o r d ­ shire magistrates to the 1817 Select C o m m i t t e e o n t h e P o o r L a w s . The

'superfluous part of the population' w a s said to b e due in part

t o p e r s o n s m a r r y i n g i m p r u d e n t l y , a n d it w a s f e a r e d t h a t t h e p o p u l a ­ tion w a s 'likely to increase b e y o n d the e m p l o y m e n t , a n d

perhaps

m o r e in agricultural parishes t h a n in m o s t o t h e r s ' . T h e i r worst fears w e r e fulfilled i n c e r t a i n o f t h e y e a r s t h a t f o l l o w e d , e s p e c i a l l y i n 1 8 2 9 32. Thirteen parishes of the R e d b o r n e s t o k e h u n d r e d exhibited as m a n y as 5 2 3 ' a l m o s t w h o l l y in the h a n d s of the o v e r s e e r s ' in 1829 whilst at W e s t o n i n g l a t e t h e f o l l o w i n g y e a r o n l y 2 0 m e n a n d a s i m i l a r n u m b e r of b o y s o u t o f a t o t a l a v a i l a b l e o f 9 0 l a b o u r e r s , w e r e i n r e g u l a r e m p l o y ­ ment.

5 1

D e t a i l e d e v i d e n c e for K i r d f o r d ( S u s s e x ) s h o w s 1 1 8 l a b o u r e r s

o n the parish in the winter of 1 8 3 0 - 1 leaving only 72 to w o r k 12,000 a c r e s o f c u l t i v a t e d l a n d a n d w o o d l a n d . M e a n w h i l e at P u l b o r o u g h 1 3 0 l a b o u r i n g m e n f r o m 3 0 8 ( i n c l u d i n g a r t i s a n s ) w e r e o u t o f w o r k for n i n e m o n t h s , w h i l s t at W i s b o r o u g h G r e e n t h e a v e r a g e n u m b e r o f u n e m p l o y e d i n five w i n t e r s p r e v i o u s t o t h a t o f 1 8 3 1 - 2 w a s

80.

5 2

W i n t e r u n e m p l o y m e n t w a s c o m m o n p l a c e also in Wiltshire, Bucking­ hamshire, Kent, Surrey, a n d East Anglia, proving persistent in m a n y v i l l a g e s t h r o u g h o u t t h e 1 8 4 0 s a n d b e y o n d , if n o t o n t h e h o r r e n d o u s scale of 1 8 2 9 - 3 2 . The years immediately following the war saw considerable increases in e x p e n d i t u r e o n the p o o r . A n i n d e x of real per capita relief suggests t h a t if t h e y e a r s 1 8 2 0 - 3 4 a r e c o m p a r e d w i t h 1 7 9 2 - 1 8 1 4 , e x p e n d i t u r e ran 20 a n d 30 per cent higher in S u s s e x and E s s e x respectively, a n d 50

51

52

M. Anderson, 'Marriage Patterns in Victorian Britain: An Analysis Based on Regis­ tration District Data for England and Wales', Journal of Family History, 1 (1976), pp. 65, 76. N. Agar, The Bedfordshire Farm Worker in the Nineteenth Century (Bedfordshire Historical Record Society, 60 (1981), pp. 50, 52, 56, 78; A. F. Cirket, 'The 1830 Riots in Bedford­ shire', in Bedfordshire Historical Record Society, 57 (1978), pp. 7 7 - 8 . N. Gash, 'Rural Unemployment, 1815-34', Economic History Review, 6 (1935), pp. 90-1.

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W. A. A R M S T R O N G

b y as m u c h as 5 4 p e r c e n t in K e n t .

5 3

A spate of pamphlets

dwelt

u p o n t h e d e f i c i e n c i e s o f t h e relief s y s t e m a n d o n t h e m o r a l d e f e c t s of t h e l a b o u r e r w h o , in t h e w o r d s o f D a v i d R i c a r d o , w a s all t o o fre­ quently 'cruelly calumniated'.

5 4

T h e 1820s s a w considerable local var­

i a t i o n s o f p r a c t i c e . F o l l o w i n g a S e l e c t C o m m i t t e e in 1 8 1 7 , l e g i s l a t i o n w a s p a s s e d e m p o w e r i n g p a r i s h e s t o a p p o i n t s e l e c t v e s t r i e s to s u p e r ­ v i s e t h e w o r k o f t h e o v e r s e e r s , a n d in s o m e p l a c e s , n o t a b l y at S o u t h ­ w e l l a n d B i n g h a m in N o t t i n g h a m s h i r e , d r a c o n i a n p o l i c i e s a i m e d at t h e a b o l i t i o n o f o u t d o o r relief w e r e p i o n e e r e d . E l s e w h e r e r e c o u r s e w a s h a d to t h e r o u n d s m a n s y s t e m , t h e l e v y i n g o f a ' l a b o u r r a t e ' ( u n d e r w h i c h o c c u p i e r s w e r e a s s e s s e d a s liable t o p a y a c e r t a i n s u m i n w a g e s , or, failing t h i s , to r e m i t t h e d i f f e r e n c e to t h e o v e r s e e r ) , a n d t o s c a l e allowances. However, no decisive steps were taken before 1834 w h e n , following the r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s of a Royal C o m m i s s i o n o b s e s s e d with the problem of the able-bodied, the Poor L a w A m e n d m e n t Act remo­ delled the system. Parishes w o u l d henceforth b e grouped into unions a d m i n i s t e r e d b y e l e c t e d B o a r d s o f G u a r d i a n s w h i c h , it w a s a s s u m e d , w o u l d offer relief o n a r i g o r o u s b a s i s i n c o r p o r a t i n g , for t h e a b l e bodied, the infamous principles of the w o r k h o u s e test a n d less-eligibi­ lity. T h e n e w a r r a n g e m e n t s w e r e o p p o s e d w i t h v i g o u r in n o r t h e r n i n d u s t r i a l a r e a s a n d a l s o , to a d e g r e e w h i c h is s o m e t i m e s u n d e r e s t i ­ mated, in the south. Popular r e s e n t m e n t taking the form of d e m o n ­ s t r a t i o n s o r riots o c c u r r e d i n s e v e r a l c o u n t i e s , m o s t n o t a b l y p e r h a p s in the Milton u n i o n of K e n t in M a y 1 8 3 5 .

5 5

In the event, existing

p r a c t i c e s did n o t n e c e s s a r i l y c h a n g e s o r a d i c a l l y a s h a d b e e n i n t e n d e d . I n E a s t A n g l i a , for e x a m p l e , t h e g u a r d i a n s r e v e r t e d w i t h i n a f e w y e a r s to t h e p o l i c y o f p r o f f e r i n g o u t d o o r relief u n d e r v a r i o u s g u i s e s , f r o m mixed motives of e c o n o m y and humanity.

5 6

N e v e r t h e l e s s , as the sys­

t e m s e t t l e d d o w n , r e d u c t i o n s in a g g r e g a t e e x p e n d i t u r e d i d o c c u r , b y s o m e 2 6 p e r c e n t if t h e p u b l i c o u t l a y o f 1 8 4 0 - 4 is c o m p a r e d w i t h t h a t of 1 8 3 0 - 4 . H o w far t h i s w a s d u e to t h e s a l u t a r y d i s c i p l i n e s o f t h e n e w p o o r l a w , as a g a i n s t a p e r c e p t i b l e ( t h o u g h i n c o m p l e t e ) s t r e n g t h ­ e n i n g o f t h e l a b o u r m a r k e t d u e t o f a c t o r s s u c h as r a i l w a y b u i l d i n g f r o m t h e late 1 8 3 0 s , it w o u l d b e difficult t o s a y . S i n c e t h e official v i e w o f t h e n e w c o m m i s s i o n e r s w a s t h a t t h e s u r p l u s 53

Baugh, 'Cost of Poor Relief, p. 62.

54

J. R. Poynter, Society and Pauperism: English Ideas on Poor Relief, 1795-1834

55

56

p. 240. N. C. Edsall, The Anti-Poor Law Movement, 1834-44 36-9. A. Digby, Pauper Palaces (1978), pp. 109-13.

(1969),

(Manchester, 1971), pp. 27-31,

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p o p u l a t i o n w a s a m i r a g e , it is n o t s u r p r i s i n g to find t h a t t h e y r e s ­ p o n d e d cautiously towards alternative steps proposed b y s o m e land­ l o r d s to e a s e t h e p r o b l e m s p o s e d b y t h e l a b o u r glut in t h e s o u t h . D u r i n g t h e e a r l y m o n t h s o f 1 8 3 5 t h e y a g r e e d to act as i n t e r m e d i a r i e s in t h e l o c a l l y i n i t i a t e d t r a n s f e r o f s e v e r a l f a m i l i e s f r o m t h e p a r i s h o f B l e d l o w ( B u c k i n g h a m s h i r e ) to mills at S t y a l ( C h e s h i r e ) a n d B o l t o n . O t h e r s w e r e soon p a s s e d from the Bedfordshire parishes of Cranfield, W o b u r n , a n d A m p t h i l l to C l a y t o n ' s mill at M e l l o r . U l t i m a t e l y t h e commissioners

appointed

two

full-time

agents

under

an

official

s c h e m e w h i c h lasted until M a y 1837. A s u b s e q u e n t analysis of 4,684 m i g r a n t s i n d i c a t e d t h e y w e r e d r a w n chiefly f r o m Suffolk ( 4 9 p e r c e n t ) , Norfolk, Buckinghamshire and Bedfordshire.

57

O f m u c h g r e a t e r sig­

n i f i c a n c e t h a n t h e s e s h o r t - l i v e d s c h e m e s w a s a s s i s t a n c e g i v e n to s e n d i n d i v i d u a l s a n d f a m i l i e s a b r o a d . A l r e a d y in t h e 1 8 2 0 s p a r i s h a u t h o r i ­ t i e s w e r e a d o p t i n g t h i s p o l i c y , n o t a b l y in W e a l d e n K e n t , a n d s u b s e ­ q u e n t l y t h e i n i t i a t i v e s o f l o c a l a s s o c i a t i o n s in w h i c h

contributing

landlords and clergymen could nominate prospective emigrants were supported by the n e w poor law authorities. T h e y assisted s o m e 14,000 p e r s o n s to m i g r a t e to t h e c o l o n i e s b e t w e e n 1 8 3 6 a n d 1 8 4 6 , s o c o m p l e ­ m e n t i n g the work of the Colonial C o m m i s s i o n e r s of L a n d and Emig­ r a t i o n , s e t u p in 1 8 4 2 to a s s i s t s e l e c t e d p e r s o n s u s i n g f u n d s r a i s e d f r o m t h e sale o f c r o w n l a n d s i n t h e c o l o n i e s .

5 8

However, these expe­

d i e n t s w e r e n o t c o n d u c t e d o n a s c a l e s u c h as t o h a v e m o r e t h a n a m a r g i n a l effect o n t h e rural l a b o u r m a r k e t a n d d o w n to t h e m i d - c e n ­ t u r y w a g e s m o v e d as m i g h t b e e x p e c t e d at a t i m e m a r k e d b y d e f l a t i o n a n d labour a b u n d a n c e . T h e average earnings of agricultural labourers i n E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s s a n k f r o m 1 0 5 ( 1 8 0 6 - 1 2 ) to a n a d i r o f 7 2 ( 1 8 2 4 ) a n d thereafter averaged 77 over the next twenty-eight y e a r s .

5 9

A g a i n s t t h i s b a c k g r o u n d , it is n o t s u r p r i s i n g t h a t m a n y felt t h a t t h e f i s s u r e s in E n g l i s h a g r a r i a n s o c i e t y w e r e b e i n g o p e n e d u p . F r o m B u r g h c l e r e ( H a m p s h i r e ) it w a s r e p o r t e d to t h e P o o r L a w C o m m i s s i o n that 'All friendly relation b e t w e e n the farmers a n d the p o o r c e a s e s ' , whilst the s a m e source s p o k e of a 'spirit of r e v e n g e ' a n d ' w a n t of g o o d f e e l i n g ' at B r a m s h a w a n d M i n s t e a d i n t h e s a m e c o u n t y . I n t h e 1 8 4 0 s l a b o u r e r s in t h e n e i g h b o u r h o o d o f B u r y S t E d m u n d s t o l d a 57 58

59

Agar, Bedfordshire Farm Worker, pp. 129-32; Redford, Labour Migration, pp. 102, 108. C. Erickson, Emigration from Europe, 1815-1914 (1976), pp. 121, 127; D. Woodruff, 'Expansion and Emigration', in G. M. Young, ed., Early Victorian England, vol. 2 (Oxford, 1934), pp. 359-60. A. L. Bowley's figures, in Mitchell and Deane, Abstract, p. 349 (1891 = 100), and see Lindert and Williamson, 'Living Standards', pp. 7, 13.

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106 Morning

W . A. A R M S T R O N G Chronicle

investigator that the farmers would seldom conde­

scend to speak to t h e m , except in terms of reproach or abuse, a n d the R e v . S i d n e y G o d o l p h i n r e c k o n e d that a m o n g the labourers of t h e W e s t C o u n t r y , a t t a c h m e n t t o t h e i r s u p e r i o r s , r e s p e c t for t h e i r e m p l o y e r s , loyalty to their rulers, w a s 'fast p a s s i n g a w a y ' .

6 0

For both

c o n t e m p o r a r i e s a n d m o d e r n historians, c h a n g e s in t h e incidence of rural c r i m e a r e t h o u g h t t o p r o v i d e a b a r o m e t e r o f social m a l a i s e , a n d although the statistics relate to committals rather t h a n offences, t h e y l e a v e little r o o m t o d o u b t t h a t c r i m e w a s i n c r e a s i n g f a s t e r t h a n t h e r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y after 1 8 1 5 .

6 1

Although m a n y felonies were

p e r p e t r a t e d b y t h e p o o r a g a i n s t t h e p o o r , o t h e r s fell ' w i t h i n a b r o a d definition of social crime in that the object w a s a particular target of c o m m u n i t y g r i e v a n c e a n d t h e a c t i o n h a d b r o a d b a s e d c o m m u n i t y support' .

6 2

This w a s undeniably true of poaching w h i c h in the eyes

of t h e c o m m o n p e o p l e d i d n o t c o n s t i t u t e a c r i m e , it b e i n g a s s u m e d t h a t w i l d c r e a t u r e s w e r e free for a n y o n e w h o c o u l d c a t c h t h e m . T h e r e w a s m o r e to this issue than the taking of an occasional hare or rabbit for t h e h u n g r y l a b o u r e r ' s p o t . E v e r s i n c e 1 7 5 5 , w h e n P a r l i a m e n t h a d ill-advisedly a t t e m p t e d to b a n trading in g a m e , so m a k i n g i n n k e e p e r s a n d u r b a n p o u l t e r e r s d e p e n d e n t o n illicit s o u r c e s o f s u p p l y , a l i v e l y commercial trade h a d flourished. Y e t the p r o b l e m does not s e e m to h a v e significantly increased during the w a r years, p e r h a p s b e c a u s e m i l i t a r y s e r v i c e s i p h o n e d off m a n y p o t e n t i a l p o a c h e r s . T h e r e a f t e r committals soared dramatically. In Wiltshire the average

annual

n u m b e r during the w a r years w a s about twelve rising to ninety-two by the early 1820s. In Bedfordshire over 1,300 p e r s o n s w e r e impris­ o n e d u n d e r the g a m e laws in the years 1 8 1 5 - 3 0 , m o r e than twice t h e n u m b e r c o m m i t t e d i n t h e p r e v i o u s fifty y e a r s . W h i l e d o u b t l e s s there was no single grand cause of poaching, any more than there w a s o n e for s m u g g l i n g o r p i c k p o c k e t i n g , t h e s e i n c r e a s e s w e r e l i n k e d , in t h e e y e s of observers such as L o r d C a e r n a r v o n a n d Sir T h o m a s Baring, with want of e m p l o y m e n t . 60

61

62

63

6 3

Y e t h o w e v e r infuriating to t h e

Hobsbawm and Rude, Swing, p. 61; P. E . Razzell and R. J. W . Wainwright, eds., The Victorian Working Class: Selections from the Morning Chronicle (1973), p. 51; Report of Special Assistant Commissioners on Women and Children in Agriculture, PP 1843, XII, p. 77. Hobsbawm and Rude, Swing, pp. 77-8; J. Glyde, Suffolk in the Nineteenth Century (1856), pp. 116-17. J. Rule, 'Social Crime in the Rural South in the Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries', Southern History, 1 (1979), p. 140. P. B. Munsche, Gentlemen and Poachers: The English Game Laws 1671-1831 (Cambridge, 1981), pp. 1 3 8 - 9 , 1 4 7 - 8 .

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g e n t r y , p o a c h i n g at l e a s t a p p e a r e d t o e m b o d y t h e intelligible p u r s u i t of s e l f - i n t e r e s t , w h e r e a s i n c e n d i a r i s m l a c k e d a n y s e m b l a n c e o f r a t i o n a ­ lity. I n t h e 1 8 2 0 s , b u t m o r e e s p e c i a l l y i n t h e 1 8 3 0 s a n d 1 8 4 0 s , u n p o p u ­ lar f a r m e r s , p o o r l a w g u a r d i a n s a n d u n f e e l i n g c l e r g y m e n as w e l l a s l a n d l o r d s w e r e p r i m e t a r g e t s . R u r a l i n c e n d i a r i s m in N o r f o l k a n d S u f ­ folk h a s b e e n t r a c e d in detail in a s t u d y w h i c h d i s c o v e r e d n o f e w e r t h a n 1,745 c a s e s for t h e p e r i o d 1 8 3 0 - 7 0 . T h e p e a k i n c i d e n c e o c c u r r e d in 1 8 4 3 - 4 w i t h o v e r 3 0 0 fires r e c o r d e d , w h i c h c o i n c i d e s w i t h r e p o r t s in The Times n e w s p a p e r o f i n c e n d i a r i s m in B e d f o r d s h i r e , E s s e x , K e n t and Nottinghamshire.

6 4

B y J u l y 1 8 4 4 , t h e N o r w i c h U n i o n Fire Office

w a s i n s t r u c t i n g its s u r v e y o r s t o e n q u i r e i n t o l a b o u r e r s ' w a g e s in vil­ l a g e s w h e r e i n c e n d i a r i s m h a d t a k e n p l a c e a n d t h r e e y e a r s later t h e village of Withersfield w a s blacklisted due to the p o o r relations existing b e t w e e n farmers and labourers, so that n o farmer could take out a n e w policy. At n o time thereafter w a s incendiarism perpetrated

on

q u i t e t h i s s c a l e , a l t h o u g h n o f e w e r t h a n 3 9 p e r c e n t o f rural p r i s o n e r s in t h e g a o l s o f B u r y S t E d m u n d s a n d I p s w i c h in 1 8 4 8 - 5 2 w e r e a r s o ­ nists.

6 5

B y its v e r y n a t u r e , fire-raising w a s u s u a l l y t h e w o r k o f a n i s o l a t e d i n d i v i d u a l fearful o f o p e n c o n f r o n t a t i o n . T h e first g e n e r a l i s e d distur­ b a n c e s o f t h e p e r i o d t o o k p l a c e in E a s t A n g l i a in 1 8 1 6 , a y e a r o f w i d e ­ spread

unemployment

coupled

with

high

prices.

Pressure

for

r e d u c t i o n s at H a v e r h i l l , B r a n d o n , a n d E l y w a s in l i n e w i t h e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y t r a d i t i o n s o f p o p u l a r p r o t e s t ; h o w e v e r , d e m a n d s for m o n e y with

menaces,

and

the

destruction

of threshing

machines

also

o c c u r r e d . A t l e a s t o n e p e r s o n d i e d in t h e m o s t s e r i o u s o u t b r e a k o f v i o l e n c e at L i t t l e p o r t a n d o f t h e s e v e n t y - f i v e p r i s o n e r s s u b s e q u e n t l y b r o u g h t to trial, m o s t l y l a b o u r e r s , t w e n t y - f o u r w e r e c a p i t a l l y c o n ­ v i c t e d . O f t h e s e , five w e r e h a n g e d , n i n e t r a n s p o r t e d a n d t e n i m p r i ­ s o n e d for t w e l v e m o n t h s .

6 6

Further attacks o n threshing m a c h i n e s

o c c u r r e d i n t h e n e i g h b o u r h o o d o f D i s s a n d E y e in t h e t h i r d w e e k of F e b r u a r y 1 8 2 2 a n d w e r e m e t b y t h e r a i s i n g o f a f o r c e o f 2 5 0 s p e c i a l constables and by troop m o v e m e n t s .

6 7

Perhaps the labourers were

c o w e d b y t h e s e d i s p l a y s o f a d e t e r m i n a t i o n b y t h e civil a u t h o r i t i e s in E a s t A n g l i a . A t all e v e n t s , t h e c e n t r e o f g r a v i t y o f t h e m u c h b e t t e r k n o w n S w i n g riots o f 1 8 3 0 - 1 l a y f u r t h e r t o t h e s o u t h ; 6 0 p e r c e n t 64

65

J. E . Archer, 'Rural Protest in Norfolk and Suffolk, 1830-70' (unpublished PhD thesis, University of East Anglia, 1982), pp. 163-5; The Times, 30 Dec. 1843. Archer, 'Rural Protest', pp. 186, 191; Glyde, Suffolk, pp. 144-5.

66

A . J . Peacock, Bread or Blood: The Agrarian Riots in East Anglia, 1816 (1965), p. 127.

67

Charlesworth, Atlas, p. 122.

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W . A. A R M S T R O N G

of 1,475 i n c i d e n t s e x a m i n e d i n t h e m o d e r n s t a n d a r d a c c o u n t o c c u r r e d in five c o u n t i e s ( B e r k s h i r e 1 6 5 , H a m p s h i r e 2 0 8 , K e n t 1 5 4 , S u s s e x 1 4 5 , Wiltshire 208). O n the other h a n d , comparatively few were located in t h e M i d l a n d s a n d t h e n o r t h ( W a r w i c k s h i r e 2 , S h r o p s h i r e 4 , N o t ­ tinghamshire 5, C h e s h i r e 4, e t c . ) .

6 8

T h e S w i n g riots w e r e triggered

by exceptional cold, hunger, and u n e m p l o y m e n t during the fearsome winter of 1829 a n d a n o t h e r m o d e s t harvest in prospect m u s t h a v e increased the labourers' pessimism during the summer

of 1830,

c o u p l e d , it is t h o u g h t , b y v a g u e l y s t i r r e d e x p e c t a t i o n s t u r n i n g

on

e v e n t s a c r o s s t h e C h a n n e l ( t h e J u l y R e v o l u t i o n ) a n d talk o f r a d i c a l r e f o r m . W h e n a s k e d o n a s e m i - s y s t e m a t i c b a s i s t w o y e a r s l a t e r for their views o n the causes of the 1830 riots, local worthies concentrated overwhelmingly u p o n l o w w a g e s a n d u n e m p l o y m e n t a n d to a lesser extent on the operations of the poor law, though H o b s b a w m

and

R u d e t e n d to see t h e s e as m e r e l y s y m p t o m a t i c of long-run t e n d e n c i e s towards proletarianisation and the degradation of the labourers' posi­ tion.

69

Y e t S w i n g - r e l a t e d i n c i d e n t s w e r e far f r o m b e i n g u n i v e r s a l

e v e n in v i l l a g e s o f t h e s o u t h a n d e a s t , a n d i n a s s e s s i n g t h e f a c t o r s p r e d i s p o s i n g s o m e t o riot a n d n o t o t h e r s , it is g e n e r a l l y a g r e e d t h a t m u c h w o r k remains to b e d o n e to isolate the relevant causes. V e r y m u c h c l e a r e r is t h e f o r m t h a t a c t i o n t o o k ; it w a s a g a i n d i r e c t e d c h i e f l y against the threshing m a c h i n e w h i c h h a d spread with rapidity during t h e w a r o n a c c o u n t o f l a b o u r s h o r t a g e s a n d c o n t i n u e d t o d o s o (in the interest of s p e e d in getting grain o n to the market) in t h e years that f o l l o w e d , to t h e d e t r i m e n t o f w i n t e r e m p l o y m e n t a m o n g t h e labourers. Despite the blood-curdling nature of s o m e of the S w i n g l e t t e r s , n o t a s i n g l e life w a s l o s t a m o n g t h e g e n t r y , c l e r g y , a n d f a r m e r s . Notwithstanding this moderation, and the obvious hardships w h i c h h a d impelled the labourers to such drastic courses of action, stern r e t r i b u t i o n w a s m e t e d o u t b o t h i n t h e r e g u l a r c o u r t s a n d at t h e h a n d s of s p e c i a l c o m m i s s i o n e r s . A m o n g 1 , 9 7 6 S w i n g r i o t e r s b r o u g h t to trial, 7 w e r e fined, 1 w h i p p e d , 6 4 4 g a o l e d , a n d 5 0 5 w e r e s e n t e n c e d t o t r a n s ­ portation. A n o t h e r 2 5 2 w e r e s e n t e n c e d to death, and execution w a s actually c a r r i e d o u t i n 1 9 c a s e s .

7 0

A s w e h a v e s e e n , c o v e r t p r o t e s t c o n t i n u e d for s o m e t i m e t o c o m e , but nothing in t h e nature of a cohesive social m o v e m e n t occurred 68

69

70

Hobsbawm and Rude, Swing, pp. 304-5. Ibid., pp. 8 1 - 2 . Ibid., pp. 308-9.

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a m o n g farm w o r k e r s before the advent of u n i o n i s m in the 1870s. T o explain w h y the S w i n g riots did not presage a series of ever-deepening conflicts a n u m b e r o f e x p l a n a t i o n s m a y b e c o n s i d e r e d . O n e h a s b e e n c h a r a c t e r i s e d a s t h e ' j a c k b o o t ' t h e o r y , w h e r e i n forcible r e p r e s s i o n looms large.

7 1

This m a y b e illustrated b y reference to the retribution

following the riots; to the role of w h a t r e m a i n e d in the postwar period of t h e Y e o m a n r y , a n d ad hoc civil d e f e n c e f o r c e s f o r m e d in 1 8 3 0 ; to the appearance of the police forces w h i c h county authorities were e m p o w e r e d to s e t u p after 1 8 3 9 ; a n d t o t h e o c c a s i o n a l i n v o c a t i o n o f t h e law in a palpably unjust w a y , notably in t h e f a m o u s case of the T o l p u d d l e M a r t y r s i n 1 8 3 4 , w h e n at t h e i n s t i g a t i o n o f a p a r t i c u l a r l y v i g o r o u s m a g i s t r a t e h a l f a d o z e n l e a d i n g spirits i n a n e m b r y o n i c village u n i o n w e r e c o n v i c t e d a n d t r a n s p o r t e d for a d m i n i s t e r i n g ' s e c r e t o a t h s ' u n d e r a n act p a s s e d i n 1 7 9 7 t o c o m b a t n a v a l m u t i n i e s . Y e t a s H o b s ­ b a w m a n d R u d e p o i n t o u t , e v e n at t h e h e i g h t o f t h e S w i n g riots responses to the labourers' actions were 'uncertain and

divided',

72

a n d a m o r e p l a u s i b l e v i e w is t h a t in t h e p o s t - S w i n g e r a s o c i a l t e n s i o n s w e r e c o n t a i n e d b y m o r e subtle m e a n s of paternalistic social control. For e x a m p l e , the distribution of charity lay in the h a n d s of Anglican p a r s o n s as trustees or administrators a n d in the later reflections of Joseph Arch, 'with b o w e d head and b e n d e d knee the poor learned to receive from the rich w h a t w a s only their due, h a d t h e y but k n o w n it'.

7 3

T h e d e v i c e o f a l l o t m e n t s w a s u s e d t o s i m i l a r effect. T h e s e h a d

l o n g b e e n a d v o c a t e d b y w e l l - i n t e n t i o n e d p e r s o n s , b u t it w a s n o coinci­ d e n c e that Parliament decided, in O c t o b e r 1831, to e x t e n d the existing s c o p e for p a r i s h e s t o f o r m a l l o t m e n t s , w h i l s t n u m e r o u s p r i v a t e l a n d ­ lords took similar steps in t h e i m m e d i a t e aftermath of S w i n g . T h e u p s h o t w a s that allotment s c h e m e s w e r e k n o w n in 4 2 per cent of E n g l i s h p a r i s h e s b y 1 8 3 3 a n d i n s o m e i n s t a n c e s ( e . g . O a k l e y in B e d ­ fordshire) h a d b e e n introduced with the a v o w e d aim of 'curing the place'.

7 4

W h a t e v e r b e n e f i t s w e r e c o n f e r r e d o n t h e l a b o u r e r s ( a n d in

certain circumstances these could b e considerable) proponents of the t h e s i s o f s o c i a l c o n t r o l t e n d to s e e i n a l l o t m e n t s y e t a n o t h e r l e v e r o v e r t h e c o n d u c t o f t h e m e n s e l e c t e d . A n o t h e r a g e n c y c o n d u c i v e to 71

72 73 74

F. M. L . Thompson, 'Landowners and the Rural Community', in Mingay, ed., Victorian Countryside, vol. 2, p. 457. Hobsbawm and Rude, Swing, p. 258. J. G. O'Leary, ed., The Autobiography of Joseph Arch (1966), p. 24. D. C. Barnett, 'Allotments and the Problem of Rural Poverty', in E. L. Jones and G. E . Mingay, eds., Land, Labour and Population in the Industrial Revolution (1967), p. 172; Agar, Bedfordshire Farm Worker, p. 22.

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social d i s c i p l i n e w a s t h e v i l l a g e s c h o o l . A t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e n i n e ­ teenth century m a n y parishes lacked a day school, and the S u n d a y s c h o o l s w h i c h h a d r e c e n t l y s p r u n g i n t o e x i s t e n c e in l a r g e n u m b e r s w e r e often o p p o s e d b y the clergy, suspicious of the m o t i v e s of the nonconformists w h o usually ran t h e m . Increasingly the view gained g r o u n d that schooling should b e e n c o u r a g e d so as 'to c o m m u n i c a t e to t h e p o o r g e n e r a l l y . . . s u c h k n o w l e d g e a n d h a b i t s as are sufficient to g u i d e t h e m t h r o u g h life i n t h e i r p r o p e r s t a t i o n s . . . a n d t o t r a i n t h e m to a p e r f o r m a n c e o f t h e i r r e l i g i o u s d u t i e s b y e a r l y d i s c i p l i n e ' .

75

Progress was especially rapid from the 1820s. In D e v o n nineteen s c h o o l s w e r e e s t a b l i s h e d , chiefly u n d e r t h e a u s p i c e s o f t h e N a t i o n a l S o c i e t y , in 1 8 2 1 - 3 0 , f o r t y - t h r e e in 1 8 3 1 - 4 0 a n d sixty-four i n 1 8 4 1 - 5 0 ,

7 6

a t r e n d g e n e r a l i n E n g l a n d to a g r e a t e r o r l e s s e r e x t e n t . T h e n o n c o n ­ f o r m i s t s p l a y e d a m o r e significant r o l e i n S u n d a y s c h o o l p r o v i s i o n a l t h o u g h , it m a y b e a r g u e d , t h e i r e s s e n t i a l o b j e c t i v e w a s t h e s a m e : t o p r e p a r e t h e offspring o f l a b o u r i n g m e n t o m e e k a c c e p t a n c e o f a life o f h o n e s t toil. Y e t , it s e e m s , l a n d l o r d s w e r e erratic s u p p o r t e r s of village s c h o o l s a n d m a n y f a r m e r s r e m a i n e d p o s i t i v e l y h o s t i l e to t h e i d e a t h a t e d u c a t i o n c o u l d b e o f v a l u e to t h e l a b o u r i n g p o o r . T h e c l e r g y m e n w h o played a disproportionate role in initiating a n d sus­ t a i n i n g s c h o o l s o f t e n h a d t o fight a c o n s t a n t b a t t l e a g a i n s t a p a t h y a n d s h o r t a g e s o f f u n d s , all o f w h i c h p o s e s a q u e s t i o n m a r k o v e r t h e persistence with w h i c h the goal of social control w a s positively pur­ s u e d . I n d e e d it h a s b e e n s u g g e s t e d t h a t a g r e a t m a n y , p e r h a p s t h e s i l e n t m a j o r i t y , o f l a n d l o r d s w e r e s i m p l y n o t sufficiently a c t i v e , i m a g i ­ n a t i v e , o r r e s p o n s i b l e to try to u s e t h e i r p o s i t i o n t o m a s s a g e t h e rural c o m m u n i t y in a n y systematic w a y .

7 7

A Professor of Sociology h a s s u g g e s t e d that in gauging t h e potential of p e a s a n t m o v e m e n t s , it is i m p o r t a n t t o a s s e s s ' t h e number

. . . who

might b e c o n s c i o u s o f t h e c o m m u n a l i t y o f t h e i r p r o b l e m s , a n d t h e quality o f t h a t c o n s c i o u s n e s s . . . as c o m p a r e d w i t h t h e n u m b e r w h o are t h u s c o n s c i o u s ' .

7 8

T h i s a p p r o a c h , a s w e l l as t h r o w i n g s o m e l i g h t

o n t h e m o d e s t a c h i e v e m e n t s o f t h e S w i n g r i o t e r s , offers a t h i r d e x p l a ­ nation of the relative q u i e s c e n c e of the e n s u i n g d e c a d e s . T o b e g i n 75

76

77 78

First Annual Report of the National Society for Promoting the Education of the Poor in the Principles of the Established Church, 1812, quoted in P. Horn, The Rural World, 1780-1850(1980), p. 134. R. R. Sellman, Devon Village Schools in the Nineteenth Century (Newton Abbot, 1967), p. 25. Thompson, 'Landowners and the Rural Community', pp. 458-9. H. A. Landsberger, ed., Rural Protest: Peasant Movements and Social Change (1974), p. 20.

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w i t h , it is e a s y t o u n d e r e s t i m a t e t h e n u m b e r o f t h o s e w h o s e i n t e r e s t ( w h e t h e r correctly perceived or not) lay in u p h o l d i n g t h e forces of o r d e r a n d stability. T h e y i n c l u d e d as w e l l a s all l a n d l o r d s , c l e r g y m e n , and farmers, the great majority of professional m e n ,

tradespeople,

a n d c r a f t s m e n w h o w e r e i n a m i n o r i t y at t h e l e v e l o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l village, but a b o u n d e d in e v e n m i n o r market t o w n s a n d thus formed a c o n s i d e r a b l e p r o p o r t i o n o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n o f e v e r y r u r a l district. Like the s h o p k e e p e r s of O l d h a m w h o w e r e reluctant to offend their working-class customers,

7 9

these m e n h a d to consider the mainstay

of t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s . T o c o u r t t h e d i s f a v o u r o f a l a n d l o r d w a s u n l i k e l y t o b e h e l p f u l at t h e r e n e w a l o f a l e a s e a n d e v e n w h e r e a m a n w a s a f r e e h o l d e r t h e r e w a s n o t h i n g to b e g a i n e d f r o m g i v i n g o f f e n c e t o h i s b e s t c u s t o m e r s . T h e s e tacit a l l i a n c e s w e r e c e m e n t e d in c h u r c h a n d in chapel. In the p r e d o m i n a n t l y A n g l i c a n counties of s o u t h e r n E n g l a n d s u c h l a y offices as t h e C h u r c h o f E n g l a n d p r o v i d e d monopolised by tradespeople

and farmers, and the position

were was

s c a r c e l y different i n t h o s e p a r t s o f t h e c o u n t r y w h e r e n o n c o n f o r m i t y was more strongly entrenched. Thus, a m o n g the Wesley an congre­ g a t i o n s o f S o u t h L i n d s e y , c r a f t s m e n a n d s h o p k e e p e r s a c c o u n t e d for 3 5 p e r c e n t o f all circuit s t e w a r d s a n d 3 4 p e r c e n t o f c l a s s l e a d e r s i n 1 8 5 1 , c l o s e l y a p p r o a c h i n g t h e n u m b e r o f office h o l d e r s w h o w e r e f a r m e r s . A t B a r d n e y i n t h e s a m e district, s o m e s h r e w d m e n w e r e s a i d to a t t e n d b o t h c h u r c h a n d c h a p e l , ' f o r t h e s a k e o f c u s t o m ' . E v e n a m o n g the Primitive Methodists, craftsmen with farmers accounted for 4 9 p e r c e n t o f l o c a l p r e a c h e r s a n d 5 8 p e r c e n t o f c h i e f s u p p o r t e r s identified.

80

A m o n g these n u m e r o u s people, w e m a y be sure,

the

perpetration or e n c o u r a g e m e n t of acts of social protest w a s rare i n d e e d a n d , a l t h o u g h H o b s b a w m a n d R u d e identify 1 4 2 c r a f t s m e n

among

1,000 S w i n g p r i s o n e r s w h o s e o c c u p a t i o n s w e r e a n a l y s e d , w e

may

surmise that these w e r e j o u r n e y m e n and, perhaps, out of employ, for t h e t r a d e s w e r e n o t i m m u n e f r o m t h e e c o n o m i c p r e s s u r e s o f t h e t i m e . A s a w h o l e , t h e i r figures s e r v e a s a r e m i n d e r t h a t t h e e p i s o d e w a s , as t h e H a m m o n d s c h a r a c t e r i s e d it, e s s e n t i a l l y a l a b o u r e r s ' m o v e ­ ment

8 1

a n d to these m e n w e m a y n o w turn our attention with L a n d s -

b e r g e r ' s w o r d s in m i n d . First, t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r e r s w e r e n o t i n a m a j o r i t y i n r u r a l 79

J. Foster, Class Struggle and the Industrial Revolution (1974), pp. 1 5 0 , 1 6 9 - 7 0 .

80

J. Obelkevich, Religion and Rural Society: South Lindsey, 1825-75 (Oxford, 1976), pp.

81

195, 202, 239. Hobsbawm and Rude, Swing, p. 245; J. L and B. Hammond, The Village Labourer, new edn (1978), chaps. 1 0 , 1 1 .

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112

W . A. A R M S T R O N G

England. Although they were the largest single occupational group in t h e c o u n t r y s i d e , t h e i r n u m b e r s w e r e i n c r e a s i n g o n l y s l o w l y a n d t h e y d i d n o t p r e d o m i n a t e a b s o l u t e l y o v e r all o t h e r c a t e g o r i e s , a p o i n t w h i c h is s o m e t i m e s o v e r l o o k e d w h e n a t t e n t i o n is f o c u s s e d o n h i g h l a b o u r e r - f a r m e r r a t i o s at t h e v i l l a g e l e v e l . T a k i n g t h e fifteen E n g l i s h counties d e e m e d primarily agricultural b y D e a n e a n d Cole, in only t w o ( B e d f o r d s h i r e a n d Suffolk) d i d a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r e r s , a s a p r o p o r ­ tion of m a l e s over the age of t w e n t y , r e a c h 5 1 per cent in 1831. For the rest the proportion averaged 45 per cent a n d in m o s t English c o u n t i e s it w a s m u c h l o w e r .

8 2

Secondly, distress w a s strongly regiona-

lised. For r e a s o n s already t o u c h e d on, w a g e s in the north w e r e consis­ t e n t l y b e t t e r ; i n 1 8 5 1 t h e y w e r e a c c o u n t e d b y C a i r d to b e 3 7 p e r c e n t h i g h e r n o r t h o f a l i n e falling b e t w e e n t h e W a s h a n d t h e D e e e s t u a r y . S t u d e n t s of the position of the labourer in Lancashire, N o t t i n g h a m ­ shire, a n d C h e s h i r e h a v e inferred increases in real w a g e s a m o n g farm w o r k e r s t h r o u g h t h e y e a r s o f t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l d e p r e s s i o n , d u e chiefly to p r i c e m o v e m e n t s ,

8 3

and that argument appears capable of being

e x t e n d e d t o t h o s e s o u t h e r n e r s (a m i n o r i t y , n o d o u b t , b u t

perhaps

m o r e s u b s t a n t i a l t h a n is s o m e t i m e s a s s u m e d ) w h o , as ' c o n s t a n t m e n ' , could d e p e n d on regular work. Moreover, a m o n g the day-labourers, it is a l m o s t c e r t a i n t h a t t h o s e m o s t v u l n e r a b l e t o u n d e r e m p l o y m e n t or u n e m p l o y m e n t w e r e t h e a g e d o r s e m i - i n f i r m a n d y o u n g m e n w h o , not having families to support, w e r e accorded lowest priority a n d s u f f e r e d t h e m o s t i n c o n s i d e r a t e t r e a t m e n t at t h e h a n d s o f t h e p o o r law.

Y o u t h s feature p r o m i n e n t l y in m a n y c o n t e m p o r a r y accounts of

the S w i n g riots, t h o u g h not to the s a m e extent a m o n g t h o s e b r o u g h t t o trial, a n d a m o n g t h e a r s o n i s t s w h o a p p e a r e d b e f o r e t h e a s s i z e s i n 1 8 4 4 , t h e average a g e o f t h o s e c o n v i c t e d w a s o n l y 2 4 . 3 a n d o f t h o s e acquitted, 2 2 . 3 .

8 4

Taken together, these points somewhat narrow the

s c o p e for c o n t e m p o r a r y r e c o g n i t i o n o f t h e ' c o m m u n a l i t y o f p r o b l e m s ' i n rural E n g l a n d , a n d it r e m a i n s t o a d d 82

83

84

that the quality of the

1831 Census of Great Britain, Enumeration Abstract, II, relating (by county), 'Labourers Employed in Agriculture' to 'Males Twenty Years of Age'. All towns of 10,000 or more are excluded from these calculations. J. Caird, English Agriculture in 1850-51, 2nd edn (1968), pp. 511-12; J. D. Marshall, 'The Lancashire Rural Labourer in the Early Nineteenth Century', Transactions of the Lancashire and Cheshire Antiquarian Society, 71 (1961), pp. 115,117; J. D. Marshall, 'Nottinghamshire Labourers in the Early Nineteenth Century', Transactions of the Thornton Society, 64 (1961), pp. 6 0 - 1 , 69; C. S. Davies, The Agricultural History of Cheshire, 1750-1850 (Manchester, 1960), p. 86. Hobsbawm and Rude, Swing, p. 247; D. Jones, 'Thomas Campbell Foster and the Rural Labourer: Incendiarism in East Anglia in the 1840s', Social History, 1 (1976), p. 20.

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c o n s c i o u s n e s s o f e v e n t h e m o s t d e s p e r a t e w a s l o w . E s s e n t i a l l y , all t h a t t h e y s o u g h t w a s g r e a t e r s e c u r i t y o f e m p l o y m e n t at a m o d e s t l y i m p r o v e d w a g e l e v e l . T h e r e w a s n o v i s i o n o f o v e r t h r o w i n g t h e rural social o r d e r a n d , i n p a r t i c u l a r , n o call for t h e e x p r o p r i a t i o n a n d redistri­ b u t i o n o f t h e l a n d . C o n s e q u e n t l y , it is n o t s u r p r i s i n g t h a t t h e f o u n d a ­ tions of English rural society survived their m o s t searching test in modern times, substantially unaltered.

Ill A b o u t 1 8 5 1 t h e n u m b e r e n g a g e d in B r i t i s h a g r i c u l t u r e r e a c h e d its r e c o r d e d p e a k , at 2 . 0 m o r 1 9 . 4 p e r c e n t o f t h e o c c u p i e d p o p u l a t i o n a n d t h e n fell to 1 . 3 8 m i n 1 9 1 1 . M e a n w h i l e , a l t h o u g h t h e r e a l o u t p u t of a g r i c u l t u r e c o n t i n u e d to i n c r e a s e ( m o d e s t l y i n a g g r e g a t e a l t h o u g h , o b v i o u s l y , m u c h m o r e r a p i d l y o n a p e r c a p i t a b a s i s ) , it c o n t r i b u t e d a d i m i n i s h i n g p r o p o r t i o n to t h e n a t i o n a l i n c o m e , r e d u c i n g to u n d e r 6 p e r c e n t b y t h e first d e c a d e o f t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y .

8 5

Such were

t h e s e c u l a r t r e n d s ; h o w e v e r , w h e n a t t e n t i o n is f o c u s s e d o n v a r i a t i o n s in t h e p r o s p e r i t y o f f a r m i n g it is u s u a l to d i s t i n g u i s h t h r e e b r o a d p h a s e s . T h e first, o f t e n c h a r a c t e r i s e d a s t h e ' G o l d e n A g e ' o f f a r m i n g , c o m m e n c e d e a r l y i n t h e 1 8 5 0 s . It f e a t u r e d c o r n p r i c e s w h i c h w e r e at l e a s t r e m u n e r a t i v e d e s p i t e t h e a b o l i t i o n o f t h e c o r n l a w s a n d t h e e n l a r g e m e n t a n d consolidation of holdings, i m p r o v e m e n t s in m a n u r ­ ing, d r a i n a g e a n d f a r m b u i l d i n g s , a n d a b r i s k t r a d e in m a c h i n e r y . M o n e y p o u r e d i n t o l a n d , a n d r e n t a l s r o s e w h i l e still a l l o w i n g f a r m e r s to m a k e profits. M o d e r n a u t h o r s h a v e s t r e s s e d t h e critical s i g n i f i c a n c e of b u o y a n t m e a t a n d d a i r y p r i c e s b a c k e d b y r i s i n g u r b a n

demand.

T h e s e i n d u c e d a d i s c e r n i b l e shift t o w a r d s l i v e s t o c k p r o d u c t i o n b a s e d on intensifying animal enterprises within mixed farming, using con­ s i d e r a b l e q u a n t i t i e s o f g r a i n s t u f f s g r o w n w i t h t h e aid o f h e a v y c o s t s for l a b o u r a n d artificial i n p u t s to f a t t e n s t o c k .

8 6

However, adjustments

to c h a n g i n g p r i c e - r e l a t i v i t i e s w e r e b y n o m e a n s c o m p l e t e , a n d m a n y f a r m e r s w e r e left w i t h a n o v e r c o m m i t m e n t t o c e r e a l p r o d u c t i o n w h i c h they w o u l d c o m e to regret w h e n , during the e n s u i n g period of the ' G r e a t D e p r e s s i o n ' , a f l o o d o f i m p o r t s , facilitated b y m a s s i v e r e d u c ­ t i o n s i n freight r a t e s b y l a n d a n d s e a , l e d t o a c o l l a p s e o f p r i c e s . Between 1873 and 85

86

1 8 9 4 t h e p r i c e o f w h e a t fell f r o m 5 7 s . 8 d . to

F. D. W . Taylor, 'United Kingdom: Numbers in Agriculture', The Farm Economist, 8 (1955), pp. 3 8 - 9 , related to total occupied population in Mitchell and Deane,

Abstract, p. 60; Deane and Cole, British Economic Growth, p. 175. Jones, Development of English Agriculture, pp. 17-25.

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114

W.

A.

ARMSTRONG

2 2 s . 1 0 d . p e r q u a r t e r a n d t h e a r e a u n d e r c o r n c u l t i v a t i o n in E n g l a n d shrank by some 24 per cent. Undoubtedly the Royal Commissions on the State of Agriculture (1879,1892) w e r e biased towards large-scale c e r e a l p r o d u c e r s a n d t h e fall in c o r n p r i c e s c e r t a i n l y w o r k e d t o t h e a d v a n t a g e o f t h o s e l i v e s t o c k f a r m e r s for w h o m g r a i n s t u f f s w e r e s i m p l y a n i n p u t . T h e y a l s o s e r v e d to b e n e f i t t h e u r b a n c o n s u m e r b y g i v i n g h i m a n e x t r a m a r g i n for e x p e n d i t u r e bread.

8 7

u p o n foodstuffs

other

than

It is t r u e t h a t t h e s e e x p a n d i n g m a r k e t s h a d to b e s h a r e d w i t h

f o r e i g n p r o d u c e r s , as t h e a d v e n t o f r e f r i g e r a t i o n b r o u g h t r i s i n g i m p o r t ­ ations of dead meat from America, N e w Zealand, and the Argentine f r o m t h e 1 8 8 0 s . E v e n s o t h e r e is n o d o u b t t h a t t h e ' G r e a t D e p r e s s i o n ' w a s u n e v e n in its i n c i d e n c e o n b o t h a s e c t o r a l a n d r e g i o n a l b a s i s . After 1 8 9 4 t h e c o r n e r w a s t u r n e d as w o r l d d e m a n d for grainstuffs b e g a n to c a t c h u p w i t h t h e v a s t i n c r e a s e s in s u p p l y t h a t h a d c o m e a b o u t since the 1870s. A slow but steady a d v a n c e in farm prices w a s evident, a n d r e f l e c t e d in a s t a b i l i s a t i o n o f c r o p p i n g a g g r e g a t e s in g r a z i n g a n d a r a b l e districts a l i k e . H o w e v e r ,

by the Edwardian

period British

f a r m e r s r e t a i n e d a m o n o p o l y o f t h e h o m e m a r k e t in o n l y m i l k a n d market garden produce. By 1905-9 h o m e producers supplied

only

25 per cent of the wheat, 60 per cent o f barley, a n d 74 per cent of o a t s c o n s u m e d in B r i t a i n , a n d s o m e 4 7 p e r c e n t o f b e e f , m u t t o n , a n d lamb, 76 per cent of cheese, and 87 per cent of butter w a s i m p o r t e d .

8 8

In t h e e y e s o f a g r a r i a n h i s t o r i a n s , t h e y e a r s f r o m t h e G r e a t E x h i b i t i o n to t h e First W o r l d W a r t h u s s h o w e d a d i v e r s i t y o f e x p e r i e n c e , y e t f r o m t h e s t a n d p o i n t of t h e s o c i a l h i s t o r i a n t h e p e r i o d h a s a c e r t a i n u n i t y , v i e w e d f r o m at l e a s t t h r e e a n g l e s . J u s t as a g r i c u l t u r e w a s left to its o w n d e v i c e s , to r e s p o n d o r n o t t o m a r k e t c o n d i t i o n s u n d e r free t r a d e , s o a l s o w a s laissez-faire t h e o r d e r o f t h e d a y i n r e l a t i o n to rural s o c i a l affairs. T h e m a j o r r e o r d e r i n g e n t a i l e d in t h e 1 8 3 4 r e f o r m of t h e p o o r l a w s w a s n o t m a t c h e d b y f u r t h e r c h a n g e s o f s i g n i f i c a n c e u n t i l t h e a d v e n t o f c o u n t y c o u n c i l s ( 1 8 8 8 ) f o l l o w e d s o o n b y rural dis­ trict a n d p a r i s h c o u n c i l s ( 1 8 9 4 ) . O t h e r w i s e , t h e o n l y i m p o r t a n t l e g i s l a ­ t i o n p a s s e d w i t h specifically rural p r o b l e m s i n m i n d r e l a t e d t o t h e u s e of the labour of minors, in the G a n g s Act of 1869 a n d the Agricul­ tural C h i l d r e n ' s A c t o f 1 8 7 3 . T h e a g e n c i e s w h i c h p o s i t i v e l y s h a p e d changes 87

88

in

rural

society were,

first,

urban-industrial

influences

T. W. Fletcher, 'The Great Depression of English Agriculture, 1873-96', Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 13 (1961), pp. 418-19, 423-4, 425-30. Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food, A Century of Agricultural Statistics, Great

Britain, 1866-1966

(1968), pp. 47, 57.

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including i m p r o v e d s y s t e m s of distribution in w h i c h the railway w a s especially important and secondly, the persistent drain of population from rural areas to the t o w n , often referred to as ' T h e Flight from the Land'.

B y 1 8 5 0 , a l t h o u g h a g g r e g a t e r a i l w a y m i l e a g e w a s still o n l y 6 , 2 0 0 , t h e m a i n l i n e s w e r e a l r e a d y laid a n d t h e s e c o n d h a l f o f t h e c e n t u r y s a w a great multiplication of local a n d feeder services w h i c h approximately tripled railway mileage in Britain b y 1900. E v e r y w h e r e railways w e r e w e l c o m e d as the very s y m b o l of progress. T h e y gave farmers easier access to urban markets and reduced costs. Increasingly the railway b e c a m e t h e e s s e n t i a l l i n k b e t w e e n t h e r e a r e r s o f s t o r e cattle a n d s h e e p i n t h e hill districts a n d l o w l a n d f a t t e n e r s , w h i l s t t h e l a t t e r s t o o d to g a i n a l s o f r o m e c o n o m i e s m a d e in d e s p a t c h i n g t h e b e a s t s t o t h e i r final d e s t i n a t i o n s . J o h n H u d s o n , a m a j o r t e n a n t o f L o r d L e i c e s t e r at H o l k h a m told Caird that his s h e e p h a d lost an average of 101b a n d b u l l o c k s 2 8 1 b o n t h e i r j o u r n e y s to L o n d o n , c o s t i n g h i m s o m e £ 6 0 0 per a n n u m , w h i c h loss w a s virtually eliminated with the advent of the railways.

89

T h e i r s e c o n d effect w a s t o i m p r o v e t h e p r o s p e c t s o f

d a i r y m e n a s m o r e r e m o t e districts w e r e p u t in t o u c h w i t h p o t e n t i a l u r b a n m a r k e t s . T h e cattle p l a g u e o f 1 8 6 5 - 6 , w h i c h s w e p t a w a y m a n y u r b a n c o w k e e p e r s , c o u p l e d w i t h t h e i n c r e a s i n g l y b u s y activities o f p u b l i c a n a l y s t s a n d m e d i c a l officers o f h e a l t h , p r o m p t e d m i l k d e a l e r s t o s e e k s u p p l i e s f r o m d i s t a n t s o u r c e s , a t r a d e s o o n facilitated b y s p e c i a l milk trains carrying tin-plated metal churns w h i c h rapidly replaced w o o d e n t u b s for c o n v e n i e n c e o f h a n d l i n g . Jefferies i n s t a n c e d t h e ' g e n e r a l stir a n d m o v e m e n t ' i m p a r t e d t o t h e w e s t e r n d a i r y districts, a n d in t h e north, t h e c o m i n g of the railway to W e n s l e y d a l e in 1877 c r e a t e d a n e w m a r k e t i n L e e d s , N e w c a s t l e , a n d L i v e r p o o l for m i l k that would previously have b e e n m a d e into butter and c h e e s e .

9 0

Other

b e n e f i t s d i r e c t l y a t t r i b u t a b l e t o t h e r a i l w a y s i n c l u d e d t h e arrival i n t h e south of c h e a p e r coal; great i m p r o v e m e n t s in postal services (the p e n n y post w o u l d not otherwise have b e e n possible); cheap rates for t h e t r a n s m i s s i o n o f n e w s p a p e r s i n b u l k a n d t h e g r o w t h o f t h e telegraph s y s t e m , originating in the n e e d to transmit

information

a b o u t t h e m o v e m e n t o f t r a i n s . A l l t h e s e s e r v e d to r e d u c e r u r a l i s o l a t i o n a n d t h e h o r i z o n s o f v i l l a g e r s w e r e b r o a d e n e d b y t h e availability o f 89

90

Caird, English Agriculture, pp. 169-70. R. Jefferies, Hodge and his Masters, new edn (1979), p. 296; P. S. Bagwell, T h e Decline of Rural Isolation', in Mingay, ed., Victorian Countryside, vol. 1, p. 37.

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W. A. A R M S T R O N G

c h e a p d a y t i c k e t s t o t o w n , t o m a r k e t , a n d , f r o m t i m e to t i m e , b y o r g a n i s e d e x c u r s i o n s . B y 1 8 9 2 , it w a s s a i d , i n t h e v i l l a g e p u b l i c h o u s e the

absorbing topics were

'no longer bucolic themes, but

n i s c e n c e s o f t h e l a t e s t trip t o t o w n ' .

9 1

remi­

Finally, the railway provided

a s o u r c e o f n e w j o b s . T h i s o c c u r r e d first in t h e initial s t a g e s o f c o n s t r u c ­ t i o n ; t h e r a i l w a y , it is c l a i m e d , first g a v e t h e N o r f o l k l a b o u r e r a n o p p o r ­ t u n i t y to e s c a p e h i s u n e n v i a b l e lot, w i t h t h e N o r w i c h - B r a n d o n a n d W y m o n d h a m - D e r e h a m lines of 1845 and 1846 respectively. a l s o offered p e r m a n e n t

92

posts with unusual security, which

They were

a m o n g t h e m o s t attractive a l t e r n a t i v e s t o w o r k o n t h e l a n d . H o w e v e r , it b e c a m e i n c r e a s i n g l y a p p a r e n t t h a t , like e n c l o s u r e s , t h e r a i l w a y s w e r e n o t a n u n m i t i g a t e d b o o n . It w a s n o t t h e i r i m p a c t o n existing systems of transport

w h i c h g a v e c a u s e for c o n c e r n ,

for

although coaching soon succumbed and numerous inns descended to t h e s t a t u s o f p o t - h o u s e s , t h e r a i l w a y s e x p a n d e d t h e l o c a l c a r r y i n g trade.

93

Rather, the p r o b l e m lay in the exposure of village s h o p ­

k e e p e r s a n d c r a f t s m e n to t h e d r a u g h t o f u r b a n a n d f a c t o r y c o m p e ­ t i t i o n . I n p r i n c i p l e , t h e g r o w t h o f retail s h o p k e e p i n g w a s

favoured

not only b y the expansion of the market but also b y a persistent longt e r m d e c l i n e in t h e n u m b e r o f fairs, w h o s e n u m b e r s a r e c a l c u l a t e d to h a v e d e c l i n e d i n E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s f r o m 1 , 6 9 1 i n 1 7 9 2 t o 1,055 in 1 8 8 8 , a g o o d l y n u m b e r failing t o s u r v i v e t h e F a i r s A c t o f 1 8 7 1 w h i c h e n a b l e d local authorities, with the c o n s e n t of the H o m e Secretary, to a b o l i s h t h e m .

9 4

H o w e v e r , t h e b e n e f i t s to r e t a i l e r s w e r e u n e q u a l l y

d i s t r i b u t e d . S m a l l v i l l a g e s h o p s c o n t i n u e d t o p l a y a significant r o l e , n o t l e a s t (like t h e c o r n e r - s h o p s o f l a r g e cities) b y e x t e n d i n g c r e d i t to t h e i r h u m b l e r p a t r o n s , b u t i n e v i t a b l y t h e y c h a r g e d p r i c e s c o n s i d e r a ­ bly h i g h e r t h a n t h o s e ruling in the t o w n s , a point r e m a r k e d o n by, a m o n g others, M a u d e Davies comparing Corsley (Wiltshire) and York in 1 9 0 9 .

9 5

Y e t increasing proportions of perishable g o o d s a n d factory-

m a d e p r o d u c t s c a m e to b e s o l d a c r o s s t h e c o u n t e r s o f s h o p s i n s u c h r e g i o n a l c e n t r e s as C a n t e r b u r y , w i t h a p o p u l a t i o n o f 2 2 , 0 0 0 in 1 8 8 9 . H e r e w e r e , inter alia, fifty-eight g r o c e r s a n d t e a d e a l e r s ( i n c l u d i n g

P. A. Graham, The Rural Exodus (1892), pp. 77-8. L. M. Springall, Labouring Life in Norfolk Villages, 1834-1914 (1936), p. 48. A. M. Everitt, ed., Perspectives in English Urban History (1973), chap. 8, offers a useful study of the village carrier in Leicestershire. R. H. Rew, An Agricultural Faggott (1913), pp. 4 4 - 5 . M. F. Davies, Life in an English Country Village: An Economic and Historical Survey of the Parish of Corsley in Wiltshire (1909), p. 140.

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a branch of the International T e a C o m p a n y ) ; sixteen m e n ' s clothiers a n d outfitters; t h i r t e e n b o o t a n d s h o e ' w a r e h o u s e s ' i n c l u d i n g a b r a n c h of F r e e m a n , H a r d y , a n d W i l l i s ; five d e a l e r s i n l a m p s , oil, a n d paraffin; four s e w i n g m a c h i n e a g e n t s ; a b i c y c l e s h o p ; t h r e e p r e c o c i o u s a n t i q u e dealers; and, h a p p y to note, a 'cricket bat, ball a n d s t u m p w a r e h o u s e ' . W i t h r a i l w a y s f e e d i n g c u s t o m e r s i n t o C a n t e r b u r y f r o m five d i r e c t i o n s , it w a s w e l l p l a c e d t o s e r v e m a n y o f t h e n e e d s o f d o z e n s o f v i l l a g e s .

96

In t h e s p h e r e o f p r o d u c t i o n t h e b r o a d - b a s e d t e c h n o l o g i c a l c h a n g e s of t h e V i c t o r i a n a g e t e n d e d n o t o n l y t o u n d e r m i n e t h e p o s i t i o n o f the village craftsmen, but also favoured concentration into larger units, not least in industries processing farm products. At H o r s h a m , H e n r y Mitchell b r e w e d about 4 0 0 quarters of malt annually in the 1830s a n d by 1868, 3,075; during the intervening years he had acquired a n e w b r e w e r y , e n l a r g e d t w i c e a n d a d a p t e d to s t e a m , a n e w

malthouse,

a n d a succession of tied public h o u s e s . At Banbury, H u n t ' s brewery b y 1 9 0 0 h a d t a k e n o v e r f o u r s m a l l e r e n t e r p r i s e s a n d a c q u i r e d at l e a s t 114 t i e d h o u s e s .

9 7

Corn milling, too, was transformed. In 1850 there

w e r e a f e w s t e a m - p o w e r e d u n i t s in t h e l a r g e r t o w n s , b u t m o s t flour w a s still g r o u n d i n m i l l s r e l i a n t o n w i n d a n d w a t e r p o w e r . A f t e r 1 8 7 5 t h e i n d u s t r y w a s v i r t u a l l y r e v o l u t i o n i s e d b y roller m i l l i n g , w h i c h w a s f o u n d n e c e s s a r y i n o r d e r t o t a k e a d v a n t a g e o f t h e s e e m i n g l y illimitable s u p p l i e s o f A m e r i c a n w h e a t a n d to b e a t off t h e t h r e a t o f f o r e i g n m i l l e r s u n l o a d i n g flour o n t h e B r i t i s h m a r k e t . T h e first a u t o m a t i c r o l l e r mill i n B r i t a i n w a s o p e n e d at M a n c h e s t e r i n 1 8 7 9 a n d i n c r e a s i n g l y t h e i n d u s t r y c a m e to b e c o n c e n t r a t e d i n t h e m o r e i m p o r t a n t m a r k e t t o w n s , l a r g e cities, a n d , a b o v e all, t h e p o r t s . M e a n w h i l e t h e n u m b e r o f i n d e ­ p e n d e n t country mills rapidly declined. At Bridlington w h e r e there w e r e n o fewer t h e n ten mills in 1853, only three w e r e operational by 1 9 0 0 .

9 8

In the boot and shoe industry, the clearest case of c o n c e n ­

tration c o m e s from S o m e r s e t . At Street, C. and J . Clark s u c c e e d e d by using m e c h a n i s e d m e t h o d s in quadrupling their annual production (to 8 0 0 , 0 0 0 p a i r s ) b e t w e e n 1 8 6 1 a n d 1 9 0 1 . T h i s w a s a c c o m p l i s h e d w i t h o n l y a m o d e s t i n c r e a s e i n t h e l a b o u r f o r c e , f r o m 9 0 0 to 1 , 2 5 0 . Signifi­ c a n t l y , t h e y e m p l o y e d i n 1 9 0 9 o v e r h a l f t h e s h o e m a k e r s in t h e c o u n t y , w h o s e n u m b e r s i n t h e a g g r e g a t e h a d d e c l i n e d f r o m 5 , 0 2 9 in 1 8 4 1

Stevens' Directory of Canterbury and Neighbourhood (1889), pp. 183-210. C. W. Chalklin, 'Country Towns', in Mingay, ed., Victorian Countryside, vol. 2, p. 284.

Ibid., p. 283.

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t o 2 , 2 2 6 i n 1 9 0 1 . " T h e list o f crafts affected d i r e c t l y b y n e w , u s u a l l y u r b a n - b a s e d , i n d u s t r y is v i r t u a l l y e n d l e s s . W i t h t h e c o m i n g o f t h e r a i l w a y , l o c a l p o t t e r s a b o u t F a r n b o r o u g h ( S u r r e y ) f o u n d it i n c r e a s i n g l y difficult to c o m p e t e w i t h p r o d u c e r s o n t h e s c a l e o f D o u l t o n ' s o f L a m ­ b e t h . T h e u s e of n e w building materials s u c h as concrete, mild steel, a n d galvanised roofing sheets, a n d the rise to p r o m i n e n c e of larges c a l e brick-fields a n d s l a t e q u a r r i e s , i n c r e a s i n g l y t o o k toll o f l o c a l b r i c k makers and thatchers. Almost universally, craftsmen had recourse to non-local sources of semi-finished products such as iron axles, lead p i p i n g o r s a d d l e r ' s i r o n m o n g e r y , w h i l e i n The Wheelwright's

Shop S t u r t

n o t e d the u s e of deal from N o r w a y in place of locally s a w n e l m boards for t h e floors o f c a r t s a n d w a g o n s .

1 0 0

In m o s t c a s e s , m a l e - d o m i n a t e d crafts w e r e c o m i n g u n d e r s e r i o u s p r e s s u r e for t h e first t i m e d u r i n g t h e s e c o n d h a l f o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h century. W i t h female e m p l o y m e n t in t h e o u t w o r k industries t h e chro­ n o l o g y of decline w a s m o r e attenuated. Already, from the late eigh­ t e e n t h c e n t u r y cottage industry h a d b e e n profoundly affected b y the t r a n s i t i o n t o m a c h i n e s p i n n i n g i n t h e textile t r a d e s , a n d f r o m o n e e n d of the country to the other c a m e complaints that w o r k of this k i n d w a s e i t h e r d i s a p p e a r i n g o r e l s e b e i n g offered at o n l y d e r i s o r y w a g e s . O t h e r i n d u s t r i e s s h o w e d m o r e p r o n o u n c e d c a p a c i t i e s for sur­ vival a n d s o m e regions c o n t i n u e d to feature m a r k e d c o n c e n t r a t i o n s of f e m a l e o u t w o r k . A c a s e i n p o i n t w a s g l o v i n g i n W o r c e s t e r s h i r e a n d S o m e r s e t . In the 1860s the m a n a g e r of o n e of the largest L o n d o n w a r e h o u s e s referred to ' w h o l e villages of b o r n glove m a k e r s . . . w e h a v e h a d as m a n y as 6,000 w o m e n o n our b o o k s . . . in a n y o n e y e a r ' a n d as late a s 1 9 0 7 , t h e Select Committee

on Homework c l a i m e d t h a t

in order to s u p p l e m e n t l o w agricultural w a g e s , ' e v e r y h o u s e w a s glov­ ing'

in

the

Yeovil

district.

101

Another

was

pillow

lacemaking,

f a v o u r e d b y a n i n s a t i a b l e d e m a n d for l a c e o f all k i n d s a n d q u a l i t i e s . A decline in the n u m b e r of l a c e m a k e r s in t h e south M i d l a n d counties a n d i n D e v o n w a s s t a v e d off for l o n g e r t h a n m i g h t h a v e b e e n e x p e c t e d , t h e r e b e i n g still s o m e 2 5 , 0 0 0 i n 1 8 7 1 ; h o w e v e r , b y t h e 1 8 9 0 s t h e i n c r e a s ­ ing sophistication of m a c h i n e - m a d e lace, importations from France 99

100

101

M. A. Havinden, T h e South-West: A Case of De-Industrialisation?', in M. Palmer, ed., The Onset of Industrialisation (Nottingham University, Department of Adult Education, 1976), p. 6. G. Sturt, William Smith, Potter and Farmer (1919), p. 221; J. A. Chartres and G. L. Turnbull, 'Country Craftsmen', in Mingay, ed., Victorian Countryside, vol. 1, pp. 326-7; G. Sturt, The Wheelwright's Shop (Cambridge, 1923), pp. 6 4 - 5 . D. Bythell, The Sweated Trades: Outwork in Nineteenth Century Britain (1978), pp. 117-18.

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a n d Belgium, a n d a capricious turn of fashion against lace coupled w i t h difficulties i n o b t a i n i n g f r e s h r e c r u i t s , h a d d e c i d e d l y r e d u c e d the importance of the industry.

102

Straw-plaiting, particularly c o n c e n ­

trated in Buckinghamshire, Bedfordshire, Hertfordshire, a n d Essex, a l s o d e c l i n e d i n t h e c l o s i n g d e c a d e s o f t h e c e n t u r y i n t h e face o f c h e a p i m p o r t s o f F a r E a s t e r n o r i g i n a n d a shift i n f a s h i o n t o w a r d s h a t s m a d e from other fabrics. Bedfordshire's 20,701 female plaiters of 1871 w e r e r e d u c e d to 4 8 5 b y 1 9 0 1 , w o r k i n g for w a g e s far b e l o w t h o s e r u l i n g in the 1 8 6 0 s .

1 0 3

F r o m the standpoint of the economist, m a n y of the changes des­ cribed c a n b e interpreted as straightforward cases of industrial ration­ alisation, a n d in s o m e villages, n e w growth w a s the order of the day. F o r e x a m p l e , it w a s r a p i d i n t h e n e i g h b o u r h o o d o f t h e g r e a t b r i c k w o r k s a r o u n d P e t e r b o r o u g h a n d in south Bedfordshire, a n d along the M e d w a y v a l l e y w i t h its p r o f u s i o n o f c e m e n t w o r k s , f o u n d a l s o a r o u n d P o r t l a n d Bill a n d n e a r R u g b y . H e r e a n d t h e r e f o o d p r o c e s s i n g p l a n t s of a d e c i d e d l y m o d e r n n a t u r e m a d e t h e i r a p p e a r a n c e . T h e first B r i t i s h c h e e s e f a c t o r i e s w e r e e s t a b l i s h e d in D e r b y s h i r e i n 1 8 6 9 - 7 0 , a n d b y 1 8 7 5 n i n e t e e n w e r e e i t h e r i n o p e r a t i o n o r u n d e r c o n s t r u c t i o n i n five counties.

1 0 4

A l s o n o t e w o r t h y w e r e t h e i n t e g r a t e d e n t e r p r i s e s o f soft

fruit c u l t u r e a n d p r e s e r v e s o f W i l k i n s o f T i p t r e e ( E s s e x ) a n d C h i v e r s at H i s t o n ( C a m b r i d g e s h i r e ) w h e r e R i d e r H a g g a r d w a s i m p r e s s e d b y t h e e m p l o y m e n t o f f e r e d t o 1,000 o u t d o o r h a n d s a n d 2 5 0 w o m e n , a n d b y t h e f a c t o r y w i t h its s i l v e r - l i n e d b o i l e r s , p a t e n t filling a p p a r a t u s , t r a m w a y s , a n d p a c k i n g a n d p r i n t i n g p l a n t , all lit b y e l e c t r i c i t y .

105

Foundries a n d agricultural m a c h i n e r y enterprises, often initiated b y e n t e r p r i s i n g b l a c k s m i t h s , m i g h t flourish m o d e s t l y i n s i t u a t i o n s far r e m o v e d f r o m t h e i n d u s t r i a l h e a r t l a n d s o f B r i t a i n , for e x a m p l e t h e Reeves

family

business

at

Bratton

(Wiltshire) which

gradually

e x p a n d e d its r a n g e o f a c t i v i t i e s , a c t i n g a s ' a m e e t i n g p l a c e o f o l d a n d n e w , o f t r a d i t i o n a l v i l l a g e skills a n d a t t i t u d e s a n d t h e machine age'.

1 0 6

advancing

T w o of the m o s t important agricultural m a c h i n e r y

makers, Garretts of Leiston and S m y t h s of Peasenhall, w e r e located i n w h a t c o u l d still b e d e s c r i b e d a s v i l l a g e s . A l l w e r e a b l e t o h o l d 102

103

104

105 106

G. F. R. Spenceley, 'The English Pillow-Lace Industry, 1840-80: A Rural Industry in Competition with Machinery', Business History, 19 (1977), pp. 69, 79-82. P. Horn, 'Women's Cottage Industries', in Mingay, ed., Victorian Countryside, vol. 1, p. 348. C. S. Orwin and E. H. Whetham, History of British Agriculture, 1846-1914 (1964), pp. 146-7. H. R. Haggard, Rural England, 2nd edn, 2 vols. (1906), vol. 2, p. 52. M. Reeves, Sheep Bell and Ploughshare (1980), p. 131.

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120

W.

A.

A R M S T R O N G

t h e i r o w n w i t h m o d e r a t e s u c c e s s in face o f u r b a n - b a s e d

enterprises

s u c h as R a n s o m e s o f I p s w i c h a n d R u s t o n s at L i n c o l n . T h e salient features of migratory m o v e m e n t s , b a s e d o n the analysis of c e n s u s r e t u r n s a n d t h e civil r e g i s t r a t i o n details w h i c h b e c a m e avail­ a b l e after 1 8 3 7 , a r e as f o l l o w s . (i)

O n l y five W e l s h ( A n g l e s e y , B r e c k n o c k s h i r e , C a r d i g a n s h i r e , P e m ­ brokeshire, Radnorshire) a n d four English counties (Cornwall, Herefordshire,

Huntingdonshire,

Rutland)

showed

absolute

d e c r e a s e s b e t w e e n 1 8 5 1 a n d 1 9 1 1 , b u t s u c h figures o b s c u r e t h e factor o f u r b a n c o n c e n t r a t i o n w i t h i n c o u n t i e s . T h u s , i n N o r f o l k , the aggregate population of the main urban centres (Norwich, Yarmouth, K i n g ' s Lynn) grew by 84 per cent, 1851-1911, whilst t h e r e m a i n d e r fell b y 10 p e r c e n t . (ii)

At the

scale of the registration

districts, n u m b e r i n g

several

h u n d r e d , one calculation suggests that the aggregate population of ' r e s i d u a l ' r u r a l a r e a s (that is, after s u b t r a c t i n g

predominantly

u r b a n r e g i s t r a t i o n districts a n d t h o s e w i t h e x t e n s i v e c o l l i e r i e s ) w a s a c t u a l l y r a t h e r h i g h e r in 1 9 1 1 ( b y 1 8 . 5 p e r c e n t i n t h e n o r t h , 9 . 2 p e r c e n t in t h e s o u t h ) t h a n i n 1 8 4 1 . H o w e v e r , t h e i r n e t l o s s e s b y migration h a d b e e n considerable, a m o u n t i n g to s o m e 79 per cent of calculated natural increases (births m i n u s deaths) in the n o r t h a n d 8 9 p e r c e n t in t h e s o u t h .

1 0 7

(iii) A t a s m a l l e r s c a l e a g a i n , c a s e s o f a b s o l u t e d e c l i n e w e r e q u i t e c o m ­ m o n . F o r e x a m p l e , T r u r o , C h i c h e s t e r , a n d S t I v e s , all o f w h i c h h a d doubled their respective populations b e t w e e n 1801 and 1861, s u s t a i n e d l o s s e s of 1 1 - 1 4 p e r c e n t i n t h e e n s u i n g t h i r t y y e a r s ; a n d at t h e l e v e l o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l v i l l a g e , t h e t r e n d c o u l d at t i m e s b e very spectacular, as in the case of C e r n e A b b a s (Dorset) w h e r e t h e p o p u l a t i o n g r e w to r e a c h 1 , 3 4 1 i n 1 8 4 1 b u t w o u l d d e c l i n e to 5 8 2 , i n c l u d i n g 4 6 in t h e u n i o n w o r k h o u s e , b y 1 9 1 2 .

1 0 8

T h e fall in t h e n u m b e r o f a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s w a s far m o r e s p e c t a c u l a r t h a n t h e r u r a l figures a s a w h o l e m i g h t l e a d o n e to a s s u m e , a l t h o u g h t h e r e w a s n o significant r e d u c t i o n i n t h e n u m b e r of f a r m e r s . W h i l e t h e r e are m a n y i n d i c a t i o n s t h a t t h e r a t e o f t u r n o v e r o f t e n a n c i e s 107

108

Mitchell and Deane, Abstract, pp. 20-7; A. K. Cairncross, Home and Foreign Invest­ ment, 1870-1913 (Cambridge, 1953), p. 78. T. Welton, 'On the Distribution of Population in England and Wales, 1801-91',

Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, 63 (1900), p. 539; H. Aronson, The Land and the Labourer (1914), p. 18.

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121

i n c r e a s e d , for e x a m p l e o n t h e H o l k h a m e s t a t e f r o m t h e 1 8 8 0 s , t h e a g g r e g a t e n u m b e r i d e n t i f i e d in t h e 1 9 1 1 c e n s u s o f E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s was,

at 2 2 9 , 0 0 0 , w i t h i n 8 p e r c e n t o f t h a t o f 1 8 7 1 or, i n d e e d , 1 8 5 1 .

1 0 9

H o w e v e r , t h e n u m b e r o f t h e i r e m p l o y e e s , if w e e x c l u d e f a m i l y l a b o u r , fell b y 4 6 p e r c e n t f r o m its m i d - n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y p e a k . F o r t h i s r e a ­ son most contemporary discussions of 'rural depopulation' focussed u p o n t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r e r . O t h e r t h i n g s b e i n g e q u a l , shifts in l a n d - u s e p a t t e r n s t o w a r d s p a s t o r a l activities w o u l d s e r v e to r e d u c e t h e a m o u n t o f l a b o u r r e q u i r e d ; m o r e o v e r m e c h a n i s a t i o n w a s a factor, s o m e claimed, working to depress the n u m b e r of farm workers. H e r e w e h a v e t o r e c k o n w i t h , chiefly, t h e a p p e a r a n c e o f m o w i n g a n d r e a p ­ i n g m a c h i n e s f r o m t h e 1 8 5 0 s a n d 1 8 6 0 s , a n d t h e a d v e n t o f t h e selfbinding reaper in the 1880s, while sets of steam-ploughing tackle, still s o m e t h i n g o f a rarity in t h e 1 8 6 0 s , b e c a m e c o m p a r a t i v e l y c o m m o n ­ p l a c e b y t h e e n d o f t h e c e n t u r y . I n h i s History of the English

Agricultural

Labourer ( 1 8 9 4 ) H a s b a c h s u p p o r t e d t h e v i e w t h a t m e c h a n i s a t i o n h a d a n i n e x o r a b l e t e n d e n c y to r e d u c e t h e d e m a n d for l a b o u r , a l t h o u g h there w a s n o uniformity of c o n t e m p o r a r y opinion o n this matter. I n d e e d R . C . L i t t l e , s u r v e y i n g a m a s s i v e b o d y o f e v i d e n c e i n t h e final r e p o r t o f t h e R o y a l C o m m i s s i o n o n L a b o u r ( 1 8 9 4 ) w a s i n c l i n e d to t h i n k t h a t t h e r e d u c t i o n o f f a r m staffs w a s a c o n s e q u e n c e a n d n o t the cause of migration.

110

T h i s is n o t t o d e n y a n y i m p a c t o f m e c h a n i s a ­

t i o n o n t h e f a r m l a b o u r f o r c e : it c e r t a i n l y a s s i s t e d f a r m e r s t o c u t d o w n o n t h e n u m b e r o f c a s u a l w o r k e r s u s e d at critical t i m e s i n t h e y e a r a n d r e d u c e d t h e s e a s o n a l w o r k a v a i l a b l e to t h e w i v e s a n d c h i l d r e n of f a r m w o r k e r s , s o t e n d i n g t o b r i n g d o w n t h e h a r v e s t e a r n i n g s o f the regular labour force. T h e r e is a c o n s i d e r a b l e l i t e r a t u r e o n o t h e r c a u s e s w h i c h d i s p o s e d t h e l a b o u r e r to t u r n h i s b a c k o n t h e l a n d . A m o n g t h o s e

adduced

by various contemporaries were the poor condition of farm cottages, comparative level of farm w a g e s (too low), h o u r s of w o r k (too long), and, m o r e generally, ' w a n t of outlook', i.e. the very limited prospects of social m o b i l i t y o r b e t t e r m e n t for t h e f a r m w o r k e r . A n e q u a l l y r i c h b u t i n c o n c l u s i v e l i t e r a t u r e w a s a d d r e s s e d t o its effects. T h e s e w e r e said to include a deterioration in t h e quality o f farm staffs ( ' W e retain t h e sediment . . .'; ' F e w except the doodles remain . . .' and much more 109

110

S. W . Martins, A Great Estate at Work (Cambridge, 1980), pp. 111-12; Taylor 'Numbers in Agriculture', p. 38. W . Hasbach, A History of the English Agricultural Labourer (1894; Eng. edn 1908),

pp. 256, 258; RC on Labour: The Agricultural Labourer, V (I), General Report, P P 1 8 9 3 - 4 , XXXVIII, p. 40.

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122

W. A. A R M S T R O N G

in t h e s a m e v e i n ) .

1 1 1

Yet farmers h a d always complained that each

g e n e r a t i o n o f w o r k e r s w a s i n f e r i o r t o its p r e d e c e s s o r a n d w o u l d c o n ­ t i n u e to v o i c e s u c h v i e w s far i n t o t h e f u t u r e . T h e o n l y s o l i d fact i n t h i s a r e a is t h a t t h e r e w e r e definite s i g n s o f a g i n g a m o n g a g r i c u l t u r a l w o r k e r s . In 1 8 9 1 e l d e r l y e m p l o y e e s ( t h o s e a g e d fifty-five a n d o v e r ) w e r e 5 9 p e r cent m o r e n u m e r o u s o n the land t h a n in the rest of t h e male labour f o r c e , a n d a p p r o x i m a t e l y t h r e e t i m e s m o r e c o m m o n t h a n a m o n g rail­ w a y e m p l o y e e s or c o a l m i n e r s . T h e i m p l i c a t i o n s for l a b o u r efficiency r e m a i n s o m e w h a t u n c e r t a i n , for, a s C a n o n B u r y c o n t e n d e d , a l t h o u g h t h e older m a n might b e a little w e a k e r in bodily strength, his experience w a s m o r e valuable than hitherto 'because of the advent of m a c h i n e r y ' .

1 1 2

A t l e a s t t h e r e is n o r e a s o n t o d o u b t t h a t t h e o u t f l o w w a s b e n e f i c i a l to t h o s e w h o r e m a i n e d o n t h e l a n d a s , b y d e g r e e s , ' t h e p l e t h o r i c population b o g e y of 1 8 3 0 ' c a m e to b e 'replaced b y the lean-exodus skeleton of 1 9 0 2 ' .

1 1 3

P r i o r t o 1 8 7 0 it is p r o b a b l e t h a t i m p r o v e m e n t s

in earnings w e r e modest, a n d contingent u p o n greater regularity of e m p l o y m e n t t o g e t h e r w i t h a n i n c r e a s i n g s o l i c i t u d e for t h e w e l f a r e of

labourers

employers.

1 1 4

on

the

part

of

more

enlightened

landlords

and

Between 1867-70 and 1907 earnings m o v e d up notice­

a b l y in all r e g i o n s o f E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s , b y s o m e 3 0 p e r c e n t o n average, and b y more t h a n that in terms of their purchasing power, g i v e n c o n t e m p o r a r y t r e n d s i n p r i c e s . M o r e o v e r , t h e r e is e v i d e n c e to s u g g e s t t h a t m i g r a t i o n c o n t r i b u t e d fairly s u b s t a n t i a l l y t o t h e e r o s i o n of r e g i o n a l differentials i n a g r i c u l t u r a l w a g e l e v e l s w h i c h w e r e s u b ­ stantially reduced b e t w e e n the t w o d a t e s .

1 1 5

E v e n so, farm workers'

w a g e s remained barely half those earned b y the average industrial w o r k e r , a n d in t h e E d w a r d i a n p e r i o d p r o m p t e d s e v e r a l p i o n e e r i n g i n v e s t i g a t i o n s i n t o t h e e x t e n t o f p o v e r t y i n rural E n g l a n d .

1 1 6

C o m p a r a t i v e l y little w o r k h a s b e e n d o n e o n t h e d e c l i n i n g n u m b e r s of rural c r a f t s m e n . H o w e v e r , a r e c e n t s t u d y c o v e r i n g s e v e r a l E n g l i s h 111

112

113 114

115

116

Board of Agriculture and Fisheries, Report on the Decline of the Agricultural Population of Great Britain, 1881-1906, P P 1 9 0 6 , XCVI, pp. 11-21; W. A. Armstrong, 'The Flight from the Land', in Mingay, ed., Victorian Countryside, vol. 1, pp. 120-4. W. A. Armstrong, 'The Workfolk', in Mingay, ed., Victorian Countryside, vol. 2, p. 502; RC on Aged Poor, PP 1895, XIV, p. 239. Haggard, Rural England, vol. 2, p. 565. E . L . Jones, 'The Agricultural Labour Market in England, 1793-1872', Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 17 (1964), pp. 328-32, 338. E. H. Hunt, Regional Wage Variations in Britain, 1850-1914 (Oxford, 1973), pp. 59-64, 248-9. Most notably Davies, Life in an English Country Village; H. H. Mann, 'Life in an Agricultural Village in England', Sociological Papers, 1 (1905); B. S. Rowntree and M. Kendall, How the Labourer Lives: A Study of the Rural Labour Problem (1913).

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123

c o u n t i e s h a s c o n f i r m e d t h a t in m o s t c a s e s t h e i n c i d e n c e o f c o u n t r y crafts in r e l a t i o n t o p o p u l a t i o n w a s falling after 1 8 6 1 or 1 8 7 1 , a n d i n m a n y f r o m a s e a r l y as 1 8 5 1 , w h i l s t e m p h a s i s i n g t h e c o m p a r a t i v e r e s i l i e n c e o f b l a c k s m i t h s a n d w h e e l w r i g h t s w h o s e activities r e l a t e d d i r e c t l y to t h e still e x p a n d i n g n u m b e r s o f h o r s e s u s e d in V i c t o r i a n and Edwardian England.

1 1 7

E v e n l e s s a t t e n t i o n h a s b e e n p a i d to t h e

m i g r a t o r y p a t t e r n s o f w o m e n . Y e t a n o t e w o r t h y f e a t u r e o f t h e rural e x o d u s w a s t h a t f e m a l e s p l a y e d t h e l a r g e r r o l e statistically, s o t h a t b y 1 9 1 1 , t h e s e x ratio i n t h e fifteen to n i n e t e e n a g e g r o u p s t o o d at 8 6 4 a n d 1,062 f e m a l e s p e r 1,000 m a l e s in rural a n d u r b a n r e g i s t r a t i o n districts r e s p e c t i v e l y .

118

A d o l e s c e n t girls w e r e c h a n n e l l e d i n d r o v e s

i n t o d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e . C h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y , t h e y w e r e first f o u n d p l a c e s locally i n t h e h o u s e h o l d s o f t r a d e s m e n , bailiffs or s c h o o l m a s t e r s w h i c h w e r e c o n s i d e r e d a s t e p p i n g - s t o n e t o s e r v i c e f u r t h e r afield. N o d o u b t this reflected the a b s e n c e of alternative sources of female e m p l o y m e n t b u t it w a s at l e a s t as w e l l m a r k e d i n W a l e s , a b a s t i o n o f ' p e a s a n t ' a g r i c u l t u r e , as i n t h e rural s o u t h e r n c o u n t i e s o f E n g l a n d .

1 1 9

It w a s

c o n s i d e r e d n a t u r a l t h a t t h e v a s t c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f f e m a l e s e r v a n t s in t o w n s w o u l d s e r v e t o ' a c t as m a g n e t s to t h e l a d s t h e y l e a v e b e h i n d t h e m ' , a n d n o t i c e d t h a t o n c e t h e y h a d a c q u i r e d a t a s t e for t o w n life, few

r e l i s h e d t h e i d e a o f r e t u r n i n g t o t h e h a r d s h i p s o f life a s f a r m

labourers' wives. Consequently, their influence t e n d e d to b e ' t h r o w n decidedly into the scale in favour of m i g r a t i o n ' .

The

1 2 0

interaction b e t w e e n town and country cannot be s u m m e d

up

b y s i m p l y s e t t i n g t h e t i d e o f f a c t o r y - m a d e p r o d u c t s in o n e d i r e c t i o n , a g a i n s t t h a t o f h u m a n r e s o u r c e s in t h e o t h e r . S o m e a c c o u n t n e e d s t o b e t a k e n o f t h e e v e r - i n c r e a s i n g infiltration o f u r b a n v a l u e s i n t o t h e r e m o t e s t c o r n e r s o f E n g l i s h rural life. T h e i r a b s o r p t i o n b e g a n i n the

schools w h e n

country-bred

children c a m e into contact

with

teachers from an urban background, dedicated to the task of improv­ ing their youthful charges. O n e manifestation of this w a s attempts to m a k e children adopt standardised English. ' T h e r e ' s w o r Alice', c o m p l a i n e d o n e N o r t h u m b r i a n , ' s h e ' s l e a r n i n ' m e t o t a l k like a p r i e s t 117 118 119

120

Chartres and Turnbull, 'Country Craftsmen', pp. 318-25. J. Saville, Rural Depopulation in England and Wales, 1851-1951 (1957), p. 110. Snell, Annals of the Labouring Poor, pp. 51-7, 317; A. W . Ashby and I. L . Evans, The Agriculture of Wales and Monmouthshire (Cardiff, 1944), p. 76. M. Winstanley, Life in Kent at the Turn of the Century (Folkestone, 1978), p. 27; RCon Labour: The Agricultural Labourer, I, England, Report ofW. E. Bear, PP 1893-4, XXXV, p. 18.

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W. A. A R M S T R O N G

. . . t e a c h e r s a y s yebble is n o t a w o r d . Y o u m u s t call it a b l e /

1 2 1

However,

in t h e l o n g r u n c h a n g e s i n t h e p a t t e r n o f e m p l o y m e n t d i d m o r e t o e r o d e l o c a l d i a l e c t s t h a n t h e efforts o f t h e s c h o o l m a s t e r s , a n d m u c h m o r e i n s i d i o u s , in t h e e y e s o f m a n y critical l a n d l o r d s a n d f a r m e r s , w a s the t e n d e n c y of teachers to provide an 'irrelevant' curriculum. A r g u m e n t s to t h e effect t h a t v i l l a g e e l e m e n t a r y e d u c a t i o n s h o u l d b e g i v e n a n explicit r u r a l o r v o c a t i o n a l b i a s w e r e c o u n t e r e d b y t h e v i e w that a n y such principle w o u l d b e ' a c k n o w l e d g e d as absolutely vicious for t h e c h i l d r e n o f t h e r i c h ' .

1 2 2

N o r e s o l u t i o n o f t h e p r o b l e m w a s forth­

c o m i n g e i t h e r b e f o r e o r after 1 9 1 4 , a n d c h i l d r e n c o n t i n u e d t o b e t a u g h t w i t h o u t a significant p o s i t i v e r u r a l b i a s , w h i c h m a y h a v e i m p r o v e d t h e p r o s p e c t s o f t h e s m a r t e r girls a n d b o y s , b u t left o t h e r s r e f l e c t i n g on the uselessness of their pre-1914 schooling and looking forward to l e a v i n g s o t h a t t h e y c o u l d g e t e d u c a t e d .

1 2 3

Institutions serving the

n e e d s of a d u l t s a l s o d e v e l o p e d a l o n g t h e l i n e s o f u r b a n m o d e l s . A n o b v i o u s c a s e is t h a t o f t h e f r i e n d l y s o c i e t i e s . A l r e a d y , at t h e c l o s e of t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y t h e s e h a d a b o u n d e d i n t h e v i l l a g e s , b u t s o o n t h e village c l u b s h a d to m e e t t h e c o m p e t i t i o n o f l a n d l o r d - s p o n ­ s o r e d ' c o u n t y ' s o c i e t i e s , t h e first o f w h i c h w a s f o u n d e d i n E s s e x i n 1 8 1 8 f o l l o w e d b y e i g h t m o r e w i t h i n t h e n e x t forty y e a r s . M o r e detri­ m e n t a l still w a s t h e r a p i d diffusion o f t h e g r e a t affiliated o r d e r s , e p i ­ tomised b y the Manchester Unity of Oddfellows. Dorset m a y be taken a s a c a s e in p o i n t : b y 1 8 7 2 t h e C o u n t y S o c i e t y a c c o u n t e d for a b o u t a fifth o f total m e m b e r s h i p a n d t h e r e m a i n d e r w a s s h a r e d b e t w e e n a vastly increased n u m b e r of ' l o d g e s ' operating from small t o w n s s u c h as B e r e a n d B l a n d f o r d a n d s u r v i v i n g l o c a l c l u b s i n v i l l a g e s s u c h as M e l b u r y A b b a s a n d M o t c o m b e .

1 2 4

D o u b t l e s s t h e affiliated o r d e r s

offered s o m e m a j o r a d v a n t a g e s i n c l u d i n g t h e i r s e e m i n g l y u n q u e s t i o n ­ a b l e stability a n d , b y v i r t u e o f t h e i r d i s p e r s e d l o d g e s , t h e flexibility v a l u a b l e to p o t e n t i a l l y m i g r a t o r y y o u n g m a l e s . T h e r e w a s , h o w e v e r , s o m e social loss. W i t h the collapse of local clubs older m e m b e r s w e r e o f t e n left o u t s i d e t h e affiliated o r d e r s a n d t h e j o l l i f i c a t i o n s a s s o c i a t e d with club anniversaries and public h o u s e meetings withered away. H o w e v e r , w h a t s h o u l d b e e m p h a s i s e d h e r e is t h a t t h e c h a n g e s w e r e an instance of the displacement of a myriad of local initiatives b y a standardised, more bureaucratic model. 121 122 123

124

Graham, Rural Exodus, pp. 34-5. E. N. Bennett, Problems of Village Life (n.d. 1913?), p. 101. R. Blythe, Akenfield (Harmondsworth, 1972), pp. 36-7. P. H. J. H. Gosden, The Friendly Societies in England, 1815-75 pp. 66-7.

(Manchester, 1961),

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125

o n w a r d m a r c h o f t h e affiliated o r d e r s w a s n o t l i k e l y t o b e

o p p o s e d b y landlords a n d farmers, favourable as t h e y frequently w e r e to promoting welcome

the ideals of individualism

was

the

intrusion

of trade

and

self-help. Far less

unionism

into

agriculture.

Although disputes b e t w e e n farmers a n d their e m p l o y e e s resulting i n t h e c e s s a t i o n o f w o r k at h a r v e s t t i m e w e r e far f r o m

unknown,

the view c o m m o n a m o n g established labour leaders of the capacities of t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r e r w a s c o n d e s c e n d i n g t o a d e g r e e : T n i n t e l l e c t h e is a c h i l d , i n p o s i t i o n a h e l o t , in c o n d i t i o n a s q u a l i d o u t c a s t . . . t h e s q u i r e is h i s K i n g , t h e p a r s o n h i s d e i t y , t h e t a p r o o m h i s h i g h e s t conception of earthly b l i s s /

1 2 5

I r o n i c a l l y , a m o n t h after t h e s e w o r d s

w e r e w r i t t e n , t h e first q u a s i - n a t i o n a l l a b o u r e r s ' u n i o n l e d b y t h e Warwickshire hedger,

J o s e p h Arch, w a s b o r n in February 1 8 7 2 .

Initially, s u c c e s s w a s a c h i e v e d i n r a i s i n g w a g e s o n a r i s i n g m a r k e t , but the u n i o n ' s inability to resist an organised e m p l o y e r s ' lock-out in Suffolk in 1874 s o o n led to disillusionment, while relations w e r e n e v e r g o o d w i t h c o n t e m p o r a n e o u s b u t rival o r g a n i z a t i o n s s u c h as the Lincolnshire Labour League and the Kent and Sussex Labourers' U n i o n . B y 1 8 7 9 m e m b e r s h i p o f A r c h ' s N a t i o n a l U n i o n is b e l i e v e d t o h a v e d e c l i n e d b y as m u c h as t w o - t h i r d s f r o m its 1 8 7 4 p e a k o f 7 9 , 0 0 0 , a n d t h e a t t e n t i o n o f t h e u n i o n s w a s f o c u s s e d to a v e r y g r e a t e x t e n t o n t h e p r o m o t i o n o f e m i g r a t i o n . T h i s tactic, w h i c h h e l p e d to p r o m o t e a far g r e a t e r o u t f l o w t h a n i n earlier d e c a d e s m a y h a v e w o r k e d t o t h e a d v a n t a g e o f t h e l a b o u r e r s w h o r e m a i n e d , b u t it a l s o h a d a c o n ­ s i d e r a b l e p o t e n t i a l t o affect u n i o n m e m b e r s h i p a d v e r s e l y .

1 2 6

Another

fillip w a s i m p a r t e d t o u n s k i l l e d u n i o n i s m o n all f r o n t s b y t h e D o c k e r s ' S t r i k e o f 1 8 8 9 a n d i n a g r i c u l t u r e t h e r e is e v i d e n c e , b y 1 8 9 2 , o f t h e e x i s t e n c e o f six f u r t h e r u n i o n s as w e l l as t h o s e a l r e a d y m e n t i o n e d . H o w e v e r , w i t h i n a c o u p l e o f y e a r s all h a d e i t h e r d i s a p p e a r e d , i n c l u d ­ ing the r e m n a n t s of the National a n d K e n t a n d S u s s e x U n i o n s , or were moribund.

1 2 7

A t n o t i m e h a d t h e y m a d e a n y significant h e a d w a y

i n n o r t h e r n E n g l a n d o r in W a l e s w h e r e f a r m s e r v a n t s c o n t i n u e d to b e h i r e d o n l o n g c o n t r a c t s . I n v a r i a b l y t h e a r a b l e districts w e r e m o r e 125

126

127

Lloyd Jones, former Owenite and advocate of trade unionism, writing in The Bee­ hive. Quoted in R. Groves, Sharpen the Sickle: The History of the Farm Workers' Union, 2nd edn (1981), p. 36. J. P. D. Dunbabin, 'The Incidence and Organisation of Agricultural Trades Union­ ism in the 1870s', Agricultural History Review, 16 (1968), pp. 117-18, 138; and idem, 'The Revolt of the Field: The Agricultural Labourers' Movement in the 1870s', Past & Present, 26 (1963), p. 85. Hasbach, Agricultural Labourer, p. 302; F. E. Green, History of the English Agricultural Labourer, 1870-1920(1920), p. 140.

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126

W. A. A R M S T R O N G

r e c e p t i v e a n d in t h e n e w c e n t u r y t r a d e u n i o n i s m w a s a l m o s t w h o l l y c o n f i n e d to N o r f o l k , w h e r e G e o r g e E d w a r d s l e d a n E a s t e r n C o u n t i e s L a b o u r L e a g u e n u m b e r i n g , in 1 9 1 2 , 4 , 0 0 0 m e m b e r s . I n t h e p r e s e n t c o n t e x t i n t e r e s t a t t a c h e s chiefly t o t h e w a y i n w h i c h

agricultural

u n i o n i s m s e e m e d , i n t h e e y e s o f its e n e m i e s , t o call i n t o q u e s t i o n t h e i n t e g r i t y o f r u r a l s o c i e t y a n d to b e s u c c o u r e d b y a l i e n , p r e d o m i ­ n a n t l y u r b a n , i n f l u e n c e s . T h u s i n 1 8 7 2 w e find t h e W a i n f l e e t b r a n c h of t h e L i n c o l n s h i r e L a b o u r L e a g u e a c k n o w l e d g i n g s m a l l d o n a t i o n s from such quarters as the N o t t i n g h a m D y e r s Association, the Circular Hosiery

Society

and

the

Lace

Association from

the

same

city.

Meanwhile the National Union drew voluntary subscriptions from as far afield as B o u r n e m o u t h a n d W o r t h i n g in t h e s o u t h a n d J a r r o w a n d M a n c h e s t e r in t h e n o r t h as w e l l a s o n t h e a c t i v e s u p p o r t o f Birmingham

Liberal politicians. Again,

in 1 8 9 0 - 2 ,

agents of the

Dockers' Union busied themselves setting ' m e n against masters and masters against m e n ' in Lincolnshire, Oxfordshire, a n d e l s e w h e r e .

1 2 8

In t r u t h , t h e s u p p o r t o f u r b a n t r a d e u n i o n i s t s w a s fitful, b u t t o m a n y it s e e m e d m o s t o b j e c t i o n a b l e . M o r e o v e r , t h e h i s t r i o n i c fury w i t h w h i c h the u n i o n s w e r e assailed, especially in the early 1870s, w a s attributable to t h e fact t h a t i n r e c e n t y e a r s p h i l a n t h r o p y h a d b e e n p r a c t i s e d to an unprecedented extent, and that 'instead of being met with gratitude it w a s e n c o u n t e r i n g r u d e n e s s a n d a n e w k i n d o f d e m a n d ' .

1 2 9

This

c o m m e n t t a k e s u s to t h e h e a r t o f t h e d e e p o f f e n c e w h i c h u n i o n i s m gave e v e n to those n u m e r o u s landlords a n d farmers w h o w e r e ready to a d m i t t h a t t h e l a b o u r e r ' s c o n d i t i o n left m u c h to b e d e s i r e d . B y its

very nature

trade

u n i o n i s m in agriculture a p p e a r e d

to

deny

implicitly a n y local c o m m u n i t y of interest. T h e point w a s neatly put b y a B e d f o r d s h i r e l a n d l o r d , C a p t . P o l h i l l - T u r n e r , at h i s h a r v e s t h o m e i n 1 8 7 4 , w h o d r e w a c o n t r a s t b e t w e e n t h e sort o f u n i o n i s m a b o u t w h i c h so m u c h h a d b e e n h e a r d lately a n d 'the h a p p y b o n d

and

u n i o n i s m t h e y h a d at R e n h o l d - u n i o n i s m b e t w e e n l a n d l o r d a n d t e n ­ ant, master a n d m e n ' .

1 3 0

T h e s e explicit e x a m p l e s o f t h e p e n e t r a t i o n o f u r b a n i n f l u e n c e s c e r ­ tainly do not exhaust the t h e m e . Undoubtedly m o r e important than agents of the D o c k e r s ' U n i o n in the dissemination of urban values 128

129

130

R. C. Russell, The Revolt of the Field in Lincolnshire (Lincoln, 1956), p. 37; RC on Labour: The Agricultural Labourer, I (II), England, Report ofC. M. Chapman, P P 1 8 9 3 - 4 , XXXV, p. 56. M. S. Gretton, A Corner of the Cotswolds through the Nineteenth Century (1914), pp. 183-4, and see Jones, 'Agricultural Labour Market', pp. 330-2. Agar, Bedfordshire Farm Worker, p. 195.

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The countryside

127

a n d m o d e s o f t h o u g h t w e r e t h o s e c a u g h t u p in a c o n t r a f l o w o f p o p u l a ­ tion from t o w n to countryside. In the closing decades of the century t h e s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e o f rural E n g l a n d w a s b e g i n n i n g t o b e n o t i c e a b l y affected b y r e s i d e n t i a l g r o w t h . T h e d i s p e r s i o n o f p e r s o n s w h o

had

b e e n c i t y d w e l l e r s all t h e i r l i v e s , or at l e a s t h a d s u b s t a n t i a l e x p e r i e n c e of u r b a n life, t o o k m a n y f o r m s . W e m a y i n s t a n c e t h e e x t r e m e l y r a p i d r a t e o f g r o w t h o f c o u n t r y t o w n s s u c h as W a t f o r d ( w h i c h q u a d r u p l e d i n size t o r e a c h 2 9 , 0 0 0 b y 1 9 0 1 ) , o r t h e S u r r e y t o w n s d e s c r i b e d as b e c o m i n g ' a s c o u n t r i f i e d as W i m b l e d o n or B l a c k h e a t h ' , b u t t h e s p r e a d of v i l l a d o m a l s o affected t h e v i l l a g e s . C o n s i d e r i n g F a r n h a m ( S u r r e y ) , w h i c h a l s o q u a d r u p l e d in p o p u l a t i o n to r e a c h 2 , 0 0 0 b e t w e e n 1 8 9 1 and 1 9 1 1 , Sturt remarked on the w a y in which allotments received b y c o t t a g e r s at its r e c e n t e n c l o s u r e ( 1 8 6 1 ) w e r e o f t e n s o l d for b u i l d i n g plots: 'the stealthiness of the process, h o w e v e r , blinded us to w h a t was happening'.

1 3 1

Such changes were most obvious within commut­

i n g d i s t a n c e o f L o n d o n , b u t w e r e a l s o a p p a r e n t f u r t h e r afield, for example a r o u n d the fringes of the N e w Forest w h e r e 'weird b u n g a ­ lows a n d suburban cottages of the dreariest red brick' w e r e springing up by 1910.

1 3 2

I n d e e d e v e n v e r y m o d e s t t o w n s far r e m o v e d f r o m L o n ­

d o n w e r e b e g i n n i n g t o d e v e l o p s m a l l s u b u r b s , o r e l s e to c o l o n i s e neighbouring villages into w h i c h the retired a n d wealthy could with­ d r a w , as t h e i r c e n t r e s w e r e i n c r e a s i n g l y g i v e n o v e r to offices, s h o p s , w o r k s h o p s , a n d hotels. A further feature w a s the t e n d e n c y of farmers t o let t h e i r b e t t e r c o t t a g e s t o ' w e e k e n d e r s ' , for e x a m p l e a r o u n d E p p i n g a n d Billericay i n E s s e x . W r i t i n g in 1 9 1 5 , S a v a g e t h o u g h t t h a t t h e r e d i s ­ covery of the country by those with no immediate concern with the land h a d b e e n a notable feature of the preceding thirty y e a r s .

1 3 3

If it is a c c e p t e d t h a t t h e diffusion o f u r b a n i d e a s , v a l u e s , a n d life s t y l e s w a s m a k i n g h e a d w a y i n r u r a l E n g l a n d , t h e n per contra, w e m i g h t e x p e c t t o find e v i d e n c e o f t h e d e c a y o f t r a d i t i o n a l r u r a l c u l t u r e , u s i n g t h e t e r m in a b r o a d , a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l s e n s e t o e n c o m p a s s n o r m s o f b e h a v i o u r a n d r e c e i v e d w i s d o m . S u c h , i n d e e d , a p p e a r s to h a v e b e e n t h e c a s e a n d m a n y a u t h o r s a l l u d e d to a s o f t e n i n g o f m a n n e r s . V i l l a g e c h i l d r e n i n t h e C o t s w o l d s w e r e l e s s g i v e n to t h e ' c e a s e l e s s b a i t i n g of t h e v i l l a g e idiot a n d c r i p p l e a n d c r u e l t y t o e v e r y b i r d a n d b e a s t 131

132 133

R. E . Pahl, Urbs in Rure (1965), pp. 19-20; G. Sturt, Lucy Bettesworth (1913), p. 264; idem, The Memoirs of a Surrey Labourer (1907), p. 133; and idem, Change in the Village (Readers Library edn, 1920), p. 6. A. D. Hall, A Pilgrimage of British Farming, 1910-12 (1912), pp. 33-4. J. C. Thresh, The Housing of the Agricultural Labourer, with Special Reference to Essex (Chelmsford, 1919), pp. 73, 74; W. G. Savage, Rural Housing (1915), pp. 135-6.

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W . A. A R M S T R O N G

in t h e i r r a n g e ' . O t h e r s c o m m e n t e d o n t h e g r e a t e r c o n s i d e r a t i o n s h o w n by m e n towards their wives and children, while b y the Edwardian period Sturt wrote of a 'surprising equality' and 'dogged companionship' among married couples.

1 3 4

Polite forms of address were rapidly

replacing the use of n i c k n a m e s so that even the humblest labourers a n d t h e i r w i v e s i n c r e a s i n g l y e x p e c t e d t o b e a d d r e s s e d as M r a n d M r s . It is p o s s i b l e , o f c o u r s e , t o v i e w t h e s e d e v e l o p m e n t s i n a l e s s t h a n f a v o u r a b l e l i g h t : O b e l k e v i c h h o l d s t h a t a m o r e p r i v a t i s e d f a m i l y life w a s a facet o f t h e t r i u m p h o f c a p i t a l i s t i n d i v i d u a l i s m a n d h a d b e e n a c h i e v e d at t h e e x p e n s e o f l o y a l t y t o ' t h e c r o w d ' t h o u g h n o t , h e t h i n k s , of c l a s s .

1 3 5

B e t h a t a s it m a y , m o r e c i v i l i s e d b e h a v i o u r a l p a t t e r n s w e r e

paralleled b y a decline in the incidence of rural criminality. L a b o u r e r s n o w i n v a r i a b l y h e l p e d t o e x t i n g u i s h fires, a n d r e p o r t e d c a s e s o f s h e e p stealing declined from 6 4 9 in 1857 to 119 in 1892 while e v e n p o a c h i n g d i m i n i s h e d , t h o u g h n o t t o t h e s a m e e x t e n t . F i g u r e s for 1 8 9 1 - 1 9 0 1 comparing eight agricultural counties with certain

manufacturing

t o w n s s h o w e d m a r k e d l y l o w e r rural r a t e s i n r e s p e c t o f d r u n k e n n e s s , homicidal crime, and assaults and suicide.

1 3 6

Since under-thirties had

always featured disproportionately in the criminal statistics, s o m e part of t h e d e c r e a s e w a s d o u b t l e s s a t t r i b u t a b l e t o m i g r a t i o n .

1 3 7

Concur-

r e n t l y t h e r e w a s a c o n s i d e r a b l e e r o s i o n o f v e r n a c u l a r c u s t o m s , traditions, a n d beliefs. C o n s c i o u s , p e r h a p s , of an acceleration in the rate o f t h e i r d e c a y , u r b a n V i c t o r i a n s m a d e v i g o r o u s a t t e m p t s t o r e c o r d t h e m , e s p e c i a l l y after t h e f o r m a t i o n o f t h e F o l k l o r e S o c i e t y i n 1 8 7 8 . Their interests w e r e decidedly antiquarian and their work unsystematic, s o t h a t n o c l e a r p i c t u r e o f t h e r a t e o f d e c l i n e o f a n c i e n t rituals a n d beliefs c a n b e a r r i v e d at. M u c h o f w h a t w a s p a s s i n g a w a y w a s represented

by

progressives

as

primitive

superstition,

although

t o d a y ' s h i s t o r i a n s a r e m o r e l i k e l y t o refer c a u t i o u s l y to ' t h e p r i o r c u l t u r e ' or ' p r e - s c i e n t i ñ c a t t i t u d e s o f m i n d ' .

1 3 8

M a n y of these observances

w e r e q u i t e h a r m l e s s if i n e f f e c t u a l , s u c h a s b e l i e f in t h e efficacy o f h o r s e s h o e s a n d r o w a n t w i g s t o w a r d off evil a n d b r i n g g o o d f o r t u n e . O t h e r s w e r e h a r d o n a n i m a l s , for e x a m p l e t h e ritual r e m e d y r e p o r t e d 134 135 136

137 138

Gretton, Corner of the Cotswolds, p. 213; Sturt, Change in the Village, pp. 39, 44. Obelkevich, Religion and Rural Society, pp. 100-2. P. Horn, Labouring Life in the Victorian Countryside (Dublin, 1976), p. 227; W. Sullivan, Alcoholism (1906), cited in D. J. Davies, 'Condition of the Rural Population in England and Wales, 1870-1928' (unpublished PhD thesis, University of Wales, 1931), p. 157. Archer, 'Rural Protest', pp. 274-5; Glyde, Suffolk, pp. 130-1. E.g. C. Phythian-Adams, 'Rural Culture', in Mingay, ed., Victorian Countryside, vol. 2, pp. 617, 623.

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from t h e L a k e District a n d C o r n w a l l in the 1860s against brucellosis a m o n g calving c o w s , w h i c h involved either t h e live burial or roasting o f y o u n g c a l v e s . L e a s t r e g r e t t a b l e o f all, p e r h a p s , w a s a d e c l i n e o f belief in witchcraft, w h i c h G l y d e believed to h a v e prevailed a m o n g t h r e e - q u a r t e r s o f S u f f o l k l a b o u r e r s e v e n i n t h e 1 8 4 0 s ; a n d w h i c h as r e c e n t l y a s 1 8 2 6 , h a d r e s u l t e d i n a n e l d e r l y b e n t m a n at W i c k h a m H e a t h b e i n g ' s w a m ' for a w i z a r d o n t h e v i l l a g e p o n d .

1 3 9

In later times,

belief in witchcraft b e c a m e an increasingly private matter and never r e s u l t e d i n c o m m u n a l a c t i o n o f t h i s k i n d . It is p r o b a b l y safe to infer that the structure of ancient beliefs and observances survived most s t r o n g l y at t h e l e v e l o f t h e c o t t a g e a n d t h a t m i g r a t i o n m u s t h a v e c o n s i ­ d e r a b l y i n t e r r u p t e d t h e i r t r a n s m i s s i o n t h r o u g h t h e g e n e r a t i o n s , as w e l l a s a c t i n g s i m p l y t o r e d u c e t h e n u m b e r o f p e o p l e a v a i l a b l e to h o l d t h e m in c o m m o n .

1 4 0

In addition, s o m e powerful forces were ranged

a g a i n s t t h e ' p r i o r c u l t u r e ' . S c h o o l s t e n d e d t o o p p o s e t h e m s e l v e s , as H a r d y o b s e r v e d , to t h e ' f a s t - p e r i s h i n g l u m b e r o f s u p e r s t i t i o n s , folk­ lore, dialect a n d orally-transmitted b a l l a d s ' ,

1 4 1

as did m e n of the

cloth, A n g l i c a n a n d nonconformist alike. B y the s e c o n d half of the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y plural livings a n d n o n - r e s i d e n c y h a d very largely vanished, and m a n y of the clergy were distinguished by personal austerity

and

seriousness of purpose springing from evangelical

i n f l u e n c e s . B e l l - r i n g i n g , for p u r p o s e s u n c o n n e c t e d w i t h s u m m o n i n g p e o p l e t o c h u r c h , w a s a t a r g e t o f s o m e c l e r g y m e n fearful t h a t t h e r i n g e r s w o u l d s p e n d t h e m o n e y s o e a r n e d at t h e a l e - h o u s e . A n o t h e r objective w a s the reform of church music, entailing the ousting of fiddle-players a n d other self-taught (but adult male) musicians in the i n t e r e s t o f g r e a t e r d e c o r u m , a n d it w a s n o t i c e a b l e t h a t w o m e n a n d children m a d e u p the greater part of the church choirs and organ players w h o replaced t h e m .

1 4 2

S o m e customs were laundered

and

i n d e e d a n n e x e d at t h e i n s t i g a t i o n o f t h e c l e r g y : t h e c l a s s i c c a s e w a s the transformation of the raucous harvest h o m e traditionally given at f a r m h o u s e s , o r a s w a s s o m e t i m e s t h e c a s e w i t h e v e n w o r s e m o r a l c o n s e q u e n c e s , at p u b l i c h o u s e s . F r o m t h e 1 8 4 0 s d a t e t h e first h a r v e s t t h a n k s g i v i n g s e r v i c e s , o r i g i n a t i n g , it is t h o u g h t , at E a s t B r e n t ( S o m e r ­ set) 139

140

141 142

a n d M o r w e n s t o w e (Cornwall) a n d ' C o m e ye thankful

people

J. Glyde, Autobiography of a Suffolk Farm Labourer (East Suffolk Record Office, q. S9), pp. 2 5 - 6 . Phythian-Adams, 'Rural Culture', pp. 623-4.

T. Hardy, less ofthed'Urbervilles, new edn (1974), p. 50. B. Bushaway, ByRite: Custom, Ceremony and Community in England, 1700-1880(1982), pp. 49, 5 1 - 6 , 248; A. Jessopp, Arcady: For Better for Worse (1887), p. 233.

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W. A. A R M S T R O N G

c o m e ' a n d ' W e p l o u g h t h e fields a n d s c a t t e r ' w e r e first p u b l i s h e d in,

respectively, 1843 and 1 8 6 1 .

1 4 3

C o m p l e m e n t a r y social a r r a n g e ­

m e n t s i n c r e a s i n g l y t e n d e d to t a k e t h e f o r m o f a p a r i s h feast or s u p p e r conducted with propriety, and b y 1889, the R e v . B a r i n g - G o u l d could w r i t e , ' T h e h a r v e s t h o m e is n o m o r e . W e h a v e i n s t e a d h a r v e s t festi­ v a l s , t e a a n d c a k e at s i x p e n c e a h e a d in t h e s c h o o l - r o o m , a n d a c h o r a l s e r v i c e a n d a s e r m o n in t h e c h u r c h . '

1 4 4

Unfortunately, the moral earnestness exhibited b y an increasing pro­ p o r t i o n o f rural c l e r g y m e n , n o w o n a p a r w i t h t h a t o f m i n i s t e r s o f t h e n o n c o n f o r m i s t c h u r c h e s , w a s n o t c o n d u c i v e to s t r e n g t h e n i n g t h e a p p e a l o f t h e c h u r c h to v i l l a g e p o p u l a t i o n s at l a r g e . D e s p i t e t h e ire a r o u s e d a g a i n s t i n d i v i d u a l c l e r g y m e n - m a g i s t r a t e s in t h e 1 8 2 0 s a n d 1830s, and the resentment caused a m o n g m a n y farmers by the work­ i n g s o f t h e t i t h e s y s t e m p r i o r to t h e c o m m u t a t i o n m e a s u r e o f 1 8 3 6 , the 1851 religious census s h o w e d that attendances m a y have b e e n as m u c h as 4 2 p e r c e n t h i g h e r i n rural a r e a s a n d s m a l l t o w n s t h a n in t h o s e o f o v e r 1 0 , 0 0 0 i n s i z e , t a k i n g all d e n o m i n a t i o n s t o g e t h e r .

1 4 5

No comparable census was taken subsequently, but educated guesses s u g g e s t e d s o m e d e c l i n e i n p e r c e n t a g e if n o t in a b s o l u t e t e r m s . B e n n e t t r e c k o n e d t h a t c h u r c h a n d c h a p e l a t t e n d a n c e in t h e v i l l a g e s in 1 9 1 3 did not normally e x c e e d 2 5 - 3 5 per cent of the adult population, a n d e v e n t h e s e w e r e u n l i k e l y to b e a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e c r o s s - s e c t i o n o f vil­ lagers.

1 4 6

In the 1890s G r a h a m ' s characterisation of a typical A n g l i c a n

c o n g r e g a t i o n w a s o n e w h i c h i n c l u d e d , if n o t t h e s q u i r e , t h e n at a n y rate the ladies a n d servants of his h o u s e h o l d ; m o s t of the larger tenants a n d t h e i r d e p e n d a n t s ; e s t a t e f u n c t i o n a r i e s s u c h as t h e g a m e k e e p e r (evincing loyalty to the established order) and the very poor, hobbling u p t h e aisle a n d ' m a k i n g a fine s h o w o f r h e u m a t i c p a i n s a n d n o t forgetting the prospect of Christmas coals'. At the chapel, m e a n w h i l e , one might encounter s o m e smaller tenants, artisans, and shopkeepers t o g e t h e r w i t h a s p r i n k l i n g o f free l a b o u r e r s a n d f a r m

servants.

1 4 7

A l t h o u g h s o m e r e s e n t m e n t w a s c a u s e d b y t h e failure o f t h e A n g l i c a n

Bushaway, By Rite, pp. 265-71; J. Julian, A Dictionary of Hymnology (1907), pp. 237, 254. S. Baring-Gould, Old Country Life (1913), quoted in Bushaway, By Rite, p. 272. K. S. Inglis, 'Patterns of Religious Worship in 1851', Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 11 (1960), p. 80. Bennett, Problems of Village Life, p. 122. Graham, Rural Exodus, p. 52.

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clergy (with a few h o n o u r a b l e exceptions) to side o p e n l y with the l a b o u r e r s at t h e t i m e o f t h e i r ' R e v o l t ' i n t h e 1 8 7 0 s , it is g e n e r a l l y agreed that positive anti-clericalism in the continental s e n s e w a s rare. B u t s o m e felt t h a t t h e l o w c h u r c h p a r t y h a d d o n e i m m e n s e

harm

' b y s u p p r e s s i n g all g e n i a l j o v i a l n a t u r e s a n d m a k i n g a b l e a k p a r s o n i c g l o o m the passport to Christianity' a n d b y the E d w a r d i a n period there w a s ' a g e n e r a l f e e l i n g ' t h a t t h e c h u r c h w i t h its i n c o m p r e h e n s i b l e litur­ gies and ancient formularies w a s quite out of touch with the t i m e s .

1 4 8

P a r t o f t h e difficulty l a y , n o d o u b t , i n t h e fact t h a t p a r s o n s w e r e still c l o s e l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e g e n t r y a n d t h u s s o c i a l l y d i s t a n c e d from those occupying the lower reaches of village hierarchies w h o s e e x i s t e n c e w a s still a c c u r a t e l y r e f l e c t e d in, s a y , n i c e d i s t i n c t i o n s i n t h e f o x - h u n t i n g field o r e v e n i n t h e d e g r e e o f a t t e n t i o n t h a t c a l l e r s at a s o l i c i t o r ' s office m i g h t r e c e i v e .

1 4 9

T h i s is n o t t o s u g g e s t t h a t

the

rural social order w a s i m m u t a b l e , h o w e v e r , a n d in s o m e respects c h a n g e s w e r e e s p e c i a l l y v i s i b l e at its a p e x . I n c r e a s e s i n r e n t s w e r e t h e o r d e r o f t h e d a y u n t i l t h e G r e a t D e p r e s s i o n b e g a n to b i t e in t h e mid-1870s, and sample studies have s h o w n that the average decrease w h i c h e n s u e d d o w n to the mid-1890s w a s about 26 per cent, though very m u c h greater in the south a n d east of the country (41 per cent) t h a n in the north a n d w e s t (12 per c e n t ) .

1 5 0

S u c h a fall c o u l d s e r i o u s l y

embarrass e v e n m e m b e r s of the aristocracy but those most severely affected w e r e t h e g e n t r y i n t h e a r a b l e districts w h o i n m a n y c a s e s found that their reduced incomes could no longer stretch to cover t h e full r a n g e o f activities e x p e c t e d o f t h e m . I n c a s e s w h e r e e s t a t e s w e r e sold, they w e r e likely to pass into the h a n d s of industrialists or f i n a n c i e r s s u c h a s t h e B r a d f o r d m a n u f a c t u r e r w h o b o u g h t a 7 , 0 0 0 acre estate in Lincolnshire from t h e M a r q u e s s of R i p o n in

1889.

1 5 1

Several consequences followed. There was s o m e blurring of the con­ cept of gentility. M o r e t h a n ever, the chink of ready m o n e y c a m e t o c o u n t for m o r e t h a n l o n g d e s c e n t , h e r a l d i c q u a r t e r i n g s , o r a n c e s t r a l crusaders. D e v o t i n g m o r e time to their private b u s i n e s s interests or to the pursuit of c o m p a n y directorships, the h i g h e r gentry b e c a m e m o r e r e m o t e , o n l y o c c a s i o n a l l y flitting a c r o s s t h e v i l l a g e s c e n e w i t h t h e i r g o r g e o u s l y a t t i r e d f a m i l i e s , Tike k i n g f i s h e r s c r o s s i n g a flock o f 148

149

G. Cresswell, Norfolk and its Squires, Clergy, Farmers and Labourers (1875), p. 23; Bennett, Problems of Village Life, pp. 134-5. D. C. Itzkowitz, Peculiar Privilege: A Social History of English Foxhunting, 1753-1885 (Hassocks, Sussex, 1977), pp. 2 5 - 6 , 6 5 , 1 0 1 , 1 7 7 ; Jefferies, Hodge, pp. 176-7.

150 151

Thompson, Landed Society, p. 310. Ibid., p. 319.

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W. A. A R M S T R O N G

hedgerow sparrows'.

1 5 2

T o s o m e extent, the older generation lost their

a p p e t i t e for a s s u m i n g t h e b u r d e n s o f s o c i a l a n d political l e a d e r s h i p , w h i l s t t h e n e w m e n w o u l d s h o u l d e r t h e m o n l y if t h e y p l e a s e d r a t h e r t h a n r e c o g n i s i n g a n y s t r o n g o b l i g a t i o n to d o s o . T h e s e a r e , o f c o u r s e , gross generalisations. There were numerous

villages w h e r e

tight

s q u i r e a r c h i c a l c o n t r o l r e m a i n e d in e v i d e n c e , d i s p l a y i n g t h a t m i x t u r e of b e n e f i c e n c e a n d f i r m n e s s w h i c h , i n t h e e y e s o f h o s t i l e critics e n t a i l e d t h e forfeiture o f e v e r y p a r t i c l e o f f r e e d o m .

1 5 3

Y e t , t a k e n as a w h o l e ,

t h e r e is n o d o u b t t h a t t h e g e n t r y w e r e p l a y i n g a d i m i n i s h i n g p u b l i c role. T h e proportion of M P s w h o were l a n d o w n e r s was reduced from r o u g h l y t w o - t h i r d s to o n e t h i r d b e t w e e n t h e 1 8 5 0 s a n d 1 8 9 0 s , a n d to s o m e e x t e n t t h e y also r e l a x e d t h e i r g r i p o n l o c a l g o v e r n m e n t . S i n c e 1 8 3 4 , t h e t e d i o u s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f t h e p o o r l a w h a d b e e n left i n c r e a s ­ i n g l y to f a r m e r s a n d t r a d e s m e n , a n d fears w e r e e x p r e s s e d t h a t t h e c o u n t y c o u n c i l s o f 1 8 8 8 w o u l d fail to attract g e n t l e m e n a p p r e h e n s i v e of u n d e r g o i n g t r i e n n i a l e l e c t i o n s c o n t e s t e d b y t h e i r s o c i a l i n f e r i o r s . I n t h e e v e n t , l a r g e n u m b e r s did s u b m i t t h e m s e l v e s t o t h i s i n d i g n i t y and

were

returned.

rewarded

1 5 4

for

their

public-spiritedness

by being

duly

H o w e v e r , g e n t l e m e n w e r e far l e s s in e v i d e n c e o n t h e

rural district c o u n c i l s o f 1 8 9 4 , a n d w o u l d b e r e p r e s e n t e d b y a bailiff or a g e n t , if at all, o n t h e h u m b l e p a r i s h c o u n c i l s i n s t i t u t e d in t h e s a m e y e a r . Y e t , d e s p i t e s o m e t e n d e n c y for t h e i r d i r e c t p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n politics t o b e r e d u c e d , t h e i n f l u e n c e e x e r c i s e d b y l a n d l o r d s r e m a i n e d e n o r m o u s . T h r o u g h o u t the Victorian age tenant farmers l o o k e d to t h e m for g u i d a n c e in t h e e x e r c i s e o f t h e i r v o t e s . C a s e s o f direct i n t i m i ­ dation, through threat of dismissal, etc., were not u n k n o w n , although it t o o k a v e r y d e t e r m i n e d t e n a n t a n d a n e q u a l l y o b d u r a t e

landlord

b e f o r e m a t t e r s c a m e to s u c h a h e a d . T h e y r a r e l y d i d s o , e s p e c i a l l y after t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f t h e s e c r e t b a l l o t ( 1 8 7 2 ) a n d t h e p a s s i n g o f the Corrupt Practices Act of 1883, the reason being that most farmers accepted 'the p r e m i s e of the social superiority of the gentry

and

r e g a r d e d d e f e r e n c e as a n a t u r a l e l e m e n t o f g o o d g r a c e ' a s it h a s b e e n neatly put.

1 5 5

M o r e v u l n e r a b l e to w i l d i d e a s , it w a s f e a r e d , w e r e t h e l a b o u r e r s newly

enfranchised

in 1 8 8 4 . Being but

semi-literate, they

were

f r e q u e n t l y j u d g e d to b e i n c a p a b l e o f h o l d i n g i n d e p e n d e n t political 152

F. Thompson, Lark Rise to Candleford (1954 edn), p. 278.

153

See comments of the Daily News reporter on Ardington and Lockinge in M. A. Havinden, Estate Villages (1966), pp. 113-17. D. C. Moore, 'The Gentry', in Mingay, ed., Victorian Countryside, vol. 2, pp. 395-6. Holderness, 'The Victorian Farmer', p. 232.

154

155

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o p i n i o n s a n d , t h o u g h n o t b y n a t u r e f a n a t i c a l , o p e n to t h e a p p e a l s of d e m a g o g u e s . C e r t a i n l y t h e y w e r e c a n v a s s e d w i t h v i g o u r , e s p e c i a l l y in t h e e a r l y 1 8 9 0 s w h e n , c o i n c i d i n g w i t h t h e b r i e f r e v i v a l o f a g r i c u l t u r a l u n i o n i s m , u r b a n radicals sent out into the villages a stream of red (Land Restoration League) and yellow (Land Nationalisation Society) vans m a n n e d b y speakers openly saying that landlords were robbers w h o h a d s t o l e n t h e l a n d f r o m t h e p e o p l e , a n d c a l l i n g for fair r e n t s , fair w a g e s , a n d t h e l a n d for all. O c c a s i o n a l l y t h e y w e r e t u r n e d a w a y b y landlords, but m o s t l y w e n t u n m o l e s t e d , continuing until their m o m e n t u m and funds ran out. B y and large the Liberals expected to g a i n m o s t f r o m t h e e x t e n s i o n o f t h e v o t e t o t h e l a b o u r e r s , t h o u g h t o a c o n s i d e r a b l e e x t e n t t h e i r h o p e s w e r e d i s a p p o i n t e d . T h i s is w e l l i l l u s t r a t e d in t h e v o t i n g figures r e l a t i n g to J o s e p h A r c h ' s c o n t e s t o n b e h a l f o f t h e L i b e r a l s for n o r t h - w e s t N o r f o l k in 1 8 8 5 . H e r e , m a n y of t h e 8 , 2 8 2 e l e c t o r s w h o v o t e d w e r e l a b o u r e r s a n d A r c h did w e l l t o s e c u r e 4 , 4 6 1 v o t e s to L o r d H e n r y B e n t i n c k ' s 3 , 8 2 1 . H i s t r i u m p h , h o w e v e r , w a s d e s t i n e d to b e s h o r t - l i v e d a n d w h e n t h i s r e s u l t w a s reversed in t h e following year, intimidation of the labourers w a s said to h a v e b e e n p r a c t i s e d , e s p e c i a l l y b y T o r y f a r m e r s .

1 5 6

This was a com­

m o n c o m p l a i n t b y L i b e r a l w r i t e r s d o w n to t h e w a r a n d n o d o u b t t h e r e is t r u t h in m a n y o f t h e i n s t a n c e s g i v e n o f u n i o n o r radical a c t i v i s t s being

denied

work

or

otherwise

intimidated.

However,

many

l a b o u r e r s d e f e r r e d i n s t i n c t i v e l y to t h e w i s h e s o f t h e i r e m p l o y e r s . S o m e of t h e m e n w i t h w h o m H o l d e n b y c a m e i n t o c l o s e c o n t a c t t o l d h i m t h a t t h e y n e v e r u s e d t h e i r v o t e : T k n o w ' s as ' e b e t ' o t h e r w a y o ' t h i n k i n ' a n d I w o u l d n o ' l i k e to ' u r t ' i s f e e l i n ' s . '

1 5 7

In other respects,

too, a p p r e h e n s i o n s of the i m m i n e n t politicisation of the labourers h a d b e e n exaggerated. Financial considerations prevented t h e m from s t a n d i n g for c o u n t y or district c o u n c i l e l e c t i o n s , a n d a l t h o u g h t h e r e w a s s o m e initial e n t h u s i a s m for p a r i s h c o u n c i l s (fifty-four l a b o u r e r s w e r e e l e c t e d t o office in W a r w i c k s h i r e in 1 8 9 4

1 5 8

) , this s o o n evaporated

w h e n t h e i r v e r y l i m i t e d p o w e r s o f effecting c h a n g e i n t h e v i l l a g e s t o o d revealed. T o s u m u p t h e c o n d i t i o n o f E n g l i s h rural s o c i e t y o n t h e e v e o f t h e Great W a r w o u l d be no easy task. T h e dynamic forces of c h a n g e m a y b e identified readily, but t h e y h a d operated u n e v e n l y . S o m e districts h a d b e e n m o r e t r o u b l e d b y t h e v i c i s s i t u d e s o f a g r i c u l t u r a l 156

157

158

P. Horn, Joseph Arch (Kineton, Warwicks., 1971), pp. 170-1, 183-4. C. Holdenby, Folk of the Furrow (1913), p. 226. Horn, Labouring Life, pp. 142-3.

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W. A. A R M S T R O N G

prosperity than others. S o m e villages r e m a i n e d relatively i m m u n e from urban influences o n account of poor accessibility, e v e n in the age of the railway. M a n y , o n account of rural de-industrialisation h a d b e c o m e m o r e exclusively agrarian a n d others, in an

occupational

sense, m o r e cosmopolitan. Against ' o p e n ' settlements which pre­ served e l e m e n t s of an unspecialised, ' p e a s a n t ' e c o n o m y to a late date and t h e n in s o m e cases s u c c u m b e d rapidly to suburbanising influences might b e set estate villages featuring enduring 'feudal' relationships, while there were m a n y variations lying b e t w e e n these extremes. T h e heterogeneity of English villages, w h i c h s o m e believe to h a v e b e e n greater than ever, gave enormous scope, of which

contemporaries

t o o k a d v a n t a g e , for c o n t r a s t i n g p o r t r a y a l s o f t h e q u a l i t y o f c o u n t r y life. B u t it w a s u n i v e r s a l l y r e c o g n i s e d t h a t r u r a l s o c i e t y h a d l o s t s o m e of its vitality, a n d , c e r t a i n l y , m u c h o f its c a p a c i t y for

independent

d e v e l o p m e n t a s t h e B r i t i s h i n d u s t r y - s t a t e , still b a r e l y a d o l e s c e n t i n 1851, m o v e d rapidly towards maturity.

IV I n N o v e m b e r 1 9 1 4 , t h e Farmer and Stockbreederforecast

that 'Agriculture

of all i n d u s t r i e s is t h e l e a s t l i k e l y t o b e affected b y t h e w a r . '

1 5 9

In

t h e e v e n t , t h o u g h n o t b e f o r e 1 9 1 6 b y w h i c h d a t e t h e retail f o o d p r i c e index had risen b y s o m e 60 per cent and a more serious view was taken of the G e r m a n submarine threat, the war necessitated a reversal i n t h e t r a d i t i o n a l p o s t u r e o f l a i s s e z faire t o w a r d s a g r i c u l t u r e . T h e government t h e n put together a food production p r o g r a m m e featuring a s y s t e m o f g u a r a n t e e d p r i c e s , a n n o u n c e d i n F e b r u a r y 1 9 1 7 a n d fol­ l o w e d in A u g u s t b y the C o r n P r o d u c t i o n Act w h i c h set m i n i m u m p r i c e s , o n a d e c l i n i n g s c a l e , t o e x t e n d t o 1 9 2 2 . It a l s o a s s u m e d u n p r e c e ­ dented p o w e r s to control cropping, stocking, a n d the allocation of labour,

machinery,

and

s c a r c e fertilisers t h r o u g h

hastily

County Agricultural Committees consisting of leading

formed

landowners

a n d f a r m e r s . B y t h e c l o s e o f t h e w a r B r i t i s h a g r i c u l t u r e w a s effectively f e e d i n g t h e p o p u l a t i o n for t h e e q u i v a l e n t o f 1 5 5 d a y s i n t h e y e a r c o m ­ pared

t o 1 2 5 at its o u t b r e a k .

H o w e v e r in 1 9 2 1 , the

government

d r o p p e d g u a r a n t e e d prices, a step w h i c h w a s bitterly r e s e n t e d as an act o f b e t r a y a l . T h r o u g h o u t t h e 1 9 2 0 s , a p a r t f r o m a n e x c e p t i o n a l m e a ­ s u r e t o s u b s i d i s e s u g a r b e e t p r o d u c t i o n i n 1 9 2 4 , a g r i c u l t u r e w a s left 159

E . H. Whetham, The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. 8: (Cambridge, 1978), p. 70.

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t o its fate i n a c o n t e x t o f falling p r i c e s w h i c h b e t w e e n 1 9 2 0 a n d 1 9 3 3 sank from 2 9 2 to 107 ( 1 9 1 1 - 1 3 = 1 0 0 ) .

1 6 0

A Diss auctioneer recollects

t h a t m e n ' f a r m i n g l a n d t h a t w a s a bit u g l y w e n t u n d e r b y t h e s c o r e s . E v e n o n the g o o d land w h e r e the farmer h a d n ' t e n o u g h capital to l o o k after it a n d h a v e it p r o p e r l y d r a i n e d h e c o u l d n ' t h o l d o n . . . a g o o d deal of the land w e n t b a c k . '

1 6 1

T h e de-rating of agricultural

land a n d buildings in 1928 w a s not e n o u g h to prevent bankruptcies a m o n g English a n d W e l s h farmers from averaging 397 in 1 9 2 1 - 3 1 , rising to a p e a k of 600 in 1 9 3 2 .

1 6 2

T h e r e a f t e r , s o m e s u p p o r t w a s forth­

c o m i n g , b e c a u s e it w o u l d h a v e b e e n i n v i d i o u s t o i g n o r e a g r i c u l t u r e w h e n the n e w National Government was busy erecting a comprehen­ s i v e s y s t e m o f i m p o r t tariffs i n t h e w a k e o f t h e e c o n o m i c b l i z z a r d of 1931. In 1932 c a m e the W h e a t Act assuring producers of a guaran­ teed price (45s. a quarter) while horticultural produce received a mea­ sure of protection under the Import Duties Act of 1932. B y 1937, c o m p a r e d to 1 9 2 7 - 9 , total food imports from foreign countries h a d b e e n reduced by 21 per cent in volume, although under imperial pre­ ference arrangements a 42 per cent increase in imports from the Empire offset t h i s , s o t h a t , o v e r a l l , i m p o r t s w e r e 3 p e r c e n t h i g h e r .

1 6 3

Another

i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t s t e p , u n d e r a n act o f 1 9 3 1 , e n a b l e d t w o - t h i r d s o f t h e producers of a n y agricultural c o m m o d i t y to control o u t p u t as well a s s e t p r i c e s . B y 1 9 3 4 t h e first m a r k e t i n g b o a r d s , for h o p s , p o t a t o e s , milk, a n d b a c o n , h a d appeared, to b e characterised b y varying degrees of success. T h e s e m e a s u r e s d i d n o t s u c c e e d i n lifting p r i c e s t o l e v e l s at w h i c h profits c o u l d b e e a s i l y w o n , for i n 1 9 3 7 - 9 t h e y r e m a i n e d 1 0 p e r c e n t b e l o w e v e n t h e level of 1 9 2 7 - 9 , a n d in 1938 t h e total acreage of agricul­ tural land u n d e r crops or grass w a s 6 per cent l o w e r t h a n in 1 9 2 0 .

1 6 4

N e v e r t h e l e s s t h e y d i d b e t o k e n t h e final d e t h r o n e m e n t o f laissez-faire in the sphere of agricultural e c o n o m i c s , e v e n before the exigencies of t h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r w e r e c o n f r o n t e d . W a r t i m e s t r a t e g y w a s directed towards achieving a coherent food p r o g r a m m e and minimis­ i n g t h e u s e o f s c a r c e s h i p p i n g r e s o u r c e s for f o o d i m p o r t s . A g r i c u l t u r e w a s obliged to concentrate o n grainstuffs, potatoes, a n d milk a n d with increasing expertise, the government 160

deployed

a variety of

Ibid., p. 230.

161

G. E. Evans, Where Beards Wag All (1970), pp. 108-9.

162

Whetham, Agrarian History, p. 238. K. A. H. Murray, Agriculture: History of the Second World War, Civil Series (1955),

163

164

p. 31. Ministry of Agriculture, Agricultural Statistics, pp. 85, 93.

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136

W . A.

A R M S T R O N G

m o n e t a r y i n c e n t i v e s a n d d i r e c t s u b s i d i e s to r e a c h its g o a l s . O n c e a g a i n land utilisation w a s put u n d e r the control of W a r Agricultural C o m ­ mittees, a n d o n this occasion the g o v e r n m e n t recognised from the o u t s e t t h a t its p l a n s w o u l d r e q u i r e c o n s i d e r a b l e l a b o u r i n p u t s , s o t h a t f a r m w o r k e r s w e r e l a r g e l y e x e m p t e d f r o m m i l i t a r y s e r v i c e a n d effec­ tively l o c k e d i n t o a g r i c u l t u r e b y o r d e r s o f 1 9 4 0 a n d 1 9 4 1 . W o r k i n g a l o n g s i d e t h e m w e r e g r e e n - j e r s e y e d l a n d g i r l s a n d Italian a n d G e r m a n prisoners of war and b e t w e e n t h e m these categories made up nearly o n e s i x t h o f a w h o l e - t i m e l a b o u r force t h a t i n c r e a s e d b y n e a r l y 2 0 per cent during the war. B y such m e a n s , coupled with lavish increases in t h e a m o u n t o f fertiliser u s e d a n d i n c r e a s e d m e c h a n i s a t i o n ( t h e r e w e r e t e n t r a c t o r s to e v e r y s e v e n t e e n B r i t i s h f a r m s b y 1 9 4 5 ) , r e a l n e t output was raised b y b e t w e e n 8 and 20 per cent (depending on h o w i n p u t s are e v a l u a t e d ) .

1 6 5

N o t unjustifiably, farmers w e r e p r o u d of their

a c h i e v e m e n t a n d h o p e d that this s e c o n d d e m o n s t r a t i o n of agricul­ ture's indispensability within a generation w o u l d result in a n e w a p p r e c i a t i o n o f its i m p o r t a n c e to t h e n a t i o n . I n t h i s t h e y w e r e n o t disappointed. Urgent balance of p a y m e n t s problems necessitated that i m p o r t s s h o u l d b e strictly h e l d d o w n . It w a s a g a i n s t t h i s b a c k g r o u n d that the Labour g o v e r n m e n t passed an Agriculture Act of 1947 w h i c h set u p t h e p o s t w a r f r a m e w o r k for a g r i c u l t u r e a n d c o m p r i s e d a n a n n u a l p r i c e r e v i e w a n d g u a r a n t e e d m a r k e t for t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t

farm

products. T h r o u g h t h e s e y e a r s o f w a r a n d p e a c e , t h e p a c e o f c h a n g e in rural s o c i e t y a c c e l e r a t e d , y e t it is s t r i k i n g h o w far t h e d i r e c t i o n it t o o k fol­ l o w e d l i n e s a l r e a d y c l e a r l y laid d o w n b e f o r e 1 9 1 4 . T h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of d e a t h d u t i e s ( 1 8 9 4 ) , t h e i r s t r e n g t h e n i n g ( 1 9 0 8 ) , a n d t h e i n c r e m e n t a l value and undeveloped

land duties p r o p o s e d

in L l o y d G e o r g e ' s

' P e o p l e ' s B u d g e t ' of 1909 q u i c k e n e d a p p r e h e n s i o n s about the likely trend of Liberal legislation a n d already, in 1 9 1 0 - 1 4 , p r o m p t e d n e r v o u s p e r s o n s t o sell. T h e G r e a t W a r b r o u g h t a c o n j u n c t u r e o f c i r c u m s t a n c e s c a l c u l a t e d t o h a s t e n t h e b r e a k - u p o f e s t a t e s . A m o n g j u n i o r officers, casualties on the W e s t e r n Front were especially high and

estates

p a s s e d o f t e n t o d i s t a n t r e l a t i v e s w i t h n o s p e c i a l local t i e s , w h o w e r e p a r t i c u l a r l y v u l n e r a b l e t o d e a t h d u t i e s w h i c h w e r e r a i s e d to a l l e g e d ' c o n f i s c a t o r y ' l e v e l s o f u p to 4 0 p e r c e n t o n e s t a t e s v a l u e d at £ 2 m a n d o v e r , in 1 9 1 9 . T h e i m p a c t o f h i g h e r t a x a t i o n g e n e r a l l y h a d a l s o 165

Ibid., pp. 19-20, 22, 62, 7 1 - 2 , 79; Murray, Agriculture, p. 243. The tractor-farm ratio given here excludes holdings with 5 or less acres of crops or grass, and the real net output figures relate to the United Kingdom.

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137

b e e n k e e n l y felt; o n t h e W i l t o n a n d S e v e r n a k e e s t a t e s l a n d t a x , r a t e s a n d i n c o m e t a x r o s e f r o m 9 p e r c e n t o f g r o s s r e n t a l b e f o r e 1 9 1 4 to some 30 per cent by 1919.

1 6 6

O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , w a r t i m e r e n t s did

n o t rise s o fast as p r i c e s , a n d t h e e a g e r n e s s w h i c h f a r m e r s s h o w e d to p u r c h a s e land in 1919 a n d 1920 w a s remarkable. A n avalanche of s a l e s t o o k p l a c e in 1 9 1 9 a n d at t h e c l o s e o f 1 9 2 1 , t h e Estates

Gazette

e s t i m a t e d that as m u c h as o n e quarter of E n g l a n d m u s t h a v e c h a n g e d h a n d s in the preceding four y e a r s .

1 6 7

I n t h e s e c i r c u m s t a n c e s it is u n s u r ­

p r i s i n g t h a t w h a t w a s left o f t h e c o n c e p t o f ' s t e w a r d s h i p ' w a s i n r a p i d retreat a n d a moral superiority over the other inhabitants of the rural world could n o longer b e claimed so confidently b y inheritors or pur­ chasers of l a n d in the interwar period. Old-fashioned

demeanours

w e r e c o m i n g t o b e c o n s i d e r e d ' m o r e g r o t e s q u e t h a n i n t o l e r a b l e , for in 1925 their " i n f e r i o r s " l a u g h ' .

1 6 8

F o r a t i m e t h e n u m b e r o f o w n e r - o c c u p i e r s i n c r e a s e d r a p i d l y : in 1 9 2 7 the proportion of English a n d W e l s h agricultural land so h e l d w a s 36 per cent, against 11 per cent in 1 9 1 4 .

1 6 9

However, the trend could

s c a r c e l y b e e x p e c t e d to c o n t i n u e i n d e f i n i t e l y , g i v e n t h e s t a t e o f agricul­ t u r e , a n d a fall in l a n d v a l u e s o c c u r r e d , f r o m 1 3 4 i n 1 9 2 0 to a n a d i r in 1929 of 82 ( 1 9 3 7 - 9 = 1 0 0 ) .

1 7 0

T h e L o f t s H a l l e s t a t e at E l m d o n , E s s e x ,

p a s s e d through the h a n d s of two speculative purchasers, in 1927 and 1929, o n e of w h o m ripped out the Elizabethan panelling in the m a n ­ sion, w h i c h e n d e d in the Hearst collection in America; although the f a r m s a n d c o t t a g e s w e r e e v e n t u a l l y s o l d off at r o c k - b o t t o m p r i c e s , it is s i g n i f i c a n t t h a t n o n e o f t h e t e n a n t s a c t u a l l y b o u g h t t h e i r f a r m s , t h o u g h several continued to occupy t h e m .

1 7 1

A census of farm land

t a k e n in 1 9 4 1 w o u l d r e v e a l t h a t t h e p r o p o r t i o n h e l d b y o w n e r - o c c u ­ p i e r s s c a r c e l y c h a n g e d after 1927, w h i c h a t t e s t s a l s o to t h e l i m i t a t i o n s of t h e s m a l l h o l d i n g s m o v e m e n t s o d e a r to t h e h e a r t s o f t h e L i b e r a l s , w h o h a d l o n g f a v o u r e d t h e i r e x t e n s i o n as l i k e l y to e n c o u r a g e t h e g r o w t h o f a c l a s s o f v o t e r s free f r o m s u b s e r v i e n c e to m a i n l y T o r y l a n d l o r d s . Little h a d c o m e o f A c t s o f 1 8 9 2 a n d 1908 w h i c h e m p o w e r e d c o u n t y c o u n c i l s to c r e a t e s u c h h o l d i n g s , n o r d i d a n y g r e a t s u c c e s s attend 166 167 168 169 170

171

the

1919 Act which

aimed

to provide

smallholdings

for

Thompson, Landed Society, pp. 321-2, 327-30. Ibid., p. 332. J. W. Robertson-Scott, England's Green and Pleasant Land (1925), p. 35. Whetham, Agrarian History, pp. 160-1. J. T. Ward, 'Changes in the Sale Value of Farm Real Estate in England and Wales', The Farm Economist, 7 (1953), p. 151. J. Robin, Elmdon: Continuity and Change in a North-West Essex Village, 1861-1964 (Cambridge, 1980), pp. 65, 73.

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W. A. A R M S T R O N G

e x - s e r v i c e m e n . T h r o u g h o u t its h i s t o r y t h e m o v e m e n t h a d b e e n criti­ cised as b a c k w a r d - l o o k i n g a n d liable to p r o d u c e d a n g e r o u s l y unviable holdings a n d in the e c o n o m i c circumstances of the interwar period it is n o t s u r p r i s i n g t o find t h a t t h e r a t e at w h i c h s m a l l f a r m s d i s a p ­ p e a r e d i n t o l a r g e r u n i t s e x c e e d e d t h a t at w h i c h n e w o n e s w e r e c r e a t e d u s i n g p u b l i c f u n d s . I n E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s , h o l d i n g s i n t h e r a n g e 1-5 acres d e c r e a s e d b y 18 per cent b e t w e e n 1914 a n d 1925, a n d b y a further 8 per cent b y 1935; and those of 5 - 5 0 acres b y 5 and 9 per cent respect­ ively.

172

T h u s , the retreat of the squirearchy a n d decline of the landed estates increased the number

of owner-occupiers; but reductions in

the

n u m b e r o f s m a l l f a r m s m a d e it l e s s l i k e l y t h a n e v e r t h a t a n o r d i n a r y worker could a s c e n d the agricultural ladder b y b e c o m i n g established as a s m a l l f a r m e r . T h e Land Worker, a n e w s p a p e r p u b l i s h e d b y t h e National Agricultural W o r k e r s ' Union, viewed smallholdings with predictable scepticism a n d sought to contrast e m p l o y e r s w h o w e r e up-to-date and ' e m p l o y e d science and forethought' with the other sort w h o d r a g g e d d o w n t h e a v e r a g e a n d m a d e profits l o o k b a d . T h i s s a i d , it d i d n o t h e s i t a t e t o criticise t h e c o n d u c t o f i n d i v i d u a l f a r m e r s , a n d m a d e a point of monitoring the size of farmers' wills. In the seven years ending April 1 9 3 3 , 1 , 8 1 5 each bequeathing £ 8 , 0 0 0 or more left i n t o t a l £ 3 9 . 4 m : T f w e r e c k o n t h a t t h e r e a r e 8 6 , 6 0 0 f a r m e r s i n England, Wales and Scotland with farms over 100 acres, w e estimate that half of t h e m w h o die leave fortunes of m o r e t h a n £ 5 , 0 0 0 e a c h . '

1 7 3

W h a t e v e r t h e m e r i t s o f t h e s e c a l c u l a t i o n s , it is c l e a r t h a t v a l i d g e n e r a l ­ i s a t i o n s a b o u t t h e p o s i t i o n o f f a r m e r s i n t h e i n t e r w a r p e r i o d a r e diffi­ cult t o m a k e . I n D e v o n , t h e p e r c e n t a g e i n a s a m p l e o f 1 8 6 f a r m e r s w h o o w n e d motor-cars rose from thirteen in 1928 to thirty-four in 1934, b y w h i c h date o n e in t w o holding over 150 acres u s e d t h e m .

1 7 4

A f a r m e r ' s life s t y l e m i g h t c o n v e y t h e i m p r e s s i o n t h a t h e w a s d o i n g well w h e n , considered from another standpoint, the return on his capital e m p l o y e d w a s rather l o w t h u s enabling h i m to g r u m b l e p u b ­ licly a b o u t t h e u n r e m u n e r a t i v e b u s i n e s s o f f a r m i n g . A t all e v e n t s , those w h o survived the interwar period found greater prosperity dur­ i n g t h e w a r , w h i c h , a c c o r d i n g t o a N o r f o l k w o m a n w h o s p o k e for many, 'made most of t h e m ' . B e y o n d a doubt farmers' net incomes

172

Whetham, Agrarian History, p. 45.

173

Land Worker, October 1927, December 1931, April 1933. W . H. Long and S. H. Carson, 'Farmers and Motor Cars', The Farm Economist, 1 (1935), p. 243.

174

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139

rose m o r e rapidly t h a n w a g e s in general (including farm w o r k e r s ' w a g e s ) , s a l a r i e s , p r o f e s s i o n a l e a r n i n g s , a n d c o m p a n y profits, approximately doubled their share of the national i n c o m e .

1 7 5

and

N o r did

f a r m e r s s h a r e fully i n t h e p r i v a t i o n s o f t h e r e s t o f s o c i e t y . T h o u g h h a r a s s e d b y a variety of orders c o n c e r n i n g the killing of a n d disposal of a n i m a l s a n d p e t r o l a l l o c a t i o n s , t h e r e is a m p l e t e s t i m o n y t h a t t h e s e w e r e n o t difficult to e v a d e .

D e s p i t e t h e l o n g - s t a n d i n g drift f r o m t h e l a n d , t h e ratio o f e m p l o y e e s t o e m p l o y e r s r e m a i n e d o f t h e o r d e r o f 3 : 1 in 1 9 1 1 . D u r i n g t h e G r e a t War

t h o u s a n d s of y o u n g e r m e n w e r e d r a w n into military service,

t h o u g h n o t w i t h q u i t e t h e effect o n c e b e l i e v e d , for in o n e w a y o r a n o t h e r , a b o u t 9 7 p e r c e n t o f total l a b o u r i n p u t o f t h e p r e - w a r p e r i o d w a s still b e i n g a c h i e v e d in 1 9 1 8 . A d u l t m a l e w o r k e r s w h o r e m a i n e d o n t h e f a r m s e x p e r i e n c e d initially a fall in real w a g e s o f a b o u t 13 p e r c e n t b y t h e e n d o f 1 9 1 6 , d u e in p a r t to t h e u n d e r - c u t t i n g o f t h e i r position by the use of auxiliaries.

176

Thereafter they benefited from

the operations of an Agricultural W a g e s Board introduced along with t h e C o r n P r o d u c t i o n A c t , s o t h a t , o v e r a l l , w a r t i m e i n c r e a s e s in e a r n ­ ings (some 95 per cent) kept pace with prices. Trade unionism b o o m e d concurrently a n d N U A W m e m b e r s h i p rose from only 4 , 0 0 0 - 5 , 0 0 0 in 1 9 1 4 to r e a c h 9 3 , 0 0 0 b y 1 9 2 0 .

1 7 7

At about this date, an E s s e x labourer

e x p r e s s e d h i s s a t i s f a c t i o n : 'all m y life t h e f a r m e r ' s b i n s i t t i n ' o n w e , a n ' n o w its o u r t u r n a n ' w e ' r e s i t t i n g o n t h e l i k e s o f h i m ' .

1 7 8

Such

o p t i m i s m w a s d e s t i n e d to b e s h o r t - l i v e d . W i t h t h e r e p e a l o f t h e C o r n Production Act c a m e the replacement of statutory wage-fixing ma­ chinery b y voluntary county conciliation committees; these proved t o b e d i s a s t r o u s l y ineffective, t h e a v e r a g e c a s h w a g e s o f o r d i n a r y w o r k e r s falling f r o m 3 7 s . in 1 9 2 1 to 2 8 s . t h e f o l l o w i n g y e a r , as f a r m e r s s o u g h t to r e t r e n c h . W a g e s w e r e p a r t i c u l a r l y l o w i n N o r f o l k w h e r e , in 1 9 2 3 , a f u r t h e r a t t e m p t w a s m a d e to r e d u c e t h e m , t o 5\d. a n h o u r , which would have yielded a wage of 24s. 9d. on the assumption of a full fifty-four-hour w e e k w h i c h , h o w e v e r , e m p l o y e r s w o u l d

not

g u a r a n t e e . T h e e n s u i n g strike m a r k s a n o t h e r f a m o u s c h a p t e r in t h e history of agricultural trade u n i o n i s m , a n d saw intimidation o n b o t h 175 176

177

178

N. Longmate, How We Lived Then (1971), p. 235; Murray, Agriculture, pp. 289-90. P. E. Dewey, 'Agricultural Labour Supply in England and Wales during the First World War', Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 28 (1975), pp. 104, 107-8. H. Newby, The Deferential Worker (1977), p. 228. See also A. Howkins, Poor Labouring Men: Rural Radicalism in Norfolk 1870-1923 (1985), chaps. 7, 8. S. L. Benusan, Latterday Rural England (1927), p. 24.

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W . A. A R M S T R O N G

sides, the u s e of blacklegs, s o m e limited violence, a n d n u m e r o u s cases of v i c t i m i s a t i o n i n t h e a f t e r m a t h o f a s e t t l e m e n t w h i c h , s i n c e it f e a t u r e d a 2 5 s . w e e k l y w a g e for a g u a r a n t e e d w e e k o f fifty h o u r s , c o u l d b e represented b y the N U A W as successful. Y e t the episode served also to i n d i c a t e t h e w e a k n e s s o f a g r i c u l t u r a l t r a d e u n i o n i s m . I n t h i s , t h e s t r o n g e s t district o f t h e c o u n t r y , o n l y a b o u t a q u a r t e r o f t h e m e n called u p o n to do so actually struck, a n d t h e benefits payable to t h o s e w h o did cost the u n i o n the equivalent of t w o years s u b s c r i p t i o n s .

179

H o w e v e r , t h e s t r i k e h e l p e d b y its i m p a c t o n p u b l i c o p i n i o n t o p a v e t h e w a y for t h e r e s t o r a t i o n o f s t a t u t o r y w a g e l e g i s l a t i o n i n a g r i c u l t u r e by a Labour g o v e r n m e n t the following year. T h e rates agreed b y c o u n t y w a g e c o m m i t t e e s t h e r e a f t e r d i d n o t a l w a y s h o l d i n face o f often g e n u i n e i g n o r a n c e o n t h e p a r t o f e m p l o y e r s a n d e m p l o y e e s , for in 1 9 3 5 - 6 t h e p r o p o r t i o n o f E n g l i s h w o r k e r s still u n d e r p a i d w a s p r o b a b l y as h i g h a s 2 1 p e r c e n t .

1 8 0

F o r all t h a t , t h e d e c i s i o n to r e s u r r e c t

wage-fixing m a c h i n e r y w a s helpful to t h e farm w o r k e r : in particular, w a g e s w e r e h e l d steady in 1 9 3 1 - 4 w h e n t h e y w o u l d o t h e r w i s e h a v e t u m b l e d , a n d b y t h e l a t e r 1 9 3 0 s c a s h w a g e s h a d lifted a little. A v e r a g e e a r n i n g s o f o r d i n a r y w o r k e r s s t o o d at 3 5 s . 3 d . i n 1 9 3 6 - 7 , w i t h t h o s e of s p e c i a l i s t w o r k e r s s o m e 3 - 5 s . h i g h e r . I n v i e w o f c o n t e m p o r a r y m o v e m e n t s in the cost of living, their real value m a y h a v e increased b y as m u c h a s 2 0 p e r c e n t b e t w e e n 1 9 2 5 a n d 1 9 3 8 w h i l e f a r m w o r k e r s ' birth rates w e r e also c o m i n g d o w n (by 2 1 per cent b e t w e e n 1921 a n d 1931) albeit m o r e s l o w l y t h a n i n m o s t o t h e r o c c u p a t i o n a l g r o u p s .

1 8 1

These gains w e r e to s o m e extent reflected in rising standards of con­ sumption. Margaret A s h b y allowed that their h o m e s b y the thirties w e r e 'all well-equipped with c o o k i n g utensils w h e r e a s in pre-war y e a r s frying p a n a n d s a u c e p a n w e r e all t h a t w e r e a v a i l a b l e . I m p r o v e d s o a p s , t h e m a n t l e l a m p , t h e oil s t o v e . . . a r e n o t d e s p i c a b l e a s c o n t r i b u ­ tions to the decent l i f e . '

1 8 2

Raleigh bicycles complete with

Dunlop

tyres a n d S t u r m e y - A r c h e r t h r e e - s p e e d gears w e r e b e i n g advertised at £ 8 . 1 0 s - o r 1 2 s . a m o n t h - i n t h e p a g e s o f t h e Land Worker i n t h e 1920s, a n d m a n y y o u n g e r m e n in the 1930s acquired motor-cycles, 179 180

181

182

Newby, Deferential Worker, p. 225. A. W . Ashby and J. H. Smith, 'Agricultural Labour in Wales under Statutory Regulation of Wages, 1924-37', Welsh Journal of Agriculture, 14 (1938), p. 20. In Wales the proportion was still higher. W. H. Pedley, Labour on the Land (1942), pp. 35, 38; J. W. Innes, 'Class Birth Rates in England and Wales, 1921-31', Milbank Memorial Fund Quarterly, 19 (1941), p. 87. M. K. Ashby, 'Recent Rural Changes as they Affect the Younger Generation', Journal and Proceedings of the Agricultural Economics Society, 2 (1933), p. 229.

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The countryside

141

if u s u a l l y s e c o n d - h a n d o n e s . D u r i n g t h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r m i n i m u m w a g e s w e r e r e v i s e d i n l i n e w i t h f a r m p r o d u c t p r i c e s , a n d r o s e to 72s. 2d. with m a n y m e n earning over £ 4 . E v e n so the farm worker r e m a i n e d relatively poorly paid. T h u s t h e average w a g e in seven skilled industrial occupations in 1937 w a s rather over double the

ordinary

agricultural

worker

could expect to receive,

what whilst

u n s k i l l e d l a b o u r e r s w o r k i n g for l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s a n d o n b u i l d i n g sites earned 5 3 - 4 s . and on the railways, 4 7 s .

1 8 3

It is n o t , t h e r e f o r e , surpris­

i n g t h a t t h e h i s t o r i c t r e n d t o w a r d s t h e r e d u c t i o n o f f a r m staffs c o n t i ­ n u e d , until interrupted b y the restrictions of the S e c o n d W o r l d W a r . From

1921 the

outflow

can be monitored

from

the

Agricultural

R e t u r n s , w h i c h s h o w , in t h e 1920s, a m a r k e d decline in farmers' r e l i a n c e o n c a s u a l l a b o u r , b o t h m a l e a n d f e m a l e , a l t h o u g h n o t , at that

stage,

of regular

male

workers;

thereafter,

however,

their

n u m b e r s p l u m m e t e d b y s o m e 17 per cent in nine years, 1 9 3 0 - 9 .

1 8 4

C e r t a i n l y d e s p e r a t e efforts t o s e e k e c o n o m i e s i n e x p e n d i t u r e o n l a b o u r w e r e m a d e a s f a r m e r s s t r o v e t o r e s p o n d t o c h a n g i n g p r i c e relativities b y shifting t h e c o m p o s i t i o n o f f a r m o u t p u t a w a y f r o m c e r e a l p r o d u c ­ t i o n . I n E a s t A n g l i a t h e c o s t o f p o o r l a w relief q u a d r u p l e d b e t w e e n 1931 and the year ending March 1 9 3 3 .

1 8 5

H o w e v e r , in general, those

w h o left t h e l a n d d i d s o b e c a u s e t h e y w a n t e d t o . T h e r e w e r e s o m e interesting variations o n this ancient t h e m e . B y the interwar period d e p r e s s e d c o n d i t i o n s i n h e a v y i n d u s t r y , m i n i n g , a n d textile p r o d u c ­ tion severely limited the extent to which the remaining labour on t h e l a n d w a s d r a w n a w a y i n t h e n o r t h , w h i l e i n W a l e s after 1 9 2 6 t h e r e w a s a p o s i t i v e b a c k f l o w i n t o a g r i c u l t u r e . H o w e v e r , i n districts c h a r a c t e r i s e d b y a m i x t u r e o f o l d a n d n e w i n d u s t r i e s ( s u c h as Bir­ m i n g h a m , C o v e n t r y , o r R u g b y ) , f a r m e r s c o n t i n u e d t o feel s o m e c o m ­ p e t i t i o n for l a b o u r

1 8 6

a n d a b o v e all, it w a s i n s o u t h e r n c o u n t i e s , far

r e m o v e d from the traditional industrial heartlands,

t h a t l o s s e s of

labour were n o w most considerable and well above any necessitated by c h a n g e s in agrarian practices. In Oxfordshire, which

sustained

the greatest loss in 1 9 2 1 - 3 8 (48 per cent) o n e survey s h o w e d

that

o n l y a q u a r t e r o f a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r e r s ' s o n s w e r e s u c c e e d i n g their f a t h e r s ' o c c u p a t i o n s , a n d h e r e , t h e M o r r i s w o r k s at C o w l e y w e r e a s t r o n g a t t r a c t i o n . I n B e r k s h i r e t h e M G p l a n t at A b i n g d o n p l a y e d t h e 183

Pedley, Labour on the Land, p. 13.

184

Ministry of Agriculture, Agricultural Statistics, p. 62. Whetham, Agrarian History, pp. 236-7. Ashby and Evans, Agriculture of Wales, pp. 80, 231; W . Irons, 'Agriculture in War­

185

186

wickshire', Journal of the Royal Agricultural Society, 91 (1930), p. 48.

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142

W. A. A R M S T R O N G

s a m e role on a smaller scale, while in B u c k i n g h a m s h i r e , substantial n u m b e r s o f m e n w e r e l o s t t o f u r n i t u r e f a c t o r i e s at H i g h W y c o m b e , p a p e r mills a n d b r i c k w o r k s .

1 8 7

M o r e o v e r , as a s t u d y s e t in t h e C o t s -

w o l d s r e m a r k e d , r e s i d e n c e in a r u r a l a r e a w a s ' n o w v e r y far f r o m b e i n g s y n o n y m o u s w i t h e m p l o y m e n t in a g r i c u l t u r e ' . B a s e d o n a n a n a l y s i s o f c h i l d r e n w h o h a d left v i l l a g e s c h o o l s at t h e a g e o f f o u r t e e n , it f o l l o w e d t h e c a r e e r s o f thirty-six m e n , h a l f b e i n g t h e s o n s o f a g r i c u l ­ tural l a b o u r e r s . T e n y e a r s o n , t h e t h i r t y - s i x i n c l u d e d o n l y e l e v e n agri­ c u l t u r a l w a g e e a r n e r s ( n i n e at h o m e a n d t w o a w a y ) ; t h o s e a b s e n t included t w o soldiers a n d t w o p o l i c e m e n in B i r m i n g h a m , a n d t h o s e r e m a i n i n g at h o m e b u t n o t e m p l o y e d o n f a r m s i n c l u d e d t w o e s t a t e gardeners, one groom, one footman, one independent grocer, a garage m e c h a n i c , a l o r r y driver, t h r e e r o a d w o r k e r s , a n d t h r e e h a n d y m e n .

1 8 8

T h e r e is a c o n s p i c u o u s a b s e n c e o f m e n t i o n o f r u r a l crafts o f a tradi­ t i o n a l sort. B e t w e e n 1 9 1 1 a n d 1 9 3 1 t h e n u m b e r o f r u r a l c r a f t s m e n w a s still falling, i n t h e c a s e o f R u t l a n d b y s o m e 4 2 p e r c e n t

1 8 9

; and

it w a s i n c r e a s i n g l y felt t h a t t h e i r ' m o r i b u n d c o n d i t i o n . . . m a y h a v e to b e r e c o g n i s e d a s t h e p r i c e o f i n d u s t r i a l p r o g r e s s i n o t h e r c e n t r e s ' . The study prefaced b y these w o r d s m a d e particular reference to the v i r t u a l e n d i n g o f o u t w o r k i n d u s t r i e s for w o m e n . L a c e m a k i n g w a s c o n s i d e r e d a craft d o o m e d t o e x t i n c t i o n s o far a s w o r k i n g w o m e n w e r e c o n c e r n e d ; l i k e h a n d l o o m w e a v i n g , it w o u l d r e m a i n o n l y a s a ' d e l i g h t f u l h o b b y for l e i s u r e d p e o p l e ' a t t r a c t e d b y its artistic p o s s i b i l i ­ ties.

1 9 0

W h e r e v e r p o s s i b l e , girls, t o o , w e r e l o o k i n g for s o m e t h i n g m o r e

m o d e r n . T h e artistic p o s s i b i l i t i e s offered i n t h e t w o f a c t o r i e s o f t h e A m b r o s i a M i l k C o . i n D e v o n w e r e p r e s u m a b l y l i m i t e d , b u t t h e girls w e r e reported to b e taking h o m e an average of £ 1 7s. 6d. a w e e k , a n d in s o m e cases m o r e t h a n their fathers working o n f a r m s .

1 9 1

R e l e v a n t t o t h e falling n u m b e r s i n a g r i c u l t u r e w a s a n i n c r e a s i n g g a p w h i c h appeared to b e o p e n i n g u p b e t w e e n the levels of rural a n d u r b a n a m e n i t i e s . T h i s is n o t t o s a y t h a t t h o s e a v a i l a b l e i n r u r a l a r e a s w e r e 187

188

189 190

191

Pedley, Labour on the Land, p. 5; Viscount Astor and B. S. Rowntree, British Agricul­ ture (1938), p. 308; Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food, Report of Proceedings under the Agricultural Wages (Regulation) Act, 1924, for the Two Years Ending 1931 (1931), pp. 116-34. M. A. Abrams, 'A Contribution to the Study of Occupational and Residential Mobility in the Cotswolds, 1921-31', Journal and Proceedings of the Agricultural Econ­ omics Society, 2 (1932), pp. 6 4 - 5 , 68. Saville, Rural Depopulation, p. 74. H. E. Fitzrandolph and M. D. Hay, The Rural Industries of England and Wales, vol. 3 (Oxford, 1927), pp. vi, 7 0 - 1 . F. G. Thomas, The Changing Village (1939), pp. 116-17.

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The countryside

143

devoid of i m p r o v e m e n t . O n e obvious gain c a m e with the proliferation of b u s r o u t e s c o v e r i n g m a n y v i l l a g e s n o t a l r e a d y s e r v e d b y r a i l w a y s . W h e r e s e r v i c e s w e r e sufficiently f r e q u e n t , v i l l a g e e m p l o y m e n t p a t ­ terns were considerably enlarged and even where they were only occasional, they m a d e t o w n shopping and access to urban entertain­ m e n t s s u c h as c i n e m a s a g r e a t d e a l e a s i e r for rural folk. A c o n s i d e r a b l e i m p r o v e m e n t occurred in library services. In 1915 Professor A d a m s ' s report to the Carnegie Trust suggested that only 2.5 per cent of the rural population, as against 79 per cent of townsfolk, h a d access to p u b l i c l i b r a r i e s . T h e T r u s t p r o c e e d e d t o offer g r a n t s t o c o u n t y c o u n c i l s to inaugurate services, a n d subsequently u n d e r the Public Library Act

of 1919 c o u n t y authorities w e r e permitted to s u p p o r t libraries

from the rates. All but three counties w e r e doing so b y 1931, usually by distributing b o o k - b o x e s to village schools: u n d e r t h e s e arrange­ m e n t s , s o m e 48 million issues were m a d e to 2 million registered bor­ rowers from over 17,000 centres in 1 9 3 4 - 5 .

1 9 2

M o r e significant t h a n the advent of n e w amenities, t h o u g h ,

was

t h e e x t r e m e l y s l o w r a t e at w h i c h o l d o n e s w e r e i m p r o v e d . A c a s e in point w a s education. T h a t t h e standards of village schools w e r e l o w e r t h a n t h o s e o f t h e t o w n s w a s s u g g e s t e d b y t h e fact t h a t w h i l e o n l y 3 4 p e r c e n t o f all c e r t i f i c a t e d t e a c h e r s i n p u b l i c e l e m e n t a r y s c h o o l s w e r e e m p l o y e d in rural areas, over 71 per cent of uncertificated, a n d 87

per

cent

of supplementary

teachers,

were

employed

there.

A l t h o u g h m a n y m a d e u p i n d e d i c a t i o n for w h a t t h e y l a c k e d i n f o r m a l q u a l i f i c a t i o n s , s o m e o f t h e o l d b a r r i e r s t o p r o g r e s s , s u c h a s erratic a t t e n d a n c e , w e r e still i n e v i d e n c e . M o r e o v e r , d e s p i t e t h e

Hadow

report of 1926 w h i c h r e c o m m e n d e d splitting e l e m e n t a r y education b e t w e e n j u n i o r a n d senior schools, in 1936 about 65 per cent of rural c h i l d r e n w e r e still e d u c a t e d i n all-age s c h o o l s .

1 9 3

T h e war limited

further progress a n d i n d e e d brought n e w p r o b l e m s with the s u d d e n a p p e a r a n c e o f u r b a n e v a c u e e s , a n d s h o r t a g e s o f e q u i p m e n t a n d staff. Further education in rural areas w a s likewise limited a n d strongly o r i e n t a t e d t o a g r i c u l t u r e . A l t h o u g h b y 1 9 3 8 it w a s p o s s i b l e t o u n d e r ­ t a k e d e g r e e a n d d i p l o m a c o u r s e s in a g r i c u l t u r e at s e v e n u n i v e r s i t i e s , or t o t a k e a d v a n t a g e o f t h e facilities o f f o r t y - t h r e e F a r m I n s t i t u t e s or

Experimental Stations run

b y local authorities,

few

students

e m e r g e d from a m o n g farm workers' children; the cleverer children w e r e in a n y case t h o s e m o s t likely to b e d r a w n out of agriculture. 192

193

Pedley, Labour on the Land, pp. 127-8. Ibid., pp. 113,117.

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144

W. A. A R M S T R O N G

H o w e v e r , t h e m o s t o b v i o u s r u r a l d i s a m e n i t i e s r e l a t e d to h o u s i n g . Few

f a r m w o r k e r s w e r e a b l e t o afford t o b u y , o r e v e n r e n t , l i v i n g

a c c o m m o d a t i o n in the 871,000 n e w h o u s e s constructed in rural areas ( m o s t l y a d j a c e n t to t o w n s ) b e t w e e n 1 9 1 9 a n d 1 9 4 3 . N i n e o u t o f t e n relied o n existing stock, including m a n y tied cottages, w h i c h often h a d b e e n n e g l e c t e d for y e a r s a n d r e m a i n e d s o d e s p i t e t h e

advent

of g r a n t s for r e c o n d i t i o n i n g i n 1 9 2 6 . A s y e t , f e w c o t t a g e s b o a s t e d electricity a n d t h i s w a s b y n o m e a n s t h e i r m o s t c o n s p i c u o u s d e f i c i e n c y for in 1 9 3 9 n o f e w e r t h a n 2 5 p e r c e n t o f E n g l i s h p a r i s h e s still l a c k e d a p i p e d w a t e r s u p p l y w h i l e p r o g r e s s w a s still s l o w e r w i t h r e s p e c t to m o d e r n sanitation. Wells, cess-pools, a n d earth closets w e r e b e c o m ­ i n g w i d e l y r e g a r d e d a s relics o f a b a r b a r o u s a g e a n d w e r e e s p e c i a l l y resented by women. The

1 9 4

Again, the w a r did nothing to help matters.

w e a k n e s s of institutions thought essential to the m a i n t e n a n c e

of s o c i a l c o h e s i o n , w a s a n o t h e r t h e m e p o p u l a r i n c o n t e m p o r a r y dis­ c u s s i o n s o f t h e p r o b l e m s o f v i l l a g e life. M o s t a g r e e d t h a t t h e f o r t u n e s of t h e c h u r c h e s w e r e b y n o w at a l o w e b b . A l l t o o o f t e n , s a i d t h e report of a committee appointed b y the A r c h b i s h o p of Canterbury in 1920, the clergy h a d e v i n c e d a 'blind indiscriminating solidarity of v i e w s w i t h t h e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f p r o p e r t y ' .

1 9 5

T h e roots of this

p r o b l e m l a y far b a c k i n t i m e a n d a n a t t i t u d e o f s u s p i c i o u s i n d i f f e r e n c e w a s n o t t o b e w o n d e r e d at, o b s e r v e d t h e Land Worker in a r e v i e w w h i c h contrasted the record of gluttony in P a r s o n

Woodeford's

r e c e n t l y p u b l i s h e d d i a r i e s w i t h t h e p i c t u r e o f t h e late e i g h t e e n t h c e n ­ tury revealed b y the H a m m o n d s .

1 9 6

S u c h a n a t t i t u d e w a s difficult

for e v e n t h e m o s t d e d i c a t e d a n d s i n c e r e p a r s o n t o b r e a k d o w n , a n d the m o r e h e strove to do so the m o r e u n p o p u l a r h e might well b e c o m e with the chief supporters of the church w h o , whatever their defects of c h a r a c t e r a n d u n d e r s t a n d i n g , d i d m o s t t o k e e p it g o i n g . M o r e o v e r , although old animosities w e r e rapidly abating, the chapels scarcely f a r e d a n y b e t t e r , for n o n c o n f o r m i s t m e m b e r s h i p f i g u r e s w e r e a l s o d e c l i n i n g after 1 9 2 7 .

1 9 7

In o t h e r r e s p e c t s v i l l a g e life c o n t i n u e d to e x h i b i t a g r e a t e r air o f l i v e l i n e s s . A l t h o u g h m a n y o l d g a m e s h a d fallen i n t o d i s u s e , o r g a n i s e d 194

195 196 197

Ministry of Health, Rural Housing. Third Report of the Rural Housing Sub-Committee of the Central Housing Advisory Committee (1944), p. 10; Pedley, Labour on the Land, pp. 7 2 - 3 , 94, 99-100. Pedley, Labour on the Land, pp. 145-6. Land Worker, April 1926. R. Currie, A. Gilbert and L. Horsley, Churches and Churchgoers: Patterns of Church Growth in the British Isles since 1700 (Oxford, 1977), pp. 25, 31.

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145

sport, particularly football a n d cricket, w a s well supported. I n d e e d , e a s i e r t r a n s p o r t p r o v i d e d b e t t e r o p p o r t u n i t i e s for i n t e r - v i l l a g e c o n ­ tests, a n d the generalisation of the half-holiday, e x t e n d e d e v e n to f a r m w o r k e r s i n 1 9 3 8 , u s h e r e d o r g a n i s e d s p o r t i n t o its g o l d e n e r a e x t e n d i n g from the 1930s t h r o u g h to the advent of television in rural areas in the mid-1950s. N o doubt sport could dispel status distinctions m o r e easily t h a n anything else. Likewise, the Y o u n g F a r m e r s ' Clubs, initiated in 1922 b y L o r d Northcliff e a n d n u m b e r i n g 4 0 0 b y 1939, w e r e o p e n t o all w i t h a n i n t e r e s t , a g e d t e n to t w e n t y - o n e , a n d t h e i r S a t u r d a y n i g h t d a n c e s a n d r e c r e a t i o n a l activities c e r t a i n l y a t t r a c t e d y o u t h s a n d girls f r o m all social l e v e l s . O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l t r a i n i n g e l e m e n t o f t h e i r p r o g r a m m e w a s c a l c u l a t e d to a p p e a l t o t h e s o n s a n d d a u g h t e r s o f f a r m e r s a n d in 1 9 4 0 P e d l e y w a r n e d a g a i n s t a c e r t a i n c l i q u i s h n e s s , a n d a t e n d e n c y for t h e m o v e m e n t t o d e v e l o p i n t o a 'youth

branch

of the

National

Farmers' Union'.

1 9 8

Most

nearly

a p p r o a c h i n g u n i v e r s a l i t y w e r e t h e W o m e n ' s I n s t i t u t e s w h i c h origi­ n a t e d i n C a n a d a a n d r a p i d l y e x t e n d e d i n E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s after 1 9 1 5 . I n t h e 1 9 2 0 s t h e Land Worker d a r k l y w a r n e d t h a t a t t e m p t s t o instruct w o r k e r s ' wives h o w to m a k e a hat from the sleeve of a jacket, o r t r i m m i n g s for t h e i r b o n n e t s f r o m t h e e d g e s o f d i s c a r d e d s h i r t s w e r e b u t p a r t o f a p r e p a r a t i o n for r e d u c e d w a g e s for t h e i r m e n f o l k .

1 9 9

Y e t t h e fact t h a t t h e i n s t i t u t e s w e r e u s u a l l y l e d b y l a d i e s o f p o s i t i o n did not prevent total m e m b e r s h i p rising to 328,000 b y 1939, w h e n there were nearly 6,000 separate institutes.

200

If o n l y a q u a r t e r o f

t h e s e w e r e l a b o u r e r s ' w i v e s , t h e r e s u l t a n t figure w o u l d b e t w i c e t h e contemporary membership of the N U A W . It s h o u l d b e n o t i c e d , h o w e v e r , t h a t t h e s e m o r e s u c c e s s f u l v i l l a g e o r g a n i s a t i o n s t e n d e d to s e g r e g a t e v i l l a g e r s o n t h e l i n e s o f g e n e r a t i o n , occupation, or sex. T h e o n l y fresh d e v e l o p m e n t w h i c h h a d

some

p o t e n t i a l t o s t r e n g t h e n t h e o v e r a l l c o h e s i o n o f r u r a l s o c i a l life w a s the appearance of village halls. T h e s e should not b e confused with 'reading r o o m s ' , a legacy in s o m e favoured parishes of nineteenthcentury landlord benevolence, which had usually degenerated by the i n t e r w a r p e r i o d i n t o p l a c e s w h e r e m e n p l a y e d d a r t s o r billiards t o while a w a y long e v e n i n g s . Village halls proper w e r e usually acquired for t h e first t i m e i n t h e 1 9 2 0 s , m a n y b e i n g e x - a r m y h u t s , a n d w e r e e n c o u r a g e d b y n e w voluntary rural c o m m u n i t y councils w h i c h w e r e 198

Pedley, Labour on the Land, pp. 152-4.

199

Land Worker, May 1922. Pedley, Labour on the Land, p. 148.

200

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146

W. A. A R M S T R O N G

to b e f o u n d in t w e n t y - o n e c o u n t i e s b y 1 9 3 9 . U s i n g C a r n e g i e T r u s t F u n d s a n d limited s u b v e n t i o n s from local authorities, t h e s e councils a s s i s t e d l o c a l i n i t i a t i v e s w i t h g r a n t s a n d b y t h e late 1 9 3 0 s w e r e p r o c e s s ­ ing s o m e 2 0 0 - 3 0 0 such applications per year. At that date village halls w e r e still far f r o m u n i v e r s a l ; h o w e v e r , w h e r e t h e y did e x i s t , t h e y a p p e a r to h a v e b e e n w e l l u s e d . O n e u n n a m e d hall in G l o u c e s t e r s h i r e h o s t e d in 1 9 3 9 t e n c o n c e r t s , f o r t y - e i g h t d a n c e s , fifty w h i s t d r i v e s , four first-aid c l a s s e s , air raid w a r d e n s ' l e c t u r e s , five e d u c a t i o n a l l e c ­ tures

and

classes.

2 0 1

children's

dancing,

amateur

theatrical,

and

keep

fit

T h e r e was an obvious contrast b e t w e e n b u s y villages of

this kind a n d others, poorly served b y c o m m u n i c a t i o n s a n d almost e n t i r e l y d e p e n d e n t o n a g r i c u l t u r e as a m e a n s o f s u p p o r t ,

whose

vitality e b b e d a s y o u n g p e o p l e drifted a w a y a n d r e d u c t i o n s in t h e b i r t h r a t e o c c u r r e d e v e n a m o n g t h e f a r m w o r k e r s . ' T h e r e is n o t a q u a r t e r o f t h e m e n in t h e v i l l a g e t h e r e u s e d to b e l o o k at t h e b i g f a m i l e s [sic] t h e r e u s e d to b e . . . n o w t h e r e is h a r d l y a n y y o u n g s t e r s on the farms' wrote Frederick Swafheld of Stoke Abbott, Dorset, about 1 9 2 4 , w h i l e e v e n in W a r w i c k s h i r e , s e v e n t y - s e v e n p a r i s h e s w i t h a p o p u l a t i o n b e l o w 5 0 0 in 1 8 5 1 s h o w e d a 3 0 p e r c e n t d e c l i n e b y 1 9 3 1 a n d forty-four c o n t i n u e d to d o s o d o w n t o 1 9 5 1 .

2 0 2

This suggested

to s o m e t h a t , b y d i n t o f s e l e c t i v e m i g r a t i o n , r u r a l f e e b l e - m i n d e d n e s s w a s o n the increase and intelligence o n the decline. Doubtless this view accorded well with the general i m p r e s s i o n s of rural primitiveness c o m m o n a m o n g u r b a n i t e s , b u t t h e e v i d e n c e s c a r c e l y s t o o d u p t o criti­ cal s c r u t i n y . A l t h o u g h I Q t e s t s s e e m e d t o c o n c u r in a s s e s s i n g rural s c h o o l c h i l d r e n as ' a y e a r b e h i n d ' t h e i r u r b a n c o u n t e r p a r t s , w e l l b e f o r e t h e w a r t h o u g h t f u l m e n w e r e a l r e a d y b e g i n n i n g t o q u e s t i o n t h e i r vali­ d i t y a s m e a s u r e s o f i n h e r e n t a b i l i t y , n o t i n g t h e difficulty o f m a k i n g t h e m free o f c u l t u r e - b i a s a n d t h e effect o f t h e a p p l i c a t i o n o f differential teaching resources.

2 0 3

v I n h i s Problems of the Countryside

(1945) O r w i n imagined a m o d e r n

Rip v a n W i n k l e arising from a sleep lasting since 1 8 8 0 . Visiting the v i l l a g e o f h i s b o y h o o d , R i p w o u l d find t h e l a n e s , fields, a n d h e d g e r o w s 201

202

203

Ibid., pp. 1 5 9 - 6 0 , 1 6 2 . 'Reminiscences of Frederick Swaffield, 1895-1924' (Dorset Record Office, D459/1) (unpaginated); Saville, Rural Depopulation, p. 87. See B. S. Bosanquet, 'Quality of the Rural Population', Eugenics Review, 42 (1950), pp. 78, 82-90.

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147

s u b s t a n t i a l l y u n a l t e r e d , a n d r e c o g n i s e at o n c e m o s t o f t h e f a r m h o u s e s a n d b u i l d i n g s , p e r h a p s a little s h a b b i e r t h a n h e h a d k n o w n

them

in his youth. H e m i g h t w o n d e r w h a t h a d b e c o m e of the windmill, w h y nettles w e r e g r o w i n g in the w h e e l w r i g h t ' s yard a n d the black­ s m i t h ' s s h o p w a s s h u t t e r e d o r w h e r e all t h e y o u n g p e o p l e w e r e , b u t t h e o n l y t h i n g s to s u r p r i s e h i m w o u l d b e p a s s i n g m o t o r v e h i c l e s a n d t r a c t o r s . B y c o n t r a s t , w e r e h e t o visit t h e n e a r b y t o w n , p l a t e - g l a s s f r o n t a g e s , n e w s h o p p i n g districts, a n d f a c t o r i e s w o u l d m a k e h i m feel a s t r a n g e r , w h i l e t h e h o u s e h o l d a m e n i t i e s t a k e n for g r a n t e d i n m o d e r n housing estates would certainly astound him. Pursuing the contrast, O r w i n argued that the smallness of m a n y English villages and their t e n d e n c y in recent years to shrink w a s fundamental to their lack of virility a n d i n a b i l i t y t o k e e p a b r e a s t o f c h a n g i n g s t a n d a r d s in s o c i e t y at l a r g e . L i k e w i s e , i n a g r i c u l t u r e , h e c o n s i d e r e d a n y t h i n g b e l o w 2 5 0 a c r e s t o b e inefficient a n d o u t m o d e d , f a v o u r i n g t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t of l a r g e r u n i t s w h i c h w o u l d afford g r e a t e r s c o p e t o m a n a g e m e n t a n d better opportunities to labour. Rural reconstruction could not b e led b y p r i v a t e l a n d o w n e r s , m a n y o f w h o m h a d d i s a p p e a r e d ; i n d e e d it s e e m e d likely that the r e m a i n i n g country h o u s e s w o u l d b e 'as obsol­ ete, b e f o r e l o n g . . . a s t h e m e d i e v a l c a s t l e s w h i c h m a n y o f t h e m h a d s u p e r s e d e d ' . Rather, revitalisation w o u l d require the decentralisation of i n d u s t r y a n d c o m p r e h e n s i v e p l a n n i n g a n d c o n t r o l to f u s e t o w n a n d c o u n t r y e l e m e n t s i n t o o n e c o m m u n i t y for social p u r p o s e s .

2 0 4

O r w i n ' s criticisms w e r e pertinent e n o u g h . W h e n , about 1950, a pio­ n e e r i n g attempt w a s m a d e to quantify the extent of rural disamenities i n W i l t s h i r e , a n ' i n d e x o f social p r o v i s i o n ' s h o w e d a r e g u l a r r e l a t i o n ­ s h i p w i t h s i z e a n d d r o p p e d b e l o w h a l f t h e m a x i m u m 3 6 p o i n t s at a population level of 5 0 0 - 6 0 0 .

2 0 5

M o r e o v e r , the average size of farms

r e m a i n e d m o d e s t b y i n t e r n a t i o n a l if n o t b y c o n t i n e n t a l E u r o p e a n s t a n ­ dards; in 1951 o n l y 3,500 English a n d W e l s h farms included 5 0 0 acres or m o r e o f l a n d d e v o t e d t o c r o p s a n d g r a s s a n d i n 1 9 4 6 h o r s e s w e r e still t w o a n d a h a l f t i m e s a s n u m e r o u s a s t r a c t o r s .

206

Country houses

s h o w e d every sign of further decline; thus, b y 1951 only o n e third of t h e g e n t r y f a m i l i e s o f 1 8 7 1 i n t h e c o u n t i e s o f E s s e x , O x f o r d , a n d S h r o p s h i r e still r e t a i n e d t h e i r s e a t s . For 204

205

2 0 7

all t h a t , s t r a n d s o f p r o g r e s s a n d r e t u r n i n g c o n f i d e n c e w e r e

C. S. Orwin, Problems of the Countryside (Cambridge, 1945), pp. 1 - 4 , 1 1 , 45, 99-100. H. E. Bracey, 'Rural Planning: An Index of Social Provision', Journal and Proceedings

of the Agricultural Economics Society, 9 (1951), pp. 210-21. 206

Ministry of Agriculture, Agricultural Statistics, pp. 19, 55, 61.

207

Thompson, Landed Society, p. 342.

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W. A. A R M S T R O N G

interwoven with those of decay, making a c o m p l e x tapestry. In the public sphere rural transport

facilities w e r e m o v i n g t o w a r d s t h e i r

a p o g e e at t h i s t i m e , in t e r m s o f t h e f r e q u e n c y o f b u s a n d rail s e r v i c e s . The

almost universal c o n v e y a n c e of children to secondary schools

in t h e l a r g e r v i l l a g e s or t o w n s afforded t o a d o l e s c e n t s , e s p e c i a l l y t h o s e c o n s i d e r e d to b e sufficiently a b l e t o qualify for s e l e c t i v e p l a c e s i n g r a m ­ m a r s c h o o l s , a w i d e r r a n g e o f o p p o r t u n i t i e s . A l t h o u g h left o u t s i d e t h e u m b r e l l a o f earlier w e l f a r e p r o v i s i o n for t o o l o n g , f a r m w o r k e r s w e r e full p a r t i c i p a n t s i n t h e p o s t - B e v e r i d g e e r a a n d b y 1 9 5 1 a m u c h h i g h e r p r o p o r t i o n o f t h e i r h o m e s w a s w a t e r e d , d r a i n e d , a n d lit t h a n in 1939. U n d e r t h e shelter p r o v i d e d b y post-war strategies for s t r e n g t h e n ­ ing agriculture, their industry w a s buoyant. T h e net i n c o m e generated b y a g r i c u l t u r e c o n t i n u e d to i n c r e a s e , b y s o m e 3 2 p e r c e n t b e t w e e n 1945 a n d 1 9 5 0 , a n d t h e v a l u e o f l a n d w a s r i s i n g , r e a c h i n g a n i n d e x o f 2 5 2 i n 1 9 5 1 , a g a i n s t 8 2 in 1 9 2 9 a n d 1 0 0 in 1 9 3 7 - 9 . M o s t r e m a i n i n g craftsmen h a d plenty of w o r k a n d agricultural engineers gained from t h e w i d e r diffusion o f m a c h i n e r y : t h e n u m b e r o f t r a c t o r s o n B r i t i s h farms increased b y 129,000 b e t w e e n 1946 and 1950 and

surpassed

t h e a g g r e g a t e n u m b e r o f h o r s e s u s e d , for t h e first t i m e , i n t h a t y e a r . Moreover, agriculture w a s giving m o r e e m p l o y m e n t . T h e n u m b e r of r e g u l a r w o r k e r s , i n 1 9 4 9 , w a s 6 8 5 , 0 0 0 o r 1 2 p e r c e n t h i g h e r t h a n in 1 9 3 9 , a n d t h e n u m b e r o f c a s u a l s o r p a r t - t i m e r s , at 1 7 1 , 0 0 0 , w a s 5 5 per cent up. Between 1938 and 1950, though the purchasing

power

of t h e p o u n d h a d a p p r o x i m a t e l y h a l v e d , f a r m w a g e s v i r t u a l l y t r i p l e d to g i v e a b o u t a 4 3 p e r c e n t g a i n i n r e a l t e r m s .

2 0 8

In these circumstances

m e m b e r s h i p o f N U A W r o s e s i g n i f i c a n t l y a n d i n 1 9 4 8 a n all-time p e a k m e m b e r s h i p w a s r e a c h e d at 1 3 7 , 0 0 0 , o r o v e r t h r e e t i m e s t h e l e v e l in 1 9 3 8 .

2 0 9

However, militancy was not the order of the day. Since

the early 1930s the executive h a d increasingly sought c o m m o n cause with the National F a r m e r s ' U n i o n o n agricultural policy matters. T h e w a r h a d s e e n f u r t h e r s i g n s o f r a p p r o c h e m e n t a n d it is n o t g o i n g t o o far to s a y t h a t t h e n o t i o n o f a n ' a g r i c u l t u r a l i n t e r e s t ' w a s partially rehabilitated. W h e n , in 1951, S t a n l e y E v a n s , Parliamentary Secretary of t h e M i n i s t r y o f F o o d i n t h e L a b o u r g o v e r n m e n t , m a d e h i s f a m o u s c o m m e n t s o n the 'feather-bedding' of farmers, the N U A W G e n e r a l

Ministry of Agriculture, Agricultural Statistics, pp. 62, 71, 73, 76; Ward, 'Real Estate', p. 151; E. Mejer, Agricultural Labour in England and Wales, Part II, Farm Workers' Earnings, 1917-51 (Nottingham University, Department of Agricultural Economics, 1951), pp. 9 4 , 1 0 7 . Newby, Deferential Worker, p. 228.

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The countryside

149

Secretary complained through his Executive Committee and publicly i n a s p e e c h c a s t i g a t i n g L a b o u r ' s f a r m i n g critics. Standards of c o n s u m p t i o n were rising. A g o v e r n m e n t enquiry into t h e h o u s e h o l d diets of h e a v y m a n u a l w o r k e r s carried out in the late 1940s s h o w e d

that their energy value and

nutrient

content

was

s c a r c e l y a n y different for f a r m w o r k e r s t h a n a m o n g c o m p a r a b l e u r b a n groups,

2 1 0

a n d f u r t h e r i n t e r e s t i n g d e t a i l s o f rural c o n s u m p t i o n p a t ­

t e r n s e m e r g e d f r o m a s u r v e y o f 1 9 4 8 . V e r y f e w rural h o u s e w i v e s at any social level n o w b a k e d their o w n bread, or m a d e their o w n clothes. Greater mobility w a s reflected in the h i g h proportion of c o n s u m e r g o o d s , s u c h as s a u c e p a n s a n d b e d l i n e n , p u r c h a s e d i n t h e m a r k e t t o w n o r n e a r e s t l a r g e city, a s w e r e i r o n s a n d fires, t h e l i k e l y first p u r c h a s e s of t h o s e n e w l y linked with the electricity grid. T h e o w n e r ­ ship of bicycles, c i n e m a attendances a n d football pool ' i n v e s t m e n t ' all r a n h i g h e s t a m o n g t h o s e i n s o c i a l c a t e g o r i e s D a n d E , w h o , h o w ­ e v e r , w e r e m u c h l e s s l i k e l y to t a k e h o l i d a y s , a n d t w e n t y - s i x t i m e s m o r e l i k e l y t o r e a d t h e News of the World t h a n t h e Daily

Telegraph.

S u c h 'class' b a s e d differences w e r e not always paramount: r e s p e c t to t h e u s e o f l i p s t i c k , nail v a r n i s h a n d p e r m a n e n t

with

waves,

y o u n g e r w o m e n in rural a r e a s b e h a v e d l i k e t h e i r u r b a n c o u n t e r p a r t s , any rural-urban

differences b e i n g due largely to 'the resistance to

c h a n g e o f t h e o v e r - 4 5 a g e g r o u p i n rural a r e a s ' .

2 1 1

These elements

of d e c a y a n d p r o g r e s s w e r e m i r r o r e d i n B e t j e m a n ' s p o e m , The Dear Old Village, a p e r s p i c a c i o u s if h e a v i l y i r o n i c a n d v a l u e - l a d e n e v o c a t i o n of v i l l a g e life a b o u t 1 9 5 0 .

As

w e n o w k n o w , t h e rural w o r l d w a s t e e t e r i n g o n t h e b r i n k o f

c h a n g e s o f l i g h t n i n g r a p i d i t y a n d for t h e t i m e b e i n g t h e s e m a y b e left t o s o c i o l o g i s t s a n d e c o n o m i s t s w h o a r e t a k i n g a n i n c r e a s i n g i n t e r ­ est in t h e

field.

212

A b o u t 1 9 5 0 it s t o o d at a c r o s s r o a d s f r o m w h i c h

the historian m a y conveniently gaze back d o w n the path traversed over t w o centuries or m o r e . Despite variations in agricultural con­ ditions and practices and the widely a c k n o w l e d g e d heterogeneity of E n g l i s h v i l l a g e s , it is g e n e r a l l y a g r e e d t h a t t h e drift o f s o c i a l c h a n g e 210

211

212

Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food, Studies in Urban Household Diets, 1944-9. Second Report of the National Food Survey Committee (1956), pp. 6 2 - 5 . J. W . Hobson and H. Henry, The Rural Market: A Compilation of Facts Related to the Agricultural Industry and Rural Standards of Living and Rural Purchasing Habits (1948), pp. 85, 86, 93, 1 0 0 , 1 0 3 , 1 0 4 - 5 , 1 1 0 - 1 3 , 1 2 1 . Of particular value are the works of H. Newby including The Deferential Worker and Green and Pleasant Land? Social Change in Rural England (Harmondsworth, 1980).

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W . A. A R M S T R O N G

w a s not directionless, a n d that e c o n o m i c progress along capitalistic l i n e s w a s i n s o m e s e n s e p u r c h a s e d at t h e c o s t o f t h e d é s t a b i l i s a t i o n of a n o l d e r o r d e r . F o r m a n y , t h e n a t u r e o f t h e s e c h a n g e s is a p t l y s u m m a r i s e d b y t h e s u b o r d i n a t i o n o f ' c o m m u n i t y ' t o ' c l a s s ' . T h e first of t h e s e c o n c e p t s , w h i c h are i n t h e n a t u r e o f a b s t r a c t i o n s r a t h e r t h a n h i s t o r i c a l facts, c o n n o t e s t h e e x i s t e n c e o f s t a b l e , h a r m o n i o u s ,

and

o r d e r l y r e l a t i o n s h i p s b e t w e e n i n d i v i d u a l s o f w i d e l y differing s t a t u s , a c t e d o u t in t h e s m a l l - s c a l e e n v i r o n m e n t o f t h e v i l l a g e ; t h e s e c o n d i m p l i e s a r e c o g n i t i o n o f d i v i s i o n o f i n t e r e s t a n d is e s s e n t i a l l y conflict u a l . A t o n e t i m e it s e e m e d p o s s i b l e t o t a l k i n t e r m s o f a s t a r k d i c h o ­ t o m y a n d i n d e e d to pin-point

the change with accuracy. As

an

a n t h r o p o l o g i s t p u t it i n 1 9 2 2 , ' w i t h t h e e n c l o s u r e o f t h e C o m m o n F i e l d s a n d W a s t e t h e c o m m u n i t y life o f t h e v i l l a g e c a m e t o a n e n d . Village society b e c a m e divided into two c a m p s , often t w o hostile camps.'

2 1 3

T o d a y ' s historians prefer to view c h a n g e s in village society

as the c o n s e q u e n c e of capitalist d e v e l o p m e n t s in agriculture going b a c k t o t h e l a t e M i d d l e A g e s . T h e y are l i k e l y t o k n o w t h a t t h e c o n c e p t of c o m m u n i t y h a s b e e n d e f i n e d i n at l e a s t n i n e t y - f o u r senses

2 1 4

different

a n d will c e r t a i n l y b e a w a r e t h a t l a m e n t a t i o n s a b o u t

the

lost ' o r g a n i c ' social relationships of 'old E n g l a n d ' are a m o v a b l e feast, c a p a b l e o f b e i n g t r a c e d b a c k i n l i t e r a t u r e t o t h e s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r y at least.

2 1 5

T h e c o n c e p t o f c l a s s g i v e s r i s e t o e q u a l l y fierce difficulties.

Although

most

sociologists respect the

Weberian

differentiation

b e t w e e n class a n d status, everyday English recognises n o nice distinc­ t i o n ; i n o r d i n a r y p a r l a n c e t h e w o r d ' c l a s s ' , e v e r s i n c e its n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y i n t r o d u c t i o n , h a s b e e n u s e d b y m a n y a s a s y n o n y m for s t a t u s ranking. N o t w i t h s t a n d i n g s u c h pitfalls, t h e e m e r g e n c e o f c l a s s h a s r e m a i n e d a central t h e m e in s o m e of the m o s t influential m o d e r n w o r k s o n rural social h i s t o r y . T h u s H o b s b a w m a n d R u d é s e e t h e l a b o u r e r s a s a l r e a d y constituting a class in the e i g h t e e n t h century and, as w e h a v e seen, i n t e r p r e t t h e e v e n t s o f 1 8 3 0 as a s p o n t a n e o u s r e s p o n s e to o p p r e s s i o n and proletarianisation. H o w e v e r , this reaction w a s archaic a n d a m o r e m o d e r n form of m o v e m e n t , built in part o n village n o n c o n f o r m i t y a n d p r e s a g e d b y the organisation of friendly

societies, emerged

only with the labourers' u n i o n s in t h e 1870s. In the

meantime,

213

H. Peake, The English Village: The Origin and Decay of its Community (1922), p. 214.

214

G. A. Hillery, 'Definitions of Community: Areas of Agreement', Rural Sociology, 20 (1955), cited in C. Bell and H. Newby, Community Studies (1971), pp. 2 7 - 9 . R. Williams, The Country and the City (1973), pp. 18-22.

215

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The countryside

151

e n d e m i c a c t s o f t e r r o r i s m r e f l e c t e d a spirit o f h a t r e d a n d r e v e n g e which, they say, was 'universally f e l t ' .

2 1 6

In a less widely k n o w n but

extremely able study Obelkevich suggests that classes w e r e forged not only b y m e n acting o n the basis of c o m m o n economic interest but also b y their withdrawal from the village c o m m u n i t y a n d retreat i n t o t h e p r i v a t e life o f t h e f a m i l y . T h e first c l a s s t o d o s o w a s t h e g e n t r y , e m p a r k e d at s o m e d i s t a n c e f r o m t h e v i l l a g e s w h o s e d e s t i n i e s t h e y n e v e r t h e l e s s c o n t r o l l e d ; n e x t c a m e t h e f a r m e r s (at l e a s t , t h e ' n e w s t y l e ' p r o g r e s s i v e s ) , b u s y d i s t a n c i n g t h e m s e l v e s d u r i n g t h e first h a l f of t h e n i n e t e e n t h century, b y expelling their servants, r e m o v i n g their children from village schools, retreating into isolated f a r m h o u s e s sur­ r o u n d e d b y ring fences, etc. This isolated the labourers, w h o were o b j e c t i v e l y a c l a s s b u t s u b j e c t i v e l y u n s u r e o f t h e i r p o s i t i o n vis-d-vis the other classes, w h o s e behaviour frequently disappointed and some­ t i m e s i n f u r i a t e d t h e m . B y d e g r e e s a s t h e y b e c a m e m o r e l i t e r a t e , disci­ p l i n e d , a n d self-reliant, t h e y t o o d e v e l o p e d ' s o m e t h i n g o f a c l a s s c o n s c i o u s n e s s ' and unionisation in the 1870s m a r k e d the c o n s u m m a ­ tion of their e m e r g e n c e as a c l a s s .

2 1 7

This phasing of the evolution

of c l a s s s o c i e t y a c c o r d s r a t h e r n e a t l y w i t h t h a t p u t f o r w a r d b y P e r k i n in a m o r e general study of m o d e r n English society, a n d to s o m e extent is r e f l e c t e d in t h e w o r k o f o t h e r m o d e r n h i s t o r i a n s . F o r e x a m p l e M i n g a y writes that towards the e n d of the nineteenth century the country labourer was 'no longer a m e m b e r of the lower orders but o f t h e l o w e r c l a s s e s , a n d a w o r l d o f d i f f e r e n c e is r e f l e c t e d in t h a t slight c h a n g e of t e r m i n o l o g y ' .

2 1 8

In m a n y r e s p e c t s , a m o n g w h i c h v e r y l i m i t e d o p p o r t u n i t i e s for selfa d v a n c e m e n t and low w a g e s were the most obvious, the situation o f t h e f a r m l a b o u r e r r e m a i n e d d i s a d v a n t a g e d c o m p a r e d to t h a t o f w o r k e r s in other industries, w h o , indeed, w e r e p r o n e to j u d g e their o w n social a n d e c o n o m i c progress b y the extent that t h e y distanced t h e m s e l v e s f r o m h i s s t y l e a n d s t a n d a r d o f life. T o t h e e x t e n t t h a t a s e n s e o f i n f e r i o r i t y w a s b o r n e i n o n t h e l a b o u r e r s it is s c a r c e l y s u r p r i s ­ ing that t h e y d e v e l o p e d a form of class c o n s c i o u s n e s s , in the s e n s e of s h o w i n g a n i n c r e a s e d a w a r e n e s s of their lowly status. H o w e v e r , there are few indications that class consciousness of that kind carried over

into

active class hostility.

According to

Holdenby,

216

Hobsbawm and Rude, Swing, pp. 287, 292.

217

Obelkevich, Religion and Rural Society, pp. 2 5 - 6 . H. J . Perkin, The Origins of Modern English Society, 1780-1880 G. E . Mingay, Rural Life in Victorian England (1977), p. 226.

218

many

(1969), chap. 9;

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152

W. A. A R M S T R O N G

E d w a r d i a n labourers took a pride in their local gentry, a n d G r e e n c o u l d n o t b e l i e v e t h a t ' t h o s e w h o tie t h e i r t r o u s e r s w i t h s t r i n g . . . a r e filled w i t h c l a s s h a t r e d for t h e b o o t e d a n d s p u r r e d ' . I n t h e s a m e v e i n S t u r t c l a i m e d t h a t a g a i n s t t h e r i c h t h e l a b o u r e r s h a d ' n o sort of a n i m o s i t y ' a n d e v i n c e d little h o s t i l i t y e v e n t o w a r d s t h e i r e m p l o y e r s ( a l t h o u g h , s a d l y , t h e c o n v e r s e w a s n o t t r u e ) ; w h i l e at S l e d m e r e ( Y o r k ­ s h i r e ) Fairf a x - B l a k e b o r o u g h r e m a r k e d o n t h e w a y i n w h i c h t h e g e n t r y at t h e H a l l w e r e still l o o k e d u p t o in 1 9 2 9 w i t h ' a l m o s t f e u d a l h o m a g e ' by the inhabitants of the village.

219

L e s t all t h e s e o b s e r v e r s are c o n ­

s i d e r e d s u s p e c t b y v i r t u e o f t h e i r o w n c l a s s affiliations, w e m i g h t n o t e a l s o h o w , at T y s o e , J o s e p h A s h b y f o u n d it difficult t o m a i n t a i n a h o s t ' s courtesy w h e n faced with the 'politics of class and h a t e ' preached by students (mostly y o u n g urban trade unionists) brought back b y his son Arthur from Ruskin College; the observation (by a L a b o u r p a r t y o r g a n i s e r ) t h a t in i n t e r w a r S u s s e x t h e r e w a s c l a s s differ­ entiation, but n o class feeling; and the conclusion of W i n s t a n l e y , b a s e d u p o n oral e v i d e n c e f r o m K e n t , t h a t a l t h o u g h l a b o u r e r s w e r e c o n s c i o u s of t h e i r c l a s s , f e w s h o w e d o p e n h o s t i l i t y .

220

W h e n i n t h e late 1 9 6 0 s

N e w b y i n v e s t i g a t e d w i t h all t h e f i n e s s e o f t h e m o d e r n s o c i o l o g i s t t h e i m a g e s o f s o c i e t y h e l d b y f a r m w o r k e r s i n Suffolk h e f o u n d a m o r a s s o f v i e w s a n d a m b i v a l e n t a t t i t u d e s . T h e n u m b e r o f c l a s s e s dis­ t i n g u i s h e d r a n g e d f r o m nil t o five a n d t h e r e w e r e t w e n t y - f o u r dis­ tinguishable types of nomenclature, though with s o m e heaping on a ' d i c h o t o m o u s a s c r i p t i v e m o d e l ' ( 5 9 p e r c e n t ) . N e a r l y all t h o s e i n t e r ­ v i e w e d r e g a r d e d c l a s s d i f f e r e n c e s as i n e v i t a b l e a n d m o s t r e s e r v e d t h e i r c r i t i c i s m for s n o b b e r y , i . e . t h e f l a u n t i n g o f s o c i a l d i s t i n c t i o n s or i n c o n s i d e r a t e d e m e a n o u r , e s p e c i a l l y if e x h i b i t e d b y t h e n e w v i l l a g e middle class.

2 2 1

T h e s e findings, N e w b y thought, reflected very recent

changes which had brought

employers and their m u c h

reduced

n u m b e r s o f w o r k e r s c l o s e r t o g e t h e r , in face o f t h e n e w i n t r u d e r s i n t o v i l l a g e life. T h e f a r m w o r k e r ' s p e r c e p t i o n o f h i s e c o n o m i c i n t e r e s t as contrary to that of his e m p l o y e r h a d t h u s b e e n clouded, a n d c o n s e ­ q u e n t l y c l a s s conflict a n d c l a s s c o n s c i o u s n e s s h a d d i m i n i s h e d . S o m e h i s t o r i a n s m i g h t w o n d e r h o w c h a r a c t e r i s t i c it h a d e v e r b e e n ; K e r r i d g e , 219

220

221

Holdenby, Folk of the Furrow, pp. 226-7; Green, English Agricultural Labourer, p. 224; Sturt, Change in the Village, pp. 104-5, 161; J. Fairf ax-Blakeborough, Sykes of Sledmere (1929), p. 183. M. K. Ashby, Joseph Ashby of Tysoe, 1859-1919 (Cambridge, 1961), p. 258; P. Ambrose, The Quiet Revolution: Social Change in a Sussex Village, 1871-1971 (1974), p. 56; M. Winstanley, 'Voices from the Past: Rural Kent at the Close of an Era', inMingay, ed., Victorian Countryside, vol. 2, pp. 633-4. Newby, Deferential Worker, pp. 335-6, 361, 387-8, 391-5, 408.

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The countryside

153

for e x a m p l e , i n s i s t s i n a r e v i e w o f a r e c e n t c o m p e n d i u m o f r u r a l s o c i a l history that E n g l a n d h a d n o classes in the Marxist s e n s e a n d that a t t e m p t s to i n t e r p r e t h e r h i s t o r y i n t h e l i g h t o f c l a s s s t r u g g l e s a r e f o r e d o o m e d to failure.

222

T h i s is n o t to s a y t h a t t h e c o n c e p t o f c l a s s h a s n o p a r t to p l a y in f u r t h e r i n g o u r u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f rural s o c i a l c h a n g e . R a t h e r , it is s u g ­ g e s t e d that future research strategies s h o u l d follow N e w b y ' s r e c o m ­ m e n d a t i o n that instead of concentrating u p o n the attitudinal attributes o f i n d i v i d u a l s f r o m w h i c h t h e i r p u t a t i v e b e h a v i o u r is t h e n i n f e r r e d , it is m o r e i m p o r t a n t to s t u d y t h e s i t u a t i o n a l f a c t o r s w h i c h t y p i c a l l y c o n f r o n t t h e m a n d h o w t h e s e affect t h e n a t u r e o f t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n w h i c h t h e y are e n g a g e d .

2 2 3

T h i s a d v i c e is o f f e r e d t o s o c i o l o g i s t s ,

b u t is n o l e s s r e l e v a n t to h i s t o r i a n s . T h e a n a l y s i s o f l o c a l l a b o u r markets, patterns of residential persistence and migration, marriage h o r i z o n s (in b o t h a g e o g r a p h i c a l a n d s o c i a l s e n s e ) , f a m i l y c o m p o s i t i o n , a n d kinship networks, to m e n t i o n just a few possibilities, should t h r o w considerable light o n social attitudes t h r o u g h the behavioural p a t t e r n s t h e y r e v e a l . A priori, it m i g h t b e s u s p e c t e d t h a t s o c i a l t e n s i o n s t e n d e d to run higher in the south a n d east than the north a n d w e s t a n d w e r e m o r e l i k e l y t o b e a r t i c u l a t e d in t e r m s o f c l a s s . O r it m i g h t be

supposed

that,

regardless of broad regional divisions, village

t y p o l o g i e s h a v e m o s t t o tell u s . A t all e v e n t s , u n t i l m u c h m o r e w o r k h a s b e e n c a r r i e d o u t o n t h e l i n e s s u g g e s t e d it will r e m a i n i m p o s s i b l e to generalise with a n y great confidence about historical trends in social p e r c e p t i o n s , a n d i n t h e m e a n t i m e , b r o a d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f rural s o c i a l c h a n g e m a y b e pivoted m o r e safely o n agrarian conditions, the impact of i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n , a n d a s s o c i a t e d d e m o g r a p h i c c h a n g e s . 222

Review of Mingay, Victorian Countryside, in Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 35

223

Newby, Deferential Worker, p. 385.

(1982), p. 314.

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CHAPTER 3

Scotland 1750-1850 ROSALIND

MITCHISON

I I n s p i t e o f a c o n t i n u i n g s e n s e o f n a t i o n a l i d e n t i t y , S c o t l a n d in t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y w a s a c o u n t r y o f m a r k e d r e g i o n a l a n d e t h n i c differ­ ences. T h e major division w a s b e t w e e n the English-speaking areas, all in w h a t is c a l l e d t h e L o w l a n d s , a n d t h e a r e a o f G a e l i c u s a g e , t h e Highlands. T h e line dividing English from Gaelic speech h a d b e e n narrowing

down

the

G a e l t a c h t for c e n t u r i e s ,

and

by the

mid-

e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y l a y v e r y n e a r t o t h e g r e a t g e o l o g i c a l fault w h i c h m a k e s the highland edge, though even so there were English-speaking a r e a s t o t h e n o r t h o f t h e fault: m o s t o f t h e p l a i n f o r m i n g t h e s o u t h e r n coast of the M o r a y Firth, the t o w n of Inverness, the triangle of Caith­ ness lying b e y o n d the county of Sutherland. T h e division w a s not simply o n e of speech, but of culture, social structure a n d the m e a n s of d i s s e m i n a t i n g c u l t u r e . T h e r e w e r e , b e f o r e t h e 1 7 8 0 s , p r a c t i c a l l y n o p r i n t e d b o o k s in G a e l i c : a t r a n s l a t i o n o f t h e p s a l m s e x i s t e d , b u t w a s n o t r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e , s i n c e it h a d n e v e r b e e n p r o p e r l y d i s t r i b u t e d . T h e l a c k o f a n O l d T e s t a m e n t in G a e l i c m e a n t t h a t t h e i m a g e r i e s u s e d in S c o t t i s h a n d in G a e l i c l i t e r a t u r e w e r e totally s e p a r a t e . F e w e v e n o f e d u c a t e d m e n in t h e H i g h l a n d s c o u l d e x p r e s s t h e m s e l v e s in G a e l i c on paper with accepted orthography. Gaelic culture was mostly con­ v e y e d in song, a n d usually b y the physical p r e s e n c e of the singer. The poetic base of these songs might be the creation of either sex, t h o u g h m a l e a s s u m p t i o n s h a v e s o m e t i m e s left t h e n a m e o f w o m e n poets u n k n o w n . T h e highland area was poor and economically back­ w a r d , f e e d i n g itself m a r g i n a l l y o n its o w n g r a i n a n d t h e erratic s u p p l y o f m i l k a n d b l o o d f r o m its c a t t l e . Difficulties in l a n d t r a n s p o r t p e r p e ­ tuated poverty. Yet within the Highlands there were considerable d i f f e r e n c e s i n p r o s p e r i t y . S o m e p l a c e s , s u c h as t h e i s l a n d o f T i r e e , h a d g o o d soil a n d r e l a t i v e l y l o w rainfall a n d t h e c o a s t a l strip e v e r y ­ w h e r e w a s fertile, t h o u g h in m a n y a r e a s v e r y n a r r o w . 155

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156

ROSALIND

MITCHISON

T h e social a n d political o r g a n i s a t i o n o f t h e H i g h l a n d s , t h e c l a n , h a d d e v e l o p e d in t h e a b s e n c e o f effective c e n t r a l g o v e r n m e n t . It w a s a fictitious ' f a m i l y ' , c o m b i n i n g social a n d political d o m i n a n c e in t h e chief, a n d , if o n l y for s e l f - p r o t e c t i o n , c l a n s m e n h a d to b e r e a d y to follow t h e i r c h i e f i n military v e n t u r e s a n d p r i v a t e q u a r r e l s . T h i s n e c e s s a r y o b e d i e n c e in a r e g i o n o u t w i t h t h e i n f l u e n c e o f t h e c r o w n h a d b e e n exalted b y a tradition of h o n o u r into an acceptance of the d u t y of self-sacrifice for t h e chief, t h o u g h t h i s d i d n o t p r e v e n t c l a n s ­ m e n e v a d i n g t h e i r explicit i n s t r u c t i o n s . C l a n s h i p as a n o r g a n i s a t i o n w a s b r o k e n b y t h e g o v e r n m e n t after t h e r i s i n g o f 1 7 4 5 , b y t h e life-long exile o f t h e c h i e f s i n v o l v e d , b y t h e c o n f i s c a t i o n o f a s a m p l e o f e s t a t e s , b y the compulsory purchase of feudal franchises and b y the presence of g o v e r n m e n t f o r c e . B u t m u c h o f t h e p o s i t i v e s u p p o r t for t h e i n s t i t u ­ tion a m o n g c l a n s m e n h a d already evaporated. K n o w l e d g e of opportu­ n i t i e s o u t s i d e t h e H i g h l a n d s a n d t h e p r e s s u r e s o f m a n y c h i e f s for higher m o n e y rents had b e e n increasing during the previous

fifty

years. T h e success of the 'pacification' of the area, not the immediate a n d often b r u t a l o c c u p a t i o n b y s o l d i e r y , b u t t h e l o n g e r t e r m a s s i m i l a ­ tion of the area into law, order, religious discipline and s o m e element of e c o n o m i c e n t e r p r i s e , w a s s o r a p i d t h a t it is difficult t o e s c a p e t h e idea that clanship h a d already w o r n pretty thin before 1745. But the c l a n d i v i s i o n s t h a t h a d e x i s t e d left o n e e n d u r i n g m a r k . H i g h l a n d e r s , t h o u g h p r e p a r e d after 1 7 5 0 t o g o l o n g d i s t a n c e s for t e m p o r a r y w o r k in t h e L o w l a n d s o r for t h e d r i v i n g o f c a t t l e , a n d a l s o to j o i n t h e a r m y o r e m i g r a t e , w e r e r e l a t i v e l y u n u s e d to t h e p a t t e r n o f s m a l l - s c a l e m o b i l i t y s o c o n s p i c u o u s in t h e l o w l a n d p e a s a n t r y . F o r m i d a b l e g e o ­ g r a p h i c b a r r i e r s a n d f r e q u e n t i n t e r - c l a n rivalries m e a n t t h a t t h e r e w a s n o h i s t o r y o f m o v e m e n t , e i t h e r as t e n a n t o r f a r m s e r v a n t , f r o m o n e agricultural s e t t l e m e n t to a n o t h e r . It is o f t e n f o r g o t t e n t h a t b e s i d e s t h e o b v i o u s A n g l o - S a x o n a n d Celtic c u l t u r e s in S c o t l a n d , t h e r e is a t h i r d , t h e N o r s e . I n L e w i s t h i s e l e m e n t h a d b e c o m e s u b m e r g e d in G a e l i c c u l t u r e , b u t i n C a i t h n e s s a n d still m o r e in t h e N o r t h e r n I s l e s it w a s a s s i m i l a t e d o n l y partially to E n g l i s h s p e a k i n g l o w l a n d n o r m s . T h e d i s t i n c t n e s s , in p a r t i c u l a r , o f S h e t l a n d s o c i e t y , d e p e n d e d o n its u s e o f t h e s e a as a r e s o u r c e , b u t a l s o p a r t l y o n the hostility of the bulk of the population to the governing group of i n t r u d e d S c o t t i s h l a n d o w n e r s . I n b o t h O r k n e y a n d S h e t l a n d t h e m e m o r y o f l i n k s w i t h N o r w a y w a s k e p t alive b y p a t t e r n s o f life a n d landowning, a n d also b y trading contacts. Even within English-speaking lowland areas there were

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d i v i d i n g l i n e s , s o m e t i m e s f r o m p a s t r e l i g i o u s or political a d h e r e n c e , s o m e t i m e s from the variations in exposure to the influence of central g o v e r n m e n t in a state w h e r e feudal judicial franchises h a d b e e n abol­ i s h e d only in the 1740s. T h e city of A b e r d e e n h a d a distinguished i n t e l l e c t u a l t r a d i t i o n , a n d h a d e x p e r i e n c e d t h e s t e a d y shift o f political, e c c l e s i a s t i c a l a n d e c o n o m i c p o w e r f r o m t h e n o r t h o f S c o t l a n d to t h e s o u t h o v e r t h e last c e n t u r y a n d a half. G a l l o w a y h a d a t r a d i t i o n o f r e l i g i o u s a n d political e x t r e m i s m , a n d a r e p u t a t i o n for l a w l e s s n e s s and banditry. T h e Borders h a d h a d their incipient clan system b r o k e n comparatively late b y the c r o w n , a n d w e r e an area of c o m b i n e d thievery and a m o r e t h a n usually market-oriented society. In the Lothians the peasantry w e r e conformist a n d energetic. T h e local patterns of s o c i a l v a r i a t i o n i n S c o t l a n d w e r e to l e a v e t r a c e s i n t o t h e s e c o n d h a l f o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y in t h e r a n g e o f s i z e a n d s t r u c t u r e o f l a n d o w n e r s h i p u n i t s , i n e d u c a t i o n a l a c h i e v e m e n t , in v o c a b u l a r y a n d accent a n d in sharply differentiated levels of marital a n d non-marital 1

f e r t i l i t y . It is t h e r e f o r e n o t s u r p r i s i n g t h a t t h e cities a n d l a r g e r t o w n s of S c o t l a n d c a m e i n t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y t o b e s o c i a l l y v e r y d i s t i n c t . Part of this variety c a m e from local recruitment of their population, part from differences in e c o n o m i c function. Altogether as a small population, not m u c h m o r e t h a n o n e a n d a quarter million in the mid-eighteenth century, dispersed t h r o u g h a relatively large area of land with poor c o m m u n i c a t i o n s , S c o t l a n d m u s t b e s e e n as a varied group of cultures held together by strong national consciousness. The

1 7 4 0 s s a w t h e start o f a l o n g - t e r m m o v e m e n t o f p o p u l a t i o n

g r o w t h . C u r r e n t o p i n i o n is t h a t b y 1 7 4 0 n u m b e r s h a d b a r e l y r i s e n e n o u g h to recreate the level of population that h a d existed before t h e g r e a t f a m i n e o f t h e 1 6 9 0 s . I n A b e r d e e n s h i r e t h e p o p u l a t i o n still stood b e l o w the level of the early 1690s. After 1740 growth accelerated, so t h a t b y t h e e n d o f t h e d e c a d e a n d i n t h e e a r l y 1 7 5 0 s it w a s o n l y a little u n d e r 0 . 5 p e r c e n t a y e a r . T h e e v i d e n c e for t h i s c o m e s f r o m parish information collected through the church b y the enterprising D r A l e x a n d e r W e b s t e r w h o c o m b i n e d i n f o r m a t i o n f r o m all p a r i s h e s 2

i n t o a c e n s u s i n 1 7 5 5 . It is s u p p o r t e d b y t h e e v i d e n c e o f t h e s h a r p

1

2

L. Timperley, 'The Pattern of Landholding in Eighteenth Century Scotland', in M. L . Parry and T. R. Slater, eds., The Making of the Scottish Countryside (1980); L. J. Saunders, Scottish Democracy, 1815-1840 (Edinburgh, 1950), pt 1; M. W. Flinn, ed., Scottish Population History from the 17th Century to the 1930s (Cambridge, 1977), pt 5, chaps. 3 a n d 4 . Flinn, ed., Scottish Population History, pt 3, chap. 7, pt 4, chaps. 3 and 4.

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drop in the grain exports of t h e c o u n t r y in the mid-1740s w h i c h , occur­ r i n g in y e a r s free o f h a r v e s t

failure, s u g g e s t s a g e n e r a l rise in

demand. It s e e m s l i k e l y t h a t t h i s p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h w a s r e l a t e d to t h e e x p a n ­ s i o n o f l i n e n a s t h e m a j o r d o m e s t i c i n d u s t r y , b u t it is n o t a b l e t h a t m a n y e c o n o m i c c o n c e r n s m o v e d i n t o a h i g h e r l e v e l o f activity i n t h e l a t e 1 7 4 0 s a n d e a r l y 1 7 5 0 s , for i n s t a n c e t h e t o b a c c o i m p o r t a n d r e ­ export trade, malt manufacture, p a p e r m a k i n g .

3

Linen was already

i n 1 7 4 0 t h e d o m i n a n t i n d u s t r y , w i t h r a m i f i c a t i o n s all t h r o u g h t h e L o w ­ lands, a n d the sale of products from this industry e x p a n d e d sharply at t h i s t i m e . O f c o u r s e t h e l i n e n w h i c h c a m e t o s a l e o n t h e o p e n m a r k e t w a s o n l y a f r a g m e n t o f t h e total p r o d u c e d , for m a n y h o u s e ­ h o l d s e i t h e r p r o d u c e d d i r e c t l y for t h e i r o w n n e e d s o r m a d e p r i v a t e c o n t r a c t s w i t h s p i n n e r s a n d w e a v e r s . It w a s l i n e n a s m u c h a s a n y c o m m o d i t y which sustained the n e w industrial p l a n n e d villages of the mid-eighteenth century.

4

T h e significance of the

development

of textile i n d u s t r i e s w a s t h a t t h e y c r e a t e d b o t h n e w full-time e m p l o y ­ m e n t a n d p e r i p h e r a l p a r t - t i m e e a r n i n g s . M e n w e n t i n t o w e a v i n g full time; the labour force of a bleachfield, mainly female, w o u l d b e from t h i r t y to s i x t y i n t h e s u m m e r m o n t h s , b u t m a n y f e w e r in w i n t e r ; t h e p r i n t i n g o f l i n e n , a n a r e a o f e x p a n s i o n in t h e late 1 7 5 0 s a n d after­ w a r d s , w a s a s o u r c e o f r e l a t i v e l y h i g h w a g e s for full-time w o r k . T h e r e were

also the

initial p r o c e s s e s o f flax

preparation

which

were

m o v i n g f r o m b e i n g p a r t - t i m e activities o f c u l t i v a t o r s to c o n c e n t r a t i o n in m i l l s . M o s t b r a n c h e s o f w o r k g a v e full-time o p p o r t u n i t i e s ,

and

so did the supervisory and instructional w o r k p r o m o t e d b y the B o a r d of T r u s t e e s . A s i g n o f t h e w a y t h a t m e n w e r e c o m m i t t e d to w e a v i n g c a m e in t h e r e c e s s i o n o f t h e 1 7 5 0 s , w h e n u n e m p l o y e d m a l e w e a v e r s in t h e e a s t o f S c o t l a n d c h o s e t o e n t e r t h e a r m y , a m o v e w h i c h , g i v e n the c o n t e m p o r a r y opinion of the soldier, indicates that there w a s n o alternative source of i n c o m e . B y contrast spinning gave w o m e n mainly p a r t - t i m e w o r k . S o m e o f t h i s w a s d o n e for t h e h o m e , s o m e for t h e m a r k e t , s o m e w i t h t h e s p i n n e r s as t h e e m p l o y e e s o f w e a v e r s . All s p i n n i n g for w a g e s w a s u n d e r p a i d

for t h e h o u r s i n v o l v e d . A f e w

full-time w o m e n c o u l d e x i s t o n t h i s a l o n e , b u t t h e t e n d e n c y for

3

4

H. Hamilton, An Economic History of Scotland in the Eighteenth Century (Oxford, 1963), chap. 5 and apps. T. C. Smout, T h e Landowner and the Planned Village in Scotland, 1730-1830', in N. T. Phillipson and Rosalind Mitchison, eds., Scotland in the Age of Improvement (Edinburgh, 1970).

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p r o d u c t i o n to fall off a s p r i c e s , a n d h e n c e w a g e s , r o s e , s h o w s h o w l o n g t h e h o u r s n e c e s s a r y for s u b s i s t e n c e w e r e . E v e r y h o m e for w h i c h w e h a v e an inventory of furniture

contained a spinning

wheel.

Textiles, especially linen, but also the stocking knitting particularly a s s o c i a t e d w i t h A b e r d e e n s h i r e , r a i s e d t h e c a s h i n c o m e s o f m a n y agri­ c u l t u r a l f a m i l i e s , a n d t h e r e b y t h e i r s t a n d a r d o f l i v i n g , a n d g a v e specific e m p l o y m e n t slots to a wide range of w o r k e r s . B o t h aspects of t h e s e industries w o u l d play a part in e n c o u r a g i n g population growth, but p r o b a b l y t h e l a t t e r w a s t h e m o r e i m p o r t a n t . W e c a n n o t p r o v e , for S c o t l a n d in general, that the d e v e l o p m e n t of domestic industry raised population b y e n c o u r a g i n g earlier marriage, but in the o n l y parish i n S c o t l a n d for w h i c h e v i d e n c e o f t h e a g e o f m a r r i a g e e x i s t s , K i l m a r ­ nock, a centre of w o o l l e n s in Ayrshire, there w a s already in the 1730s a n d 1740s a low marriage age, with the m e d i a n just u n d e r twenty-two, for girls i n t h e i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r m a r r y i n g m e n i n t h e s a m e s e c t o r , w h e r e a s i n t h e rural p a r t o f t h e p a r i s h t h e m e d i a n a g e for girls w a s over twenty-seven.

5

M a n y m i d - e i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y s o u r c e s refer t o

t h e b e n e f i c i a l effects o f t h e textile i n d u s t r i e s o n e m p l o y m e n t for t h e poor, often stressing the moral advantages of h a r d w o r k a n d the social advantages of the reduction in b e g g i n g a n d stealing, features w h i c h m a y w e l l h a v e b e e n o f m o r e direct i n t e r e s t to t h e i r s u p e r i o r s t h a n to the workers, but these sources also recognise the i m p r o v e m e n t in standards of living.

6

E v e n with the advantages of m o n e y from domestic industry material c o n d i t i o n s o f t h e b u l k o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n r e m a i n e d p o o r for t h e c e n t r a l d e c a d e s o f t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y . D i e t w a s n a r r o w i n its r a n g e , m o s t l y b a s e d o n o a t m e a l w i t h t h e a d d i t i o n o f kail a n d s m a l l a m o u n t s of d a i r y p r o d u c e . E v e n t h e s p e c i a l o c c a s i o n d i s h o f h a g g i s , B u r n s ' s ' g r e a t c h i e f t a i n o f t h e p u d d i n g r a c e ' , is u n m i s t a k a b l y t h e f o o d o f a poor nation. T h e occasional devastations of epidemics suggest a popu­ l a t i o n at r i s k f r o m u n d e r n o u r i s h m e n t :

for i n s t a n c e t h e o u t b r e a k o f

m e a s l e s in E d i n b u r g h a n d K i l m a r n o c k in the early m o n t h s of 1 7 4 1 , after t h e d i s a s t r o u s c r o p s o f 1 7 4 0 . T h a t s m a l l p o x k i l l e d m a n y c h i l d r e n u n d e r t h e a g e o f t w o i n o u t b r e a k s e v e r y f o u r y e a r s , is n o t a p r o o f of m a l n u t r i t i o n , b u t t h a t i n K i l m a r n o c k t h e m e a s l e s e p i d e m i c o f 1 7 5 2 took a disproportionate share of the children of the industrial side of

the

parish

suggests

that

these

families

suffered

from

poor

5

Flinn, ed., Scottish Population History, pt 4, chap. 5.

6

P. Lindsay, The Interest of Scotland Considered (Edinburgh, 1733); A. J. Youngson, After the Forty Five (Edinburgh, 1973), chap. 2.

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nourishment: the crop of 1751 h a d not created particularly high prices. I n y e a r s o f k n o w n s h o r t a g e t h e r e is e v i d e n c e o f s t a r v a t i o n i n t h e r e m o t e r a r e a s . It l o o k s as if D u m f r i e s h a d a t y p h u s e p i d e m i c i n 1 7 4 1 a n d D u r n e s s o n e of dysentery, while in 1772 T h o m a s P e n n a n t touring the Highlands w a s deeply m o v e d b y visible starvation in the Small Isles.

7

Poverty s h o w s in c o m m e n t s o n the standard of clothing, o n the w e a r i n g o f h a r n s h i r t s b y e v e n fairly s u b s t a n t i a l f a r m e r s , o n t h e h a b i t of w o m e n w h o d i d n o t d o t h e t y p e o f field w o r k t h a t n e e d e d s h o e s of k e e p i n g t h e i r s i n g l e p a i r for b e s t . It is p o s s i b l e t h a t t h e r i s e o f s p i n n i n g for t h e m a r k e t r e d u c e d t h e s t a n d a r d o f a f a m i l y ' s c l o t h i n g b y d e f l e c t i n g t h e w o r k o f t h e w o m e n for c a s h . P o v e r t y is m o r e c o n s p i ­ c u o u s in c o m m e n t s o n h o u s i n g . I n t h e e a r l y e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y g l a s s w a s c o m i n g i n for u s e at l e a s t i n t h e w i n d o w s o f t h e b i g g e r f a r m h o u s e s , as w e l l as i n c h u r c h e s , a n d w a s b e c o m i n g m o r e c o m m o n i n t h e t o w n s , b u t w a s still n o t w i t h i n t h e s c o p e o f t h e s m a l l e r t e n a n t s o r c o t t a r s . G e o r g e R o b e r t s o n w a s later to describe the cottar h o u s e s of the 1760s as ' m e a n h o v e l s ' p u t u p i n a s i n g l e d a y , m e a s u r i n g a b o u t 1 2 foot s q u a r e i n s i d e , w i t h w a l l s o f 5 foot h e i g h t , a r o o f o f s t r a w a n d t u r f laid o v e r r o u g h b r a n c h e s , a n d b y n o m e a n s a l w a y s a c h i m n e y .

8

A l m o s t all w e r e o f o n e r o o m o n l y . W h e r e efforts w e r e m a d e for s o m e ­ t h i n g b e t t e r , for i n s t a n c e b y t h e officials o f t h e A n n e x e d E s t a t e s , t h e r e w a s great trouble in getting reliable p e r f o r m a n c e b y w o r k m e n . But i m p r o v e m e n t s in furniture

reveal t h e existence of s o m e choice in

e x p e n d i t u r e . I n t h e 1 7 4 0 s it w a s c o m m o n for t h e b e s t p o s s e s s i o n to be a mirror. Tables a n d chairs w e r e often present, a n d

hardwood

m i g h t b e u s e d i n c h e s t s o r t a b l e s . M a h o g a n y a n d o a k figure i n t h e e q u i p m e n t o f t h e b e t t e r f a r m h o u s e s . If a c o t t a r i n a h o u s e w i t h o u t glazing did not p o s s e s s a chest h e w o u l d h a v e n o dry place in w h i c h to k e e p a n y b o o k o r p a p e r , a fact w h i c h h a s a b e a r i n g o n t h e l i m i t e d v a l u e t h a t m i g h t e x i s t i n a c q u i r i n g t h e skill o f w r i t i n g . U r b a n h o u s i n g w a s o f s t r o n g e r c o n s t r u c t i o n t h a n w a s rural, if o n l y from t h e S c o t t i s h t r a d i t i o n o f life i n tall t e n e m e n t s . ' R e l i e f l a n d ' i n I n v e r a r a y , p u t u p b y t h e D u k e o f A r g y l l i n 1 7 7 0 , is a g o o d e x a m p l e of t h i s t e n e m e n t t y p e .

9

Skilled craftsmen and clerks can be seen

from t h e e v i d e n c e o f E d i n b u r g h i n v e n t o r i e s t o h a v e l i v e d w i t h t h e i r 7

8

9

Flinn, ed., Scottish Population History, pt 4, chaps. 2 and 7; T. Pennant, Tour in Scotland and Voyages to the Hebrides, 1772, 2 vols. (1790), vol. 1, pp. 312, 353. G. Robertson, Rural Recollections (Irvine, 1829). I. G. Lindsay and Mary Cosh, Inveraray and the Dukes of Argyll (Edinburgh, 1973), pp. 259-63.

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f a m i l i e s o f t e n i n t w o r o o m s , p e r h a p s w i t h a d d i t i o n a l s p a c e in a corri­ d o r . T h e y w o u l d b e a b l e t o afford s o m e g o o d f u r n i t u r e , l a r g e s t o c k s o f l i n e n , a r a n g e o f c o o k i n g u t e n s i l s a n d e v e n s o m e silver o b j e c t s . T h e limitations of this type of h o u s i n g w e r e not so m u c h of space, for m a n y c i t y d w e l l e r s all o v e r t h e w o r l d h a v e u s e d n o m o r e , b u t t h e l a c k o f s a n i t a r y facilities a n d w a t e r s u p p l y . W a t e r h a d to b e b o u g h t off t r a v e l l i n g c a d d i e s , a n d all r e f u s e h a d s i m p l y t o b e p u t i n t h e s t r e e t o r a l l e y at n i g h t : n e i t h e r o f t h e s e f e a t u r e s w a s a l l o w e d o n S u n d a y . T h e e x p a n s i o n o f t e x t i l e i n d u s t r i e s h a d m o r e s u b t l e effects

than

s i m p l y t h a t o f r a i s i n g s t a n d a r d s o f l i v i n g . It b r o u g h t t h e rural p o p u l a ­ tion closer to the market and encouraged the use of cash, meeting t h e efforts o f m a n y l a n d o w n e r s t o i n c r e a s e t h e s h a r e o f m o n e y i n r e n t p a y m e n t s . T h e m a r k e t w a s r e a c h i n g o u t i n t o t h e agricultural sector. W i t h o u t b e c o m i n g rich m o r e people w o u l d

often

handle

m o n e y . C o m m u t a t i o n o f s e r v i c e s for c a s h r e d u c e d c o n t a c t b e t w e e n t e n a n t a n d l a n d o w n e r , b u t rural w a g e s c o n t i n u e d t o b e m a d e i n k i n d e x c e p t for t h e e x t r a w o r k o f t h e h a r v e s t p e r i o d . T h a t t h e r e w a s often, t h o u g h not invariably, m o n e y in the h o u s e s of the farm population is s h o w n b y t h e s u r p r i s i n g l y l a r g e s u m s t h a t p a r i s h e s c o u l d p r o d u c e i n r e s p o n s e t o s p e c i a l a p p e a l s f r o m t h e c h u r c h ; for i n s t a n c e a s i n g l e farm in t h e 1680s in Y e s t e r (East L o t h i a n ) h a d subscribed over £ 5 to an overseas cause. In 1764 the relatively p o o r upland parish of Daviot

in

Aberdeenshire

i n f i r m a r y £ 5 . I s . 7\d. unusual.

f

and

gave

a

subscription

contributions

to

the

Aberdeen

o n this scale were

not

1 0

E x p a n s i o n o f t h e m a r k e t a s p e c t o f life w e n t w i t h r e d u c t i o n in t h e c l a i m s o f l o r d s h i p . M e m b e r s o f t h e a r i s t o c r a c y still t h o u g h t o f t h e m ­ selves as h e a d s of s u r n a m e s . In 1746 the brother of the Earl of Marchm o n t , a staunch W h i g , w a s prepared to u s e influence to save the life o f a r e b e l J a c o b i t e o f h i s s u r n a m e , a n d i n 1 7 3 2 t h e E a r l h a d o b t a i n e d a r e p r i e v e for a c o n v i c t e d m u r d e r e r , a t o t a l s t r a n g e r , w h o s e r e l a t i v e s a p p e a l e d to h i m as leader of the N a m e .

1 1

In 1726 the exiled Earl

of M a r c o u l d w r i t e i n h i s T e g a c i e ' t o h i s s o n , a l o n g l e t t e r o f a d v i c e : Clanshipe in our country is what ought to be encouraged and keept up as much as possible . . . You are to be at the head of one which tho not so numerous as those in the highlands, is perhaps as old . . . I doubt not but that all of them will be assisting to you . . . Endeavour to keep them united. 10

11

Scottish Record Office (hereafter SRO) CH2/377/2 and CH2/549/1. Historical Manuscripts Commission, Report on the Manuscripts of the Right Honourable Lord Polwarth, vol. 5 (1961), pp. 3 2 - 4 1 , 1 8 2 .

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In 1 7 6 7 t h e y o u n g J a m e s B o s w e l l , i n a fit o f r o m a n t i c r e v e r e n c e for f a m i l y r i t e s , i n v e s t e d h i s y o u n g e r b r o t h e r w i t h a r i n g in a f o r m a l c e r e m o n y , a n d extracted in return an oath of faithfulness to the 'ancient Family'.

1 2

R i c h e r l a n d o w n e r s m i g h t i n d u l g e in t h e f a n c y o f

h o l d i n g t h e k i n t o g e t h e r as a u n i t o f p o w e r a n d l o r d s h i p , a n d i n d e e d i n politics it w a s still n o r m a l for a m a n t o f o l l o w t h e l e a d o f t h e h e a d of h i s n a m e . Y e t e v e n at t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y Hamilton palace, the h o m e of the D u k e and D u c h e s s , bearers of a w i d e s p r e a d s u r n a m e , w a s n o t e d a s m a k i n g little u s e o f s e r v a n t s a n d office h o l d e r s o f t h e N a m e .

1 3

T h e r e are n o signs that the b o n d of

the s u r n a m e m e a n t m u c h to the lowland peasantry, or that distant kin links were preserved. T h e relationship of peasants to l a n d o w n e r s w a s e x p r e s s e d in the paying, usually belatedly, of rent and, very belat­ edly, the performing of labour services. Within landowning society t h e p o w e r s o f t h e a r i s t o c r a c y , as f e u d a l s u p e r i o r s , w e r e b e i n g s y s t e m a ­ tically r e d u c e d . T h e j u d g e s , m o s t l y l a n d o w n e r s o f m o d e r a t e r a n k , h a d decided that rights of this kind w e r e an anachronism, a n d w e r e freely r e m a k i n g t h e l a w to r e d u c e t h e m . W h i l e c l a i m i n g to a d m i n i s t e r t h e l a w , t h e y a s s e s s e d t h a t l a w i n r e l a t i o n s h i p to r e a s o n a n d utility: t h e s e p r i n c i p l e s h a d a s t r o n g t e n d e n c y to a g r e e w i t h t h e a d v a n t a g e s of t h e i r o w n social o r d e r . L a w w a s r e c a s t as it w a s e n l a r g e d to m e e t n e w n e e d s . A j u d g m e n t o f 1 7 4 4 s t a t e d t h a t 'it is t h e p r i v i l e g e o f p r o p ­ erty, that the proprietor can b e put u n d e r n o restraint'. This statement did not record the existing state of things, but the intention of the judiciary. This intention w a s to destroy the older pattern of lordship a n d t h e special rights o f m a g n a t e s .

14

T h e p r o c e s s h a d g o n e so far b y

t h e r i s i n g o f 1 7 4 5 t h a t it w a s g e n e r a l l y h e l d b y l a w y e r s t h a t n o g r e a t l o r d h a d t h e r i g h t t o call u p h i s t e n a n t r y to o p p o s e t h e r e b e l a r m y . N o militia o r v o l u n t a r y force c o u l d b e r a i s e d u n t i l t h e c r o w n g a v e s p e c i a l p e r m i s s i o n s o m e t h r e e m o n t h s after t h e r i s i n g g o t u n d e r w a y .

1 5

This does not m e a n that the citizens of mid-eighteenth-century Scot­ l a n d h a d e q u a l r i g h t s . It w a s as l a n d o w n e r s , o r ' h e r i t o r s ' - t h a t is proprietors of land which carried the burden of supporting the parish 12

13 14

15

S. Erskine, ed., The Earl of Mar's Legacies to Scotland, Scottish History Society (here­ after SHS), 26 (Edinburgh, 1896); F. Brady and R. A. Pottle, eds., Boswell in Search of a Wife, 1766-1769 (1957), p. 102. Rosalind Marshall, The Days of Duchess Anne (1973), p. 81. Rosalind Mitchison, 'Patriotism and National Identity in Eighteenth Century Scot­ land', inT. W. Moody, ed., Nationality and the Pursuit of National Independence (Belfast, 1978). Rosalind Mitchison, 'The Government and the Highlands, 1707-1745', in Phillipson and Mitchison, eds., Scotland in the Age of Improvement.

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c h u r c h a n d minister - that m e n h a d privileges, not, except in the r i g h t t o v o t e i n c o u n t y e l e c t i o n s for P a r l i a m e n t , a s f e u d a l s u p e r i o r s . T h e j u d g e s w e r e restricting the rights of superiors over the marriages of t h e i r v a s s a l s a n d o v e r a l i e n a t i o n o f l a n d . I n 1 7 4 7 t h e h e r i t a b l e j u r i s ­ dictions, which m a n y superiors o w n e d , were b o u g h t up b y the crown, leaving only t h e b a r o n courts, with r e d u c e d p o w e r s , as r e m n a n t s of the s y s t e m of feudal franchises. In the s a m e decade the o w n e r s o f f e u d a l s u p e r i o r i t y b e g a n m a k i n g n o m i n a l a l l o c a t i o n s o f it t o o w n e r s of m e r e p r o p e r t y , t o c r e a t e fictitious v o t e s a n d b u i l d u p e l e c t o r a l s u p ­ port in line with their o w n landed significance.

16

Influence, partly

purchased in this corrupt way, h a d replaced p o w e r . P r o p r i e t o r s h a d a s p e c i a l s t a t u s i n l o c a l g o v e r n m e n t , for n o t o n l y did they sustain the parish but they provided such county adminis­ tration and justice as there w a s . Local authority could b e retained o n l y b y r e g u l a r w o r k . I n t h e first h a l f o f t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y t h e o r g a n s o f c o u n t y g o v e r n m e n t w e r e b e c o m i n g effective. C o n s i d e r a b l e i n f l u e n c e r e s t e d w i t h t h e sheriffs, a n d t h e y a n d t w o o t h e r b o d i e s of

men,

often

overlapping

in

membership,

made

the

effective

decisions. These were the justices of the peace and the commissioners of supply. T h e s e w e r e appointed from o w n e r s of land worth respect­ ively £200 and £ 1 0 0 Scots a year. T h e c o m m i s s i o n e r s controlled the a s s e s s m e n t for t h e b a s i c t a x o n l a n d , t h e c e s s , a n d a l s o r a i s e d m o n e y for l o c a l p u r p o s e s , a s ' r o g u e m o n e y ' for a r r e s t i n g o f f e n d e r s , a n d ' r o a d ' m o n e y for r e p a i r s . T h e y h a d a fairly free h a n d i n t h e w a y t h i s m o n e y was used and so provided a genuine element of county government, i n t h e e n d t o b e its m o s t i m p o r t a n t e l e m e n t .

1 7

A s yet, mid-eighteenth

c e n t u r y , t h e p o w e r o f t h i s g r o u p w a s a p p r o x i m a t e l y e q u a l to t h a t of the justices. T h e justices spent m o s t of the m o n e y raised b y the commissioners, and met and acted more frequently than they. For the m o s t part the meetings of the c o m m i s s i o n e r s w e r e scantily a t t e n d e d a n d r o u t i n e i n activity, b u t t h e y b e c a m e m o r e l i v e l y i n w a r t i m e , s i n c e t h e c o m m i s s i o n e r s h a d t o find t h e c o m p u l s o r y a r m y c o n ­ t i n g e n t s f r o m e a c h c o u n t y , a n d w o u l d b e r i c h l y a t t e n d e d b y all t h e local g r e a t m e n w h e n a g e n e r a l e l e c t i o n w a s i n e v i t a b l e i n t h e f o l l o w i n g y e a r , for o n t h e i r d e c i s i o n s o v e r v a l u a t i o n d e p e n d e d t h e v o t e c a r r y i n g c a p a c i t y o f t h e fictitious a l l o c a t i o n s o f s u p e r i o r i t y . C o u n t y g o v e r n m e n t w a s also sustained b y ' c o u n t y m e e t i n g s ' of 16

William Ferguson, Scotland, 1689 to the Present (Edinburgh, 1968), chap. 5.

17

Ann E. Whetstone, Scottish County Government in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centur­ ies (Edinburgh, 1981).

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MITCHISON

all s u b s t a n t i a l l a n d o w n e r s . It w a s s u c h a b o d y in M i d l o t h i a n i n t h e f o o d s h o r t a g e o f 1 7 4 0 t h a t r a i s e d £ 2 , 0 0 0 t o b r i n g i n g r a i n a n d sell it b e l o w c o s t to t h e p a r i s h e s . A s i m i l a r m e e t i n g for A b e r d e e n s h i r e in 1 7 8 2 p r o v i d e s u s w i t h a n a c c u r a t e d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e shortfall o f the harvest.

18

In 1760 similar m e e t i n g s , the c o m p o s i t i o n of w h i c h

w a s u n d e f i n e d , m e t to p r o t e s t a g a i n s t t h e d e m a n d s m a d e b y u n r u l y 7

s e r v a n t s for ' v a i l s (tips) a n d to p e t i t i o n P a r l i a m e n t for a S c o t t i s h m i l ­ itia. A s t h e c e n t u r y w e n t o n s u c h m e e t i n g s h a d b e c o m e m o r e f r e q u e n t . T h e y m i g h t c o n c e r t p l a n s to d e a l w i t h s t r i k e s b y a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r e r s , a d d r e s s t h e c r o w n patriotically o v e r t h e A m e r i c a n i s s u e , o r , l e s s patri­ otically, a b o u t t h e p r i c e l e v e l s at w h i c h t h e c o r n l a w s

intervened,

urge modification of the s y s t e m of entail, discuss the n e e d to control t h e i s s u e o f n o t e s b y b a n k s , or e v o l v e s c h e m e s for t h e m a i n t e n a n c e of t h e p o o r . T h e y h a d n o e x e c u t i v e p o w e r , a n d financial c o n t r o l o v e r o n l y t h e f u n d s t h e y r a i s e d t h e m s e l v e s , b u t t h e y filled a n i m p o r t a n t gap in local g o v e r n m e n t a n d in the voicing of upper-class opinion. The n e w system of county g o v e r n m e n t b y justices and c o m m i s ­ s i o n e r s w a s r e p l a c i n g t h e o l d e r s y s t e m o f r u l e b y territorial m a g n a t e s , b u t in w a y s n o t p a r t i c u l a r l y painful to t h e m a g n a t e s . O f t h e g r e a t m e n , s o m e w e r e fully o c c u p i e d o n t h e political s c e n e in E n g l a n d , n o t a b l y t h e D u k e s o f A r g y l l a n d H a m i l t o n ; s o m e s u c h as t h e s e c o n d D u k e of Q u e e n s b e r r y o n the L o n d o n social s c e n e .

1 9

I n t e l l e c t u a l limi­

tations p r e v e n t e d the D u k e of G o r d o n from having local influence, a n d t h e s e c o n d D u k e o f A t h o l l , t h o u g h k e e n to p r e s e r v e h i s l o c a l i m p o r t a n c e , c o u l d n o t g i v e it m u c h o f h i s t i m e s i n c e h e t o o w a s m o r e i n t e r e s t e d in L o n d o n . T h e g r e a t h o u s e s p a i n l e s s l y d i v o r c e d t h e m ­ s e l v e s f r o m t h e d o m i n a t i o n o f t h e i r r e g i o n s in f a v o u r o f t h e a t t r a c t i o n s of t h e c a p i t a l . T h e l e s s e r n o b i l i t y l i k e d to p l a y a p a r t i n c o u n t y as w e l l a s i n n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c s , a n d for t h i s it h a d t o c u l t i v a t e t h e r i c h e r lairds, u s i n g a n d c r e a t i n g t h e i r v o t e s , b u i l d i n g u p p a r t i e s b y p a t r o n a g e a n d persuasion. W h e n the franchise holders lost their heritable juris­ d i c t i o n s i n 1 7 4 7 t h e c a s h g i v e n in e x c h a n g e m o r e t h a n m a d e u p for the disappearance of courts t h r o u g h w h i c h in the L o w l a n d s t h e y h a d long ceased to exert power. After 1 7 4 7 t h e o n e r e m a i n i n g p r i v a t e c o u r t w a s t h a t o f t h e b a r o n y . This h a d limited criminal powers, being mostly involved in issues 18

L. M. Cullen and T. C. Smout, eds., Comparative Aspects of Irish and Scottish Economic and Social History, 1600-1900 (Edinburgh, 1977), p. 27.

19

J. S. Shaw, chap. 1.

The Management

of Scottish Society 1707-1764

(Edinburgh, 1983),

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s u c h a s local b r a w l s , s l a n g i n g m a t c h e s b e t w e e n t h e w i v e s o f t h e p e a s ­ antry a n d the e n f o r c e m e n t of statutes in w h i c h the b a r o n h a d a strong sporting

interest, s u c h a s that p r o h i b i t i n g

t h e s o a k i n g o f lint in

s a l m o n r i v e r s ( b a d for t h e fish), or t h e b u r n i n g o f m o o r s late in t h e s p r i n g t o p r o m o t e b e t t e r g r a z i n g ( b a d for fledgling g a m e b i r d s ) . T h e r e w a s also, often within the b a r o n court, the birlaw court w h i c h sprang from the necessities of farm co-operation and the promotion of good neighbourhood. M o s t of the business of these courts was verbal and h a s left little r e c o r d , b u t t h e s c r a p s w h i c h s u r v i v e s u g g e s t t h a t t h i s t y p e o f c o u r t h a d c l o s e r c o n n e c t i o n s w i t h t h e m a i n s p r i n g s o f local life t h a n h a d t h e b a r o n c o u r t . T h e b a r o n c o u r t c o n t i n u e d to b e t h e p l a c e for t h e s e t t l i n g o f f a r m i n g i s s u e s , e n f o r c i n g t h e t y p e o f d e c i s i o n w h i c h u n f e n c e d or intermixed farming m a d e necessary, but the spread of s i n g l e - t e n a n t f a r m s , a l r e a d y d o m i n a n t in t h e s o u t h - e a s t a n d in A b e r d e e n s h i r e , r e d u c e d t h i s n e e d . A f t e r 1 7 4 7 its m i n o r c r i m i n a l p o w e r s w e r e v e r y s m a l l a n d t h e civil c a s e s it c o u l d h a n d l e w e r e o f l e s s v a l u e t h a n 2 0 s . R e s t r i c t i o n a n d f a r m i n g c h a n g e s l e d to a t r o p h y .

20

E v e n before the c h a n g e s of 1747 the b a r o n y h a d c e a s e d to be an effective social u n i t . T h e m e n o f a b a r o n y w o u l d g e t t o g e t h e r g r u d g ­ i n g l y t o p e r f o r m c e r t a i n n e c e s s a r y d u t i e s , s u c h as t h e b r i n g i n g in of n e w millstones or the regulation of the celebrations of w e d d i n g s , but early in the e i g h t e e n t h century m a n y of the old functions of the b a r o n y h a d b e e n s p o n t a n e o u s l y t r a n s f e r r e d e i t h e r to t h e sheriff c o u r t s , if s e c u l a r , o r t o t h e l o w e s t u n i t in t h e c h u r c h c o u r t s y s t e m , t h a t o f the kirk session. T h e s e c h a n g e s s e e m to relate to the Act of U n i o n of 1 7 0 7 , w h i c h w a s f o l l o w e d b y t h e d i s a p p e a r a n c e o f t h e P r i v y C o u n c i l , in the past the supervisor of the franchise courts. In the 1690s w h e n a p a r i s h d e c i d e d t h a t it h a d to i m p l e m e n t t h e p o o r l a w b y i m p o s i n g r a t e s , it s o m e t i m e s s i m p l y g a v e t h e o w n e r s o f t h e b a r o n i e s w i t h i n t h e p a r i s h a list o f t h e n e e d y o n t h e i r l a n d , a n d left to t h e m t h e d u t y of f u r n i s h i n g a d e q u a t e s u p p o r t . P a r l i a m e n t d e c r e e d t h a t t h e l a n d ­ o w n e r could raise half his contribution from his tenants, a n d h e w a s left to a d m i n i s t e r t h e i r a n d h i s o w n m o n e y . B y t h e 1 7 4 0 s t h e p a r i s h h a d , i n m o s t a r e a s , a s s u m e d t h i s d u t y : if a s s e s s m e n t b e c a m e n e c e s s a r y a special c o m m i t t e e of heritors a n d kirk session w o u l d b e created to raise a n d distribute m o n e y . This s y s t e m w o u l d t h e n b e u s e d to

S. Davies, 'Law and Order in Stirlingshire 1637-1747' (unpublished PhD thesis, St Andrews University, 1984); D. G. Barron, ed., The Court Book of the Barony of Urie, SHS, 12 (Edinburgh, 1892), Introduction.

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MITCHISON

c a r e for t h e c a s e s o f l o n g - s t a n d i n g p o v e r t y , w i d o w s a n d

orphans,

the insane or the permanently incapacitated, the 'ordinary'

poor,

w h i l e m o r e t e m p o r a r y o r c a s u a l n e e d s , p e o p l e suffering f r o m i l l n e s s u n l i k e l y t o b e t e r m i n a l , o r f r o m o t h e r afflictions s u c h a s t h e d e a t h of a w o r k h o r s e o r t h e d e s t r u c t i o n o f a h o u s e b y fire, a n d v a g r a n t s , w o u l d b e s u p p o r t e d as in an u n a s s e s s e d parish b y the kirk session directly. Y e t i n s o m e a r e a s , n o t a b l y o n t h e A t h o l l e s t a t e , t h e a u t h o r i t y of t h e l a n d o w n e r w a s s t r o n g e n o u g h still for h i s a g e n t t o act as h e would h a v e d o n e in the seventeenth century. T h e role of the kirk session w a s a survival of the seventeenth-century e n t h u s i a s m for g o v e r n m e n t b y c o m m i t t e e . T h e s e s s i o n s u p e r v i s e d t h e p a r i s h s c h o o l , finding t h e s c h o o l m a s t e r , p a y i n g h i m h i s s m a l l fixed salary, ( b e t w e e n £ 5 l i s . a n d £ 1 1 2 s . a y e a r ) as w e l l as f e e s for the teaching of poor children, and sometimes laying d o w n regulations a b o u t t e a c h i n g . It a l s o s u p e r v i s e d m o r a l s a n d a c t e d as a l e g a l c o u r t o v e r p a r t i c u l a r b r e a c h e s o f r u l e , s u c h a s failure o f S u n d a y o b s e r v a n c e , gross d r u n k e n n e s s a n d sexual irregularities w h i c h e n d e d in u n m a r r i e d p r e g n a n c y . It c o u l d u s e s t r o n g w e a p o n s o f d i s c i p l i n e , n o t o n l y c e n s u r e b u t fines a n d f o r m a l p e n a n c e i n c h u r c h : t h e s a n c t i o n o f referral to t h e sheriff c o u r t h a d b e e n a b o l i s h e d i n 1 7 1 2 , b u t g e n e r a l a c c e p t a n c e of t h e s e s s i o n ' s a u t h o r i t y c o n t i n u e d u n t i l t h e 1 7 7 0 s . T h e s e s s i o n d i d not have the power of the baron court of ending the tenancy of a t r o u b l e s o m e t e n a n t , b u t it h a d a n e g a t i v e p o w e r , for it c o u l d m a k e it v e r y difficult for a m a n t o m o v e t o a n o t h e r p a r i s h if it d e n i e d h i m a ' t e s t i f i c a t e ' o f g o o d c o n d u c t . It h a d a l s o , b e s i d e s d i s c i p l i n e , t h e o p p o r t u n i t y for r e b u k e a n d p e r s u a s i o n , w h i c h if p e r s i s t e n t l y u s e d could wear d o w n resistance. For instance, in the 1760s a n d 1770s t h e kirk s e s s i o n o f M a u c h l i n e , A y r s h i r e , w o u l d d r a w u p e a c h y e a r a list o f c o u p l e s w h o w o u l d n o t b e a l l o w e d t o t a k e c o m m u n i o n u n l e s s they w e r e 'reconciled' to the church a n d t h e n apply c o n t i n u o u s per­ s o n a l p r e s s u r e t o t h e m u n t i l t h e y g a v e w a y a n d a c c e p t e d its r u l i n g s .

21

C h u r c h d i s c i p l i n e w a s n o t as p o w e r f u l a w e a p o n as it h a d b e e n in the seventeenth century a n d the area in w h i c h the session would o p e r a t e h a d b e e n n a r r o w e d , b u t it w a s still a n i m p o r t a n t f e a t u r e o f rural life i n t h e t h i r d q u a r t e r o f t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y . I n directly e c c l e s i a s t i c a l m a t t e r s t h e s e s s i o n w a s s u b o r d i n a t e t o t h e court of a larger area, the presbytery. T h e presbytery h a d the p o w e r

21

SRO CH2/896/4.

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o f e x c o m m u n i c a t i o n , a n d t o it difficult c a s e s o f d i s c i p l i n e w e r e r e f e r r e d - m e n a p p a r e n t l y guilty o f f o r n i c a t i o n b u t w i l l i n g t o t a k e a n e x c u l p a ­ tory oath, cases of persistent adultery, practices w h i c h s e e m e d derived f r o m w i t c h c r a f t , a n d g r o s s b r e a c h e s o f m a r r i a g e p r o m i s e s s u c h as the selling of a wife. But the formality of the records of this court, e x c e p t in c a s e s o f t h e d e v i a n c e o f m i n i s t e r s f r o m o r t h o d o x y , s h o w t h a t it did n o t h a v e t h e v i g o u r o f t h e k i r k s e s s i o n . There were areas of government where there could be clashes b e t w e e n the structure of church courts and the lay organisation of society. Parishes d e p e n d e d o n landowners, as 'heritors', discharging t h e i r financial d u t i e s in p a y i n g t h e m i n i s t e r s ' s t i p e n d s , t h e s c h o o l m a s ­ t e r s ' salaries a n d m a i n t a i n i n g t h e fabric o f c h u r c h , s c h o o l a n d m a n s e . W h e r e relations w e r e b a d or landowners high in self-esteem a n d short of m o n e y t h e r e c o u l d b e friction f r o m l o n g d e l a y s in p a y m e n t . P r e s b y ­ teries h a d s o m e t i m e s to put pressure o n heritors to set u p a school, a n d t h e r e h a d b e e n a s t e a d y d e m a n d for m a n s e s t o b e r e b u i l t t o h i g h e r standards. In the 1750s an attempt b y the church to obtain higher s t i p e n d s h a d b e e n f r u s t r a t e d b y t h e l a n d o w n e r s . B u t it w a s t h e p r e s ­ s u r e o f t h e l a y a u t h o r i t i e s , j u s t i c e s o f t h e p e a c e a n d sheriffs, w h i c h had made the parishes improve the poor law and which had ensured t h a t it c o u l d d e a l w i t h f o o d s h o r t a g e . I n m a n y l o w l a n d c o u n t i e s t h e s e authorities h a d periodically set up c o u n t y s c h e m e s , ordering parishes, a n d the parish l a n d o w n e r s , to control vagrancy a n d to support the local p o o r . I n s o f a r as t h e s e w e r e activities s t a t u t o r i l y g i v e n t o t h e k i r k s e s s i o n s , t h e l a y p o w e r s h a d n o direct a u t h o r i t y for s u c h o r d e r s . S u c h s c h e m e s covered m u c h of lowland Scotland in the 1750s, and though this generation of s c h e m e s faded there w a s a r e n e w e d enthusi­ a s m for s e t t i n g u p s u c h s t r u c t u r e s in t h e 1 7 7 0 s . C l a s h e s b e t w e e n t h e t w o s y s t e m s o f a u t h o r i t y w e r e r e d u c e d b y t h e fact t h a t t h e y w e r e n o t c o m p l e t e l y s e p a r a t e . L a n d o w n e r s m i g h t act i n t h e c h u r c h c o u r t s as ' r u l i n g e l d e r s ' , b u t in t h e l a t e r e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y t h i s b e c a m e l e s s c o m m o n a s l a n d o w n e r s i n c r e a s i n g l y w e r e n o n - r e s i d e n t , a n d e v e n if resident, increasingly d r a w n to a d h e r e n c e to the episcopal instead of t h e e s t a b l i s h e d c h u r c h . M o s t S c o t t i s h p a r i s h e s did n o t , m i d - e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y , h a v e a nuclear village, but w e r e instead collections of farms, ' m u c k l e t o w n s ' in s o m e c a s e s , w h i c h w o u l d i n c l u d e s e v e r a l f a m i l i e s , s o m e a s t e n a n t s or s u b - t e n a n t s a n d s o m e a s cottars. It w a s n o r m a l for t h e p a r i s h to a r r a n g e for e a c h significant s e t t l e m e n t t o c o n t a i n a n e l d e r , w h o w o u l d m a k e t h e r o u n d o f h i s ' b o u n d s ' c o l l e c t i n g m o n e y for t h e g e n e r a l p a r i s h

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f u n d w h i c h , t h o u g h c a l l e d t h e ' p o o r ' s m o n e y ' , w a s u s e d for all m a n ­ n e r o f p u r p o s e s , a n d s o m e t i m e s for s p e c i a l c o l l e c t i o n s r e c o m m e n d e d b y the higher courts of the church. H e w o u l d also receive information for t h e p a r i s h ' s d i s c i p l i n a r y s i d e , v i s i b l e c a s e s o f u n m a r r i e d nancy, audible and unmistakable evidence of bad

preg­

neighbourhood,

r u m o u r o f u n s u i t a b l e S u n d a y a c t i v i t i e s . It w a s u s u a l l y h e w h o b r o u g h t to t h e n e e d y t h e s u p p o r t a l l o t t e d . H e m i g h t h a v e t o collect o a t m e a l for t h e m , b u t m o r e o f t e n relief c a m e i n t h e f o r m o f c a s h . It is o n e of t h e r e m a r k a b l e a c h i e v e m e n t s o f t h e s e s s i o n s t h a t t h e i r m o n e t a r y affairs, t h e r a i s i n g o f c o l l e c t i o n s , r e t e n t i o n o f it b y t h e e l d e r w h o a c t e d as t r e a s u r e r , a n d d i s t r i b u t i o n , l e d in t h e c o u r s e o f t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n ­ t u r y to o n l y a h a n d f u l o f a l l e g a t i o n s o f e m b e z z l e m e n t . M o s t m e n of sufficient local w e i g h t to b e e l d e r s w e r e b y m i d - c e n t u r y literate and the treasurer capable of keeping s o m e w h a t disorderly accounts of i n c o m i n g a n d o u t g o i n g m o n e y . I n a m i n i s t e r i a l v a c a n c y m o s t s e s ­ s i o n s w o u l d k e e p u p t h e i r r e c o r d s fairly c o h e r e n t l y for six o r n i n e months.

2 2

During this time besides carrying o n the b u s i n e s s of the

p o o r a n d t h e s c h o o l t h e s e s s i o n h a d t o a r r a n g e for o c c a s i o n a l v i s i t s b y a n e i g h b o u r m i n i s t e r t o t a k e s e r v i c e s , a n d t o h i r e a h o r s e for h i m . Local government within the church's realm required and received a h i g h l e v e l o f c o n s c i e n t i o u s effort. L a n d o w n e r s often h e l d the position of elder, t h o u g h this did not m e a n t h a t s u c h m e n w o u l d b e a c t i v e i n p a r i s h affairs: t h e i r u s e to t h e p a r i s h w a s as ' r u l i n g e l d e r ' , t h a t is t h e d e l e g a t e to h i g h e r c o u r t s . T h e social p a t t e r n o f t h e e l d e r s h i p v a r i e d f r o m r e g i o n to r e g i o n , a n d in m a n y places a considerable proportion of the l a n d o w n e r s

had

m o v e d o u t f r o m t h e e s t a b l i s h e d c h u r c h to b e c o m e e p i s c o p a l i a n dis­ senters. In m a n y of the eighteenth-century cases of dispute b e t w e e n l a n d o w n e r s a n d k i r k s e s s i o n s , o v e r for i n s t a n c e t h e m a n a g e m e n t o f the p o o r ' s m o n e y or the a p p o i n t m e n t of a n e w minister, there w a s an element of this dissent. S o m e landowners were non-resident. A series of disputes b e t w e e n 1749 a n d 1752 established the right of land­ o w n e r s to i n s p e c t t h e r e c o r d s o f p a r i s h e x p e n d i t u r e a n d l a i d d o w n t h a t t h e p o o r ' s m o n e y c o u l d n o t b e u s e d for a n y t h i n g b u t t h e s u p p o r t of t h e p o o r , b u t it is c l e a r f r o m s u b s e q u e n t c o u r t c a s e s t h a t t h i s r e s t r i c ­ t i o n o f u s e o f p a r i s h m o n e y w a s i m p r a c t i c a b l e . It a l s o w a s b r o u g h t h o m e to l a n d o w n e r s t h a t if t h e y i n t e r f e r e d t o o m u c h in k i r k s e s s i o n

22

H. Paton, ed., The Session Book of Rothesay 1658-1750 pp. 471-82.

(privately published, 1931),

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b u s i n e s s t h e y might get involved in the practical doling out of m o n e y t o t h e p o o r a n d t h a t t h i s c o u l d n o t b e w o r k e d effectively f r o m t h e i r social l e v e l .

2 3

T h e r e c e i p t o f p o o r relief d i d n o t y e t e s t a b l i s h a s o c i a l gulf b e t w e e n t h e b u l k o f t h e p a r i s h a n d its p o o r . F o r o n e t h i n g t h e p o o r ' s m o n e y o f t e n c o n t r i b u t e d to a b u r s a r y for u n i v e r s i t y e d u c a t i o n r u n b y a g r o u p of p a r i s h e s . S u c h a n a w a r d c o u l d m a k e for a s m a l l c h a n c e o f u p w a r d social m o b i l i t y , b u t u s u a l l y l e d t o t h e y o u t h r e t u r n i n g t o t h e r u r a l s c e n e as a s c h o o l m a s t e r . O t h e r u s e s o f p a r i s h m o n e y w o u l d b e t h e w e t - n u r s i n g o f a m o t h e r l e s s b a b y , a s u r g e o n ' s f e e , a i d in d i s a s t e r s , a n d i n t o t h e first d e c a d e o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y a p a r i s h m i g h t , in years of high prices or trade dislocation, give out m o n e y to h o u s e ­ h o l d e r s w h o w e r e n o t w i t h o u t e m p l o y m e n t . M o s t h o l d i n g s w e r e still fairly s m a l l , a n d it w a s a r a r e f a m i l y w h i c h c o u l d c o u n t itself c o m p l e ­ t e l y s e c u r e o n its o w n r e s o u r c e s . S u b s c r i b i n g t o t h e p o o r ' s m o n e y could b e s e e n as a form of insurance. I n c o m e s w h i c h did not m a k e it p o s s i b l e for all i n a f a m i l y t o r e c e i v e a n a d e q u a t e diet d i d n o t p r e v e n t e x p e n d i t u r e o n c h a r i t y o r o n s c h o o l i n g o f c h i l d r e n for a f e w y e a r s . T h e s e p a y m e n t s e n a b l e d a f a m i l y to r e g a r d itself a s r e s p e c t a b l e , w h e r e ­ as c h i l d r e n b r o u g h t u p w i t h o u t at l e a s t t h e ability to r e a d w e r e at a social disadvantage. I n l o c a l affairs, i n e d u c a t i o n a n d i n w o r k w o m e n w e r e r e g u l a r l y at a d i s a d v a n t a g e . T h e figures for t h e p r o p o r t i o n s o f b o t h s e x e s w h o c o u l d s i g n t h e i r n a m e s s h o w t h i s d i s a d v a n t a g e at its m o s t s e v e r e : for t h e 1 7 5 0 s t h o s e w h o l a c k e d t h i s skill h a v e b e e n g i v e n as 2 2 p e r cent of m e n and 77 per cent of w o m e n , though of course there were c o n s i d e r a b l e r e g i o n a l a n d o c c u p a t i o n a l d i f f e r e n c e s , a n d t h e figures do not acknowledge any distinction b e t w e e n lowland and highland c u l t u r e . B u t ability t o r e a d , w h i c h c o u l d b e a c q u i r e d i n a b o u t t w o y e a r s o f s c h o o l i n g , o f t e n at a n a g e w h e n c h i l d r e n w e r e n o t l i k e l y t o b e o f e c o n o m i c u s e , o r w h i c h m i g h t b e p i c k e d u p a f t e r w a r d s for e c o n o m i c or religious reasons, w a s m o r e evenly p o s s e s s e d b e t w e e n t h e t w o s e x e s . F o r i n s t a n c e all t h e ' c o n v e r t s ' , t h o s e w h o e x p e r i e n c e d g r a c e , at t h e C a m b u s l a n g r e v i v a l o f 1 7 4 2 a n d w e r e s u b s e q u e n t l y a s k e d to give an account of their conversion, could r e a d ,

23

24

2 4

approximately

Rosalind Mitchison, T h e Making of the Old Scottish Poor Law', Past & Present, 63 (1974). R. Houston, 'The Literacy Myth? Illiteracy in Scotland, 1630-1760', Past & Present, 96 (1982); T. C. Smout, 'Born again at Cambuslang: New Evidence on Popular Religion and Literacy in Eighteenth Century Scotland', ibid., 97 (1982).

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t w o - t h i r d s o f t h e s e w e r e w o m e n , m o s t l y o f l o w social s t a t u s . M a n y tasks in agriculture relied o n female labour, particularly dairying a n d t h e u n p o p u l a r w o r k o f e w e m i l k i n g . S p i n n i n g w a s e x p e c t e d o f all w o m e n w h e n not otherwise occupied. Illustrations of farm labour s h o w us w o m e n helping with the sowing a n d also h a y m a k i n g a n d harvest.

25

A t t h e s e p e a k t i m e s o f y e a r l y effort t h e i r w a g e s m o s t n e a r l y

a p p r o a c h e d t h o s e of m e n . Mid-century in the harvest t e a m of the b a n d win, w o m e n reapers w o u l d get 5d. a day, m e n reapers 6d. and t h e m a n w h o b o u n d t h e s h e a v e s for six r e a p e r s w o u l d g e t 7 d . T h e later e i g h t e e n t h century s e e m s to h a v e b e e n a period w h e n in relative t e r m s w o m e n ' s e a r n i n g s fell off, t h o u g h s i n c e it w a s g e n e r a l l y a t i m e of r i s i n g s t a n d a r d s o f l i v i n g , t h e i r a c t u a l p u r c h a s i n g p o w e r m a y h a v e i m p r o v e d . A g r i c u l t u r a l i m p r o v e m e n t in t h e last q u a r t e r o f t h e c e n t u r y increased the value of the tasks w h i c h w e r e regarded as male, such as t h e c a r e a n d u s e o f h o r s e s , a n d m a l e l a b o u r b e c a m e m o r e a t t r a c t i v e to e m p l o y e r s . F i g u r e s f r o m t h e 1 7 9 0 s s h o w w o m e n i n a g r i c u l t u r e w o r k i n g for b e t w e e n 4 2 a n d 4 8 p e r c e n t o f m e n ' s w a g e s , b u t t h e s e figures a p p l y o n l y t o t h e m i n o r i t y o f w o r k e r s c a l l e d l a b o u r e r s w h o w e r e r e w a r d e d entirely in m o n e y , a n d this minority w a s o n the w h o l e one of low status.

26

M o r e of the labour force either lived a n d w o r k e d

as c o t t a r s , o r as s e r v a n t s , t h a t is l i v i n g w i t h i n t h e h o u s e h o l d o f t h e i r e m p l o y e r . H o w l a r g e a s e c t i o n o f t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l p o p u l a t i o n w a s in either category has not yet b e e n determined, and probably varied regionally. W e h a v e occasional glimpses: in T r a n e n t (East Lothian) in t h e 1 7 6 0 s 2 5 p e r c e n t o f t h e m e n w e r e c a l l e d l a b o u r e r s , b u t t h i s w a s a s m a l l t o w n a s w e l l as a p a r i s h w i t h f a r m s . B a r r , i n A y r s h i r e , h a d i n 1 7 4 5 e i g h t y - o n e h o u s e h o l d s o f c o t t a r s to t h i r t y - o n e t e n a n t s , R o b e r t o n , i n L a n a r k s h i r e , in 1 7 4 7 h a d t h i r t y - s e v e n t o f o r t y - t h r e e , D a i r s i e , i n Fife, i n 1 7 4 0 h a d fifty-one c o t t a r s to t h i r t y - f o u r

tenants

a n d tradesmen, a n d already the risks of the two positions h a d separ­ a t e d sufficiently for t h e c o t t a r s t o b e t h e o n l y p e o p l e r e c e i v i n g p o o r relief.

27

Cottars w e r e clearly a large part of rural society but o n e o n

w h i c h m o s t f o r m s o f local r e c o r d k e e p i n g a r e s i l e n t . T h e c h i l d r e n o f cottars a n d s o m e of the tenants provided the class of farm servant, not always entering o n this form of labour with enthusiasm, as the orders

25 26

27

A. Fenton, Scottish Country Life (Edinburgh, 1976), chap. 3. V. Morgan, 'Agricultural Wage Rates in Late-Eighteenth Century Scotland', Eco­ nomic History Review, 2nd ser., 29 (1971). Rosalind Mitchison, 'Death in Tranent', Transactions of the East Lothian Antiquarian and Field Naturalists Society, 16 (1979); SRO C H I / 2 / 8 5 - 7 , C H 2 / 4 2 7 / 2 .

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of t h e j u s t i c e s o f t h e p e a c e o f D u n b a r t o n s h i r e i n t h e 1 7 5 0 s t o p a r t i c u l a r a d o l e s c e n t s to l e a v e h o m e a n d h i r e t h e m s e l v e s as s e r v a n t s i m p l y .

28

T h e o r d e r s o f t h e j u s t i c e s reflect a c o n t i n u a t i o n i n t o t h e m i d - c e n t u r y of t h e c o n c e p t t h a t t h e d e p l o y m e n t o f l a b o u r a n d its r e w a r d n e e d e d g o v e r n m e n t i n t e r v e n t i o n . W a g e c o n t r o l s e e m s a l w a y s to h a v e m e a n t f o r c i n g w a g e s d o w n , n o t u p , a n d it s e e m s to h a v e g o n e o n l o n g e r in t h e w e s t t h a n in t h e e a s t . T h e r e w a s also p r e s s u r e to m a k e s e r v a n t s h i r e t h e m s e l v e s for t h e w h o l e o r t h e h a l f y e a r , i n s t e a d o f t r y i n g s i m p l y t o p i c k u p w a g e s i n t h e h a r v e s t p e r i o d . B u t all o v e r t h e c o u n t r y t h e t e n d e n c y o f t h o s e in a u t h o r i t y w a s t o s u p p o r t t h e i n t e r e s t s o f t e n a n t s a g a i n s t t h o s e o f t h e i r e m p l o y e e s . It w a s , for i n s t a n c e , m o s t u n u s u a l in a c a s e w h e r e a t e n a n t , h i s s o n or h i s s e r v a n t h a d r o u g h l y s e d u c e d a w o m a n s e r v a n t a n d m a d e h e r p r e g n a n t for t h e k i r k s e s s i o n to r e q u i r e t h a t t h e w o m a n l e a v e t h e e m p l o y m e n t . T h e risk o f further illicit s e x u a l e n c o u n t e r s w a s l e s s i m p o r t a n t t h a n t h e risk to a f a r m e r o f b e i n g s h o r t handed. Y e t in o t h e r w a y s t h e c h u r c h t r e a t e d t h e s e x e s m o r e e q u a l l y t h a n it h a d in t h e s e v e n t e e n t h c e n t u r y . I n v e s t i g a t i o n s i n t o s e x u a l irregu­ larities b o r e m o r e i n e x o r a b l y o n w o m e n t h a n o n m e n b e c a u s e it w a s u s u a l l y initiated w h e n p r e g n a n c y w a s v i s i b l e a n d t h e r e w a s n o r o o m for d e n i a l . T h e m a n , o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , m i g h t d e n y a c c u s a t i o n s , a n d his persistence, even w h e n the case w e n t higher up the system, would frustrate d i s c i p l i n e . T h e s e s s i o n w o u l d p u r s u e t h e m a n as far as it c o u l d , a n d try t o i m p o s e t h e s a m e p e n a l t y o n h i m as o n t h e w o m a n . B u t t h e l a n g u a g e in w h i c h t h e t w o s e x e s w e r e r e p r o v e d w o u l d differ: it w o u l d b e m u c h m o r e c o n d e m n a t o r y a n d a g g r e s s i v e to t h e w o m a n . T h e church h a d an incipient double standard: overt sexuality was t o b e t a k e n for g r a n t e d o n l y in m e n . I n o t h e r social m a t t e r s t h e c h u r c h a i m e d at e q u a l i t y b e t w e e n t h e s e x e s . T h o u g h p o v e r t y s t r u c k m o r e often at w o m e n t h a n m e n , p e r h a p s b e c a u s e it w a s h a r d e r for a w o m a n to e a r n e n o u g h for s a v i n g , relief w a s n o t d i s c r i m i n a t o r y , e i t h e r in q u a n t i t y o r in availability. S c h o o l i n g w a s a n e x p e c t e d p a r e n t a l o b l i g a t i o n , b u t o n e s e e n as m o d i f i e d b y financial n e e d . A s e s s i o n w o u l d u r g e p a r e n t s to s e n d c h i l d r e n to s c h o o l , b u t it w o u l d n o t d i s c i p l i n e t h e m for failure t o d o s o . It w o u l d m a k e s u r e t h a t t h e o r p h a n s it w a s r e a r i n g c o u l d r e a d w e l l . It is clear t h a t m a n y families m a d e m o r e effort t o p a y for s c h o o l i n g for b o y s t h a n for girls, b u t t h i s d i s c r i m i n a t i o n w a s n o t o v e r t l y s a n c t i o n e d b y 28

SROJP6/2/1.

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the church. T h e parish school system could not, given the area covered b y m a n y p a r i s h e s , offer e d u c a t i o n t o all c h i l d r e n , b u t t h e r e w e r e o f t e n also s u p p l e m e n t a r y p a r i s h s c h o o l s , c h a r i t y s c h o o l s o r p r i v a t e l y r u n 'adventure s c h o o l s ' . T h e s e w e r e particularly necessary in the larger b u r g h s , for b u r g h c o u n c i l s w e r e m o r e i n t e r e s t e d i n t h e

grammar

schools they sustained than in spreading basic literacy. A s the t o w n s e x p a n d e d in t h e e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y a n d t h e o p p o r t u n i t i e s for child l a b o u r in f a c t o r i e s i n c r e a s e d , t h e e d u c a t i o n a l a t t a i n m e n t o f t h e bulk of the population declined. B y the 1830s, in spite of a wide spec­ t r u m o f available s c h o o l s , o n l y a b o u t a t h i r d o f G l a s g o w ' s c h i l d r e n of s c h o o l a g e w e r e at s c h o o l . Y e t c o n c e p t u a l l y e v e n i n t h e n i n e t e e n t h century Scottish education was more generous than English. The Scot­ tish m i d d l e c l a s s d i d n o t h o l d t h a t t h e a c q u i s i t i o n o f l i t e r a c y w o u l d e n c o u r a g e w o r k i n g - c l a s s r a d i c a l i s m , a n d t h o u g h o p p o r t u n i t i e s for working-class children to attain higher levels of education w e r e nar­ rowed, they were never completely closed. By the mid-eighteenth century lowland parishes had developed a system of coping with the problems of poverty w h i c h m e a n t that d e s t i t u t i o n w a s f e n d e d off, b u t t h e s t a n d a r d o f l i v i n g o f t h e p o o r w a s l o w a n d d e p e n d e d p a r t l y o n c a s u a l a i d . It w a s a c c e p t e d t h a t t h e r e c i p i e n t o f relief w o u l d a l s o b e g . T h i s r e c o g n i t i o n w a s sufficiently explicit, i n s p i t e o f v a r i o u s s t a t u t o r y p r o h i b i t i o n s o f b e g g i n g , for p a r ­ ishes to raise the level of the n o r m a l dole w h e n a p a u p e r h a d b e c o m e t o o infirm t o l e a v e t h e h o u s e . M o s t o f t h e lists o f t h e p o o r w e r e e l d e r l y spinsters or w i d o w s with y o u n g children, but there w e r e

often

orphans a n d the insane. T h e r e might also b e comparatively y o u n g p e o p l e w h o w e r e r e c o g n i s e d , w h e t h e r for m e n t a l o r p h y s i c a l r e a s o n s , as u n a b l e to k e e p t h e m s e l v e s s u p p l i e d . T o t h e s e , a n d t h e i n s a n e , parishes were often very g e n e r o u s . O r p h a n s a n d foundlings w e r e usually supported until the n o r m a l age of apprenticeship. Often their care w a s h a n d e d o v e r t o s o m e w o m a n a l r e a d y b e i n g s u p p o r t e d , as a w a y o f r e d u c i n g t h e total c o s t . T h e l e g a l b a s i s o f t h e p o o r l a w h a d c h a n g e d f r o m t h a t laid d o w n in t h e f o r m a t i v e s t a t u t e o f 1 5 7 9 . It h a d b e c o m e a c c e p t e d t h a t t h e requirement, there set out, of assessment, might not b e carried out. A p a r i s h w o u l d a d o p t it if it felt t h a t it c o u l d n o t m a n a g e w i t h o u t , b u t t h e d e c i s i o n o f w h e t h e r v o l u n t a r y s u m s w o u l d suffice w a s its o w n . T h e r e w a s n o e x t e r n a l c h e c k o n t h e l e v e l o f relief. P r e s s u r e from j u s t i c e s o f t h e p e a c e m i g h t b e b r o u g h t t o b e a r o n a d e l i n q u e n t p a r i s h w h i c h a l l o w e d its p o o r t o b e g e l s e w h e r e a n d t h e r e w e r e s u r g e s

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o f p r e s s u r e o n all p a r i s h e s t o c o n f o r m t o c o u n t y s c h e m e s w h i c h c o m ­ b i n e d efforts t o m a k e relief m o r e a d e q u a t e w i t h i n s t r u c t i o n s o n t h e c o n t r o l o f v a g r a n t s . S u c h s u r g e s c a n b e f o u n d i n m a n y a r e a s in t h e 1750s a n d again in the 1770s. But the justices h a d n o executive auth­ ority t o b a c k t h e m . T h e r e w a s considerable variation in the w a y that a s s e s s m e n t s were m a d e . M o s t p a r i s h e s l a i d t h e b u r d e n o n all l a n d b y f o r m a l v a l u a t i o n , b u t in s o m e it l a y o n l y o n t h e r e s i d e n t l a n d o w n e r s . T h e r e w a s also d e v e l o p i n g a s y s t e m o f v o l u n t a r y c o n t r i b u t i o n s w h i c h w e r e n o t rates but w h i c h the l a n d o w n e r s agreed to a n d m a d e o n the basis of the valued rent. T h e advantage to l a n d o w n e r s w a s that this could b e s t o p p e d w h e n e v e r t h e r e w a s felt t o b e n o n e e d w i t h o u t d i s c u s s i o n s with the kirk session: the disadvantage w a s that l a n d o w n e r s could not legally place half the b u r d e n o n their tenants. Parishes' p o w e r w a s limited. There w a s n o statute empowering t h e r e m o v a l o f p a u p e r s t o p l a c e s w h e r e t h e y h a d a s e t t l e m e n t , or of r e m o v i n g p o t e n t i a l p a u p e r s . T r a n e n t in 1 7 5 0 d e c i d e d t o r e m o v e a w o m a n w h o h a d c o m e to dwell with her son and w h o might have b e c o m e c h a r g e a b l e , b u t it w a s a c t i n g as a b u r g h , n o t as a p a r i s h . I n 1 7 5 9 t h e rural p a r i s h o f S t r a i t o n a p p l i e d t o t h e j u s t i c e s o f t h e p e a c e for A y r s h i r e for a u t h o r i t y t o r e m o v e t w o e l d e r l y p e o p l e w h o h a d n o t yet achieved the three y e a r s ' residence which w o u l d give a settlement but w h o b e g g e d occasionally, but the action was suspended

when

a c o u p l e o f p a r i s h i o n e r s g u a r a n t e e d t o p r o v i d e s u p p o r t . T h e c a s e illus­ t r a t e s t h e w a y i n w h i c h p a r o c h i a l relief c o u l d s h a d e i n t o p r i v a t e c h a r ­ ity. T h e s a m e p a r i s h i n 1 7 6 7 o b t a i n e d t h e r e m o v a l o f a r a v i n g lunatic t o g a o l i n G l a s g o w b e c a u s e h e w a s d a n g e r o u s . I n s t a n c e s c a n also b e f o u n d o f p a r i s h e s p a y i n g for relief t o p e o p l e w h o h a d a s e t t l e m e n t elsewhere, but m o r e usually they held b y the idea that the m o n e y s u b s c r i b e d for t h e p o o r w a s t o b e u s e d w i t h i n t h e p a r i s h .

29

B e f o r e t h e s u r g e o f c o u n t y s c h e m e s i n t h e 1 7 7 0 s it is p r o b a b l e that fewer than 10 per cent of parishes normally carried assessment, but a l r e a d y t h i s figure i n c l u d e d m a n y o f t h e t o w n s . I n rural p a r i s h e s in t h e e c o n o m i c t r a n q u i l l i t y o f t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y if a p a r i s h f o u n d it n e c e s s a r y t o a s s e s s itself, it w a s u n l i k e l y t o b e a b l e t o r e v e r t to a p u r e l y v o l u n t a r y relief s y s t e m . I n t h e t o w n s w h e r e a s s e s s m e n t w a s often j o i n e d to m a n a g i n g a poor h o u s e , a n d thus removal of the poor f r o m visibility, t h i s w a s e v e n m o r e t r u e . G l a s g o w h a d s e t u p a u n i t e d 29

SRO CH2/357/19, CH2/533/1, CH2/334/9.

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s y s t e m for its v a r i e d p a r i s h e s i n t h e 1 7 3 0 s , u s i n g a c e n t r a l t o w n ' s hospital, a n d in 1774 this s y s t e m w a s b a s e d o n a s s e s s m e n t . E d i n b u r g h h a d d e c i d e d to a s s e s s for its C h a r i t y W o r k h o u s e i n 1 7 4 0 , b u t

had

n o t u n i t e d its p a r i s h e s in s u p p o r t , a n d n e v e r s u c c e e d e d in r a i s i n g e n o u g h m o n e y . A n a t t e m p t i n S t i r l i n g i n 1 7 3 9 to r a i s e f u n d s

both

from the parishes and the town council foundered on the recalcitrance of E b e n e z e r E r s k i n e , l e a d e r o f t h e n e w l y c r e a t e d d i s s e n t i n g c o m ­ m u n i o n , t h e A s s o c i a t e P r e s b y t e r y , w h o r e f u s e d to a c k n o w l e d g e t h e elders of the established c h u r c h .

3 0

It w a s a s i g n t h a t d i s s e n t

and

p a r o c h i a l l y b a s e d p o o r relief w e r e u l t i m a t e l y i n c o m p a t i b l e . D i s s e n t i n g c o m m u n i t i e s h a d to u s e w h a t e v e r m o n e y t h e y c o u l d r a i s e f r o m t h e i r m e m b e r s h i p p r i m a r i l y for t h e s u p p o r t o f t h e m i n i s t r y , a n d

tended

t o l e a v e t h e e s t a b l i s h e d c h u r c h to s u p p o r t t h e p o o r o f t h e d i s s e n t i n g groups. Dissent h a d b e c o m e a feature of Scottish religion in the 1730s, mostly as a c o n s e q u e n c e o f refusal t o a g r e e to t h e a c c e p t a n c e o f u p p e r - c l a s s p o w e r i n t h e p r a c t i c e o f l a y p a t r o n a g e in c h u r c h a p p o i n t m e n t s . S o m e d i s s e n t i n g g r o u p s a l s o felt t h a t t h e m o r a l d i s c i p l i n e o f t h e e s t a b l i s h e d c h u r c h w a s n o t strict e n o u g h . B u t t h e r e w a s a l s o a n e w s t r e a m i n t h e e v a n g e l i c a l m e s s a g e : t h a t g r a c e w a s a r b i t r a r y a n d irresistible a n d t h a t p e o p l e n o t n e c e s s a r i l y r e g a r d e d as r e s p e c t a b l e m e m b e r s o f s o c i e t y might b e n u m b e r e d a m o n g the elect. At o n e extreme this opinion w a s A r m i n i a n , h o l d i n g t h a t t h e r e w e r e i n s t r u m e n t s for t h e r e c e p t i o n of g r a c e w h i c h s h o u l d n o t b e n e g l e c t e d . A s m a l l g r o u p o f d i s s e n t e r s l e d b y J o h n G l a s s t o o k a l e s s e x t r e m e s t a n d , b u t r e f u s e d to a c k n o w ­ ledge the authority of the W e s t m i n s t e r C o n f e s s i o n or the existing church g o v e r n m e n t as non-scriptural. T h e y m a d e a group of pious but passive separatists. M o r e serious in n u m b e r s a n d influence w a s t h e E r s k i n i t e s e c e s s i o n o f 1 7 3 3 , o v e r t h e c h u r c h ' s differential a t t i t u d e s in cases of alleged h e r e s y . Erskine h a d c o m b i n e d a series of denuncia­ t o r y s e r m o n s w i t h a refusal to a p o l o g i s e t o a n y o n e , a n d i n t h e e n d h e a n d his supporters founded a presbytery w h i c h they h e l d to b e the true church. In theology this group h e l d to standard neo-Calvin i s m , t h a t is t h e y b e l i e v e d t h a t g r a c e w a s l i m i t e d t o t h e a p p a r e n t l y g o d l y , b u t o p p o s e d t h e w i l l i n g n e s s o f g r o u p s w i t h i n t h e c h u r c h to c o m p r o m i s e with society a n d the state, a n d since this attitude inspired t h e M o d e r a t e p a r t y , influential i n t h e c h u r c h after 1 7 5 0 , t h e y w e r e u n w i l l i n g t o r e - e n t e r i n t o c o m m u n i o n w i t h it. M o d e r a t i s m ' s k e y t h e m e 30

R. A. Cage, The Scottish Poor Law 1745-1845 (Edinburgh, 1981), chap. 3; National Library of Scotland MS 1506 (Mackenzie of Delvine papers).

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w a s t h a t , s i n c e t h e c h u r c h l i v e d i n t h e w o r l d , it s h o u l d c o - o p e r a t e with the various manifestations of secular authority. O n e of these m a n i f e s t a t i o n s w a s p a t r o n a g e , s o t h i s c h u r c h p a r t y t e n d e d to s u s t a i n t h e p o w e r o f l a n d o w n e r s . S u b s e q u e n t s c h i s m s in t h e c h u r c h i n v o l v e d further b r e a k a w a y s o n the topic of patronage, a n d t h o u g h the M o d e r ­ ate party, never m o r e t h a n a minority group within the ministry, m a n i p u l a t e d t h e G e n e r a l A s s e m b l y t o e n d its r o u t i n e p r o t e s t s a b o u t patronage, the issue w a s not killed a n d r e m a i n e d a source of disquiet and division.

31

II The of

pressure of rising population o n grain prices and the example English

landownership

combined

to

encourage

agricultural

reorganisation a n d ' i m p r o v e m e n t ' in late eighteenth-century

Scot­

land. T h e n e w experimental and exploitative approach h a d b y the 1 7 7 0 s b e c o m e c o m m o n i n t h e s o u t h - e a s t . It m e a n t b o t h different m e t h ­ o d s o f f a r m i n g a n d different s o c i a l a n d t e n u r i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . T e n u r e s u s u a l l y c h a n g e d b e f o r e t e c h n i q u e s , s i n c e t h e l a t t e r i n v o l v e d a drastic r e o r g a n i s a t i o n o f t i m e a n d l a b o u r a c c e p t a b l e o n l y to f a r m e r s w i t h s o m e security. T h e single-tenant farm, already c o m m o n , b e c a m e the n o r m all o v e r t h e L o w l a n d s ,

3 2

and the n e w farms were larger than

in the past, usually of over 150 acres (60 hectares), enclosed, w h i c h in Scottish terminology m e a n s c o m p o s e d of fenced or walled rectangu­ lar fields, a n d w i t h r o t a t i o n s u s i n g all s u i t a b l e l a n d a s a r a b l e . T h e r e w e r e to b e n o cottars* o r s u b - t e n a n t s . F a r m s t e a d i n g s w e r e c e n t r a l l y g r o u p e d , o f t e n l a r g e a n d s p e c i a l i s e d . T h e l e a s e w o u l d o f t e n b e for n i n e t e e n years. R e n t s w e r e raised in a c k n o w l e d g e m e n t of the h i g h e r capital value of the unit, a n d increasingly w e r e e x p r e s s e d in m o n e y only. Servitudes of 'carriages' or of peat cutting w e n t out, a n d t h o u g h t h e r e s t r i c t i o n s o f t h i r l a g e w e r e h a r d e r to a b o l i s h , i n t h e e a r l y n i n e ­ t e e n t h c e n t u r y l e g a l c h a n g e s g o t rid o f it. T e n a n t s d i d n o t n e c e s s a r i l y p a s s all t h e s e c h a n g e s o n t o t h e i r l a b o u r force. T h e w o r k w a s n o w done b y 'farm servants' w h o might b e ' h i n d s ' , t h a t is m a r r i e d m e n s e t t l e d i n c o t t a g e s , o r t h e r e m i g h t b e a 31

32

T. C. Smout, A History of the Scottish People, 1560-1830 (1969), chap. 9; Ian D. L. Clark, 'From Protests to Reaction: The Moderate Regime in the Church of Scotland 1752-1805', in Phillipson and Mitchison, eds., Scotland in the Age of Improvement. R. A. Dodgshon, Land and Society in Early Scotland (Oxford, 1981), chap. 7; I. D. Whyte, Agriculture and Society in Seventeenth Century Scotland (Edinburgh, 1979), chap. 6.

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p r e p o n d e r a n c e of u n m a r r i e d m e n , living in separate ' b o t h i e s ' , squalid d o r m i t o r i e s , or u n d e r t h e ' c h a u m e r s y s t e m ' e a t i n g w i t h t h e f a r m e r . T h e r e w e r e a l s o d a y - l a b o u r e r s h i r e d for p a r t i c u l a r t a s k s . H i n d s w e r e u s u a l l y p a i d m a i n l y in g r a i n , p o t a t o e s a n d g r a z i n g , a n d h a d t h e obli­ g a t i o n o f p r o v i d i n g a w o m a n w o r k e r , a ' b o n d a g e r ' for p a r t i c u l a r t a s k s or s e a s o n s . T h e r e l a t i o n s h i p o f a h i n d t o t h e f a r m e r c a r r i e d m a n y of t h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e o l d e r c o t t a r c l a s s , a n d m e a n t t h a t t h i s group w a s relatively i m m u n e to sharp fluctuations in grain prices. E m p l o y m e n t w a s h x e d at t h e a n n u a l h i r i n g fair, a s y s t e m w h i c h , b y m a k i n g it c l e a r t o t h e l a b o u r force e x a c t l y h o w m a n y full-time j o b s there w e r e , p r e v e n t e d overpopulation of rural c o m m u n i t i e s a n d sub­ s e q u e n t u n e m p l o y m e n t , b y r u t h l e s s p r u n i n g . T h e r e w a s still s o m e winter u n e m p l o y m e n t in m a n y parishes w h e r e the bulk of the farming w a s a r a b l e , a n d t h e r e w a s a drastic s e l e c t i o n o f t h e t y p e o f p o p u l a t i o n to suit f a r m i n g n e e d s . T h u s w h i l e i n t h e L o t h i a n s , b e c a u s e o f t h e u s e o f w o m e n for r o o t c r o p s , t h e m a r r i e d h i n d w a s t h e p r e f e r r e d t y p e of r e g u l a r l a b o u r , i n t h e c e n t r a l a r e a s o f S c o t l a n d , s u c h a s s o u t h e r n P e r t h s h i r e , t h e d e m a n d c a m e to b e for s i n g l e m e n o n l y .

3 3

T h e c h a n g e s t o t h e n e w f a r m i n g a n d h e n c e t h e n e w social s y s t e m s d i d n o t h a p p e n at o n c e . T h e B o r d e r s h a d a l r e a d y e a r l y i n t h e e i g h ­ teenth century b e e n geared to market forces,

34

a n d t h e effects o f t h e

n e w t e c h n i q u e s a n d c o n c e n t r a t i o n w a s t o m a k e for m o r e s p e c i a l i s a t i o n in s h e e p f a r m i n g a n d h e n c e d e p o p u l a t i o n , s i n c e b e t t e r t r a n s p o r t m a d e it p o s s i b l e to b r i n g in g r a i n . I n A b e r d e e n s h i r e a n d o t h e r

northern

areas i m p r o v e m e n t w a s on a small scale, until the n i n e t e e n t h century, a n d e v e n w h e n it o c c u r r e d i n s o m e p a r t s o f t h e n o r t h it d i d n o t s o m u c h force o u t t h e o l d p e a s a n t s y s t e m as i n t e r m i x it w i t h l a r g e r f a r m s . E v e n in p a r t s o f t h e c e n t r a l v a l l e y , for i n s t a n c e in s o u t h e r n A y r s h i r e , t h e r e w e r e still a r e a s u n i m p r o v e d

in t h e

1790s.

3 5

Yet elsewhere

specialised dairy farms w e r e being developed. In the Highlands the n e w s p e c i a l i s e d s y s t e m o f s h e e p f a r m i n g h a d b e g u n to p e n e t r a t e s o m e areas, notably Ross and Argyll, before the e n d of the century, but f u r t h e r n o r t h its a d v e n t w a s l a t e r . 33

34

35

Malcolm Gray, 'Scottish Emigration: The Social Impact of Agrarian Change in the Rural Lowlands, 1775-1875', Perspectives in American History, 8 (1973), pp. 132-8. R. A. Dodgshon, 'Agricultural Change and its Social Consequences in the Southern Uplands of Scotland, 1600-1780', in T. M. Devine and David Dickson, eds., Ireland and Scotland 1600-1830 (Edinburgh, 1983). Ian R. Carter, Farm Life in North East Scotland, 1840-1914 (Edinburgh, 1973), chap. 1; W. Fullarton, General View of the Agriculture of the County of Ayr .. . (Edinburgh, 1793), pp. 17ff; W. Aiton, General View of the Agriculture of the County of Ayr (Glasgow, 1811), pp. 695-7.

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Scotland 1750-1850

177

T h e c o l l e c t i o n o f p a r i s h r e p o r t s m a d e i n t h e 1 7 9 0 s , c o m p r i s i n g The Statistical Account

of Scotland ( t h e OSA), g i v e u s a g o o d b a s i s for s t u d y

of t h e d e g r e e o f c h a n g e a c h i e v e d b y t h a t d e c a d e a n d w h a t it m e a n t for

the people involved.

36

In m a n y parishes in s o u t h e r n

Scotland

it is c l e a r t h a t f a r m s h a d b e c o m e f e w e r a n d l a r g e r a n d i n s o m e a r e a s there are reports of the deliberate destruction of cottages. W h e r e either p r o c e s s h a d t a k e n p l a c e t h e rural p o p u l a t i o n h a d c o m e u n d e r c o n t r o l in t h e i n t e r e s t s o f profitability for t h e f a r m e r , r e f l e c t e d in t h e n u m b e r of f a m i l i e s a b l e t o r e m a i n . I n m o s t c a s e s t h i s w a s a c h i e v e d b y d e g r a d ­ ing part of the workforce in status, from tenant to labourer, or from cottar to labourer or servant. Probably this c h a n g e w a s a c c o m p a n i e d b y a n i m p r o v e d s t a n d a r d o f living, for f o o d s u p p l i e s b e c a m e m o r e r e l i a b l e . T h e n a t u r a l i n c r e a s e o f p o p u l a t i o n h a d t o find j o b s e l s e w h e r e , a n d t h i s d i s p e r s e d f a m i l i e s . O p p o r t u n i t i e s for u p w a r d m o b i l i t y in t h e f a r m s e c t o r w e r e r a r e , s i n c e t h e c a p i t a l n e c e s s a r y for t h e f a r m i n g o f the n e w type of farm was about £ 5 an acre. T h e gap b e t w e e n tenant farmer and his workforce h a d b e c o m e p e r m a n e n t . T h e v i e w that material conditions h a d not deteriorated in the L o w ­ lands gains indirect support from the striking lack of protest over r e o r g a n i s a t i o n . T h e i n s t a n c e s o f r e s i s t a n c e are s o f e w a s t o b e trifling, i n s h a r p c o n t r a s t t o t h e r e a c t i o n s to e n c l o s u r e a c t s i n m i d l a n d E n g l a n d or t o t h e n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y h i g h l a n d c l e a r a n c e s . If t h e c h a n g e o f status h a d involved material loss o n e w o u l d h a v e to postulate

an

u n u s u a l l y s u b s e r v i e n t rural p o p u l a t i o n . It is c l e a r t h a t t h e w a g e s o f day-labourers w e n t u p faster than the cost of living b e t w e e n 1760 and the 1790s,

3 7

a n d t h e i n c r e a s e w a s e n o u g h to c o m p e n s a t e f a m i l i e s

for t h e l o s s o f d o m e s t i c textile i n d u s t r y t o t h e f a c t o r i e s i n t h e 1 7 9 0 s . Y e t if t h e s t a n d a r d o f l i v i n g h a d n o t g o n e d o w n , it w a s still u n c o m f o r ­ table and unhealthily low. In the best paid areas of southern Scotland diet w a s n o t s u c h a s t o m e e t t h e full n e e d s , e v e n i n c a l o r i e s , o f a m a r r i e d c o u p l e w i t h t h r e e c h i l d r e n , e v e n for t h e h o l d e r o f t h e m o s t prestigious position within the labour force, that of hind. Insofar as the i n c o m e of the w a g e earner h a d improved over the

eighteenth

c e n t u r y t h i s h a d b e e n l a r g e l y n o t i n t h e g r a i n a l l o w a n c e , e x c e p t for 36

37

The Statistical Account of Scotland, usually referred to as the Old Statistical Account (OSA) to distinguish it from the New Statistical Account (NSA) published in the 1840s, was brought out haphazardly in 21 volumes from 1791 to 1799. A new edition, arranged into regional volumes and given valuable introductory essays, is being produced under the general editorship of Donald J. Withrington and Ian R. Grant, from 1973. Unless otherwise stated references here will be to the original and com­ plete edition. Morgan, 'Agricultural Wage Rates'.

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M I T C H I S O N

t h e i n c l u s i o n o f p o t a t o e s , b u t in t h e m o n e y f e e . F o r a n y f a m i l y w i t h c h i l d r e n s o m e p a r t o f t h i s fee w o u l d h a v e to g o o n f o o d p u r c h a s e s ; o t h e r w i s e t h e h i n d w a s i m m u n e to i n f l a t i o n . labourer,

who

38

B y contrast the day-

h a d h a d c o n s p i c u o u s increases in pay, w a s

fully

e x p o s e d to t h e p r i c e rise o f t h e 1 7 9 0 s a n d t h e l a t e r f l u c t u a t i o n s . T h e difference in r e a l t e r m s w a s t h a t t h e h i n d w a s likely to suffer c h r o n i c minor undernourishment while the day-labourer could have periods of s u d d e n h a r d s h i p . N e i t h e r sort o f h a r d s h i p w o u l d , in m o s t y e a r s , b r i n g t h e s e f a m i l i e s i n t o t h e s p h e r e o f p o o r relief, b u t in e x c e p t i o n a l y e a r s o f h i g h p r i c e s , parish aid b a c k e d often b y c o u n t y pressure w o u l d b e m a d e available. F o r i n s t a n c e in P r e s t o n k i r k ( t h e m o d e r n

E a s t L i n t o n ) in 1 8 0 0 in

r e s p o n s e to c o u n t y p r e s s u r e a n e l a b o r a t e s c h e m e w a s s e t u p to a l l o w specific q u a n t i t i e s o f s u b s i d i s e d g r a i n to b e b o u g h t b y h o u s e h o l d s of l o w i n c o m e . ' S i n g l e w o m e n , w i d o w s , t h e o l d , t h o s e w h o are u n a b l e to or c a n n o t p r o c u r e w o r k a n d l a b o u r e r s a n d t r a d e s m e n w h o s e w a g e s are at or b e l o w l s . 4 d . p e r d a y ' f o r m e d t h e g r o u p a l l o w e d m o s t g e n e r o u s q u a n t i t i e s o f c h e a p f o o d , a n d t h e classification tells a lot a b o u t w h e r e h a r d s h i p w a s a s s u m e d to l i e .

39

B a d h a r v e s t s w e r e still, at t h e e n d o f t h e c e n t u r y , t h e m a i n s o u r c e of h a r d s h i p , a n d t h e b l e n d i n g o f 'official' a n d ' u n o f f i c i a l ' aid w h i c h m a d e u p a relief s y s t e m , a n d t h e m i x t u r e o f a s s e s s m e n t a n d v o l u n t a r y aid w h i c h p a i d for it, did n o t p r e v e n t s o m e real t h r e a t to s t a n d a r d s of l i v i n g . A b a d y e a r w o u l d l e a d to t h e i n c u r r i n g o f d e b t s w h i c h m i g h t p e r m a n e n t l y l o w e r a f a m i l y ' s s t a t u s , or l e a d to l o n g - t e r m i m p o v e r i s h ­ m e n t . T h e OSA s h o w s in r e p o r t s for t h e p a r i s h e s o f T r a n e n t a n d S t N i n i a n s ( S t i r l i n g s h i r e ) a rise in p a u p e r s after t h e 1 7 8 2 h a r v e s t failure w h i c h l a s t e d for e i g h t or n i n e y e a r s , a n d t h e c e n s u s o f 1 8 1 1 r e c o r d s for I n s c h , A b e r d e e n s h i r e , t h e p e r m a n e n t l o s s o f h o l d i n g s .

4 0

Already in the 1780s the Edinburgh newspapers were

carrying

c o r r e s p o n d e n c e critical o f t h e p o o r l a w , o c c a s i o n a l l y w i t h t h e a r g u ­ m e n t t h a t relief s a p p e d t h e spirit o f i n d e p e n d e n c e i n t h e l a b o u r i n g class. This m a y h a v e b e e n a r e s p o n s e to the attack o n the English p o o r l a w l a u n c h e d in 1 7 8 6 b y J o s e p h T o w n s h e n d , r a t h e r t h a n a 38

M. Goldie, 'The Standard of Living of Rural Labourers in Selected Counties of Scotland as Shown in the Old and New Statistical Accounts' (unpublished MPhil. thesis, Edinburgh University, 1971).

39

Caledonian Mercury, 5 Dec. 1800.

40

OSA, vol. 10, p. 96, and vol. 18, p. 401. British Library, Add. MS 6897 (this document is the explanations by returning officials of the census of 1811 to the difference between their figures then and those for 1801. These returns cover about two-thirds of Scottish parishes).

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

Scotland 1750-1850 r e s p o n s e b y t h e u p p e r c l a s s to a n i n c r e a s i n g b u r d e n .

4 1

179

Indeed, exam­

i n a t i o n o f t h e l e v e l o f p o o r relief in t w e l v e p a r i s h e s w h i c h w e r e c o n ­ scientiously carrying out their duties in the central decades of the e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y s h o w s t h a t t h e b u r d e n did n o t r i s e in real t e r m s . W h a t had increased, though, was the number of parishes assessed. This w a s partly b e c a u s e s o m e parishes relatively neglectful of their d u t i e s m i d - c e n t u r y w e r e , b y t h e last d e c a d e , m a k i n g m o r e effective i n t e r v e n t i o n , a n d c a l l i n g o n t h e l a n d o w n e r s for gifts o r a s s e s s m e n t . The

1 7 9 0 s s a w c o m p l a i n t s a b o u t a s s e s s m e n t , b u t n o t in t h e f o r m

t h a t it w a s c r i p p l i n g l a n d o w n e r s , r a t h e r t h a t it w a s b a d for t h e m o r a l character of the labourer. Occasionally a c o m p l a i n a n t might go further a n d c l a i m t h a t t h i s d a m a g e to c h a r a c t e r m i g h t w e a k e n t h e u r g e to s a v e , a n d s o i n c r e a s e t h e n u m b e r n e e d i n g relief. S o m e m i n i s t e r s writ­ i n g i n t h e OSA t r o d t h e d e l i c a t e p a t h b e t w e e n c o m p l a i n i n g a b o u t the lack of charitable aid from non-resident l a n d o w n e r s a n d a distaste for a n y s y s t e m o f a s s e s s m e n t w h i c h w o u l d m a k e t h e m c o n t r i b u t e . The

restriction of the population w a n t e d on the farms and

the

d e c l i n e o f d o m e s t i c i n d u s t r y c o n s e q u e n t o n t h e s p i n n i n g m i l l s , as t h e s e d e v e l o p e d i n t h e 1 7 9 0 s , s e n t t h e s p a r e p o p u l a t i o n to t h e t o w n s . We

h a v e little critical e s t i m a t e i n t h e OSA o f h o w t h e t o w n s w e r e

coping with their expansion: the urban parishes could not b e adequa­ t e l y u n d e r s t o o d b y t h e i r m i n i s t e r s . It is m o s t u n l i k e l y t h a t h o u s i n g w a s b e i n g p r o v i d e d r a p i d l y e n o u g h to p r e v e n t o v e r c r o w d i n g . W e k n o w t h a t s o m e o f t h e s m a l l e r t o w n s , s u c h as F o r f a r , w e r e f a c i n g a n e w s c a l e o f n e e d for r e l i e f .

42

G l a s g o w w a s recording a death rate

of o v e r t w e n t y - f i v e p e r t h o u s a n d , a n d t h e a n a l y s i s o f specific d i s e a s e s i n t h e i r c o n t r i b u t i o n to c h i l d d e a t h s m a d e for t h a t city for t h e y e a r s 1783-1813 strongly suggests widespread undernourishment.

4 3

Chil­

d r e n p o o r l y f e d w e r e liable to s u c c u m b to t h e first s e r i o u s d i s e a s e t h e y e n c o u n t e r e d : u n t i l v a c c i n a t i o n w a s i n t r o d u c e d i n t o t h e city o n a large scale in 1805 this w a s likely to b e smallpox. E v e n before 1805 m e a s l e s w a s r i s i n g in its i m p a c t , a n d f r o m 1807 t o o k o v e r a s t h e l e a d i n g c a u s e o f c h i l d d e a t h . I n 1 8 0 8 it k i l l e d 2 6 0 c h i l d r e n i n a s i n g l e m o n t h i n t h e c i t y . W e c a n n o t tell w h e t h e r t h e p e o p l e w h o m i g r a t e d t o t h e city w e r e p o o r e r t h a n t h e y h a d b e e n i n t h e c o u n t r y ; w e c a n s e e t h e

41

42 43

Debate in letters to the Caledonian Mercury, March and April 1786; Joseph Townshend, A Dissertation on the Poor Laws, 2nd edn (1787), Section XIII. OSA, vol. 6, p. 525.

Ibid., vol. 5, p. 511; Robert Watt, An Inquiry into the Relative Mortality of Children in Glasgow (Glasgow, 1813).

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MITCHISON

e p i d e m i o l o g i c a l e v i d e n c e s i m p l y as c l e a r e v i d e n c e o f t h e e x i s t e n c e of u n d e r n o u r i s h m e n t . O n e area of Scotland was resolutely by-passed b y prosperity. This was the Highlands. T h e basic problem here was that the people were m u c h m o r e fertile t h a n t h e l a n d . T h e total p o p u l a t i o n o f t h e a r e a s geologically and geographically Highland h a d gone up from 115,000 in 1 7 5 5 to n e a r l y 2 0 1 , 0 0 0 in 1 8 3 1 . T h e b i r t h r a t e w a s h i g h e r t h a n e l s e ­ w h e r e in S c o t l a n d in s p i t e o f t h e e m i g r a t i o n o f y o u n g a d u l t s .

44

Yet

m o s t h i g h l a n d a r e a s h a d p o o r soil, a n d n o t m u c h o f it. T h e h i g h l a n d t e c h n i q u e s o f u s i n g t h e foot p l o u g h a n d s p a d e c u l t i v a t i o n b y l a z y b e d s ( m a k i n g e n o u g h soil in strips b y t a k i n g u p t h e soil o n t h e g r o u n d b e t w e e n ) are n o t o n e s w h i c h w o u l d b e a d o p t e d w h e r e n a t u r a l p r o ­ v i s i o n w a s g e n e r o u s . Efforts to d e v e l o p o t h e r r e s o u r c e s h a d h a d o n l y t w o s u c c e s s e s : t h e cattle t r a d e , w h i c h w e n t i n t o d e p r e s s i o n in 1 8 1 5 , a n d t h e k e l p i n d u s t r y , for w h i c h p r i c e s s l u m p e d after 1 8 1 0 a n d w h i c h w a s r e n d e r e d o b s o l e t e b y t h e r e p e a l o f t h e salt d u t i e s in 1 8 2 5 . T h e r e s e e m s a l s o to h a v e b e e n a n u n w i l l i n g n e s s o n t h e p a r t o f l a n d o w n e r s to i n v e s t i n t h e p r o d u c t i v i t y o f t h e i r e s t a t e s , s o t h a t o c c a s i o n a l p e r i o d s of h i g h r e v e n u e , s u c h as t h a t e x p e r i e n c e d b y s e a g i r t e s t a t e s d u r i n g the kelp b o o m , h a d not e n h a n c e d productivity. T h e OSA r e p o r t s s h o w t h a t a l r e a d y b y t h e 1 7 9 0 s t h e a r e a w a s u n d e r stress. F r o m m a n y parishes there w e r e reports of emigration, s o m e ­ t i m e s in p a r t i e s l e d b y t h e t a c k s m e n ( m e m b e r s o f t h e g e n t r y ) , r e s e n t f u l of r a i s e d r e n t s w h i c h c a m e f r o m t h e l a n d o w n e r s t u r n i n g t h e i r a i m s f r o m p o w e r to profit. T h e c o n s i d e r a b l e drafts o f m a n p o w e r w h i c h w e n t i n t o t h e h i g h l a n d r e g i m e n t s , d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e to t h e s h a r e o f t h e H i g h l a n d s in t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n , w e r e a f o r m o f e m i g r a t i o n . T h e shift f r o m c o m m u n a l f a r m i n g t o i n d i v i d u a l l y m a n a g e d crofts, w h i c h w a s h a p p e n i n g f r o m t h e 1 7 9 0 s , left m a n y h o l d i n g s n o l a r g e r t h a n 3 or 4 acres of arable, a n d a large n u m b e r of cottar plots e v e n s m a l l e r .

45

T h e only w a y in w h i c h a family could subsist o n such a small patch of l a n d w a s b y t h e c r e a t i o n o f a p o t a t o e c o n o m y . A p a r t , in s u p p o r t , w a s also played b y temporary migration: from the 1750s the High­ l a n d e r s h a d f o l l o w e d t h e p a t t e r n o f u p l a n d p e o p l e s in o t h e r p a r t s of E u r o p e in t a k i n g t h e i r a p p e t i t e s a n d w o r k c a p a c i t y e l s e w h e r e for p a r t o f t h e y e a r , m o s t c o n s p i c u o u s l y to act as h a r v e s t l a b o u r in t h e

44

F. Fraser Darling, ed., West Highland Survey (Oxford, 1955), pp. 80-3; Flinn, ed.,

45

Malcolm Gray, The Highland Economy, 1750-1850 (Oxford, 1955), chap. 2.

Scottish Population History, p. 270.

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s o u t h . B u t it w a s t h e p o t a t o w h i c h g a v e t h e h i g h l a n d e c o n o m y a breathing space of half a century, from the 1780s to the 1 8 3 0 s .

4 6

T h i s i n t e r l u d e w a s n o t u s e d to s e t t h e e c o n o m y o n a s t r o n g e r f o o t i n g , if s u c h a t h i n g h a d b e e n p o s s i b l e . I n m a n y a r e a s h i g h l a n d s o c i e t y h a d b e e n m a d e m o r e vulnerable b y the disappearance of the inter­ mediate class of lesser gentry, the tacksmen, either b y estate policy or b y b a n k r u p t c y . T h e p a s s i n g o f t h i s g r o u p left h i g h l a n d s o c i e t y split i n t o a l a r g e b o d y o f v e r y p o o r c u l t i v a t o r s , u s i n g G a e l i c l a n g u a g e a n d its oral c u l t u r e , a n d a f e w i s o l a t e d i n d i v i d u a l s w h o m i g h t o r m i g h t n o t b e a b l e to s p e a k G a e l i c b u t w h o s e m a i n i n s t r u m e n t o f c o m m u n i c a ­ t i o n w a s E n g l i s h : m i n i s t e r s , officials, t h o s e l a n d o w n e r s w h o w e r e r e s i d e n t a n d t h e f a c t o r s o f t h o s e w h o w e r e n o t . P e r h a p s it w a s t h e sense of a culture u n d e r stress which e n c o u r a g e d the adoption of a severe form of evangelicalism. I n s t a n c e s of this, a n d in s o m e places the appearance of a group of self-selected individuals w h o attained a r e p u t a t i o n for e m i n e n t p i e t y b y a p o l i c y o f s e p a r a t i o n a n d c r i t i c i s m (later t o b e k n o w n as ' t h e M e n ' ) , a r e t o b e f o u n d b e f o r e 1 8 0 0 , a n d evangelical feeling about a ministerial appointment was part of the i n s p i r a t i o n for a riot i n A s s y n t i n 1 8 1 3 .

4 7

A widespread acceptance

of e v a n g e l i c a l i s m o f a n a u s t e r e k i n d , c o u p l e d w i t h e x t r e m e Sabbataria­ n i s m a n d hostility to the traditional Gaelic expression of culture in m u s i c a n d song, d e v e l o p e d in the early n i n e t e e n t h century. This m o v e m e n t , b y its fierceness a n d a u s t e r i t y m a y h a v e g i v e n i n d i v i d u a l H i g h l a n d e r s a s s u r a n c e o f s a l v a t i o n , but it d i d s o at t h e c o s t o f n a r r o w ­ ing their cultural inheritance. T h e deterioration of highland standards of living raises the general p r o b l e m o f w h e t h e r e c o n o m i c g r o w t h in o n e a r e a n o t o n l y w i d e n s the gap in living standards b e t w e e n that area a n d t h o s e m o r e back­ w a r d but also m e a n s actual i m p o v e r i s h m e n t of the latter. For the H i g h l a n d s it is n o t c l e a r t h a t t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l a n d i n d u s t r i a l d e v e l o p ­ m e n t s o f t h e s o u t h m a d e for e n h a n c e d p o v e r t y , b u t t h e y m a d e it h a r d e r for a n y n e w i n d u s t r y to start u p a n d c a t c h u p i n t h e r e m o t e r districts. O v e r p o p u l a t i o n

s e e m s to h a v e b e e n t h e m a i n c a u s e o f

e n h a n c e d poverty, a n d this w a s to s o m e degree relieved b y the capa­ city o f t h e m o r e a d v a n c e d L o w l a n d s to u s e h i g h l a n d l a b o u r , e i t h e r o n a t e m p o r a r y or a p e r m a n e n t b a s i s . B u t t h e l o w l a n d e x p a n s i o n 46

Flinn, ed., Scottish Population History, pt 5, chap. 7.

47

A. J. Drummond and J. Bulloch, The Church in Victorian Scotland, 1843-1874 (Edin­ burgh, 1975), p. 322; R. J. Adam, ed., Papers on Sutherland Estate Management, SHS, 2 vols. (Edinburgh, 1972), vol. 2, pp. 1 9 4 - 5 .

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of t e x t i l e s a n d t h e u r b a n d e m a n d for m e a t c e r t a i n l y c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e s m a l l n e s s o f m a n y h o l d i n g s after 1 7 9 0 , b y e n c o u r a g i n g l a n d o w n e r s to w i t h d r a w t h e u s e o f l a r g e p a r t s o f t h e l a n d for s h e e p f a r m s . T h e s e f a r m s u s e d n o t o n l y hill g r a z i n g , b u t a l s o s o m e o f t h e v a l l e y l a n d c a p a b l e o f s u p p o r t i n g c r o p s . T h e k e l p i n d u s t r y , a l s o d e v e l o p e d for lowland d e m a n d , h a d e n c o u r a g e d the m o v e m e n t of population to t h e c o a s t , b u t a l s o its s e t t l e m e n t o n v e r y s m a l l h o l d i n g s ; i n l a n d s h e e p f a r m s a n d e v i c t i o n l e d to t h e s a m e e n d , a n d f u r t h e r c o m p u l s o r y m o v e ­ m e n t s o f p e o p l e s h o r e w a r d s w e r e m a d e a s l a n d o w n e r s b e g a n t o face t h e p r o b l e m o f s u p p o r t i n g t h e i r p e a s a n t r y in t i m e s o f c r o p failure. T h e s e m o v e m e n t s w e r e o n such a large scale that the w o r d ' c l e a r a n c e s ' has b e e n taken to cover t h e m a n d also other m a s s evictions. T h e r e is a s p e c i a l i s e d h i s t o r i o g r a p h y o f t h e w h o l e s e r i e s o f e v e n t s , c o n t a i n i n g a h a r d c o r e o f s o c i a l d i s l o c a t i o n a n d d i s t r e s s , o n w h i c h is b u i l t m u c h bitterness and s o m e historical m y t h .

4 8

H e r e it is e n o u g h t o s a y t h a t

the Highlands provide an area w h e r e e c o n o m i c c h a n g e w a s accom­ panied b y the lowering of material standards and the distortion of social s t r u c t u r e . T h e people no longer w a n t e d b y the n e w types of agriculture m o v e d of c o u r s e to t h e t o w n s . N o n u m e r i c a l d e f i n i t i o n o f t o w n c a n b e f o u n d w h i c h does not exclude s o m e small places of definitely urban culture, b u t s e t t i n g t h e d i v i d i n g l i n e at 5 , 0 0 0 i n h a b i t a n t s , it w a s n o t u n t i l t h e 1 8 8 1 c e n s u s t h a t t h e u r b a n p o p u l a t i o n in S c o t l a n d o u t n u m b e r e d t h e r u r a l . T h e e x p a n s i o n o f t r a d e a n d its c o n c e n t r a t i o n b u i l t u p t h e b i g cities; G l a s g o w w i t h h e r s u b u r b s h a d b y t h e 1 7 9 0 s m o r e t h a n 6 0 , 0 0 0 p e o p l e , a n d w o u l d s o o n o v e r t a k e E d i n b u r g h in s i z e . It a l s o e n l a r g e d the lesser centres. By 1821 Dunfermline had added about 5,000 and P e r t h a b o u t 1 0 , 0 0 0 to p o p u l a t i o n s w h i c h h a d b e e n a r o u n d 9 , 0 0 0 in the 1750s.

4 9

T h e g r e a t e s t e x p a n s i o n w a s in P a i s l e y , w h e r e t h e n e w

c o t t o n i n d u s t r y c a m e to s e t t l e a n d w h i c h g r e w f r o m a little o v e r 4 , 0 0 0 in t h e 1 7 5 0 s to 2 4 , 0 0 0 in 1 8 0 0 a n d 4 7 , 0 0 0 in 1 8 2 1 . A l r e a d y b y t h e t i m e o f t h e OS A P a i s l e y w a s c o n s p i c u o u s for fine fabrics a n d t h e l u x u r y trade.

50

A m o n g t h e i n d u s t r i e s e x p a n d i n g in t h e t o w n s t h e m o s t c o n s p i c u o u s w a s textiles, particularly the w e a v i n g of cotton. T h e r e w e r e said to b e 4 , 0 0 0 w e a v e r s in P a i s l e y i n t h e 1 7 9 0 s . Still a h a n d c r a f t , it s u s t a i n e d 48

49

50

E . Richards, A History of the Highland Clearances: Agrarian Transformation and the Evictions, 1746-1886 (1982), pt 4; J. Hunter, The Making of the Crofting Community (Edinburgh, 1976), chap. 3. Smout, History, p. 261. R. Brown, The History of Paisley (Paisley, 1886); OSA, vol. 7, pp. 8 7 - 8 .

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a c o m f o r t a b l e s t a n d a r d o f l i v i n g for t h e w e a v e r s , o n r e l a t i v e l y l e i s u r e l y h o u r s of w o r k . W e a v e r s w e r e the cultural leaders of the labour force, e n j o y i n g g o o d m a t e r i a l s t a n d a r d s a n d a c o n s c i o u s n e s s o f skill. T h e i r e f f l o r e s c e n c e p r o d u c e d s e v e r a l ' w e a v e r p o e t s ' r e s p o n s i b l e for s m a l l v o l u m e s . O n e of t h e s e described Paisley as a 'perfect aviary c r o w d e d w i t h s i n g i n g b i r d s ' , a p h r a s e w h i c h r e m i n d s t h a t m o s t b i r d s o n g is fairly s t e r e o t y p e d . T h e m o s t c e l e b r a t e d o f t h e p o e t s , R o b e r t T a n n a h i l l , w r o t e little lyrics o n s c e n e r y , f r u s t r a t e d c o u r t s h i p a n d local s e n t i m e n t , sustained

by obvious imagery,

and kept

a substantial

following

h a p p y . A higher quality of writing w a s achieved b y William Thorn of I n v e r u r i e , w h o s e a d u l t life w a s p a s s e d in t h e t i m e o f d e p r e s s i o n for h i s craft. T h o r n d e s c r i b e d t h e w e a v i n g t r a d e a s ' m e r e p e r m i s s i o n t o b r e a t h e ' . T h e s e m e n are i n t e r e s t i n g n o t s i m p l y for t h e m s e l v e s b u t b e c a u s e t h e y p a r t i c i p a t e d in t h e s a m e t r a d i t i o n o f p o p u l a r v e r n a c u l a r culture as Robert B u r n s , a n d b e c a u s e t h e y found a market within the working population.

51

B u t t h e s e w e a v e r p o e t s w e r e n o t as w e l l

e d u c a t e d as B u r n s , a n d l a c k e d a l s o t h e r a n g e o f m o o d f r o m satire to sentiment. The weaving golden age was the product of the technological gap b e t w e e n the mechanisation of spinning and of weaving. T h e powerl o o m did not b e c o m e c o m m o n until the 1820s. Well before t h e n the craft o f w e a v i n g h a d b e e n s h o w n as t o o o p e n . W e a v i n g o f c o a r s e fabrics w a s e a s i l y l e a r n t b y m i g r a n t w o r k e r s f r o m r u r a l S c o t l a n d o r f r o m I r e l a n d , t h e o c c u p a t i o n b e c a m e o v e r s u b s c r i b e d a n d w a g e s fell. T h e r e w e r e a b o u t 2 5 , 0 0 0 w e a v e r s a l t o g e t h e r i n 1 7 8 0 , 5 8 , 0 0 0 at t h e t u r n o f t h e c e n t u r y , 7 8 , 0 0 0 in t h e 1 8 2 0 s , a n d t h e n u m b e r did n o t fall u n t i l t h e l a t e r 1 8 4 0 s . E v e n b e f o r e t h e p o w e r l o o m t u r n e d t h e h a n d l o o m w e a v e r into a m e r e s u p p l e m e n t to factory production, n u m b e r s h a d forced w a g e s d o w n . W a g e s t h e n approximately halved in real terms between 1809 and 1816.

5 2

T h e m o r e highly skilled w o r k h e l d

its v a l u e for a w h i l e , b u t t h e i n c r e a s i n g c a p a b i l i t y o f m a c h i n e r y a n d c h a n g e s i n f a s h i o n s t r u c k e v e n t u a l l y at t h i s s e c t o r . W e a v e r s w e r e i n v o l v e d i n all t h e e a r l y r a d i c a l m o v e m e n t s . Political r a d i c a l i s m w a s n o t a n a t i v e S c o t t i s h activity: t h e r e w a s a g e n e r a l a c c e p t a n c e in t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y o f t h e c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f e c o n o m i c a n d political p o w e r i n t h e n a r r o w c l a s s o f l a n d o w n e r s , a n d t h o s e 51

52

R. Tannahill, Poems and Songs, Chiefly in the Scottish Dialect (1815); W. Thorn, Rhymes and Recollections of a Hand Loom Weaver (1843); D. Craig, Scottish Literature and the Scottish People (1961), chap. 3. N. Murray, The Scottish Hand Loom Weavers 1790-1850: A Social History (Edinburgh, 1971), p. 23.

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m o v e m e n t s w h i c h resisted authority did so within religion rather than p o l i t i c s . A s e a r l y as 1 7 6 2 t h e p a r t i c u l a r l y m a r k e d o v e r t m a n i p u l a t i o n s or p a t r o n a g e i n t h e D r y s d a l e affair i n E d i n b u r g h h a d u n i t e d i n p r o t e s t a w i d e r a n g e of t h e l o w e r o r d e r s , War

53

b u t t h e i s s u e s of t h e A m e r i c a n

a n d E c o n o m i c a l R e f o r m m a d e little stir. I n s o f a r as t h e r e w a s

p r e s s u r e for a n i m p r o v e d e l e c t o r a l s y s t e m it w a s f r o m l a n d e d g e n t r y w h o disliked the w a y the franchise was manipulated b y

spurious

q u a l i f i c a t i o n s . A n y d i s t u r b a n c e s , s u c h as t h e w e a v e r s ' strike in G l a s ­ g o w i n 1 7 8 7 o v e r a drastic c u t i n w a g e s , r o s e f r o m direct e c o n o m i c pressure. T h e m o r e v o c i f e r o u s n a t i o n a l m o v e m e n t s o f t h e 1 7 9 0 s b r o u g h t politi­ cal r a d i c a l i s m i n t o S c o t l a n d . T h e r e w a s a riot in 1 7 9 2 o v e r t h e official c e l e b r a t i o n o f t h e K i n g ' s b i r t h d a y , f r o m h o s t i l i t y to o r g a n i s e d a u t h ­ ority r a t h e r t h a n o n a l t e r n a t i v e o p i n i o n s .

5 4

In the e n s u i n g year various

r a d i c a l o r g a n i s a t i o n s b a s e d e l s e w h e r e p r o d u c e d p a r t i c i p a t i o n in S c o t ­ l a n d . T r e e s o f L i b e r t y w e r e p l a n t e d , to b e d u g u p a g a i n b y s u p p o r t e r s of g o v e r n m e n t . A s o c i e t y o f t h e F r i e n d s o f t h e P e o p l e in S c o t l a n d w a s f o r m e d at a l o w e r social l e v e l t h a n t h e E n g l i s h S o c i e t y w h i c h i n s p i r e d it, a n d its b r a n c h e s w e r e l i n k e d t o t h e L o n d o n C o r r e s p o n d i n g S o c i e t y . T h e s u b s c r i p t i o n c o u l d b e as l o w as 3 d . a q u a r t e r , s o t h e s e g r o u p s w e r e o p e n to a r t i s a n s a n d s e r v a n t s . T o m P a i n e ' s Rights of Man

c i r c u l a t e d freely a n d a l i n k w a s f o r m e d w i t h t h e s o c i e t y o f t h e

United Irishmen. A g o v e r n m e n t spy reported that the Perth Friends of t h e P e o p l e w e r e a r t i s a n s , m o s t l y w e a v e r s , a n d t h i s m a y w e l l h a v e b e e n t h e c a s e e l s e w h e r e . Y e t t h e a g i t a t i o n c a n n o t b e t a k e n as o n e b y a c o n s c i o u s w o r k i n g c l a s s , b u t r a t h e r as t h e s m a l l - s c a l e e x t e n s i o n of political i n t e r e s t i n t o a w i d e r s e c t i o n o f s o c i e t y . W h a t is s t r i k i n g in t h e s t o r y o f t h i s e a r l y r a d i c a l i s m is n o t its w i l l i n g ­ n e s s to criticise, for i n fact it t r i e d h a r d to k e e p w i t h i n t h e l a w a n d m a d e n o a t t a c k o n s o c i a l i n e q u a l i t y , b u t t h e p a n i c it p r o d u c e d in t h o s e a b o v e . A fully o r c h e s t r a t e d r e s p o n s e w a s m a d e . T h e w o r l d s o f l a w a n d o f p o l i t i c s , a l w a y s c l o s e t o g e t h e r in S c o t l a n d , u n i t e d . T h e l e g a l s y s t e m a l l o w e d c o n s i d e r a b l e s c o p e for t h e h a n d p i c k i n g o f j u r i e s , s o c o n v i c t i o n s for s e d i t i o n w e r e e a s i l y o b t a i n e d . T h e m o s t f a m o u s o f the victims w a s T h o m a s Muir, a y o u n g advocate, in 1793. H e m a y 53

54

Richard B. Sher, 'Moderates, Managers and Popular Politics in Mid-Eighteenth Cen­ tury Edinburgh: The Drysdale Bustle of the 1760s', in J. Dwyer, Roger A. Mason and Alexander Murdoch, eds., New Perspectives on the Politics and Culture of Early Modern Scotland (Edinburgh, 1982). Smout, History, chap. 17; K. Logue, Popular Disturbances in Scotland 1780-1815 (Edin­ burgh, 1979), chap. 5.

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h a v e b e e n selected simply b e c a u s e of his incautious r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s of t h e w o r k o f P a i n e , b u t it is n o t e - w o r t h y t h a t h e did n o t t r u l y b e l o n g to l a n d e d s o c i e t y as did a l m o s t all a d v o c a t e s a n d c o u l d b e t r e a t e d as a n o u t s i d e r . Y e t e v e n o u t s i d e r s w e r e g e n t r y , a n d M u i r ' s t r a n s p o r ­ t a t i o n to A u s t r a l i a w a s as a c a b i n p a s s e n g e r . The

5 5

r a n k s o f p r o p e r t y c l o s e d a g a i n s t political i n n o v a t i o n ,

even

t h o u g h s o m e v o i c e s q u e r i e d t h e l e g a l i t y o f M u i r ' s s e n t e n c e . It is c l e a r f r o m t h e t o n e o f t h e OSA v o l u m e s p r o d u c e d in a n d after 1 7 9 4 t h a t t h e c l e r g y j o i n e d in s u p p o r t t o t h e s y s t e m . O n l y o c c a s i o n a l l y w a s t h e r e d i s a g r e e m e n t s u c h as t h a t o f A l e x a n d e r C a r l y l e o f I n v e r e s k , w h o w a s b o l d e n o u g h to s u g g e s t t h a t e v e n in t h o s e d a n g e r o u s t i m e s t h e r e w a s n o j u s t i f i c a t i o n for t h e S c o t t i s h s y s t e m o f b u r g h g o v e r n m e n t by small, self-perpetuating cliques which excluded most of the 'respec­ t a b l e ' c i t i z e n r y . A m u c h m o r e t y p i c a l c o m m e n t is t h a t o f t h e m i n i s t e r of L a n a r k w h o e x c e p t e d f r o m h i s g e n e r a l a p p r o v a l o f h i s p a r i s h i o n e r s the o n e or two w h o from ignorance, violence of t e m p e r or lack of religion, agreed with 'the ravings' of the Friends of the P e o p l e .

5 6

All t h r o u g h t h e v o l u m e s o f t h e OSA i n l o w l a n d p a r i s h e s t h e r e p o r t s show both the buoyancy produced by economic growth, and

the

recognition that e c o n o m i c c h a n g e w a s creating n e w social pressures. T h e n e w f a r m i n g k n e w w h a t sort o f l a b o u r f o r c e it w a n t e d a n d f o r c e d the rest away. S o m e part of the m o v e m e n t of people w a s from the positive draw of the t o w n s . In places w h e r e labour-intensive crops, such as turnips,

w e r e part of the rotation, the labour force w a s

retained, but not allowed to increase. In Calder (Lanarkshire) the schoolmaster, w h o wrote the report, gave a general warning of the neglect of educational investment. In Nielston (Renfrewshire), w h e r e t h e r e w e r e a l r e a d y in 1 7 9 1 t w o c o t t o n m i l l s , a printfield a n d 1 5 2 l o o m s , t h e m i n i s t e r felt t h a t t h e r a t e o f c h a n g e w a s d a n g e r o u s ; i n d u s t r y r a i s e d agricultural w a g e s a n d allowed the introduction of luxurious habits, a n d t h e mill c h i l d r e n w e r e n o t g e t t i n g a n y s c h o o l i n g , i n h a l e d c o t t o n fluff a n d l i v e d i n c l o t h e s i m p r e g n a t e d w i t h m a c h i n e oil. H e h a d fears for t h e i r p h y s i c a l a n d m o r a l h e a l t h .

5 7

It w a s c o m m o n for t h o s e w i t h g o o d i n c o m e s t o e q u a t e m o r a l s w i t h social a n d political c o n f o r m i t y a n d to r e g a r d h i g h w a g e s as a d a n g e r to b o t h morals and the e c o n o m y . M a n y of the working class appear t o h a v e a c c e p t e d t h e s e v i e w s . T h e r e is n o s i g n o f u n d e r g r o u n d

55

56

Christina Bewley, Muir of Huntershill (Oxford, 1981), chap. 8. OSA, vol. 16, p. 48, vol. 15, p. 42. Ibid., vol. 8, p. 480, vol. 2, pp. 6 2 - 3 , 154-5. 57

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r a d i c a l i s m c o n t i n u i n g after t h e trials o f 1 7 9 3 , e x c e p t for a s m a l l b o d y , t h e U n i t e d S c o t s m e n , a s e c r e t s o c i e t y i m i t a t i n g t h e Irish m o d e l a n d a i m i n g at t h e s t a n d a r d f e a t u r e o f a n n u a l p a r l i a m e n t s . W e d o n o t s e e in t h e r e c o r d o f its activities, e v e n a l l o w i n g for t h e fact t h a t s e c r e t a n d illegal s o c i e t i e s l e a v e b a d r e c o r d s , a n y s i g n o f a r t i s a n activity i n it, or a n y l i n k b e t w e e n political a g i t a t i o n a n d t h e t w o m a i n c a u s e s of p o p u l a r d i s t u r b a n c e d u r i n g t h e w a r p e r i o d , r e s i s t a n c e to c o n s c r i p ­ t i o n to t h e n e w militia a n d t r a d e u n i o n a c t i v i t i e s . E v a n g e l i c a l o b j e c ­ t i o n s to t h e e x e r c i s e o f l a y p a t r o n a g e in t h e c h u r c h , w h i c h b e c a m e m o r e m a r k e d as t h e M o d e r a t e m o v e m e n t d e t e r i o r a t e d i n t o m e r e s u b ­ s e r v i e n c e to p r o p e r t y

and

power,

5 8

also did not establish a link

b e t w e e n t h e r e l i g i o u s a n d political v a r i e t i e s o f r a d i c a l i s m . B u t t h e t e n d e n c y for t h e i n d u s t r i a l p a r t s o f t h e c o u n t r y to h a v e a v a r i e d p a t t e r n of d i s s e n t i n g s e c t s , s h o w n m o s t c o n s p i c u o u s l y at P a i s l e y , w a s a likely future s o u r c e o f t h i s link, for d i s s e n t i n S c o t l a n d o p p o s e d p a t r o n a g e a n d state c o n t r o l o f r e l i g i o n a n d c r i t i c i s e d t h e b e h a v i o u r o f t h e u p p e r ranks b y austere Calvinist standards. In t h e later 1 7 9 0 s m o r e g e n e r a l a n d c o n s p i c u o u s u n r e s t t h a n r a d i c a l ­ ism could produce c a m e from the immediate pressures of food shor­ tage a n d conscription. F o o d prices stood high, particularly in 1796 a n d 1 8 0 0 , c a u s i n g riots in t h e t o w n s o v e r t h e m o v e m e n t o f g r a i n to o t h e r c e n t r e s . M o r e s e r i o u s w e r e t h e l a r g e l y r u r a l p r o t e s t s o v e r t h e militia in 1 7 9 7 : t h i s f o r c e w a s to b e s e l e c t e d b y b a l l o t i n g f r o m lists of y o u n g m e n w i t h o u t s e r i o u s f a m i l y o r p r o f e s s i o n a l r e s p o n s i ­ bilities, to s e r v e for t h e d u r a t i o n o f t h e w a r . C r o w d s g a t h e r e d

and

t r i e d to d e s t r o y t h e lists a n d n e r v o u s a u t h o r i t i e s c a l l e d i n t h e m i l i t a r y to k e e p o r d e r . I n t h e w o r s t e p i s o d e , at T r a n e n t , t h e D e p u t y L i e u t e n a n t and the army grossly overreacted, and slaughter of m e n and children resulted.

59

T h e d i s t u r b a n c e s b e l o n g t o t h e e a r l y t r a d i t i o n o f riot a s

a d e m o n s t r a t i o n a i m e d at p e r s u a d i n g a g o v e r n m e n t to a b a n d o n s o m e i n n o v a t i o n , n o t to t h e n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y p a t t e r n o f it a s a d e m a n d for r a d i c a l c h a n g e . In 1 8 1 2 , t h o u g h , a m a j o r i s s u e d i d for a t i m e p o l a r i s e o p i n i o n as if o n a c l a s s b a s i s : t h i s w a s t h e c a s e o f t h e c o t t o n w e a v e r s i n t h e west of Scotland. T h e s e m e n h a d obtained a declaration of m i n i m u m w a g e s for t h e i r w o r k f r o m t h e G l a s g o w m a g i s t r a t e s ; t h e e m p l o y e r s a p p e a l e d a g a i n s t t h i s to t h e c e n t r a l c o u r t o f s e s s i o n a n d lost, y e t w e r e s u c c e s s f u l in r e f u s i n g to p a y b y t h e s c a l e a p p r o v e d as r e a s o n a b l e a n d

59

Clark, 'From Protests to Reaction'.

59

Logue, Popular Disturbances, chap. 3.

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j u s t . A m a s s i v e s t r i k e r e s u l t e d , it is s a i d , o f as m a n y as 4 0 , 0 0 0 w o r k e r s . T o g e t s u c h figures t h e r e w o u l d h a v e b e e n s o m e i n t i m i d a t i o n ; t h e r e w a s a l s o s o m e s a b o t a g e . T h e e m p l o y e r s t u r n e d for s u p p o r t to W e s t ­ minster. O n e of the most powerful tycoons, Kirkman Finlay, urged t h e g o v e r n m e n t to d e c l a r e t h a t j u s t i c e s o f t h e p e a c e h a d n o p o w e r to r e g u l a t e w a g e s in t h e c o t t o n i n d u s t r y , a n d to b r i n g in a c o m b i n a t i o n act. T h e r e w e r e n o r e a l g r o u n d s for d o u b t a b o u t t h e p o w e r o f j u s t i c e s o v e r w a g e s , for t h e y h a d b e e n e x e r c i s e d for v a r y i n g o c c u p a t i o n s in t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y . It w a s a l s o p o i n t e d o u t to t h e g o v e r n m e n t t h a t t h e e m p l o y e r s as w e l l as t h e m e n h a d b e e n o p e r a t i n g a c o m b i ­ n a t i o n . I n t h e e v e n t t h e l a w w a s m a n i p u l a t e d in f a v o u r o f p r o p e r t y : there was no prosecution of the employers but the leading weavers w e r e t r i e d for c o m b i n i n g , a n d t h e l a w a l l o w i n g for t h e c o n t r o l o f w a g e s w a s repealed. E v e n with relatively light s e n t e n c e s a n d the dec­ laration b y the Lord A d v o c a t e that there w o u l d b e n o further prosecu­ tions, the story clearly s h o w s gross distortion of law b y class interests. T h e effect o f t h e s t o r y m a y h a v e b e e n f u r t h e r e n h a n c e d b y a w e a k j u d g m e n t , g i v e n at a l m o s t t h e s a m e t i m e , a g a i n s t t w o c o t t o n m a n u f a c ­ turers w h o h a d b e e n defrauding ments.

6 0

It

is

not

surprising

t h e i r w e a v e r s b y false m e a s u r e ­

that

surreptitious

trade

unionism

c o n t i n u e d , n o r t h a t its m o s t effective s e c t o r , t h e c o t t o n s p i n n e r s , w h e n t h e s e a r c h l i g h t o f j u s t i c e w a s n e x t s w i t c h e d o n for t h e i n d u s t r y , s h o u l d b e f o u n d u s i n g v i o l e n c e , e v e n m u r d e r , a n d i n t i m i d a t i o n . R e s p e c t for the law h a d got the w e a v e r s n o w h e r e . In t h e d i s p u t e a u t h o r i t y h a d a l s o u s e d a p a r t i c u l a r l y p o w e r f u l w e a ­ pon, the ambiguities of the Scottish poor law. W h e n starving weavers h a d w a n d e r e d t h r o u g h G l a s g o w b e g g i n g , t h e sheriff p r o d u c e d a p r o ­ c l a m a t i o n s t a t i n g t h a t t h o s e in h e a l t h a n d a b l e to p r o c u r e w o r k w e r e n o t e n t i t l e d to p o o r relief, a n d t h a t b e g g i n g w a s illegal. T h i s i g n o r e d t h e a m b i g u o u s s t a t u s o f t h e u n e m p l o y e d . T h e r e w a s n o clarity i n statute law on the issue, and genuine division of opinion. A n impor­ t a n t l e g a l d e c i s i o n o f 1 8 0 4 h e l d t h a t relief s h o u l d b e g i v e n to all i n genuine need, whatever was the cause of the need. But since that d a t e t h e v i e w s o f M a l t h u s , as e x p r e s s e d i n t h e s e c o n d e d i t i o n o f h i s Essay on Population, h a d e n t e r e d S c o t l a n d , a n d t h e r e w a s a n i n c r e a s i n g w e i g h t o f political o p i n i o n b e h i n d efforts to restrict t h e t o t a l l e v e l of p o o r l a w e x p e n d i t u r e . T h i s o p i n i o n w a s to b e f o u n d in t h e r i s i n g g r o u p o f p r o f e s s i o n a l 60

A. Aspinall, The Early English Trade Unions (1949), pp. 138-60; Scots Magazine (May 1813).

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MITCHISON

m e n in b u r g h life, l a w a n d t h e c h u r c h w h o m a d e u p t h e c o r e o f t h e W h i g party and w h o were gaining ground. T h e conspicuous land­ m a r k s o f t h e i r a d v a n c e w e r e t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f t h e Edinburgh

Review

in 1 8 0 2 , w h i c h r a p i d l y b e c a m e t h e l e a d i n g i n t e l l e c t u a l j o u r n a l , a n d of The Scotsman i n 1 8 1 7 a s a W h i g g i s h E d i n b u r g h p a p e r . T h e s e m e n m a d e p o s s i b l e t h e r e o p e n i n g o f t h e d e b a t e o n political r e f o r m s i l e n c e d s i n c e 1 7 9 4 , a n d t h e f o r c e t h a t c o u l d b e b r o u g h t t o it w a s e n h a n c e d by the collapse of the b u r g h s into corruption a n d bankruptcy. O n e after a n o t h e r t h e b u r g h s w e r e failing, y e t t h e y w e r e a k e y p a r t o f the government's control over the parliamentary system. The n e e d s of a d e m a n d i n g w a r h a d d o n e m u c h to r e d u c e the w a s t a g e of g o v e r n m e n t f u n d s w h i c h h a d s u p p o r t e d t h e s y s t e m o f ' o l d c o r r u p ­ t i o n ' at t h e c e n t r a l l e v e l . T h e s a m e p r e s s u r e s h a d n o t b e e n felt i n local affairs. F o r t h e m o s t p a r t t h e r o y a l b u r g h s w e r e n o t t h o s e p a r t s of t h e e c o n o m y e x p e r i e n c i n g r a p i d g r o w t h , or, if t h e y w e r e , t h e t h r i v ­ i n g n e w activities did n o t b e l o n g to t h e g r o u p w h i c h h e l d l o c a l p o w e r . This group h a d found less arduous w a y s of making m o n e y than m a n u ­ f a c t u r e or t r a d e . W h i l e b u r g h s d i d n o t s u p p l y aid w h i c h effective g o v e r n m e n t c o u l d g i v e , i n r e g u l a t i o n s o n activity a n d s t a n d a r d s o f sanitation, their governors w e r e dining out on the c o m m o n good, p a y i n g t h e m s e l v e s for s e r v i c e s w h i c h m i g h t o r m i g h t n o t b e c a r r i e d o u t , a n d s e l l i n g to t h e m s e l v e s at c u t p r i c e s t h e t o w n ' s p r o p e r t y . B y 1819, for i n s t a n c e , D u n f e r m l i n e r o y a l b u r g h w a s i n d e b t t o s o m e t h i n g o v e r £ 2 0 , 0 0 0 w i t h a n o r m a l r e v e n u e o f a little o v e r £ 1 , 0 0 0 a n d t h e burgh council had not seen any accounts. A b e r d e e n had b e e n bank­ r u p t e d b y a d e b t o f n e a r l y a q u a r t e r o f a m i l l i o n ; b e f o r e t h a t it h a d been kept apparently solvent by m e m b e r s of the council drawing a c c o m m o d a t i o n bills u p o n e a c h o t h e r . F o r t r o s e w a s u n d e r t h e c o n t r o l of a b o s s w h o l e n t h i m s e l f t h e b u r g h ' s m o n e y a n d k e p t v a r i o u s b o o k s of fictitious a c c o u n t s .

6 1

S o m e of this malfeasance in the b u r g h s might

b e s e e n as s i m p l y c r i m i n a l , b u t in t h e c a p i t a l E d i n b u r g h t h e b a n k r u p t c y h a d b e e n a c h i e v e d for political p u r p o s e s .

Yet s o m e small

m a n a g e d to c a r r y o n i n t o t h e m i d - n i n e t e e n t h

century with

towns very

little i n t h e w a y o f g o v e r n i n g a p p a r a t u s . G a l a s h i e l s h a d n o p o l i c e , c o u r t h o u s e or jail. K i r r i e m u i r h a d n o i n c o m e a n d n o d e b t : its s t r e e t s w e r e k e p t in r e p a i r b y s t a t u t e l a b o u r m o n e y . H u n t l y h a d to rely o n v o l u n t a r y s u b s c r i p t i o n s for its m i n i m a l n e e d s .

6 2

But these were not

SC on Petitions from the Royal Burghs of Scotland, PP 1819, VI; RC on Municipal Corpor­ ations, PP 1835, XXIX. Saunders, Scottish Democracy, pt 2, chap. 4.

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places of rapid expansion, w h e r e problems of poverty, public health a n d c r i m e w e r e c o m i n g to t h e f o r e , or p l a c e s w h i c h n e e d e d i n v e s t m e n t i n d o c k s or d r a i n a g e to m a i n t a i n t h e i r activity. Burgh collapse w a s usually m e t b y the creation of a governing 'police' commission, and s o m e part of this n e w governing b o d y w o u l d h a v e to b e e l e c t e d . T h e p o r t i o n o f t h e e l e c t e d e l e m e n t i n c r e a s e d w i t h t h e l a t e r b a n k r u p t c i e s , a n d a n y p o p u l a r e l e m e n t w a s a n affront t o the established s y s t e m of power. T h e w h o l e series of episodes w a s a visible d e m o n s t r a t i o n of t h e i n c o m p e t e n c e s of this s y s t e m a n d an i l l u s t r a t i o n t h a t it w a s w e a k e n i n g .

6 3

Ill T h e rising group of y o u n g W h i g s w a s of able a n d articulate m e n , s o m e c o n n e c t e d w i t h l a n d , b u t u s u a l l y w i t h l a w as w e l l , r e g a r d i n g t h e m s e l v e s as professional i n c o m e earners. M o s t of t h e m w o u l d not g e t i n t o P a r l i a m e n t u n t i l t h e s u r g e o f s u p p o r t f r o m W h i g g e r y in 1 8 3 0 , by which time they were a powerful and closely united group. T h e y s a w n o r e a s o n t o m a i n t a i n t h e e x i s t i n g political s y s t e m , a n d

though

t h e y w i s h e d o n e w i t h a w i d e r b a s e , s a w n o n e e d to i n c l u d e m o r e than the level of m o d e r a t e property or i n c o m e . A s 'self-made' m e n t h e y h a d little i n t e r e s t in t h o s e l e s s s u c c e s s f u l , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t h e p r o b ­ l e m s o f t h e u n e m p l o y e d p o o r . R a i s i n g r a t e s w a s to t h e m a n a t t a c k o n t h e i r o w n p o c k e t s . T h e y h a d little t r a c e o f t h e p a t e r n a l i s m w h i c h l e d m a n y o f l a n d e d s o c i e t y to u s e t h e d e v i c e o f ' v o l u n t a r y ' c o n t r i b u ­ t i o n s . It w a s a W h i g l a n d o w n e r M e m b e r o f P a r l i a m e n t , y o u n g K e n ­ n e d y o f D u n u r e , w h o i n 1 8 1 5 h a d a q u e s t i o n n a i r e s e n t o u t b y sheriffs t o all p a r i s h m i n i s t e r s a s k i n g a b o u t p o o r l a w e x p e n d i t u r e o v e r t h e last t w e n t y - s i x y e a r s , a p p a r e n t l y to s h o w t h a t t h e b u r d e n o f relief o n l a n d o w n e r s w a s r i s i n g : i n d e e d in m o n e y t e r m s , t h o u g h n o t i n r e a l t e r m s , t h i s w a s t r u e . T h e u s e o f a s e c u l a r official for a n e c c l e s i a s t i c a l i n q u i r y s h o w s t h e d a n g e r o u s i n s e n s i t i v i t y o f u p p e r - c l a s s s o c i e t y to t h e c l a i m s o f t h e c h u r c h to b e i n d e p e n d e n t

of the state. K e n n e d y

w e n t o n to a n u n s u c c e s s f u l a t t e m p t i n P a r l i a m e n t to d e s t r o y t h e r i g h t of a p p e a l a g a i n s t p a r i s h d e c i s i o n s . T h i s w a s t o o o v e r t a n a t t a c k o n t h e relief s y s t e m a n d it f a i l e d .

64

T h e r i s e o f t h e y o u n g W h i g s r e m o v e d t h e g a g o n S c o t t i s h political 63

64

W. L. Mathieson, Church and Reform in Scotland (Glasgow, 1911), pp. 170-6. SC on the English Poor Law, PP 1817, VI, summary of the returns to the enquiry, pp.145-53.

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e x p r e s s i o n , b u t t h e m o v e m e n t o f t h e w o r k f o r c e i n t o t h e r e a l m o f poli­ tics w a s still h e s i t a n t . T h e r e w a s a n inefficient G l a s g o w p l o t r e v e a l e d b y s p i e s in 1 8 1 6 : it i n v o l v e d t h e u s u a l p a r a p h e r n a l i a o f s e c r e t o a t h s , p a s s w o r d s a n d a t t e m p t s t o l i n k u p w i t h r a d i c a l g r o u p s in E n g l a n d , as w e l l as e x t r e m e i n c o m p e t e n c e i n t h e p r o s e c u t i o n .

65

M o r e signifi­

c a n t w a s t h e S c o t t i s h r e s p o n s e to t h e s i t u a t i o n o f 1 8 1 9 , a y e a r o f p o s t ­ w a r s l u m p a n d , in E n g l a n d , political a g i t a t i o n . T h e r e w a s s e v e r e d e p r e s s i o n in c o t t o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y in P a i s l e y w h e r e a b o d y o f u n e m ­ p l o y e d w e a v e r s , n u m b e r e d b y different s o u r c e s at 8 5 0 a n d 1,000, o b t a i n e d a sheriff c o u r t d e c i s i o n o v e r r u l i n g t h e p a r i s h refusal o f relief. The

p a r i s h t o o k t h e c a s e to t h e c o u r t o f s e s s i o n w h i c h d e c i d e d , in

s p i t e o f a h e a l t h y list o f p r e c e d e n t s , t h a t t h e sheriff c o u r t h a d

no

jurisdiction over kirk sessions. T h e decision did not touch the substan­ tive q u e s t i o n o f w h e t h e r t h e u n e m p l o y e d w e r e e n t i t l e d t o relief, b u t d e s t r o y e d t h e efficacy o f t h e p o o r l a w in a far m o r e f u n d a m e n t a l w a y , s i n c e it left t h e i n d i v i d u a l k i r k s e s s i o n e n t i r e l y to its o w n d i r e c t i o n , usually under heavy pressures from landowners, on w h e t h e r

any

relief, a n d if s o h o w m u c h , s h o u l d b e g i v e n to c l a i m a n t s . H e n c e f o r t h the only external appeal w a s to the court of session. A p p e a l there w a s i m p r a c t i c a l for t h e d e s t i t u t e s i n c e it t o o k t i m e a n d m o n e y . T h e p a r i s h e s , w h i c h in t e r m s o f a s s e s s m e n t m e a n t t h e l a n d o w n e r s , w e r e left as s o l e j u d g e s as to w h a t relief t o p a y . It w a s a n e a t m a n o e u v r e b y W h i g l a n d o w n e r s for t h e c h a n g e o f l a w w i t h o u t a p p l i c a t i o n to Parliament. The

66

P a i s l e y p e t i t i o n e r s h a d b e e n careful, d u r i n g t h e i r a p p e a l , to

g i v e n o s u p p o r t to r a d i c a l a g i t a t i o n . Y e t s i n c e t h e y e a r w a s 1 8 1 9 , t h i s took place there a n d e l s e w h e r e , in the aftermath of the violent disper­ sal o f t h e c r o w d at 'Peter/loo' i n A u g u s t . ' P e t e r l o o ' p r o d u c e d p r o t e s t m e e t i n g s a n d d e m o n s t r a t i o n s in G l a s g o w a n d P a i s l e y , w h i c h w e r e not entirely peaceable. Reform societies expanded and b e c a m e overt. T h e g o v e r n m e n t r e s p o n s e w a s a n a t t e m p t to r e p e a t t h e r e p r e s s i o n of 1 7 9 3 b y t h e p r o s e c u t i o n o f a l i b e r a l - m i n d e d A n g u s

gentleman,

George Kinloch, a parlour pink w h o had made an indiscreet speech denouncing the government. Genuine popular indignation mostly stayed well within conformist n o r m s , but this did not prevent

an

u p p e r - c l a s s p a n i c a b o u t a p o s s i b l e r i s i n g . T h e r e w a s at l e a s t o n e real 65

66

Smout, History, p. 446; W. M. Roach, 'Alexander Richmond and the Radical Reform Movement in Glasgow in 1816-17'', Scottish Historical Review, 51 (1972). Rosalind Mitchison, 'The Creation of the Disablement Rule in the Scottish Poor

Law', in T. C. Smout, ed., The Search for Wealth and Stability: Essays in Economic and Social History Presented to M. W. Flinn (1979).

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plot, w h i c h g o v e r n m e n t s p i e s e a s i l y p e n e t r a t e d , a n d a b o t c h e d u p r i s ­ ing in central S c o t l a n d . A few h u n d r e d w e a v e r s a n d other artisans got t o g e t h e r a n d m a n a g e d to h a v e a fight w i t h t h e l o c a l y e o m a n r y . M o r e a d v a n c e d w a s t h e s e c r e t l y o r g a n i s e d o u t b r e a k o f p o s t e r s in G l a s ­ g o w c a l l i n g for a g e n e r a l s t r i k e . T h e s e a p p e a r e d

overnight

o b t a i n e d a r e s p o n s e : 6 0 , 0 0 0 are s a i d to h a v e s t o p p e d w o r k .

and

6 7

T h e e v e n t s o f 1 8 1 9 - 2 0 s h o w t h a t t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s in S c o t l a n d , for t h e m o s t part, w i s h e d to m o v e o n l y w i t h i n t h e l a w , g a v e g e n e r a l s u p p o r t to t h e i d e a o f a w i d e r f r a n c h i s e , b u t w a s o n l y to a l i m i t e d degree

prepared

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in

organisations

to

this

end.

Q u i e s c e n c e m a y h a v e p a r t l y b e e n d u e to t h e r e l a t i v e l y slight p a r t in t h e e c o n o m y o f l a r g e u n i t s o f e m p l o y m e n t . M i n i n g w a s e x p a n d i n g , b u t m o r e s l o w l y t h a n in E n g l a n d , h e a v y i n d u s t r y still a w a i t e d t h e d i s c o v e r y o f t h e h o t b l a s t in 1 8 2 8 . T h e m a j o r e m p l o y e r , c o t t o n , w h i c h w a s said in 1812 to have a workforce of 150,000 h a d only about 20,000 of t h e s e , m o s t l y w o m e n a n d y o u n g p e o p l e , g a t h e r e d i n f a c t o r i e s . M a n y o f t h e s e f a c t o r i e s w e r e still in t h e c o u n t r y . B u t a n o t h e r r e a s o n w a s s u r e l y t h e l o n g t r a d i t i o n o f a u t h o r i t y in c h u r c h a n d s t a t e . E v e n w i t h a r e f o r m i n g b o d y o f u p p e r - c l a s s m e n in e x i s t e n c e , t h e b u l k o f Scottish people accepted the structure of control, but their sense of c o m m o n interest was increasing. O n e a r e a c o n s p i c u o u s l y did n o t c o n t r i b u t e to t h e d i s t u r b a n c e s a n d d e m o n s t r a t i o n s a n d t h i s w a s E d i n b u r g h . T h e city l a c k e d l a r g e m a n u ­ facturers and the c o h e s i o n they could give to the working population. T h e m a n u f a c t u r i n g t o w n s in t h e e a s t a l s o w e r e r e l a t i v e l y q u i e t , t h o u g h i n v o l v e d in t h e d e p r e s s i o n . U n r e s t a n d d i s t u r b a n c e , b u t for different r e a s o n s a n d w i t h o u t p r o l e t ­ a r i a n o v e r t o n e s , m a n i f e s t e d t h e m s e l v e s in t h e H i g h l a n d s . E a r l y in the century there had b e e n 'clearances' of the eviction type, simply t e l l i n g t h e i n h a b i t a n t s t o g e t out, o n v a r i o u s e s t a t e s , t h o s e o f M a c k e n ­ zie o f C o u l l , L o c h i e l a n d L o v a t . I n t h e s e c a s e s t h e p e o p l e h a d b e e n left t o f e n d for t h e m s e l v e s w h i l e t h e l a n d w a s m a d e i n t o s h e e p f a r m s . F r o m 1 8 0 8 to 1 8 2 1 t h e g r e a t S u t h e r l a n d e s t a t e , a l m o s t t h e w h o l e o f the m o d e r n county, w a s the s c e n e , area b y area, of the m o r e enligh­ t e n e d b u t e q u a l l y u n p o p u l a r p o l i c y o f c l e a r a n c e for r e s e t t l e m e n t a n d r e o r g a n i s a t i o n . T h e p e o p l e w e r e m o v e d , o f t e n at v e r y s h o r t n o t i c e , f r o m t h e i n l a n d s t r a t h s to n e w c o a s t a l s e t t l e m e n t s . H e r e t h e y w e r e e x p e c t e d to m i x s m a l l - s c a l e f a r m i n g w i t h fishing, a n d to w o r k as 67

H. Cockburn, Memorials of his Time (Edinburgh, 1909), pp. 342-5; Smout, History, pp. 447-8; Mathieson, Church and Reform, pp. 157-62.

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l a b o u r e r s in i n d u s t r y . T h e s c a l e o f m o v e m e n t w a s i m m e n s e : 6 0 0 f a m i ­ lies w e r e s a i d t o h a v e b e e n m o v e d f r o m L a i r g a n d R o g a r t in 1 8 0 8 , while more certain because better d o c u m e n t e d was the m o v e m e n t of 7 0 0 f a m i l i e s f r o m v a r i o u s v a l l e y s in 1 8 1 9 . M a n y t h o u s a n d p e o p l e in t h e s e m o v e m e n t s h a d t o c h a n g e t h e i r l o c a t i o n , o f t e n to s o m e w h e r e they h a d never seen, their conception of their o w n status from that of f a r m e r to l a b o u r e r o r c o t t a r , a n d t o a c q u i r e a n d u s e t o t a l l y n e w skills. T h e p l a n n i n g o f t h e s e f o r c e d m i g r a t i o n s w a s c r u d e a n d d i l a t o r y , b e c a u s e t h e c o n c e p t i o n s w h i c h i n s p i r e d it w e r e o v e r s i m p l i f i e d . It w a s a s s u m e d that population w a s the s a m e as labour force, a n d that labour c o u l d b e a p p l i e d t o a n y t a s k . T h e l a c k o f skill a n d e x p e r i e n c e , t h e e x i s t e n c e o f e l d e r l y t e n a n t s w h o c o u l d s u r v i v e as f a r m e r s o n m i n i m a l activity b u t n o t a s f i s h e r m e n , w e r e facts i g n o r e d . T h e p r o v i s i o n in advance of h o u s e s , fishing boats a n d e q u i p m e n t , harbours, e v e n land­ m a r k s , w a s n o t m a d e , a n d in s o m e c a s e s t h e t i m e a v a i l a b l e for t h e whole transformation was too short because the estate and s o m e of t h e factors h a d a n i n t e r e s t in t h e i m m e d i a t e u s e o f t h e l a n d v a c a t e d . In S t r a t h n a v e r , o n e o f t h e m o s t b i t t e r l y r e s e n t e d d e p o p u l a t i o n s , t h e people h a d ten days actual notice in 1814, t h o u g h t h e y h a d b e e n g i v e n g e n e r a l w a r n i n g s in t h e p r e v i o u s w i n t e r .

6 8

F o r t h e e s t a t e it c a n b e s a i d t h a t t h e r e h a d b e e n i n c r e a s i n g e m e r g e n ­ cies a n d t h e n e e d to b r i n g in f o o d s u p p l i e s - difficult w h e n t h e p e o p l e lived i n l a n d . T h e o l d s y s t e m w a s n o t s u s t a i n i n g t h e p e o p l e it h a d b r e d . If t h e e s t a t e w a s e v e r t o b e c o m e t r u l y p r o d u c t i v e c h a n g e w a s i n e v i t a b l e . It w a s t h o u g h t t h a t , r e o r g a n i s e d , it c o u l d h o l d its o w n . There was n o intention of sending the people away, t h o u g h

many

fled u p t h e c o a s t to o c c u p y s m a l l crofts a n d h a m l e t s in C a i t h n e s s . But the m a i n justification, that the estate w o u l d h a v e put

forward

if a s k e d , w a s t h e c o n c e p t o f a b s o l u t e p r o p e r t y r i g h t s , a g a i n s t w h i c h t h e social s t a n d i n g a n d w a y o f life o f t h e p e a s a n t r y h a d n o w e i g h t . T h e p o l i c y w a s to d o in a n a u t h o r i t a t i v e w a y w h a t w a s t h o u g h t w o u l d m a k e p e o p l e h a p p i e r as w e l l as m o r e p r o d u c t i v e ; t h e e s t a t e d i d n o t feel o b l i g e d to a s k for a g r e e m e n t or for a p p r o v a l b y t h e p e o p l e or the outside public. I n t h e L o w l a n d s t h e r e o r g a n i s a t i o n o f t h e w o r k , l o c a t i o n a n d life style o f t h e p e a s a n t r y w h i c h h a d m a d e for m o r e p r o s p e r o u s a n d p r o ­ ductive farming, h a d not b e e n prefaced b y discussion, yet h a d b e e n c a r r i e d o u t p e a c e a b l y . B u t t h e r e w a s r e p e a t e d r e s i s t a n c e in t h e H i g h ** Richards, History, chaps. 9-11.

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l a n d s . T h e r e w a s a spirited attempt in J u n e 1792 to drive out the n e w s h e e p flocks f r o m R o s s a n d S u t h e r l a n d . It w a s p u t d o w n b y bringing in the military.

69

T h e r e w e r e r i o t s i n A s s y n t i n 1 8 1 3 at t h e

installation of a minister w h i c h w e r e as m u c h against the l a n d o w n e r a s a g a i n s t t h e m i n i s t e r . T h e H i g h l a n d e r s c a m e to face ' c l e a r a n c e ' w i t h a mixture of non-cooperation and semi-violent demonstration of a t r a d i t i o n a l k i n d , w i t h t h e w o m e n i n t h e front o f t h e p r o t e s t e r s in o r d e r t o p r e v e n t r e t a l i a t i o n . Officers o f t h e l a n d o w n e r o r t h e s t a t e would be humiliated, demonstrations would verge on the violent with ineffective s t o n e t h r o w i n g , b u t n o s e r i o u s f i g h t i n g w o u l d t a k e p l a c e , and no savagery would be exercised on the hated and intruded sheep. It w o u l d b e left for t h e p a r i s h m i n i s t e r to o b t a i n s o m e m a r g i n a l modifi­ cation to the p l a n n e d clearance, a n d peace, coupled with resentment, w o u l d r e i g n . T h e d e m o n s t r a t i o n s a n d riots h a d b e e n a n a p p e a l to outside public opinion, a statement that the 'right' use of land was t o s u p p o r t t h e t r a d i t i o n a l life o f t h e p e a s a n t r y , n o t t h e e x t r a c t i o n o f profit.

70

O f l o n g - t e r m s o c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e w a s t h e fact t h a t t h e ' c l e a r e d '

Highlanders retained an attachment to the land t h e y h a d occupied, a n d b u i l t u p a t h e o r y o f h i s t o r i c r i g h t s t o it a n d o f a g o l d e n a g e in t h e p a s t w h i c h c o u l d b e a n e x c u s e t o e v a d e e c o n o m i c effort. T h e different c o u r s e o f a g r a r i a n h i s t o r y a n d t h e d i f f e r e n c e s in material r e s o u r c e m e a n t that b y the 1840s t h e e x t r e m e s in types of agrarian structure could b e found in S c o t l a n d , from the large farms of t h e L o t h i a n s , a s f u r t h e r i n c r e a s e d i n t h e 1 8 2 0 s , w h i c h n e e d e d four o r five h o r s e t e a m s c o n s t a n t l y at w o r k , t h r o u g h t h e s m a l l e r l a r g e f a r m s of A b e r d e e n s h i r e , still o f t e n m e r i t i n g t h e t e r m ' m u c k l e t o o n ' , t o t h e south-west w h e r e e v e n the larger farms were usually b e t w e e n 100 a n d 2 0 0 acres. In G a l l o w a y , Caithness, the N o r t h e r n Isles and Aber­ d e e n s h i r e t h e l a r g e r u n i t s w e r e i n t e r s p e r s e d w i t h s m a l l f a r m s or e v e n f a r m s s o s m a l l a s to b e c a l l e d c r o f t s . O n t h e s e , t h o u g h t h e m e t h o d s of farming h a d c h a n g e d b y the use of better equipment, and by the e n d i n g o f i n t e r m i x e d s t r i p s , t h e life o f t h e p e o p l e w a s m u c h as it h a d b e e n a h u n d r e d years before, with the family providing most of t h e l a b o u r a n d e a t i n g m o s t o f t h e p r o d u c e . ' I m p r o v e m e n t ' m e a n t less scourging rotations, better stock and m o r e regular work. For the big farms i m p r o v e m e n t m e a n t a sharp social gulf b e t w e e n the farmer, a mini-capitalist, a n d his family o n o n e side a n d the hired labour 69

70

Logue, Popular Disturbances, chap. 2. E . Richards, 'Patterns of Highland Discontent', in R. Quinault and J. Stevenson,

eds., Popular Protest and Public Order (1974).

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force o n t h e o t h e r . I n t h e L o t h i a n s , a n d to a l e s s e r d e g r e e in c e n t r a l Scotland,

t h i s gulf h a d b e c o m e p e r m a n e n t .

The same was

true

b e t w e e n crofter a n d s h e e p f a r m e r in t h e H i g h l a n d s . T h e r e t h e crofter n o w w o r k e d h i s i n d i v i d u a l p i e c e o f l a n d , b u t hill p a s t u r e w a s u s u a l l y in c o m m o n , w h i c h m a d e a n y s e l e c t i v e s t o c k b r e e d i n g i m p o s s i b l e . It w o u l d h a v e b e e n difficult for a n y H i g h l a n d e r t o e x p l o i t h i s l a n d m o r e effectively t h a n w a s t h e c o m m o n s t y l e , b u t s i n c e t h e a t t i t u d e of t h e H i g h l a n d e r s to s u g g e s t e d i m p r o v e m e n t s h a d , f r o m t h e m i d eighteenth century on, b e e n o n e of passive non-cooperation, the econ­ o m i c gulf m e r e l y e n h a n c e d a n e x i s t i n g c u l t u r a l gulf. B u t t h e r e w e r e parts of lowland Scotland w h e r e , before the more intensive farming of t h e l a t e r n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y i n c r e a s e d t h e n e e d for c a p i t a l , s o m e p a r t o f t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r force c o u l d a s p i r e to m o v e i n t o p o s ­ session of small farms. I n t h e H i g h l a n d s t h e first h a l f o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y s a w d e t e r i o r ­ ating material standards of living, e v e n t h o u g h public c o n c e r n a n d fund

raising prevented

actual starvation.

By the

second

decade

p o t a t o e s w e r e t h e m a i n f o o d for t h r e e - q u a r t e r s o f t h e y e a r in m a n y a r e a s , a n d t h i s d o m i n a t i o n s e e m s to h a v e e x t e n d e d e v e n f a r t h e r b y t h e 1 8 4 0 s . T h e p o t a t o is t h e o n l y f o o d b y itself a d e q u a t e to m a i n t a i n a d u l t h e a l t h , b u t d e p e n d e n c e o n it is p h y s i c a l l y i n c o n v e n i e n t , a n d as a s i n g l e c r o p it w a s i n c r e a s i n g l y d a n g e r o u s . T h e c r o p failed partially in 1836 a n d 1837, a n d this m e a n t severe hardship. T h e administrators of a relief s u b s c r i p t i o n w h i c h r a i s e d £ 5 0 , 0 0 0 r e p o r t e d o f t h e o u t e r isles ' p e o p l e . . . i n t h e v e r y e x t r e m i t y o f h u m a n w r e t c h e d n e s s ' , a n d of A r d n a m u r c h a n as ' d e s p e r a t e ' in its s t a t e .

71

Life o n t h e c o a s t m a d e

it p o s s i b l e to a u g m e n t diet w i t h s m a l l a m o u n t s o f fish, b u t o v e r c r o w d ­ ing o n the grazing r e d u c e d the e l e m e n t of dairy food a n d occasional m e a t i n t h e diet. T o p a y r e n t s t h e p e o p l e h a d to restrict t h e i r p u r c h a s e s of f o o d or to sell s o m e o f t h e i r p r o d u c e , s o t h e y b e n e f i t e d little f r o m the n e w m o r e commercial e c o n o m y into which they h a d b e e n forced. E l s e w h e r e real i n c o m e s w e r e , for m o s t g r o u p s , i m p r o v i n g after t h e early decades of the century, with the striking exception of the h a n d l o o m w e a v e r s . Y e t w e a v i n g n u m b e r s h a d r i s e n u n t i l t h e 1 8 4 0 s . It w a s difficult for a w e a v e r t o m a n a g e w i t h o u t a j u v e n i l e , a n d t h i s l e d c h i l d r e n to f o l l o w t h e i r p a r e n t s i n t o p o v e r t y . T h e m o s t p r o s p e r o u s w o r k e r s w e r e t h o s e in s k i l l e d w o r k w i t h i n t h e n e w t e c h n o l o g y ; t h e 71

letter by Robert Graham on Distress in the Highlands of Scotland, PP 1837, LI; SC on Emigration, First Report, PP 1841, VI; Transactions of the Highland and Agricultural Society of Scotland, new ser., XI (1837).

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G l a s g o w s p i n n e r s , or calico p r i n t e r s , for i n s t a n c e , m i g h t e a r n e n o u g h with the w a g e s of their older children to support a family with s o m e m o n e y to s p a r e for m e a t o r o t h e r g o o d f o o d o r c o m f o r t s . T h e risk to these people w a s from injury or illness preventing work, or a d o w n ­ t u r n in t r a d e c a u s i n g u n e m p l o y m e n t . N u m e r o u s f r i e n d l y s o c i e t i e s e x i s t e d t o r e d u c e t h i s risk, a n d m e n m i g h t b e l o n g t o s e v e r a l at t h e s a m e time, but the limited actuarial k n o w l e d g e of the day m e a n t that individual societies w e r e often short-lived. M i n e r s also e n j o y e d a g o o d family w a g e , a n d w e r e o f t e n c r i t i c i s e d for t h e r a p i d e x p e n d i t u r e o f it, b u t t h e s e w a g e s r e l i e d , at l e a s t u n t i l 1 8 4 2 , o n t h e w o r k o f w i v e s a n d c h i l d r e n . M a s o n s r e p r e s e n t e d a l o n g - s t a n d i n g a r i s t o c r a c y o f skill, b u t w i t h s h o r t life e x p e c t a n c y f r o m i n h a l i n g s t o n e d u s t . B e l o w t h e s e c a m e a g r i c u l t u r a l w o r k e r s , w h o , if h i n d s , h a d u s u a l l y to s e e t h e i r w i v e s w o r k for at l e a s t p a r t o f t h e y e a r . M e r e d a y - l a b o u r e r s o n t h e f a r m a l s o n e e d e d a c o n t r i b u t i o n f r o m w o m e n a n d c h i l d r e n for t h e family to get b y . F o r m a n y o f t h e s e g r o u p s , t h o u g h n o t for t h e s k i l l e d m a n , i n c o m e at b e s t m e a n t a d i e t p r e d o m i n a n t l y o f c e r e a l o r p o t a t o , a n d it w a s still r a r e for t h e c e r e a l e l e m e n t to h a v e m u c h w h e a t e n b r e a d in it. F i s h w a s a v a i l a b l e in m o s t t o w n s , a n d t o w n s f o l k a n d m a n y c o u n t r y ­ m e n c o u l d afford t e a a n d s u g a r . T h e p r o l i f e r a t i o n o f a l e - h o u s e s a n d l i c e n s e d s h o p s - i n t h e c e n t r a l b e l t o f S c o t l a n d b y 1 8 4 3 at t h e r a t e of o n e s u c h o u t l e t to e v e r y 1 5 0 i n h a b i t a n t s o r f e w e r - s h o w s t h a t b e e r a n d spirits p l a y e d a b i g p a r t in diet. F u e l w a s a v a i l a b l e a n d fairly c h e a p ; in m u c h o f t h e c e n t r a l v a l l e y t h e r e w a s c o a l e i t h e r l o c a l l y p r o ­ d u c e d o r i m p o r t e d f r o m T y n e s i d e ; in t h e B o r d e r s it c a m e f r o m t h e T y n e at h i g h e r c o s t . E l s e w h e r e t h e r e w a s p e a t , l a b o u r i n t e n s i v e , b u t at n o o t h e r c o s t .

7 2

R e n t s w e r e n o t h i g h in t e r m s o f f a m i l y i n c o m e

t h o u g h t h e y m i g h t b e s o in t e r m s o f t h e s p a c e a n d a m e n i t y p r o v i d e d : t h i s w a s m a r k e d l y s o for t h e f a c t o r y w o r k e r , w h o , e v e n if w o r k i n g at a rural mill, w o u l d h a v e to fit h i s f a m i l y i n t o a s i n g l e r o o m in a l a r g e t e n e m e n t b l o c k . T h e L i v i n g s t o n e m e m o r i a l at B l a n t y r e s h o w s an unnaturally clean, tidy a n d well-furnished version of such a c c o m ­ m o d a t i o n , in m e m o r y o f D a v i d L i v i n g s t o n e ' s c h i l d h o o d t h e r e in t h e 1 8 2 0 s . W e k n o w f r o m o t h e r a c c o u n t s t h a t t h e w o m e n w e r e o f t e n fier­ cely p r o u d of h o w well they could k e e p a c r a m p e d h o u s e , w h e t h e r the single r o o m or the 'but and b e n ' . 72

73

7 3

M o s t of the working class

I. Levitt and T. C. Smout, The State of the Scottish Working Class in 1843 (Edinburgh, 1979), chap. 3. David Fraser, ed., The Christian Watt Papers (Edinburgh, 1983), pp. 5, 7 4 - 5 .

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h a d to s p e n d o v e r t w o - t h i r d s o f i n c o m e o n f o o d b u t still f o u n d a f e w p e n c e e v e r y w e e k for s c h o o l i n g , p e w r e n t s o r o t h e r g o o d c a u s e s . B e l o w the various groups of skilled a n d unskilled earners c a m e the r e a l p o o r , t h o s e w h o t h r o u g h p h y s i c a l or m e n t a l i n a d e q u a c y ,

the

w r o n g skill, a c c i d e n t , b e r e a v e m e n t or t r a d e d e p r e s s i o n did n o t c o m ­ m a n d e v e n t h e i n c o m e w h i c h c o u l d s u p p o r t a p u r e l y p o t a t o diet. For these Scotland was a harsh environment, and becoming harsher. I n a rural p a r i s h t h e r e s t r i c t i o n s o f t h e p o o r l a w w e r e n o t rigidly a d h e r e d t o . O n l y h a l f o f t h e c h u r c h c o l l e c t i o n s h a d to b e h a n d l e d as b y l a w , s o s m a l l s u m s c o u l d b e g i v e n f r o m t h e o t h e r h a l f to c a s e s of o b v i o u s n e e d . M i n i s t e r s a n d e l d e r s c o u l d k n o w a b o u t t h e i r par­ i s h i o n e r s , a n d m i n i s t e r s w o u l d act o n t h e i r o w n initiative a n d g i v e h e l p . B u t s u c h m i n o r a i d w a s u s u a l l y late in c o m i n g . If t h e r e w a s a g e n e r a l s o u r c e o f d i s t r e s s t h e m i n i s t e r a n d e l d e r s m i g h t call o n l a n d ­ o w n e r s to r a i s e e x t r a m o n e y . U n l e s s e s t a t e s w e r e in t h e h a n d s o f trustees or of people p e r m a n e n t l y absent, there w a s usually r e s p o n s e to s u c h r e q u e s t s , b u t o n e v e r y l a t e o u t b r e a k o f f o o d r i o t i n g , i n R o s s in 1 8 4 7 , w h e r e t h e l a n d o w n e r s w e r e a l m o s t e n t i r e l y a b s e n t e e s , s h o w s t h a t t h e r e w a s still s o m e p o p u l a r s a n c t i o n . T h e r e a d i n e s s o f rural p a r i s h e s to h e l p t h e i r u n e m p l o y e d , at l e a s t if t h e l a c k o f w o r k l a s t e d for m o r e t h a n a f e w w e e k s , w a s c l e a r l y s h o w n in t h e e v i d e n c e p u b l i s h e d b y t h e R o y a l C o m m i s s i o n o n t h e P o o r L a w ( S c o t l a n d ) in 1 8 4 4 . I n a l m o s t all p a r t s o f S c o t l a n d - t h e exceptions were

the

Highlands,

the

north-east

and

some

small

enclaves in the Borders a n d G a l l o w a y - the majority of parishes admit­ t e d t h a t relief for t h e u n e m p l o y e d w a s n e e d e d , y e t i n m a n y a r e a s m o r e than half the parishes w h i c h m a d e this admission did not give such relief.

74

A detailed study in 1841 of o n e of the m o s t g e n e r o u s

a r e a s , B e r w i c k s h i r e , s h o w e d t h a t in h a l f t h e p a r i s h e s ( s i x t e e n o u t of t h i r t y - t w o ) t h e r e h a d b e e n n o u n e m p l o y m e n t for t h e last t e n y e a r s , or t h a t if t h e r e h a d b e e n u n e m p l o y m e n t it h a d n o t b e e n r e c o g n i s e d . B u t in six p a r i s h e s t h e r e h a d b e e n a i d to t h e u n e m p l o y e d f r o m s u b ­ s c r i p t i o n a n d f r o m p o o r l a w f u n d s . Y e t all t h e p a r i s h m i n i s t e r s ' r e t u r n s d e n o u n c e d t h e i d e a o f g i v i n g t h e u n e m p l o y e d a r i g h t to r e l i e f .

75

Much

of t h e m i s e r y o f e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y S c o t l a n d c a n b e a s c r i b e d to t h e inability o f m e n , s u c h a s t h e s e m i n i s t e r s , t o c o r r e l a t e t h e social facts t h a t t h e y s a w w i t h t h e s o c i a l t h e o r i e s w i t h w h i c h t h e y h a d b e e n imbued. 74

Levitt and Smout, Scottish Working Class, pp. 152-78.

75

Report on the State of the Poor in Berwickshire (Edinburgh, 1841).

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If t h i n g s c o u l d t h u s b e h a r d for t h e u n e m p l o y e d in t h e c o u n t r y , w h e r e t h e y w e r e i n d i v i d u a l l y k n o w n , a n d w h e r e t h e i m p a c t o f cyclical d e p r e s s i o n w a s m u t e d , t h e y w e r e far w o r s e in t h e t o w n s . S u b s c r i p ­ t i o n s w e r e set u p d u r i n g d e p r e s s i o n , b u t n o t b e f o r e u n e m p l o y m e n t was widespread and long-standing. By such a time most workers laid off h a d s o l d u p t h e i r furniture a n d w e r e s t a r v i n g . T h i s p a t t e r n of b e l a t e d c h a r i t a b l e activity b e a r s t h e a p p e a r a n c e m o r e o f a safety v a l v e a g a i n s t riot a n d d i s t u r b a n c e t h a n a n a t t e m p t to s u c c o u r real need. E v e n without depressions there was a continual layer of destitution a n d s q u a l o r in t h e l a r g e r t o w n s . S o m e o f t h e p e o p l e i n v o l v e d w e r e s i m p l y n o t attractive as l a b o u r : w i d o w s w i t h c h i l d r e n , t h e o l d , d r u n k s , immigrant Irishmen, the weak-muscled and weak-minded throw-outs of t h e n e w a g r i c u l t u r e . E v e n if m e d i c a l l y infirm m a n y o f t h e s e w o u l d n o t qualify for relief for it t o o k t h r e e y e a r s ' r e s i d e n c e t o e s t a b l i s h s e t t l e m e n t . I n a n y c a s e , in G l a s g o w , p a r i s h b o u n d a r i e s w e r e o f t e n c r o s s e d in t h e s e a r c h for r o c k - b o t t o m r e n t s , s o t h a t e s t a b l i s h i n g s e t t l e ­ m e n t m i g h t b e i m p o s s i b l e . T h i s dreadful s t r a t u m o f p o v e r t y a n d its l i n k s w i t h a l c o h o l a n d c r i m e w e r e s h o w n u p for E d i n b u r g h in t h e B u r k e a n d H a r e c a s e in 1 8 2 8 , w h i c h r e v e a l e d t h e b u s i n e s s o f p r o v i d i n g b y m u r d e r fresh c o r p s e s for m e d i c a l d i s s e c t i o n . T h e m e m o r y o f this r e c e n t s c a n d a l o v e r c o r p s e s m a y e x p l a i n t h e social d i s t u r b a n c e s t h a t accompanied the cholera epidemic of 1832, which were m u c h more v i o l e n t in S c o t l a n d t h a n in E n g l a n d . I n P a i s l e y t h e riot c a u s e d b y t h e d i s c o v e r y o f e m p t y coffins, a n d t h e a s s u m p t i o n built o n it t h a t t h e d o c t o r s w e r e h o s p i t a l i s i n g c a s e s for t h e p u r p o s e o f g e t t i n g c o r p s e s , led t o t h e c a l l i n g in o f t h e d r a g o o n s . B u t it m a y a l s o b e t h a t c h o l e r a s t r u c k w i t h e x c e p t i o n a l ferocity in t h e S c o t t i s h t o w n s . C e r t a i n l y t h e o n l y reliable m o r t a l i t y figures, t h o s e for G l a s g o w , s h o w a d e a t h r a t e e n h a n c e d b y a b o u t 7 0 p e r c e n t for t h e c h o l e r a y e a r .

7 6

C h a d w i c k ' s f a m o u s Report on the Sanitary Condition of the

Labouring

Population of Great Britain of 1 8 4 2 m a r k s o u t t h e p u b l i c h e a l t h p r o b l e m s of t h e S c o t t i s h cities, E d i n b u r g h , D u n d e e a n d G l a s g o w , m o s t p a r t i c u ­ larly t h e last, as m a r k e d l y w o r s e t h a n t h o s e o f a n y E n g l i s h t o w n .

7 7

This m a y have s t e m m e d from housing limitations. T h e economic g r o w t h o f S c o t l a n d in t h e later e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y h a d n o t l e d to

76

R. J. Morris, Cholera 1832 (1976), chaps. 5 and 6.

77

E . Chadwick, Report on the Sanitary Condition of the Labouring Population of Great Britain (1842; reprinted, M. W. Flinn, ed., Edinburgh, 1965), pp. 78, 9 7 - 9 .

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the bulk of the working population enlarging their ideas of suitable housing before the rapid urbanisation that followed on

industrial

d e v e l o p m e n t . P e o p l e carried the o n e - r o o m h o u s e standard into city life, b u t a l s o a c c e p t e d t h e t r a d i t i o n o f t e n e m e n t - b u i l d i n g . T h e r e s u l t w a s a density of population w h i c h put a strain o n any s y s t e m of water standpipes and the collection of waste. A s middle-class suburbs developed, t h e u s e in t h e m of p i p e d w a t e r often led to r e d u c e d w a t e r pressure e l s e w h e r e a n d cuts in t h e public provision. All t h e s e features contributed to a high likelihood of gastro-intestinal infection. B u t t h e c o m m e n t s a n d c r i t i c i s m s o f t h e u r b a n crisis w h i c h w a s developing in S c o t l a n d do not confine t h e m s e l v e s to the results of o v e r c r o w d i n g , n o r w a s it s i m p l y w a t e r - b o r n e d i s e a s e w h i c h m a d e for t h e h i g h d e a t h r a t e s . T h o u g h t h e t e r m ' f e v e r ' w a s u s e d still t o c o v e r s e v e r a l different d i s e a s e s t h e r e is n o d o u b t t h a t t h e m o s t l i k e l y c a u s e o f e p i d e m i c s o f it r e q u i r i n g h o s p i t a l t r e a t m e n t w a s i n t h i s p e r i o d typhus - a sure indication of extreme poverty. ' F e v e r ' cases in the G l a s g o w Royal Infirmary h a d risen b y 1830 from 10 per cent of admis­ s i o n s at t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e c e n t u r y t o 5 0 p e r c e n t . T h e d e a t h r a t e for t h e city o f G l a s g o w r o s e f r o m j u s t u n d e r t w e n t y - f i v e p e r t h o u s a n d in the late 1820s to j u s t u n d e r forty in t h e later 1 8 4 0 s .

7 8

A powerful voice w a s h e a r d in t h e 1840s asserting that this level of d i s e a s e a n d d e a t h w a s t h e d i r e c t r e s u l t o f t h e h i g h i n c i d e n c e o f total d e s t i t u t i o n . T h i s v i e w w a s s t a t e d i n a s e r i e s o f p a m p h l e t s b y D r W . P . A l i s o n , P r o f e s s o r o f t h e I n s t i t u t e s o f M e d i c i n e at E d i n b u r g h University. Destitution was the result of the inadequacies of the poor law,

the a b s e n c e of external force to m a k e parishes treat the poor

m o r e g e n e r o u s l y , a n d r e l a t i v e l y little c h a r i t y for t h e relief o f s i m p l e poverty, partly b e c a u s e m a s s destitution dulled the urge to give relief.

79

There was, b y the 1840s, a wide range of charitable organisa­

tions, medical, educational and religious.

80

T h e r e w a s strong religious

p r e s s u r e o n t h e b e t t e r - o f f t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n t h e s e a n d a firmly h e l d doctrine that voluntary giving w a s in every w a y a better form of t r a n s f e r o f r e s o u r c e t h a n s t a t e relief. I n m i n o r m a t t e r s t h i s m a y h a v e b e e n t r u e , for t h e s o c i e t i e s c o u l d afford t o l o o k for t h e r i g h t r e c i p i e n t s a n d p r o v i d e a p p r o p r i a t e aid, b u t it did n o t m e e t t h e b a s i c i s s u e o f

78

Flinn, ed., Scottish Population History, p. 389; R. Cowan, Statistics of Fever in Glasgow

79

W. P. Alison, Observations on the Management of the Poor in Scotland (Edinburgh,

(Glasgow, 1838).

80

1840). O. Checkland, Philanthropy in Victorian Scotland (Edinburgh, 1980).

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s u r v i v a l . P e o p l e s u b s c r i b e d t o t h e c h a r i t i e s w h i c h t h e y f o u n d inspirit­ i n g , a n d t h e r o u t i n e t a s k o f k e e p i n g t h e dirty a n d d e s t i t u t e alive did n o t r o u s e e n t h u s i a s m . A l i s o n i n fact a r g u e d t h a t t h e m i d d l e c l a s s e s in S c o t l a n d were, b y international standards, u n g e n e r o u s .

Quoting

the treasurer of a large-scale charity h e said 'the grand object kept in v i e w b y a l m o s t a n y p a r i s h is t h e p o s s i b i l i t y o f evading,

a s far as

their p o w e r admits, the duty of relieving the poor . . . T h e M a n a g e r s . . . will b u r y t h e f a t h e r a n d m o t h e r o f a y o u n g f a m i l y a n d n e v e r i n q u i r e about the o r p h a n s . ' H e w e n t o n to s h o w that almost every other advanced country made better provision. B e h i n d this attack lay c h a n g e s in law a n d opinion. T h e lawyer W h i g s h a d stamped their version of the substantive law o n poverty into t h e l e g a l t e x t b o o k s , w h e r e it w a s g i v e n a r e t r o s p e c t i v e s a n c t i t y as w h a t h a d a l w a y s p r e v a i l e d . D e s t i t u t i o n w i t h o u t d i s a b l e m e n t n o w did n o t qualify for relief. T h e S c o t s h a d t h u s c a r r i e d o u t , b e t w e e n 1 8 1 9 a n d 1 8 2 5 , a ' r e f o r m ' o f t h e i r p o o r l a w far m o r e drastic t h a n a c h i e v e d in 1 8 3 4 i n E n g l a n d .

8 1

that

T h e other c h a n g e w a s in the opinion

of t h e m i n i s t r y , w h o w e r e d e c i s i v e in t h e a c t u a l p r o v i s i o n o f relief. These men had

a b s o r b e d , at v a r i o u s t i m e s s i n c e t h e 1 7 9 0 s ,

influence of frightened conservatism, the concern and

the

propaganda

in E n g l a n d at t h e l e v e l o f p o o r relief t h e r e , a n d at t h e

temporary

s y s t e m o f u s i n g r a t e s t o s u p p l e m e n t w a g e s , t h e a r g u m e n t s p u t for­ w a r d b y T . R . M a l t h u s t h a t p o o r r a t e s w e r e liable t o i n c r e a s e t h e q u a n t i t y o f p o v e r t y a n d t h e political a g i t a t i o n i n E n g l a n d i n t h e y e a r s after t h e w a r for t h e total a b o l i t i o n o f t h e p o o r l a w . I n t h e e a r l y p a r t s o f t h e OSA a f e w o f t h e m i n i s t r y still h e l d t h e v i e w s w h i c h h a d acti­ v a t e d m a n y o f t h e m earlier i n t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y , t h a t it w a s desirable to k e e p pressing the claims of the poor o n l a n d e d society, a n d w e r e n o t c o n t e n t w i t h a s y s t e m i n w h i c h relief i n a n u n a s s e s s e d parish w a s merely the transfer of funds from the n e e d y to the very n e e d y . B u t this s t a n c e is r a r e in t h e l a t e r v o l u m e s . I n t h e p o o r l a w inquiry of 1815, the 20 per cent or so of the ministry w h o answered (and of course this m a y not b e a true cross-section of opinion) deplored a s s e s s m e n t as leading to the decline in the ancient virtue of indepen­ d e n c e a n d in t h e i n d u s t r y o f t h e l o w e r c l a s s e s .

8 2

B y the time of the

Mitchison, 'The Creation of the Disablement Rule'. An OSA report urging more adequate relief was that for Burntisland (Fife): vol. 2, pp. 4 3 1 - 2 . The returns for the 1815 enquiry are in the possession of Lord Moncrieff of Tulliebole, at Tulliebole Castle, and he has kindly allowed me access.

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New Statistical Account, m o s t l y w r i t t e n in t h e 1 8 3 0 s , a l m o s t all m i n i s t e r s a c c e p t e d a h i g h l y l o a d e d q u e s t i o n to t h i s effect, a n d c o n f i r m e d i t .

83

Politics h a d p l a y e d its p a r t in t h i s c h a n g e , p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e p o s t w a r a g i t a t i o n in E n g l a n d , in w h i c h S c o t t i s h p r o p a g a n d i s t s t o o k u p a p o s ­ i t i o n t h e y w e r e to a d o p t o f t e n in t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , a s s e r t i n g the superiority of Scottish institutions and, in particular, the contribu­ t i o n o f t h e S c o t t i s h s y s t e m o f e d u c a t i o n to s o c i a l w e l l b e i n g . T h e d e ­ cisive i n f l u e n c e o n t h e o p i n i o n s in t h e c h u r c h w a s t h a t o f T h o m a s Chalmers. Chalmers, through oratory, a strong sense of contemporary political a n d m o r a l i s s u e s , a d e e p c o n v i c t i o n o f a n u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f G o d ' s will a n d e n o r m o u s e n e r g y at l e a s t at t h e i n i t i a t o r y p e r i o d o f any s c h e m e , h a d b e c o m e the d o m i n a n t voice in the c h u r c h . His i n f l u e n c e lies a c r o s s t h e w h o l e o f n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y S c o t l a n d . H e h a d a b s o r b e d t h e d o g m a s o f political e c o n o m y , i n p a r t i c u l a r t h e v i e w s of M a l t h u s o n t h e d a n g e r o u s n a t u r e o f p o o r relief, a n d like M a l t h u s h e s a w political e c o n o m y as a s e r i e s o f l a w s l a i d d o w n b y G o d . T h e c h u r c h , h e h e l d , h a d b e e n i n r e t r e a t for a g e n e r a t i o n , a n d it w a s h i s d u t y to call u p o n it to r e a s s e r t its p l a c e i n political a n d s o c i a l life, a n d l e a d r e s p o n s e to t h e c h a n g e s w h i c h h a d o v e r t a k e n e c o n o m y and society.

84

T h e c h u r c h h a d c e r t a i n l y let g o m u c h o f its m o r a l d i s c i p l i n e as far b a c k as t h e 1 7 8 0 s , p a r t l y b e c a u s e t h e u p p e r c l a s s e s , w h i c h e v e n b e f o r e t h e n w e r e n o t a n s w e r a b l e to t h i s d i s c i p l i n e , w e r e s t r e s s i n g t h e r i g h t to p r i v a c y i n m a t t e r s o f m o r a l j u d g m e n t a n d b e h a v i o u r a b o v e t h e claims of the church. T h e r e w a s also a long-standing anti-clericalism in l a n d e d s o c i e t y . A n d t h e r e w a s t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f scientific a n d philosophical t h o u g h t in the later eighteenth century w h i c h t u r n e d some m e n ' s minds from the idea of a G o d monitoring personal behav­ i o u r a n d i n t e r v e n i n g t o b r i n g h o m e H i s v i e w s , to t h e a l t e r n a t i v e i d e a of a G o d r u l i n g b y g e n e r a l l a w s . B y t h e e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h

century

there w a s a complex spectrum of secession churches, s o m e of t h e m influenced b y the evangelical revival, a n d popular evangelicalism was being organised on a congregationalist pattern by the Haldane brothers.

8 5

T h e s u c c e s s o f t h e l a y m e n in b u i l d i n g u p a n e w s t r u c t u r e

showed, inevitably, the problems of making the church establishment fit t h e n e e d s o f t h e n e w d i s t r i b u t i o n o f p o p u l a t i o n . 83

84

85

A striking exception to the general line is the report of the minister of Fala and Soutra (Midlothian): NSA, vol. 1, p. 540. Stewart J. Brown, Thomas Chalmers (Oxford, 1982), esp. chap. 5. A. J. Drummond and J. Bulloch, The Scottish Church, 1688-1843 (Edinburgh, 1973), chap. 7.

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C h a r m e r ' s o w n specific c o n t r i b u t i o n w a s b o t h b a c k w a r d a n d for­ ward looking. O n poor law matters he held that what h e believed w a s t h e t r a d i t i o n a l rural s y s t e m o f m a n a g e m e n t , t a k i n g all p o s s i b l e w a y s o f p e r s u a d i n g t h o s e i n n e e d to l o o k for p r i v a t e r a t h e r t h a n par­ o c h i a l aid, c o u l d b e m a d e to w o r k in a m o d e r n i n d u s t r i a l city. O n l y a s m a l l r e s i d u e o f c a s e s w o u l d n e e d p a r i s h h e l p f r o m c h u r c h collec­ t i o n s . T o p r o v e t h i s h e h a d a l a r g e p a r i s h - S t J o h n ' s - s e t u p in G l a s g o w , i n 1 8 1 9 , a n d built u p a s t r u c t u r e o f d e a c o n s to s u p e r v i s e and keep d o w n the claims of the poor. T h e experiment was inherently fraudulent, a n d did not convince a n y o n e not already in a g r e e m e n t . S t J o h n ' s w a s n o t a p u r e l y w o r k i n g - c l a s s a r e a b u t a s u b u r b ; it w a s also not the h o m e of a separate population. W h i l e the ' e x p e r i m e n t ' w h i c h C h a l m e r s h a d a l r e a d y d e s c r i b e d as s u c c e s s f u l w a s in o p e r a t i o n , relief d e m a n d s r o s e w i t h i n t h e n e i g h b o u r i n g p a r i s h e s . It is c l e a r t h a t t h e d e a c o n s , m o s t l y m i d d l e - c l a s s m e n b r o u g h t in f r o m o u t s i d e , w e r e helping from their o w n p o c k e t s .

8 6

T h e e x p e r i m e n t a l s y s t e m d i e d in

r e c r i m i n a t i o n after a f e w y e a r s . B u t C h a l m e r s h a d f a s t e n e d o n e e l e ­ m e n t of evangelical thought on the Scottish church - the idea that relief b a s e d o n l e g a l c l a i m s w a s socially a n d m o r a l l y p e r n i c i o u s . O n the forward-looking side Chalmers p u s h e d the C h u r c h of Scot­ l a n d i n t o a p r o g r a m m e for t h e c r e a t i o n a n d s u p p o r t of n e w p a r i s h e s : ' C h u r c h E x t e n s i o n ' it w a s c a l l e d . F o r t h i s h e h a d to d e v e l o p t e c h n i q u e s of a p p e a l a n d r a i s e f u n d s , p i o n e e r i n g w h a t all c h u r c h e s s i n c e t h e n h a v e d o n e , b o t h to g i v e t h e m s e l v e s m o n e y w i t h o u t s t r i n g s a t t a c h e d , a n d also to encourage participation. C h a l m e r s put forward

'penny

a w e e k ' p r o g r a m m e s for t h e p o o r l y p a i d , a n d it is a s t r i k i n g t r i b u t e t o h i s p o w e r s as o r g a n i s e r a n d i n s p i r e r t h a t h e e x t r a c t e d p e n c e f r o m families l i v i n g b e l o w a n y ' h u m a n n e e d s ' i n c o m e . H i s a t t e m p t s t o b r i n g s u c h f a m i l i e s m o r e c l o s e l y i n t o t h e life o f t h e c h u r c h , to h a v e t h e m a t t e n d s e r v i c e s , for i n s t a n c e , at a t i m e w h e n a p e w r e n t for a y e a r m i g h t c o s t a w e e k ' s w a g e , failed. T h e n e w c h u r c h e s m i g h t b e p l a c e d in the p o o r areas, w h i c h w e r e b e c o m i n g clearly defined within the cities, b u t t h e i r c o n g r e g a t i o n s c a m e m a i n l y f r o m t h e m i d d l e a n d l o w e r middle classes, a n d their eldership w a s recruited entirely from the middle class. language

87

In this t h e y followed the path of dissent. Y e t the

of public

agitation

and

working-class debate

shows

a

86

R. A. Cage and O. Checkland, 'Thomas Chalmers and Urban Poverty: The St John's Parish Experiment in Glasgow, 1819-1837', Philosophical Journal, 13 (1976).

87

Brown, Thomas Chalmers; A. A. MacLaren, Religion and Social Class: The Disruption Years in Aberdeen (197'4).

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MITCHISON

w o r k i n g p o p u l a t i o n , at l e a s t i n t h e first t w o - t h i r d s o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , fully a c c e p t i n g t h e C a l v i n i s t d o g m a s a n d p r e j u d i c e s o n w h i c h it h a d b e e n r e a r e d . T h e evangelical party c a m e to d o m i n a n c e in t h e politics of the c h u r c h i n t h e 1 8 3 0 s , a n d s i g n a l l e d its p o w e r i n 1 8 3 4 b y a n A c t o f t h e G e n e r a l A s s e m b l y a t t e m p t i n g t o limit p a t r o n a g e . T h i s , k n o w n a s t h e V e t o Act,

d e c l a r e d t h a t if t h e m a j o r i t y o f m a l e h e a d s o f c o m m u n i c a t i n g

households appointment

would

n o t s u s t a i n a c a n d i d a t e for t h e m i n i s t r y ,

his

should b e blocked. In this the A s s e m b l y took

the

monitoring o f a p p o i n t m e n t s a w a y from the presbyteries a n d further s t r e t c h e d its p o w e r s b y s e t t i n g u p n e w p a r i s h e s w i t h o u t o b t a i n i n g the a g r e e m e n t of the l a n d o w n e r s , o n w h o s e financial support the parochial system was based. In t h e c o u r s e o f t h e n e x t t e n y e a r s t h e c h u r c h w a s t o d i s c o v e r t h a t c a m p a i g n i n g for t h e r i g h t s o f c o n g r e g a t i o n s c o u l d b r i n g it i n t o conflict with the rights of property a n d the anti-clericalism of landed society. P a t r o n a g e w a s p a r t o f t h e l a w , c o u l d b e d e f e n d e d i n t h e civil c o u r t s in the e n s u i n g series of clashes, a n d w a s . T h e c h u r c h ignored the fact t h a t t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t d e p e n d e d o n t h e civil c o u r t , t h e c o u r t s t h e fact t h a t it w a s n o t t h e f u n c t i o n o f j u d g e s t o d e c i d e w h o w a s or w a s n o t a l l o w e d t o p r e a c h i n a p a r i s h . P a s s i o n l e d t o e s c a l a t i o n of local i s s u e s i n t o c o n s t i t u t i o n a l o n e s , a n d all c a m e t o a h e a d in the General A s s e m b l y of 1843 w h e n about a third of the ministers broke with the establishment and set up the Free C h u r c h of Scotland. In o n e s e n s e t h i s w a s a v a l u a b l e d e m o n s t r a t i o n t h a t t h e c h u r c h s h o u l d b e l o n g t o t h e p e o p l e . B u t it f o r c e d t h e c h u r c h t o s u r r e n d e r its g o v e r n i n g f u n c t i o n s i n m o r a l s , w e l f a r e a n d e d u c a t i o n , s i n c e t h e s e could no longer b e sustained b y a b o d y comprising only about a third of t h e n a t i o n , s h a r i n g w i t h O l d D i s s e n t a n d t h e F r e e C h u r c h o n fairly e q u a l t e r m s . T h e split e n h a n c e d t h e g u l f b e t w e e n l a n d o w n e r s

and

p e a s a n t r y i n t h e H i g h l a n d s for a l m o s t all t h e p e a s a n t r y w e n t i n t o the Free C h u r c h . T h e social cleavage w a s e n h a n c e d w h e n

owners

of l a r g e e s t a t e s m a d e it difficult for t h e F r e e C h u r c h t o g e t f e u s o f l a n d for c h u r c h e s a n d m a n s e s , a n d o f c o u r s e t h e d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f t h e F r e e C h u r c h t o i m i t a t e t h e e s t a b l i s h e d c h u r c h m a d e it u n w i l l i n g to c o u n t e n a n c e the idea that G o d could b e w o r s h i p p e d a n d the minis­ try h o u s e d i n a n y t h i n g l e s s s o l i d t h a n s t o n e - b u i l t b u i l d i n g s i n p e r m a ­ nent possession.

88

8 8

T h e Free C h u r c h , while claiming to b e the true

SC on Sites for Churches in Scotland, PP1847, XIII.

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C h u r c h o f S c o t l a n d , h a d to b a s e its activities w h e r e f u n d s a n d p o t e n t i a l e l d e r s c o u l d b e f o u n d , a n d this t i e d it to t h e m i d d l e c l a s s . It b e c a m e c u t off from w o r k i n g - c l a s s p a r t i c i p a t i o n , a n d this led it to p l a c e u n d u e e m p h a s i s o n m o r a l i s s u e s a t t r a c t i v e to t h e m i d d l e c l a s s , s u c h as t h e r e p r e s s i o n o f d r u n k e n n e s s a n d drastic o b s e r v a n c e o f S u n d a y , in b o t h of t h e s e a r e a s finding itself in o p p o s i t i o n to e a s y f o r m s o f w o r k i n g class recreation. Well before mid-century Scotland had b e c o m e marked by a repu­ t a t i o n for d r u n k e n n e s s . T h e c o u n t r y b y t h e e a r l y y e a r s o f t h e c e n t u r y w a s t u r n i n g f r o m b e e r d r i n k i n g , g e n e r a l l y r e g a r d e d as a d e s i r a b l e p r a c t i c e , to w h i s k y , d e p l o r e d b y all social c o m m e n t a t o r s . F r o m 1 8 2 9 s h e w a s to p r o v i d e in J o h n D u n l o p o n e o f t h e e a r l i e s t c a m p a i g n e r s a g a i n s t t h e u s e o f spirits. D u n l o p , w h o did n o t w i s h to p r o m o t e total a b s t i n e n c e , m a d e h i s m a i n a t t a c k o n w h a t h e c a l l e d 'artificial a n d compulsory drinking usages', the conventions which brought dram d r i n k i n g i n t o all s a l e s , c h a n g e s o f j o b , starts o f j o u r n e y s , w a g e p a y ­ m e n t s , f u n e r a l s , e t c . In S c o t l a n d t h e t e m p e r a n c e m o v e m e n t w a s to b e c o m e c l o s e l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e d i s s e n t i n g c h u r c h e s ; its l e a d e r s w e r e middle class. W h i s k y drinking b e c a m e an issue of sharp division within Scottish society, and s o m e element within the polarisation was from c l a s s .

89

S c o t l a n d e x p e r i e n c e d t h e effects o f t h e W h i g political v i c t o r y o f 1 8 3 0 in p a r l i a m e n t a r y a n d b u r g h r e f o r m , b u t n e i t h e r s e t o f m e a s u r e s w a s w e l l t h o u g h t o u t in t e r m s o f S c o t t i s h l a w a n d s o c i a l n e e d s , a n d as a r e s u l t b o t h h a d l i m i t e d effect. T h e R e f o r m A c t o f 1 8 3 2 b r o k e t h e s y s t e m o f political d o m i n a n c e t h r o u g h c l o s e d a n d c o r r u p t b u r g h s b y w i d e n i n g t h e v o t i n g b a s e to s o m e d e g r e e , a n d g i v i n g s o m e n e w , e x p a n d i n g b u r g h s a s h a r e in e l e c t i o n s . I n t h e c o u n t r y t h e o p e n i n g of t h e v o t e to t h e m o r e s u b s t a n t i a l f a r m e r s m e a n t t h a t t h e s e w e r e h e r d e d b y t h e l a n d o w n e r s to t h e p o l l s ; m i s a p p l i e d v o t e s c o u l d l e a d to e v i c t i o n , a n a k e d u s e o f p o w e r rare in E n g l a n d . C o n t r o l t h u s r e m a i n e d in t h e h a n d s o f t h e l a n d o w n i n g c l a s s , b u t t h i s w a s a w i d e r section of society t h a n the old group of feudal superiors. T h e m e t h o d s by which voting power was exercised were s o m e w h a t less dishonest a n d illegal t h a n t h e y h a d b e e n , b u t w e r e still a d i s t o r t i o n o f t h e l a w . I n b u r g h r e f o r m s o m u c h c o l l a p s e h a d a l r e a d y t a k e n p l a c e t h a t it s e e m e d s i m p l e s t in t h e A c t o f 1 8 3 3 to c a r r y o n w i t h t h e m e t h o d o f 89

SC on Drunkenness, PP 1834, VIII; John Dunlop, Artificial and Compulsory Drinking

Usages in North Britain (Greenock, 1836); Bernard Aspinwall, Portable Utopia: Glasgow and the United States, 1870-1920 (Aberdeen, 1984), chap. 4.

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elected ' p o l i c e ' b u r g h s , a n d t h e s e w e r e inserted in parallel with the existing burgh councils, with w i d e p o w e r s . T h e Royal C o m m i s s i o n w h i c h l o o k e d i n t o b u r g h g o v e r n m e n t a y e a r later, p r e p a r i n g for t h e Act that recreated u r b a n g o v e r n m e n t in E n g l a n d , found that rulings m a d e b y the 1833 A c t to clean u p the existing b u r g h s w e r e b e i n g ignored, but nothing was done. T h e old burgh councils were allowed to l a p s e i n t o t h e i n a c t i v i t y t h e i r b a n k r u p t c i e s m a d e i n e v i t a b l e , a n d t h e n e w p o l i c e b u r g h s g a v e s o m e m i n i m a l effective p r o v i s i o n for u r b a n needs. T h e dual system continued almost to the e n d of the century. In t h e 1 8 3 0 s , w h e n t h e r e w e r e s i g n s o f p r e c o c i o u s c l a s s c o n s c i o u s ­ ness in Britain, t h e w o r k i n g class in S c o t l a n d did not yet s h o w a w i s h t o h o l d b y different s t a n d a r d s f r o m t h e r e s t o f s o c i e t y . T h e r i o t s over the cholera epidemic sprang from traditional views o n the seemly w a y o f c a r i n g for t h e d e a d . C h a r t i s m , w h e n it b e l a t e d l y a r r i v e d , i n 1838 (for i n t h e p r e - r a i l w a y e r a c o n t a c t w i t h t h e s o u t h o f E n g l a n d by workers w a s sporadic), w a s entirely of the moral force variety, p e r h a p s b e c a u s e it b r o u g h t E d i n b u r g h b a c k i n t o t h e c e n t r e o f r a d i c a l activity, a n d E d i n b u r g h ' s t r a d i t i o n s w e r e l a w - a b i d i n g .

90

The high

p r i o r i t y g i v e n b y t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s t o r e l i g i o u s i s s u e s is s h o w n i n t h e fact t h a t t h e r e w e r e C h a r t i s t c h u r c h e s , a b o u t t w e n t y o f t h e m : formally

created

Chartist

congregations

and

lay

and

ordained

preachers. A minister of the established church, Patrick Brewster of Paisley, preached Chartist s e r m o n s of an unusually variety,

91

intemperate

a n d a t t a c k e d t h e failures o f t h e S c o t t i s h p o o r l a w i n t e r m s

which brought d o w n a formal reproof from the presbytery w h e r e he was preaching. T h e i d e a o f S c o t t i s h w o r k i n g - c l a s s l e g a l i s m is o p p o s e d b y t h e e v i ­ d e n c e p r o d u c e d b y a n i n q u i r y i n t o t r a d e u n i o n s in 1 8 3 8 . T h e sheriff of L a n a r k s h i r e h e l d t h a t t h o u g h t h e w o r k m e n i n different i n d u s t r i e s in G l a s g o w d i d n o t h a v e a c o n f e d e r a c y o f u n i o n s , t h e y all a c t e d together because they were guided by the same interests. A worker put up against this the claim that during strikes the masters a n d the local a u t h o r i t i e s a n d m a g i s t r a t e s w e r e t h e m s e l v e s i n a l l i a n c e .

92

It

is c l e a r t h a t t h e C o t t o n S p i n n e r s A s s o c i a t i o n h a d b e e n m a i n t a i n i n g its p o w e r b y illegality a n d v i o l e n c e , b u t t h i s h a d p r o b a b l y s t a r t e d l o n g b e f o r e , at a t i m e w h e n m e r e t r a d e u n i o n i s m itself w a s illegal. 90 91

92

A. Wilson, The Chartist Movement in Scotland (Manchester, 1970). P. Brewster, The Seven Chartist and Military Discourses Libelled by the Marquis ofAbercorn (Paisley, 1843); Drummond and Bulloch, The Scottish Church, p. 55. SC on Combinations of Workers, P P 1 8 3 7 - 8 , VIII; Scotsman (January 1838).

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T h e r e is a l s o e v i d e n c e o f a d i s c r e e t a n d s u r r e p t i t i o u s t r a d e u n i o n i s m o f l o n g - s t a n d i n g i n t h e m i n e s . A l t o g e t h e r t h e r e are s i g n s t h a t t h e localisation of p o w e r a n d wealth in the middle class w a s producing illegal o r g a n i s a t i o n , a n t a g o n i s m a n d e v e n t u a l l y c l a s s c o n s c i o u s n e s s in a p e r i o d o f r e l a t i v e p r o s p e r i t y . T h e 1840s w e r e to prove, like the 1740s, a period w h e n decisions w e r e m a d e w i t h l o n g - t e r m effects. T h e D i s r u p t i o n o f t h e c h u r c h w o u l d e v e n t u a l l y h a v e f o r c e d a r e f o r m u l a t i o n for t h e S c o t t i s h p o o r l a w as it e x i s t e d after t h e s u r r e p t i t i o u s c h a n g e s o f t h e 1 8 2 0 s , b u t t h e r e n e w e d d e p r e s s i o n i n P a i s l e y w h i c h b e g a n i n 1 8 4 1 b r o u g h t t h e m a t t e r to a h e a d even before the church divided. T h e slump from 1841 to 1843 p u t o v e r 1 4 , 0 0 0 o n relief i n a t o w n w h e r e a s s e s s m e n t w a s s o b a d l y o r g a n i s e d as t o b e b a s e d o n a b o u t o n l y h a l f t h e r e a l p r o p e r t y . A l l local resources w e r e s o o n e x h a u s t e d , a n d a fund contributed to o n an international basis also ran out. In the s e c o n d year of depression w e e k l y a l l o w a n c e s h a d t o b e c u t t o d e r i s o r y l e v e l s : a w e a v i n g family of five w e r e r e c e i v i n g l e s s t h a n 3 s . a w e e k , a n d e v e n t h i s w o u l d s o o n h a v e to stop. B a n k r u p t c y h a d struck not only m a n y of the manufac­ turers but also the p a w n b r o k e r s . T h e r e s p o n s e o f t h e g o v e r n m e n t t o a p p e a l s for h e l p w a s t w o f o l d . A civil s e r v a n t w a s d e s p a t c h e d w i t h a s u m b a s e d o n p r i v a t e s u b s c r i p ­ tions from the cabinet, w h i c h h e applied not in cash but in basic stores. This m e a n t that the s u m lasted longer, but gave n o help to t h e s m a l l s h o p k e e p e r s , w h o w e r e a l s o i n d i s t r e s s . G r u d g i n g l y also t h e g o v e r n m e n t p u t r e f o r m o f t h e S c o t t i s h p o o r l a w o n its legislative p r o g r a m m e , a n d set up a Royal C o m m i s s i o n to advise it.

93

T h e r e f o r m w h e n it c a m e , in 1 8 4 5 , w a s a d m i n i s t r a t i v e l y c l e v e r : it set u p a s y s t e m o f c h e c k s a n d b a l a n c e s u n d e r a c e n t r a l B o a r d o f S u p e r ­ v i s i o n , w h i c h e n s u r e d t h a t t h o s e e n t i t l e d t o relief w o u l d g e t a d e q u a t e s u p p o r t , i n p a r t i c u l a r t h a t m e d i c a l a i d w a s p r o v i d e d for t h e sick. B u t it a c c e p t e d t h e m y t h t h a t t h e W h i g s h a d f a s t e n e d o n t h e l a w , t h a t the poor law in Scotland h a d never supported the able-bodied, and perpetuated this principle. In spite of D r A l i s o n ' s urgings, the view o f t h e c o m f o r t a b l e m i d d l e c l a s s , t h a t m o r a l v i r t u e l a y in self-support, a n d t h a t p r i v a t e c h a r i t y c o u l d t a k e t h e e d g e off s e v e r e d i s t r e s s , p r e ­ v a i l e d . I n l a w , t h e r e f o r e , S c o t l a n d h a d a relief s y s t e m u n s u i t a b l e for a n i n d u s t r i a l i s e d c o u n t r y w h e r e l a r g e n u m b e r s c o u l d b e affected b y

9 3

T. C. Smout, 'The Strange Intervention of Edward Twistleton: Paisley in Depression, 1841-3', in Smout, ed., Wealth and Stability.

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cyclical d e p r e s s i o n . Y e t i n p r a c t i c e t h e c e n t r a l B o a r d , a n d t h e m e d i c a l p r o f e s s i o n w h o w o r k e d for it, w e r e a n x i o u s to i n c r e a s e its p o w e r s , a n d this m e a n t that various w a y s of b e n d i n g the law could b e f o u n d .

9 4

B e c a u s e t h e n e w s y s t e m f o r c e d h o m e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for t h e sick p o o r , a large n u m b e r of parishes w h i c h h a d b e e n shirking their legal duties n o w h a d to a s s e s s t h e m s e l v e s t o m e e t t h e m . Each parish h a d to have an inspector and a Poor L a w Board, and if t h e p a r i s h w a s a s s e s s e d t h i s B o a r d h a d to i n c l u d e all t h e h e r i t o r s . Its c o n s t i t u t i o n w o u l d b e s o r i g g e d b y t h e c e n t r a l B o a r d a s p a r t l y to balance this landed element with a small elected portion,

not

e n o u g h to o p e n the control of policy to the working class but e n o u g h to b l o c k l a n d o w n e r r e s i s t a n c e t o n e c e s s a r y e x p e n d i t u r e . T h e p a t t e r n of a u t o m a t i c l a n d o w n e r p r e s e n c e o n l o c a l g o v e r n m e n t w a s l a t e r t a k e n o v e r for o t h e r s e r v i c e s as t h e s e b e c a m e i n e s c a p a b l e . S a n i t a r y n e e d s and highway needs borrowed the system. Only w h e n the recognition t h a t u r b a n i s a t i o n h a d effectively d e s t r o y e d t h e w o r k i n g o f t h e p a r i s h s c h o o l s y s t e m b r o u g h t in t h e E d u c a t i o n A c t o f 1 8 7 2 d i d t h e L i b e r a l g o v e r n m e n t o m i t t h i s b u i l t in p o s i t i o n o f p r o p e r t y o w n e r s h i p . T h e n e w p o o r l a w w a s h a r d l y set u p , a n d c e r t a i n l y n o t w o r k i n g smoothly, w h e n Scotland was faced with the potato blight, w h i c h s t r u c k t h e H i g h l a n d s in 1 8 4 6 , d e s t r o y i n g t h e c r o p a n d w i t h it t h e f o o d o f t h e p e o p l e for n i n e o r m o r e m o n t h s i n t h e y e a r . I n a n y c a s e t h e n e w p o o r l a w w a s n o t d e s i g n e d to h e l p w i t h d i s a s t e r s o f t h i s m a s s k i n d , s i n c e t h e p e o p l e w e r e ' a b l e - b o d i e d ' , a n y m o r e t h a n it w a s to cope with the urban destitution caused b y r e n e w e d depression in 1 8 4 6 - 7 . H i g h l a n d e r s w e r e s u s t a i n e d t h r o u g h t h e f a m i n e y e a r b y a m i x t u r e o f c h a r i t a b l e effort, g o v e r n m e n t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n a n d l a n d ­ owner paternalism. T h e government stationed two depot ships on the coast (and b y n o w most of the population lived there) and gave o u t f o o d i n r e s p o n s e t o p r o m i s e s to p a y f r o m l a n d o w n e r s .

9 5

Hard­

s h i p w a s n o w o r s e t h a n u s u a l for m a n y o f t h e p e o p l e , w h i c h is n o t to s a y t h a t it w a s n o t s e v e r e , a n d i n d e e d , b e c a u s e m o s t o f t h e l a n d ­ o w n e r s a c c e p t e d t h e o b l i g a t i o n o f s u p p o r t , t h e d e s t i t u t e crofter w a s better sustained than the destitute industrial worker of the t o w n s . But the process bankrupted s o m e estates, and led m a n y landowners to d e c i d e t o r e d u c e p o p u l a t i o n . It a l s o left t h e crofters w i t h a b u r d e n of d e b t a n d o n g r o u n d w h i c h w o u l d n e v e r a g a i n y i e l d a r e l i a b l e

94

T. Ferguson, Scottish Social Welfare, 1864-1914 (Edinburgh, 1958).

95

Flinn, ed., Scottish Population History, pp. 432-6.

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subsistence. Emigration, w h e t h e r enforced or voluntary, also m e a n t hardship and stress.

96

S o b y mid-century long-term structural c h a n g e s in S c o t l a n d w e r e b e g i n n i n g . A n a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f a n a t i o n a l sort, a n d s o m e sort o f local g o v e r n m e n t , in p a r o c h i a l P o o r L a w B o a r d s , h a d b e e n s e t u p . O t h e r services w o u l d s o o n b e found to n e e d similar central a n d local m a c h i n e r y , t h o u g h n o n e w o u l d b e m a d e t o c a r r y as m i s c e l l a n e o u s a c o l l e c t i o n o f f u n c t i o n s as t h i s p i o n e e r o n e . T h e s h a p e a n d c h a r a c t e r of t h e cities h a d b e e n f o r m e d . T h e shift o f p o p u l a t i o n t o t h e c e n t r a l v a l l e y w a s a c c e l e r a t i n g , as t h e f a r m i n g s y s t e m s c o n t r o l l e d t h e n u m b e r s a l l o w e d t o r e m a i n i n t h e rural a r e a s . C o t t o n h a d c e a s e d t o e x p a n d , but heavy industry in the west w a s supplying the n e w industrial spurt. R e l i g i o u s i s s u e s c o u l d still r a i s e m o r e h e a t t h a n s e c u l a r o n e s , a n d t h e political s p e c t r u m o f S c o t l a n d u n t i l t h e e n d o f t h e c e n t u r y w o u l d be dictated b y allegiances forged during the Disruption. T h e urban w o r k i n g c l a s s w a s c e a s i n g to p r o d u c e a c t i v e c h u r c h

membership.

M i d d l e - c l a s s c o n t r o l o f s o c i e t y h a d k e p t t h e c o u n t r y t r a n q u i l b u t it w a s ceasing to b e silent. 96

Hunter, Crofting Community, chaps. 4 and 5.

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Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

Scotland 1850-1950 T. C.

SMOUT

I In 1935, George Malcolm T h o m s o n ,

journalist

and

friend

of

the

recently formed Scottish National party, wrote the following percep­ tive p a s s a g e a b o u t t h e r e c e n t h i s t o r y o f h i s c o u n t r y : The belt of coal mines, blast furnaces, factories, shipyards, docks and railways uniting one grim-faced town to another across the desecrated countryside - this may be a part of our country which the alien visitor traverses with averted eyes and all possible speed. But to us it is the outward and visible sign of the labour, the courage, the foresight, the inventive genius of our nation. Our political independence is gone, and we assure one another that we are all the better without that for which our fathers in their folly fought during a thousand years. The men are lifted from our glens like ripe berries by the pickers, and we admire the enhanced desolation of the scenery. The poorer quarters of our cities are a dishonour to God and a disgrace to man, but they serve to set off for us the sharpness of the spiritual tension in which, with no time to spare for less urgent things, we completed the building of our great industrial structure. But tell us that the great structure is itself in decay, convince us that our place among the thriving and busy of the earth, won at such cost, is ours no longer, show us that the hands of the clock have begun to move backwards, that there are no more high cards left in the pack, and where can we look for comfort? . . . finis has been written to a chapter two hundred years long. A new chapter begins. There are grand dividing lines drawn in red ink across the history of all nations. In Scotland there was the arrival of Queen Margaret in the year 1068, the battle of Flodden Field in 1513. In Ireland there was the Famine of 1846. In England there was the last of the Viking raids in 1066. The turn of the industrial tide in Scotland must inevitably be for the Scottish nation an event of such propor­ tions. 1

T h e s e remarks w e r e entirely appropriate. That ' g r a n d dividing line d r a w n in r e d i n k ' c a m e at t h e e n d o f t h e First W o r l d W a r , a n d

our

e x a m i n a t i o n o f t h e e c o n o m i c s t r u c t u r e s o n w h i c h t h e social h i s t o r y of S c o t l a n d r e s t s m u s t d i v i d e at 1 9 1 8 . B e f o r e t h a t , all w a s c o n f i d e n c e 1

G. M. Thomson, Scotland, that Distressed Area (Edinburgh, 1935), pp. 4 - 6 .

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T.

c.

S M O U T

a n d t h e e x p e c t a t i o n o f further e n r i c h m e n t , w h a t e v e r s h o r t c o m i n g s t h e r e m a y h a v e b e e n in fact in t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f w e a l t h a n d l e v e l s of d e p r i v a t i o n in t o w n a n d c o u n t r y . After it, all w a s d e s p a i r a n d t h e a s s u m p t i o n t h a t , in t h e n a t u r a l o r d e r o f t h i n g s , S c o t l a n d w o u l d a l w a y s n e e d s p e c i a l c a r e a n d a t t e n t i o n . T h a t c o n d i t i o n s c o n t i n u e d to i m p r o v e for m o s t S c o t s in t h e last t h i r d o f t h e c e n t u r y 1 8 5 0 - 1 9 5 0 , j u s t as t h e y h a d d o n e in t h e first t w o - t h i r d s , b u t o f t e n m o r e d r a m a t i c a l l y , w a s generally overlooked. T a b l e 3 . 1 (cols. 1 - 4 ) s h o w s t h e c h a n g i n g s t r u c t u r e o f e m p l o y m e n t a n d total p o p u l a t i o n in S c o t l a n d , 1 8 5 1 - 1 9 1 1 , d u r i n g t h e classic p e r i o d of e x p a n s i o n . O v e r t h e p e r i o d t h e p o p u l a t i o n o f S c o t l a n d g r e w b y 65 per cent, a n d the e m p l o y e d population b y 62 per cent. Neither r a t e o f i n c r e a s e w a s a n y t h i n g like as fast as t h o s e o f t h e U n i t e d K i n g ­ d o m as a w h o l e , w h e r e p o p u l a t i o n g r e w b y 9 6 p e r c e n t b e t w e e n 1 8 5 1 a n d 1 9 1 1 , a n d total e m p l o y m e n t b y 9 5 p e r c e n t . T h e m a j o r r e a s o n for t h e difference w a s S c o t t i s h e m i g r a t i o n t o o t h e r p a r t s o f t h e U K a n d to t h e U S A a n d t h e w h i t e D o m i n i o n s , itself a reflection t h a t w h a t ­ ever the success of the Scottish e c o n o m y within this period c o m p a r e d to p r e v i o u s e x p e r i e n c e , it w a s still j u d g e d b y m a n y S c o t s n o t to p r o v i d e as g o o d a living as t h e w o r l d o u t s i d e . T h e g e n e r a l t r e n d s e v i d e n t f r o m T a b l e 3 . 1 w e r e t h e s a m e as t h o s e e v i d e n t for t h e U n i t e d K i n g d o m as a w h o l e - a v e r y m a r k e d fall in t h e n u m b e r s o f t h o s e e m p l o y e d in a g r i c u l t u r e a n d t e x t i l e s , w i t h a c o n c o m i t a n t rise in h e a v y i n d u s t r y a n d t h e s e r v i c e s e c t o r . I n S c o t l a n d , h o w e v e r , agriculture w a s always proportionately m o r e important a n d t h e drift f r o m t h e l a n d , t h o u g h s c a r c e l y l e s s r a p i d , l a g g e d t w e n t y 2

y e a r s b e h i n d t h a t o f t h e U K as a w h o l e . C o n v e r s e l y , s e r v i c e s w e r e a l w a y s m u c h l e s s i m p o r t a n t : t h e p r o p o r t i o n r e a c h e d in S c o t l a n d in t h i s s e c t o r in 1 9 1 1 h a d a l r e a d y b e e n a c h i e v e d for t h e U K as a w h o l e forty y e a r s earlier. I n t h e m a n u f a c t u r i n g s e c t o r , S c o t l a n d d e p e n d e d p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y m o r e o n t e x t i l e s at t h e start o f t h e p e r i o d t h a n d i d t h e U K as a w h o l e ( 2 0 . 2 p e r c e n t c o m p a r e d to 1 3 . 8 p e r c e n t ) , b u t p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y m o r e o n h e a v y i n d u s t r y at t h e e n d ( 1 9 . 0 p e r c e n t c o m p a r e d to 13.6 per cent). T h e s e comparisons suggest features of t h e S c o t t i s h e c o n o m y in t h e late n i n e t e e n t h a n d e a r l y t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r ­ ies at o n c e r a t h e r m o r e b a c k w a r d a n d c e r t a i n l y m o r e u n b a l a n c e d t h a n 2

The proportion employed in agriculture in the UK was: 1851, 22.0 per cent; 1871, 15.2 per cent; 1891, 10.7 per cent; 1911, 7.8 per cent. The proportion in Scotland in 1931 using the Series B classification was 9.0 per cent compared to a 1911 Series B figure for the UK as a whole of 8.1 per cent.

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Scotland 1850-1950

211

T a b l e 3 . 1 Percentage of employed population engaged in various occupations,

1851-1971,

Agriculture Heavy industry Textiles 'New' industry Transport and services Total employed population (000s) Total population (000s)

all Scotland

1 1851

2 1871

3 1891

4 1911

5 1911

6 1931

7 1951

8 1971

24.9 8.1 20.2 n.a.

22.2 12.1 15.1 n.a.

14.0 13.8 12.0 n.a.

10.6 19.0 9.5 n.a.

11.0 16.9 8.3 1.6

9.0 16.5 6.8 2.9

7.3 15.7 5.4 4.7

4.1 10.5 3.5 6.5

19.9

21.7

26.2

28.0

34.9

44.6

44.8

52.2

1,271

1,464

1,748

2,056

2,067

2,221

2,195

2,164

2,889

3,360

4,026

4,760

4,760

4,843

5,096

5,229

Notes: 'Agriculture' includes fishing. 'Heavy industry' includes mining and quarrying, metal manufacture, mechanical engineering and ship-building. Transport and services' includes transport and communications, distributive trades, insurance, banking, finance and business services, professional and scientific services, miscellaneous services (including domestic service) and public administration and defence.' "New" industry' in columns 5 - 8 includes chemicals, instrument and electrical engineering and vehicles. The data origi­ nates in census material, and the difficulties of a consistent interpretation are fully discussed in C. H. Lee, British Regional Employment Statistics 1841-1971 (Cambridge, 1979), pp. 1-24. Perhaps the main point to be borne in mind is that while a fairly consistent series 1851-1911 is possible (cols. 1-4), and another 1911-71 (cols. 5 - 8 ) , it is not possible to obtain consistency over the entire century due to alterations in definitions, particularly with regard to the distributive trades. Whereas in the nineteenth century the manufacture and distribution of many commodities were often carried on by the same person, today this is much less frequently the case. By modern standards, therefore, the nineteenth-century definitions used by Lee in compiling his Series 'A' tables (cols. 1-4) would understate the service sector and slightly overstate manufactures: this can be seen by comparing cols. 4 and 5 for 1911, which show that by using twentieth-century definitions there would have been 16.9 per cent in heavy industry (not 19 per cent), 8.3 per cent in textiles, (not 9.5 per cent) and 34.9 per cent in services (not 28 per cent). The main cause of distortion in cols 5 - 8 arises from the fact that in 1911, 132,000 people were 'not classified'; by 1931 this had fallen to 33,000 and by 1951 to 1,600. Most in this category, however, seem to have been subsequently classified in the service sector, which would have the effect of understating the true extent of services, earlier, especially in 1911. Source: Calculated from Lee, Regional Statistics. Series 'A' (cols. 1-4) and Series 'B' (cols. 5 - 8 ) .

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212

T. c.

SMOUT

t h a t o f t h e n a t i o n a l e c o n o m y . It h a s b e e n a r g u e d e l s e w h e r e t h a t S c o t ­ tish G N P p e r c a p i t a m a y h a v e c o m e to w i t h i n 9 5 p e r c e n t o f t h e U n i t e d K i n g d o m figure b y 1 9 1 1 , a n d t h a t ' S c o t l a n d t h e n s t o o d n e a r t h e h i s ­ toric p e a k o f h e r e c o n o m i c p e r f o r m a n c e r e l a t i v e to t h a t o f t h e o t h e r regions and nations of the British I s l e s ' .

3

S h e stood, however,

on

a p e r i l o u s l y n a r r o w b a s e f r o m w h i c h it p r o v e d o n l y t o o e a s y to k n o c k h e r d o w n w h e n i n t e r n a t i o n a l t r a d i n g c o n d i t i o n s a l t e r e d after t h e First World War. It m a y , o f c o u r s e , fairly b e o b j e c t e d t h a t t h e r e w a s n o t o n e S c o t t i s h e c o n o m y b u t s e v e r a l , a n d t h a t s o m e o f t h e s e s h o w little d y n a m i s m e i t h e r a s r e g a r d s i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n or g r o w t h o f p o p u l a t i o n . T a b l e s 3 . 2 a n d 3 . 3 ( c o l s . 1 - 4 ) b r e a k d o w n p o p u l a t i o n a n d e m p l o y m e n t statis­ tics, 1 8 5 1 - 1 9 1 1 , to a r e g i o n a l l e v e l , a n d s h o w b o t h t h e t r u t h o f t h i s o b s e r v a t i o n a n d its l i m i t a t i o n s . O n t h e o n e h a n d t h e s e v e n r e g i o n s s h o w distinctive structures of e m p l o y m e n t (persistent over long per­ iods) and

varying

demographic

experiences ranging

from

a

net

i n c r e a s e o f 1 1 8 p e r c e n t i n S t r a t h c l y d e t o a d e c l i n e o f 13 p e r c e n t i n t h e H i g h l a n d s . O n t h e o t h e r , t h e y all, f r o m t h e m o s t rural to t h e m o s t urban, shared the experience of dramatic decline in the propor­ t i o n e m p l o y e d i n a g r i c u l t u r e a n d c l e a r g r o w t h o f t h e p r o p o r t i o n in the service sector. The central belt of Scotland w a s dominated b y three

urban-indus­

trial r e g i o n s . D o m i n a n t o v e r a l l w a s S t r a t h c l y d e , its s h a r e o f total S c o t ­ t i s h p o p u l a t i o n g r o w i n g f r o m a little o v e r a t h i r d t o a little u n d e r a h a l f b e t w e e n 1 8 5 1 a n d 1 9 1 1 . It c o n t a i n e d t h e g r e a t c o n u r b a t i o n o f G l a s g o w , c l a i m i n g t o b e t h e s e c o n d city o f t h e E m p i r e b y 1 9 0 0 ; to t h e w e s t l a y t h e C l y d e s h i p y a r d s w h e r e o n e fifth o f total w o r l d t o n n a g e w a s l a u n c h e d b y 1 9 1 3 , t h e n e a r b y textile t o w n s o f P a i s l e y a n d K i l m a r ­ n o c k a n d t h e e n g i n e e r i n g c e n t r e o f G r e e n o c k ; to t h e e a s t w e r e t h e c r o w d e d M o n k l a n d s parishes, producing iron, steel a n d coal a r o u n d the t o w n s of Airdrie, M o t h e r w e l l a n d Coatbridge. Strathclyde also h a d a rural p e n u m b r a

in south Lanarkshire, Ayrshire a n d Argyll

w h e r e dairy f a r m i n g ( e v e n c r o f t i n g o n t h e i s l a n d s to t h e n o r t h ) w a s locally t h e d o m i n a n t activity. This region, e v e n in 1 8 5 1 , w a s clearly S c o t l a n d ' s industrial core, c o n t a i n i n g m o r e t h a n h a l f t h e textile e m p l o y m e n t ( t h e n s o c l e a r l y 3

In L. M. Cullen and T. C. Smout, eds., Comparative Aspects of Irish and Scottish Economic and Social History, 1600-1900 (Edinburgh, 1977), p. 14. A suggestion by Rondo Cameron that already by 1850 Scotland was 'nearing the peak of its greatest relative prosperity does not seem soundly based on any statistical evidence, and is unlikely. See R. Cameron, Banking in the Early Stages of Industrialisation (Oxford, 1967), p. 94. 7

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Scotland 1850-1950

213

T a b l e 3 . 2 Percentage of Scottish employed population and Scottish total population in different regions, 1 1851 A Employed population Strathclyde 37.6 Lothian 11.4 Central and Fife 8.8 Dumfries, Galloway and the Borders 8.9 Tayside 12.5 Grampian 11.1 Highland 9.5 B Total population Strathclyde 35.7 Lothian 11.3 Central and Fife 9.1 Dumfries, Galloway and the Borders 9.4 Tayside 11.7 Grampian 11.8 Highland 10.9

1851-1971 2 1871

3 1891

4 1911

5 1931

6 1951

7 1971

40.8 11.8 8.0

43.9 13.0 8.4

47.5 13.5 9.3

49.4 14.1 9.5

49.8 14.2 10.4

48.5 15.4 10.7

7.7 11.7 11.1 8.9

6.8 10.9 10.0 7.0

5.6 9.4 9.0 5.7

5.1 8.9 8.5 4.6

5.1 8.3 8.2 4.0

4.6 8.2 8.4 4.2

39.9 12.1 8.2

43.6 13.0 8.5

47.5 13.3 9.7

49.3 13.5 9.8

49.2 13.9 10.4

48.9 14.5 11.1

8.1 11.1 11.4* 9.0

6.9 10.1 10.6 7.4

5.5 8.7 9.6 5.9

5.2 8.2 9.0 4.9

5.0 8.0 8.9 4.5

4.6 7.9 8.4 4.5

Notes: The regions approximate to the prevailing local government regions as denned in April 1975, with the following main differences: Dumfries and Galloway is amalgamated with the Borders, and Central Region with Fife; the areas covered by the Island authorities of Orkney, Shetland and the Outer Isles are subsumed under the Highlands. See Lee, Regional Statistics, pp. 39-45. Source: As Table 3.1.

d o m i n a n t in t h e i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r ) , a n d a b o u t 6 0 p e r c e n t o f e m p l o y ­ m e n t in h e a v y i n d u s t r y . B y 1 9 1 1 , w h e n t h e relative i m p o r t a n c e o f textiles a n d h e a v y i n d u s t r y h a d b e e n r e v e r s e d , S t r a t h c l y d e ' s s h a r e of t h e latter h a d r i s e n to 6 8 p e r c e n t , t h o u g h s h e still h a d 4 0 p e r c e n t o f all S c o t t i s h textile j o b s . B u t t h e d o m i n a n c e o f c o a l , s t e e l , e n g i ­ n e e r i n g a n d s h i p s o v e r e v e r y o t h e r activity after a b o u t 1 8 8 0 also m a d e t h e r e g i o n t h e locus classicus o f t h e s t r o n g , s k i l l e d m a l e w o r k e r . W h e r e ­ as in 1 8 5 1 a t h i r d o f all t h e i n d u s t r i a l j o b s in S t r a t h c l y d e in t h e s e t w o s e c t o r s c o m b i n e d h a d b e e n for w o m e n , b y 1 9 1 1 t h e p r o p o r t i o n w a s a sixth. G l a s g o w w a s a m a n ' s world. T h e n e x t l a r g e s t r e g i o n w a s L o t h i a n , c o n t a i n i n g t h e o n e b i g city of E d i n b u r g h

( w i t h L e i t h ) , itself s u r r o u n d e d b y o r g a n i c m i n e r a l

d e p o s i t s o f c o a l a n d s h a l e a n d b y s o m e o f t h e finest a n d m o s t a d v a n c e d f a r m i n g l a n d in B r i t a i n . P o p u l a t i o n h e r e a l m o s t d o u b l e d b e t w e e n 1 8 5 1

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occupations,

Percentage of Scottish employed population engaged in various 1851-1971,

by regions 1 1851

B Lothian Agriculture Heavy industry Textiles 'New' industry Transport and services Total employed population (000s) Total population (000s) C Central and Fife Agriculture Heavy industry Textiles 'New' industry Transport and services Total employed population (000s) Total population (000s)

3 1891

4 1911

13 9 5 4 13 20 21 27 28 18 11 8 n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 18 21 25 26

4 24 7 2 34

6 1931

7 1951

3 23 6 4 44

3 20 5 6 43

8 1971 1 14 3 8 50

478 598 768 977 979 1,097 1,093 1,050 1,032 1,341 1,754 2,259 2,259 2,389 2,507 2,558

15 10 7 5 8 11 11 15 4 2 3 n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 34 34 35 36

5 13 1 2 44

5 13 2 3 53

4 12 1 4 52

2 7 1 6 61

277 631

277 631

313 655

312 707

333 760

19 18 12 8 12 15 19 30 29 23 16 11 n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 16 18 22 22

8 28 10 1 28

6 27 6 2 39

5 26 4 4 38

3 13 3 7 48

192 460

211 475

228 532

231 582

27 3 14 1 25

25 3 14 1 42

24 4 13 1 42

15

115 260

113 251

109 256

100 240

12 5 29 1 32

11 5 24 1 42

11 7 15 2 47

7 8 9 6 52

145 326

112 263

173 407

117 277

228 524

146 342

192 460

D Dumfries, Galloway and the Borders 38 29 27 41 Agriculture Heavy industry 4 4 3 4 Textiles 10 10 16 15 'New' industry n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. Transport and services 20 23 26 28 Total employed population (000s) 113 113 118 115 Total population (000s) 273 272 279 260 E Tayside Agriculture Heavy industry Textiles 'New' industry Transport and services Total employed

5 1911

CO

A Strathclyde Agriculture Heavy industry Textiles 'New' industry Transport and services Total employed population (000s) Total population (000s)

2 1871

22 19 13 12 4 5 6 6 35 33 32 30 n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 16 18 22 25

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CO

Table 3.3

12 4 47

Scotland 1850-1950 Table 3.3

215

(contd.) 1 1851

E Tayside population (000s) Total population (000s) F Grampian Agriculture Heavy industry Textiles 'New' industry Transport and services Total employed population (000s) Total population (000s)

5 1911

6 1931

7 1951

8 1971

194 413

198 398

183 410

179 413

43 46 30 27 4 4 5 6 8 6 5 5 n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 21 21 31 30

27 3 4 1 37

24 3 3 2 48

20 5 3 2 50

12 4 2 1 55

185 458

186 458

188 436

181 454

181 441

57 61 47 41 2 2 2 2 4 4 7 5 n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 18 18 25 30

44 1 5 1 32

36 1 2 1 42

28 2 1 49

13 3 2 1 61

124 280

102 238

87 231

90 234

121 316

163 385

130 302

191 407

4 1911 193 413

142 340

172 377

3 1891

174 425

122 296

118 280

CO

G Highland Agriculture Heavy industry Textiles 'New' industry Transport and services Total employed population (000s) Total population (000s)

159 339

2 1871

Notes: See notes for Tables 3.1 and 3.2. Source: As Table 3.1. a n d 1 9 1 1 a n d T a b l e 3 . 3 s h o w s t h e u s u a l t r e n d s in t h e s t r u c t u r e o f e m p l o y m e n t - a relative d e c l i n e in a g r i c u l t u r e a n d textiles ( t h e latter n e v e r v e r y i m p o r t a n t h e r e ) , a n d a g r o w t h in h e a v y i n d u s t r y as m i n i n g developed. T h e strength of some of the smaller consumer goods indus­ tries l i k e p r i n t i n g , b r e w i n g a n d r u b b e r is u n f o r t u n a t e l y n o t reflected in t h e t a b l e . T h e m o s t s t r i k i n g f e a t u r e , h o w e v e r , w a s t h e a l m o s t c o n ­ s t a n t s h a r e o f t h e s e r v i c e s e c t o r at a r o u n d 3 5 p e r c e n t , v e r y m u c h l a r g e r t h a n in a n y o t h e r r e g i o n in 1 8 5 1 , t h o u g h l e s s d e c i s i v e l y s o sixty y e a r s later. T h i s d e m o n s t r a t e s t w o m a i n f e a t u r e s o f t h e capital city, its g r e a t i m p o r t a n c e in t h e p r o v i s i o n o f p r o f e s s i o n a l s e r v i c e s law, banking and insurance - and the high proportion of wealthy m i d d l e - c l a s s families r e s i d e n t w i t h i n it a n d a b l e to e m p l o y a staff of servants. C e n t r a l a n d Fife are o u r t h i r d r e g i o n in t h e i n d u s t r i a l c e n t r a l b e l t ; t h e y a l s o h e l d i m p o r t a n t coalfields in S t i r l i n g s h i r e a n d w e s t Fife, b a l a n c e d b y textile t o w n s a n d rich agricultural l a n d a n d fishing in

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216

T.

c.

S M O U T

e a s t Fife. T h e s w i t c h t o h e a v y i n d u s t r y w a s as m a r k e d as in S t r a t h c l y d e b u t it c a m e t w e n t y y e a r s later, a r o u n d t h e t u r n o f t h e c e n t u r y w h e n t h e e x p l o i t a t i o n o f t h e Fife coalfield i n t e n s i f i e d . P o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h w a s similarly i n c o n s i d e r a b l e b e t w e e n 1 8 5 1 a n d 1 8 7 1 , b u t t h e n r o s e by two-thirds before 1911. T h e s e t h r e e c o n t i g u o u s i n d u s t r i a l r e g i o n s w e r e f l a n k e d to t h e s o u t h a n d n o r t h b y four o t h e r r e g i o n s w h e r e i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n , w h e r e it o c c u r r e d at all, w a s r e s t r i c t e d t o n a r r o w e n c l a v e s . D u m f r i e s , G a l l o w a y a n d t h e B o r d e r s w a s t h e r e g i o n to t h e s o u t h : h e r e total p o p u l a t i o n s t a g n a t e d a n d t h e n a c t u a l l y fell after 1 8 9 1 as m a n u f a c t u r e s a n d s e r v i c e s p r o v e d i n c a p a b l e o f t a k i n g u p all t h e s u r p l u s s h e d b y f a r m i n g , w h i c h d e s p i t e q u i t e h e a v y falls w a s still e m p l o y i n g a m u c h l a r g e r p e r c e n t a g e of t h e p o p u l a t i o n in 1 9 1 1 t h a n a n y o f t h e t h r e e c e n t r a l b e l t r e g i o n s h a d d o n e e v e n in 1 8 5 1 . H e a v y i n d u s t r y h a r d l y e x i s t e d : t h e o n l y s i g n s of i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n w e r e in t h e l a t e - d e v e l o p i n g B o r d e r t o w n s w h e r e t h e textile p h a s e o f t h e i n d u s t r i a l r e v o l u t i o n w a s b e g i n n i n g to arrive in t h e last q u a r t e r o f t h e c e n t u r y , a n a c h r o n i s t i c a l l y , a n d o n a v e r y l i m i t e d scale, a h u n d r e d y e a r s after it h a d b e g u n o n S t r a t h c l y d e . T a y s i d e , to t h e n o r t h o f t h e c e n t r a l b e l t , w a s l e s s b a c k w a r d a n d i n c r e a s e d its o v e r a l l p o p u l a t i o n b y a fifth. It c o n t a i n e d a g r o u p o f l a r g e t o w n s , e s p e c i a l l y t h e city o f D u n d e e , b u t a l s o P e r t h , A r b r o a t h a n d Forfar, w h i c h h a d f o r m e d a n e n c l a v e for i m p o r t a n t textile m a n u ­ factures, particularly linen and t h e n jute, from before the middle of t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . T h e a b s o l u t e n u m b e r e m p l o y e d in t e x t i l e s remained roughly constant over the period, though there was some c o n c e n t r a t i o n o n D u n d e e a n d t h e s e x ratio a l t e r e d : m e n h a d b e e n n e a r l y as n u m e r o u s in T a y s i d e textile j o b s in 1 8 5 1 , b u t b y 1 9 1 1 w e r e o u t n u m b e r e d a l m o s t t w o to o n e . D u n d e e t h e r e f o r e b e c a m e a w o m a n ' s t o w n a l m o s t as m u c h as G l a s g o w w a s a m a n ' s o n e . T h e r e w a s o n l y a little significant h e a v y i n d u s t r y , a n d t h e m a i n a l t e r a t i o n in t h e overall structure of e m p l o y m e n t w a s the switch from agriculture into trans­ p o r t a n d s e r v i c e s c o m m o n to all t h e r e g i o n s . G r a m p i a n , t o o , h a d its u r b a n - i n d u s t r i a l e n c l a v e in t h e city o f A b e r ­ d e e n , a n d i n c r e a s e d its p o p u l a t i o n o v e r a l l b y a t h i r d . S u p e r f i c i a l l y it a p p e a r s as e m p h a t i c a l l y a n d p e r s i s t e n t l y agricultural as t h e e x t r e m e s o u t h , b u t s o m e t h i n g o f t h i s is d u e t o t h e fact t h a t fishing is s u b s u m e d u n d e r t h e g e n e r a l h e a d i n g ' a g r i c u l t u r e ' in t h e i n d u s t r i a l classification, concealing the growth of the prosperous deep sea trawling industry as a s t a p l e o f A b e r d e e n a n d t h e c o n c o m i t a n t e n l a r g e m e n t o f m a n y of t h e s m a l l e r fishing c o m m u n i t i e s all r o u n d t h e c o a s t . T h e p r o p o r t i o n

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e m p l o y e d in h e a v y i n d u s t r y a n d t e x t i l e s t o g e t h e r r e m a i n e d c o n s t a n t at t h e v e r y l o w figure o f 1 0 - 1 2 p e r c e n t , t h o u g h A b e r d e e n , like E d i n ­ b u r g h , h a d c o n s u m e r g o o d s i n d u s t r i e s (like p a p e r m a k i n g ) t h a t d o not s h o w up o n the tables. Finally there w a s the highland region, the most r e m o t e , least urban­ i z e d a n d m o s t p e r s i s t e n t l y a g r i c u l t u r a l o f all, w i t h n o l e s s t h a n 4 1 p e r c e n t o f its o c c u p i e d p o p u l a t i o n still in f a r m i n g a s late as 1 9 1 1 . This was, admittedly, a third less than the proportion of 1 8 7 1 , the u s u a l g r o w t h i n t r a n s p o r t a n d s e r v i c e s a c c o u n t i n g for m o s t o f t h e difference, s i n c e i n d u s t r y i n all its f o r m s w a s v e r y u n d e r d e v e l o p e d , discouraged both by the absence of minerals and by the distance from urban markets. T h e Highlands, of course, e x p e r i e n c e d a drop in p o p u ­ l a t i o n : y e t t h e d e c l i n e , 13 p e r c e n t o v e r s i x t y y e a r s , w a s r e l a t i v e l y m o d e s t a n d , c o n t r a r y to g e n e r a l belief, p r o b a b l y h a d v e r y little to do with the highland clearances. The drop over the period 1851-71, w a s s m a l l e r , in p e r c e n t a g e t e r m s , t h a n t h a t i n t h e p e r i o d 1 8 9 1 - 1 9 1 1 , t h o u g h i n t h e f o r m e r t h e crofters w e r e u n p r o t e c t e d f r o m e v i c t i o n a n d i n t h e latter t h e y e n j o y e d s e c u r i t y o f t e n u r e u n d e r G l a d s t o n e ' s C r o f t e r s Act of 1886. W h a t sort o f a l i v i n g d i d t h e S c o t t i s h e c o n o m y y i e l d ? D r R u b i n s t e i n f o u n d six S c o t s a m o n g t h e forty l a r g e s t B r i t i s h f o r t u n e s , 1 8 0 9 - 1 9 1 4 , of w h i c h o n l y o n e , t h e t h i r d M a r q u e s s o f B u t e ( d . 1 9 0 0 ) , m a d e h i s m o n e y substantially outside S c o t l a n d - in his case o n urban

and

m i n e r a l p r o p e r t y in S o u t h W a l e s . T h e o t h e r s c o n s i s t e d o f t w o L a n a r k ­ s h i r e i r o n m a s t e r s , W i l l i a m B a i r d ( d . 1864) a n d W i l l i a m W e i r (d. 1 9 1 3 ) , two Paisley sewing-thread magnates, Peter and James Coats (both d. 1 9 1 3 ) , a n d a G l a s g o w c h e m i c a l m a n u f a c t u r e r ,

Charles Tennant

(d. 1 9 0 6 ) . A l l d i e d w o r t h m o r e t h a n £ 2 m i l l i o n , a n d all m a d e t h e i r fortunes in Strathclyde. At a less plutocratic level an indication of m i d d l e - c l a s s w e a l t h is p r o v i d e d b y t h e S c h e d u l e D i n c o m e - t a x a s s e s s ­ m e n t s : D r R u b i n s t e i n ' s examination of t h e s e a s s e s s m e n t s in L o n d o n a n d in the British provincial t o w n s of over 100,000 inhabitants in 1 8 7 9 8 0 s h o w s t h e S c o t s r e l a t i v e l y w e l l p l a c e d . E d i n b u r g h , w i t h its l a w y e r s a n d b a n k e r s , w a s b y this m e a s u r e the third wealthiest British t o w n p a y i n g £ 2 1 . 1 p e r i n h a b i t a n t , a n d G l a s g o w w i t h its m e r c h a n t s

and

4

m a n u f a c t u r e r s , t h e fifth, p a y i n g £ 1 6 . 4 . B e h i n d t h e m b y a l a r g e m a r ­ g i n c a m e A b e r d e e n at £ 9 . 3 a n d D u n d e e at £ 8 . 4 , b u t e v e n t h e s e e x c e e d e d E n g l i s h cities l i k e L e e d s a n d S h e f f i e l d , j u s t a s G l a s g o w v e r y 4

W . D. Rubinstein, 'The Victorian Middle Classes: Wealth, Occupation and Geo­ graphy', Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 30 (1977), pp. 614-18.

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comfortably exceeded Birmingham and Newcastle (though not M a n ­ c h e s t e r o r L i v e r p o o l ) . T h e r e is n o r e a s o n t o t h i n k o f t h e S c o t t i s h V i c t o r ­ i a n m i d d l e c l a s s as t h e p o o r r e l a t i o n o f t h e E n g l i s h p r o v i n c i a l s .

5

F o r t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s t h e s i t u a t i o n w a s r a t h e r different. I n t h e m i d ­ d l e o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y o n e o f t h e a t t r a c t i o n s o f S c o t l a n d for c a p i t a l w a s t h e c h e a p n e s s o f i n d u s t r i a l l a b o u r i n m i n e , mill a n d s h i p ­ y a r d . It w a s a s i t u a t i o n t h a t a l t e r e d o n l y s l o w l y . W h e n E d w a r d Y o u n g m a d e his report o n international w a g e levels to the A m e r i c a n C o n g r e s s in t h e e a r l y 1 8 7 0 s , h e w e n t i n p e r s o n to J o h n E l d e r ' s y a r d i n G l a s g o w a n d s u b s e q u e n t l y c o m m e n t e d : ' T h e g r e a t d e m a n d for C l y d e - b u i l t s h i p s h a s n o t b e e n c a u s e d b y t h e i r s u p e r i o r i t y . . . b u t f r o m t h e fact t h a t t h e y c a n b e built at l e s s c o s t , o w i n g i n p a r t to t h e c h e a p n e s s of m a t e r i a l s , b u t chiefly to t h e a b u n d a n c e o f s k i l l e d w o r k m e n the low rate of w a g e s paid to t h e m . '

6

and

The words 'mere pittance'

c a m e readily to the U S consuls of that period w h e n they considered S c o t t i s h w a g e s , a n d t h e y r e g u l a r l y l i s t e d r a t e s for j o i n e r s , b l a c k s m i t h s , carpenters, rivetters a n d labourers significantly b e l o w t h o s e of L o n d o n or N e w c a s t l e .

7

In 1 8 8 6 t h e first B r i t i s h U K w a g e c e n s u s g a v e , in R . H . C a m p b e l l ' s w o r d s , ' a n unequivocal interpretation of S c o t l a n d as a low-wage e c o n ­ omy', t h o u g h E . H. H u n t takes a slightly m o r e optimistic view, regard­ ing w a g e s in central S c o t l a n d as t h e n ' n e a r t h e national a v e r a g e ' , a n d indicating a substantial i m p r o v e m e n t in the r e g i o n ' s relative position 8

since 1850. Certainly the average annual earnings of cotton workers in 1 8 8 6 w e r e w e l l b e l o w t h e U K a v e r a g e ( £ 2 8 c o m p a r e d t o £ 3 6 ) , p a r t l y b e c a u s e of the higher proportion of w o m e n w o r k e r s in S c o t l a n d . T h e s a m e l o w e a r n i n g s w e r e f o u n d , l e s s m a r k e d l y , for s h i p y a r d w o r k e r s (£70 c o m p a r e d to £ 7 6 ) a n d in m a n y o t h e r trades, s u c h as building ( £ 6 2 c o m p a r e d to £ 6 6 ) a n d printing (£46 c o m p a r e d to £ 5 3 in large w o r k s ) . In s o m e o t h e r significant S c o t t i s h i n d u s t r i e s , h o w e v e r , t h e r e w e r e e i t h e r n o d i f f e r e n c e s ( e n g i n e e r i n g , distilling, c a r p e t

5

6 7

8

manufacture)

In absolute, instead of per capita, terms, Glasgow was the fourth wealthiest city in Britain and Edinburgh was the fifth, according to the Schedule D assessments. London was, of course, the first. Labour in Europe and America (Government Printing Office, Washington, DC, 1876). The consular reports for Scotland are available in Edinburgh University Library. See T. C. Smout, 'U.S. Consular Reports: A Source for Scottish Economic Historians', Scottish Historical Review, 58 (1979), pp. 179-85; T. C. Smout, 'American Consular Reports on Scotland', Business History, 33 (1981), pp. 304-8. R. H. Campbell, The Rise and Fall of Scottish Industry, 1707-1939 (Edinburgh, 1980), p. 80; E. H. Hunt, Regional Wage Variations in Britain, 1850-1914 (Oxford, 1973), pp. 50-3.

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or a v e r y s l i g h t a d v a n t a g e in S c o t l a n d ' s f a v o u r : c o a l a n d i r o n - o r e m i n i n g ( £ 5 3 c o m p a r e d to £ 5 2 ) , t h e m a n u f a c t u r e o f p i g i r o n at t h e blast furnace (£74 c o m p a r e d to £73) and linen (£26 c o m p a r e d to £ 2 5 ) .

9

B y t h e t i m e o f t h e n e x t w a g e c e n s u s in 1 9 0 6 , h o w e v e r , m o s t o f t h e a m b i g u i t y h a d d i s a p p e a r e d . C o t t o n , c e r t a i n l y , w a s still a l o w - w a g e i n d u s t r y in S c o t l a n d , c o n t i n u i n g to e m p l o y a l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n o f illp a i d w o m e n . B u t in f o u r vital fields o f h e a v y i n d u s t r y - i r o n a n d steel manufacture, light iron castings, shipbuilding a n d (less mark­ e d l y ) e n g i n e e r i n g a n d b o i l e r m a k i n g - S c o t l a n d in g e n e r a l a n d t h e Clyde in particular reported average earnings a n d w a g e rates well a b o v e t h e U K a v e r a g e . O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , t h e r e is s o m e i n d i c a t i o n t h a t c o a l m i n i n g ( t h e o n l y e v i d e n c e is f r o m L a n a r k s h i r e ) h a d n o t k e p t u p w i t h t h e n a t i o n a l l e v e l . B u t C a m p b e l l is in n o d o u b t t h a t C l y d e s i d e h a d b y t h e n b e c o m e a h i g h - w a g e region in t h e leading sector indus­ tries, a n d E . H. H u n t puts central S c o t l a n d as o n e of the four highestw a g e r e g i o n s in B r i t a i n .

10

T h i s f i n d i n g , if c o r r e c t , i m p l i e s t h a t in t h i r t y y e a r s i n d u s t r i a l S c o t ­ l a n d h a d g o n e f r o m a l o w - w a g e to a h i g h - w a g e a r e a , a n d a l s o t h a t t h e figure g e n e r a l l y a c c e p t e d for o v e r a l l i m p r o v e m e n t s i n r e a l w a g e s in B r i t a i n b e t w e e n 1 8 5 0 a n d 1 9 0 0 - a b o u t 8 0 p e r c e n t - w o u l d b e substantially larger in the Scottish case. Before d r a w i n g the conclusion t h a t t h e t y p i c a l S c o t t i s h w o r k e r w a s p a r t i c u l a r l y p r o s p e r o u s at t h e start o f t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y , h o w e v e r , c e r t a i n o t h e r f a c t o r s h a v e to b e c o n s i d e r e d . First, e v e n in 1 9 0 0 t h e r e w e r e l a r g e r e m a i n i n g s e c t o r s in t e x t i l e s w h e r e t h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c e m p l o y e e w a s a b a d l y p a i d girl. Secondly, the h e a v y industries supported not only skilled workers w h o s e w a g e r a t e s w e r e e x t e n s i v e l y r e p o r t e d to t h e c e n s u s b u t s u b s t a n ­ tial n u m b e r s o f l a b o u r e r s a b o u t w h o s e e a r n i n g s little is k n o w n e x c e p t that t h e y w e r e low, a n d that the gulf b e t w e e n the skilled a n d the unskilled was always obvious and great. T o Harry M c S h a n e , w h o w o r k e d i n t h e s h i p y a r d s a s a b o y b e f o r e t h e First W o r l d W a r , it w a s s y m b o l i s e d b y t h e s k i l l e d e n g i n e e r s ' w e e k e n d d r e s s o f a b l u e suit a n d a b o w l e r h a t c o m p a r e d to t h e r o u g h c l o t h e s o f t h e l a b o u r e r s .

11

Thirdly, the only detailed account of Scottish w a g e s in shipbuilding in t h e q u a r t e r - c e n t u r y b e f o r e 1 9 1 4 s h o w s t h a t t h e e m p l o y e r s d e l i b e r ­ a t e l y e x a g g e r a t e d t h e a v e r a g e e a r n i n g s o f r i v e t t e r s in t h e i r r e p o r t s t o o u t s i d e r s a n d t o t h e B o a r d o f T r a d e for t h e c e n s u s , a n d t h a t i n 9 10

11

Campbell, Rise and Fall p. 190. Ibid., pp. 8 4 - 8 , 1 9 1 - 4 ; Hunt, Wage Variations, pp. 5 0 - 3 . Harry McShane and Joan Smith, No Mean Fighter (1978), p. 42.

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1906 the average earnings per w e e k w e r e not 4 7 s . l i d . , as reported, b u t 3 6 s . 4 d . , fully 2 5 p e r c e n t l e s s . B e t w e e n 1 9 0 0 a n d 1 9 1 0 h a l f t h e rivetters e a r n e d less t h a n £ 2 , a n d a quarter less t h a n 3 0 s .

1 2

T h e r e is, h o w e v e r , little d o u b t t h a t e m p l o y e r s d i d feel t h e s t e a d y p r e s s u r e o f r i s i n g w a g e c o s t s o n t h e i r profit m a r g i n s a n d t h e r e f o r e o n t h e i r ability t o c o m p e t e w o r l d - w i d e in t h e p r o d u c t i o n o f s h i p s e v e n b e f o r e t h e First W o r l d W a r . T h e y t r i e d e v e r y d e v i c e t o k e e p t h e w a g e bill d o w n , for e x a m p l e b y e m p l o y i n g a h i g h ratio o f a p p r e n ­ t i c e s to qualified j o u r n e y m e n , a n d b y e n f o r c i n g w a g e c u t s i n t i m e s of d e p r e s s i o n , a s i n 1 9 0 8 - 1 0 ; c o n v e r s e l y , t h e w o r k e r s d e f e n d e d t h e i r j o b s b y opposing every n e w attempt to introduce a technology that m i g h t t h r e a t e n t h e i r j o b s . T h a t s u c h o p p o s i t i o n w a s n o t e m p t y is i l l u s t r a t e d b y t h e U S c o n s u l ' s r e p o r t o n a n i m p o r t a n t trial o f A m e r i c a n p n e u m a t i c r i v e t t i n g t o o l s t h a t t o o k p l a c e at t h e w o r k s o f S c o t t o f G r e e n o c k in 1 9 0 2 . T h e trials l a s t e d six w e e k s , b u t t h e c o n s u l o b s e r v e d : speaking generally, the experiments appear to have given every satisfaction and to have demonstrated the fact that a great saving in time and labor could be effected. However, the use of these machines is not favored by the labor unions, and with native labor they accomplish little, if any, more than is accomplished under the present system. 13

M u c h o f t h e c l a s s b i t t e r n e s s t h a t w a s t o g r o w in t h e first t w o d e c a d e s of t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y a l o n g t h e C l y d e c a n b e c o n s i d e r e d i n t h e light of t h e s e o p p o s i n g pressures o n the returns to capital a n d labour. T h e f o r e g o i n g d i s c u s s i o n o f w a g e s r e l a t e s m a i n l y to t h e i n d u s t r i a l belt of central S c o t l a n d . H u n t ' s investigation of rural southern Scot­ land - Dumfries, Galloway and the Borders - suggests substantial r e l a t i v e a n d a b s o l u t e g a i n s for a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r ( t h e m a i n o c c u p a ­ tion) b e t w e e n 1850 a n d 1 8 7 0 . B y the latter date agricultural w o r k e r s h e r e w e r e a l r e a d y p a i d 5 p e r c e n t a b o v e t h e B r i t i s h a v e r a g e for t h e i r o c c u p a t i o n , a n d t h e y e n j o y e d f u r t h e r s u b s t a n t i a l g a i n s to 1 9 0 7 , w h e n t h e a r e a w a s o n e o f t h e f o u r b e s t p a i d i n B r i t a i n for f a r m w o r k . O n the other h a n d , agricultural labour generally w a s badly paid in relation to i n d u s t r i a l l a b o u r , o f w h i c h t h e r e w a s little, t h o u g h textile w a g e s in the eastern B o r d e r s w e r e not inferior to t h o s e in the W e s t Riding of Y o r k s h i r e .

1 4

North of the central belt the position deteriorated. Tayside a n d 12

13

14

S. F. Price, 'Rivetters' Earnings in Clyde Shipbuilding 1889-1913', Scottish Economic and Social History, 1 (1981), pp. 4 2 - 6 5 . Cited in Smout, 'American Consular Reports', p. 307. Hunt, Wage Variations, pp. 47-50.

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221

G r a m p i a n ' s level of agricultural earnings w e r e about 3 per cent b e l o w t h e British average in 1 8 6 7 - 7 0 but 1 per cent above b y 1907. T h e city of D u n d e e w a s d o m i n a t e d b y l o w - p a i d f e m a l e j u t e w o r k e r s w h o s e average earnings in 1886 were e v e n lower than those of the Strathclyde cotton w o r k e r s . T h o u g h m e n in m o s t trades in D u n d e e s e e m e d to h a v e e a r n e d as m u c h a s t h o s e i n G l a s g o w , t h e r e w a s a m a r g i n b e t w e e n b o t h t h o s e cities a n d t h e l o w e r w a g e s e a r n e d i n s h i p b u i l d i n g

and

engineering in A b e r d e e n . T h e h i g h l a n d region, h o w e v e r , w a s m u c h t h e w o r s t o f all: still o v e r w h e l m i n g l y d o m i n a t e d b y a g r i c u l t u r e , f a r m earnings r e m a i n e d 14 per cent b e l o w the British average in 1 8 6 7 - 7 0 a n d 1 3 p e r c e n t b e l o w i n 1 9 0 7 . T h e crofting c o u n t i e s c e r t a i n l y h a d t h e l o w e s t i n c o m e s o f a n y r e g i o n in G r e a t B r i t a i n ; t h e drift o f p e o p l e f r o m t h e a r e a e v e n after t h e l a n d r e f o r m n e e d s n o f u r t h e r e x p l a n a -

T h e s e c o n d p a r t o f o u r p e r i o d h a s to b e c o n s i d e r e d s e p a r a t e l y . A f t e r t h e e n d o f t h e First W o r l d W a r , S c o t l a n d a l o n g w i t h t h e o t h e r tra­ ditional British regions of staple industry entered the bleak years of t h e d e p r e s s i o n w h i c h s e e m e d t o G e o r g e M a l c o l m T h o m s o n to m a r k s o d e c i s i v e a b r e a k in n a t i o n a l h i s t o r y ; a n d a l t h o u g h r e a r m a m e n t a n d t h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r r e v i v e d e m p l o y m e n t a n d profits i n t h e tra­ d i t i o n a l s e c t o r s , t h e r e w a s still, e v e n b y 1 9 5 0 , little g r o w t h o f n e w i n d u s t r y . It is n o d o u b t t r u e , a s N e i l B u x t o n h a s p e r s u a s i v e l y a r g u e d , t h a t t h e initial c a u s e o f S c o t l a n d ' s d i s a s t r o u s p e r f o r m a n c e l a y in t h e structure of the Edwardian e c o n o m y , with too large a proportion of her resources tied up in w h a t w e r e to b e c o m e irretrievably d e p r e s s e d s t a p l e i n d u s t r i e s , a n d t h a t ' t h e r e w a s little t h a t i n d i v i d u a l e n t r e p r e ­ n e u r s c o u l d h a v e d o n e to a m e l i o r a t e t h e effects o f t h e d e p r e s s e d i n t e r war market. T h e y w e r e o v e r w h e l m e d b y market forces b e y o n d their c a p a c i t y to c o n t r o l . '

1 6

Y e t it is a l s o t r u e t h a t in t h e l o n g e r r u n

the

' S c o t t i s h e c o n o m y h a s d r a m a t i c a l l y failed to c o m e t o t e r m s w i t h t h e economic world of the twentieth century'.

1 7

S u c h a failure w a s p a r t

a n d p a r c e l o f t h e g e n e r a l B r i t i s h failure, b u t it w a s m u c h m o r e a c u t e i n S c o t l a n d , a n d h a d p r o f o u n d s o c i a l a n d political effects, a s w e l l as t h e o b v i o u s e c o n o m i c o n e s . 15

Ibid ., pp. 53-6.

16

N. K. Buxton, 'Economic Growth in Scotland between the Wars: The Role of Produc­ tion, Structure and Rationalization', Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 33 (1980), pp. 538-55. S. B. Saul, 'The Shortcomings of Scottish Industry', Scottish Economic and Social History, 1 (1982), p. 76.

17

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222

T. C. S M O U T

O n e of these has b e e n to m a k e m a n y question the U n i o n relation­ ship. For a few, the w h o l e value of 'rule from L o n d o n ' has c o m e to b e doubted. For the majority (including, paradoxically, m o s t of t h o s e in t h e first c a t e g o r y ) , t h e f e e l i n g h a s b e e n t h a t S c o t l a n d , as a r e l a t i v e l y p o o r r e g i o n , h a s a r i g h t to d e m a n d m o r e f r o m c e n t r a l g o v e r n m e n t t h a n it e v e r r e c e i v e d in t h e p a s t : i n s o f a r as t h i s d e m a n d is c o n c e d e d , it m a k e s S c o t l a n d m o r e , a n d n o t l e s s , d e p e n d e n t

on

U n i o n t h a n e v e r it w a s i n t h e p a s t . I n a n y c a s e , t h e e a s y s e l f - c o n f i d e n c e of t h e n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y S c o t s as (in t h e i r o w n e y e s ) t h e m o s t d e s e r v i n g l y s u c c e s s f u l n a t i o n in B r i t a i n h a s b e e n r e p l a c e d b y a t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y i m a g e o f t h e S c o t s as w e l l b a l a n c e d , l i k e t h e A u s t r a l i a n s in the joke, b y a chip on each shoulder. Table 3.1 (cols. 5 - 8 ) s h o w s the c h a n g i n g structure of e m p l o y m e n t a n d total population in S c o t l a n d , 1 9 1 1 - 5 1 , with an additional c o l u m n for 1 9 7 1 t o b r i n g t h e s t o r y m o r e u p to d a t e . O v e r t h e s i x t y - y e a r p e r i o d , p o p u l a t i o n in S c o t l a n d g r e w b y a m e r e 1 0 p e r c e n t c o m p a r e d to a 3 2 p e r c e n t g r o w t h for t h e U K as a w h o l e . T h e r a t e o f p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e in S c o t l a n d w a s t h u s m u c h l e s s t h a n it h a d e v e r b e e n s i n c e t h e c o u n t r y s t a r t e d t o i n d u s t r i a l i s e , a n d in o n e d e c a d e , it w a s e v e n slightly negative: Scottish population d r o p p e d b e t w e e n 1921 a n d 1931 b y 4 0 , 0 0 0 . M i g r a t i o n t o m o r e p r o s p e r o u s r e g i o n s in E n g l a n d a n d abroad was the main cause: no less than 70 per cent of natural increase w a s lost in this w a y b e t w e e n 1911 a n d 1 9 5 1 .

1 8

T h e g r o w t h o f e m p l o y e d p o p u l a t i o n a c t u a l l y c e a s e d in S c o t l a n d after 1 9 3 1 , t h o u g h i n t h e U K a s a w h o l e it c o n t i n u e d to g r o w b y 17 p e r c e n t b e t w e e n t h a t d a t e a n d 1 9 5 1 . T h u s S c o t l a n d ' s p r o b l e m s w e r e c o m p o u n d e d b y a contracting workforce obliged to support an i n c r e a s i n g n u m b e r o f d e p e n d a n t s . T h i s i n t u r n w a s d u e m a i n l y to alterations in the age structure of the population, b e c a u s e m a n y y o u n g e a r n e r s left t h e c o u n t r y . It w a s a l s o a r e f l e c t i o n o f t h e fact t h a t r e l a t i v e l y f e w e r w o m e n o f w o r k i n g a g e f o l l o w e d gainful e m p l o y m e n t i n S c o t ­ l a n d t h a n in E n g l a n d , l a r g e l y b e c a u s e t h e c o n t i n u i n g d o m i n a n c e o f h e a v y i n d u s t r y a n d t h e d e c l i n e o f t e x t i l e s left f e w e r o p e n i n g s for t h e m u n t i l f u r t h e r c h a n g e s i n i n d u s t r i a l s t r u c t u r e after 1 9 5 0 . I n 1 9 1 1 t h e r e w e r e 2 . 5 m a l e j o b s i n S c o t l a n d for e v e r y f e m a l e j o b : t h e ratio w a s still a s h i g h as 2 . 3 i n 1 9 5 1 , b u t h a d a l t e r e d to 1.7 i n 1 9 7 1 - t h e last figure

w a s t h e m o s t f a v o u r a b l e for w o m e n s i n c e r e c o r d s b e g a n in

1841. 18

D . J . Robertson, 'Population Growth and Movement', in A. J. Cairncross, ed., The Scottish Economy (Cambridge, 1954), p. 13.

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223

T h e g e n e r a l t r e n d s in t h e s t r u c t u r e o f e m p l o y m e n t after 1 9 1 1 w e r e a c o m b i n a t i o n o f o l d a n d n e w . A s in t h e p r e v i o u s p e r i o d , a g r i c u l t u r e a n d textiles c o n t i n u e d t o s h e d l a b o u r , t h o u g h b o t h s e c t o r s w e r e still r e l a t i v e l y m o r e i m p o r t a n t in S c o t l a n d t h a n in E n g l a n d at t h e e n d o f t h e p e r i o d . T h e r e w a s a g a i n a lag o f t w o or t h r e e d e c a d e s b e t w e e n S c o t l a n d a n d t h e r e s t o f t h e U K in t h i s r e s p e c t , t h e

proportion

e m p l o y e d in a g r i c u l t u r e in S c o t l a n d in 1 9 5 1 b e i n g m u c h t h e s a m e as t h a t a c h i e v e d n a t i o n a l l y in 1 9 2 1 , a n d t h e p r o p o r t i o n e m p l o y e d in textiles in S c o t l a n d in 1 9 5 1 o n l y a little s m a l l e r t h a n t h a t a c h i e v e d n a t i o n a l l y in 1 9 3 1 . S i m i l a r l y in t h e s e r v i c e s e c t o r , t h o u g h t h e p r o p o r ­ t i o n t h u s e m p l o y e d c o n t i n u e d to i n c r e a s e significantly in S c o t l a n d as it h a d d o n e b e f o r e 1 9 1 1 , t h e figure r e a c h e d in 1 9 5 1 h a d b e e n a c h i e v e d in t h e U K as a w h o l e b y 1 9 2 1 .

1 9

O n the other hand

the

s t e a d y i n c r e a s e in t h e p r o p o r t i o n o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n e n g a g e d in h e a v y i n d u s t r y c a m e t o a h a l t in 1 9 1 1 , b u t o n l y v e r y g r a d u a l l y b e g a n to fall. T h e rise o f ' n e w ' i n d u s t r i e s ( c h e m i c a l s , i n s t r u m e n t a n d electrical e n g i n e e r i n g , v e h i c l e s ) w a s , h o w e v e r , e x t r e m e l y s l o w in S c o t l a n d : a g a i n , t h e U K as a w h o l e h a d a c h i e v e d t w e n t y y e a r s earlier t h e p r o p o r ­ t i o n r e a c h e d in S c o t l a n d b y 1 9 5 1 .

2 0

W h e n t h e s e figures are d i s a g g r e g a t e d to t h e S c o t t i s h r e g i o n a l l e v e l ( T a b l e s 3 . 2 a n d 3 . 3 , c o l s . 5 - 8 ) , a n i m m e d i a t e c o n t r a s t is e v i d e n t b e t w e e n t h e t h r e e r e g i o n s o f t h e c e n t r a l i n d u s t r i a l b e l t a n d t h e four o u t s i d e it. T h o s e in t h e c e n t r a l b e l t c o n t i n u e d to i n c r e a s e t h e i r s h a r e b o t h o f e m p l o y e d p o p u l a t i o n a n d o f total p o p u l a t i o n , w h i l e all t h e others declined on both counts. Indeed, n o w h e r e outside the central belt w e r e t h e n u m b e r s e i t h e r in e m p l o y e d p o p u l a t i o n or total p o p u l a ­ t i o n h i g h e r in 1 9 5 1 t h a n in 1 9 1 1 , t h o u g h o n l y in t h e H i g h l a n d s w a s t h e a b s o l u t e fall s u b s t a n t i a l . H e r e e m p l o y e d p o p u l a t i o n fell b y 3 0 p e r c e n t b u t total p o p u l a t i o n b y o n l y 1 8 p e r c e n t , i m p o s i n g a s p e c i a l b u r ­ den on the region. A t first s i g h t t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f d e c l i n e m a y s e e m s u r p r i s i n g , as t h e i n d u s t r i a l c e n t r a l b e l t w a s t h e h e a r t l a n d o f t h e coalfields, s h i p y a r d s and heavy engineering shops where depression, unemployment and failure o f i n t e r n a t i o n a l m a r k e t s w e r e m o s t n o t o r i o u s in t h e i n t e r w a r

19

20

In the UK as a whole the figures are as follows: in agriculture, 1921, 7.2 per cent; 1951, 5.1 per cent; in textiles, 1931, 5.9 per cent; 1951, 4.5 per cent; in services, 1921, 44.2 per cent; in 1951, 47 per cent. There are particular difficulties in calculating the service sector discussed in the notes to the tables. The UK figures for employment in 'new' industry were 4.9 per cent in 1931, 8.3 per cent in 1951.

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224

T.

c.

S M O U T

y e a r s . Y e t it is c l e a r t h a t t h e p r o p o r t i o n o f t h e e m p l o y e d p o p u l a t i o n e n g a g e d in m o s t o f t h e s e activities r e m a i n e d r e m a r k a b l y c o n s t a n t , p a r t l y b e c a u s e o f t h e practical difficulties for s k i l l e d a d u l t s like b l a s t furnacemen a n d boilermakers transferring to alternative jobs,

and

partly b e c a u s e the m a i n r e s p o n s e of Clydeside e m p l o y e r s w a s to h o l d on and h o p e that s o m e t h i n g w o u l d turn up in the e n d - w h i c h indeed it did, as a p a l l i a t i v e , in t h e s h a p e o f r e a r m a m e n t in t h e late 1 9 3 0 s . I n a d d i t i o n , i n s o f a r as t h e r e w a s a n y n e w i n d u s t r y in S c o t l a n d at all b e f o r e 1 9 5 1 it w a s c o n c e n t r a t e d (as t h e t a b l e s c l e a r l y s h o w ) i n t h e central belt, a n d these regions (especially Strathclyde a n d Lothian) w e r e also t h e m a i n s o u r c e o f s e r v i c e e m p l o y m e n t . P o s i t i v e s h e d d i n g of l a b o u r , in fact, t o o k p l a c e m o s t n o t a b l y n o t in t h e activities t h a t d o m i n a t e d t h e c e n t r a l b e l t ( a p a r t f r o m m i n i n g ) b u t in a g r i c u l t u r e in G r a m p i a n a n d t h e H i g h l a n d s , a n d in t e x t i l e s in t h e v e r y d e p r e s s e d jute industry of Tayside.

2 1

At the height of the depression there was

a v e r y c l e a r r u s h o u t o f t h e r u r a l n o r t h . T h u s in t e n y e a r s after 1 9 2 1 S h e t l a n d lost n o l e s s t h a n 17 p e r c e n t o f its p o p u l a t i o n , R o s s a n d C r o m a r t y 1 2 p e r c e n t a n d C a i t h n e s s 1 1 . 5 p e r c e n t ; b u t t h e four l a r g e s t cities in t h e s a m e d e c a d e i n c r e a s e d t h e i r a g g r e g a t e p o p u l a t i o n b y 4 p e r c e n t . ' L o v e o n t h e d o l e ' in t h e t o w n s w a s a l e s s e r evil t h a n t h e ' i d i o c y o f rural l i f e ' . T h i s p r o c e s s left S c o t l a n d in 1 9 5 1 w i t h 7 4 . 4 p e r c e n t o f its e m p l o y e d p o p u l a t i o n , a n d 7 3 . 5 p e r c e n t o f its total p o p u l a t i o n , in t h e t h r e e regions of the central belt, c o m p a r e d to 5 7 . 9 per cent a n d 5 6 . 1 per c e n t r e s p e c t i v e l y a c e n t u r y earlier. A s a l o n g - t e r m c h a n g e t h i s h a d all sorts o f i m p l i c a t i o n s . J u s t as S c o t l a n d as a w h o l e w a s l o s i n g h e r self-confidence a n d s e n s e o f e n t i r e t y w i t h t h e a c c e l e r a t e d d r a i n o f p o p u l a t i o n a n d p r o s p e r i t y to t h e s o u t h o f E n g l a n d , s o t h e p e r i p h e r a l a r e a s o f S c o t l a n d , left w i t h a n a g e i n g a n d i n d e p e n d e n t

population,

r e s e n t e d t h e d r a i n o f t h e i r life b l o o d t o G l a s g o w a n d E d i n b u r g h . A fear o f t h e ' d o m i n a n c e ' o f S t r a t h c l y d e in n a t i o n a l a n d l o c a l politics b e c a m e , for t h e o u t l y i n g c o u n t i e s at l e a s t , as real as a fear o f t h e ' d o m i n a n c e ' of L o n d o n . T h e a l t e r e d relative p r o s p e r i t y o f S c o t l a n d w i t h i n t h e U n i t e d K i n g ­ d o m w a s clearly s h o w n i n t h e statistics o f u n e m p l o y m e n t . A s e a r l y as 1 9 2 3 u n e m p l o y m e n t in S c o t l a n d s t o o d at 1 4 . 3 p e r c e n t c o m p a r e d

21

The labour force in Scotland, 1911-51, fell in agriculture from 219,000 to 162,000 (29 per cent); in textiles from 172,000 to 118,000 (33 per cent); in mining from 156,000 to 99,000 (36.5 per cent).

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Scotland 1850-1950 T a b l e 3 . 4 Percentage of Scottish insured population unemployed, In United Kingdom In NE England 1927 1928 1929 1930 1931 1932 1933 1934 1935 1936 1937 1938 1939

9.7 10.8 10.4 16.1 21.3 22.1 19.9 16.7 15.5 13.1 10.8 12.9 10.5

13.7 15.1 13.7 20.2 27.4 28.5 26.0 22.1 20.7 16.8 11.0 13.5 10.1

225 1927-39

In Scotland 10.6 11.7 12.1 18.5 26.6 27.7 26.1 23.1 21.3 18.7 15.9 16.3 13.5

Source: Ministry of Labour Gazette.

t o 1 1 . 6 p e r c e n t i n t h e U K as a w h o l e , a n d at t h e b o t t o m o f t h e s l u m p , 1 9 3 1 - 3 , m o r e t h a n a q u a r t e r o f t h e w o r k f o r c e in S c o t l a n d w a s o u t of a j o b , c o m p a r e d t o a little o v e r a fifth in t h e U K . U p t o t h i s p o i n t , h o w e v e r , it is p o s s i b l e t o a r g u e t h a t S c o t l a n d w a s n o t b a d l y off c o m ­ p a r e d t o o t h e r r e g i o n s w i t h a s i m i l a r d e p e n d e n c e o n t h e traditional staples. A s Table 3.4 s h o w s , until 1933 the nearest

neighbouring

region, north-east England had consistently higher unemployment.

2 2

After t h a t d a t e , h o w e v e r , t h o u g h S c o t l a n d a p p r o x i m a t e l y h a l v e d h e r u n e m p l o y m e n t rate u n d e r the pressure of r e a r m a m e n t to 13.5 per cent b y 1939, her relative position w o r s e n e d . In Scotland b e t w e e n 1927 and 1929, u n e m p l o y m e n t h a d b e e n only about a tenth higher t h a n t h e U K a v e r a g e : b e t w e e n 1 9 3 7 a n d 1 9 3 9 it w a s a t h i r d h i g h e r . S h e failed in p a r t i c u l a r t o m a i n t a i n h e r p o s i t i o n c o m p a r e d t o t h e n o r t h ­ e a s t , w h e r e u n e m p l o y m e n t b y 1 9 3 9 h a d a c t u a l l y fallen b e l o w t h e national average. This suggests that there w e r e particularly serious i n b u i l t rigidities in t h e S c o t t i s h e c o n o m y : a n d t h a t s e e m e d to b e c o n f i r m e d a g a i n after t h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r w h e n

unemployment

n o r t h o f t h e b o r d e r , t h o u g h t e m p o r a r i l y w i p e d o u t as a s e r i o u s social

22

Wales was very much worse off, with an unemployment rate in excess of 20 per cent for a whole decade after 1928, rising to almost a third in 1931-3: her position vis-a-vis Scotland had scarcely changed by 1939.

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p r o b l e m , a n d s t a n d i n g in S c o t l a n d at a m e r e 2 . 9 p e r c e n t , w a s n e v e r ­ theless twice the U K average. W h a t k i n d o f a living did t h i s u n f a m i l i a r , d e p r e s s e d S c o t l a n d p r o ­ v i d e for its i n h a b i t a n t s after 1 9 1 8 ? T h e r e w a s c e r t a i n l y s l i p p a g e in S c o t l a n d ' s s h a r e o f U K n a t i o n a l i n c o m e . W e h a v e s u g g e s t e d t h a t in t h e first d e c a d e o f t h e c e n t u r y S c o t l a n d p r o b a b l y e a r n e d at l e a s t 9 5 p e r c e n t o f t h e B r i t i s h a v e r a g e . A . D . C a m p b e l l ' s c a l c u l a t i o n s are avail­ a b l e f r o m 1 9 2 4 , a n d s u g g e s t a figure for t h e p e r i o d to 1 9 5 0 a v e r a g i n g at b e s t a r o u n d 9 2 p e r c e n t o f t h e B r i t i s h e q u i v a l e n t , a n d d r o p p i n g to as l o w as 8 7 p e r c e n t in 1 9 3 1 - 3 .

2 3

H e attributed the low share

of S c o t l a n d after 1 9 4 5 to t h e inferior l e v e l o f e a r n i n g s , t h e h i g h e r rate o f u n e m p l o y m e n t a n d t h e s m a l l e r p r o p o r t i o n of i n c o m e e a r n e r s in t h e total p o p u l a t i o n : ' t h e d e f i c i e n c y d u e to t h e l o w l e v e l of w a g e earnings w a s m o r e t h a n twice the size of the deficiency c a u s e d b y t h e h i g h e r rate o f e m p l o y m e n t a n d b e t w e e n o n e a n d t w o t i m e s g r e a t e r t h a n t h e d e f i c i e n c y d u e to t h e r e l a t i v e l y l o w p r o p o r t i o n o f w a g e earners'.

2 4

In the interwar years, of course, the contribution of u n e m ­

p l o y m e n t w o u l d h a v e b e e n relatively greater, but that of the b u r d e n of u n e a r n i n g d e p e n d a n t s l e s s . C a m p b e l l f o u n d t h e l o w e r l e v e l o f e a r n i n g s to b e c o m m o n b o t h to salaries a n d w a g e s , b u t it w a s e s p e c i a l l y m a r k e d i n s a l a r i e s . T h i s w a s p a r t l y b e c a u s e o f t h e g r o w t h i n e x t e r n a l c o n t r o l of b u s i n e s s b y c o m p a n i e s o p e r a t i n g f r o m E n g l a n d (or e v e n f r o m a b r o a d after 1 9 4 5 ) , w h i c h h a d t e n d e d to concentrate the best-paid top jobs and

most

e n t e r p r i s i n g m i d d l e m a n a g e r s in t h e s o u t h , t h u s d e p r e s s i n g t h e a v e r ­ a g e salary l e v e l .

25

T h e l o w e r l e v e l of w a g e e a r n i n g s c o u l d n o t , b y

1 9 5 0 , b e a t t r i b u t e d to l o w e r w a g e r a t e s in S c o t l a n d , as it c o u l d a h u n d r e d years before: trade-union strength from 1914 onwards has r e s u l t e d i n p r o g r e s s i v e e r o s i o n o f differentials b o t h b e t w e e n S c o t l a n d a n d E n g l a n d a n d b e t w e e n different cities a n d r e g i o n s w i t h i n S c o t ­ land.

2 6

R a t h e r it w a s d u e to a h i g h p r o p o r t i o n o f S c o t t i s h w o r k e r s

concentrating in w h a t w e r e b e c o m i n g , b y 1950, low-pay a n d lowproductivity 23

24 25 26

sections of industries,

like D u n d e e

jute and

Border

A. D. Campbell, 'Income', in Cairncross, ed., Scottish Economy, pp. 46-64, contains slightly lower 'preliminary estimates', suggesting an average of around 90 per cent. The estimates quoted here are from his article 'Changes in Scottish Incomes, 19241949', Economic Journal, 65 (1955), pp. 225-40; but in fact the lower figure corresponds best with Gavin McCrone's findings for personal income per head in 1949-51, Regional Policy in Britain (1969), p. 163. Campbell, 'Income', p. 56. See J. Scott and M. Hughes, The Anatomy of Scottish Capital (1980). D. J. Robertson, 'Wages', in Cairncross, ed., Scottish Economy, pp. 149-69.

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227

hosiery a m o n g textiles, a n d h e a v y rather that light engineering on Clydeside. T h e relative fortunes of salaries a n d i n c o m e s - a n d b y implication 2 7

Between

1 9 2 4 a n d 1 9 2 9 t h e total o f S c o t t i s h w a g e i n c o m e r e m a i n e d

stagnant

those of the middle and working classes - also varied.

b u t t h e total o f s a l a r y i n c o m e r o s e b y 1 0 p e r c e n t . B o t h t h e n d r o p p e d to 1933, but t h e n increased in m o n e y terms to 1949, b y about t w o a n d a h a l f t i m e s , total w a g e i n c o m e a c t u a l l y g r o w i n g a b o u t a fifth m o r e t h a n total s a l a r y i n c o m e .

2 8

It w a s , h o w e v e r , v e r y e a s y i n t h e s e y e a r s , a s s i n c e , t o b e o v e r impressed b y tartan Jeremiahs of press and hustings w h o b e m o a n e d t h e failure o f S c o t l a n d t o ' k e e p u p w i t h E n g l i s h p r o s p e r i t y ' - b y w h i c h they usually m e a n t the prosperity of the English south-east. In real terms

Scottish incomes rose by about

20 per

cent e v e n in

the

depression years 1924-37, and by about 40 per cent over the whole period 1929-50 - making possible a very substantial

improvement

i n t h e g e n e r a l s t a n d a r d o f l i v i n g . B y 1 9 5 0 , t h o u g h it w a s u n d e n i a b l e t h a t S c o t t i s h p e r s o n a l i n c o m e s w e r e fully 1 0 p e r c e n t b e l o w t h o s e of t h e U K a s a w h o l e , t h e y w e r e a c t u a l l y n o w o r s e t h a n t h o s e i n the north of E n g l a n d , a n d a g o o d deal better t h a n t h o s e in W a l e s or south-west E n g l a n d : t h e y w e r e a third above t h o s e of N o r t h e r n Ireland.

29

It is e a s y t o h a v e s o m e s y m p a t h y w i t h t h o s e civil s e r v a n t s

w h o m a i n t a i n e d t h a t w h a t t h e S c o t s h a d b e c o m e m o s t s k i l l e d at m a n u ­ f a c t u r i n g s i n c e t h e First W o r l d W a r w a s a s t r e a m o f c o m p l a i n t s . W h e t h e r these appeared justified d e p e n d e d largely o n w h e t h e r y o u w e r e sitting c o m f o r t a b l y at W e s t m i n s t e r o r o n a s l i g h t l y h a r d e r s e a t i n S c o t l a n d . B u t e v e r y o n e w a s b e t t e r off t h a n h a d b e e n d r e a m t p o s s i b l e in 1850, or e v e n t h o u g h t likely in 1900.

27

28

29

Campbell, 'Changes in Scottish Incomes', p. 226. In an intriguing article, 'An Index of the Poor and Rich in Scotland, 1861-1961', Scottish Journal of Political Economy, 18 (1971), pp. 49-67, Lee Solow argues that evidence from housing (the number of rooms occupied by each family) indicates that relative inequality decreased only by 5 - 1 0 per cent from 1861 to 1901, but has accelerated until 'today's inequality is but half that of a century ago'. The point is interesting, but as council house building policy has become the main determinant of house size in Scotland by the middle of the twentieth century it would be hard to accept this as any measure of the inequality of wealth distribution. McCrone, Regional Policy, p. 163, gives the following estimates of personal income per head in the British regions outside the south-east in 1949-50, as percentages of the UK average: Scotland and northern England, 90 per cent; north-west England, 100 per cent; Wales, 81 per cent; south-west England, 82 per cent; Northern Ireland, 58 per cent.

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II T h e m a j o r f e a t u r e o f S c o t t i s h political life in t h e first h a l f o f t h e c e n t u r y after 1 8 5 0 w a s t h e l o y a l t y o f t h e v o t e r to t h e G r e a t L i b e r a l P a r t y . It w a s as m u c h a s o c i o l o g i c a l a s a political p h e n o m e n o n .

3 0

Liberalism

in S c o t l a n d , e v e n m o r e o b v i o u s l y t h a n in E n g l a n d , w a s a c o a l i t i o n of g r o u p s w h o o f t e n h a d m a n i f e s t l y o p p o s i n g i n t e r e s t s , a n d o c c a s i o n ­ ally o p p o s e d e a c h o t h e r at t h e p o l l s , e s p e c i a l l y w h e r e t h e r i s k o f a T o r y t a k i n g t h e s e a t w a s s m a l l . T h e social a p e x o f t h e L i b e r a l s w a s f o r m e d b y t h e W h i g s , h e r o e s of 1 8 3 2 , a r i s t o c r a t s a n d

gentlemen,

s t r o n g l y r e p r e s e n t e d i n t h e l e g a l p r o f e s s i o n : in fact, in s o c i a l t e r m s t h e y w e r e n o t o b v i o u s l y different f r o m t h e b a c k b o n e o f S c o t t i s h T o r y support. T h e W h i g s instinctively believed that the extension of the f r a n c h i s e h a d a l w a y s g o n e far e n o u g h ; t h e y d e p l o r e d i d e a s o n l i c e n s ­ ing reform; they were against meddling with the church. A s time p a s s e d t h e i r i n f l u e n c e d e c l i n e d , b u t for m a n y y e a r s t h e y w e r e in g r e a t d e m a n d as c a n d i d a t e s for c o n s t i t u e n c i e s w h e r e t h e i r t y p e o f L i b e r a l w a s h e a v i l y o u t n u m b e r e d : G l a s g o w , for e x a m p l e , t h e l a r g e s t a n d m o s t l o y a l L i b e r a l c o n u r b a t i o n in B r i t a i n , l o n g p r e f e r r e d g e n t l e m e n

and

o r a t o r s to b e t h e i r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . A n y o n e t o o o b v i o u s l y p r o v i n c i a l in s p e e c h or o u t l o o k w o u l d h a v e e m b a r r a s s e d t h e m . The

m i d d l e - c l a s s radical L i b e r a l s w e r e e p i t o m i s e d b y t h e i r dis­

t i n g u i s h e d l e a d e r D u n c a n M c L a r e n ( M P for E d i n b u r g h a n d b r o t h e r - i n l a w of J o h n B r i g h t ) , s e l f - m a d e m a n , d i s s e n t e r , t e m p e r a n c e r e f o r m e r , w h o h a d c o m e u p t h e h a r d w a y t h r o u g h m u n i c i p a l politics a n d m a d e a r e p u t a t i o n first as L o r d P r o v o s t . T h e m i d d l e - c l a s s r a d i c a l s w e r e c h a r ­ acteristically s m a l l b u s i n e s s m e n a n d free c h u r c h m e n ; a n d it w a s a d i s t i n c t a d v a n t a g e to t h e L i b e r a l p a r t y t h a t after t h e D i s r u p t i o n o f 1 8 4 3 a m i n o r i t y o f t h e P r o t e s t a n t p o p u l a t i o n c l a i m e d a l l e g i a n c e to t h e o l d C h u r c h o f S c o t l a n d . T h e political d i v i d e in S c o t l a n d o f t e n split e x a c t l y o n t h e l i n e o f c h u r c h a l l e g i a n c e : in t h e e l e c t i o n o f 1 8 6 8 , 1,221 C h u r c h o f S c o t l a n d c l e r g y o u t o f 1,288 v o t e d C o n s e r v a t i v e , 1,468 d i s s e n t i n g P r e s b y t e r i a n c l e r g y o u t o f 1,536 v o t e d L i b e r a l .

31

T h e radi­

cals w e r e a n x i o u s ( f e r o c i o u s l y a n x i o u s after 1 8 7 6 ) t o d i s e s t a b l i s h t h e Church

30

31

o f S c o t l a n d , to G l a d s t o n e ' s c o n s i d e r a b l e

embarrassment.

The following three paragraphs owe much to I. G. C. Hutchison, 'Politics and Society in Mid-Victorian Glasgow 1846-1886' (unpublished PhD thesis, Edinburgh University, 1974), now incorporated in his recent book, A Political History of Scotland, 1832-1924: Parties, Elections and Issues (Edinbugh, 1985). A. J. Drummond and J. Bulloch, The Church in Late Victorian Scotland, 1874-1900, (Edinburgh, 1978), p. 90.

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T h e y w i s h e d for a n t i - d r i n k l e g i s l a t i o n , h o l d i n g t h a t m o s t p o v e r t y w a s c a u s e d b y i n t e m p e r a n c e . O n t h e o t h e r h a n d t h e y c o n s i d e r e d t h e fac­ t o r y acts u n n e c e s s a r y , a n d t h e i d e a o f a l l o w i n g t r a d e u n i o n s to p i c k e t , a b s u r d . T h e y also d e p l o r e d t h e i d e a o f n o n - s e c t a r i a n B o a r d - s c h o o l education which both the W h i g s and the working-class Liberals were keen on. T h e w o r k i n g - c l a s s L i b e r a l s , t h e ' L i b - L a b s ' , w e r e t h e t h i r d m a i n fac­ tion, without

a vote before 1868, though

certainly not

without

i n f l u e n c e . T h e i r c a n d i d a t e s in S c o t l a n d s e l d o m r e a c h e d t h e ticket in n a t i o n a l e l e c t i o n s a n d n o t often in local e l e c t i o n s , b u t t h e L i b - L a b s w e r e t h e d o m i n a n t force in t h e t r a d e s c o u n c i l s . T h e politically active fractions o f t h e w o r k i n g class w e r e t h e skilled m e n , s t u b b o r n

in

d e f e n c e o f t r a d e s - u n i o n r i g h t s a n d r e a d y to p r e s s for e x t e n s i o n s of t h e m i n e s a n d factories acts or w o r k m e n ' s c o m p e n s a t i o n l e g i s l a t i o n , urging extensions of the franchise and supporting the W h i g s over e d u c a t i o n . T h o u g h often i n d i v i d u a l l y s t r o n g b e l i e v e r s in t h e t e m p e r ­ a n c e m o v e m e n t , t h e y w e r e ' m o r a l s u a s i o n i s t s ' , a n x i o u s to r e f o r m b y example and persuasion rather than b y legislation. T h e y were, on t h e o t h e r h a n d , allies of t h e m i d d l e - c l a s s radicals in efforts to k e e p d o w n the poor rates, believing n o less fervently than M c L a r e n that a m a n s h o u l d t a k e c a r e o f h i s o w n social s e c u r i t y b y t h e s y s t e m a t i c p r a c t i c e of thrift. T h e u n s k i l l e d Irish v o t e r , w h o s e e a r n i n g s w e r e s o l o w or irregular t h a t thrift w a s irrelevant, w e r e also n o r m a l l y L i b e r a l s , l a b o u r i n g u n d e r t h e b e l i e f t h a t G l a d s t o n e w a s a b o u t to g r a n t I r e l a n d h o m e r u l e . T h o u g h h e a v i l y d i s c r i m i n a t e d a g a i n s t in t h e e l e c t o r a l s y s ­ t e m ( t h e s i m p l e rule in t h e S e c o n d R e f o r m A c t t h a t a h o u s e h o l d e r c o u l d n o t e x e r c i s e h i s v o t e u n l e s s h e h a d a l r e a d y p a i d his r a t e s r e g u ­ larly d i s e n f r a n c h i s e d t w o - t h i r d s o f t h e Irish h o u s e h o l d e r s in G l a s g o w ) t h e Irish w e r e n o t e n t i r e l y w i t h o u t m u s c l e . In 1 8 7 4 , a y e a r w h e n o t h e r w o r k i n g - c l a s s L i b e r a l s w e r e d i s i l l u s i o n e d w i t h t h e i r p a r t y o v e r its r e l u c t a n c e to l e g a l i s e p i c k e t i n g , t h e G l a s g o w Irish d e c i s i o n to v o t e T o r y as a p r o t e s t a g a i n s t L i b e r a l c o e r c i o n o v e r t h e w a t e r r e s u l t e d in v i c t o r y for a s i n g l e C o n s e r v a t i v e , t h e i r o n l y g a i n in t h a t city b e t w e e n 1832 and 1886. I n t h e s e c i r c u m s t a n c e s it is e a s y to s e e w h a t o c c a s i o n a l l y t o r e L i b e r a l s apart, b u t m o r e difficult to identify w h a t (apart f r o m r e l i g i o n ) h e l d t h e m t o g e t h e r b e h i n d t h e b a n n e r s o f free t r a d e a n d r e f o r m . T h e r e w e r e p e r h a p s t h r e e m a i n e l e m e n t s . T h e first w a s r e f e r e n c e to a c o m ­ m o n ideology of 'standing on your o w n two feet' which the lawyer, the big employer, the self-made shopkeeper and the respectable

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T. C. S M O U T

w o r k i n g m a n c o u l d all a d m i r e . J o h n V i n c e n t w r i t e s p r i m a r i l y w i t h r e f e r e n c e to E n g l a n d , b u t h i s d e s c r i p t i o n o f L i b e r a l i d e o l o g y a p p l i e s w i t h e q u a l f o r c e t o a S c o t l a n d w h e r e t h r i f t i n e s s w a s n e x t to G o d l i n e s s : For the nineteenth century man, the mark or note of being human was that he should provide for his own family, have his own religion and politics and call no man his master. It is as a mode of entry into this full humanity that the Gladstonian Liberal Party most claims our r e s p e c t . . . the great moral idea of Liberalism was manliness, the rejection of the various forms of patro­ nage, from soup and blankets upwards, which had formerly been the normal part of the greatest number. 32

It w a s G l a d s t o n e ' s g r e a t gift, o r trick, t o a p p e a r to e m b o d y t h e s e i m p a l p a b l e y e t vital ' p r i n c i p l e s o f r i g h t ' . T h e second b o n d was nationalism. T a m a Liberal because I a m a S c o t c h m a n ' exclaimed Taylor Innes in 1887, s u m m i n g up the senti­ m e n t of m a n y of his fellow party loyalists.

33

T h e identification of

the Conservatives with imperialism, the C h u r c h of E n g l a n d and state i n t e r f e r e n c e i n e c c l e s i a s t i c a l affairs i n S c o t l a n d b e f o r e t h e D i s r u p t i o n , a n d t h e o p p o s i t e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f t h e L i b e r a l s w i t h s y m p a t h y for n a t i o ­ nalist m o v e m e n t s i n E u r o p e , for a m e a s u r e o f h o m e r u l e for I r e l a n d a n d g r e a t e r r e s p e c t for t h e t r a d i t i o n s o f t h e p r o v i n c e s , t e n d e d t o l i n e u p S c o t t i s h i d e n t i t y w i t h L i b e r a l i s m ; i n fact, G l a d s t o n e w a s a s s l o w as D i s r a e l i o r a n y o t h e r n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y P r i m e M i n i s t e r i n r e c o g n i s ­ i n g t h a t S c o t l a n d m i g h t h a v e s p e c i a l l e g i s l a t i v e n e e d s d u e t o its h e r i t a g e o f different l a w a n d t r a d i t i o n . S c o t t i s h n a t i o n a l i s m i n t h e n i n e t e e n t h century w a s a mild p h e n o m e n o n in the s e n s e that few wanted

home

rule,

or w a n t e d

it f e r v e n t l y ,

but

it

nevertheless

expressed a powerful ethnic consciousness, hostile towards those w h o in m a t t e r s g r e a t a n d s m a l l u n t h i n k i n g l y r e g a r d e d S c o t l a n d as p a r t of E n g l a n d . It w a s t h i s s e n t i m e n t t h e L i b e r a l s s o effectively h a r n e s s e d , a n d s u c c e s s b r e d s u c c e s s : t h e m o r e t h e L i b e r a l s s w e p t t h e b o a r d in Scotland, the m o r e they w e r e regarded as the 'natural' Scottish party. T h e third and m o s t interesting b o n d a m o n g the Liberals was class c o n s c i o u s n e s s , s u r p r i s i n g for a p a r t y t h a t p r o c l a i m e d t h e b r o t h e r h o o d of m a n , b u t p e r h a p s n o t m o r e s u r p r i s i n g t h a n t h e s a m e j u x t a p o s i t i o n a m o n g s o c i a l i s t s , t h o u g h t h e y d e f i n e d t e r m s in a different w a y . T h e 32

33

J. R. Vincent, The Formation of the Liberal Party, 1857-68 (1966), pp. xiii, xiv. This passage is quoted in Joan M. Smith, 'Commonsense Thought and Working Class Consciousness: Some Aspects of the Glasgow and Liverpool Labour Movements in the Early Years of the Twentieth Century' (unpublished PhD thesis, Edinburgh University, 1981), p. 96.1 am deeply indebted to this work for much of the illustration in the next few pages. H. J. Hanham, The Scottish Political Tradition (Edinburgh, 1964), p. 23.

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L i b e r a l s s o m e t i m e s l i k e d t o e x p r e s s it as ' t h e c l a s s v e r s u s t h e m a s s e s ' m e a n i n g b y 'the class' the b o d y of privileged l a n d o w n e r s a n d their t o a d i e s a n d b y ' t h e m a s s e s ' e v e r y b o d y e l s e - t h e p e o p l e . T h i s is h o w G l a d s t o n e p u t it i n a s p e e c h i n G l a s g o w : You are opposed throughout the country by a compact army, and that army is the case of the class against the masses . . . and what I observe is this, when a profession is highly privileged, when a privilege is publicly endowed, it is in these cases you will hnd that almost the whole of the class and the professions are against u s . 34

It w a s a f o r m u l a t h a t c o u l d p o w e r f u l l y u n i t e t h e m i d d l e - c l a s s r a d i c a l s w i t h t h e w o r k i n g - c l a s s L i b e r a l s in a c o m m o n h a t r e d , t h o u g h it ulti­ m a t e l y a l i e n a t e d m o s t o f t h e W h i g s . It w a s c o n f i r m e d a n d i n f l a m e d e v e r y t i m e a l a n d l o r d d e n i e d t h e F r e e K i r k g r o u n d for a c h u r c h , a n d e v e r y t i m e e v i c t i o n s s w e p t m e n f r o m t h e g l e n s t o t h e t o w n s . It also covered a multitude of shortcomings in the e c o n o m i c system. In 1884 t h e G l a s g o w T r a d e s C o u n c i l c i r c u l a r i s e d all k n o w n t r a d e s c o u n c i l s i n t h e B r i t i s h I s l e s for t h e i r o p i n i o n s o n t h e c a u s e s o f t h e d e p r e s s i o n of 1 8 7 9 : t h e u n a n i m o u s r e s p o n s e w a s t h a t t h e ' l a n d l a w s ' , t h e s p e c i a l privileges of the landed aristocracy, were responsible - though

the

G l a s g o w C o u n c i l itself a s t u t e l y o b s e r v e d t h a t t h a t c o u l d h a r d l y b e t h e w h o l e e x p l a n a t i o n , as t h e d e p r e s s i o n h a d a l s o i n v o l v e d t h e U S A which had no land laws.

3 5

T h e great reform processions of the trades in Edinburgh and Glas­ g o w , especially those of 1866 and 1884 o n the eve of the S e c o n d and T h i r d R e f o r m Bills, w e r e m a r v e l l o u s v i s u a l d e m o n s t r a t i o n s o f t h e c h a r ­ a c t e r o f p r o l e t a r i a n L i b e r a l i s m . T h e y at o n c e e n c a p s u l a t e d c l a s s h o s ­ tility a g a i n s t t h e l a n d l o r d s , a n d w e r e e x p r e s s i o n s o f craft p r i d e a n d a s e n s e of b e l o n g i n g to a c o h e r e n t tradition of reforming zeal that s t r e t c h e d b a c k at l e a s t a c e n t u r y . T h e G l a s g o w d e m o n s t r a t i o n o f 1 8 8 4 , i n t e n d e d to put pressure o n an obstructive T o r y H o u s e of Lords, i n v o l v e d 6 4 , 0 0 0 in t h e p r o c e s s i o n a n d a n o t h e r 2 0 0 , 0 0 0 g a t h e r i n g t o greet t h e m on G l a s g o w G r e e n . T h e y carried countless pictures of G l a d s t o n e a n d m a n y o f B r i g h t , a flag f r o m 1 7 7 4 , b a n n e r s f r o m 1 8 3 2 and from Chartist days, and models and mottoes old and n e w . T h e F r e n c h p o l i s h e r s , for e x a m p l e , c a r r i e d a m i n i a t u r e w a r d r o b e first b o r n e in 1 8 3 2 , a n d a flag w i t h a m o t t o ' T h e F r e n c h p o l i s h e r s will p o l i s h off t h e L o r d s a n d m a k e t h e c a b i n e t s h i n e ' . T h e u p h o l s t e r e r s h a d a sofa first c a r r i e d in 1 8 3 2 , t h e p o t t e r s a m o d e l k i l n w i t h t h e w o r d s 34

Quoted in Smith, 'Commonsense Thought', p. 98.

35

Ibid., pp. 105-6.

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232

T. c.

SMOUT

' w e ' l l fire t h e m u p ' , t h e s a w y e r s a b a n n e r w i t h t h e d e v i c e o f t w o circular s a w s a n d t h e w o r d s ' T h e c r o o k e d L o r d s - w e ' l l c u t t h e m straight'.

T h e executive of the Scottish L a n d Restoration

League

p a s s e d w i t h t h e m o t t o ' G o d g a v e t h e l a n d to t h e p e o p l e , L o r d s t o o k the land from the p e o p l e ' . T h e e m p l o y e e s of Charles T e n n a n t carried a d o z e n flags a n d b a n n e r s , w i t h a m o d e l o f a c o o p e r at w o r k

made

in 1754 a n d b o r n e in the demonstrations of 1832, 1866 a n d 1 8 8 3 . T h e f l e s h e r s s i m p l y l e d a n o x w i t h a p l a c a r d r o u n d its n e c k , ' t h e H o u s e of L o r d s ' . T h e b a s i c m e s s a g e w a s c l e a r - t h e ' c l a s s ' o b s t r u c t e d r e f o r m , the ' m a s s e s ' are here to d e m a n d it. I n fact t h e

demonstration

36

of 1884 represented

almost the

last

o c c a s i o n at w h i c h it w o u l d h a v e b e e n p o s s i b l e t o rally s u c h a s t r o n g , a l m o s t u n a n i m o u s s h o w o f w o r k i n g - c l a s s s u p p o r t for L i b e r a l i s m . T h e Gladstonian party w a s challenged in 1886 o n the right b y the Liberal U n i o n i s t s o v e r t h e Irish q u e s t i o n , a n d o n t h e left b y t h e C r o f t e r s ' p a r t y , a n d , t w o y e a r s later, b y K e i r H a r d i e in t h e M i d l a n a r k e l e c t i o n w h i c h l e d directly to t h e f o r m a t i o n o f t h e S c o t t i s h L a b o u r p a r t y a n d t h e n in 1 8 9 3 to t h e f o u n d a t i o n i n B r a d f o r d o f t h e I L P . T h e L i b e r a l Unionists attracted m a n y w h o h a d h a d increasing doubts not only over Ireland but over excessive democratic tendencies and sectarian e n t h u s i a s m for d i s e s t a b l i s h m e n t . T h e y d i d n o t d o a s w e l l in S c o t l a n d as in E n g l a n d , b u t t h e y h e l p e d t o g i v e t h e T o r i e s t h e i r first n a t i o n a l e l e c t o r a l v i c t o r y in 1 9 0 0 , a n d in d o i n g s o s h o o k t h e i m a g e o f S c o t l a n d as a o n e - p a r t y s t a t e . F o r t h e first t i m e s u b s t a n t i a l n u m b e r s o f b u s i n e s s ­ m e n w e r e v o t i n g a g a i n s t t h e L i b e r a l p a r t y , a n d in 1 9 1 2 t h e L i b e r a l U n i o n i s t s f o r m a l l y m e r g e d w i t h t h e C o n s e r v a t i v e s to f o r m a S c o t t i s h Unionist party. O f t h e c h a l l e n g e s o n t h e left, t h a t f r o m a g r a r i a n r a d i c a l i s m

had

s o m e m o r e i m m e d i a t e s u c c e s s b u t w a s far l e s s s e r i o u s t h a n t h e socialist c h a l l e n g e i n t h e l o n g r u n . F o u r h i g h l a n d s e a t s fell to t h e C r o f t e r s ' p a r t y i n 1 8 8 6 : t h e p a r t y o r i g i n a t e d f r o m t h e c a m p a i g n to force c o n ­ cessions over land legislation from the Liberals, and has s o m e claim to b e c o n s i d e r e d t h e first m a s s w o r k i n g - c l a s s p a r t y in G r e a t B r i t a i n . B u t t h e C r o f t e r s ' p a r t y did n o t last b e y o n d t h e 1 8 9 0 s - t h e H i g h l a n d e r s s t a r t e d to v o t e L i b e r a l w h e n it b e c a m e c l e a r t h e W h i g

landowners

were turning Tory. T h e challenge of urban socialism was another matter. Keir Hardie h a d little s u c c e s s i n 1 8 8 8 a n d t h e r e w e r e n o L a b o u r M P s u n t i l t w o 36

Ibid., pp. 188ff.

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w e r e r e t u r n e d i n 1 9 0 6 . B u t t h e i r r e l a t i v e e l e c t o r a l failure b e l i e d t h e public excitement the socialists created from the 1890s

onwards.

C h u r c h e s , m u n i c i p a l a u t h o r i t i e s a n d t h e political p a r t i e s all in different w a y s t r i e d to m a k e a fitting r e s p o n s e to t h e allure o f t h e left, t h e c h u r c h e s b y p a r a d i n g for t h e first t i m e a n a c t i v e s o c i a l c o n s c i e n c e , a n d t o w n c o u n c i l s b y e m p h a s i s i n g t h e i r s c h e m e s for m u n i c i p a l i s a t i o n ( a n d c a l l i n g forth a r a t e p a y e r s ' b a c k l a s h ) , t h e political p a r t i e s b y s c h e m e s for w e l f a r e l e g i s l a t i o n . B y t h e e a r l y t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y t h e ILP h a d m a d e considerable inroads into G l a s g o w municipal politics, a n d h a d n i n e t e e n m e m b e r s o n t h e t o w n c o u n c i l at t h e o u t b r e a k o f war. T h e s u c c e s s o f t h e socialist m o v e m e n t c a n b e e x p l a i n e d p a r t l y in terms of the d y n a m i s m and talent of the y o u n g leadership w h o had t h e w o r l d at t h e i r feet - R . E . M u i r h e a d , T o m J o h n s t o n , J o h n M a c l e a n , James Connolly and J o h n Wheatley m a d e the Scottish Liberal leaders of t h e i r g e n e r a t i o n l o o k g r e y o l d b o r e s . S o c i a l i s m c a m e i n m a n y s h a d e s of r e d , f r o m t h e p u r e r M a r x i s m o f b o d i e s t h a t h a d e v o l v e d f r o m H y n d m a n ' s original L o n d o n - b a s e d S D F (the S S F of Connolly, the B S P of M a c l e a n a n d the syndicalist-inclined S L P ) to the evolutionary socia­ lism of the I L P .

3 7

T h e ILP, however, was the group with the widest

a p p e a l to t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s , p r e c i s e l y b e c a u s e it s h a r e d in, a n d g l o r i e d in, t h e political a n d c u l t u r a l h e r i t a g e o f L i b e r a l i s m at l e a s t a s m u c h as i n t h e n e w socialist r e v e l a t i o n . T h e l e a d i n g S c o t t i s h s o c i a l i s t s , for e x a m p l e , w e r e a l m o s t all p e r s o n a l a b s t a i n e r s .

38

T h e I L P in p a r t i c u l a r

believed the cause of socialism was the cause of morality and reason, s o t h e i r f a v o u r i t e w e a p o n s w e r e t h e Forward

newspaper

(founded

in 1 9 0 6 w i t h T o m J o h n s t o n as e d i t o r ) a n d socialist e v e n i n g c l a s s e s , 37

38

The SSF was the Scottish Socialist Federation: 'Despite its name this was mainly a local Edinburgh body, and was a product of the split which had occurred in the British Social-Democratic Federation in 1884. The Edinburgh section eschewed the factious concerns of its metropolitan leaders and constituted itself as an auton­ omous "Scottish Socialist Federation"'; it re-affiliated to the SDF in 1895: O. D. Edwards and B. Ransome, eds., James Connolly, Selected Political Writings (1973), pp. 15-16. The BSP (British Socialist Party) was a London-based development of the mainstream SDF, founded in 1912. The SLP (Socialist Labour Party) was a Scot­ tish-based breakaway group that left the SDF (with Connolly's help) in 1903: it became attracted to the 'industrial unionist' ideas of Daniel De Leon and had con­ siderable importance despite its sectarianism and small membership. 'There can have been scarcely a single person involved in the foundation of the Communist Party of Great Britain who was not, at some time, influenced by the SLP and its literature': Walter Kendall, The Revolutionary Movement in Britain 1900-21 (1969), p. 69. Out of fifty-two Labour MPs elected before 1945, thirty-two were abstainers, two were not, and for eighteen their habit is not known: W. Knox, ed., Scottish Labour Leaders, 1918-39: A Biographical Dictionary (Edinburgh, 1984), p. 23.

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T. C. SMOUT

r a t h e r t h a t t h e b a r r i c a d e a n d t h e political s t r i k e . I n t h e b e s t radical L i b e r a l t r a d i t i o n t h e y h a t e d t h e l a n d l o r d s : T o m J o h n s t o n ' s Our Noble Families,

a bitter l a m p o o n i n g attack o n the acquisition of hereditary

wealth b y the aristocracy, w a s both a best-seller and a m u c h m o r e v e n o m o u s c r i t i c i s m t h a n a n y t h i n g Forward e v e r l a u n c h e d o n i n d u s t r i a l capitalism, although from 1908 the n e w s p a p e r w a s clearly identifying t h e capitalist as t h e e n e m y a l o n g s i d e t h e l a n d l o r d . L i k e t h e L i b e r a l s , t h e I L P b e l i e v e d i n ' H o m e R u l e A l l R o u n d ' . A n d t h e y b e l i e v e d in t h e m a r c h o f p r o g r e s s as m u c h a s t h e L i b e r a l s did, o r e v e n m o r e . I n d e e d , in a s e n s e t h e p a r t y w a s t h e i n e v i t a b l e o u t c o m e o f t h e q u e s t i o n t h a t t h e G l a s g o w T r a d e s C o u n c i l a s k e d itself at a m e e t i n g i m m e d i a t e l y after t h e a c h i e v e m e n t o f t h e T h i r d R e f o r m Bill - w h e r e d o w e g o f r o m h e r e in t h e c r u s a d e t o w i d e n t h e political r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f t h e people? For middle-class radicals a n d W h i g s , 1884 w a s the e n d of t h e r o a d : for w o r k i n g - c l a s s L i b e r a l s it s e e m e d to b e t h e b e g i n n i n g of real political r e p r e s e n t a t i o n , b u t o n l y if t h e y b e g a n t o w o r k o u t s i d e the party. It is doubtful, h o w e v e r , if s o c i a l i s m w o u l d h a v e m a d e e v e n as m u c h h e a d w a y as it did b e f o r e t h e First W o r l d W a r u n l e s s its b a s i c m e s s a g e to t h e u r b a n w o r k i n g c l a s s , t h a t c a p i t a l i s t s w e r e w i t h t h e l a n d l o r d s and against the m a s s e s , h a d not struck root in g r o u n d m a d e m o r e fertile b y a l t e r e d w o r k i n g - c l a s s e x p e r i e n c e . A l m o s t c e r t a i n l y , at t h e e n d of the nineteenth a n d early twentieth centuries, the perceived gulf b e t w e e n c a p i t a l a n d l a b o u r g r e w w i d e r , a n d t h e g a p w i t h i n t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s b e t w e e n c r a f t s m a n a n d l a b o u r e r s m a l l e r . It w a s m o r e difficult for a j o u r n e y m a n t o b e c o m e a s m a l l e m p l o y e r , w o r k b e c a m e m o r e r u s h e d a n d d e m a n d e d l e s s skill in o c c u p a t i o n s like m i n i n g , engineering and shipbuilding which were the backbone of the econ­ omy,

unemployment

when

it c a m e affected

s k i l l e d as w e l l

as

unskilled, units of production g r e w larger, u n i o n s m o r e popular a n d d e f e n s i v e , m a n a g e m e n t m o r e p r o f e s s i o n a l a n d a g g r e s s i v e . It is e a s y to e x a g g e r a t e t h e e x t e n t o f t h i s , a n d o n e d o e s w e l l t o r e m e m b e r t h a t m o s t of the working class that h a d the vote c o n t i n u e d normally to u s e it t o identify w i t h t h e t r a d i t i o n a l c o n s e n s u s a n d t o v o t e L i b e r a l at g e n e r a l e l e c t i o n s . B u t t h e t r e n d t o w a r d s h e i g h t e n e d c l a s s c o n s c i o u s ­ ness was undoubtedly there. It t o o k c o n c r e t e f o r m in, for e x a m p l e , t h e w a v e o f u n e m p l o y m e n t t h a t s t r u c k t h e e c o n o m y in t h e d e p r e s s i o n o f 1 9 0 8 . G l a s g o w w a s o n e of t h e m o s t s e r i o u s l y affected cities i n t h e U K : The Times

reported

1 6 , 0 0 0 - 1 8 , 0 0 0 o n t h e v e r g e o f s t a r v a t i o n in G o v a n p a r i s h a l o n e b y

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S e p t e m b e r . T h e S D F and ILP organised a Right to W o r k

demon­

stration w h i c h w a s reminiscent, on a smaller scale, of 1884: 35,000 m a r c h e d , ' e a c h o r g a n i s a t i o n c a r r i e d a b a n n e r , or s y m b o l s o f its t r a d e , craft or p u r p o s e ' , t h e j o i n e r s , for e x a m p l e , b e a r i n g a n 1 8 3 2 b a n n e r w i t h t h e m o t t o ' t h e y are u n w o r t h y o f f r e e d o m w h o h o p e for it f r o m h a n d s o t h e r t h a n t h e i r o w n ' . B u t in t h e s p e e c h e s o n G l a s g o w G r e e n t h e m e s s a g e w a s n o t p r a i s e for t h e G r e a t L i b e r a l P a r t y . J o h n Hill, a b o i l e r m a k e r s ' l e a d e r , e x p r e s s e d t h e d e s p a i r o f h i s craft in t h e s e words: Only a few years ago unemployment had no terrors for well-organised skilled trades . . . now the tables are turned. With improved machinery our craft is at a discount, and a boy from school now tends a machine which does the work of three men . . . It is mostly machine minders who are wanted, and a line from some well-known Liberal or Tory certifying that you are not an agitator or a Socialist is the chief recommendation in the shipbuilding and engineering trades. Thus today we find the ranks of the unemployed largely recruited by men of intellect, men of genius and men of high character and independent means. 39

It is a g a i n s t t h i s b a c k g r o u n d o f r i s i n g i n s e c u r i t y a n d r e s e n t m e n t b y t h e s k i l l e d m e n t h a t t h e c a t a c l y s m i c c h a n g e in c l a s s politics t h a t a c c o m ­ p a n i e d a n d f o l l o w e d t h e First W o r l d W a r m u s t b e u n d e r s t o o d . T h e e v e n t s o f R e d C l y d e s i d e d u r i n g a n d i m m e d i a t e l y after t h e First W o r l d W a r a t t a i n e d s u c h f a m e , or n o t o r i e t y , t h a t it is e a s y to m i s i n t e r ­ pret t h e m .

4 0

F o r s o m e o f t h o s e c a u g h t u p in t h e p e a k o f t h e e x c i t e m e n t

o n e i t h e r s i d e S c o t l a n d s e e m e d to b e o n t h e p o i n t o f s p o n t a n e o u s combustion. O f the demonstrations and confrontations with the police in G e o r g e S q u a r e , G l a s g o w , d u r i n g t h e F o r t y H o u r s S t r i k e o f 1 9 1 9 , William Gallacher, the strikers' leader exclaimed afterwards: ' A rising w a s expected. A rising should h a v e taken place. T h e workers w e r e r e a d y a n d a b l e to effect it; t h e l e a d e r s h i p h a d n e v e r t h o u g h t o f i t . ' T h e S e c r e t a r y for S c o t l a n d t o l d a m e e t i n g o f t h e w a r c a b i n e t at t h e t i m e : ' I n h i s o p i n i o n it w a s m o r e c l e a r t h a n e v e r t h a t it w a s a m i s n o m e r t o call t h e s i t u a t i o n i n G l a s g o w a strike - it w a s a B o l s h e v i s t r i s i n g . ' 39 40

41

41

Smith, 'Commonsense Thought', pp. 319-24. For useful accounts from differing standpoints see Kendall, Revolutionary Movement; James Hinton, The First Shop Stewards' Movement (1973); Iain McLean 'Popular Protest and Public Order, Red Clydeside 1915-1919' in R. Quinault and J. Stevenson, eds., Popular Protest and Public Order (1974), pp. 215-39; R. K. Middlemas, The Clydesiders (1965); C. Harvie, No Gods and Precious Few Heroes, Scotland 1914-1980 (Edinburgh, 1981), chap. 1; J. Melling, 'Scottish Industrialists and the Changing Character of Class Relations in the Clyde Region, c. 1880-1918', in T. Dickson, ed., Capital and Class in Scotland (Edinburgh, 1982). Quoted in McLean, 'Popular Protest', pp. 215, 231.

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T.

c.

S M O U T

It is e a s y t o s h o w t h a t t h e s e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f t h a t p a r t i c u l a r e v e n t w e r e totally w r o n g . G a l l a c h e r , w h o h a d r e a c t e d o n t h e s p o t w i t h horror rather t h a n with revolutionary e n t h u s i a s m to the police con­ f r o n t a t i o n , f o u n d t h a t t h e s t r i k e r s h a d l o s t t h e i r t a s t e for p r a x i s a n d r e t u r n e d to w o r k w i t h i n a f e w d a y s . T h e g o v e r n m e n t , i n t u r n , h a d simply b e e n misled b y the h e a d of the Special Branch, Basil T h o m s o n , w h o s e p r o f e s s i o n it w a s t o find r e d s u n d e r e v e r y b e d . B u t m u c h o f the writing on R e d Clydeside since has b e e n dominated b y those w i s h i n g to p r o v e t h e d e p t h a n d s p o n t a n e i t y o f r e v o l u t i o n a r y c l a s s consciousness o n the Clyde, or b y t h o s e w h o , conversely, w i s h to play the w h o l e thing d o w n a n d suggest that there was n o fundamental r a d i c a l i s m o r affection for s o c i a l i s m o n t h e p a r t o f t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s . T h e e v e n t s t h e m s e l v e s w e r e c o m p a r a t i v e l y s i m p l e , a n d l i m i t e d in number. During the war, and mainly b e t w e e n February 1915 and A p r i l 1 9 1 6 , t h e r e w e r e a s e r i e s o f s t r i k e s in t h e m u n i t i o n s w o r k s a l o n g the Clyde that h i n g e d partly o n the question of w a g e levels but m o r e o n t h e a t t e m p t u n d e r t h e M u n i t i o n s A c t t o b r i n g in w o m e n t o d o t h e w o r k o f s k i l l e d m e n in t h e e n g i n e e r i n g s h o p s for t h e d u r a t i o n of t h e w a r - t h e ' d i l u t i o n ' q u e s t i o n . T h e s e s t r i k e s m a i n l y i n v o l v e d t h e e n g i n e e r s t h e m s e l v e s , a n d o n l y o n o n e significant o c c a s i o n (in A u g u s t 1 9 1 5 at Fair/fields) b r o u g h t i n t h e s h i p y a r d w o r k e r s . A l t h o u g h t h e i n n o v a t i o n s s t r u c k at t h e h e a r t o f craft p r i v i l e g e , A S E officials w e r e r e l u c t a n t t o act a n d l e a d e r s h i p fell i n t o t h e h a n d s o f a n unofficial body

of s h o p

stewards,

the

Clyde workers

committee, heavily

i n f l u e n c e d b y activists f r o m t h e S L P a n d d e s c r i b e d as ' m o s t l y r e v o l u ­ tionary syndicalists of o n e kind or a n o t h e r ' . T h e strikes led to a visit f r o m t w o c a b i n e t m i n i s t e r s at C h r i s t m a s 1 9 1 5 a t t e m p t i n g

to

e x p l a i n dilution: The visit spectacularly misfired. On Christmas Day, an impatient audience of shop stewards listened to Arthur Henderson explaining at some length the justice of the war on behalf of the 'brave and independent' Belgians ('Oh heavens! How long have we to suffer this?') and to Lloyd George asserting with passion that the responsibility of a Minister of the Crown in a great war was not a light one ('The money's good', and laughter). 42

Forward p r i n t e d a n a c c u r a t e a c c o u n t o f t h e m e e t i n g , a n d a n o u t r a g e d L l o y d G e o r g e h a d it i n s t a n t l y s u p p r e s s e d . T h e g o v e r n m e n t u s e d t h e s t r o n g a r m o f t h e e m e r g e n c y l a w s o n s e v e r a l o c c a s i o n s in t h e n e x t t h r e e m o n t h s , s u p p r e s s i n g t w o m o r e socialist n e w s p a p e r s , i m p r i s o n ­ i n g s e v e r a l w h o h a d b e e n i n v o l v e d in t h e i r p u b l i c a t i o n , i n c l u d i n g 42

Ibid., p . 218.

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Gallacher a n d the socialist educator J o h n M a c l e a n , a n d deporting from t h e C l y d e a r e a t e n C W C l e a d e r s for f o m e n t i n g a s t r i k e at B e a r d m o r e ' s P a r k h e a d forge. This did not e n d the tradition of militancy, but from t h e n until the e n d of the w a r threats of serious industrial trouble w e r e b o u g h t off b y c o n c e s s i o n s a n d w a g e r i s e s . There were two other related sets of events during the war. O n e w a s t h e r e n t s t r i k e s o f 1 9 1 5 , l e d v e r y effectively b y I L P w o m e n i n t h e s h i p y a r d a n d e n g i n e e r i n g districts w h e r e t h e r e n t s o f w o r k i n g c l a s s t e n e m e n t s h a d b e e n p u s h e d t o e x o r b i t a n t h e i g h t s b y firms o f f a c t o r s a c t i n g for s m a l l p r i v a t e l a n d l o r d s : t h e p r o t e s t s w e r e s o m e n a c ­ i n g a n d effective t h a t t h e g o v e r n m e n t i n t r o d u c e d w a r t i m e r e n t c o n t r o l to secure peace in an area already rocked b y industrial

trouble.

43

T h e s e c o n d set of events w e r e the demonstrations of 1917 and 1918 (still m o r e a l a r m i n g t o t h e g o v e r n m e n t ) i n f a v o u r o f t h e R u s s i a n R e v o ­ lution and urging a negotiated peace. O n M a y D a y 1918 s o m e 100,000 struck w o r k to attend a m e e t i n g o n G l a s g o w G r e e n , the largest con­ tingents coming from the engineers, the railwaymen, the ILP branches and the 'No Conscription Fellowship'.

4 4

T h e g o v e r n m e n t replied by

a r r e s t i n g ( a n d i m p r i s o n i n g for t h e s e c o n d t i m e ) J o h n M a c l e a n ( w h o h a d b e e n a p p o i n t e d S o v i e t C o n s u l in G l a s g o w ) , a n d b y police raids t o d e s t r o y p r i n t i n g m a c h i n e r y at t h e S L P h e a d q u a r t e r s w h e r e t r a n s l a ­ t i o n s o f L e n i n ' s p a m p h l e t s w e r e b e i n g p u b l i s h e d . M o r e significantly, h o w e v e r , t h e revolutionary socialists like M a c l e a n a n d the S L P proved quite unable to organise a n y p r o l o n g e d industrial action against the w a r , a n d t h e I L P a l s o f a i l e d t o p r o v i d e a u n i t e d front a b o u t t h e b e s t w a y t o e n d it. J o h n W h e a t l e y o f t h e I L P c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y d e c l a r e d himself ' o p p o s e d to the u s e of a r m e d force in the establishment of S o c i a l i s m i n t h i s c o u n t r y b e c a u s e I r e g a r d it a s i m m o r a l a n d i m p r a c t i ­ c a b l e ' , w h i c h i n d i c a t e d h o w c o m p l e t e l y t h e l a r g e s t f a c t i o n in R e d Clydeside was c o m m i t t e d to the evolutionary line and democratic processes.

4 5

I m m e d i a t e l y after t h e w a r , R e d C l y d e s i d e r e a c h e d its c l i m a x (or its a n t i - c l i m a x ) i n t h e F o r t y H o u r s S t r i k e o f J a n u a r y 1 9 1 9 ; t h e p o l i c e charge in G e o r g e S q u a r e w a s followed next day b y the occupation of t h e a r e a b y E n g l i s h t r o o p s ( d i s p a t c h e d n o r t h o n t h e o v e r n i g h t sleepers b y B o n a r L a w against the j u d g m e n t of W i n s t o n Churchill), 4 3

4 4

45

J. Melling, 'Clydeside Housing and the Evolution of State Rent Control 1900-1939', in J. Melling, ed., Housing, Social Policy and the State (1980), pp. 139-67. Smith, 'Commonsense Thought', pp. 5 0 6 - 9 . Quoted, ibid., pp. 512-13.

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T. c.

SMOUT

d e p l o y i n g m a c h i n e g u n n e s t s o n t h e r o o f s a n d t a n k s in t h e s t r e e t s . T h e c a b i n e t h a d o v e r r e a c t e d , b u t t h e strike failed to g e t official b a c k i n g a n d t h e w h o l e t h i n g w a s c a l l e d off, f o l l o w i n g t h e a r r e s t o f t h e l e a d e r ­ s h i p , after s i x t e e n d a y s . W h a t d i d it all a m o u n t t o ? It is e a s y to s e e t h a t t h e

government

a n d the would-be local Bolsheviks w e r e w r o n g to imagine G l a s g o w as a s e c o n d S t P e t e r s b u r g . B u t it is e q u a l l y w r o n g to s e e in R e d C l y d e side nothing of fundamental

s i g n i f i c a n c e . T h e c o n d u c t o f t h e First

W o r l d W a r presented to the workers an extraordinary

demonstration

of r u l i n g - c l a s s s t u p i d i t y a n d s e l f i s h n e s s . It w a s , h o w e v e r , c o m m e n c e d w i t h a n e n t h u s i a s m t h a t t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s s h a r e d to t h e full. H a r r y M c S h a n e , o n e o f t h e s o c i a l i s t s w h o o p p o s e d t h e w a r f r o m t h e start, r e c a l l e d its e a r l y d a y s : It was believed that the war would last six weeks, six months at the most, and then the British army would march past the Kaiser in Berlin to celebrate the British victory. Nobody even thought about removing the Kaiser; he was just going to be there to see the Germans defeated . . . A terrible war fever developed. Men rushed to join the army hoping that the war wouldn't be all over by the time they got to the front; they had to march in civilian clothes because there weren't enough uniforms to go round. Many young people, particularly those who were unemployed, were caught up in the adventure of the thing. On every hoarding there was a picture of Kitchener . . . pointing his finger and saying 'Your Country Needs You'. There he was, and then along came daft middle-class women with white feathers trying to drive young men into the army. 46

T h e r e is p l e n t y o f e v i d e n c e t h a t at t h e o u t b r e a k t h e S c o t s w e r e especially enthusiastic. T h e Highland Light Infantry w a s largely re­ cruited from the 'pals battalions' of the slums of G l a s g o w ; o n e batta­ lion w a s recruited

solely from the e m p l o y e e s of the

corporation

t r a m w a y s b y t h e i r m a n a g e r , t a k i n g h i s m e n t o w a r r a t h e r i n t h e spirit of a n e i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y c h i e f l e a d i n g h i s t e n a n t s i n b a t t l e . O v e r a q u a r t e r o f all S c o t t i s h m i n e r s j o i n e d t h e f o r c e s , a n d t w o - t h i r d s o f t h e fishermen.

47

W i t h t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e g r e a t s l a u g h t e r at t h e e n d o f 1 9 1 5 , h o w ­ ever, and especially with the c a m p a i g n o n the S o m m e and the intro­ d u c t i o n o f c o n s c r i p t i o n n e x t y e a r , d i s i l l u s i o n set in. G l a s g o w l o s t 18,000 dead, probably nearly 10 per cent of the adult male population: S c o t l a n d as a w h o l e l o s t b e t w e e n 7 5 , 0 0 0 a n d lOO^OO. 46

47

48

48

The blame

McShane and Smith, No Mean Fighter, p. 62. Harvie, No Gods, pp. 10-15.

Ibid., p. 11.

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w a s p u t w h e r e it b e l o n g e d : o n d i s c r e d i t e d p o l i t i c i a n s a n d ineffective generals; on a church which blessed the war and which met tragedy with hollow sentiment;

4 9

o n e m p l o y e r s w h o u s e d t h e n a t i o n a l crisis

t o m a k e e x c e s s i v e profits a n d t o i n t r o d u c e n e w w o r k p r a c t i c e s w h i c h raised productivity but equally deliberately w e r e designed to destroy l o n g - h e l d craft p r i v i l e g e ; o n l o c a l r a t i o n i n g c o m m i t t e e s w h o u s e d t h e i r p o w e r s to f e a t h e r t h e i r o w n n e s t s . F o r e x a m p l e , w h e n m a r g a r i n e w a s rationed in 1917, the committee charged with distributing

supplies

in C l y d e b a n k ( c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y d o m i n a t e d b y l o c a l t r a d e s m e n ) , allo­ c a t e d e i g h t o u t o f fifteen h u n d r e d w e i g h t t o o n e retailer, w h o

hap­

p e n e d to b e the c o n v e n e r , but only three h u n d r e d w e i g h t to the co-ops, although they had 60 per cent of existing trade.

50

Y e t it w a s i m p o s s i b l e

t o b l a m e i n d i v i d u a l s - t h e r e w e r e t o o m a n y o f t h e m : it b e g a n to b e perceived as the corruption of a class, of ' t h e s y s t e m ' . S o t h e First W o r l d W a r d i d r e s u l t i n t h e a p p r e c i a b l e h e i g h t e n i n g of c l a s s c o n s c i o u s n e s s , e s p e c i a l l y a m o n g s k i l l e d w o r k e r s . I n a s e n s e it c o n f i r m e d t h e i r g r o w i n g s e n s e o f d o u b t a b o u t t h e u l t i m a t e b e n e v o ­ l e n c e o f ' t h e s y s t e m ' , a n d g a v e c r e d e n c e to t h e s o c i a l i s t s ' i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of t h e L i b e r a l s as h u m b u g s a n d o f c a p i t a l i s m a s f u n d a m e n t a l l y e x p l o i ­ t a t i v e . B u t t h e r e v o l u t i o n h o p e d for u n d e r t h e I L P v e r s i o n o f s o c i a l i s m , while basic enough

in that

it e n v i s a g e d l i m i t e d p r o g r a m m e s

of

n a t i o n a l i s a t i o n , s t a t e aid for c o u n c i l h o u s i n g , a n d h o m e r u l e for S c o t ­ l a n d , a l s o o w e d a g r e a t d e a l t o t h e o l d L i b e r a l r a d i c a l faith t h a t w h e n t h e p e o p l e ( ' t h e m a s s e s ' ) c a m e t o i m p o s e t h e i r will u p o n P a r l i a m e n t , t h e s y s t e m w o u l d , i n a fairly u n s p e c i h c b u t q u i t e s w e e p i n g w a y , b e a l t e r e d for t h e b e t t e r . F e w e x p e c t e d t h a t it w o u l d b e n e c e s s a r y to c h a n g e p a r l i a m e n t a r y d e m o c r a c y itself, o r u s e f o r c e t o a t t a i n t h e i r e n d s , o r t o a b o l i s h p r o p e r t y . It w o u l d b e e n o u g h for w o r k i n g m e n to capture Parliament a n d a brave n e w world w o u l d follow. T h e first fruits o f t h i s n e w m o o d w e r e s e e n after t h e R e p r e s e n t a t i o n of t h e P e o p l e A c t o f 1 9 1 8 h a d g r e a t l y i n c r e a s e d t h e w o r k i n g - c l a s s e l e c t o r a t e , a n d after t h e o l d political p a r t i e s h a d f u r t h e r

discredited

t h e m s e l v e s b y postwar infighting. In 1922, twenty-nine Labour M P s a n d a C o m m u n i s t w e r e elected out of S c o t l a n d ' s total of seventy-two, gaining 3 3 . 6 per cent of the votes cast c o m p a r e d to 2 8 . 9 per cent 49

50

P. Matheson, 'Scottish War Sermons', Records of the Scottish Church History Society, 17 (1972), pp. 203-13. The clerical principal of Aberdeen University described the war as 'a sacrament, and a sacrament in the full sense of that name as we Scots have been brought up to understand it': Ibid., p. 207. J. Kinloch and J. Butt, History of the Scottish Co-Operative Wholesale Society Limited (Glasgow, 1981), p. 277.

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T. C. S M O U T

for t h e l e f t - w i n g p a r t i e s in E n g l a n d .

5 1

W h a t w a s distinctive about

the Scottish M P s , however, was the reputation of the ILP Clydesiders led b y J a m e s M a x t o n , J o h n W h e a t l e y a n d T o m J o h n s t o n a s m e n o f t h e left w h o k e p t t h e m s e l v e s d e l i b e r a t e l y a p a r t . B e a t r i c e W e b b s a i d of T o m J o h n s t o n : The dour Scot objects to any social intercourse; we meetings and committees and in the lobbies of the private houses of rich members of the Party are to which these members and their wives belong is able.

are to meet only at public House of Commons. The anathema, and any club almost equally objection­

52

The group certainly brought an unfamiliar element of proletarian rage into the H o u s e of C o m m o n s , m o s t famously during a debate on the Scottish estimates w h e n M a x t o n called t h e Tories in general a n d Sir F r e d e r i c k B a n b u r y i n p a r t i c u l a r , ' m u r d e r e r s ' for t h r e a t e n i n g t h e l i v e s of c h i l d r e n b y m a k i n g c u t s i n h e a l t h e x p e n d i t u r e b y l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s . H e was suspended, with three other Clydesiders w h o supported him, after h e r e f u s e d to a p o l o g i s e . F r o m 1922 o n w a r d s Labour w e n t from strength to strength, t h o u g h not in a linear direction. T h u s their n u m b e r s w e r e r e d u c e d to s e v e n in 1 9 3 1 ( t h o u g h o n t h e s a m e p e r c e n t a g e s h a r e of t h e v o t e a s i n 1 9 2 2 ) a n d t h e y did n o t o b t a i n a n a b s o l u t e m a j o r i t y o f S c o t t i s h s e a t s u n t i l 1 9 4 5 . B u t e v e n at t h e i r l o w p o i n t , g a i n s w e r e b e i n g m a d e i n o t h e r directions: the capture of G l a s g o w City Council in 1933 w a s of enor­ m o u s s i g n i f i c a n c e , a n d after t h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r all t h e S c o t t i s h cities a p a r t f r o m E d i n b u r g h c a m e n o r m a l l y to h a v e L a b o u r m a j o r i t i e s o n t h e i r c o u n c i l s . O t h e r l e f t - w i n g g r o u p s h a d v e r y little s u c c e s s after t h e failure of t h e G e n e r a l S t r i k e , t h o u g h W i l l i a m G a l l a c h e r c a p t u r e d Fife coalfield for t h e C o m m u n i s t p a r t y in t h e g e n e r a l e l e c t i o n o f 1 9 3 5 a n d h e l d t h e s e a t for fifteen y e a r s , a n d t h e C o m m u n i s t s

remained

s t r o n g in t h e t r a d e s c o u n c i l s , s o m e u n i o n s a n d a f e w l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s , t h e ' L i t t l e M o s c o w s ' in Fife a n d t h e V a l e o f L e v e n .

5 3

T h e y certainly

c a s t a r e d g l o w o v e r t h e w e s t , B a e d e k e r i n 1 9 3 7 i n t e r r u p t i n g its description of the Firth of Clyde with the observation that 'Clydeside is t h e c h i e f s t r o n g h o l d o f C o m m u n i s m i n G r e a t B r i t a i n ' .

5 4

Meanwhile,

the Liberal party, already r e d u c e d to eight seats b y 1924, w a s not r e p r e s e n t e d at all b y 1 9 4 5 . T h e r e a l c h a n g e w a s t h a t ' G o o d O l d L a b o u r ' 51 52 53

54

J. G. Kellas, The Scottish Political System (Cambridge, 1973), pp. 106-7. B. Webb, Diaries 1924-32 (1956), p. 12. S. Macintyre, Little Moscows: Communism and Working-class Militancy in Inter-War Britain (1980). K. Baedeker, Great Britain: Handbook for Travellers, 9th edn (1937), p. 577.

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Scotland 1850-1950

241

h a d r e p l a c e d ' T h e G r e a t L i b e r a l P a r t y ' in t h e h e a r t s o f t h e S c o t t i s h working class, while the middle class h a d g o n e unequivocally Tory. In t h a t s e n s e c l a s s p o l i t i c s h a d c l e a r l y a r r i v e d . The

character and appeal of ' G o o d Old Labour' had,

however,

b e c o m e b y t h e start o f t h e s e c o n d h a l f o f t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y , differ­ ent in several important respects from that of the old Clydesiders. F o r o n e t h i n g , c o m m i t m e n t t o h o m e r u l e for S c o t l a n d h a d g o n e o u t of t h e w i n d o w : i n 1 9 1 8 s u c h n a t i o n a l i s t s e n t i m e n t h a d b e e n n o t m e r e l y an important inheritance of the ILP from Liberalism but, since Scotland w a s m o r e obviously left-wing t h a n E n g l a n d , an attractive w a y to a c h i e v e ' s o c i a l i s m i n o n e c o u n t r y ' . W i t h t h e failure o f H o m e R u l e Bills s p o n s o r e d b y Scottish L a b o u r m e m b e r s in 1924 a n d 1929, t h e collapse of t h e e x p o r t - o r i e n t e d e c o n o m y i n t h e 1 9 2 0 s a n d 1 9 3 0 s , a n d finally t h e a c h i e v e m e n t o f a m a j o r i t y L a b o u r g o v e r n m e n t at W e s t m i n s t e r i n 1 9 4 5 , it s e e m e d p o i n t l e s s to try to g o it a l o n e . Tom

5 5

J o h n s t o n ' s later career exemplifies s o m e of the c h a n g e s . H e

w a s s e l e c t e d b y C h u r c h i l l to b e S e c r e t a r y o f S t a t e for S c o t l a n d i n the S e c o n d W o r l d W a r , partly o n the g r o u n d s that the

erstwhile

poacher from R e d Clydeside would m a k e a good gamekeeper

on

labour matters - as h e did. J o h n s t o n ' s politics h a d b e c o m e t h o s e of t h e c o n s e n s u s , a significant t h r o w b a c k t o t h e L i b e r a l r o o t s o f t h e I L P : h e w a s t o s a y i n h i s a u t o b i o g r a p h y t h a t h e r e g a r d e d h i m s e l f as a ' m o d e r a t e extremist', a n d o n e w h o believed 'that in co-operation a n d m u t u a l a i d a n d n o t i n fratricidal strife c a n w e w i n t h r o u g h t o m a t e r i a l p l e n t y for all, a n d t o a spiritual a n d c u l t u r a l d e v e l o p m e n t a n d g r e a t ­ n e s s for e a c h o f u s ' .

5 6

His c o m m i t m e n t to h o m e rule of the Scots

b y t h e S c o t s h a d b e c o m e t r a n s m u t e d to a c o m m i t m e n t t o o r g a n i s e Scottish advisory c o m m i t t e e s to strengthen the h a n d of the Secretary of S t a t e i n g o v e r n i n g S c o t l a n d a n d d e a l i n g w i t h L o n d o n . H e

had

m o v e d f r o m d e m o c r a t i c s o c i a l i s t t o q u a n g o - m a n . H i s s u c c e s s o r in t u r n f o u n d h i m s e l f b i t t e r l y o p p o s e d to t h e h o m e rule m o v e m e n t

when

in 1949 J o h n M a c C o r m i c k ' s Scottish C o v e n a n t Association marshalled t w o m i l l i o n s i g n a t u r e s t o a d o c u m e n t c a l l i n g for a S c o t t i s h P a r l i a m e n t within the framework of the United K i n g d o m 'with adequate legisla­ tive a u t h o r i t y in S c o t t i s h affairs'. S c o t t i s h L a b o u r m e m b e r s , o n c e in power, found themselves not opposing the system, but becoming it. The 55

56

class w a r a n d t h e nationalist tradition in L a b o u r politics w a s

M. Keating and D. Bleiman, Labour and Scottish Nationalism (1979). T. Johnston, Memories (1952), p. 249.

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242

T. C. S M O U T

thus heavily played

d o w n i n t h e 1 9 4 0 s c o m p a r e d to t h e

Nevertheless, the power

1920s.

o f t h e L a b o u r p a r t y in S c o t l a n d r e s t e d

u n e q u i v o c a l l y o n t w o d i s t i n c t i v e l y S c o t t i s h c l a s s facts - l i v i n g in a council h o u s e and the threat of u n e m p l o y m e n t . Labour b e c a m e the party of housing and jobs. T h e i m p o r t a n c e o f h o u s i n g to t h e L a b o u r c a u s e d a t e s b a c k to t h e initiative o f G l a s g o w T r a d e s C o u n c i l in 1 9 0 0 in f o r m i n g a S c o t t i s h H o u s i n g A s s o c i a t i o n w h i c h ' m a d e a c l e a r call for s t a t e p r o v i s i o n o f h o u s i n g in 1 9 0 8 ' a n d to t h e I L P c a m p a i g n t o f o r c e t h e c o u n c i l t o b u i l d a n d let at r a t e s s u b s i d i s e d f r o m t h e profits o f t h e m u n i c i p a l l y o w n e d t r a m w a y s £8 Cottages for Glasgow Citizens, to q u o t e t h e title o f a c e l e ­ brated p a m p h l e t written b y J o h n W h e a t l e y in 1 9 1 3 .

5 7

The connection

w a s s t r e n g t h e n e d i n t h e First W o r l d W a r b y t h e r e n t s t r i k e s a n d t h e c a s e for g o v e r n m e n t i n t e r v e n t i o n m a d e i m p e l l i n g b y t h e R o y a l C o m ­ mission

on

Housing

in

Scotland of 1917, which

revealed

how

' t h e p e o p l e o f G l a s g o w w e r e p a c k e d i n t o t h e i r h o m e s to a d e g r e e u n i m a g i n a b l e e v e n in the larger English cities'; there w e r e over t w o p e r s o n s p e r r o o m i n 5 5 . 7 p e r c e n t o f G l a s g o w ' s h o u s e s b u t in o n l y 9.4 per cent in English cities.

58

T h e s e pressures were a major part of the H o u s i n g and T o w n Plan­ ning Act (Scotland) of 1919, w h i c h introduced state subsidies, greatly s t r e n g t h e n e d in 1924 w h e n J o h n W h e a t l e y b e c a m e the Minister of H e a l t h in t h e first L a b o u r g o v e r n m e n t . T h e effect o f t h i s a n d s u b s e ­ quent legislation w a s that council h o u s e building and slum clearance w e r e b e g u n in earnest, council h o u s e s b e i n g constructed in G l a s g o w at e i g h t t i m e s t h e r a t e o f p r i v a t e h o u s e s i n t h e i n t e r w a r y e a r s , a n d after t h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r t h e p r i v a t e s e c t o r w a s for a t i m e d e l i b e r a ­ tely denied materials a n d building permits to allow council h o u s i n g to i n c r e a s e its s h a r e still m o r e s u b s t a n t i a l l y . T h e e n d r e s u l t w a s t h a t b y t h e late 1 9 6 0 s S c o t l a n d w a s b u i l d i n g m o r e o f h e r h o u s i n g i n t h e public sector t h a n a n y other country in E u r o p e , Russia i n c l u d e d .

5 9

T h e verminous old slums h a d b e e n destroyed; n e w housing estates of l o w r e n t , l o w q u a l i t y c o n s t r u c t i o n , p o o r a m e n i t y a n d n o v e l t y p e s of s o c i a l p r o b l e m h a d b e e n c r e a t e d - a n d t h e i n h a b i t a n t s v o t e d L a b o u r to k e e p t h i n g s a s t h e y w e r e . L a b o u r ' s r e p u t a t i o n as d e f e n d e r o f j o b s d e v e l o p e d m o r e s l o w l y , 57

S. Damer, 'State, Class and Housing: Glasgow, 1885 - 1919', in Melling, ed.,

Housing, Social Policy, p.90. 58

S. G. Checkland, The Upas Tree (Glasgow, 1977), p. 20.

59

D. Niven, The Development of Housing in Scotland (1979), p. 34.

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243

as d u r i n g t h e i n t e r w a r y e a r s e m p l o y m e n t v a n i s h e d f r o m t h e h e a v y i n d u s t r i e s s o r a p i d l y t h a t n e i t h e r left n o r r i g h t h a d a n y c l e a r n o t i o n of w h a t t o d o a b o u t it, o t h e r t h a n p r o v i d i n g t h e palliatives o f d o l e m o n e y . T h e initial s t e p s t o attract n e w i n d u s t r y to S c o t l a n d w e r e taken u n d e r the National g o v e r n m e n t in the 1930s with the passage of t h e S p e c i a l A r e a s ( D e v e l o p m e n t a n d I m p r o v e m e n t ) A c t o f 1 9 3 4 , a n d after t h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r t h e L a b o u r g o v e r n m e n t u s e d p l a n ­ n i n g c o n t r o l s t o d e t e r m i n e t h e l o c a t i o n o f i n d u s t r y in a m o r e p o s i t i v e way. Although the great age of p u m p i n g m o n e y into dying industries w a s t o c o m e i n t h e 1 9 6 0 s a n d 1 9 7 0 s , t h e t r e n d w a s firmly s e t b y 1 9 4 5 a g a i n s t t h e free m a r k e t a n d t o w a r d s c e n t r a l d i r e c t i o n . A v o t e for L a b o u r w a s c o m i n g to b e s e e n as a v o t e for t h e r i g h t to live w h e r e y o u h a d always lived a n d to w o r k w h e r e y o u h a d always w o r k e d . T h e w e l f a r e s t a t e a n d t h e m i x e d e c o n o m y w o u l d j o i n h a n d s to l o o k after y o u . T h e r e s u l t s o f all t h i s l o o k o d d , in t h e l o n g p e r s p e c t i v e . I n t h e 1 8 7 0 s the w o r k i n g m a n v o t e d Liberal to declare his s e n s e of m a n h o o d , his d e t e s t a t i o n o f p a t r o n a g e a n d h i s d e t e r m i n a t i o n to c o n t r o l h i s o w n d e s t i n y ; in t h e 1 9 2 0 s h e v o t e d L a b o u r t o d e c l a r e a n e w l y e m p h a s i s e d s e n s e o f c l a s s s o l i d a r i t y a n d a g a i n to e x p r e s s h i s d e t e r m i n a t i o n to c o n t r o l h i s o w n d e s t i n y ; b y 1 9 5 0 h e v o t e d L a b o u r p r i m a r i l y to a l l o w e x p e r t s t o k e e p t h e s t a t u s q u o s l i g h t l y in h i s f a v o u r . A self-help i d e o l ­ o g y distrustful o f t h e s y s t e m s u r v i v e d until t h e m i d - 1 9 2 0 s a n d t h e n b e c a m e t r a n s m u t e d into o n e w h e r e the s y s t e m w a s expected to help the

self.

T h e c l a s s a n i m o s i t i e s s a n c t i o n e d b y radical p o l i t i c i a n s

c h a n g e d b e t w e e n t h e T h i r d R e f o r m Bill a n d t h e First W o r l d W a r f r o m anti-landlordism to anti-capitalism: but b y the 1940s positive class a n i m o s i t i e s o f a n y k i n d w e r e r e g a r d e d as 'fratricidal s t r i f e ' , b a d f o r m in political life. If t h e r e h a d b e e n o n e i n d i v i d u a l a m o n g t h e C l y d e s i d e r s w h o could perhaps have recalled the Scottish Labour m o v e m e n t back t o its s e l f - h e l p a n d socialist t r a d i t i o n s it w a s J a m e s M a x t o n , w h o sur­ vived until 1946. But h e hopelessly isolated himself b y withdrawing a r e m n a n t o f t h e I L P f r o m t h e L a b o u r p a r t y after t h e d i s a s t e r s o f 1 9 3 1 . T h e disaffiliated I L P a n d t h e C o m m u n i s t s j o i n t l y o r g a n i s e d t h e H u n g e r M a r c h a m o n g t h e u n e m p l o y e d in 1 9 3 2 a n d 1 9 3 3 , b u t little substantive could be done outside the main movement. T h e a v e r a g e S c o t i n h i s e v e r y d a y n o n - p o l i t i c a l life, o f c o u r s e , h a d o b v i o u s l y n o t e s c h e w e d c l a s s a n i m o s i t i e s o f a d e f e n s i v e k i n d : in i n d u s ­ try, e s p e c i a l l y i n t h e w e s t o f S c o t l a n d , t h e r e c o r d o f s t r i k e s , g o - s l o w s , restrictive practices a n d a b s e n t e e i s m r e m a i n e d extremely b a d from

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244

T.

c.

S M O U T

T a b l e 3 . 5 Percentage of Scottish population living in communities of different sizes,

1861 1891 1911 1931 1951

1861-1951 1,000 +

5,000 +

50,000 +

500,000 +

57.7 70.6 75.4 80.1 82.2

39.4 53.5 58.6 63.1 64.0

27.8 32.2 39.8 43.6 42.3

0.0 14.0 19.9 22.6 21.4

Source: Census of Scotland for years cited; M. W. Flinn, ed., Scottish Population History from the 17th Century to the 1930s (Cambridge, 1977), p. 313.

t h e 1 9 2 0 s o n w a r d s ; m a n a g e m e n t a n d l a b o u r ' s m u t u a l distrust a l m o s t a m o u n t e d to a s u i c i d e p a c t in a m o d e r n c o m p e t i t i v e e c o n o m y . B u t in S c o t t i s h politics t h e fire i n t h e b e l l y h a d g o n e o u t , q u e n c h e d b y t h e i n t e r w a r e x p e r i e n c e o f u n e m p l o y m e n t a n d e c o n o m i c defeat a n d b y t h e s u b s e q u e n t a c c e p t a n c e o f K e y n e s a n d B e v e r i d g e as b e t t e r m e n ­ t o r s t h a n G l a d s t o n e or M a r x .

Ill I n this s e c t i o n w e c o n s i d e r t h e t o w n s . F o r t h e R e g i s t r a r G e n e r a l for S c o t l a n d a n y o n e living in a c o m m u n i t y o f 1,000 s o u l s is c o u n t e d a m o n g t h e u r b a n i s e d ; for t h e e d i t o r o f Scottish Population History o n l y c e n t r e s o f 5 , 0 0 0 a n d o v e r are satisfactorily d e s c r i b e d as t o w n s ; for o t h e r p u r p o s e s it m a y b e m o r e r e l e v a n t t o k n o w h o w m a n y l i v e d in s e t t l e m e n t s w i t h m a n y t e n s o f t h o u s a n d s , or h u n d r e d s o f t h o u ­ sands, of inhabitants. Table 3.5 lays out the Scottish data u n d e r various h e a d i n g s at s e l e c t e d d a t e s . F r o m this it is p l a i n t h a t b y a n y criteria r a p i d u r b a n i s a t i o n w a s a m a r k e d feature of the s e c o n d half of the nineteenth century, but that t h e rate o f c o n c e n t r a t i o n i n t o t o w n s ( e s p e c i a l l y l a r g e t o w n s ) h a s dra­ m a t i c a l l y s l o w e d s i n c e t h e First W o r l d W a r . T a b l e 3 . 6 l a y s o u t t h e d a t a for s e t t l e m e n t s o f o v e r 5 , 0 0 0 b y g e o g r a p h i c a l a r e a a n d e m p h a s i s e s a s e c o n d a n d n o l e s s striking f e a t u r e - t h a t t h e e x p e r i e n c e o f u r b a n i s a ­ t i o n in S c o t l a n d h a s b e e n e x c e p t i o n a l l y u n e v e n o v e r s p a c e as w e l l as o v e r t i m e . S o m e r e g i o n s r e m a i n e d v e r y rural a n d u r b a n i s e d l a t e . I n t h e p r e d o m i n a n t l y rural far n o r t h , t h e H i g h l a n d s a n d t h e B o r d e r s , w h i l e t h e p r o p o r t i o n living in t o w n s r o u g h l y t r i p l e d b e t w e e n 1 8 6 1 a n d 1 9 3 9 , t h e y w e r e n o t e v e n at t h e latter d a t e e v e n h a l f as u r b a n i s e d

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

Scotland 1850-1950 T a b l e 3 . 6 Percentage of Scottish population living in communities 5,000,

1861 1891 1911 1931 1951

by geographical area,

245 of over

1861-1951

Far north

Highlands

North­ east

W. Low­ lands

E. Low­ lands

Borders

7.0 8.8 10.6 17.0 18.8

6.3 15.2 18.6 21.7 21.1

21.7 29.8 39.9 43.3 44.5

62.2 72.1 72.2 76.7 74.4

41.6 55.0 59.3 60.3 64.1

9.9 21.7 25.2 28.3 28.7

Note: The 'geographical areas' are denned as containing the following former counties: Far north: Orkney, Shetland, Caithness Highlands: Sutherland, Ross and Cromarty, Inverness, Argyll, Bute North-east: Nairn, Moray, Banff, Aberdeen, Kincardine Western Lowlands: Dunbarton, Renfrew, Lanark, Ayr Eastern Lowlands: Perth, Angus, Fife, Kinross, Clackmannan, Stirling, East Lothian, Midlothian, West Lothian Borders: Berwick, Peebles, Selkirk, Roxburgh, Dumfries, Kirkcudbright, Wigtown. Source: Flinn, ed., Scottish Population History, pp. 313-15.

Table 3.7 Population of the six largest Scottish towns, 1861-1951

1861 1891 1911 1931 1951

(000s)

Glasgow

Edinburgh andLeith Dundee

Aberdeen Paisley

Greenock

394.9 565.0 784.5 1,088.5 1,089.8

201.6 328.9 400.8 439.0 466.8

73.8 121.6 163.9 167.3 182.7

42.1 63.1 75.1 78.9 76.3

90.4 153.1 165.0 175.6 177.3

47.4 66.4 84.5 86.4 93.7

Notes: There are always substantial difficulties in estimating the true size of towns because of boundary changes, and different definitions could produce substantially different results; for example, the inclusion of the contiguous Abbey parish in Paisley in 1861 and of Govan and Partick in Glasgow in 1911 would have increased the population of both those cities by a fifth or more. As it is, the populations given here are of 'Parliamentary burghs', as denned at different census dates to 1911, and thereafter 'Entire County of City and Parish', as similarly denned. Source: Census of Scotland for years cited. as t h e w e s t e r n L o w l a n d s h a d a l r e a d y b e e n in 1 8 6 1 . I n t h e i n d u s t r i a l c e n t r a l b e l t t h e d o m i n a n t e x p e r i e n c e w a s n o t c o m i n g to live in t o w n s per se, b u t c o m i n g to live in t o w n s o f g r e a t s i z e . T a b l e 3 . 7 g i v e s t h e p o p u l a t i o n o f t h e six l a r g e s t t o w n s at s e l e c t e d d a t e s . B y 1 9 5 1 , o u t

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of a t o t a l S c o t t i s h p o p u l a t i o n o f a b o u t 5 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 , two-fifths l i v e d i n the densely developed Clyde basin. O f this, G l a s g o w ' s share was about 1,000,000, i.e. 2 1 per cent of the total population ( L o n d o n h a d only 8 per cent of the total population of E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s ) . W h i l e it h a s a l w a y s b e e n t r u e t h a t i n S c o t l a n d a s l i g h t l y s m a l l e r p r o p o r t i o n of t h e t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n l i v e d i n t o w n s t h a n i n E n g l a n d , t h e r e a l l y significant f e a t u r e i n S c o t l a n d h a s b e e n t h e s e e x t r e m e s o f l o w l e v e l s of u r b a n i s a t i o n i n t h e n o r t h a n d s o u t h c o m b i n e d w i t h v e r y h i g h l e v e l s in t h e c e n t r e . Urbanisation, especially the headlong growth of G l a s g o w and other t o w n s in the west, c o n t i n u e d to p o s e e n o r m o u s p r o b l e m s t h r o u g h o u t the period, t h o u g h the s e n s e of panic w h i c h so often s w e p t c o n t e m ­ p o r a r i e s w h e n t h e y c o n s i d e r e d t h e cities i n t h e 1 8 3 0 s a n d

1840s

r e c e d e d in the decades that followed. T h e f o r m a l m a c h i n e r y for g o v e r n i n g t h e t o w n s i n t h e s e c o n d h a l f of t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y w a s h a m p e r e d b y its o w n c o m p l e x i t y . It b e g a n b y following the lines established b y the burgh reform statutes of 1 8 3 3 , t w o o f w h i c h a b o l i s h e d t h e c o r r u p t o l d c l o s e d c o r p o r a t i o n s in favour of election of councils b y £ 1 0 h o u s e h o l d e r s , a n d t h e third allowed such h o u s e h o l d e r s in a royal b u r g h or b u r g h of b a r o n y to by-pass (but not supplant) the existing councils b y adopting a parallel 'police system', whereby elected magistrates and commissioners of p o l i c e w e r e g i v e n p o w e r s to r a i s e r a t e s for w a t c h i n g , l i g h t i n g , p a v i n g , cleansing, draining, bringing in a water supply, a n d similar functions. M o s t large Scottish t o w n s - G l a s g o w , Edinburgh, Leith, A b e r d e e n , D u n d e e , G r e e n o c k - w o r k e d u n d e r their o w n Police Acts, a n d in 1862 Lindsay's Burgh Police Act enabled communities of no more than 700 inhabitants to m a k e building a n d sanitary bye-laws of their o w n , t h o u g h it r e m a i n e d , i n P r o f e s s o r B e s t ' s w o r d s , ' n o b o d y ' s official business, until the nineties, to m a k e sure either that the bye-laws w h i c h w e r e n e e d e d w e r e m a d e , or that, h a v i n g b e e n m a d e , t h e y w e r e enforced'.

6 0

T h e mid-Victorian years, the 1850s to the 1880s, w e r e a period of administrative confusion in local g o v e r n m e n t in S c o t l a n d to an e v e n greater degree t h a n in E n g l a n d .

6 1

For e x a m p l e , in 1845 t h e belated

60

G. Best, T h e Scottish Victorian City', Victorian Studies, 11 (1968), pp. 329-58. See also I. H. Adams, The Making of Urban Scotland (1978), chap. 7.

61

The best survey is G. S. Pryde, Central and Local Government in Scotland since 1707 (Historical Association Pamphlet No. 4 5 , 1 9 6 0 ) .

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247

r e f o r m o f t h e S c o t t i s h p o o r l a w r e s u l t e d in t h e c r e a t i o n o f a C e n t r a l Board of Supervision a n d a multiplicity of parochial boards: the former b e c a m e in 1 8 6 7 a k i n d o f c e n t r a l s a n i t a r y office ( t h o u g h w i t h q u i t e f e e b l e p o w e r s ) ; t h e latter h a d a p a i d i n s p e c t o r a t e t h a t b e c a m e l o a d e d w i t h all k i n d s o f r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s o t h e r t h a n l o o k i n g after t h e p o o r - for e x a m p l e , a u d i t i n g r e g i s t r a r s ' a c c o u n t s ( 1 8 5 4 ) , e n f o r c i n g v a c c i n a ­ tion (1855), dealing with lunatics (1857), public health duties (1867), l i c e n s i n g p a w n b r o k e r s a n d r a i s i n g t h e e d u c a t i o n rate ( 1 8 7 2 ) . A g a i n t h e c o m m i s s i o n e r s o f s u p p l y h a d e x i s t e d in S c o t l a n d s i n c e t h e s e v e n ­ t e e n t h c e n t u r y to d o m a n y o f t h e t h i n g s for w h i c h t h e q u a r t e r s e s s i o n s h a d r e s p o n s i b i l i t y in E n g l a n d : t h e y w e r e g i v e n c o n t r o l o v e r t h e c o u n t y p o l i c e f o r c e s w h e n t h e y w e r e m a d e o b l i g a t o r y (in 1 8 5 6 - 7 ) a n d c a m e t o g e t h e r w i t h b u r g h m a g i s t r a t e s in m a n y ad hoc a u t h o r i t i e s - for e x a m ­ ple, district b o a r d s o f c o n t r o l o v e r l u n a c y in 1 8 5 7 , t h e p r i s o n c o m m i s ­ s i o n e r s in 1 8 7 7 a n d t h e c o u n t y r o a d t r u s t e e s in 1 8 7 8 . I n 1 8 7 2 t h e establishment of the Scotch Education D e p a r t m e n t and a local network of e l e c t e d S c h o o l B o a r d s a d d e d further t o t h e t a n g l e . O r d e r b e g a n t o b e i m p o s e d o n this w e l t e r o f c o n f l i c t i n g r e s p o n s i ­ bilities w i t h t h e c r e a t i o n o f p o p u l a r l y e l e c t e d c o u n t y c o u n c i l s in 1 8 8 9 (absorbing the p o w e r s of the commissioners of supply and

many

of t h e s p e c i a l i s e d a u t h o r i t i e s ) , a n d t h e r e p l a c e m e n t in 1 8 9 4 o f t h e Board of Supervision and the parochial boards b y a more authoritative L o c a l G o v e r n m e n t B o a r d w i t h p a r i s h c o u n c i l s . M e a n w h i l e , in t o w n g o v e r n m e n t proper, the B u r g h Police Act of 1892 e n d e d the system of d u a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y ( s o t h a t h e n c e f o r t h a t o w n m i g h t b e g o v e r n e d e i t h e r b y p r o v o s t , baillies a n d c o u n c i l l o r s , or b y p o l i c e m a g i s t r a t e s and commissioners, but not by both). The T o w n Council (Scotland) Act of 1900 logically c o m p l e t e d the process b y insisting o n uniform c o n s t i t u t i o n s in all b u r g h s u n d e r p r o v o s t , baillies a n d e l e c t e d c o u n c i l ­ lors. T h e m a j o r r e f o r m of t h e first h a l f o f t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y w a s t h e local g o v e r n m e n t l e g i s l a t i o n o f 1 9 2 9 w h i c h s e t u p t h r e e t y p e s o f b u r g h : four ' c o u n t i e s o f c i t i e s ' , t w e n t y T a r g e b u r g h s ' ( w i t h p o p u l a t i o n s o f c. 2 0 , 0 0 0 ) a n d 1 7 1 ' s m a l l b u r g h s ' . T h e four cities w e r e l a r g e l y selfadministrating, with wide p o w e r s over education and police. T h e large burghs also controlled their o w n police, but p o w e r over education w i t h i n t h e m r e s i d e d in c o u n t y c o u n c i l s . T h e s m a l l b u r g h s

were

r e s p o n s i b l e o n l y for h o u s i n g a n d for s o m e local s e r v i c e s s u c h as light­ i n g , c l e a n s i n g a n d d r a i n a g e : e v e r y t h i n g e l s e in t h e m fell to t h e c o u n t y c o u n c i l s . T h e b a s i c difference in local a d m i n i s t r a t i o n w a s w e l l s u m m e d

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T. C. S M O U T

up b y Professor P r y d e ' s remark that b e t w e e n the nineteenth a n d twen­ t i e t h c e n t u r i e s ' t h e ad hoc g a v e w a y to t h e ad omnia b o d y ' .

6 2

G i v e n t h e e x t e n t o f o v e r l a p p i n g a n d ineffective a u t h o r i t y , it m i g h t be imagined that the Scottish Victorian t o w n was almost incapable of effective g o v e r n m e n t . T h e p r o b l e m w a s e x a c e r b a t e d b e c a u s e m a n y s t a t u t e s i n t e n d e d for t h e b e t t e r g o v e r n m e n t o f t o w n s t h r o u g h o u t t h e entire United K i n g d o m simply could not be i m p o s e d on Scotland b e c a u s e t h e y h a d b e e n d r a w n u p w i t h o u t a n y r e g a r d to t h e s i n g u l a r ­ ities o f S c o t t i s h l a w . T h e S a n i t a r y A c t o f 1 8 6 6 w a s a c a s e i n p o i n t : it w a s d e s i g n e d to e s t a b l i s h m a c h i n e r y to c o m p e l l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s to i m p r o v e s a n i t a r y p r o v i s i o n , b u t it p r o v e d i n o p e r a b l e in S c o t l a n d b e c a u s e t h e u l t i m a t e m e a n s o f e n f o r c e m e n t w a s b y a p p e a l to t h e C o u r t of Q u e e n ' s B e n c h w h i c h h a d n o j u r i s d i c t i o n n o r t h o f t h e B o r d e r . It r e v e a l s t h e p o o r q u a l i t y o f W e s t m i n i s t e r ' s c a r e for S c o t l a n d i n t h i s period that w h e n this a n d similar anomalies w e r e discovered nothing at all w a s d o n e for m a n y y e a r s t o r e m e d y t h e m a t t e r . I n d e e d , n o t until the Public Health (Scotland) Act of 1897 did S c o t l a n d catch up with E n g l a n d in the matter of sanitary legislation, a n d ' S c o t l a n d was, by then, a long way b e h i n d ' .

6 3

T h e d i s a d v a n t a g e w a s felt m o s t s h a r p l y

in s m a l l e r a n d m i d d l e - s i z e d b u r g h s - c o m m u n i t i e s l i k e M o t h e r w e l l a n d P o r t G l a s g o w - w h e r e e v e n at t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e p r e s e n t c e n t u r y t h e laissez-faire s q u a l o r o f C h a d w i c k ' s w o r l d s e e m e d t o h a v e b e e n l e s s m i t i g a t e d t h a n e l s e w h e r e , e x c e p t b y t h e p r o v i s i o n (often b e l a t ­ e d l y ) o f p i p e d w a t e r . I n t h e g r e a t cities, h o w e v e r , as P r o f e s s o r B e s t has emphasised, urban government was neither impotent nor un­ i m a g i n a t i v e i n t h e face o f t h e s e h a n d i c a p s . R u l e d b y P o l i c e A c t s , a n d d r i v e n b y a m i x t u r e o f civic p r i d e in t h e p o p u l a c e a n d a u t h o r i t a r i a n t r a d i t i o n in t h e c o u n c i l s , t h e y p r o v e d t h e m s e l v e s c a p a b l e o f i n n o ­ v a t i o n . E d i n b u r g h , for all t h e s a n i t a r y h o r r o r s o f its o l d w y n d s , h a d , e v e n in t h e 1 8 5 0 s , t h e b e s t s c a v e n g i n g s e r v i c e a n d t h e m o s t u n i v e r s a l l y available medical service (through the doctors of the Royal Infirmary) of a n y city in B r i t a i n . T h e c o l l a p s e o f a n o l d t e n e m e n t in t h e H i g h S t r e e t w i t h t h e l o s s o f thirty-five l i v e s l e d i n 1 8 6 2 to t h e a p p o i n t m e n t of H e n r y L i t t l e j o h n a s t h e first M e d i c a l Officer o f H e a l t h in S c o t l a n d . His report in 1867 o n every aspect of the sanitary condition of the capital,

and

in p a r t i c u l a r

on

differential

m o r t a l i t y in its

various

q u a r t e r s , p r o v i d e d t h e k i n d o f q u a n t i t a t i v e b a c k i n g for future r e f o r m t h a t C h a d w i c k h a d p r o v i d e d for E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s i n 1 8 4 2 , a n d 62

Ibid. p. 22.

63

Best, 'Scottish Victorian City', p. 334.

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249

w a s j u s t as f a m o u s o n its n a r r o w e r s t a g e . T h e b u i l d i n g o f C h a m b e r s S t r e e t in t h e n a m e o f a r e f o r m i n g L o r d P r o v o s t w a s a first a t t e m p t to drive a s w a t h e t h r o u g h t h e s l u m s t h a t h e m m e d in E d i n b u r g h University.

64

T h i s initiative w a s g e n e r a l l y f o l l o w e d in t h e 1 8 7 0 s a n d 1 8 8 0 s b y the reconstruction of most of the area r o u n d the Royal Mile, the C o w g a t e a n d t h e G r a s s m a r k e t , d e s t r o y i n g in t h e p r o c e s s o n e o f t h e m o s t r e m a r k a b l e late R e n a i s s a n c e cities in E u r o p e a n d r e p l a c i n g it b y a V i c t o r i a n pastiche. If it a l s o w i p e d o u t t h e w o r s t c o r r o s i o n s o f e n d e m i c d i s e a s e a n d c r i m e , it d i d n o t h i n g to h e l p r e h o u s e t h e d i s p l a c e d p o o r . T h e invisible h a n d f o u n d a m o r e a c c e p t a b l e s o l u t i o n w h e n , w i t h r i s i n g real w a g e s in t h e last d e c a d e s of t h e c e n t u r y , affluent a r t i s a n s w h o h a d h i t h e r t o l i v e d in t h e c e n t r e b e g a n to m o v e o u t f r o m a m o n g t h e c o m p a n y o f t h e p o o r e s t in t h e o l d t o w n to p r i v a t e l y built r e n t e d t e n e ­ m e n t s c o n s t r u c t e d in n e w w o r k i n g - c l a s s s u b u r b s at G o r g i e - D a l r y a n d E a s t e r R o a d . T h e football t e a m s , H e a r t o f M i d l o t h i a n a n d H i b e r n i a n , f o l l o w e d t h e i r s u p p o r t e r s o u t t o n e w s t a d i a in e a c h l o c a t i o n . T h u s t h e a r c h i t e c t u r a l e x p r e s s i o n o f social d i v i s i o n w h i c h b e g a n in t h e e i g h ­ t e e n t h c e n t u r y w i t h t h e m o v e m e n t o f t h e u p p e r c l a s s e s to t h e n e w t o w n w a s c o m p l e t e d in t h e late n i n e t e e n t h w h e n t h e l e a s t skilled w e r e left in p o s s e s s i o n o f t h e o l d t o w n . It w a s G l a s g o w , h o w e v e r , r a t h e r t h a n t h e capital, w h i c h in t h e s e c o n d half of the nineteenth century w o n the m o r e widespread repu­ t a t i o n for d y n a m i c g o v e r n m e n t . L i k e E d i n b u r g h , it w a s b l e s s e d w i t h p u s h y a n d effective M e d i c a l Officers of H e a l t h ; t h e first a p p e a r e d i m m e d i a t e l y after L i t t l e j o h n ' s a p p o i n t m e n t , a n d t h e m o s t f a m o u s , D r J . B . R u s s e l l , w a s a p o w e r t o b e r e c k o n e d w i t h in t h e l a n d . In 1859 G l a s g o w broke n e w ground b y bringing the highland waters of L o c h K a t r i n e t o t h e city - t h e first m u n i c i p a l i t y in B r i t a i n to h a r n e s s a b u n d a n t n a t u r a l s u p p l i e s in t h i s w a y : t h e c o n t r a s t c a n b e m a d e w i t h D u n d e e , w h i c h in 1 8 6 1 w a s s a i d t o h a v e o n l y five w a t e r c l o s e t s for a p o p u l a t i o n o f 9 2 , 0 0 0 a n d all its w a t e r c a m e f r o m c a r t s o r w e l l s of w h i c h t h e l a r g e s t w a s h e a v i l y p o l l u t e d f r o m a s l a u g h t e r h o u s e .

65

T h e w i s d o m o f G l a s g o w w a s p e r h a p s d e m o n s t r a t e d in 1 8 6 5 - 6 w h e n it l a r g e l y e s c a p e d t h e f o u r t h c h o l e r a e p i d e m i c , suffering o n l y fiftyt h r e e o u t o f s o m e f o u r h u n d r e d d e a t h s in S c o t l a n d , w h e r e a s in t h e 64

65

H. Macdonald, 'Edinburgh with Special Reference to the Work of Dr Littlejohn as Medical Officer of Health' (unpublished PhD thesis, Edinburgh University, 1972), is the best account. Adams, Urban Scotland, p. 136.

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T. c.

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p r e v i o u s ( a n d m o r e s e v e r e ) e p i d e m i c o f 1 8 5 3 - 4 it h a d s u f f e r e d 4 , 0 0 0 out of a Scottish total of about 6,000. O t h e r t o w n s followed h e r ex­ ample, Edinburgh obtaining water from St M a r y ' s Loch and D u n d e e ultimately from the Loch of Lintrathen. In the smallest b u r g h s the s t r u g g l e b e t w e e n t h o s e w i l l i n g to p a y for p u r e w a t e r f l o w i n g d o w n f r o m a r e s e r v o i r in t h e hills a n d t h o s e w h o b e l i e v e d it w o u l d b e suffi­ c i e n t to p u m p it c h e a p l y u p f r o m t h e n e a r e s t ( b u t g e n e r a l l y p o l l u t e d ) river w a s o f t e n fierce: i n S e l k i r k t h e t o w n w a s s o d i v i d e d i n a b i t t e r contest to elect a council of 'Gravitationalists' over ' P u m p e r s '

that

t h e a n n u a l rite o f t h e C o m m o n R i d i n g h a d t e m p o r a r i l y to b e a b a n ­ doned.

6 6

G l a s g o w ' s t r a d i t i o n o f d e c i s i v e , n o t to s a y t o t a l i t a r i a n , a c t i o n w a s d e m o n s t r a t e d a g a i n i n 1 8 6 2 w h e n t h e city o b t a i n e d e x t r a o r d i n a r y ad hoc p o w e r s ( c o p i e d t h r o u g h o u t t h e o t h e r S c o t t i s h cities b e f o r e t h e First W o r l d W a r , t h o u g h v a r y r a r e i n E n g l a n d ) o f ' t i c k e t i n g ' h o u s e s ; i.e. o f fixing m e t a l p l a t e s t o t h e w a l l s o f h o u s e s o f a c e r t a i n s i z e i n d i c a t ­ ing h o w m a n y occupants were allowed, a n d a c c o m p a n y i n g this b y p e r e m p t o r y s e a r c h e s if o v e r c r o w d i n g w a s s u s p e c t e d . S u c h b e h a v i o u r by the authorities certainly harassed the Irish, the poorest a n d m o s t overcrowded of the Glasgow slum-dwellers, and the t h u m p of the p o l i c e o n t h e d o o r at m i d n i g h t b e c a m e a c o m m o n p l a c e w o r k i n g - c l a s s experience. In o n e year 55,000 'night inspections' revealed 7,000 h o u s e s b r e a k i n g t h e l a w , a b o u t 13 p e r c e n t o f t h o s e i n v e s t i g a t e d .

67

This kind of action h a d m o r e to do with social control t h a n c o n c e r n for w e l f a r e , a n d t h e s a m e spirit t o o o f t e n i n f o r m e d t h e t r e a t m e n t o f the destitute u n d e r the 1845 Scottish P o o r L a w , w h i c h until the 1920s continued to d e n y the able-bodied u n e m p l o y e d any entitlement to relief w h i l e s u b j e c t i n g all p a u p e r s t o m i n u t e a n d o f t e n

degrading

i n s p e c t i o n a n d r e g u l a t i o n . A n d n o t for n o t h i n g did G l a s g o w C o u n c i l in 1 8 7 8 a p p o i n t f r o m 1 0 0 a p p l i c a n t s at a s a l a r y o f £ 1 0 0 a y e a r a s s u p e r ­ i n t e n d e n t o f t h e m o d e l l o d g i n g - h o u s e s a f o r m e r drill s e r g e a n t o f t h e Third Argyll Rifles. 66

67

68

68

I am grateful to Dr Gwen Neville, Emory University, for this detail from her unpub­ lished research. J. Butt, 'Working Class Housing in Glasgow, 1851-1914', in S. D. Chapman, ed., The History of Working-Class Housing (Newton Abbot, 1971), pp. 57-92; Darner, 'State, Class and Housing', pp. 73-112. J. Whiteford, 'The Application of the Poor Law in Mid-Nineteenth Century Glasgow' (unpublished PhD thesis, Edinburgh University, 1982); I. Levitt, 'The Scottish Poor Law and Unemployment, 1890-1929', in T. C. Smout, ed., The Search for Wealth and Stability: Essays in Economic and Social History Presented to M. W. Flinn (1979), pp. 263-80; Butt, 'Working Class Housing', p. 68.

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S l u m c l e a r a n c e b e g a n in G l a s g o w o n a l a r g e s c a l e , as s o o f t e n i n Victorian towns, w h e n the railway termini d e m a n d e d extensive land near the centre. T h e n in 1866 the G l a s g o w I m p r o v e m e n t Act estab­ l i s h e d t h e I m p r o v e m e n t T r u s t to c a r r y o n s l u m c l e a r a n c e in a m o r e p l a n n e d w a y , aiming to destroy a ' m o r a l s e w e r of the m o s t l o a t h s o m e description . . . degraded by drunkenness and every attendant form of v i c e a n d p r o f l i g a c y ' : a l a r g e a r e a r o u n d t h e S a l t m a r k e t t h a t w a s t h e n to b e r e d e v e l o p e d b y p r i v a t e i n t e r e s t s . M u c h w a s c l e a r e d b u t little w a s r e b u i l t for t h e p o o r w h o w e r e e v i c t e d , a n d t h e T r u s t a l l e g e d l y e x a c e r b a t e d o v e r c r o w d i n g u n t i l t h e r e c e s s i o n o f 1 8 7 8 p u t a s t o p to a n y f u r t h e r w o r k for a d e c a d e . F r o m 1 8 8 8 , h o w e v e r , t h e c o r p o r a t i o n r e v i v e d its activities a n d w e n t i n t o b u i l d i n g a n d o w n i n g

property

o n m u n i c i p a l a c c o u n t . B y 1 9 1 4 t h e y h a d built 2 , 1 9 9 h o u s e s a n d 7 8 l o d g i n g - h o u s e s - h o u s i n g little o v e r 2 p e r c e n t o f t h e b u t a n o t a b l e p r e c e d e n t for t h e f u t u r e .

population,

69

T h e t r a d i t i o n o f p u b l i c o w n e r s h i p o f utilities in G l a s g o w f e d o n a n o n - p a r t y m i x t u r e o f m u n i c i p a l p r i d e a n d p u b l i c d i s m a y at t h e fre­ q u e n t inefficiency o f p r i v a t e e n t e r p r i s e .

70

The Loch Katrine water

s c h e m e h a d b e e n f o l l o w e d b y m u n i c i p a l i s a t i o n o f t h e g a s s u p p l y in 1 8 6 7 , b y w h i c h t h e city h a l v e d t h e p r i c e , c o m m i t t e d itself to p u b l i c lighting of courts and tenements, and connected m o r e households to t h e p u b l i c m a i n s t h a n in a n y o t h e r i n t h e w o r l d . I n t h e 1 8 7 0 s t h e city built t h e t r a m l i n e s , a n d i n 1 8 9 4 , t o o k o v e r m a n a g e m e n t s o effec­ t i v e l y t h a t t h e t r a m s s e e m e d for a t i m e ( e s p e c i a l l y to t h e i d e o l o g i c a l l y c o m m i t t e d I L P ) a m o d e l o f h o w a s e r v i c e c o u l d b e r u n b y a n d for t h e p u b l i c . N o r did p u b l i c o w n e r s h i p s t o p t h e r e : its r a m i f i c a t i o n s b y the opening of the twentieth century were described by one enthusiast in these w o r d s . In G l a s g o w a citizen: may live in a municipal house; he may walk along the municipal street, or ride on the municipal tramcar and watch the municipal dust cart collecting the refuse which is to be used to fertilise the municipal farm. Then he may turn into the municipal market, buy a steak from an animal killed in the municipal slaughterhouse, and cook it by the municipal gas on the municipal gas stove. For his recreation he can choose amongst municipal libraries, municipal art galleries and municipal music in municipal parks. Should he fall ill, he can ring up his doctor on the municipal telephone, or he may be taken to the municipal hospital in the municipal ambulance by a municipal 69

70

C M . Allan, 'The Genesis of British Urban Redevelopment with Special Reference to Glasgow', Economic History Review, 2ndser., 18(1965), pp. 598-613; Butt, 'Working Class Housing', pp. 60-4; Whiteford, 'Application of the Poor Law', p. 223. W . H. Fraser, 'Municipal Socialism and Social Policy' (unpublished paper), is the best account. I am deeply grateful to the author for allowing me to use it.

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policeman. Should he be so unfortunate as to get on fire, he will be put out by a municipal fireman, using municipal water; after which he will, per­ haps, forego the enjoyment of a municipal bath, though he may find it necess­ ary to get a new suit in the municipal old clothes market. 71

Glasgow's municipalisation was indeed by then the most extensive i n B r i t a i n , a n d it differed (as d i d t h a t o f o t h e r S c o t t i s h cities) f r o m E n g l i s h e x a m p l e s like B i r m i n g h a m i n t h a t i n S c o t l a n d m u n i c i p a l e n t e r ­ p r i s e s w e r e n o t e x p e c t e d t o m a k e a profit o r t o s u b s i d i s e t h e r a t e s : t h e y w e r e s i m p l y e x p e c t e d t o m a k e specific s e r v i c e s c h e a p e r a n d b e t t e r for t h e c i t i z e n s . A r a t e p a y e r s ' b a c k l a s h in t h e e a r l y t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y c a l l e d a h a l t t o w h a t m a n y L i b e r a l U n i o n i s t s a n d C o n s e r v a t i v e s in t h e city w e r e c o m i n g to r e g a r d as t h e c r e e p i n g s o c i a l i s m o f t h e N e w Liberals a n d the ILP, t h u s introducing a novel e l e m e n t of party politics i n t o m u n i c i p a l affairs. B u t it r e m a i n e d t r u e t h a t p u b l i c utilities h a d a better record than private ones: while G l a s g o w p o s s e s s e d the only u n d e r g r o u n d r a i l w a y o u t s i d e L o n d o n , it w a s p r i v a t e l y r u n f r o m its o p e n i n g in 1 8 9 7 u n t i l its m u n i c i p a l i s a t i o n i n 1 9 2 2 , a n d q u i t e failed to c o m p e t e i n t h a t p e r i o d w i t h t h e c o r p o r a t i o n t r a m s .

7 2

W a s all t h i s activity o f t h e c o u n c i l s m o r e t h a n m a r g i n a l to t h e w e l f a r e of t h e g r e a t b o d y o f t h e c i t i z e n s ? T h e c e n t r a l p r o b l e m s o f t h e t o w n s in t h e 1 8 4 0 s (apart f r o m t h e r e l a t i v e l y s i m p l e o n e o f p u b l i c o r d e r w h i c h w a s , in fact, c l e a r l y c o n t a i n e d b y t h e p o l i c e ) h a d b e e n t h e a p p a l l i n g l y high death rates from t h o s e diseases rooted in b a d sanitation as well as i n p o v e r t y , a n d s h o c k i n g h o u s i n g c o n d i t i o n s r o o t e d i n o v e r c r o w d ­ i n g . S c o t l a n d s h a r e d in t h e g e n e r a l r e d u c t i o n o f t h e c r u d e d e a t h r a t e f r o m t h e 1 8 7 0 s , a n d m o s t o f t h e fall b e f o r e 1 9 0 0 w a s d u e t o a r e d u c t i o n in deaths from tuberculosis (which r e m a i n e d , h o w e v e r , a very major killer still a c c o u n t i n g for 13 p e r c e n t o f d e a t h s i n t h e 1 8 9 0 s ) , f r o m the t y p h u s g r o u p of diseases, from scarlet fever a n d from diphtheria. O f t h e s e , t h e c l e a r e s t m a r k e r o f b a d s a n i t a r y c o n d i t i o n s is t h e t y p h u s g r o u p , w h i c h a c c o u n t e d for 5 p e r c e n t o f d e a t h s i n S c o t l a n d i n t h e 1860s but only 1 per cent in the 1890s. Interestingly, in v i e w of w h a t h a s b e e n noticed above about the e n e r g y of big t o w n s c o m p a r e d to small o n e s in o v e r c o m i n g administrative a n d legislative h a n d i c a p s , m o r t a l i t y f r o m t y p h u s w a s , at l e a s t f r o m t h e 1 8 7 0 s , c o n s i s t e n t l y l o w e r i n t h e cities t h a n i n s m a l l t o w n s . T h e a t t a c k o n t h e s a n i t a r y p r o b l e m m u s t t h u s b e a d j u d g e d at l e a s t a partial s u c c e s s i n S c o t l a n d a s it w a s 71

I am indebted to Dr Fraser for this quotation, which is from R. E. C. Lond, Fortnightly Review (Jan. 1903).

72

Adams, Urban Scotland, p. 119.

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1861 1871 1881 1891 1901 1911 1921 1931 1951

253

1861-1951

Persons per room

Intercensal decrease

1.79 1.69 1.59 1.52 1.48 1.45 1.42 1.27 1.05

5.6 5.9 4.5 2.6 [2.0] 2.1 10.6 8.7*

Note: Up to and including the census of 1901 the statistics of occupation of residential premises were given not in relation to houses only but in relation to all residential premises including hotels, boarding houses, institutions, etc. This affects the comparison between figures up to 1901 and figures after it but the degree of variation involved is not such as to vitiate the broad general comparison. * This figure is halved (in the absence of a census in 1941) to make it compar­ able to those above. Source: 1951 Census of Scotland, p. lii.

in E n g l a n d , t h o u g h t h e o b s t a c l e s t o b e o v e r c o m e h a d b e e n e v e n l a r g e r . O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , it w a s o n l y partial. T h e r e c o r d o f infant m o r t a l i t y , in S c o t l a n d as in t h e s o u t h , s h o w e d n o i m p r o v e m e n t b e f o r e t h e t w e n ­ tieth century, a n d t h e n d r o p p e d m o r e slowly t h a n in E n g l a n d . In S c o t l a n d , in t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , infant m o r t a l i t y h a d , o n a v e r a g e , b e e n a p p r e c i a b l y l o w e r t h a n in E n g l a n d ( p e r h a p s b e c a u s e o f g e n e r a l l y l o w e r l e v e l s o f u r b a n i s a t i o n , p e r h a p s b e c a u s e o f b e t t e r infant f e e d i n g c u s t o m s b y w e a n i n g c h i l d r e n o n to p o r r i d g e ) . I n t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y t h e r e v e r s e h a s b e e n t h e c a s e - t h o u g h in b o t h c o u n t r i e s t h e r a t e s of infant m o r t a l i t y h a v e d r o p p e d d r a m a t i c a l l y , t h e fall h a s b e e n g r e a t e r in t h e s o u t h . A s e a r l y as t h e 1 9 2 0 s S c o t l a n d b e g a n to e x p e r i e n c e a higher rate than E n g l a n d .

7 3

T h e c o n q u e s t o f b a d h o u s i n g a n d o v e r c r o w d i n g w a s , as T a b l e s 3 . 8 a n d 3 . 9 s h o w , far m o r e i n c o m p l e t e . T h e c o n t r a s t is p a r t i c u l a r l y s t r i k i n g w i t h E n g l a n d : as e a r l y as 1 9 1 1 t h e E n g l i s h h a d a l r e a d y a t t a i n e d a l o w e r d e n s i t y p e r r o o m t h a n t h e S c o t s r e a c h e d e v e n in 1 9 5 1 ( 0 . 9 5 c o m p a r e d to 1.05); in 1 9 5 1 , 2 6 p e r c e n t o f t h e S c o t t i s h p o p u l a t i o n still l i v e d in o n e - o r t w o - r o o m h o u s e s , c o m p a r e d to 2 . 6 p e r c e n t in E n g l a n d ; a n d in 1 9 5 1 o n l y 3 7 . 4 p e r c e n t o f S c o t t i s h h o m e s y e t h a d M. W. Flinn, ed., Scottish Population History from the 17th Century to the 1930s (Cam­ bridge, 1977), pp. 396-420.

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T a b l e 3 . 9 Percentage of Scottish population in houses of different sizes, 1861-1951

1861 1871 1881 1891 1901 1911 1921 1931 1951

1 room

2 rooms

3 rooms

4 rooms

5 rooms

26.2 23.7 18.0 14.3 11.0 8.7 8.4 7.1 3.5

37.7 38.3 39.5 39.4 39.5 40.9 40.8 36.9 22.3

12.7 13.9 16.1 17.9 19.9 21.9 22.1 26.1 31.2

6.4 6.7 7.6 8.3 9.1 9.9 10.5 12.0 25.2

3.7 3.8 4.2 4.6 4.9 5.6 5.8 6.2 8.8

Note: The figures for 1911-51 refer to population enumerated in private house­ holds only, but those of earlier censuses include the entire enumerated popula­ tion, viz., those in institutions, lodging houses, hotels as well as in private homes. Source: 1951 Census of Scotland, p. 76.

m o r e t h a n three r o o m s , c o m p a r e d to 84.7 per cent of English o n e s . O r - t o c o m p a r e t h e l a r g e s t cities in e a c h c o u n t r y - in 1 9 5 1 in G l a s g o w , h a l f t h e h o u s e s w e r e o f o n e or t w o r o o m s , in L o n d o n o n l y 5 . 5 p e r c e n t ; in G l a s g o w , a q u a r t e r o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n w e r e living m o r e t h a n t w o t o a r o o m , in L o n d o n o n l y 1.7 p e r c e n t .

7 4

S u c h differences w e r e

not n e w . T h e Scottish h o u s i n g p r o b l e m over the w h o l e of this century w a s o f a different o r d e r o f m a g n i t u d e f r o m t h e E n g l i s h . T h e question of w h y this should b e so h a s often b e e n raised, but is n o t as r e a d i l y a n s w e r e d . T h e n a t i v e f e u i n g s y s t e m , b y w h i c h a p i e c e o f l a n d w a s ' s o l d ' in r e t u r n for a l u m p s u m d o w n a n d a fixed quit r e n t in p e r p e t u i t y , h a s f r e q u e n t l y b e e n b l a m e d for e n c o u r a g i n g s p e c u l a t i v e b u i l d e r s t o c r o w d as m a n y h o m e s as p o s s i b l e i n t o t h e t r a d i t i o n a l tall s t o n e t e n e m e n t s . B u t it is h a r d t o s e e w h y it s h o u l d h a v e t h i s effect m o r e t h a n s a y , a n o u t r i g h t sale o r a v e r y l o n g l e a s e as c o m m o n in E n g l i s h l a w . O n l y a l e a s e for a l i m i t e d t e r m o f y e a r s d u r i n g w h i c h t h e o r i g i n a l l a n d o w n e r r e t a i n e d a n i n t e r e s t in ' r e s p e c ­ t a b l e ' l o n g - t e r m d e v e l o p m e n t ( e x c e p t i o n a l in e i t h e r c o u n t r y ) w a s proof against the uncontrolled greed of the building speculator, w h o will b u i l d as b a d l y as h e c a n g e t a w a y w i t h as l o n g as it p a y s h i m . It is w i s e r , t h e r e f o r e , t o l o o k to s o m e c o m b i n a t i o n o f e c o n o m i c , social a n d e n v i r o n m e n t a l factors to e x p l a i n t h e d e m a n d for a s m a l l h o m e in a t e n e m e n t . It is c e r t a i n l y r e l e v a n t t h a t t h e S c o t s w e r e a v e r y m u c h 74

T. Brennan, Reshaping a City, (Glasgow, 1959), pp. 2 0 - 1 .

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p o o r e r p e o p l e t h a n t h e E n g l i s h in t h e e a r l y a n d m i d d l e n i n e t e e n t h centuries w h e n the patterns of u r b a n d e v e l o p m e n t w e r e established, a n d , if p o o r e r , c o u l d afford l o w e r r e n t s . T o live i n o n e or t w o r o o m s (as 6 4 p e r c e n t o f S c o t s did in 1 8 6 1 , a n d 4 9 p e r c e n t as late as 1 9 2 1 ) a l s o e f f e c t e d s u b s t a n t i a l s a v i n g s in h e a t i n g a n d l i g h t i n g in a c o l d a n d dark country,

e s p e c i a l l y in t h e t e n e m e n t s w h e r e t h e

contiguous

h o u s e s (anglice ' f l a t s ' ) k e p t o n e a n o t h e r w a r m . It is a l s o t r u e , h o w e v e r , t h a t t h e S c o t s o v e r a l o n g p e r i o d h a v e p r o v e d u n w i l l i n g to p a y as l a r g e a p r o p o r t i o n e v e n o f t h e i r l o w e r i n c o m e s t o w a r d s h o u s i n g c o s t s as t h e E n g l i s h a n d m o s t o t h e r E u r o ­ p e a n s . It is a g a i n h a r d to s a y w h y . T h e r e m a y b e a n e l e m e n t of i n e r t i a : if a p o p u l a t i o n b e c o m e s a c c u s t o m e d to living in s m a l l , p o o r - q u a l i t y h o m e s at l o w r e n t s (as p r i v a t e t e n a n t s or as c o u n c i l t e n a n t s ) it m a y s e e m a d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e sacrifice o f o t h e r i t e m s o f c o n s u m p t i o n to p a y m u c h h i g h e r r e n t s for l a r g e r h o u s e s . T h i s e x p l a n a t i o n in t u r n s e e m s superficial, h o w e v e r , for w h y h a v e o t h e r s b e e n m o r e w i l l i n g t h a n t h e S c o t s to i m p r o v e t h e i r h o u s i n g e x p e c t a t i o n s f r o m l o w l e v e l s ? H o w e v e r , a m o n g t h e h i s t o r i c a l r e a s o n s for t h e r e l u c t a n c e o f t h e w o r k ­ i n g c l a s s t o p u t as m u c h m o n e y i n t o t h e i r h o m e s as t h e E n g l i s h m a y b e w e l f a r e i n s e c u r i t y : as l o n g as t h e S c o t t i s h p o o r l a w r e f u s e d to g i v e a n y h e l p at all t o a n a b l e - b o d i e d m a n o u t o f w o r k t h e S c o t s w o r k e r h a d to s a v e m o r e t h a n t h e E n g l i s h a g a i n s t a r a i n y d a y : thrift a n d b a d h o u s i n g , in fact, m a y h a v e b e e n c o m p l e m e n t a r y b e f o r e 1 9 1 4 . Whatever the cause, however, one should be very wary of saying t h a t t h e S c o t s l i v e d in b a d t e n e m e n t h o u s i n g ' b e c a u s e t h e y l i k e d i t ' . O n t h e c o n t r a r y , t h e r e is m u c h e v i d e n c e (at l e a s t in t h e t w e n t i e t h century) of e n o r m o u s

r e s e n t m e n t b y t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s at b e i n g

t r a p p e d in t h e v e r m i n o u s s l u m s . T h e rise o f t h e I L P in G l a s g o w b e f o r e t h e F i r s t W o r l d W a r w a s l a r g e l y d u e to t h e a p p e a l o f W h e a t l e y ' s c a m ­ p a i g n for g o o d h o u s e s , w h i c h in t u r n w a s b a s e d o n a n i d e a o f a n immigrant engineer, J o h n Burgess, w h o believed that Scottish councils c o u l d a n d s h o u l d b u i l d E n g l i s h - t y p e c o t t a g e h o m e s for t h e w o r k e r s . The

7 0

first g o v e r n m e n t - a s s i s t e d c o u n c i l h o u s e s b u i l t in t h e city after

t h e First W o r l d W a r w e r e o b v i o u s l y i n f l u e n c e d b y t h i s m o d e l , t h o u g h t h e t r a d i t i o n a l t e n e m e n t also w e n t o n b e i n g built b y c o u n c i l s b e c a u s e it w a s c h e a p . It w a s n o t , h o w e v e r , p r e f e r r e d . B r e n n a n , w r i t i n g in 1 9 5 9 , f o u n d t h a t m o s t p e o p l e w a n t e d a h o u s e w i t h its o w n front d o o r , a n d if p o s s i b l e a b u n g a l o w , ' t h a t is, a h o u s e as u n l i k e a t e n e m e n t 73

Minutes of Evidence Taken before Glasgow Municipal Commission on the Housing of the Poor (Glasgow, 1904).

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flat a s p o s s i b l e ' .

7 6

W h e t h e r it w a s e v e r p r a c t i c a b l e t o b u i l d t h i s k i n d

of h o u s e in t h e p u b l i c s e c t o r o n a l a r g e s c a l e is a n o t h e r m a t t e r . A g a i n s t t h i s b a c k g r o u n d it is difficult t o a s s e s s t h e a b s o l u t e a c h i e v e ­ m e n t o f S c o t l a n d in its h o u s i n g r e c o r d o v e r t h e e n t i r e c e n t u r y . A s Table 3.8 s h o w s , the biggest i m p r o v e m e n t s in o v e r c r o w d i n g per r o o m before 1914 c a m e in the 1860s a n d 1870s a n d to a lesser extent the 1 8 8 0 s . T h i s p e r i o d c o i n c i d e s w i t h t h e first b l i t z o n t h e c l a s s i c s l u m s of t h e 1 8 4 0 s , a n d t h e p r i v a t e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f n e w w o r k i n g - c l a s s s u b ­ u r b s for t h e b e t t e r p a i d . T h e v e r y s e r i o u s s l o w i n g d o w n t h a t f o l l o w e d f r o m t h e 1 8 9 0 s t o t h e c l o s e o f t h e First W o r l d W a r s e e m e d t o s h o w t h a t c a p i t a l i s m left t o itself h a d n o s o l u t i o n ; t h o u g h i n fact t h e p e r c e n t ­ age of families in o n e - r o o m h o u s e s actually h a l v e d e v e n in this period. T h e success of the ILP, not least w h e n b a c k e d b y the rent strikes t h a t m a d e t h e g o v e r n m e n t e x c e e d i n g l y n e r v o u s i n t h e w a r , l e a n t politi­ cal w e i g h t t o t h e s o m b r e f i n d i n g s o f t h e R o y a l C o m m i s s i o n o n H o u s i n g in S c o t l a n d , p u b l i s h e d in 1 9 1 7 . The age of the state-subsidised council h o u s e followed the Scottish Addison Act of 1919, and the general history of legislation thereafter broadly follows the English p a t t e r n .

7 7

The Scots, however, became

m u c h more deeply c o m m i t t e d to council h o u s i n g t h a n the English, p a r t l y b e c a u s e t h e i n t e r w a r d e p r e s s i o n a n d t h e drift o f b e t t e r - o f f S c o t s to t h e s o u t h p r o f o u n d l y d i s c o u r a g e d t h e p r i v a t e s e c t o r i n S c o t ­ land, and partly b e c a u s e the L a b o u r party in the councils largely o w e d its a p p e a l to l o c a l h o u s i n g p r o g r a m m e s . A l t o g e t h e r , b e t w e e n 1 9 1 9 a n d 1939, 213,000 council h o u s e s w e r e built in S c o t l a n d , c o m p a r e d to 1 0 4 , 0 0 0 p r i v a t e h o u s e s ( a n d e v e n o f t h e s e 4 3 , 0 0 0 w e r e b u i l t w i t h state a s s i s t a n c e ) : t h i s w a s 6 7 p e r c e n t o f t h e t o t a l , c o m p a r e d t o 2 8 p e r c e n t in E n g l a n d .

7 8

E v e n this, h o w e v e r , s e e m e d a totally inade­

q u a t e effort i n t h e face o f m a n i f e s t n e e d , a n d at t h e c l o s e o f t h e S e c o n d World W a r the L a b o u r g o v e r n m e n t again placed a very high priority in s o l v i n g t h e h o u s i n g p r o b l e m t h r o u g h t h e s t a t e . I n t h e n e x t six years, 106,000 p e r m a n e n t and 32,000 temporary prefabricated public s e c t o r h o u s e s w e r e built, w h i l e p r i v a t e e n t e r p r i s e w a s s o s t a r v e d o f building permits, labour and materials, and so discouraged b y rent c o n t r o l s , t h a t it c o u l d o n l y m a n a g e 6 , 0 0 0 .

7 9

B y 1 9 5 6 o n e t h i r d o f all

the houses in G l a s g o w w e r e municipally o w n e d . 76

Brennan, Reshaping a City, p. 30.

77

R. D. Cramond, Housing Policy in Scotland, 1919-64 (Edinburgh, 1966). C. Miller, 'The Scottish Economy and the Post-War British Governments' (unpub­ lished MPhil. thesis, St Andrews University, 1981), p. 170.

78

79

Ibid., p. 167.

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257

The result of the council h o u s e m o v e m e n t b e t w e e n 1919 and 1951 can

b e partly j u d g e d from Tables 3.8 a n d 3 . 9 . Overcrowding was

r e d u c e d at m o r e t h a n f o u r t i m e s t h e r a t e o f t h e p r e v i o u s p e r i o d w h e n p r o v i s i o n h a d b e e n left e n t i r e l y t o t h e m a r k e t , a n d t h e p r o p o r t i o n living in o n e - a n d t w o - r o o m e d h o u s e s w a s halved: the o n e - r o o m h o u s e , i n d e e d , n e a r l y d i s a p p e a r e d , a n d for t h e first t i m e in 1 9 5 1 t h e r e w e r e m o r e p e o p l e l i v i n g i n t h r e e - r o o m h o u s e s t h a n in t w o - r o o m h o u s e s . T h e s e , o f c o u r s e , a r e n a t i o n a l f i g u r e s : i n i n d i v i d u a l cities, especially G l a s g o w , the overall position w a s always a g o o d deal worse, a n d it n e v e r c r o s s e d a n y o n e ' s m i n d i n 1 9 5 1 t h a t t h e h o u s i n g p r o b l e m w a s in a n y s e n s e ' s o l v e d ' . T h e b u i l d i n g o f t h e n e w c o u n c i l e s t a t e s (like P o l l o c k , K n i g h t s w o o d , M o s s p a r k a n d B l a c k h i l l i n G l a s g o w o r P i l t o n a n d C r a i g m i l l a r in E d i n ­ b u r g h ) , c o m b i n e d a s it w a s w i t h s l u m c l e a r a n c e i n t h e i n n e r city, b r o u g h t its o w n o b v i o u s p r o b l e m s i n its t r a i n . O n e w a s to t r a n s f o r m t h e t r a d i t i o n a l l y c o m p a c t n a t u r e o f t h e S c o t t i s h t o w n b y v a s t spatial e x p a n s i o n at a t i m e o f little o r n o d e m o g r a p h i c g r o w t h : t h e s p r a w l i n g n e w estates, c o m b i n e d with the b u n g a l o i d character of such private b u i l d i n g a s t h e r e w a s , c u t off t h e b u l k o f t h e u r b a n p o p u l a t i o n f r o m their traditional e a s y access b o t h to city centre a n d

surrounding

country, while municipal tram and bus services poorly compensated for t h i s l o s s o f c o n v e n i e n c e a n d c o m m u n i t y . T h e G l a s g o w c o u n c i l l o r w h o r e s p o n d e d to the palpable n e e d of poor people a r o u n d h i m by exclaiming 'tae hell wi' planning' w a s only saying aloud what most politicians thought privately; but the result w a s often to construct ghettos of fearsome ugliness, few amenities a n d concentrated depriva­ tion.

8 0

N o t all c o u n c i l e s t a t e s , o f c o u r s e , w e r e e q u a l l y p o o r , for t h e r e w a s a w o r l d o f d i f f e r e n c e in G l a s g o w i n t h e 1 9 3 0 s b e t w e e n r e s p e c t a b l e K n i g h t s w o o d a n d t h e r a z o r - g a n g s ' B l a c k h i l l . T h a t itself c r e a t e d p r o b ­ l e m s . W h o d e c i d e d w h e r e a n a p p l i c a n t for a c o u n c i l h o u s e w a s to go? A n d o n w h a t g r o u n d s ? T h e creation of a municipal bureaucracy with p o w e r over the p e o p l e in the n a m e of the p e o p l e w a s o n e inevi­ t a b l e a n d u n h a p p y c o n s e q u e n c e . T h e n t h e n e e d t o s t a y in t h e s a m e t o w n t o a c c u m u l a t e e n o u g h official p o i n t s t o qualify for a h o u s e , a n d t h e difficulty o f s w a p p i n g a c o u n c i l h o u s e i n o n e p l a c e for a similar h o u s e in another, h e l p e d to immobilise the population

at t i m e s ,

e s p e c i a l l y after 1 9 4 5 , w h e n g e o g r a p h i c a l a n d o c c u p a t i o n a l m o b i l i t y

80

Brennan, Reshaping a City, p. 27 and passim; Checkland, Upas Tree, pp. 35-40, 63-80.

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258

Т. С. S M O U T

T a b l e ЗЛО Numbers of males employed in agriculture,

1881, 1911 and

1951, as a percentage of the numbers employed in 1851

Great Britain Scotland Highland Borders and south-west

1881

1911

1951

80 82 89 76

75 76 80 73

55 57 42 68

Source: Lee, Regional Statistics.

in l a b o u r w a s m o s t to b e d e s i r e d if S c o t l a n d w a s to a c h i e v e a m o r e m o d e r n a n d flexible e c o n o m i c s t r u c t u r e .

81

S u c h c o s t s as t h e s e c o u l d n o t b e easily, or q u i c k l y , p e r c e i v e d , still less quantified. But they were there, and they w e r e heavy. T h e b a d h o u s i n g o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y h a s p r o v e d a b u r d e n to t h e t w e n ­ tieth c e n t u r y o f i n c a l c u l a b l e m a g n i t u d e . W e are n o s u r e r h o w to c a r r y it n o w t h a n w e w e r e in 1 9 1 9 or 1 9 4 5 , b u t w e h a v e b e e n c r i p p l e d in b e a r i n g w h a t c o u l d n o t b e i g n o r e d .

IV

A g r i c u l t u r e h a s a l w a y s b e e n slightly m o r e i m p o r t a n t to t h e S c o t t i s h e c o n o m y t h a n to t h e e c o n o m y o f G r e a t B r i t a i n as a w h o l e : in 1 8 5 1 e m p l o y m e n t in f a r m i n g , forestry a n d fishing w a s 2 2 p e r c e n t o f t h e total e m p l o y m e n t for m e n in G r e a t Britain, b u t 2 5 p e r c e n t in S c o t l a n d ; b y 1 9 5 1 t h e figures w e r e 5 p e r c e n t a n d 7 p e r c e n t r e s p e c t i v e l y . S i m i ­ larly, t h e d e c l i n e in agricultural e m p l o y m e n t h a s b e e n e v e r y w h e r e a m a j o r c a u s e o f d e p o p u l a t i o n a n d its a s s o c i a t e d p r o b l e m s in rural a r e a s , h a r d l y w o r s e in S c o t l a n d t h a n e l s e w h e r e . Table 3.10 shows h o w the decline went over the century 1851-1951. C o m p a r e d to t h e starting d a t e , n u m b e r s in a g r i c u l t u r e in G r e a t B r i t a i n a n d S c o t l a n d alike h a d d r o p p e d b y a b o u t a fifth in 1 8 8 1 , b y a q u a r t e r b y 1 9 1 1 a n d b y b e t w e e n a t h i r d a n d a h a l f b y 1 9 5 1 . T h e m o r e significant v a r i a t i o n h o w e v e r , is b e t w e e n t w o d e e p l y rural a r e a s o f S c o t l a n d : the Highlands - where decline was well below average before 1881 a n d to a c e r t a i n e x t e n t b e f o r e 1 9 1 1 , b u t c a t a s t r o p h i c b e t w e e n 1 9 1 1

81

R. Baird, 'Housing', in Cairncross, ed., Scottish Economy, pp. 193-211.

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Scotland 1850-1950

259

and 1951 - and the Borders and south-west - where decline was much sharper d o w n to 1881 a n d 1 9 1 1 , but very m u c h less from 1911 to 1 9 5 1 . M a n y S c o t s w o u l d find t h e s e figures a m a z i n g . C l e a r a n c e s , after all, w e r e a f e a t u r e o f t h e H i g h l a n d s , n o t o f t h e L o w l a n d s , u n t i l t h e land reforms of the 1880s; a n d the corpus of crofting legislation built u p b e t w e e n 1 8 8 6 a n d 1 9 1 1 w a s d e s i g n e d to s t o p t h e

depopulation

of the north, not of the south w h o s e farmers a n d farm labourers did n o t c o m e u n d e r its s w a y . T h e o b v i o u s c o n c l u s i o n is t h a t e v i c t i o n s were not the main cause of depopulation nor legislation any protection a g a i n s t it. W h a t h a p p e n e d i n t h e H i g h l a n d s i n t h e c e n t u r y after 1 8 5 0 w a s t h e creation a n d d e m i s e of a n e c o n o m y s u p p o r t e d o n o n e leg b y crofting and on the other by the earnings of migrant labour. T o go south in search of harvest w o r k , n a w y i n g or military service h a d l o n g b e e n a t r a d i t i o n o f t h e H i g h l a n d e r s , b u t after t h e b l i g h t s a n d f a m i n e s o f the 1840s remittances back from the Lowlands b e c a m e the only w a y t o e n s u r e t h a t r e n t s for t h e croft w o u l d c o n t i n u e t o b e p a i d . D r D e v i n e h a s s h o w n h o w t h e p o p u l a t i o n w a s m a i n t a i n e d at its e x c e p t i o n a l l y h i g h l e v e l s b y crofters w o r k i n g for p a r t o f t h e y e a r o n s o u t h e r n f a r m s , or b y s o n s w o r k i n g i n f a c t o r i e s , o n c o n s t r u c t i o n j o b s o r o n t h e b o a t s , or b y d a u g h t e r s w o r k i n g a s d o m e s t i c s e r v a n t s , field h a n d s a n d fish g u t t e r s - b u t all r e t u r n i n g t o b e r e u n i t e d o n t h e croft i n d u e c o u r s e .

8 2

By the 1880s farm mechanisation was eating into s o m e jobs, and the industrial dislocation of that period h e l p e d to precipitate the poverty a n d discontent that accompanied contemporary land agitation. But t h e r e w a s as y e t n o p e r m a n e n t s h o r t a g e o f i n d u s t r i a l o p e n i n g s : t h e r e w e r e still r i v e t t e r s o n t h e C l y d e w h o w e n t b a c k t o t h e i r i s l a n d h o l d i n g s for s e e d t i m e a n d h a r v e s t , a n d w e r e p e r h a p s i n d u e c o u r s e e n t e r e d a s crofters b y t h e c e n s u s m e n . Consequently, despite a century of the m o s t bitter complaint of m e n being driven from the land b y s h e e p farms a n d deer forests, the total population of t h e H i g h l a n d s contrived to r e m a i n m u c h h i g h e r i n t h e s e c o n d h a l f o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y t h a n it h a d b e e n i n 1 8 0 1 , a n d i n 1 9 0 1 it w a s still o n l y 1 1 p e r c e n t b e l o w its a l l - t i m e p e a k in 1 8 4 1 . T h i s figure, h o w e v e r , m a s k s a g r e a t d e a l o f r e d i s t r i b u t i o n . I n t h e O u t e r H e b r i d e s a p o p u l a t i o n e x p l o s i o n w a s still a c t i v e l y t a k i n g place, probably t h e only part of rural Britain w h e r e this w a s the case

82

T. M. Devine, T e m p o r a r y Migration and the Scottish Highlands in the Nineteenth Century', Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 32 (1979), pp. 344-59.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

260

T. c.

SMOUT

- o n L e w i s a n d H a r r i s , for i n s t a n c e , n u m b e r s s t o o d at 2 1 , 5 0 0 in 1 8 4 1 b u t 3 5 , 0 0 0 b y 1 9 1 1 . C o n v e r s e l y , in t h e I n n e r H e b r i d e s , t h e r e w a s a c o l l a p s e - p o p u l a t i o n o n S k y e , I s l a y a n d M u l l fell f r o m 4 6 , 7 0 0 to 2 3 , 6 0 0 over the same dates.

8 3

T h e b a s i c d i s t i n c t i o n w a s t h a t in t h e O u t e r

H e b r i d e s , b u t n o t in t h e I n n e r , t h e r e w e r e e x c e l l e n t p r o s p e c t s for j o b s o n e a s t - c o a s t fishing b o a t s t h a t p u t i n t o S t o r n o w a y a n d C a s t l e b a y o n B a r r a , a n d w h i c h t o o k t h e girls to t h e g u t t i n g at W i c k , P e t e r h e a d and places south. T h e First W o r l d W a r a n d its a f t e r m a t h , h o w e v e r , b r o u g h t d i s a s t e r to t h i s e c o n o m y t h r o u g h o u t t h e H i g h l a n d s . A n a b n o r m a l l y h i g h p r o ­ p o r t i o n o f t h e y o u n g m e n d i e d in t h e t r e n c h e s a n d at s e a . T h e h e r r i n g fishing w a s r u i n e d b y t h e c o l l a p s e o f its E a s t E u r o p e a n m a r k e t , f a r m i n g was shedding labour, domestic service declining and the shipyards l a y i n g off m e n b y t h e t h o u s a n d .

S o severe w a s the dislocation of

t h e l o c a l e c o n o m y in t h e s h o r t t e r m t h a t civil s e r v a n t s in t h e 1 9 2 0 s were soberly w a r n i n g E d i n b u r g h a n d Whitehall that there might b e a n a c t u a l r e t u r n to f a m i n e in t h e i s l a n d s , as t h o u g h t h e c l o c k h a d g o n e b a c k to 1 8 4 6 .

8 4

The population

o f t h e H i g h l a n d s fell

more

a b r u p t l y t h a n at a n y t i m e in t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , t h e H e b r i d e s as a g r o u p l o s i n g 2 8 p e r c e n t o f t h e i r i n h a b i t a n t s b e t w e e n 1 9 1 1 a n d 1 9 5 1 . T h e r e t u r n to full e m p l o y m e n t i n t h e L o w l a n d s after t h e S e c o n d World W a r was incapable of restoring the migrant e c o n o m y . T h e y o u n g w e i g h e d t h e t r a d i t i o n a l life a g a i n s t t h e w o r l d p o r t r a y e d b y t h e c i n e m a a n d t h e r a d i o , f o u n d it w a n t i n g , a n d left. It m i g h t i n d e e d b e c o g e n t l y a r g u e d t h a t w h a t w a s truly d i s t i n c t i v e a b o u t t h e H i g h l a n d e r s c o m p a r e d to t h e o t h e r i n h a b i t a n t s o f rural B r i ­ tain in the later n i n e t e e n t h century w a s not that t h e y w e r e e x p o s e d to c r u e l l e r p r e s s u r e s b u t t h a t t h e y r e s e n t e d t h e m m o r e . S i r J o h n M a c Neill, s e c r e t a r y to t h e B o a r d o f S u p e r v i s i o n o f t h e S c o t t i s h P o o r L a w , r e p o r t i n g o n t h e a f t e r m a t h o f t h e f a m i n e in 1 8 5 1 m a r v e l l e d at t h e H i g h l a n d e r s ' ' t e n a c i t y o f t h e i r a t t a c h m e n t to t h e i r n a t i v e s o i l ' w h i c h ' y e a r s o f i n t e r c o u r s e w i t h t h e m o r e a d v a n c e d districts s e e m s to p r o ­ d u c e n o d e s i r e to c h a n g e ' , a n d c i t e d t h e e x a m p l e o f a S k y e crofter w h o 'travelled about 600 miles, separated himself from his family a n d w o r k e d h a r d for six m o n t h s e v e r y y e a r , t h a t h e m i g h t c o n t i n u e to e n j o y h i s croft a n d c o m p a r a t i v e i d l e n e s s for t h e o t h e r h a l f - y e a r 83

84

Flinn, ed., Scottish Population History, p. 306; W. H. Murray, The Islands of Western Scotland (1973), pp. 308-9. I. Levitt, T h e Scottish Poor Law and Unemployment, 1890-1939', (unpublished paper presented at SSRC Conference on History and Social Policy, Manchester, 1976).

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

Scotland 1850-1950 i n W a t e r n i s h . A n d s u c h w a s t h e f e e l i n g of e v e r y o n e .

, 8 : >

261

The world

view of the m a n from W a t e r n i s h obviously conflicted with that of t h e lairds a n d political e c o n o m i s t s , w h o b e l i e v e d t h a t o n l y p e r m a n e n t e m i g r a t i o n w o u l d c u r e w h a t t h e y t e r m e d ' c o n g e s t i o n ' a n d a n e w start for t h e crofters b e c a m e p o s s i b l e in a b e t t e r a n d m o r e e n r i c h i n g e n v i r o n ­ m e n t o u t s i d e t h e H i g h l a n d s . It w a s n o t t h a t H i g h l a n d e r s w e r e a v e r s e to e n r i c h m e n t in itself: t h e r e w a s n o c o n s u m e r r e s i s t a n c e to b e t t e r clothes or imported food, and s o m e of the complaints of the 1880s a r e r e l a t e d to failure to g e t e n o u g h o f t h e s e g o o d t h i n g s for t h e m s e l v e s over the past half-century. But, broadly speaking, the

nineteenth-

c e n t u r y crofter p u t h o m e b e f o r e w e a l t h , t h e c e r t a i n p o s s e s s i o n o f l a n d b e f o r e t h e d u b i o u s o p p o r t u n i t y to g a i n e n r i c h m e n t b y a b e t t e r i n c o m e a s a n i n d u s t r i a l w o r k e r at h o m e or e v e n as a l a n d h o l d e r o v e r s e a s . C o n s e q u e n t l y h e w a s p r e p a r e d to s h a r e t h e h o l d i n g w i t h h i s g r o w n - u p s o n s a n d t h e i r f a m i l i e s r a t h e r t h a n o b l i g e t h e m to l e a v e t h e s e t t l e m e n t for e v e r , t o live for y e a r s o n t h e b r i n k of s u b s i s t e n c e r a t h e r t h a n t o c o m m i t h i m s e l f i r r e t r i e v a b l y to t h e d a n g e r o u s c u r r e n t s o f u r b a n life. I n s o m e r e s p e c t s t h e s e s e n t i m e n t s b e g g e d a l m o s t as m a n y q u e s t i o n s as t h o s e o n t h e o t h e r s i d e , for w h a t w o u l d h a p p e n if crofting l a n d s w e r e so constantly divided that i n c o m e levels w e r e driven b e l o w m e r e s u b s i s t e n c e ? A n y o n e w i t h a k n o w l e d g e of I r e l a n d in t h e 1 8 4 0 s c o u l d s e e t h i s w a s n o t e n t i r e l y a n idle q u e s t i o n , a n d it w a s n o t c o n v i n c i n g l y a n s w e r e d b y t h o s e crofters w h o s a i d t h a t t h e r e t u r n o f g r a z i n g l a n d u n d e r s h e e p o r d e e r w o u l d s o l v e t h e p r o b l e m o f l a n d - h u n g e r for all time. I n t h e e v e n t , l a r g e - s c a l e e v i c t i o n , as D r R i c h a r d s h a s s h o w n , c a m e t o a n e n d w i t h a s e r i e s of i n c i d e n t s i n t h e l a t e 1 8 4 0 s a n d e a r l y 1 8 5 0 s , s u c h as t h o s e at S u i s h n i s h o n S k y e , K n o y d a r t a n d C o i g a c h o n t h e w e s t e r n m a i n l a n d a n d G r e e n y a r d s in E a s t e r R o s s , for t h e m o s t p a r t 'ugly scenes, marked by panic, hysteria, anger, rough handling and pitiful s u f f e r i n g ' . T h e y w e r e a l s o e x c e p t i o n a l l y w e l l r e p o r t e d - i n d e e d , sensationalised - b y an anti-landlord press with an increasingly avid L i b e r a l r e a d e r s h i p in t h e t o w n s . T h e force o f p u b l i c o p i n i o n , t o g e t h e r w i t h partial r e c o v e r y f r o m t h e e c o n o m i c t r a u m a s o f t h e f a m i n e d e c a d e , d i s c o u r a g e d lairds f r o m t r y i n g t h e like a g a i n . N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e r e w a s a g o o d deal of small-scale m o v i n g o n and surreptitious e n c o u r a g e m e n t to l e a v e , ' i n v i s i b l e p r e s s u r e o n t h e p e o p l e to e a s e t h e m o u t o f t h e

85

Report to the Board of Supervision by Sir John McNeill, GCB, on the Western Highlands and Islands (Edinburgh, 1851) p. xii.

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T. c.

S M O U T

r e g i o n ' , t h o u g h t h e r e is n o r e a s o n t o b e l i e v e it w a s w o r s e h e r e t h a n e l s e w h e r e i n G r e a t B r i t a i n or I r e l a n d .

86

T h e n , in the 1880s there w a s a s u d d e n turning of the tables; the crofters t o o k t h e i n i t i a t i v e a n d b e g a n t o p r e s s t h e i r c l a i m s n o t m e r e l y for l e g a l l y g u a r a n t e e d s e c u r i t y o f t e n u r e b u t a l s o for a c t i o n t o r e t u r n lands that h a d b e e n lost to s h e e p or deer to the grazing of the town­ ships.

8 7

T h e r e a s o n s for t h i s b u r s t o f political s e l f - h e l p f r o m a h i t h e r t o

unpoliticised section of the nation w e r e c o m p l e x : the e x a m p l e of Irish land agitation w a s clearly important, as w a s h e l p provided b y middleclass outsiders including influential enthusiasts of the Celtic cultural r e v i v a l at E d i n b u r g h U n i v e r s i t y a n d e l s e w h e r e .

8 8

Disorder in S k y e ,

r e s u l t i n g in t h e d e s p a t c h first o f a c o n t i n g e n t o f t h e G l a s g o w city police to Braes near Portree, and then, e v e n m o r e improbably, of a g u n b o a t full o f m a r i n e s t o G l e n d a l e , w a s a v i d l y r e p o r t e d i n t h e urban Liberal press. O n e u p s h o t w a s the return to Parliament in 1885 of f o u r M P s o f a n i n d e p e n d e n t C r o f t e r s ' p a r t y , o n a p l a t f o r m o f r e t u r n ­ i n g t h e l a n d t o t h e p e o p l e : 'it h a s s o m e c l a i m t o t h e title o f t h e first m a s s political p a r t y i n B r i t a i n ' .

8 9

A n o t h e r w a s the establishment of

a Royal C o m m i s s i o n , u n d e r L o r d Napier, to enquire into conditions i n t h e c r o f t i n g c o u n t i e s . Its m o n u m e n t a l r e p o r t s h o w e d c o n s i d e r a b l e a n d u n e x p e c t e d s u p p o r t for t h e c r o f t e r s , p e r h a p s b e c a u s e N a p i e r ' s e x p e r i e n c e a s a s e n i o r civil s e r v a n t i n a g r a r i a n I n d i a h a d a c c u s t o m e d h i m t o p a y p a t i e n t a t t e n t i o n t o far m o r e t h i n g s in h e a v e n a n d e a r t h t h a n w e r e e v e r d r e a m t o f b y c o n v e n t i o n a l political e c o n o m i s t s . T h e e n s u i n g l e g i s l a t i o n , h o w e v e r , o w e d m o r e t o G l a d s t o n e ' s Irish L a n d A c t o f 1 8 8 1 t h a n to a n y o t h e r m o d e l , g i v i n g t h e crofters h e r i t a b l e security of tenure in their holdings a n d establishing a rent review b o d y - t h e C r o f t e r s ' C o m m i s s i o n - t o d e t e r m i n e t h e fair l e v e l for r e n t s . I n t h e crofting a r e a s , it o u t l a w e d e v i c t i o n s . It w a s a s t a g g e r i n g interference with the traditional rights of l a n d o w n e r s in m a i n l a n d B r i t a i n , j u s t i f i e d l a r g e l y o n t h e h i s t o r i c a l g r o u n d s t h a t crofters h a d h a d a r a w d e a l i n t h e p a s t , a n d it w a s f o l l o w e d in d u e c o u r s e b y l e g i s l a t i o n in 1 8 9 7 a n d 1 9 1 1 w h i c h e m p o w e r e d t h e s t a t e to b u y u p 86

87 88

89

E . Richards, A History of the Highland Clearances: Agrarian Transformation and the Evictions, 1746-1886 (1982) pp. 233-43, 444-74. J. Hunter, The Making of the Crofting Community (Edinburgh, 1976), pp. 107-64. C. Dewey,' Celtic Agrarian Legislation and the Celtic Revival: Historical Implications of Gladstone's Irish and Scottish Land Acts, 1870-1886', Past & Present, 64 (1974), pp. 30-70; H . J . Hanham, 'The Problem of Highland Discontent, 1880-1885', Transac­ tions of the Royal Historical Society, 4th ser., 19 (1969), pp. 24-30. D. W . Crowley, 'The "Crofters' Party", 1885-1892', Scottish Historical Review, 35 (1956), pp. 110-26.

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263

l a n d u n d e r s h e e p o r d e e r a n d r e t u r n it t o c r o f t i n g a g r i c u l t u r e . T h e consequences were

neither

instantaneous

nor revolutionary,

but

b e t w e e n 1886 a n d the early 1950s s o m e 52,000 acres of arable land and 732,000 acres of pasture w e r e added to the area occupied b y crofters, a process w h i c h involved the creation of over 2,700 n e w hold­ ings a n d t h e e n l a r g e m e n t of nearly 5,200 existing crofts. B y t h e e n d of t h e 1 9 2 0 s a n y o n e w h o w a n t e d a croft - o r a l a r g e r croft - c o u l d b e fairly s u r e o f g e t t i n g o n e .

9 0

As we have seen, however, the n e w corpus of land law was power­ l e s s t o p r e v e n t d e p o p u l a t i o n , a n d it h a s o f t e n b e e n a r g u e d t h a t t h e l e g i s l a t i o n o f 1 8 8 6 a n d its s u c c e s s o r s froze t h e s t r u c t u r e o f t h e H i g h ­ l a n d s i n a w a y t h a t i n h i b i t e d d e v e l o p m e n t : ' c h a n g e is n o w f r u s t r a t e d by the high d e g r e e of security w h i c h the crofters enjoy, as well as the essentially c o m m u n a l nature of the system, which allows a con­ servative minority to obstruct the progressive m a j o r i t y ' .

9 1

Since, how­

ever, it w a s t h e a i m o f G l a d s t o n e to c o n c e d e security rather t h a n o p p o r ­ t u n i t y t o t h e r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n , h e c a n h a r d l y b e b l a m e d for n o t f o r e s e e ­ ing that in t h e l o n g r u n t h e H i g h l a n d e r s , like e v e r y o n e else, w o u l d be seduced b y the gospel of private enrichment and e c o n o m i c growth. T h e r u r a l p r o b l e m s o f t h e L o w l a n d s , if l e s s w e l l r e p o r t e d t h a n t h o s e of t h e H i g h l a n d s , w e r e n o l e s s p e r v a s i v e , e s p e c i a l l y i n t h e l e a n y e a r s for f a r m i n g i n t h e l a s t q u a r t e r o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y a n d a g a i n i n t h e i n t e r w a r y e a r s . T h e i n c i d e n c e a n d effects o f t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l d e p r e s s i o n s v a r i e d m a r k e d l y . T h e slide i n w o o l a n d g r a i n p r i c e s after 1 8 7 5 h a d a p a r t i c u l a r l y b a d effect o n t h e B o r d e r s a n d t h e s o u t h - w e s t where the population of Berwickshire dropped by 20 per cent and Wigtownshire b y 28 per cent b e t w e e n 1851 and 1911. In the Lothians, o n the other h a n d , the m a i n visible result w a s to drive to the wall the old tenant dynasties w h o h a d created the heavily capitalised high farming of 'Lothian husbandry',

a n d to replace t h e m b y ' n e w m e n

. . . a r a t h e r different c l a s s . . . h a r d w o r k i n g g r i e v e s w h o h a d s a v e d m o n e y , m e r c h a n t s ' s o n s with capital ready to risk': t h e y pulled the area through

by increased mechanisation and potato

s h e d d i n g labour heavily as t h e y did s o .

9 2

husbandry,

In the north-east,

buoyant

p r i c e s for g o o d - q u a l i t y A b e r d e e n A n g u s m e a t k e p t t h e l a r g e r f a r m e r s 90

91

92

Hunter, Crofting Community, pp. 205-6. For a sensitive study at the close of our century, see A. Collier, The Crofting Problem (Cambridge, 1953).

A. G. Bradley, When Squires and Farmers Thrived (1927), p. 86.

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T. c.

SMOUT

p r o s p e r o u s , b u t m a r g i n a l f a r m e r s a n d u p l a n d crofters ( e x c l u d e d f r o m t h e p r o t e c t i o n o f t h e C r o f t e r s H o l d i n g A c t of 1 8 8 6 w h i c h a p p l i e d o n l y to t h e w e s t e r n H i g h l a n d s ) s u f f e r e d b a d l y . I a n C a r t e r h a s e l o q u e n t l y d e s c r i b e d h o w s u c h s m a l l m e n , p i n c h e d b e t w e e n h i g h r e n t s a n d fall­ i n g profits, a n d d r i v e n to e x p l o i t t h e l a b o u r o f t h e i r o w n f a m i l i e s m o r e a n d m o r e i n t e n s i v e l y , finally s u c c u m b e d to t h e e c o n o m i c reali­ ties.

93

H e q u o t e s J . R . A l l a n ' s ' e x q u i s i t e e l e g y for t h e

northeast

peasantry': As you walk across the lower slopes of the hills you may find a heap of stones that was once a house, and trace among the bracken the rectangle that was once a held. They are melancholy things, witnessing that courage, determination and all the ancient virtues are not enough to bring life out of a stone. A hunger for land drove the people there, and the insatiable hunger of the soil drove them away again. Those ruins are the stony limit where a human tide spent itself before it began to ebb away. 94

N o t e v e r y o n e in t h i s p o s i t i o n , t h o u g h , w e n t b a n k r u p t , e m i g r a t e d o r left for t h e t o w n s . It h a s b e e n a r g u e d t h a t t h e rarity of o w n e r - o c c u p a ­ t i o n w a s a s t r e n g t h o f S c o t t i s h f a r m i n g at t h e t i m e , as it did n o t tie a m a n to t h e l a n d a n d ' y o u n g , e n t e r p r i s i n g g l e n f a r m e r s w e r e n o t h i n g l o t h to b e t t e r t h e m s e l v e s b y l e a s i n g f a r m s in k i n d l i e r a r e a s ' . T h u s t e n a n t s in t h e u p p e r p a r t s o f T a y , D e e , D o n a n d S p e y v a l l e y s m o v e d downstream

t o t h e i r m o r e fertile s t r a t h s , a n d t h e i r s o n s p e r h a p s

m o v e d a g a i n to still m o r e p r o d u c t i v e l a n d . M e n f r o m t h e s o u t h - w e s t c a m e e v e n t u a l l y to t h e L o t h i a n s , B e r w i c k s h i r e a n d Fife, w h i l e Banff­ s h i r e a n d A b e r d e e n s h i r e m e n c a m e to M o r a y , K i n c a r d i n e s h i r e a n d A n g u s , a n d m e n f r o m C a i t h n e s s to R o s s : ' t h e h a r d e r

upbringing

e x p e r i e n c e d o n s t o c k - r e a r i n g or d a i r y i n g f a r m s s t o o d t h e in g o o d s t e a d ' .

migrants

9 5

I n t h e v e r y different c i r c u m s t a n c e s o f t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y m u c h of t h i s flexibility w a s l o s t . T h e A g r i c u l t u r e ( S c o t l a n d ) A c t o f 1 9 4 8 g a v e all f a r m e r s t h a t h e r i t a b l e s e c u r i t y o f t e n u r e for w h i c h t h e y h a d s t r i v e n for s e v e n t y y e a r s . M a n y l a n d l o r d s t h e n s o l d . F a r m s w i t h v a c a n t p o s ­ session were soon c o m m a n d i n g twice the price of those without, very f e w f a r m s to r e n t w e r e a v a i l a b l e a n d t h e c a p i t a l c o s t o f r u n n i n g a f a r m g r e a t l y i n c r e a s e d . F a r m e r s ' s o n s t h e r e f o r e f o u n d it v e r y difficult to g e t a n i n d e p e n d e n t start off t h e p a r e n t a l h o l d i n g . 93

Ian R. Carter, Farm Life in North East Scotland, 1840-1914

96

(Edinburgh, 1973), esp.

chaps. 3 - 6 . 94

Ibid. p. 160.

95

J. A. Symon, Scottish Farming Past and Present (Edinburgh, 1959), p. 198.

96

Ibid., p. 267.

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T h e life o f t h e f a r m w o r k e r in t h e c e n t u r y after 1850 w a s t r a n s f o r m e d o u t o f all r e c o g n i t i o n b y l a b o u r - s a v i n g m a c h i n e r y a n d g r a d u a l l y r i s i n g w a g e s . It h a s to b e r e m e m b e r e d , t h o u g h , t h a t o n l y i n a f e w p a r t s of n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y S c o t l a n d - p r e - e m i n e n t l y t h e L o t h i a n s a n d B e r ­ w i c k s h i r e - did t h e l a b o u r i n p u t f r o m h i r e d h a n d s d e c i s i v e l y e x c e e d the input from family m e m b e r s . M o r e typical w e r e the north-eastern counties of A b e r d e e n , Banff and Kincardine, w h e r e b e t w e e n 1851 a n d 1911 the family regularly supplied 3 5 - 4 5 per cent of the male a n d often 80 per cent of the female l a b o u r .

97

A g a i n , o n l y in a f e w a r e a s

like t h e s o u t h - e a s t w a s t h e f a r m w o r k e r n o r m a l l y a m a r r i e d m a n in t h e 1 8 5 0 s : in A b e r d e e n s h i r e , L a n a r k s h i r e a n d A y r s h i r e , for i n s t a n c e , t h e t r a d i t i o n a l p a t t e r n w a s for h i m to b e a b a c h e l o r b o a r d i n g a r o u n d t h e f a r m , w h o w o u l d l e a v e to t a k e u p h i s o w n h o l d i n g or to g o to t h e t o w n as a c a r t e r or i n d u s t r i a l w o r k e r o n m a r r i a g e . A s t i m e w e n t by,

this c h a n g e d , partly b e c a u s e small farms b e c a m e less attractive,

p a r t l y b e c a u s e m o v i n g to t h e t o w n b e c a m e m o r e s o . F a r m e r s f o u n d t h a t t o k e e p l a b o u r t h e y m i g h t h a v e to b u i l d a c o t t a g e for t h e p l o u g h ­ m a n after m a r r i a g e . I n t h e b o t h y districts o f A n g u s a n d P e r t h s h i r e t h e r e w a s a s i m i l a r t r a n s f o r m a t i o n , t h o u g h t h e s q u a l i d b a r r a c k s for y o u n g h o r s e m e n c o n t i n u e d to b e u s e d u n t i l after t h e First W o r l d W a r .

9 8

E v e n in t h e L o t h i a n s a n d t h e s o u t h - e a s t , t h e locus classicus o f S c o t t i s h capitalist farming, w h e r e farm labour w a s the m o s t proletarianised f r o m t h e e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , t h e y e a r s after 1 8 5 0 b r o u g h t e n o r ­ m o u s a l t e r a t i o n . T h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c w o r k u n i t at m i d - c e n t u r y h a d b e e n a ' h i n d ' , or p l o u g h m a n ,

a s s i s t e d in t h e field b y a t e e n a g e s o n o r

' h a l f - h i n d ' , a n d m a r r i e d t o a ' b o n d a g e r ' , w h o s e w o r k at h a r v e s t a n d o t h e r t i m e s p a i d t h e r e n t o f t h e i r c o t t a g e to t h e f a r m e r a n d left a little o v e r . S e a s o n a l w o r k w a s d o n e b y h i g h l a n d girls h o u s e d in f e m a l e b o t h i e s , a n d at h a r v e s t b y i t i n e r a n t Irish b a n d s . T h e f e m a l e w o r k e r s of t h e s o u t h - e a s t w e r e a v e r y i m p o r t a n t a n d h i g h l y r e g a r d e d p a r t of t h e l a b o u r f o r c e , ' A m a z o n s w i t h t h e f a c e s o f a h a r v e s t m o o n a n d the muscles of a prize

fighter',

p a i d a b o u t I s . a d a y in c a s h .

9 9

Many

of t h e h i n d s r e c e i v e d little in m o n e y , b u t a r e l a t i v e l y h i g h w a g e in k i n d : in R o x b u r g h s h i r e as late as 1 8 7 0 a p l o u g h m a n m i g h t r e c e i v e only £ 5 a year in m o n e y , 'the rest of this w a g e consisting of a cottage 97

Carter, Farm Life, p. 104.

98

Gavin Sprott, 'A Weel Plou'd Rig: The Era of the Working Horse on the Farms of the East Coast of Scotland', in B. Kay, ed., Odyssey (Edinburgh, 1980), pp. 99, 109.

99

Bradley, Squires and Farmers, p. 80.

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266

T. c.

S M O U T

a n d g a r d e n , r e n t f r e e , t h e k e e p o f a c o w , c a r r i a g e o f fuel, p o t a t o g r o u n d , a n d certain allowances of oats (or oatmeal), barley a n d p e a s ' . This contrasted with what contemporaries called the 'meal and milk s y s t e m ' o f P e r t h s h i r e a n d Fife, w h e r e p l o u g h m e n g o t a n a l l o w a n c e of o a t m e a l a n d a S c o t c h p i n t o f m i l k daily, w i t h £ 2 0 i n c a s h - b u t the w o r k e r s of the south-east w e r e regarded as better-off.

100

O n e char­

acteristic t h a t w a s e m p h a s i s e d b y t h e R o y a l C o m m i s s i o n o n

the

E m p l o y m e n t o f C h i l d r e n , Y o u n g P e r s o n s a n d W o m e n in A g r i c u l t u r e ( 1 8 6 7 ) w a s t h a t f a r m e r s a n d w o r k e r s alike h a d a m u c h g r e a t e r e n t h u ­ s i a s m for e d u c a t i o n i n S c o t l a n d t h a n i n E n g l a n d . A m o t h e r in B e r w i c k told the c o m m i s s i o n e r s that s h e w a n t e d to m a k e her children ' g o o d s c h o l a r s , I d o n ' t w a n t t h e m t o b e h i n d s d r a g g l i n g o n t h e l a n d all t h e i r l i v e s if t h e y c a n b e t t e r t h e m s e l v e s ' , a n d t h e y h e a r d o f s h e p h e r d s i n r e m o t e hill f a r m s b a n d i n g t o g e t h e r t o e m p l o y a t u t o r if t h e r e w e r e five o r six f a m i l i e s t o s h a r e t h e e x p e n s e .

1 0 1

B y t h e First W o r l d W a r m o s t o f t h e d i s t i n c t i v e f e a t u r e s o f t h i s s o c i e t y had

gone. The number

of female labourers, both highland

and

b o n d a g e r , w a s v e r y m u c h r e d u c e d - a s , i n d e e d if A . G . B r a d l e y is to b e b e l i e v e d , w a s t h e i r p h y s i q u e : ' T h e y h a d b e g u n t o t h i n k o f t h e i r complexions, a n d c h e w e d rice to modify the g o r g e o u s h u e s thereof, just as t h e y e s c h e w e d porridge to the sapping of their

splendid

s t r e n g t h . ' T h e fact w a s t h a t a s s o o n a s t h e i r o w n w a g e s w e n t u p , h i n d s t r i e d t o w i t h d r a w t h e i r w o m e n f r o m t h e b i t t e r toil o f h o e i n g i n t h e fields. I r i s h i t i n e r a n t l a b o u r w a s l a r g e l y r e p l a c e d b y t h e selfb i n d i n g r e a p e r at h a r v e s t t i m e . T h e s y s t e m o f p a y m e n t i n k i n d i n c r e a s ­ ingly gave w a y to p a y m e n t in m o n e y as diets c h a n g e d : ' o a t m e a l disap­ peared . . . home-baked bread went the same way. T h e cow and the m i l k w a s c o m m u t e d for c a s h a l l o w a n c e . T e a a n d a n a e m i c b a k e r ' s b r e a d a n d t h e g r o c e r ' s c a r t w i t h t i n n e d stuff t o o k t h e i r p l a c e . '

1 0 2

En­

t h u s i a s m for e d u c a t i o n d i d n o t l o n g s u r v i v e c o m p u l s o r y a t t e n d a n c e at t h e B o a r d s c h o o l s after t h e A c t o f 1 8 7 2 - t h e R o y a l C o m m i s s i o n o n L a b o u r o f 1 8 9 2 c o u l d find little t r a c e o f t h e o n c e - f a m e d z e a l for reading and learning.

1 0 3

B y the interwar years, Scottish rural c o m m u n i t i e s of m a n y kinds appeared singularly demoralised, although the standard of living of 100

C. S. Orwin and E. H. Whetham, History of British Agriculture, p. 216.

101

Ibid, p. 215. Bradley, Squires and Farmers, p. 80.

102

103

1846-1914

(1971).

RC on Labour: The Agricultural Labourer, III (II), Scotland, P P 1 8 9 3 - 4 , XXXVI, especially pp. 6 7 , 1 2 1 - 2 , 1 7 9 .

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Scotland 1850-1950

267

i n d i v i d u a l s in m o s t o f t h e m h a d o b v i o u s l y m a r k e d l y i m p r o v e d s i n c e V i c t o r i a n t i m e s . P a r t l y it w a s a p r o b l e m o f d e p o p u l a t i o n ,

and the

s k e w e d a g e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f t h o s e w h o r e m a i n e d . E s p e c i a l l y in t h e H i g h l a n d s , b u t a l s o in m a n y o f t h e m o r e r e m o t e l o w l a n d c o u n t i e s , t h e y o u n g v o t e d en masse w i t h t h e i r feet a g a i n s t t h e b o r e d o m a n d l a c k o f o p p o r t u n i t y in rural life. F a r m i n g , o f c o u r s e , w a s in b a d s h a p e b e t w e e n t h e w a r s : s o w e r e f i s h i n g a n d c o a l m i n i n g , t w o o t h e r s t a n d - b y s o f t h e rural e c o n o m y of g r e a t l o c a l i m p o r t a n c e . O t h e r o c c u p a t i o n s t h a t h a d u s e f u l l y v a r i e d t h e r u r a l e c o n o m y in t h e m i d d l e o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y h a d l o n g s i n c e v a n i s h e d , like l e a d m i n i n g i n D u m f r i e s s h i r e a n d L a n a r k s h i r e , a n d t h e v e r y last v e s t i g e s o f h a n d l o o m w e a v i n g w e r e d y i n g o u t in Fife a n d t h e B o r d e r s in t h e 1 9 2 0 s ( t h o u g h i n H a r r i s a n d L e w i s h a n d ­ m a d e t w e e d h a d a significant i n t e r w a r r e v i v a l ) . If s o m e c o m p e n s a t i o n w a s b e g i n n i n g to c o m e f r o m t h e t o u r i s t t r a d e , it w a s n o t y e t e n o u g h in m o s t areas to erase the impression that the countryside h a d b e c o m e C i n d e r e l l a to t h e t o w n . T h e 1 9 4 0 s , h o w e v e r , h e l p e d a little to r e d r e s s t h a t b a l a n c e b y b r i n g ­ i n g full e m p l o y m e n t , fuller w a g e p a c k e t s a n d m u c h m o r e s e l f - r e s p e c t for t h e t h r e e m a i n rural o c c u p a t i o n s , w h e n s o c i e t y , t h r o u g h w a r a n d crisis, l e a r n t r e n e w e d d e p e n d e n c e o n h o m e - p r o d u c e d f o o d a n d fuel. After t h e w a r , t o o , w i d e r c a r - o w n e r s h i p a n d a n efficient n e t w o r k o f rural b u s s e r v i c e s s t a r t e d to b r e a k d o w n t h e s e n s e o f i s o l a t i o n w h i c h t h e c o u n t r y s i d e h a d c o m e to feel a n d to r e s e n t . T h e c o s t s in i n t e g r a t i o n a n d p r o s p e r i t y in t e r m s o f t h e sacrifice o f l o c a l i d e n t i t y w e r e i n e v i t a b l e , and n o less so the expressions of regret w h i c h a c c o m p a n i e d t h e m : There are still great contrasts between such communities as Cowdenbeath and Crail, or even neighbours like Inverkeithing and Aberdour. Yet perhaps the most striking thing is how alike they have become in much that is funda­ mental. For an increasing number of people, the houses in which they live, the broad conditions under which they work, the educational system by which they are taught, and the type of entertainment they seek, have become very similar. As a result, there has been a standardisation of dress, of speech, of manners and of the whole attitude to life. Increased travel has worked in the same direction . . . With this standardisation, opportunities and creature comforts have both become more plentiful, but whether happiness has increased is a point on which few people could care to make a firm pronounce­ ment. 104

I n h i s t o r y , t h o u g h , y o u c a n n o t h a v e y o u r c a k e a n d e a t it. 104

A. Smith, The Third Statistical Account of Scotland: The County of Fife (Edinburgh, 1952), p. 83.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

268

T. c.

S M O U T

V

T h e p r o b l e m of the survival of identity to w h i c h the c o m m e n t a t o r o n Fife r e f e r r e d w a s a n i l l u s t r a t i o n o n t h e l o c a l s c e n e o f a n a n x i e t y m o r e often v o i c e d n a t i o n a l l y . W o u l d S c o t l a n d h e r s e l f s u r v i v e a s a n identifi­ able entity? O r w o u l d s h e irretrievably b e c o m e w h a t the nationalist poet, T o m Scott, in t h e 1960s referred to as ' S c o t s h i r e ' , a m e r e n o r t h e r n e x t e n s i o n o f a f l a v o u r l e s s E n g l i s h c u l t u r e ? It w a s a n o l d w o r r y , o f t e n voiced t h e n b y nationalists, but n e v e r confined to t h e m . H e n r y Cockb u r n , w h o s e drafting o f t h e G r e a t R e f o r m Bill for S c o t l a n d i n 1 8 3 2 h a d done m u c h to e n c o u r a g e the c o n v e r g e n c e of Scottish a n d English political s y s t e m s , c o u l d still w r i t e t h a t ' t h e p r o l o n g a t i o n o f S c o t c h peculiarities, especially of our language a n d habits, I do earnestly desire', t h o u g h in t h e next p h r a s e h e declared ' n o t h i n g c a n prevent the gradual disappearance of local m a n n e r s u n d e r the absorption a n d a s s i m i l a t i o n o f a far l a r g e r , r i c h e r a n d m o r e p o w e r f u l

kingdom'.

1 0 5

Almost a century later his w o r d s are e c h o e d b y E d w i n Muir: What makes the existence of the mass of the people in Scotland so unsatisfac­ tory, apart from their economic plight . . . is not the feeling that they are being subjected to English influence, but rather the knowledge that there is no Scottish influence left to direct them. They are not English, and they are ceasing to be Scottish for lack of encouragement. 106

Yet Muir w a s to incur the wrath of H u g h M a c D a i r m i d b y denying that t h e o l d e r S c o t t i s h t o n g u e a n y l o n g e r f o r m e d a v e h i c l e i n w h i c h anything of importance could b e said to the people of S c o t l a n d . F o r m a l n a t i o n a l i s m in t h e political a n d i n t e l l e c t u a l s e n s e w a s , at least i n E u r o p e a n p e r s p e c t i v e , a l a t e a n d w e a k g r o w t h i n S c o t l a n d . T h e N a t i o n a l A s s o c i a t i o n for t h e V i n d i c a t i o n o f S c o t t i s h R i g h t s , founded in 1853, w a s m a i n l y antiquarian, seeking the restoration of t h e S c o t t i s h P r i v y C o u n c i l a b o l i s h e d i n 1 7 0 8 a n d t h e rectification o f trivial a b u s e s o f t h e U n i o n , s u c h as flying t h e w r o n g flag o n r o y a l visits. T h e R o s e b e r y L i b e r a l s s u c c e s s f u l l y e x t r a c t e d t h e c o n c e s s i o n o f a S c o t t i s h Office f r o m L o n d o n in 1 8 8 5 , a n d t h e i r s u c c e s s o r s , m o s t notably the Y o u n g Scots b e t w e e n 1900 and 1906 were

enthusiasts

for t h e L i b e r a l p r o g r a m m e o f ' H o m e R u l e All R o u n d ' - t h o u g h u n p r e ­ p a r e d t o g o t o a n y l e n g t h s at all t o s e c u r e it. T h e f o u n d a t i o n o f t h e Scottish National party in 1934 (an a m a l g a m a t i o n of t w o

groups

f o r m e d i n 1 9 2 8 a n d 1 9 3 2 ) m a r k e d t h e b e l a t e d arrival o f a c o n v e n t i o n a l 105

106

Journal of Henry Cockburn, 1831-1854, vol. 2 (Edinburgh, 1874), pp. 301-2. Edwin Muir, Scottish Journey, ed. T.C. Smout (Edinburgh, 1979), pp. 2 7 - 8 .

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Scotland 1850-1950

269

n a t i o n a l i s t p a r t y , t h o u g h o n e w i t h little e l e c t o r a l s u c c e s s b e f o r e t h e late 1 9 6 0 s .

1 0 7

T h e intellectual equivalent w a s the poets of the Scottish

R e n a i s s a n c e , a b o v e all H u g h M a c D a i r m i d w h o i n t h e 1 9 3 0 s w a s bril­ l i a n t l y r e i n v e n t i n g h i s c o u n t r y a n d its c u l t u r e , w i t h all t h e p a s s i o n a n d imagination of a nineteenth-century B o h e m i a n in Prague, or Finn in Helsinki. This delay in the e m e r g e n c e of nationalist politics a n d culture almost to the point of anachronism has b e e n related b y b o t h Nairn and Harvie t o t h e c o n s i s t e n t s u c c e s s o f t h e S c o t t i s h m i d d l e c l a s s e s a n d t h e intelli­ g e n t s i a w i t h i n t h e B r i t i s h s t a t e for a l o n g p e r i o d f r o m 1 7 5 0 , w h i c h m e a n t t h a t t h e n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y ' s p r i n g t i m e o f n a t i o n s ' h a d little a p p e a l u n t i l after t h e First W o r l d W a r , a n d b e i n g t h e n w i t h o u t r o o t s , only a limited one thereafter.

108

T h i s d i d n o t , h o w e v e r , at all p r e c l u d e

t h e s u r v i v a l o f a n i n t e n s e p o p u l a r s e l f - a w a r e n e s s , a refusal o f S c o t s t o call t h e m s e l v e s E n g l i s h w h a t e v e r t h e o u t s i d e w o r l d m i g h t d o . A s w e shall see, in the Victorian years s o m e s y m b o l s of Scottishness w e a k e n e d , especially the church. Others were, however, invented, o r a d a p t e d t o c o v e r t h e e n t i r e c o u n t r y i n s t e a d o f a p a r t o f it, s u c h as the association of the w h o l e of S c o t l a n d (instead of just the High­ lands) with tartan and bagpipe. In this respect nothing w a s more important t h a n sport, especially the s c h i s m b e t w e e n the Football Association a n d the Scottish Football Association in 1887, which led t o t h e firm f o u n d a t i o n o f a s e p a r a t e S c o t t i s h L e a g u e . T h i s h a d a n i m p o r t a n t s e c o n d a r y effect i n h e l p i n g t o p r e s e r v e a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y S c o t t i s h m e d i a in t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y . A s K e l l a s h a s p o i n t e d o u t , as late a s 1 9 7 0 n o daily n e w s p a p e r p u b l i s h e d in E n g l a n d took m o r e t h a n 3 per cent of the adult readership, and the Sunday

Post a n d Sunday Mail ( p u b l i s h e d in D u n d e e a n d G l a s g o w )

took 79 per cent and 53 per cent of S u n d a y readership respectively.

109

T h e r e a s o n s for t h i s are c l e a r l y c o n n e c t e d w i t h a d v e r t i s i n g r e v e n u e a n d c o v e r a g e o f l o c a l n e w s a s w e l l as w i t h s p o r t . T h e r e w a s , h o w e v e r , little p o i n t in t h e G l a s g o w m a n b u y i n g t h e Daily Mirror o r t h e Daily Telegraph

if h i s m a i n i n t e r e s t i n life w a s t o f o l l o w R a n g e r s o r Celtic,

a n d t o r e l i s h fully t h e t r i u m p h s o f S c o t l a n d o v e r E n g l a n d at H a m p d e n P a r k : t h a t n e e d e d p r o p e r l y i m p a r t i a l r e p o r t i n g , s u c h as o n l y t h e Daily Record o r t h e Glasgow Herald w e r e qualified t o p r o v i d e . 107

108

109

H. J. Hanham, Scottish Nationalism (1969). T. Nairn, The Break-Up of Britain, 2nd edn (1981), pp. 92-195; C. Harvie, Scotland and Nationalism (1977).

Kellas, Scottish Political System, pp. 178-91.

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270

T. C. S M O U T

From the middle nineteenth century, however, the

underlying

forces o f a s s i m i l a t i o n g r e w s l o w l y s t r o n g e r . T h e c o m i n g o f t h e p e n n y post, the completion of the railway links with L o n d o n , the telegraph, t h e t e l e p h o n e a n d , in t h e first h a l f o f t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y , t h e t r u n k r o a d n e t w o r k a n d t h e w i r e l e s s set, c r e a t e d a c o m m u n i c a t i o n s r e v o l u ­ t i o n in w h i c h t h e c o n t r o l o f S c o t l a n d f r o m a r e m o t e e x t e r n a l c e n t r e b e c a m e p o s s i b l e for t h e first t i m e . T h e r e is a s e n s e in w h i c h t h e I n c o r ­ p o r a t i n g U n i o n of 1 7 0 7 o n l y b e c a m e o p e r a t i o n a l l y p o s s i b l e a b o u t o n e h u n d r e d y e a r s a g o . T h e g r o w t h in t h e size o f firms a n d o f t h e p u b l i c s e c t o r g r a d u a l l y p r o d u c e d a shift in t h e effective c o n t r o l o f t h e S c o t t i s h e c o n o m y away from G l a s g o w and Edinburgh towards L o n d o n and b e y o n d , t h o u g h it w a s n o t u n t i l t h e 1 9 5 0 s t h a t E n g l i s h a n d A m e r i c a n o w n e r s h i p of Scottish c o m p a n i e s b e c a m e a very m a r k e d feature of the Scottish economy. T h e g r o w t h o f t h e s t a t e itself w o r k e d m a i n l y in t h e s a m e d i r e c t i o n . A t first g o v e r n m e n t i n t e r f e r e n c e w o r e a S c o t t i s h face - t h e 1 8 4 5 r e f o r m of t h e p o o r l a w , t h e 1 8 7 2 E d u c a t i o n A c t , t h e 1 8 6 7 a n d 1 8 9 7 p u b l i c h e a l t h r e f o r m s all t o o k explicit a c c o u n t ( t h o u g h w i t h v a r y i n g c o m ­ petence) of the peculiarities of the Scottish institutions t h e y w e r e i n t e n d e d to r e g u l a t e , a n d in t h i s t h e y w e r e t y p i c a l o f V i c t o r i a n g o v e r n ­ m e n t . N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e y did r e p r e s e n t t h e i n t r u s i o n o f W e s t m i n s t e r i n t o s p h e r e s h i t h e r t o left s o l e l y to local d i s c r e t i o n . I n t h e t w e n t i e t h century practice varied - u n e m p l o y m e n t benefit and old age pensions w e r e d i r e c t e d f r o m L o n d o n , b u t h o u s i n g w a s left l a r g e l y to local g o v e r n m e n t a n d w h e n t h e N a t i o n a l H e a l t h S e r v i c e w a s s e t u p in S c o t l a n d after 1 9 4 5 , it c a m e u n d e r t h e c o n t r o l o f t h e S e c r e t a r y o f S t a t e . T h e m o v e m e n t o f t h e S c o t t i s h Office to S t A n d r e w s H o u s e in 1 9 3 9 and the subsequent vigorous exercise of the p o w e r of the Secretary of S t a t e b y T o m J o h n s t o n b e g a n t o c r e a t e a S c o t t i s h g o v e r n m e n t b u r ­ e a u c r a c y , b u t o n e directly a n s w e r a b l e to L o n d o n , n o t E d i n b u r g h . T h e s i m p l e fact t h a t w h a t t h e state d i d in 1 9 5 0 m a t t e r e d s o m u c h m o r e t h a n w h a t it did in 1 8 5 0 m a d e t h e U n i o n v a s t l y m o r e i m p o r t a n t in e v e r y d a y life t h a n it h a d b e e n a c e n t u r y earlier. T w o i n t e r l i n k e d s p h e r e s in w h i c h t h e g u a r d i a n s h i p o f t h e S c o t t i s h sense of identity w a s traditionally strong, religion and

education,

a l t e r e d p r o f o u n d l y in t h e c e n t u r y after 1 8 5 0 . T h e m o n o l i t h i c face o f P r e s b y t e r i a n i s m b r o k e at t h e D i s r u p t i o n : b e f o r e 1 8 4 3 , p r o b a b l y at l e a s t t h r e e - q u a r t e r s o f t h e S c o t s b e l o n g e d to t h e C h u r c h o f S c o t l a n d - after it, t h e i r a l l e g i a n c e split t h r e e w a y s b e t w e e n t h e C h u r c h o f S c o t l a n d , t h e F r e e C h u r c h a n d t h e U n i t e d P r e s b y t e r i a n s (itself a n a m a l g a m a t i o n

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

Scotland 1850-1950 T a b l e 3 . 1 1 Percentage of marriages in Scotland taking place in of different denominations,

Church of Scotland Free Church United Presbyterians Roman Catholic Scottish Episcopalian Other religious forms Non-religious forms

271

churches

1861-1950

18611870

18811890

19011910

19211930

44.3 23.5 14.3 9.2 2.1 5.9 0.2

46.2 20.3 11.6 9.9 2.8 6.7 2.5

45.3

44.5

[26.6

[20.5

10.5 2.9 8.3 6.4

11.6 2.8 8.8 12.7

19411950 ( 60.6

I 13.1 3.1 8.0 15.1

Note: The majority of the Free Church joined with the United Presbyterians to form the United Free Church in 1900; the majority of the United Free Church joined the Church of Scotland in 1929. Some of those under the heading 'Other religious forms' after 1901 are due to the residue of these churches remaining outside the unions. 'Non-religious forms' are irregular marriages up to 1940, civil marriages thereafter. For an explanation, see T. C. Smout, 'Scottish Marriage, Regular and Irregular, 1500-1940', in R. B. Outhwaite, ed., Marriage and Society: Studies in the Social History of Marriage (1981), pp. 204-36. Source: Annual Reports of the Registrar General for Scotland. of e i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y s e c e d e r g r o u p s ) . S e c t a r i a n b i t t e r n e s s c h a r a c t e r ­ i s e d m u c h o f t h e c e n t u r y , a n d t h e d a m a g e w a s o n l y p a r t l y rectified b y the u n i o n of m o s t of the Free C h u r c h and the United Presbyterians in 1 9 0 0 a n d t h e s u b s e q u e n t r e u n i o n o f m o s t o f t h a t g r o u p i n g ( U n i t e d F r e e C h u r c h ) w i t h t h e C h u r c h o f S c o t l a n d in 1 9 2 9 . T h e revival o f a s t r o n g R o m a n C a t h o l i c c h u r c h to m i n i s t e r t o t h e Irish c o m m u n i t y and their descendants was confirmed b y the re-establishment of the h i e r a r c h y in 1 8 7 8 .

1 1 0

Table 3.11 s h o w s h o w the formal allegiance of

t h e p o p u l a t i o n c h a n g e d , as i n d i c a t e d b y t h e c h u r c h e s t o w h i c h t h e y w e n t to b e married. T h e n u m b e r of people prepared to b e married o u t s i d e a n y c h u r c h h a d s t e a d i l y i n c r e a s e d b u t w a s still r e l a t i v e l y s m a l l e v e n in t h e 1 9 4 0 s . H o w far d i d r e l i g i o u s a l l e g i a n c e e v e r g o b e y o n d r e s p e c t i n g t h e rites of p a s s a g e ? T h e r e s u l t s o f t h e r e l i g i o u s c e n s u s o f 1 8 5 1 s u g g e s t at first s i g h t t h a t m o r e p e o p l e a t t e n d e d c h u r c h in S c o t l a n d t h a n in E n g l a n d , nearly a third of the entire population in the north attending m o r n i n g s e r v i c e , b u t o n l y a little o v e r a q u a r t e r d o i n g s o in t h e s o u t h . B u t , as T a b l e 3 . 1 2 s h o w s , t h e e v i d e n c e is a m b i g u o u s : o b v i o u s l y e v e n i n g 110

A. J. Drummond and J. Bulloch, The Church in Victorian Scotland, 1843-1874

(Edin­

burgh, 1975), and idem, The Church in Late Victorian Scotland; D. McRoberts, ed., Modern Scottish Catholicism, 1878-1978 (Glasgow, 1979).

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272

T.

c.

S M O U T

T a b l e 3 . 1 2 Percentage of the population attending church in Scotland and England,

30 March 1851

Morning Afternoon Evening

Scotland

England and Wales

32.7 21.5 6.5

25.9 17.7 17.1

Source: John Highet, T h e Churches' in A. J. Cairncross, ed., The Scottish Economy (Cambridge, 1954), p. 307.

s e r v i c e s w e r e u n p o p u l a r in S c o t l a n d , a n d it is p o s s i b l e t h a t t h e i m p r e s ­ s i o n o f g r e a t e r S c o t t i s h a t t e n d a n c e is false, at l e a s t if m a n y E n g l i s h a n d W e l s h w e n t in t h e e v e n i n g w h o h a d n o t b e e n i n t h e m o r n i n g or a f t e r n o o n . O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , t h e r e w e r e in S c o t l a n d c h u r c h s e a t s for 6 3 . 5 p e r c e n t o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n (as o p p o s e d t o 5 7 p e r c e n t in E n g ­ land), though contemporaries estimated that only 58 per cent would e v e r b e in a p o s i t i o n t o a t t e n d c h u r c h at a n y o n e t i m e , t h e r e s t b e i n g t o o y o u n g , t o o o l d o r t o o sick. A h u n d r e d y e a r s later, social s u r v e y s s u g g e s t e d t h a t r e g u l a r c h u r c h going h a d dropped substantially, from around a third of the popula­ t i o n to a r o u n d a fifth. H i g h e t , h o w e v e r , p r o d u c e d e v i d e n c e t o s h o w t h a t t h e n u m b e r o f p e o p l e c l a i m i n g c h u r c h m e m b e r s h i p d i d n o t signifi­ c a n t l y v a r y b e t w e e n 1 8 7 1 a n d 1 9 5 1 , b e i n g a r o u n d 6 0 p e r c e n t o f all a d u l t s t h r o u g h o u t t h e p e r i o d : if s o , t h e y m u s t h a v e b e c o m e l e s s k e e n o n g o i n g to c h u r c h .

1 1 1

T h e s e figures, for all t h e i r a m b i g u i t i e s , s u g g e s t t w o c o n c l u s i o n s t h a t fully justify t h e d o m i n a n t n o t e o f p e s s i m i s m t h a t w a s h e a r d w h e n e v e r c h u r c h m e n o p e n e d t h e i r m o u t h s . First, e v e n at t h e start o f t h e p e r i o d , t h e ' u n c h u r c h e d m a s s e s ' w e r e e n o r m o u s , p o s s i b l y as m a n y as 4 5 p e r c e n t o f all t h o s e w h o c o u l d h a v e g o n e t o c h u r c h . S e c o n d l y , o v e r the years the situation deteriorated, until b y 1951 about two-thirds of t h o s e w h o c o u l d h a v e a t t e n d e d c h u r c h w e r e n o t d o i n g s o . F o r t h e P r o t e s t a n t s , t h e rot b e g a n in t h e l a b o u r i n g c l a s s e s a n d w o r k e d up. Long before 1850 T h o m a s Chalmers and others were expressing t h e i r a n x i e t y at t h e failure o f t h e k i r k t o k e e p u p w i t h t h e e x p a n s i o n of t h e p o p u l a t i o n in t h e cities, b u t t h e F r e e C h u r c h at l e a s t b e g a n life after t h e D i s r u p t i o n w i t h s u b s t a n t i a l b a c k i n g f r o m t h e skilled,

111

J. Highet, 'The Churches', in Cairncross, ed., Scottish Economy, pp. 297-315.

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273

u r b a n w o r k e r a s w e l l as f r o m t h e crofter. M a c L a r e n h a s s u g g e s t e d that the artisan w a s subsequently largely alienated b y incessant d e m a n d s o n h i s p o c k e t . A s t h e F r e e C h u r c h c a l l e d for f u n d s to b u i l d a s m a n y a n d a s fine c h u r c h e s a n d s c h o o l s as t h e e s t a b l i s h e d c h u r c h , the middle class w h o paid the piper called the t u n e .

1 1 2

In any case,

the ethos of the Presbyterian c h u r c h e s in the third quarter of the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y - p u r i t a n , c o n d e s c e n d i n g , Sabbatarian a n d C h a l m e r i a n in t h e i r v i e w t h a t t h e p o o r w e r e m a i n l y to b l a m e for t h e i r p o v e r t y - m u s t h a v e h e l p e d to d i s t a n c e t h e m f r o m t h e m a s s e s . B y the 1880s there w a s a n e w gospel of social responsibility, p r e a c h e d i n all t h e k i r k s , a n d e s p e c i a l l y in t h e U n i t e d P r e s b y t e r i a n : it h a d its effect, c e r t a i n l y , i n i n f l u e n c i n g t h e n e w l a b o u r l e a d e r s h i p , m a n y o f w h o m e m e r g e d from a b a c k g r o u n d of lower middle-class Calvinistic p i e t y . N o t for n o t h i n g , w h e n t h e C l y d e s i d e r s w e r e r e t u r n e d to P a r l i a ­ m e n t in the election of N o v e m b e r 1922, w a s their triumph celebrated b y a s e r v i c e at S t A n d r e w ' s H a l l , G l a s g o w , w h e n ' t h e p e a l i n g o r g a n c r a s h e d its p a e n s . . . t h e a u d i e n c e s a n g t h e O l d H u n d r e d a n d T w e n t y f o u r t h P s a l m . . . w h i c h still p o s s e s s e s t h e p o w e r to " t i r l t h e h e ' r t strings a' to the l i f e " a n d q u i c k e n the souls of m e n w h o value liberty more than life'.

1 1 3

B y t h e n , h o w e v e r , t h e c h u r c h w a s b e g i n n i n g t o b e m o a n t h e falling off o f l a r g e s e c t i o n s o f t h e m i d d l e c l a s s a s w e l l a s o f t h e w o r k i n g class from the regular ordinances of religion. Alternative attractions d e v e l o p e d as p o p u l a r r e c r e a t i o n s p r e a d - i n t h e 1 8 9 0 s m i n i s t e r s w e r e deploring the n e w habit of farm w o r k e r s in going o n cycle rides o n S u n d a y s instead of c o m i n g to church; b y the 1930s the Scots w e r e m o r e d e v o t e d to t h e c i n e m a t h a n p e o p l e in a n y other section of t h e B r i t i s h I s l e s . F o o t b a l l , it w a s s a i d t i m e a n d t i m e a g a i n a n d w i t h g o o d r e a s o n , w a s t h e n e w r e l i g i o n . B y t h e 1 9 5 0 s t h e r e w a s still p r o b a b l y m o r e church-going a m o n g the Scottish middle class than a m o n g the E n g l i s h ; if o n e c h u r c h m e m b e r in f o u r w a s n o w C a t h o l i c (in 1 8 7 1 it h a d b e e n o n e in t e n ) a t h i r d o f t h e s c h o o l - a g e p o p u l a t i o n w a s e v e n t h e n going to S u n d a y schools run b y the C h u r c h of Scotland. Neverthe­ l e s s , t h e c h u r c h w a s q u i t e d e t h r o n e d f r o m t h e c e n t r a l p o s i t i o n it h a d o c c u p i e d i n S c o t t i s h affairs i n t h e m i d d l e o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y : p o l i t i c s , p l e a s u r e a n d its i n a b i l i t y t o a n s w e r t h e g r e a t e s c h a t o l o g i c a l

A. A. MacLaren, Tresbyterianism and the Working Class in a Mid-Nineteenth Century City', Scottish Historical Review, 46 (1967), 115-39.

G. McAllister, James Maxton, the Portrait of a Rebel (1935), p. 100.

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q u e s t i o n s a b o u t w h e r e w e c o m e f r o m a n d w h e r e w e are g o i n g in t h e face o f m o d e r n scientific e n q u i r y a n d biblical c r i t i c i s m h a d s h o r n it o f m o s t o f t h e p o w e r if h a d g a t h e r e d to itself s i n c e t h e R e f o r m a t i o n . It c a n n o t b e s a i d , h o w e v e r , t h a t t h e d e c l i n e in t h e i n f l u e n c e o f t h e c h u r c h w a s a c c o m p a n i e d b y a n y m e a s u r a b l e i n c r e a s e in i m m o r a l i t y - at l e a s t as c o n v e n t i o n a l l y r e g a r d e d a n d d e n o u n c e d . I l l e g i t i m a c y , r u n n i n g at 9 . 8 5 p e r 1 0 0 b i r t h s i n 1 8 6 6 - 7 0 , h a d d e c l i n e d b y a t h i r d to 6 . 2 6 b y 1 9 3 6 - 9 ; c o n s u m p t i o n o f w h i s k y p e r h e a d , 1.65 g a l l o n s in 1 8 7 1 , w a s a m e r e 0 . 4 0 b y 1 9 3 1 . T h e r e is s o m e r e a s o n to s u p p o s e t h a t the most 'religious', and certainly the most sternly Presbyterian, part of S c o t l a n d r e m a i n i n g in 1 9 5 0 w a s t h e n o r t h e r n H i g h l a n d s . Illegiti­ m a c y in R o s s a n d C r o m a r t y , h o w e v e r , r o s e f r o m 4 . 8 5 p e r 1 0 0 b i r t h s in 1 8 6 6 - 7 0 to 8 . 3 5 b y 1 9 3 6 - 9 ; t h o u g h w e k n o w l e s s a b o u t t h e r e g i o n a l distribution of w h i s k y consumption, the ' W e e F r e e ' island of Lewis w a s n o t o r i o u s for its l e v e l o f a l c o h o l i s m after t h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r .

1 1 4

C h a n g e s in e d u c a t i o n o v e r t h e c e n t u r y w e r e n o l e s s s w e e p i n g t h a n c h a n g e s i n c h u r c h life. M i d - V i c t o r i a n S c o t l a n d w a s p r o u d of its e d u ­ c a t i o n a l p r o v i s i o n , b u t critical m i n d s w e r e a l s o w e l l a w a r e o f d e f e c t s . T h e First R e p o r t o f t h e R e g i s t r a r G e n e r a l for S c o t l a n d s h o w e d t h a t in 1 8 5 5 , 1 1 . 4 p e r c e n t o f m a l e s a n d n o f e w e r t h a n 2 2 . 8 p e r c e n t o f f e m a l e s c o u l d n o t w r i t e t h e i r o w n n a m e s in t h e m a r r i a g e r e g i s t r y : t h e r e g i o n a l v a r i a t i o n s w u n g f r o m a trifling 1.2 p e r c e n t illiteracy b o t h of m e n a n d w o m e n i n l o w l a n d B e r w i c k s h i r e , to a n a p p a l l i n g 3 6 . 7 p e r c e n t o f m e n a n d 4 9 . 4 p e r c e n t o f w o m e n in h i g h l a n d R o s s a n d C r o m a r t y ; L a n a r k s h i r e , w i t h its h e a v y c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f u r b a n i n d u s ­ trial w o r k e r s , h a d 15 p e r c e n t illiteracy for m e n a n d 3 0 . 2 p e r c e n t illiteracy for w o m e n . T h e A r g y l l C o m m i s s i o n i n 1 8 6 7 s h o w e d

that

t h e p o s i t i o n w a s m u c h t h e s a m e a d e c a d e later - e l e m e n t a r y s c h o o l provision w a s g o o d in the rural L o w l a n d s , a n d very b a d in the rural H i g h l a n d s ; i n t h e b i g cities it v a r i e d f r o m fair t o awful. O v e r t h e w h o l e o f S c o t l a n d 1 8 p e r c e n t o f c h i l d r e n a g e d b e t w e e n four

and

f o u r t e e n w e r e n o t o n t h e s c h o o l roll: i n G l a s g o w t h e p e r c e n t a g e v a r i e d f r o m 2 9 p e r c e n t i n m i d d l e - c l a s s B l y t h s w o o d t o 7 2 p e r c e n t in t h e s l u m s o f T r a d e s t o n . O b v i o u s l y t h e r e w e r e v e r y l a r g e h o l e s in t h e n e t o f t h e K n o x i a n i d e a l o f e d u c a t i o n for all. S o m e c o m f o r t w a s d r a w n f r o m t h e fact t h a t w h i l e in E n g l a n d o n l y o n e c h i l d in 1,300 w e n t o n

114

Flinn, ed., Scottish Population History, pp. 350-1; G. B. Wilson, Alcohol and the Nation (1940), pp. 344-5.

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t o e n j o y a n y f o r m o f s e c o n d a r y s c h o o l i n g , in S c o t l a n d t h e p r o p o r t i o n w a s o n e in 1 4 0 .

1 1 5

U r b a n i s a t i o n h a d c a u s e d g r a v e p r o b l e m s for t h e t r a d i t i o n s o f e d u ­ c a t i o n a l p r o v i s i o n i n b o t h h a l v e s o f G r e a t B r i t a i n , e x a c e r b a t e d in S c o t ­ l a n d b y t h e p a r a l y s i n g split i n t h e k i r k in 1 8 4 3 j u s t w h e n u r g e n t c o ­ ordinated action was most needed. T h e obvious solution

appeared

t o b e to r e m o v e c o n t r o l o v e r p a r o c h i a l s c h o o l s f r o m t h e c h u r c h to t h e s t a t e , w h i c h w a s a c h i e v e d i n S c o t l a n d in 1 8 7 2 b y t h e c r e a t i o n of S c h o o l B o a r d s , t w o y e a r s l a t e r t h a n t h e e q u i v a l e n t E n g l i s h m e a s u r e . At the same time a Scotch Education Department was created, though at first t h i s w a s ' s i m p l y a r o o m i n W h i t e h a l l w i t h t h e w o r d " S c o t l a n d " painted on the door',

1 1 6

with the same president and vice-president

a s its E n g l i s h e q u i v a l e n t : o n l y s l o w l y did it a t t a i n i n d e p e n d e n c e , a n d n o t u n t i l 1 9 2 1 w a s its m a i n h e a d q u a r t e r s e s t a b l i s h e d i n E d i n b u r g h . T h e 1 8 7 2 A c t w a s a n o b v i o u s m o v e to t h e c e n t r a l i s e d s e c u l a r d i r e c t i o n of e d u c a t i o n , b u t a r g u a b l y a m o r e i m p o r t a n t shift in t h a t d i r e c t i o n h a d a l r e a d y b e e n m a d e in t h e a p p l i c a t i o n o f t h e R e v i s e d C o d e t o S c o t l a n d in 1862, ' i m p o s e d o n S c o t l a n d entirely o n the result of inquiry into the condition of e l e m e n t a r y English s c h o o l s ' , as o n e embittered i n s p e c t o r p u t it: it l a s t e d u n t i l 1 8 8 5 a n d h a d t h e effect o f c o n c e n t r a t i n g l e a r n i n g o n t h e m e c h a n i c a l a c q u i s i t i o n o f t h e ' t h r e e R s ' , at t h e e x p e n s e of e v e r y t h i n g m o r e i n t e l l e c t u a l o r b r o a d l y b a s e d .

1 1 7

T h e next half-century certainly s a w an i m p r o v e m e n t in formal school a t t a i n m e n t s . B y 1 9 1 7 , illiteracy a s m e a s u r e d b y failure to s i g n t h e m a r r i a g e r e g i s t e r w a s d o w n t o l e s s t h a n 1 p e r c e n t for b o t h s e x e s , a n d e v e n in R o s s and Cromarty w a s only 2.5 per cent. Nevertheless, it is q u e s t i o n a b l e w h e t h e r S c o t l a n d s h o n e a n y l o n g e r a b o v e E n g l a n d a s a c e n t r e o f e d u c a t i o n a l e x c e l l e n c e . T h a t ' z e a l for l e a r n i n g ' w h i c h h a d o n c e s e e m e d to b e characteristic of the Lowlander, a n d w h i c h t h e A r g y l l C o m m i s s i o n h a d still r e g a r d e d as alive a n d w e l l in t h e rural areas in the 1860s, w a s not very obvious in Royal C o m m i s s i o n e n q u i r i e s i n t h e s a m e a r e a s in t h e 1 8 9 0 s : w o r k i n g - c l a s s a p a t h y t o w a r d s t h e a c q u i s i t i o n o f e d u c a t i o n w a s m o r e e v i d e n t still b y t h e

1950s.

A . S . Neill, a y o u n g village s c h o o l m a s t e r in 1915, found t h e w h o l e Scotch Code enervating and depressing:

J. Scotland, The History of Scottish Education, 2 vols., (1969), vol. 1, p. 184;

G. S. Osborne, Scottish and English Schools: A Comparative Survey of the Past Fifty Years (Pittsburg, 1966).

Scotland, Scottish Education, vol. 2, p. 5. J. Kerr, Memories Grave and Gay (Edinburgh, 1903), p. 58.

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SMOUT

What does it all mean? What am I trying to do? These boys are going out to the fields to plough; these girls are going to farms as servants. If I live long enough the new generation will be bringing notes of the pleese-excussjames-as-I-was-washing type . . . and the parents who will write them went out that door five minutes ago. I can teach them to read, and they will read serials in the drivelling weeklies: I can teach them to write, and they will write pathetic notes to me by and bye; I can teach them to count, and they will never count more than the miserable sum they receive as a weekly wage . . . My work is hopeless, for education should aim at bringing up a new generation that will be better than the old. The present system is to produce the same kind of man as we see today. 118

H i s o w n l a t e r e x p e r i m e n t s at S u m m e r h i l l a n d e l s e w h e r e , a m o n g t h e most daring and innovative in the English-speaking world, s e e m e d to h o l d f e w l e s s o n s f r o m w h i c h t h e r u l i n g m a n d a r i n s o f S c o t t i s h e d u ­ cation could learn. T h e y c o n t i n u e d to believe in m o r e conventional v i r t u e s t h a n l i b e r a t i o n . T h e y c o u l d n o t afford U t o p i a , a n d t h e y w o u l d n o t h a v e l i k e d it a n y w a y . After 1 8 8 5 , t h e p o s s i b i l i t y p r e s e n t in t h e 1 8 6 0 s a n d 1 8 7 0 s t h a t S c o t t i s h e d u c a t i o n w o u l d s o o n b e f o r c e d to b e c o m e f o r m a l l y i d e n t i c a l w i t h E n g l i s h p a s s e d . T h e g e n e r a l s t e p s in t h e d i r e c t i o n o f e x t e n d i n g e d u ­ c a t i o n a l p r o v i s i o n w e r e , h o w e v e r , s i m i l a r in b o t h c o u n t r i e s , b u t w i t h S c o t l a n d l e a d i n g i n i n n o v a t i o n as o f t e n as E n g l a n d . T h u s

primary

education b e c a m e c o m p u l s o r y in S c o t l a n d in 1872, in E n g l a n d in 1880; it b e c a m e free i n S c o t l a n d i n 1 8 8 9 , i n E n g l a n d i n 1 8 9 1 ; t h e s c h o o l l e a v i n g a g e w a s r a i s e d f r o m t h i r t e e n t o f o u r t e e n in S c o t l a n d in 1 9 0 1 , in E n g l a n d in 1 9 1 8 ; a n d i n b o t h c o u n t r i e s effectively t o fifteen in 1 9 4 5 . In s e c o n d a r y e d u c a t i o n t h e r i g h t t o free s c h o o l i n g w a s a d m i t t e d i n S c o t l a n d i n 1 9 1 8 a n d i n E n g l a n d in 1 9 4 4 , w h i l e r e o r g a n i s a t i o n o f s e c o n d a r y s c h o o l s w a s a c h i e v e d i n t w o s t e p s i n S c o t l a n d in 1 9 3 6 a n d 1 9 4 5 , in E n g l a n d i n 1 9 4 5 . S c h o o l B o a r d s w e r e n o t a b o l i s h e d in S c o t l a n d u n t i l 1 9 1 8 , w h e n t h e y w e r e r e p l a c e d b y t h i r t y - e i g h t e l e c t e d local e d u ­ c a t i o n a u t h o r i t i e s , o n l y for t h e s e to b e s u p e r s e d e d i n 1 9 2 9 b y t h e e d u c a t i o n c o m m i t t e e s o f t h e city a n d c o u n t y c o u n c i l s .

1 1 9

B o t h countries clearly profited from each o t h e r ' s experience in going down

the

same

path.

Nevertheless,

Scottish

school

education

r e m a i n e d d i s t i n c t i v e at s e v e r a l l e v e l s . It a i m e d to b e b r o a d e r a n d l e s s s p e c i a l i s e d at s e c o n d a r y l e v e l . It r e l i e d m o r e o n t h e u s e o f c o r p o r a l p u n i s h m e n t . T h e t a w s e w a s m o r e often in the h a n d s of university graduates: in 1938, 70 per cent of the m e n a n d 32 per cent of the w o m e n t e a c h e r s i n S c o t l a n d w e r e g r a d u a t e s , w h e r e a s in E n g l a n d t h e 118

A. S. Neill, A Dominie's log (1915), pp. 11-12.

119

Scotland, Scottish Education, vol. 2; Osborne, Scottish and English Schools.

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Scotland 1850-1950

277

p e r c e n t a g e s w e r e 16 a n d 1 4 p e r c e n t r e s p e c t i v e l y . F i n a l l y , it w a s effec­ t i v e l y c o n t r o l l e d b y a n a r r o w circle c o m p o s e d o f p r i n c i p a l s o f t h e S c o t ­ tish

Education

Colleges, inspectors from

the

Scottish

Education

D e p a r t m e n t a n d t e a c h e r s w h o b e l o n g e d to t h e E d u c a t i o n a l I n s t i t u t e of S c o t l a n d , e s p e c i a l l y h e a d m a s t e r s f r o m t h e e a s t o f S c o t l a n d , w h o w e r e o u t o f t o u c h w i t h t h e realities o f t e a c h i n g t h e d e p r i v e d u r b a n proletariat of the w e s t .

1 2 0

T h e leaders of Scottish education put

an

e s p e c i a l l y h i g h p r e m i u m o n m a i n t a i n i n g t h e p r o f e s s i o n as a c l o s e d s h o p for t h o s e t r a i n e d i n S c o t l a n d . It w a s n o t v e r y d i s t i n c t i v e o r dis­ t i n g u i s h e d in a n y m o r e i m p o r t a n t w a y s . Higher education did not share with the schools the policy of k e e p ­ i n g j o b s for t h e S c o t t i s h b o y s , b u t m a i n t a i n e d a n o p e n d o o r to r e c r u i t ­ m e n t for ' b e s t a p p l i c a n t s ' i r r e s p e c t i v e o f t h e i r t r a i n i n g o r d o m i c i l e ; c o n s e q u e n t l y , the universities b e c a m e in the course of time the m o s t a n g l i c i s e d s e c t o r o f S c o t t i s h e d u c a t i o n . L e g i s l a t i v e p r o v i s i o n in a n y c a s e p r e s s e d S c o t l a n d in t h a t d i r e c t i o n . T h e U n i v e r s i t i e s ( S c o t l a n d ) Act of 1858, w a s partly a c o n s e q u e n c e of the disappointing

perform­

a n c e o f S c o t t i s h c a n d i d a t e s i n t h e n e w c o m p e t i t i v e e x a m i n a t i o n for t h e I n d i a n Civil S e r v i c e , a b r a n c h o f t h e E m p i r e t h a t t h e S c o t t i s h m i d d l e c l a s s h a d h i t h e r t o l o o k e d o n as p e c u l i a r l y its o w n : it a l t e r e d m u c h , b u t left i n t a c t t h e c o n c e p t o f a p h i l o s o p h y - b a s e d g e n e r a l arts course as a central part of a Scottish university degree a n d a prelimi­ nary to specialised study. T h e Universities (Scotland) Act of 1889, h o w e v e r , r a i s e d t h e a v e r a g e a g e o f e n t r y f r o m a b o u t fifteen t o s e v e n ­ t e e n , a n d i n t r o d u c e d a f o u r - y e a r h o n o u r s d e g r e e as a n a l t e r n a t i v e t o t h e g e n e r a l d e g r e e - it differed f r o m t h e E n g l i s h m o d e l o n l y i n being a year longer and involving more study outside the main sub­ ject.

1 2 1

W h e n t h e U n i v e r s i t y G r a n t s C o m m i t t e e w a s s e t u p in 1 9 1 9 ,

S c o t t i s h u n i v e r s i t i e s c a m e u n d e r its s w a y r a t h e r t h a n u n d e r a S c o t t i s h b o d y , a n d t h e y h a v e r e m a i n e d o u t s i d e t h e orbit o f t h e S E D o r t h e S c o t t i s h Office: a n i n c r e a s i n g l y E n g l i s h p r o f e s s o r i a t h a s b e e n a n x i o u s t h a t t h e y s h o u l d r e m a i n s o . A s T a b l e 3 . 1 3 s h o w s , in t h e p r o v i s i o n of u n i v e r s i t y p l a c e s , S c o t l a n d r e m a i n e d w e l l a h e a d o f E n g l a n d i n p r o ­ p o r t i o n t o h e r p o p u l a t i o n , t h o u g h n o t t o t h e s a m e d e g r e e as i n t h e earlier n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . H o w g o o d o r b a d a n e d u c a t i o n s y s t e m is c a n n o t b e j u d g e d o u t s i d e 120

121

A. McPherson, 'An Angle on the Geist: Persistence and Change in the Scottish Educational Tradition', in W. M. Humes and H. M. Paterson, eds., Scottish Culture and Scottish Education, 1800-1980 (Edinburgh, 1983), pp. 216-43. For a stimulating, if controversial, survey, see G. E. Davie, The Democratic Intellect (Edinburgh, 1961).

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278

т.

с.

S M O U T

T a b l e 3 . 1 3 University

England Scotland

places in England and Scotland,

1830-1950

1830

1900

1938

1950

3,000 4,400

13,200 6,000

56,000 10,000

63,600 15,000

0.40 1.34

1.35 2.00

1.45 2.96

Places per 000 population England 0.22 Scotland 1.47

Source: G. S. Osborne, Scottish and English Schools: A Comparative Survey of the Past Fifty Years (Pittsburg, 1966), p. 25.

t h e c o n t e x t o f t h e p u r p o s e s for w h i c h it w a s d e s i g n e d , a n d t h e r e is n o e v i d e n c e t h a t a n y p a r t o f its p u r p o s e w a s t o m a k e t h e S c o t s aware of their culture or their o w n distinctive identity. Scottish history received scant treatment in the schools past the stage of tales of adven­ t u r e at p r i m a r y l e v e l : in t h e u n i v e r s i t i e s t h e r e w e r e o n l y t w o c h a i r s in 1 9 5 0 , a n d for m o s t s t u d e n t s ' B r i t i s h H i s t o r y ' w a s de facto E n g l i s h h i s t o r y . T h e S c o t t i s h d i a l e c t s o f t h e L o w l a n d s w e r e d i s c o u r a g e d in t h e c l a s s r o o m as u n c o u t h , a n d S c o t t i s h l i t e r a t u r e i n t h e u n i v e r s i t i e s was treated with even more devastating contempt than Scottish his­ t o r y . I n t h e G a e l i c - s p e a k i n g H i g h l a n d s t e a c h i n g in a n d o f t h e n a t i v e l a n g u a g e w a s first d i s c o u r a g e d a n d t h e n ( u n d e r p r e s s u r e f r o m t h e Celtic m o v e m e n t f r o m t h e 1 8 8 0 s ) a l l o w e d ; b u t it w a s g i v e n little e m p h a s i s , largely b e c a u s e G a e l s t h e m s e l v e s w i s h e d their children to b e g i v e n t h e e x p e r t i s e o f s p e a k i n g a n d w r i t i n g in E n g l i s h t o e q u i p t h e m for life in t h e L o w l a n d s o r a b r o a d .

122

A t t h e l e v e l o f p o p u l a r c u l t u r e , w h a t w a s lost w a s a p p r e c i a t i o n o f a heritage, apart from an extraordinarily resilient a n d

widespread

affection for B u r n s i n all c l a s s e s , a n d a g o o d k n o w l e d g e o f S c o t t u n t i l a r o u n d 1 9 5 0 i n t h e m i d d l e c l a s s . B u t for m o s t p e o p l e , b y t h e m i d twentieth century, being Scottish w a s mainly a matter of identifying w i t h t a r t a n a n d b a g p i p e s (to p r e v i o u s c e n t u r i e s m e r e l y h i g h l a n d s y m ­ bols), with the accordians of B B C Scotland's 'Scottish country dance m u s i c ' , a n d w i t h c e r t a i n football t e a m s . In high culture, h o w e v e r defined, the Scottish achievement over

C. W. J. Withers, Gaelic in Scotland, 1698-1981:

The Geographical History of a Language

(Edinburgh, 1984); V. E . DurKacz, The Decline of the Celtic Languages (Edinburgh, 1983).

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Scotland 1850-1950

279

the century w a s large, m u c h larger t h a n generally realised b y those who

assumed

that

everything

stopped

with

the

end

of

the

E n l i g h t e n m e n t . S o m e t h i n g c e r t a i n l y did s t o p , e s p e c i a l l y in p h i l o s o ­ p h y a n d the social sciences, w h e r e the eighteenth-century Scots h a d s h o n e s o a s t o n i s h i n g l y . Y e t , for t h e c e n t u r y after 1 8 5 0 , L i s t e r a n d S i m p s o n in m e d i c i n e , C l e r k M a x w e l l , T h o m s o n ( L o r d K e l v i n ) , B e l l , B a i r d , F l e m i n g , B o y d O r r a n d F r a s e r D a r l i n g in s c i e n c e , G e d d e s in p l a n n i n g , t h e G l a s g o w c o l o u r i s t s in art, R e n n i e M a c k i n t o s h in archi­ tecture and Robert Louis Stevenson, H u g h MacDairmid, Edwin Muir, S o r l e y M a c l e a n a n d G r a s s i c G i b b o n in literature are m e r e l y t h e g r e a ­ t e s t n a m e s in a l o n g roll o f d i s t i n c t i o n . M o s t , h o w e v e r , h a d little s p e c i ­ fic i m p a c t o n S c o t l a n d . T h e d o c t o r s a n d s c i e n t i s t s g a v e to t h e e n t i r e world their innovations of anaesthesia, penicillin, telephones a n d tele­ v i s i o n ; it w a s i n t e r n a t i o n a l p h y s i c s , f o o d s c i e n c e , e c o l o g y a n d t o w n planning that were enriched by S c o t s m e n ; o n the other hand,

the

literati o f t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y w e r e little k n o w n a n d l e s s l i k e d o n their hearthrugs, e v e n w h e n they w o n the plaudits of international criticism. It w a s , n o t s u r p r i s i n g l y , t h e w r i t e r s o f t h e i n t e r w a r y e a r s w h o w e r e m o s t a r o u s e d b y t h e d e r a c i n a t i o n o f t h e S c o t s at all l e v e l s , H u g h M a c D a i r m i d t o a brilliant a n g e r , E d w i n M u i r t o a s o m b r e a n a l y s i s . T h e i d e n t i t y o f S c o t l a n d s e e m e d to t h e m t o h a v e a l m o s t d i s a p p e a r e d . Muir said of Edinburgh: The actual town, the houses, streets, churches, rocks, gardens, are there still; but these exist wholly in the past. That is a national past; the present, which is made up of the thoughts and feelings and prejudices of the inhabi­ tants, their way of life in general, is as cosmopolitan as the cinema. This is not universally true; but it applies to the populace, rich and poor, the great multitude who have been Anglicised and Americanised, whether by the him, the Press, the radio, the lending library or the public schools . . . the present inhabitants of Edinburgh are as different from the inhabitants of fifty years ago as the Americans now are from the English. They are better in some ways, no doubt, less rigid and hard, and less bigoted; but they do not think in what one might call an Edinburgh way, as their forefathers did. 123

T h e r e is m u c h t h e h i s t o r i a n m i g h t w a n t to p u t o n t h e b a l a n c e o n t h e o t h e r s i d e , t h e i m p r o v e m e n t s in w e l f a r e , t h e l o o s e n i n g o f e c c l e s i a s ­ tical b o n d s , t h e g r e a t e r facility in a c o s m o p o l i t a n life o f e n j o y i n g c o s m o p o l i t a n p l e a s u r e s , b u t it w a s h a r d to a r g u e h o n e s t l y t h a t t h e 123

Muir, Scottish Journey, pp. 23-4.

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280

T. c.

SMOUT

c e n t u r y f r o m 1 8 5 0 to 1 9 5 0 h a d m a d e it e a s i e r for m o s t S c o t s to live t h e i r p e r s o n a l l i v e s m o r e r i c h l y or m o r e freely. E d w i n M u i r c a n b e left w i t h t h e final v e r d i c t .

. . . the powerless dead, Listening can hear no more Than a hard tapping on the sounding floor A little overhead Of common heels that do not know Whence they come or where they go And are content With their poor frozen life and shallow banishment.

124

It is left for t h e c e n t u r y after 1 9 5 0 to s e e if it c a n d o b e t t e r . Ibid., p. 39.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

CHAPTER 4

Wales D.

W. H O W E L L

and

C.

BABER

' M o d e r n W a l e s ' e m e r g e d in these years with the transition from a p r e d o m i n a n t l y rural s o c i e t y at t h e o u t s e t to a n i n c r e a s i n g l y i n d u s t r i a l a n d u r b a n i s e d o n e a n d t h e r e p l a c e m e n t o f t h e o l d s o c i a l a n d political d o m i n a n c e of the landed classes b y freedom and democracy. This t r a n s f o r m a t i o n f r o m a t r a d i t i o n a l to a n u r b a n w o r l d w a s , o f c o u r s e , a B r i t i s h p h e n o m e n o n b u t , for all t h a t , W e l s h s o c i e t y w a s to e x h i b i t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s w h i c h w e r e to c o n t r a s t w i t h its E n g l i s h c o u n t e r p a r t . A c c o r d i n g l y , a p r i n c i p a l a i m o f t h i s c h a p t e r will b e to e x p l o r e a n d explain those distinctive aspects of W a l e s ' s culture and society. Nine­ t e e n t h - c e n t u r y W e l s h s o c i e t y w a s s h a p e d a b o v e all b y its p e r v a d i n g n o n c o n f o r m i s t e t h o s a n d , c l o s e l y b o u n d u p w i t h it, t h e W e l s h l a n ­ g u a g e . S u c h s e p a r a t e traits as e m e r g e d w e r e t o b e l a r g e l y n e g l e c t e d b y s u c c e s s i v e E n g l i s h g o v e r n m e n t s d o w n to t h e 1 8 8 0 s , n o t to m e n t i o n the ill-natured ridicule of things W e l s h b y the L o n d o n press, a state of affairs w h i c h , i n d e e d , did s o m u c h to fuel t h e n a t i o n a l i s t d r i v e of t h e 1 8 8 0 s a n d 1 8 9 0 s for s e c u r i n g r e c o g n i t i o n o f W a l e s ' s s e p a r a t e identity. This distinct nationality notwithstanding, increasing indus­ trialisation l o c k e d W a l e s m o r e a n d m o r e i n t o a ' f a t e d m u t u a l i t y ' w i t h 1

t h e E n g l i s h , a n d a n o t h e r a i m will b e to s h o w h o w g r o w i n g E n g l i s h i n f l u e n c e h a d p r o f o u n d i m p l i c a t i o n s for t h e s u r v i v a l o f t h e t r a d i t i o n a l ' W e l s h w a y of life'. W h i l e declining e v e r y w h e r e from the 1920s, this traditional ' W e l s h ' culture, b a s e d o n the language, chapel and class h a r m o n y w a s , indeed, from the o p e n i n g decades of this century to b e i n c r e a s i n g l y j e t t i s o n e d b y t h e v i g o r o u s , r a p i d l y a n g l i c i s i n g coalfield s o c i e t y o f S o u t h W a l e s , a n d a f u r t h e r c o n c e r n will b e to a n a l y s e t h e e q u a l l y d i s t i n c t i v e c u l t u r e t h a t c a m e to r e p l a c e it, a c u l t u r e c h a r a c t e r ­ i s e d b y its r e m a r k a b l e d e g r e e o f c l a s s a n d c o m m u n i t y l o y a l t y . T h e t r e a t m e n t will b e g i n w i t h a n e x a m i n a t i o n o f t h e e c o n o m i e s , s o c i a l

1

Bud B. Khleif, Language, Ethnicity and Education in Wales (The Hague, 1980), p. 1.

281

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282

D. W. H O W E L L A N D C. B A B E R

structure a n d standard of living of rural a n d industrial W a l e s respecti­ vely before proceeding to investigate the culture a n d politics of the Welsh people.

I A g r i c u l t u r e ' s r o l e in t h e W e l s h e c o n o m y , as for t h a t o f B r i t a i n as a whole, declined over the course of the nineteenth century, increas­ i n g l y s o f r o m t h e 1 8 5 0 s o n w a r d s . O n e i n d e x for m e a s u r i n g t h i s d e c l i n e is t h e l a b o u r f o r c e . T h e p o p u l a t i o n o f W a l e s a n d M o n m o u t h s h i r e r o s e d r a m a t i c a l l y in t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , i n c r e a s i n g b e t w e e n t h r e e a n d fourfold o v e r t h e p e r i o d t o 1 9 1 1 f r o m u n d e r 6 0 0 , 0 0 0 t o o v e r 2 m i l l i o n . This increase w a s not shared over the Principality. Although there o c c u r r e d a fast rise in t h e p o p u l a t i o n o f all W e l s h c o u n t i e s d o w n to 1 8 4 1 , n e v e r t h e l e s s t h e r a t e o f i n c r e a s e i n t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l c o u n t i e s w a s falling. M o n t g o m e r y s h i r e a n d R a d n o r s h i r e r e a c h e d t h e i r p e a k l e v e l s at t h e 1 8 4 1 c e n s u s a n d t h e r e a f t e r W e l s h r u r a l c o u n t i e s s o o n e x p e r i e n c e d d e c r e a s e s i n t h e i r total n u m b e r s , all b e f o r e 1 8 8 1 . T h e s e falls w e r e d u e to p e o p l e l e a v i n g t h e c o u n t r y s i d e , m o s t e n d i n g

up

in t h e i n d u s t r i a l a r e a s o f S o u t h a n d N o r t h W a l e s . T h e p r o f o u n d c h a n g e i n p o p u l a t i o n d i s t r i b u t i o n is r e f l e c t e d in t h e fact t h a t w h e r e a s at t h e beginning of the nineteenth century over 80 per cent of W e l s h people i n h a b i t e d rural a r e a s , b y 1 9 1 1 f e w e r t h a n 2 0 p e r c e n t d i d s o . I n t h e depression of the interwar years the net outflow from the W e l s h coun­ tryside c o n t i n u e d o n a similar scale as before 1914, although, predicta­ bly,

it w a s t h e c e n t r a l u p l a n d r e g i o n t h a t l o s t p e o p l e m o s t h e a v i l y .

This e x o d u s m e a n t that the n u m b e r s involved in W e l s h farming de­ creased b y 3 1 . 4 per cent b e t w e e n 1851 a n d 1911 (from 169,191 to 116,147), a n d b y 2 6 . 8 per cent b e t w e e n 1911 a n d 1951, the latter year registering just 89,724 people.

2

M o r e u s e f u l i n p o i n t i n g to t h e d i m i n i s h i n g r o l e o f a g r i c u l t u r e is a statement of the proportion of occupied population e n g a g e d in farm­ i n g b e t w e e n 1 8 5 1 a n d 1 9 5 1 . W h i l e 3 3 . 1 p e r c e n t o f t h e total W e l s h l a b o u r f o r c e w a s o c c u p i e d in f a r m i n g in 1 8 5 1 , b y 1 9 1 1 s o m e 1 1 . 3 p e r cent w a s so engaged. Likewise, b e t w e e n 1911 and 1951 the proportion 2

B. Thomas, 'Wales and the Atlantic Economy', in B. Thomas, ed., The Welsh Economy (Cardiff, 1961), pp. 15,18; idem, T h e Industrial Revolution and the Welsh Language , in C. Baber and L. J. Williams, eds., Modern South Wales: Essays in Economic History (Cardiff, 1986), p. 6; J. G. Thomas, 'Population Trends in Wales', Welsh Anvil, 3 - 4 (1951-2), pp. 87-97; calculations from figures provided in L. J. Williams and T. Boyns, 'Occupations in Wales, 1851-1971', Bulletin of Economic Research, 29 (1977). 7

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of t h e w o r k i n g p o p u l a t i o n e n g a g e d in a g r i c u l t u r e d r o p p e d f r o m 1 2 per cent to 8.2 per c e n t .

3

P h y s i c a l factors d i c t a t e d t h a t for m u c h o f W a l e s f a r m i n g w a s m i x e d , with an e m p h a s i s o n store animals a n d dairy p r o d u c e . In this w a y , t h e s t r u c t u r e o f W e l s h f a r m i n g as a r e g i o n ( t h o u g h it is e m p h a s i s e d that certain favoured l o w l a n d areas like Flintshire, the V a l e s of C l w y d and

Glamorgan, and south Pembrokeshire were exceptions) was

c l e a r l y different f r o m t h a t w h i c h o b t a i n e d in t h e s o u t h - e a s t a n d M i d ­ l a n d s o f E n g l a n d . E c o n o m i c c o n d i t i o n s in t h e s e c o n d h a l f o f t h e n i n e ­ t e e n t h c e n t u r y , in p a r t i c u l a r h i g h l a b o u r c o s t s a n d ( s l i g h t l y l a t e r ) falling c e r e a l p r i c e s o f t h e last t h r e e d e c a d e s , s a w a still g r e a t e r c o n c e n ­ tration o n grass farming. B e t w e e n 1 8 7 0 - 2 a n d 1 9 1 2 - 1 4 the area u n d e r p e r m a n e n t g r a s s l a n d i n c r e a s e d f r o m 5 7 . 3 p e r c e n t to 7 5 . 2 p e r c e n t of t h e t o t a l c u l t i v a t e d a r e a o f W a l e s .

4

D u r i n g t h e w a r y e a r s , 1 9 1 4 - 1 8 , p r i c e s for a g r i c u l t u r a l

products

soared and W e l s h arable farming u n d e r w e n t a short revival. H o w e v e r , t h e r e p e a l o f t h e C o r n P r o d u c t i o n A c t in 1 9 2 1 r e s u l t e d i n a s h a r p fall i n c e r e a l p r o d u c t i o n in t h e y e a r s d o w n to 1 9 3 9 . I n t h e d e p r e s s e d years of the 1920s and 1930s the proportion of arable land d r o p p e d b y a l m o s t a half, m o s t o f t h e g a i n a c c r u i n g t o r o u g h g r a z i n g . T h e fall in a r a b l e a c r e a g e o c c u r r e d m a i n l y w i t h i n t i l l a g e . A l t h o u g h W e l s h f a r m e r s a s p a s t o r a l i s t s d i d n o t suffer a s m u c h as t h e i r c o r n - g r o w i n g c o u n t e r p a r t s in e a s t e r n E n g l a n d i n t h e e a r l y 1 9 2 0 s , p r i c e s fell a l s o after 1 9 2 0 i n o t h e r f a r m p r o d u c e a n d l a s t e d w i t h v a r y i n g d e g r e e s o f intensity in s o m e products d o w n to the early 1930s a n d in others to t h e m i d - t h i r t i e s . P r o b a b l y m o s t W e l s h f a r m e r s m a n a g e d t o m a k e profits d o w n to t h e m i d - 1 9 2 0 s . T h e o n l y b r i g h t r a y i n t h e m i d s t o f this depression in the 1920s a n d 1930s w a s the establishment of the M i l k M a r k e t i n g B o a r d i n 1 9 3 3 , a s c h e m e facilitated b y t h e

growth

of m o t o r t r a n s p o r t . T h e n u m b e r o f r e g i s t e r e d m i l k - p r o d u c e r s i n W a l e s grew b y 92.4 per cent between 1934 and 1939 and there had occurred another 40 per cent increase b y 1947, w h i c h meant, of course, that the traditional livestock rearing a n d m a k i n g of butter declined.

5

In t h e 1 9 3 0 s , s a l e s o f c r o p s off W e l s h f a r m s w e r e n e g l i g i b l e c o m p a r e d 3 4 5

Williams and Boyns, 'Occupations in Wales'. D. W. Howell, Land and People in Nineteenth-Century Wales (1978), pp. 14-15. A. W. Ashby and I. L . Evans, The Agriculture of Wales and Monmouthshire (Cardiff, 1944), pp. 15, 19-21, 50-4, 61-2; A. Martin, 'Agriculture', in Thomas, ed., The Welsh Economy, pp. 76, 82-3; B. Jones, 'The Present Agricultural Position', Welsh Outlook, 10 (1923), p. 175; A. W. Ashby, 'The Agricultural Depression in Wales', Welsh Outlook, 16 (1929), pp. 335-8.

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D.

W.

H O W E L L

A N D

C.

BABER

w i t h t h o s e o f l i v e s t o c k a n d its p r o d u c t s , w h i c h a c c o u n t e d for a r o u n d 95 p e r c e n t o f t h e total i n c o m e o f t h e W e l s h f a r m e r . T h e w a r y e a r s , 1939-45, witnessed a ploughing-up campaign which, together with h i g h p r i c e s , s a w m o r e t h a n a d o u b l i n g in t h e p r o p o r t i o n o f a r a b l e b e t w e e n 1939 a n d 1946, from 1 1 . 9 per cent to 2 6 . 4 per cent of the total a g r i c u l t u r a l l a n d . B y 1 9 5 9 t h e a r a b l e a r e a h a d fallen b a c k t o 2 1 . 8 per cent.

6

D o w n until 1920 the production of almost every type of c o m m o d i t y o n t h e s m a l l , l a r g e l y self-sufficient f a m i l y - r u n h o l d i n g s s h i e l d e d t h e W e l s h f a r m e r f r o m t h e drastic p r i c e f l u c t u a t i o n s e x p e r i e n c e d in t h e M i d l a n d s a n d t h e s o u t h - e a s t e r n c o u n t i e s o f E n g l a n d . E v e n s o , it w o u l d b e w r o n g to c o n c l u d e t h a t t h e r e w a s a b s e n c e o f h a r d s h i p in t h e ' d i s ­ t e m p e r e d ' t i m e s o f t h e e a r l y 1 7 8 0 s , d u r i n g t h e t h r e e d e c a d e s or s o u p to t h e m i d - n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , d u r i n g t h e ' G r e a t D e p r e s s i o n ' o f t h e last d e c a d e s o f t h a t c e n t u r y a n d d u r i n g t h e 1 9 2 0 s a n d 1 9 3 0 s . W e l s h farmers w e r e generally poor, able to scrape a living only b y dint of h a r d w o r k a n d a frugal life s t y l e , a n d a d v e r s e e c o n o m i c c o n d i t i o n s brought

d i s t r e s s a n d s o m e t i m e s failure. T h e W e l s h p r o b l e m w a s ,

i n d e e d , t h a t of t h e t y p i c a l p e a s a n t e c o n o m y - p o v e r t y , o v e r p o p u l a t i o n and land-hunger, and

a g g r a v a t e d t o s o m e e x t e n t in W a l e s b y a c u l t u r a l

political d i v i d e

between

landowners

f e a t u r e s w e r e to h a v e p r o f o u n d

and

peasantry.

7

These

i m p l i c a t i o n s for t h e t y p e o f rural

s o c i e t y w h i c h w a s to u n f o l d o v e r t h e s e y e a r s . Welsh farming outside the few favoured areas could never have b e e n a h a n d s o m e l y profitable e n t e r p r i s e . S t o r e l i v e s t o c k , w h i c h c o n t i ­ n u e d a s t h e s t a p l e o u t p u t o f W e l s h h o l d i n g s e v e n after t h e c o m i n g of r a i l w a y s ( t h e latter n e v e r t h e l e s s d o i n g m u c h t o i n c r e a s e s a l e s o f s u r p l u s p r o d u c e to t h e b e s t E n g l i s h m a r k e t s a n d i n d u s t r i a l of S o u t h W a l e s ) , c o u l d o n l y y i e l d l i m i t e d profits, for t h e

towns

turnover

w a s t o o s l o w a n d l a b o u r c o n t r i b u t e d t o o s m a l l a s h a r e to t h e v a l u e of t h e p r o d u c t .

8

During the late eighteenth a n d nineteenth centuries,

h o w e v e r , W e l s h f a r m i n g w a s T o w e r ' t h a n it n e e d h a v e b e e n ,

and

this persisted despite the i m p r o v e m e n t s w h i c h c a m e in from the 1870s. It h a s b e e n w i d e l y h e l d t h a t t h e s y s t e m o f l a n d t e n u r e h a d to do with

this b a c k w a r d n e s s .

Arguably,

however,

the

much

cultural,

r e l i g i o u s a n d political d i f f e r e n c e s b e t w e e n l a n d l o r d s a n d t h e i r t e n a n t s 6

7

8

Ashby and Evans, Agriculture of Wales, pp. 72-3; Martin, 'Agriculture', pp. 76-7. E . J . Hobsbawm, Industry and Empire (1968), p. 254.

D. Jenkins, The Agricultural Community ofSouth-West Wales at the Turn of the Twentieth Century (Cardiff, 1971), pp. 4 0 - 1 .

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did n o t w h o l l y g i v e rise to t h e u n f o r t u n a t e e c o n o m i c c o n s e q u e n c e s t h a t w e r e w i d e l y a l l e g e d at t h e t i m e b y n o n c o n f o r m i s t radical l e a d e r s within W e l s h society. Indeed, tenants on large estates of over 3,000 acres farmed under positively favourable conditions. U n d e r a system of i n c r e a s i n g y e a r l y t e n a n c y as t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y a d v a n c e d , vir­ tual h e r e d i t a r y s u c c e s s i o n p r e v a i l e d a m i d s t a c u t e l a n d - h u n g e r

and

t e n a n t s felt n o s t r o n g s e n s e o f i n s e c u r i t y . In c e r t a i n i n s t a n c e s t h e y w e r e c h a r g e d fair a n d often l e n i e n t r e n t s , a l t h o u g h e v e n o n l a r g e estates land sometimes went too high because of competition, land­ o w n e r s b e i n g led to believe that lands were of greater value t h a n t h e y a c t u a l l y w e r e . L a r g e l a n d l o r d s a l s o effected c o n s i d e r a b l e i m p r o ­ v e m e n t s - e s p e c i a l l y f r o m t h e late 1 8 6 0 s - w i t h o n l y s m a l l r e t u r n s on their outlays, and tenants' i m p r o v e m e n t s w e r e not automatically c o n f i s c a t e d in h i g h e r r e n t s . C o n d i t i o n s o n s m a l l e s t a t e s , h o w e v e r , w h i c h c o v e r e d t h e l a r g e s t s p r e a d o f t h e l a n d a r e a , w e r e far l e s s a d v a n ­ t a g e o u s . T e n a n t s p a i d c o m p e t i t i v e r e n t s , v e r y likely f e e l i n g i n s e c u r e in t h e p r o c e s s , a n d r e c e i v e d little in t h e w a y o f i m p r o v e m e n t s . T h e i r o w n e r s w e r e c o n c e r n e d t o t a k e as m u c h f r o m t h e l a n d a n d r e t u r n as little as p o s s i b l e . A l b e i t , l e s s e r o w n e r s o f W e l s h s t o c k w e r e h a r d l y r a p a c i o u s , for if t h e y t o o k t h e offers m a d e t h e y p r o b a b l y w i t h h e l d f r o m s q u e e z i n g t h e last p e n n y . P o v e r t y p r e v e n t e d t h e s m a l l o w n e r s f r o m m a i n t a i n i n g t h e i r e s t a t e s in g o o d r e p a i r . E x p l o i t a t i o n w a s r a t h e r t h e p r a c t i c e o f t h e n e w c o m e r f r o m b u s i n e s s , w h o felt n o n e of t h e traditional ties. Although feelings of insecurity of tenure prevailed on lesser estates a n d t e n a n t s t h e r e w e r e u n w i l l i n g to i m p r o v e for fear o f h i g h r e n t s , a n d , a l t h o u g h a g a i n , l a c k o f c o m p e n s a t i o n for u n e x h a u s t e d i m p r o v e ­ m e n t s (if n e v e r t h e c o n s t r a i n t it w a s m a d e o u t to b e ) w a s a g e n u i n e g r i e v a n c e o f t e n a n t s in l a n d - h u n g r y W a l e s w h e n p r o p e r t i e s o f u n d e r 1,000 a c r e s o f l a r g e a n d s m a l l e s t a t e s alike w e r e b e i n g s o l d f r o m t h e 1 8 7 0 s , t h e r e w e r e o t h e r m o r e b a s i c o b s t a c l e s to i m p r o v e m e n t . T h e s e included poor communications with commercial centres, the language barrier w h i c h h a m p e r e d k n o w l e d g e of progressive farming,

wide

tracts o f u n e n c l o s e d m o o r l a n d h i n d e r i n g i m p r o v e m e n t in l i v e s t o c k b r e e d i n g , t e n a n t s ' w a n t o f capital a n d t h e p e a s a n t m e n t a l i t y u n w i l l i n g t o i n v e s t . P e r h a p s t h e last w a s t h e crucial c o n s t r a i n t . P e a s a n t - t e n a n t s were

preoccupied

with

farming

as c h e a p l y

as p o s s i b l e ,

which

s t e m m e d o n l y in p a r t f r o m a c o n c e r n for l o w - r i s k f a r m i n g . L o w e x p e n ­ d i t u r e m a i n l y i n v o l v e d k e e p i n g t h e r e n t at its t r a d i t i o n a l l e v e l . T h u s t e n a n t s w e r e c o n c e r n e d t o d o as little as p o s s i b l e to m a n i f e s t s i g n s

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D. W. H O W E L L A N D C. B A B E R

of p r o s p e r i t y .

A l t h o u g h large o w n e r s neither evicted tenants

nor

increased rents automatically u p o n tenants' improvements, yet the s l i g h t e s t ' p o s s i b i l i t y ' t h a t r e n t s m i g h t b e r a i s e d w a s sufficient to p a r a l y s e all efforts. T h e r e w a s t h u s a total i n h i b i t i o n a g a i n s t all i m p r o v e m e n t s . F e a r o f r e n t i n c r e a s e s w a s t h e g r e a t e s t o b s t a c l e to i m p r o v e m e n t , a n d t h o u g h on small estates this arose in part from t h e t e n a n t s ' justifiable fear t h a t i m p r o v e m e n t s w o u l d l e a d to i n c r e a s e d r e n t s , it s t e m m e d b a s i c a l l y f r o m t h e p e a s a n t m e n t a l i t y for f a r m i n g c h e a p l y . A n a d d i t i o n a l factor e x p l a i n i n g t h e p e a s a n t ' s r e l u c t a n c e t o i n v e s t w a s s i m p l y h i s l a c k o f faith in t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f l a n d as a commercial speculation.

9

T h e r e w a s a considerable extension of freehold farming in W a l e s f o l l o w i n g t h e s a l e o f a n u m b e r o f l a n d e d e s t a t e s after 1 9 1 0 , l a n d o w n e r s s e l l i n g p a r t l y o u t o f fear o f L l o y d G e o r g e ' s p r o p o s e d l a n d t a x e s a n d , more importantly, because of the decline of status conferred by lando w n e r s h i p . Disintegration of estates reached a dramatic level only from 1918, m a n y o w n e r s n o w b e i n g heavily in debt. T h e y could take a d v a n t a g e n o t o n l y o f t h e h i g h e r p r i c e s p r e v a i l i n g b u t a l s o , for v a r i o u s reasons, of their t e n a n t s ' k e e n desire to purchase their farms. F e w e r s a l e s o c c u r r e d after t h e m i d - 1 9 2 0 s w i t h t h e l a n d m a r k e t b e c o m i n g d e p r e s s e d . T h i s b r e a k - u p of e s t a t e s w a s m o r e t h o r o u g h t h a n in E n g ­ land. T h e proportion of W e l s h land o w n e d b y the occupier rose from 1 0 . 2 p e r c e n t in 1 9 0 9 t o 3 9 p e r c e n t in 1 9 4 1 - 3 ; t h e e q u i v a l e n t

figures

for E n g l a n d w e r e 1 2 . 4 p e r c e n t a n d 3 3 p e r c e n t . It w a s s o o n a p p a r e n t that m a n y of these occupying-owners h a d taken o n h e a v y

financial

b u r d e n s in a t i m e o f inflated p r i c e s , for s o o n t h e v a l u e o f capital s u n k in a g r i c u l t u r e b y o w n e r - o c c u p i e r s w a s to d r o p s t e e p l y . N o a d e q u a t e s u b s t i t u t e h a d b e e n f o u n d a s y e t for t h e l a n d l o r d ' s c a p i t a l a n d e s t a t e m a n a g e m e n t . M o r t g a g e s b e c a m e t o o h e a v y to b e a r ; s o m e s o l d t o t h e i r neighbours while the farms of others w e r e taken over b y their mortga­ gees, often solicitors a n d estate agents. T h o s e w h o struggled o n w e r e able to do so b y dint of the u n p a i d w o r k of the family a n d t o b e u l t i m a t e l y r e s c u e d b y t h e inflation o f t h e 1 9 4 0 s .

were

1 0

It m a y h a v e b e e n t h a t t h e s e n e w o w n e r - o c c u p i e r s w e r e

worse

f a r m e r s t h a n t e n a n t s o f l a n d l o r d s . H o w e v e r , w h e t h e r u n d e r free­ holders or tenants, standards of farming c o n t i n u e d to b e generally 9

10

Howell, Land and People, pp. 85-92. J. Davies, 'The End of the Great Estates and the Rise of Freehold Farming in Wales', Welsh History Review, 7 (1974), pp. 186-212; A. W. Ashby, 'The Peasant Agriculture of Wales', Welsh Review, 3 (1944), p. 211.

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287

p o o r , suffering u n d e r t h e c o n s t r a i n t s o f l a c k o f c a p i t a l , t h e u n e c o n o m i c size o f h o l d i n g s , o c c u p a n t s c l i n g i n g to t r a d i t i o n a l f a r m i n g m e t h o d s , a n d a lack of suitable education. Nevertheless, there w a s s o m e impro­ v e m e n t : t h u s b e t w e e n 1 8 7 1 a n d 1 9 2 1 t h e total i n c r e a s e in p r o d u c t i v e efficiency o f f a r m o r g a n i s a t i o n , m e a s u r e d ' p e r h o u r o f l a b o u r ' , w a s a r o u n d 4 0 - 5 p e r c e n t a n d t h e s a m e p r o c e s s w a s c o n t i n u i n g at a like, p e r h a p s accelerated, rate b e t w e e n 1921 and 1928 and to s o m e extent u p to 1 9 3 0 ; a g a i n , p a s t u r e s o f u p l a n d s h e e p w a l k s w e r e i m p r o v e d in the 1930s a n d 1940s so that m o r e s h e e p could b e carried.

11

A t t h e a p e x o f W e l s h rural s o c i e t y u n t i l t h e t u r n o f t h e t w e n t i e t h century were the aristocracy and gentry. However, increasingly from t h e l a t e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y o n w a r d s t h e y w e r e c e a s i n g to b e a n o r g a n i c p a r t o f r u r a l s o c i e t y ; m o r e a n d m o r e s o , t h e y w e r e in b u t n o t o f t h e c o m m u n i t y . A l r e a d y b y t h e late e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y , t h e y h a d b e c o m e largely anglicised, h a d

adopted

English fashions and values

and

l a c k e d real c o n c e r n for t h e i r n a t i v e l a n g u a g e a n d l i t e r a t u r e . B e s i d e s , t h e i r falling n u m b e r s , c o n s e q u e n t u p o n t h e h i g h r a t e o f failure o f male heirs, with estates thereby being merged through frequent mar­ riage with heiresses, together with the growing incidence of absentee­ ism a m o n g the better-off families, m e a n t that the traditional hospitality o f g e n t r y f a m i l i e s a n d , i n d e e d , as T . M . H u m p h r e y s i n d i c a t e s , t h e i r r o l e as l e a d e r s o f t h e i r c o m m u n i t i e s , w a s in d e c l i n e .

1 2

This division

w a s r e i n f o r c e d i n t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , first, b y t h e m a s s i v e g r o w t h of n o n c o n f o r m i t y a n d , s e c o n d l y , b y t h e e m e r g e n c e o f r a d i c a l L i b e r a l ­ i s m . A l t h o u g h t h e g e n t r y d a r e d n o t r e p e a t t h e v e n g e f u l political evic­ t i o n s v i s i t e d u p o n ' u n g r a t e f u l ' L i b e r a l v o t e r s in t h e w a k e o f t h e 1 8 6 8 e l e c t i o n , t h o s e e v i c t i o n s b e c a m e fiercely e t c h e d in t h e folk m e m o r y a n d l a n d o w n e r s n e v e r l i v e d t h e m d o w n . A g a i n , if a n i m p r e s s i v e n u m b e r o f l a n d l o r d s , for s e n t i m e n t a l a n d d i p l o m a t i c m o t i v e s , did g r a n t l e a s e s for e r e c t i n g n o n c o n f o r m i s t c h a p e l s , a n d if t h e y did n o t generally distinguish b e t w e e n c h u r c h m e n and nonconformists 11

12

in

Davies, 'End of the Great Estates', p. 204; C. B.Jones, 'Some Welsh Rural Problems', Welsh Outlook, 17 (1930), p. 301; J. M. Jones, 'Agricultural Co-Operation in Wales, 1902-26', Welsh Outlook, 15 (1928), pp. 308-11; A. W. Ashby, 'Some Characteristics of Welsh Farming', Welsh Outlook, 20 (1933), p. 294; E. G. Bowen, 'The Heartland', in E . G. Bowen, ed., Wales: A Physical, Historical and Regional Geography (1957), pp. 279-80. P. Morgan and D. Thomas, Wales: The Shaping of a Nation (Newton Abbot, 1984), p. 46; Glanmor Williams, Religion, Language and Nationality in Wales (Cardiff, 1979), p. 22; T. M. Humphreys, 'Rural Society in Montgomeryshire in the Eighteenth Century' (unpublished PhD thesis, University of Wales, 1982), pp. 84, 89-90; D. W. Howell, Patriarchs and Parasites: The Gentry of South-West Wales in the Eighteenth Century (Cardiff, 1986), pp. 222-3.

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W.

H O W E L L

A N D

C.

BABER

l e t t i n g f a r m s , o t h e r s , as t h e i r critics i n s i s t e d , did, as l a t e as t h e 1 8 8 0 s and 1890s, favour c h u r c h m e n . P e r h a p s m o s t odiously in the e y e s of m a n y rural d w e l l e r s , t h e y r e s i s t e d t h e e r e c t i o n o f B o a r d s c h o o l s after 1 8 7 0 , t h o u g h h e r e , a g a i n , t h e i s s u e w a s n o t w h o l l y c l e a r - c u t , for s o m e of t h e m i d d l i n g

groups

i n rural s o c i e t y , i n c l u d i n g f a r m e r s ,

were

o p p o s e d to t h e m o r w i s h e d to r e s t r a i n t h e s c a l e o f t h e i r a c t i v i t y i n o r d e r to k e e p d o w n t h e r a t e s .

1 3

Although the gentry's politics, religion and lack of W e l s h obviously r e d u c e d t h e i r s t a n d i n g a n d i n f l u e n c e , it is e m p h a s i s e d t h a t u n t i l t h e 1 8 8 0 s t h e y w e r e still g e n e r a l l y w e l l r e g a r d e d

as landlords b y the

t e n a n t r y a n d p o p u l a r in t h e i r c o m m u n i t i e s o n a p e r s o n a l l e v e l . T h e gulf, h o w e v e r , w i d e n e d s i g n i f i c a n t l y i n t h e 1 8 8 0 s u p o n t h e i r b e c o m i n g accused of e c o n o m i c exploitation. T h e depression in farming, together with the e x a m p l e s of the Irish a n d Crofter m o v e m e n t s a n d the land­ lords siding with the clergy over the tithe issue, led to a severe attack o n l a n d l o r d s as failing t o p r o v i d e a d e q u a t e r e n t r e d u c t i o n s a n d o t h e r satisfactory c o n d i t i o n s o f t e n u r e . T h e d i v i s i o n b e t w e e n o w n e r s a n d t e n a n t s in l a n g u a g e , c r e e d a n d p o l i t i c s , it w a s a l l e g e d , p r e v e n t e d t h a t ' c o m m u n i t y of feeling' b e t w e e n the parties which w a s a prerequisite for profitable a g r i c u l t u r e .

14

A l t h o u g h , as w e h a v e a r g u e d , l a r g e l a n d ­

o w n e r s w e r e hardly guilty of e c o n o m i c o p p r e s s i o n alleged against the landlord class in general, a n d justifiably so with regard to the n u m e r o u s small gentry, the c h a r g e s levelled against landlords as a class s e r v e d to b r e a k d o w n t h e o l d b o n d s e v e n f u r t h e r . B y t h e e a r l y 1 8 9 0 s s u p p o r t for l a n d r e f o r m w a s w i d e s p r e a d a n d C h a r l e s F i t z w i l l i a m s o f C i l g w y n ( C a r d i g a n s h i r e ) w a s left r u m i n a t i n g : ' T h e o l d w a y s are t h i n g s of t h e p a s t , l a n d l o r d s a n d t e n a n t s are n o t n o w t h e s a m e to e a c h o t h e r . ' 13

14

15

1 5

K. O. Morgan, Wales in British Politics, 2nd edn (Cardiff, 1970), pp. 26-7, 45-6; R. J. Colyer, 'The Gentry and the County in Nineteenth-Century Cardiganshire', Welsh History Review, 10 (1980-1), pp. 504-5; J. E. Vincent, The Land Question in North Wales (1896), pp. 183-4; Howell, Land and People, p. 67; National Library of Wales, Voelas and Cefnamwlch MSS: letters of 28 October and 1 November 1892, 22 May 1893 of J. Bovill and of 9 January 1871 of A. Trethwy; Carnarvon and Denbigh Herald, 23 September and 11 November 1892; D. A. Pretty, Two Centuries of Anglesey Schools (Llangefni, 1977), pp. 198-9. Morgan, Wales in British Politics, pp. 53-9; idem, Rebirth of a Nation, Wales 1880-1980 (Oxford and Cardiff, 1981), pp. 9-10; Jane Morgan, 'Denbighshire's Annus Mirabilis: The County and Borough Elections of 1868', Welsh History Review, 7 (1974), p. 66; Howell, Land and People, pp. 86-7; House of Commons Debates, Tenure of Land (Wales) Bill, 16 March 1892. Cited in J. H. Davies, 'The Social Structure and Economy of South-West Wales in the Late Nineteenth-Century' (unpublished MA thesis, University of Wales, 1967), p. 87.

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289

Y e t , n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g t h e i n s t i t u t i o n o f local l a n d l e a g u e s i n C a e r n a r ­ f o n s h i r e a n d F l i n t s h i r e i n e a r l y 1 8 8 6 a n d p l a n s for t h e m i n C a r d i g a n ­ shire

and

Carmarthenshire,

the

break-down

of

landlord-tenant

r e l a t i o n s o n a n individual b a s i s w a s n o t a l w a y s e v i d e n t . It w a s i n d e e d the case that o n s o m e large hereditary estates a n d on those of 'old' W e l s h families in C a r m a r t h e n s h i r e ' g o o d feeling' a n d loyal sentiments prevailed into the 1890s despite the w i d e s p r e a d c l a m o r o u s agitation for l a n d r e f o r m a n d t h e w h o l e s a l e political r e j e c t i o n o f l a n d o w n e r s . But just h o w general the popularity of large o w n e r s w a s a m o n g their t e n a n t s , n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g t h e i r l i b e r a l t r e a t m e n t o f t h e latter, is p r o b ­ l e m a t i c . It w a s a l l e g e d b y t h e p r o - l a n d l o r d s p o k e s m a n , J . E . V i n c e n t , that in Caernarfonshire, w h e r e the bulk of t h e land w a s o w n e d b y Lord Penrhyn, Lord Newborough

a n d M r A s s h e t o n S m i t h , large

o w n e r s w e r e necessarily out of touch with their tenants a n d that the a g e n t s w e r e ' c o r d i a l l y d i s l i k e d ' . D e s p i t e t h e c o n s i d e r a t i o n s h o w n for the tenants o n these large Caernarfonshire properties, there was no feeling

of

personal

affection

for

their

owners.

Vincent

indeed

o b s e r v e d : T h a v e a l m o s t i n v a r i a b l y f o u n d it t o b e t h e c a s e t h a t t h e t e n a n t o f a s m a l l l a n d o w n e r w h o m h e k n o w s is b e t t e r c o n t e n t e d w i t h his position than the m a n w h o never communicates with his landlord except t h r o u g h the c h a n n e l of the agent. C o m m e r c i a l l y a n d practically s p e a k i n g t h e l a t t e r ( t h e t e n a n t o n l a r g e e s t a t e s ) is far m o r e f o r t u n a t e . '

16

P a r a d o x i c a l l y , if t h e h e r e d i t a r y s m a l l o w n e r s w e r e l e s s g e n e r o u s to their tenants they m a y have b e e n more popular. Yet, given the wide­ s p r e a d s u p p o r t for l a n d r e f o r m , h o w e l s e c a n w e e x p l a i n s u c h a c l a i m of c o n t i n u i n g s a t i s f a c t i o n o n t h e p a r t o f c e r t a i n t e n a n t s w i t h t h e i r l a n d l o r d s e x c e p t o n t h e b a s i s t h a t for s o m e at l e a s t , it w a s p o s s i b l e at o n e a n d t h e s a m e t i m e t o d i s l i k e l a n d l o r d s a s a n e x p l o i t i v e c l a s s while remaining content with o n e ' s o w n landlord? Another paradox is e n c o u n t e r e d w h e n c o n s i d e r i n g t h e political r e j e c t i o n o f t h e W e l s h g e n t r y at t h e l o c a l g o v e r n m e n t e l e c t i o n s o f t h e 1 8 9 0 s , for i n s o f a r as s o u t h C a r d i g a n s h i r e at a n y r a t e w a s c o n c e r n e d g e n t r y

candidates

' r e m a i n e d a s p e r s o n a l l y p o p u l a r after t h e e l e c t i o n s a s t h e y h a d b e e n before'. 16

17

1 7

T h u s the personal popularity within their communities w e

R. Douglas, Land, People and Politics (1976), pp. 98-9; RC on Land in Wales and Mon­ mouthshire, Evidence, PP 1895, X I , qq. 38,826, 38,970-1; Anon., Letters from Wales (1889), p. 4. A. Bainbridge, T h e Agricultural Community in Carmarthenshire c. 1876-1896' (unpublished MA thesis, University of Wales, 1975), p. 83; Davies, 'The Social Structure and Economy of South-West Wales', p. 102; Jenkins, Agricultural Com­ munity, p. 278.

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n o t e d for t h e p r e - 1 8 8 0 s e r a s e e m i n g l y p e r s i s t e d to t h e c l o s e o f t h e c e n t u r y , albeit, it is s u p p o s e d , o n a w a n i n g b a s i s . In t h e a b s e n c e o f a w e l l - d e f i n e d a n d s i z e a b l e m i d d l e c l a s s in t h e countryside before the e n d of the nineteenth century, there w a s only o n e m a i n s o c i a l g r o u p b e l o w t h e g e n t r y , n a m e l y , t h e p e a s a n t r y , all m e m b e r s o f w h i c h w e r e l i n k e d t o g e t h e r b y t h e o n e p a r a m o u n t factor in t h e i r l i v e s , t h e l a n d . T h i s c l a s s w a s , h o w e v e r , divisible i n t o t h e t w o c l e a r c a t e g o r i e s o f f a r m e r s a n d , b e n e a t h t h e m , c o t t a g e r s or t h e ' p e o p l e o f t h e little h o u s e s ' , w h o c o m p r i s e d f a r m l a b o u r e r s , n o n agricultural l a b o u r e r s as r o a d m e n d e r s , q u a r r y m e n , g a r d e n e r s

and

c o a l m i n e r s , a n d a l s o c r a f t s m e n , as w e a v e r s , s h o e m a k e r s , b l a c k s m i t h s and the like.

18

It is h e r e in t h e r u r a l a r e a s d u r i n g t h e

nineteenth

century that H e c h t e r ' s concept of a cultural division of labour w a s p r o b a b l y m o s t in e v i d e n c e , a c l e a r d i s t i n c t i o n o b t a i n i n g b e t w e e n t h e anglicised gentry and the Welsh peasantry.

19

A l t h o u g h f a r m s in W a l e s w e r e n o r m a l l y s m a l l a n d t h e i r o c c u p a n t s w o r k e d t h e l a n d a l o n g s i d e t h e i r l a b o u r e r s a n d t h e r e w a s little differ­ e n c e b e t w e e n t h e m in t h e i r s t a n d a r d o f living, y e t t h e f a r m e r s ' o w n e r ­ s h i p or, far m o r e c o m m o n l y , o c c u p a n c y o f l a n d b e s t o w e d s t a t u s a n d i n d e p e n d e n c e . T h e y p o s s e s s e d a strong group sense of their superior social s t a n d i n g . If i n t e r m a r r i a g e w a s n o t e n t i r e l y a b s e n t , n e v e r t h e l e s s f a r m e r s ' c h i l d r e n w e r e e x p e c t e d to m a r r y a m o n g t h e i r o w n k i n d , j u s t as f a r m l a b o u r e r s w e r e e x p e c t e d to m a r r y m a i d s e r v a n t s .

20

N e v e r t h e l e s s , d o w n to t h e c l o s e o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y f a r m e r s a n d cottagers w e r e closely linked. T h e close-knit nature of local neigh­ b o u r h o o d s w a s to a considerable extent a c o n s e q u e n c e of the relative poverty, isolation, b a c k w a r d n e s s and low production of m u c h of the Principality, a n d the persistence of semi-subsistence farming, since these prevented

the

appearance

of wide i n c o m e disparities

and

e n c o u r a g e d m u t u a l h e l p in m a j o r f a r m i n g o p e r a t i o n s . S m a l l f a r m s p e r f o r c e r e l i e d u p o n c o - o p e r a t i o n at all s e a s o n s b e t w e e n n e i g h b o u r i n g f a r m e r s t h e m s e l v e s a n d also b e t w e e n f a r m e r s a n d l o c a l c o t t a g e r s . Indeed, farmers and cottagers were mutually d e p e n d e n t u p o n one 18

19

20

D. Parry-Jones, My Own Folk (Llandysul, 1972), pp. 49-50; Jenkins, Agricultural Community, pp. 12-13. Charlotte Aull, 'Ethnic Nationalism in Wales: An Analysis of the Factors Governing the Politicisation of Ethnic Identity' (unpublished PhD thesis, Duke University, 1978), p. 191. RC on Employment of Women and Children in Agriculture, PP 1870, XIII, Appendix N, p. 30; Parry-Jones, My Own Folk, pp. 50-1; Jenkins, Agricultural Community, pp. 100-1; A. B. Williams, 'Courtship and Marriage in the Nineteenth Century', Montgomeryshire Collections, 51 (1949), p. 120.

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291

a n o t h e r . F o r t h o s e c o t t a g e r s w i t h a little l a n d , h e l p f r o m l o c a l f a r m e r s b y w a y o f p l o u g h i n g a n d c a r t i n g w a s r e p a i d b y a s s i s t a n c e at h a r v e s t , so vital to t h e f a r m e r , w h o g e n e r a l l y c o u l d n o t afford to h i r e e x t r a labour. E v e n cottagers possessing only a garden w e r e clearly linked with local farms, in south-west W a l e s the old practice of cottagers ' s e t t i n g o u t p o t a t o e s ' i n f a r m e r s ' fields i n v o l v i n g , i n d e e d , a definite a n d specific l a b o u r ' d e b t ' to b e p e r f o r m e d at h a r v e s t , o f t e n b y t h e cottagers' wives.

2 1

Besides economic interdependence, farmers and

c o t t a g e r s w e r e f u r t h e r l i n k e d b y t h e ties o f t h e W e l s h l a n g u a g e , a t t e n d ­ a n c e at t h e s a m e n o n c o n f o r m i s t c h a p e l s , p e r s o n a l f r i e n d s h i p a n d k i n ­ s h i p . K i n s h i p , a b o v e all, w a s t h e vital m u t u a l l y s u p p o r t i v e

group

w i t h i n t h i s rural s o c i e t y o f c l o s e - k n i t , a u t o n o m o u s c o m m u n i t i e s a n d , despite rural migration depleting n u m b e r s of related h o u s e h o l d s , w a s to r e m a i n a significant e l e m e n t d o w n to t h e c l o s e o f o u r p e r i o d .

2 2

A t t h e specific l e v e l o f f a r m e r s ' r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h t h e i r i n d o o r s e r ­ v a n t s a n d o u t d o o r l a b o u r e r s , t h e s e , w i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n o f a r e a s like Anglesey, the Lleyn Peninsula, the Vale of Clwyd and the Vale of G l a m o r g a n w h e r e large farms w e r e to b e found, w e r e reasonably c l o s e d o w n t o t h e e n d o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y ( e v e n if t h e y w e r e growing s o m e w h a t less intimate from mid-century consequent u p o n t h e b e t t e r b a r g a i n i n g p o s i t i o n o f t h e w o r k f o r c e ) : f a r m l a b o u r e r s in W a l e s w e r e mainly of the indoor-servant type and, a peculiar W e l s h f e a t u r e , i n m o s t districts o u t s i d e t h e f a v o u r e d ' E n g l i s h ' l o w l a n d a r e a s o u t d o o r l a b o u r e r s w e r e b o a r d e d at t h e f a r m s . S u c h c l o s e s o c i a l c o n t a c t and,

a s s o c i a t e d w i t h it, t h e l a c k o f c o n f l i c t i n g e c o n o m i c i n t e r e s t

b e t w e e n the classes, together with the dispersed labour force a n d the language barrier isolating W e l s h labourers from k n o w l e d g e of u n i o n activity o u t s i d e , e x p l a i n t h e v i r t u a l a b s e n c e o f l a b o u r e r s ' p r o t e s t a n d t r a d e - u n i o n activity t h r o u g h o u t t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y .

2 3

T h i s k i n d o f rural c o m m u n i t y w a s s l o w l y c h a n g i n g a r o u n d t h e t u r n of t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y . S c a r c i t y o f l a b o u r a n d t h e a t t e m p t d u r i n g the 1880s a n d 1890s to cut d o w n o n production costs b y reducing 21

22

23

J. Ceredig Davies, Welsh Folk Lore (Aberystwyth, 1911), p. 78; RC on Labour: The Agricultural Labourer, II, Wales, PP 1893-4, XXXVI, p. 165; Jenkins, Agricultural Com­ munity, pp. 4 3 - 4 , 5 1 - 3 , 58; idem, 'Rural Society Inside Out', in D. Smith, ed., A People and a Proletariat (1980), pp. 114-26; Wages and Conditions of Employment in Agriculture in Wales, PP 1919, IX, pp. 6 1 , 1 2 4 . Jenkins, Agricultural Community, chap. 7; E . Davies and A. D. Rees, eds., Welsh Rural Communities (Cardiff, 1950), pp. 1 0 , 1 8 7 - 9 . RC on Labour, Wales, PP 1893-4, pp. 8, 29-31; but for activity in Radnorshire and Monmouthshire, W . H. Howse, Radnorshire (Hereford, 1949), pp. 91-2; Labourers' Union Chronicle, 21 June, 18 October 1873, 27 February 1875.

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D.

W.

H O W E L L

A N D

C.

BABER

l a b o u r bills l e d to n e w f o r m s o f m a c h i n e r y , w h i c h h a d a n i m p a c t socially. T h u s m a c h i n e r y r e s t r i c t e d a n d e v e n t u a l l y d e s t r o y e d

the

a n c i e n t p r a c t i c e o f c o - o p e r a t i o n at h a y h a r v e s t w h i l e t h e c o r n - b i n d e r wrought

a r e v o l u t i o n a r y i m p a c t u p o n rural s o c i e t y in

south-west

W a l e s b y a l l o w i n g f a r m e r s to d i s c o n t i n u e t h e p o t a t o - s e t t i n g g r o u p , w h i c h h a d b e e n the c o n n e c t i n g link b e t w e e n farmers a n d cottagers. T h i s d i s s o l v i n g o f t h e ties b e t w e e n f a r m e r s a n d c o t t a g e r s w a s c o m p l e ­ m e n t e d from the other side b y c o m m o n people b e c o m i n g b y the 1880s far m o r e i n d e p e n d e n t , t h e i r e c o n o m i c e m a n c i p a t i o n r e s u l t i n g f r o m h i g h e r m o n e y i n c o m e s a n d t h e s p r e a d o f far m o r e local s h o p s w i t h m o r e a n d b e t t e r f o o d t h a n h i t h e r t o . T o r e p e a t , all t h i s m e a n t t h a t local c o m m u n i t i e s lost m u c h o f t h e i r p e a s a n t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s b a s e d o n n e a r - s u b s i s t e n c e , i n t e r d e p e n d e n c e a n d i s o l a t i o n , a n d w i t h its p a s s ­ i n g w e n t , t o o , m a n y o f t h e o l d folk c u s t o m s .

2 4

F r o m t h e o p e n i n g y e a r s o f t h i s c e n t u r y t h e r e also o c c u r r e d a w i d e n ­ i n g in t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n f a r m e r s a n d t h e i r l a b o u r e r s , t h e latter m a i n t a i n i n g t h a t t h e i r e m p l o y e r s w e r e n o t a l l o w i n g t h e m a s h a r e in t h e c o m p a r a t i v e p r o s p e r i t y t h e y h a d e n j o y e d in t h e r e v i v a l o f f a r m i n g after its l o n g p e r i o d o f d e p r e s s i o n . T h e failure o f w a g e s to k e e p p a c e w i t h t h e r a p i d rise i n t h e c o s t o f l i v i n g d u r i n g t h e First W o r l d W a r increased the s e n s e of a n t a g o n i s m . S u c h hostility w a s particularly in e v i d e n c e in G l a m o r g a n a n d M o n m o u t h s h i r e , c o n t a c t t h e r e w i t h industrial trade u n i o n i s m providing the a d d e d militancy. T h e widen­ i n g gulf b e t w e e n t h e c l a s s e s s a w t h e g r o w t h o f l a b o u r e r s '

unions

in m o s t W e l s h c o u n t i e s t o w a r d s t h e e n d o f t h e w a r , b y w h i c h t i m e f a r m e r s , in C a r d i g a n s h i r e a n d C a r m a r t h e n s h i r e at l e a s t , h a d a l s o b e c o m e u n p o p u l a r w i t h o t h e r g r o u p s like m i n i s t e r s o f r e l i g i o n , s c h o o l ­ masters a n d s h o p k e e p e r s . In M o n m o u t h s h i r e , G l a m o r g a n , A n g l e s e y and

Denbighshire, especially, class feeling b e t w e e n farmers

and

labourers w a s p r o n o u n c e d , but e l s e w h e r e , despite the b e g i n n i n g s of u n i o n i s m , it c o u l d still b e m a i n t a i n e d t h a t , w i t h f a r m e r a n d l a b o u r e r m e e t i n g at m e a l t i m e s a n d f r a t e r n i s i n g at r e l i g i o u s a n d social g a t h e r ­ i n g s , ' s o c i a l i n t i m a c y e x i s t s w h i c h w o u l d n e v e r b e f o u n d in t h e r i c h e r f a r m i n g districts o f E n g l a n d ' .

2 5

S o c i a l c l a s s e s a n d t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p s apart, w h a t w e r e t h e d i s t i n c t i v e f e a t u r e s o f W e l s h rural s o c i e t y o v e r t h e s e 2 0 0 y e a r s ? A n i m p o r t a n t 24

25

Jenkins, Agricultural Community, pp. 55, 257-8, 264; Howell, Land and People, p. 157; T. M. Owen, Welsh Folk Customs, new edn (Llandysul, 1987), p. 22. Anon., 'Rural Labourers' Movement', Welsh Outlook, 4 (1917), p. 381; Wages and

Condition of Employment, PP 1919.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

Wales

293

feature of W e l s h farming c o m p a r e d with the overall English situation w a s the large n u m b e r of farmers, the high a m o u n t of family labour a n d t h e s m a l l h i r e d l a b o u r f o r c e : w h e r e a s in E n g l a n d in 1 8 9 1 t h e ratio o f f a r m e r s , t h e i r r e l a t i v e s a n d h i r e d l a b o u r e r s w a s 2 0 . 5 : 6 . 5 : 7 3 . 0 , t h e c o r r e s p o n d i n g figures for W a l e s w e r e 3 8 . 9 : 1 2 . 7 : 4 8 . 4 . T h e ratio in W a l e s w a s m o v i n g in f a v o u r o f f a r m e r s a n d r e l a t i v e s f r o m m i d c e n t u r y , for t h e fall in n u m b e r s w i t h i n W e l s h f a r m i n g in t h e c e n t u r y following 1850 occurred mainly a m o n g the hired labour force. T h e migration of y o u n g w o m e n e v e n e x c e e d e d that of y o u n g males from m a n y p a r t s o f rural W a l e s , s o t h a t b y t h e i n t e r w a r p e r i o d v e r y f e w w o m e n w e r e e n g a g e d in field l a b o u r a p a r t f r o m h e l p i n g o u t in t h e b u s y s e a s o n s . All this m e a n t t h a t w h i l e t h e t y p i c a l W e l s h f a r m c o n ­ t i n u e d to b e t h r o u g h o u t t h e s e y e a r s a f a m i l y f a r m , its o r g a n i s a t i o n c h a n g e d significantly b e t w e e n 1 8 5 1 a n d 1 9 3 1 . W h e r e a s a r o u n d 1 8 5 1 there h a d b e e n on average rather more than two male farm labourers to e a c h m a l e f a r m e r , b y 1 9 3 1 t h e r e w a s l e s s t h a n o n e . M o r e a n d m o r e so, t h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c W e l s h f a r m w a s b e c o m i n g a o n e - m a n c o n c e r n , t h e f a r m e r d e p e n d i n g chiefly u p o n t h e a s s i s t a n c e of h i s wife a n d family.

26

M i g r a t i o n f r o m t h e c o u n t r y s i d e o c c u r r e d , in t h e first p l a c e , b e c a u s e of t h e ' p u l l ' o f t h e i n d u s t r i a l a r e a s , w h e r e h i g h e r w a g e s , s h o r t e r h o u r s of w o r k a n d m o r e v a r i e d social facilities w e r e all a t t r a c t i o n s . T o a c e r t a i n e x t e n t , h o w e v e r , rural d w e l l e r s w e r e ' p u s h e d

7

out b y adverse

conditions. E v e n with the improved conditions following the mid7

nineteenth century, there remained 'push incentives: cottage accom­ modation

was

atrocious,

the

monotony

of t h e

countryside

was

i m p l a n t e d i n t o c h i l d r e n ' s m i n d s b y t h e s y s t e m of e l e m e n t a r y e d u ­ c a t i o n after 1870, t h e e m p l o y m e n t o f b o y s f r o m r e f o r m a t o r y a n d i n d u s ­ trial s c h o o l s in E n g l a n d o n W e l s h f a r m s , e s p e c i a l l y in t h e s o u t h - w e s t , in t h e 1 8 9 0 s as c h e a p l a b o u r d u r i n g t h e d e p r e s s i o n , to s o m e e x t e n t d r o v e m a r r i e d l a b o u r e r s f r o m t h e c o u n t r y s i d e , a n d in t h e i n t e r w a r y e a r s fresh ' p u s h ' factors w e r e p r o v i d e d b y t h e c o n c e n t r a t i o n o n m i l k production and growing mechanisation. r h a g e of p o p u l a t i o n 26

27

furnished

2 7

The continuing

a poignant

haemor­

i n d i c a t o r of t h e

deep

RC on Land in Wales and Monmouthshire, PP 1896, XXXIV, Report, p. 599; Ashby and Evans, Agriculture of Wales, pp. 76, 85. Report on the Decline of the Agricultural Population of Great Britain, 1881-1906, PP 1906, XCVI, pp. 9-10, 15; RC on Land in Wales, PP 1896, pp. 601-2; Welsh Land: The Report of the Welsh Land Enquiry Committee, Rural (1914), p. 195; G. Davies, 'The Agricultural Labourer in Wales', in Anon., Social Problems in Wales (1913), pp. 90-104; D. Williams, Modern Wales (1950), p. 289.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

294

D.

W.

H O W E L L

impoverishment

A N D

of W e l s h

C.

BABER

rural

communities.

Such

deprivation

remained the case throughout these two centuries, although consider­ a b l e i m p r o v e m e n t s t o o k p l a c e i n m a n y a s p e c t s o f life f r o m t h e m i d nineteenth

century.

While farmers

t h e m s e l v e s did

not

generally

migrate, they w e r e an i m p e c u n i o u s class, d o w n to the close of the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y ( a n d d o u b t l e s s b e y o n d ) , h a v i n g to live frugally a n d , i n d e e d , f r e q u e n t l y h a v i n g to s t r u g g l e a s h a r d , if n o t

harder,

for e x i s t e n c e t h a n t h e c o t t a g e r s , w h o h a d t h e i r w e e k l y w a g e s t o r e l y o n , a n d c e r t a i n l y h a r d e r t h a n t h e a r t i s a n s o r m i n e r s in t h e i r n e i g h b o u r ­ h o o d . T h e relative poverty of the W e l s h farmer can b e seen from t h e fact t h a t t h e a v e r a g e f a r m e r ' s r e t u r n f r o m t h e U n i t e d K i n g d o m as a w h o l e i n 1 9 5 0 w a s r a t h e r o v e r t h r e e t i m e s t h e W e l s h a m o u n t .

2 8

D o w n to the mid-nineteenth century the W e l s h agricultural labourer in t h e p u r e l y a g r i c u l t u r a l districts r e m o v e d f r o m m i n e s a n d q u a r r i e s earned a mere pittance, necessitating either s o m e form of supplemen­ t a r y i n c o m e f r o m a c t i v i t i e s like k n i t t i n g o f s t o c k i n g s , g l e a n i n g a n d s e a s o n a l m i g r a t i o n for w o r k e l s e w h e r e o r , a s in C a r d i g a n s h i r e , d e p e n ­ d e n c e u p o n t h e ' p o t a t o s y s t e m ' . A n d , for all t h e i m p r o v e m e n t in m o n e y w a g e s t h a t c a m e in w i t h t h e r a i l w a y - o n l y s o m e o f it b e f o r e t h e late 1 8 7 0 s b e i n g c a n c e l l e d b y t h e r i s i n g c o s t o f l i v i n g - d o w n to 1 9 1 8 t h e l a b o u r e r in t h e f a r m i n g a r e a s a w a y f r o m i n d u s t r y r e m a i n e d v e r y i m p o v e r i s h e d , e a r n i n g s p r o v i n g i n a d e q u a t e for a d e c e n t s u b s i s ­ t e n c e . T h u s m o s t f a r m s e r v a n t s i n C a r d i g a n s h i r e in 1 9 1 8 h a n d e d o v e r t h e b u l k o f t h e i r c a s h e a r n i n g s for t h e u s e o f t h e i r f a m i l i e s b a c k h o m e , for o n l y b y v i r t u e o f s u c h s u p p l e m e n t a r y i n c o m e s w e r e t h e m a j o r i t y of c o t t a g e r s a b l e t o s u r v i v e . S i m i l a r a s s i s t a n c e w a s g i v e n t h e i r f a m i l i e s by farm servants in C a r m a r t h e n s h i r e a n d A n g l e s e y . ' D e c i d e d pro­ g r e s s ' o c c u r r e d in b o t h m o n e y w a g e s a n d r e a l e a r n i n g s o v e r t h e c o u r s e of t h e i n t e r w a r y e a r s , b u t for all t h a t , r e m u n e r a t i o n o f f a r m l a b o u r e r s fell far b e h i n d t h a t o f t o w n w o r k e r s .

2 9

F r o m the 1870s the earlier strenuously long h o u r s of work, also,

28

29

7th Report of the Medical Officer of the Privy Council, 1864: Dr Hunter's Report on South Wales, PP 1865, XXVI; RC on Women and Children in Agriculture, PP 1870, Appendix A, i, p. 101; RC on hand in Wales, PP 1896, p. 632; Ashby, 'Peasant Agriculture of Wales', p. 210; Martin, 'Agriculture', p. 81. RC of Inquiry for South Wales, PP 1844, XVI, q. 5566; J. Williams-Davies, 'Merchedd y Gerddi: A Seasonal Migration of Female Labour from Rural Wales', Polk Life, 15, (1977), pp. 12-26; RC on Women and Children in Agriculture, PP 1870, Appendix O, p. 40; Report on the Earnings of Agricultural Labourers in the UK, PP 1900, LXXXII, pp. 58, 108; Wages and Conditions of Employment, PP 1919, pp. 31, 51, 63; Ashby and Evans, Agriculture of Wales, p. 88.

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Wales

295

were gradually lessened. Nevertheless, the long working day was still a g r i e v a n c e i n 1 9 1 8 . F u r t h e r i m p r o v e m e n t s h a d b e e n i n t r o d u c e d b y t h e l a t e 1 9 3 0 s , a l t h o u g h at fifty-two h o u r s for a n a v e r a g e w o r k i n g w e e k h o u r s o f l a b o u r r e m a i n e d l o n g . L i k e w i s e , t h e l a b o u r e r ' s diet gradually i m p r o v e d in the late n i n e t e e n t h century, especially with r e g a r d t o m o r e r e g u l a r c o n s u m p t i o n o f m e a t , b u t it w a s still d e f i c i e n t in the 1890s. T h e practice in W a l e s of boarding labourers m e a n t that d o w n to the o p e n i n g d e c a d e s of the twentieth c e n t u r y their families at h o m e l i v e d o n e x t r e m e l y m e a g r e d i e t s .

30

Rural a c c o m m o d a t i o n r e m a i n e d atrocious d o w n to the

Second

W o r l d W a r , with hardly any i m p r o v e m e n t s taking place. W o r s t of all w a s t h a t p r o v i d e d for i n d o o r s e r v a n t s i n t h e lofts o v e r t h e s t a b l e or c o w h o u s e . A l b e i t , m a l e s e r v a n t s p r e f e r r e d s l e e p i n g i n t h e s e filthy o u t b u i l d i n g s b e c a u s e t h e y w e r e free t o c o m e a n d g o a s t h e y p l e a s e d , p e r h a p s , in p a r t i c u l a r , t o p r a c t i s e t h e c u s t o m o f ' b u n d l i n g ' o r c o u r t i n g in b e d . C o t t a g e s o f m a r r i e d l a b o u r e r s w e r e w r e t c h e d a b o d e s . T h e percentage of working-class h o u s e s overcrowded in the late 1930s in E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s w a s 2 . 9 : E n g l a n d alone w a s 2 . 8 a n d W a l e s 4.0. Anglesey and Caernarfonshire had a high degree of overcrowd­ ing, A n g l e s e y s h o w i n g 9 . 5 p e r c e n t a n d C a e r n a r f o n s h i r e 6 . 2 p e r c e n t . O v e r a l l , i n t h e r u r a l d i s t r i c t s o f W a l e s t h e p o s i t i o n w a s far f r o m satis­ factory.

31

Poverty a n d deprivation within W e l s h rural c o m m u n i t i e s led to a h i g h i n c i d e n c e o f t u b e r c u l o s i s , D r H u n t e r r e p o r t i n g o n its p r e v a l e n c e in C a r m a r t h e n s h i r e a n d Cardiganshire in 1 8 6 4 . In r e s p o n s e to tables of mortality from the disease s h o w i n g s o m e W e l s h rural counties always occupying a position of pre-eminence, the W e l s h National M e m o r i a l A s s o c i a t i o n w a s f o u n d e d i n 1 9 1 0 . I n s p i t e o f its efforts t u b e r ­ culosis r e m a i n e d a terrible scourge, high rates of incidence obtaining i n P e m b r o k e s h i r e a n d e s p e c i a l l y C a r d i g a n s h i r e i n 1 9 1 8 . F i g u r e s for mortality rates from tuberculosis b e t w e e n 1930 a n d 1936 reveal that W e l s h c o u n t i e s h e l d t h e first s e v e n h i g h e s t p l a c e s i n E n g l a n d a n d

30

31

RC on Labour, Wales, PP 1893-4, pp. 16, 19-20; RC on Land in Wales, PP 1896, pp. 610-11; Wages and Conditions of Employment, PP 1919, pp. 14, 19, 51, 63, 128; Ashby and Evans, Agriculture of Wales, p. 88; RC on Women and Children in Agriculture, PP 1870, Appendix, part ii, A.19, p. 107; Hunter's Report on South Wales, PP 1865. R. C. Davies, 'The Present Condition of the Welsh Nation', Red Dragon, 4 (1883), p. 350; RC on Land in Wales, PP 1896, p. 703; RC on Labour, Wales, PP 1893-4, p. 22; Wages and Conditions of Employment, PP 1919, pp. 2 0 - 1 ; Anon., 'Hovels and Houses in Wales', Welsh Outlook, 1 (1914), pp. 10-11; D. Rocyn-Jones, 'Public Health in Wales', Welsh Review, 1 (1939), pp. 19-20.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

296

D.

Wales:

W.

H O W E L L

Caernarfon,

A N D

C.

BABER

Merioneth,

Anglesey,

Cardigan,

Pembroke,

G l a m o r g a n a n d C a r m a r t h e n . U n d o u b t e d f a c t o r s in c a u s i n g t h i s h i g h i n c i d e n c e w e r e t h e a p p a l l i n g h o u s i n g a n d s a n i t a r y c o n d i t i o n s , illeffects t h a t w e r e e x a c e r b a t e d b y o v e r c r o w d i n g . C o n d i t i o n s o f t h e r u r a l s c h o o l s w e r e b a d - o l d , s m a l l a n d i n s a n i t a r y - p a r t i c u l a r l y t h o s e in the remoter villages of the purely agricultural a r e a s .

3 2

P o v e r t y m e a n t t h a t t h e rural c o m m u n i t y w a s o f t e n u n d e r p r e s s u r e , understandably m o r e so in the early n i n e t e e n t h century t h a n later. T h e f o o d riots o f t h e 1 7 9 0 s a n d e a r l y 1 8 0 0 s , e n c l o s u r e riots, t h e l i m i t e d n u m b e r of labourers' disturbances in east G l a m o r g a n a n d M o n m o u t h ­ s h i r e in 1 8 3 0 - 1 , a n d , a b o v e all, t h e R e b e c c a r i o t e r s in 1 8 3 9 a n d 1 8 4 2 - 3 - f a r m e r s s q u e e z e d in t h e r e m o r s e l e s s p i n c e r s o f falling p r i c e s a n d rising costs but finding n o conciliatory a n d helpful r e s p o n s e from t h e g e n t r y - s a w t h e p e a s a n t r y r e s i s t w i t h t h e o n l y m e a n s at t h e i r disposal, v i o l e n c e .

3 3

( H a v i n g g i v e n t h e i r s u p p o r t to t h e R e b e c c a i t e

farmers, Carmarthenshire and Cardiganshire labourers held their o w n m e e t i n g s in late A u g u s t 1 8 4 3 to r e m i n d f a r m e r s o f t h a t fact a n d to c o m p l a i n a g a i n s t t h e p a l t r y w a y t h e latter w e r e t r e a t i n g t h e m - a n i n d i c a t i o n t h a t , c l o s e social ties a n d t h e a b s e n c e o f a n y r e a l c l a s s anti­ pathy notwithstanding, there w a s an e l e m e n t of exploitation in the relationship.)

34

Although material conditions improved from mid-century, protest by n o m e a n s disappeared, although, as s h o w n , there w a s hardly a n y t r a d e u n i o n i s m in t h e late c e n t u r y . T h e significant p r o t e s t w a s o v e r tithe a n d the land question. A l t h o u g h p i n c h e d b y depression, farmers w e r e really motivated b y religious a n d nationalist s e n t i m e n t in their o p p o s i t i o n to t i t h e . T h a t l a n d l o r d s did n o t face s i m i l a r d i r e c t a c t i o n protest over high rents can be explained on the grounds that con­ d i t i o n s o n m o s t W e l s h e s t a t e s w e r e n o t s o a d v e r s e as i n I r e l a n d ; c e r ­ t a i n l y as a c l a s s t h e y w e r e m o r e p o p u l a r t h a n t h e c l e r g y a n d w e r e a c k n o w l e d g e d as h a v i n g d o n e s o m e t h i n g t o alleviate t h e i r t e n a n t s ' suffering, a n d , o f c o u r s e , t h e y w e r e at h a n d t o r e t a l i a t e effectively

32

33

34

Hunter's Report on South Wales, PP 1865; Wages and Conditions of Employment, PP 1919, pp. 51, 127; HMSO, Report of the Committee of Enquiry into the Anti-Tuberculosis Service in Wales and Mons. (1939); National Library of Wales, T. Mervyn Jones papers, 2/18; J. E . Tomley, 'The Inquiry into the Anti-Tuberculosis Service in Wales and Monmouthshire', Welsh Review, 1 (1939), pp. 278-9; F. Evans, 'The Problem of the Rural School', Welsh Outlook, 15 (1928), p. 126. The standard works are D. J. V. Jones, Before Rebecca (1973); D. Williams, The Rebecca Riots (Cardiff, 1955). The Times, 5 September 1843.

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Wales whereas the clergy were more vulnerable. Nevertheless,

297

frequent

attacks were m a d e b y large groups t h r o u g h o u t the century on land­ l o r d s a n d t h e i r l a c k e y s o v e r e n f o r c e m e n t of g a m i n g r i g h t s b o t h o n l a n d a n d o n r i v e r s , a n d a l s o o v e r e n c l o s u r e o f u p l a n d c o m m o n s (albeit on another level p e r m a n e n t fences stopped bickering b e t w e e n farmers a n d s h e p h e r d s ) , s o t h a t e v e n if rural W a l e s b y v i r t u e o f t h e c h a p e l i n f l u e n c e w a s r e a s o n a b l y p e a c e f u l a n d free f r o m c r i m e a n d g r o w i n g m o r e s o b e r i n t h e l a t e r d e c a d e s of t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y ( a n d t h i s w a s p a r t l y b e c a u s e i n d o o r s e r v a n t s w e r e f o r c e d to a t t e n d t h e c h a p e l by their 'patriarchal' masters), w e should not ignore these particular sources of underlying tension and o p e n hostility.

35

A n a n t i - E n g l i s h e l e m e n t p l a y e d a p a r t in s o m e o f t h e s e p r o t e s t s : p a r t o f R e b e c c a ' s w r a t h w a s t u r n e d a g a i n s t E n g l i s h toll f a r m e r s a n d land stewards; s o m e of the supporters of the ' s e c o n d ' Rebecca rioters, w h o p o a c h e d t h e W y e for s a l m o n in t h e late n i n e t e e n t h

century,

thought they were resisting the foreign capitalism ' o f the English L o w ­ l a n d s ' a n d its a l i e n r i g h t s a n d , similarly, C a r d i g a n s h i r e

fishermen

w e r e p r a i s e d i n 1 8 6 7 for s t a n d i n g u p t o ' S a x o n o p p r e s s i o n ' in t h e f o r m o f r e c e n t r i v e r fishing A c t s .

3 6

T h e a g r i c u l t u r a l c o m m u n i t y , o f c o u r s e , f o r m e d o n l y a p a r t of t h e total rural c o m m u n i t y . T h u s i n 1 8 5 1 t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s in t h e rural counties of Anglesey, Merioneth, Montgomery, Cardigan, Pembroke a n d R a d n o r f o r m e d 4 6 . 7 p e r c e n t o f t h e total l a b o u r f o r c e s o f t h o s e c o u n t i e s t a k e n t o g e t h e r . M o r e o v e r , i n c r e a s i n g diversification

was

occurring, a growing proportion of the aggregate population of those counties following other t h a n agricultural occupations over the years: b y 1 8 9 1 t h e p r o p o r t i o n e n g a g e d i n f a r m i n g h a d d r o p p e d to 3 1 . 8 p e r cent and b y 1951 to 29 per cent. D o w n t o t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e First W o r l d W a r , a n d to a m u c h l e s s e r e x t e n t u n t i l 1 9 3 9 , W e l s h r u r a l c o m m u n i t i e s w e r e l a r g e l y self-sufficient. A c c o r d i n g l y , c r a f t s m e n w e r e to b e f o u n d in a b u n d a n c e in t h e r u r a l t o w n s and villages, and included those w h o processed raw materials, like c o r n m i l l e r s , t a n n e r s , c u r r i e r s , s p i n n e r s a n d w e a v e r s , a n d t h o s e

35

36

J. P. D. Dunbabin, Rural Discontent in Nineteenth-Century Britain (1974), p. 293; D. J. V. Jones, T h e Welsh and Crime, 1801-1891', in C. Emsley and J. Walvin, eds., Artisans, Peasants and Proletarians (1985); idem, 'Crime, Protest and Community in Nineteenth-Century Wales', Llafur, 1 (1974); S. H. Jones-Parry, 'Crime in Wales', Red Dragon, 4 (1883); RC on Labour in Wales, PP 1893-4; RC on Land in Wales, PP 1896. D. J. V. Jones, T h e Second Rebecca Riots', Llafur, 2 (1976), p. 53; Cardiganshire Advertiser, 1 November 1867 - reference kindly provided by D. L. Baker-Jones.

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D. W. HOWELL AND C. BABER

w h o p r o d u c e d t o o l s a n d e q u i p m e n t , like b l a c k s m i t h s , w h e e l w r i g h t s , carpenters, saddlers, turners,

coopers, basketmakers,

bootmakers,

s t o n e m a s o n s , tailors a n d h a t m a k e r s . M a n y w e r e c l o s e l y c o n n e c t e d with farming, so that the distinction b e t w e e n the agricultural

and

w i d e r r u r a l c o m m u n i t y w a s b y n o m e a n s c l e a r - c u t . C r a f t s m e n like blacksmiths, wheelwrights, carpenters, coopers, saddlers and millers w e r e vital t o t h e r u n n i n g o f l o c a l f a r m s a n d , b e s i d e s , t h e s e a n d o t h e r s more independent

o f f a r m i n g l i k e s h o e m a k e r s , tailors a n d

masons

w e r e often craftsmen-smallholders w h o , as w e h a v e s h o w n ,

were

i n t i m a t e l y s t i t c h e d i n t o t h e fabric o f m u t u a l i n t e r d e p e n d e n c e b e t w e e n smallholdings a n d larger neighbouring farms. W h e n the factory sys­ t e m l e d t o m a s s p r o d u c t i o n o f g o o d s a n d i m p l e m e n t s , t h e W e l s h crafts­ man

increasingly went

out

of business,

particularly

after 1 9 1 4 .

Craftsmen's w o r k s h o p s w e r e centres of intellectual liveliness in eigh­ t e e n t h a n d n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y W e l s h r u r a l c o m m u n i t i e s a n d crafts­ m e n played a crucial part as leaders of b o t h O l d e r D i s s e n t M e t h o d i s m in the years 1 6 5 0 - 1 8 5 0 .

and

3 7

O t h e r s within the rural c o m m u n i t y not categorised as h a v i n g 'agri­ cultural'

occupations w e r e , likewise, close to the land. T h u s ,

as

s h o w n , non-farming cottagers w e r e b o u n d up in the h u g e embrace of e c o n o m i c i n t e r d e p e n d e n c e b e t w e e n f a r m e r s a n d c o t t a g e r s , s u c h ties d i s s o l v i n g o n l y i n t h e c l o s i n g y e a r s o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h E v e n workers in extractive industries w e r e not wholly of

farming,

slate q u a r r y m e n

of Merioneth

and

century.

independent

Caernarfonshire,

anthracite colliers of P e m b r o k e s h i r e , a n d Cardiganshire lead m i n e r s all f a r m i n g s m a l l h o l d i n g s w h i c h p r o v i d e d a s u p p l e m e n t a r y i n c o m e . (Crucially, insofar as labour relations in north-west W a l e s w e r e con­ c e r n e d , t h e fact t h a t q u a r r y m e n w e r e s m a l l h o l d e r s d i d n o t i n h i b i t t h e i r c l a s s c o n s c i o u s n e s s for t h e y t h o u g h t o f t h e m s e l v e s p r i n c i p a l l y as q u a r r y m e n . ) O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , u p o n t h e g r o w t h i n t h e e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h century of coastal villages like Aberporth,

Llangrannog

a n d N e w Q u a y in s o u t h e r n Cardiganshire into truly seafaring villages (and r e m a i n i n g as such d o w n to 1914), there g r e w u p a c o m p l e t e

37

J. G. Jenkins, 'Rural Industry in Cardiganshire', Ceredigion, 6 (1968-71), pp. 90-1; A. D. Rees, Life in a Welsh Countryside (Cardiff, 1950), p. 27; Edgar Chappell, 'The Development of Rural Industries', Welsh Outlook, 10 (1923), p. 304; J. G. Jenkins, Welsh Crafts and Craftsmen (Llandysul, 1975), pp. 5-10; A. W. Ashby and J. M. Jones, 'The Social Origin of Welsh Farmers', Welsh Journal of Agriculture, 2 (1926), p. 32; I. C. Peate, 'Welsh Rural Crafts', Welsh Outlook, 16 (1929), pp. 140-1; D. Jenkins, 'The Part Played by Craftsmen in the Religious History of Modern Wales', Welsh Anvil, 5 - 6 (1953-4), pp. 90-7.

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299

separation b e t w e e n the outward-looking seafaring c o m m u n i t y a n d t h e s u r r o u n d i n g i n w a r d - l o o k i n g rural n e i g h b o u r h o o d .

3 8

W h e n c o n s i d e r i n g t h e n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l g r o u p s , o n e vital r e m a i n i n g c o m p o n e n t requires investigation, namely, the townspeople. Country t o w n s i n late e i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y W a l e s w e r e g e n e r a l l y ' s m a l l a n d u n i m p r e s s i v e ' b u t , for all t h a t , t h e y w e r e i m p o r t a n t as m a r k e t c e n t r e s . Urban growth h a d b e e n restricted by the sparsely populated country­ s i d e a n d b y p o o r c o m m u n i c a t i o n s , b u t f r o m t h e late e i g h t e e n t h c e n ­ t u r y o n w a r d s c e r t a i n t o w n s , m a n y o f t h e m o n t h e c o a s t or tidal r i v e r s , w e r e to e x p e r i e n c e significant g r o w t h as a c o n s e q u e n c e o f a q u i c k e n i n g of e c o n o m i c life a n d i m p r o v e d c o m m u n i c a t i o n s . E x c l u d i n g t h o s e t o w n s w h i c h g r e w u p as i n d u s t r i a l c e n t r e s like S w a n s e a , N e w p o r t and W r e x h a m , especially important

as regional a n d

centres b y 1831 were Carmarthen (9,955 inhabitants), (7,642),

Cardiff ( 6 , 1 8 7 ) ,

Brecon (5,026),

Haverfordwest (5,787),

metropolitan Caernarfon

Monmouth

(5,446),

A b e r g a v e n n y (4,953) and Aberystwyth (4,128).

All

were important market towns, centres of trade and handicrafts, pro­ fessional and banking centres and s o m e had p e r m a n e n t

theatres.

T h e s e c e n t r e s h o u s e d a m i d d l e c l a s s a n d s u p p o r t e d a n u r b a n life. A l t h o u g h at a l o w e r l e v e l , t h e t o w n s o f D e n b i g h , P e m b r o k e , W e l s h ­ p o o l , B a n g o r , C h e p s t o w a n d L l a n d o v e r y , all w i t h p o p u l a t i o n s r a n g i n g r o u g h l y f r o m 2 , 0 0 0 to 5 , 0 0 0 , a l s o f u n c t i o n e d

as r e g i o n a l s e r v i c e

c e n t r e s . O n e o t h e r s i m i l a r r u r a l - b a s e d t o w n w a s N e w t o w n , b u t it o w e d its i m p o r t a n c e to t h e w o o l l e n i n d u s t r y . Its p r e - e m i n e n c e as t h e ' L e e d s o f W a l e s ' w a s , h o w e v e r , t o b e s h o r t - l i v e d , for t h e f o o l i s h a t t e m p t s to c o m p e t e w i t h L a n c a s h i r e a n d Y o r k s h i r e f l a n n e l s b y imitat­ ing their products spelt decline from the 1860s, the n e w centres of W e l s h w e a v i n g shifting to v i l l a g e s in s o u t h - w e s t W a l e s w h e r e p r o s p e r ­ ity l a s t e d till 1 9 2 0 . B e l o w t h i s g r o u p c a m e s m a l l e r t o w n s like B a l a , Machynlleth, Dolgellau, Pwllheli, Llanidloes, H a y and Llandeilo, e s s e n t i a l l y l o c a l in n a t u r e , l a c k i n g r e g i o n a l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e f u n c t i o n s b u t still, t h r o u g h t h e i r e c o n o m i c a c t i v i t i e s , p l a y i n g a u s e f u l r o l e in servicing the countryside. In this group, too, c a m e t o w n s like Holy­ h e a d , M i l f o r d a n d A m l w c h , as c e n t r e s o f e i t h e r t r a n s p o r t or i n d u s t r y . F i n a l l y , at t h e b o t t o m w e r e t h o s e m a n y s m a l l , e n t i r e l y l o c a l a n d l i m i t e d 38

G. Davies, 'Community and Social Structure in Bethesda, 1840-70', Carnarvonshire Historical Society Transactions, 41 (1980), pp. 126-7; Merfyn Jones, 'Class and Society in Nineteenth-Century Gwynedd', in Smith, ed., A People and a Proletariat, pp. 206-7; M. R. C. Price, Industrial Saundersfoot (Llandysul, 1982), p. 32; W. J. Lewis, Lead Mining in Wales (Cardiff, 1967), pp. 275-6; J. G. Jenkins, Maritime Heritage: The Ships and Seamen of Southern Ceredigion (Llandysul, 1982), p. 4.

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D. W . H O W E L L A N D C. B A B E R

market t o w n s like Builth, P r e s t e i g n e , K n i g h t o n a n d L a m p e t e r , with populations of under 1,500.

39

A l t h o u g h m a n y of the rural t o w n s r e m a i n e d closely b o u n d u p with the character a n d fortunes of the local agricultural e c o n o m y and, indeed, their large n u m b e r s of craftsmen w e r e closely c o n n e c t e d with farming, nevertheless traders like b a k e r s , milliners, grocers, drapers, chandlers and chemists, together with the growing numbers of pro­ fessional p e o p l e like lawyers, s u r g e o n s , s c h o o l t e a c h e r s , c l e r g y m e n , printers, booksellers, p o s t m a s t e r s a n d b a n k e r s , w e r e clearly, indepen­ d e n t o f a g r i c u l t u r e . I. G . J o n e s h a s p e r c e p t i v e l y p o i n t e d t o t h e c r u c i a l i m p o r t a n c e o f t h e s e r u r a l t o w n s a s p r o v i d i n g t h e s e e d b e d o f political r a d i c a l i s m i n t h e c o u n t r y s i d e , for it w a s o n l y h e r e i n t h e i r s o c i a l l y m o r e diversified a n d mobile societies that there could e m e r g e the rural l e a d e r s h i p d r a w n f r o m t h e r a n k s o f t h e c r a f t s m e n , and small shopkeepers, m a n y associated with the

c h a p e l s w h i c h w e r e vital i n p r o d u c i n g d i s t i n c t i v e a n d rural e l i t e s .

tradesmen

nonconformist independent

40

II T h e transformation of a nation of poverty-stricken, politically subser­ v i e n t p e a s a n t s i n t o a m o d e r n a n d d e m o c r a t i c s o c i e t y , it will b e a p p a r ­ ent, w a s e n g i n e e r e d b y industrialisation, b y the rapid e x p a n s i o n of mining a n d manufacturing activities t h r o u g h o u t the later e i g h t e e n t h and nineteenth centuries which not only diametrically altered the e c o n o m i c b a s e s o f t h e t w o coalfields u p o n w h i c h it l a r g e l y o c c u r r e d , b u t d u e to its i m p a c t u p o n t h e i n t e r n a l m i g r a t i o n o f p o p u l a t i o n w a s to h a v e a p r o f o u n d i n f l u e n c e u p o n t h e life o f a n e v e r - i n c r e a s i n g p r o ­ portion of W e l s h people. W h e r e a s mid-eighteenth-century Wales was o v e r w h e l m i n g l y rural with a population of less t h a n 300,000 scattered w i d e l y o v e r t h e face o f t h e P r i n c i p a l i t y , b y 1 9 5 1 t h e r e w e r e o v e r 2 . 5 m i l l i o n i n h a b i t a n t s , t h r e e - q u a r t e r s o f w h o m l i v e d i n t h e t w o coalfield a r e a s , w h i c h t o g e t h e r c o n s t i t u t e o n l y a r o u n d 1 0 p e r c e n t o f t h e total land area.

4 1

Wales, before the later eighteenth century, w a s Britain's least likely 39

40 41

H. Carter, T h e Growth and Decline of Welsh Towns', in D. Moore, ed., Wales in the Eighteenth Century (Swansea, 1976), pp. 48-51; H. Carter, The Towns of Wales (Cardiff, 1966), pp. 50ff; Jenkins, Welsh Crafts and Craftsmen, pp. 12-16. I. G. Jones, Explorations and Explanations (Llandysul, 1981), pp. 280, 287. Indeed, the population of Wales, which had stood at 2,656,000 in 1921, in fact fell to 2,487,000 by 1939. By 1951 it had increased again to 2,598,000.

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301

industrial candidate, her lack of an industrial tradition starkly contrast­ ing with

Britain's other industrialising

regions.

4 2

Apart

from

its

mineral wealth, as yet largely u n t a p p e d , W a l e s w a s in t h e eighteenth c e n t u r y s i n g u l a r l y u n s u i t e d a n d i l l - p r e p a r e d for i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n , a n d w h e n the process did gather p a c e in t h e later years of the century, it w a s t o r e q u i r e c o n s i d e r a b l e r e i n f o r c e m e n t f r o m o u t s i d e t h e coal­ fields: p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e m o v e m e n t o f p e o p l e f r o m t h e r e s t o f W a l e s a n d l a t e r f r o m E n g l a n d , a n d t h e s u b s t a n t i a l influx o f E n g l i s h capital a n d e n t e r p r i s e s o vital i n t h e initial s t a g e s . T h i s , p e r h a p s m o r e t h a n a n y o t h e r s i n g l e f e a t u r e o f its i n d u s t r i a l g r o w t h , c o l o u r e d t h e social h i s t o r y o f W a l e s . If i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n ' m o d e r n i s e d ' W a l e s , it a l s o s a w W a l e s b e c o m i n g increasingly integrated into the greater British econ­ o m y a s its h e a v y i n d u s t r i e s p r o v i d e d a vital c o m p o n e n t for o v e r a l l expansion. T h e r e is, of course, n o g u a r a n t e e that a coalfield, m o r e t h a n any o t h e r r e g i o n , s h o u l d b e e n d o w e d w i t h all t h e i n g r e d i e n t s n e c e s s a r y for i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n , n o r t h a t its p o p u l a t i o n b e c o n c e n t r a t e d g e o g r a ­ phically. T h e W e l s h coalfields w e r e n o exception, a n d r e m a i n e d over­ w h e l m i n g l y rural until the industrial revolution, w h i c h w a s already transforming

large parts

of England,

sought

to exploit W a l e s ' s

r e s o u r c e p o t e n t i a l . W a l e s , t h e n , s o m e w h a t b e l a t e d l y b e c a u s e o f its g e o g r a p h i c i s o l a t i o n , b e g a n t o e x p e r i e n c e t h a t ' s c a t t e r i n g o f m e n , dri­ v e n b y t h e u r g e for s e l f - a s s e r t i o n , n o l e s s t h a n b y t h e p r o s p e c t o f m o n e y g a i n , w h i c h b e c a m e a c t i v e o v e r t h e face o f B r i t a i n m a k i n g n e w combinations of ideas, of things, of forces a n d of other m e n ' .

4 3

It w a s , o f c o u r s e , i n its effect u p o n t h e n e w c o m b i n a t i o n s o f m e n , of t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h o n e a n o t h e r , w i t h t h e i r n e w p l a c e s o f l i v i n g and working, and with the entrepreneurs w h o fashioned the n e w e c o n o m y , t h a t i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n w a s t o h a v e its p r o f o u n d s o c i a l i m p a c t . I n p a r t i c u l a r , b e c a u s e o f its l a t e n e s s , a n d t h e c o n s e q u e n t s c a l e o f c h a n g e , it w a s t o e x e r t s u d d e n a n d t h e r e f o r e d r a m a t i c i m p l i c a t i o n s for t h e s o c i a l c o n t e x t w h i c h it m o u l d e d . Although coal mining was to eventually dominate the economic p r o s p e r i t y o f W a l e s , t h e first p h a s e o f i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n , w h i c h l a s t e d roughly u p to the middle of the n i n e t e e n t h century, w a s characterised

42

A. H. John, The Industrial Development of South Wales (Cardiff, 1950), pp. 1-21; A. H. Dodd, The Industrial Revolution in North Wales (Cardiff, 1933), pp. 1-30, both referring to the 'Old Order'.

43

S. G. Checkland, The Rise of Industrial Society in England, 1815-85 (1964), p. 3.

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D. W. HOWELL AND C. BABER

m o r e b y m e t a l s m e l t i n g . I n S o u t h W a l e s t w o d i s t i n c t i n d u s t r i a l districts w e r e e m e r g i n g b y t h e e n d o f t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y . T h e first s a w t h e e a s i l y m i n e d c o a l o f t h e s o u t h - w e s t c o r n e r o f t h e coalfield attract a n u m b e r o f c o p p e r - s m e l t i n g c o n c e r n s to t h e district, p a r t i c u l a r l y to S w a n s e a , w h i c h w a s S o u t h W a l e s ' s first significant u r b a n c e n t r e . B y 1 8 0 0 S w a n s e a w a s firmly e s t a b l i s h e d as B r i t a i n ' s m a j o r c o p p e r - s m e l t ­ i n g c e n t r e a n d o f t h e t w e n t y - o n e w o r k s r e s p o n s i b l e for n e a r l y 8 5 p e r c e n t o f n a t i o n a l o u t p u t in 1 8 3 0 , o n l y four h a d b e e n in e x i s t e n c e in 1760. M o s t of the w o r k s w e r e established b y c o n c e r n s , or with capital, from outside the region. Although the smelting of both lead

and

s p e l t e r , t h e b e g i n n i n g s of t i n p l a t e m a n u f a c t u r e a n d a b i t u m i n o u s c o a l e x p o r t t r a d e h a d all, b y 1 8 5 0 , h e l p e d c r e a t e a v a r i e d i n d u s t r i a l b a s e , c o p p e r s m e l t i n g d o m i n a t e d t h e u r b a n g r o w t h of t h e s o u t h - w e s t p a r t s of t h e coalfield w i t h S w a n s e a ' s p o p u l a t i o n in p a r t i c u l a r i n c r e a s i n g f r o m u n d e r 2 , 0 0 0 in 1 7 5 0 to o v e r 3 0 , 0 0 0 in 1 8 5 1 .

4 4

The other early industrial concentration s a w the north-east rim of the

coalfield e m e r g e

as

Britain's foremost

iron-smelting

B e t w e e n 1760 and 1830 a n u m b e r of English entrepreneurs,

region. attracted

by the juxtaposition of easily m i n e d ironstone a n d g o o d coking coal, e s t a b l i s h e d s o m e t w e n t y i r o n w o r k s a l o n g a n 1 8 - m i l e s t r e t c h f r o m Hirw a u n to B l a e n a f o n . E a r l y g r o w t h w a s s t i m u l a t e d b y t h e

demands

of w a r , w h i l e H e n r y C o r t ' s i n v e n t i o n s o a d v a n t a g e d t h e i r o n m a n u f a c ­ t u r e r s o f t h e r e g i o n t h a t it b e c a m e u n i v e r s a l l y k n o w n as t h e ' W e l s h Method'. M e r t h y r Tydfil b e c a m e t h e i n d u s t r y ' s m a i n c e n t r e , b u t w o r k s w e r e a l s o s e t u p at m a n y o t h e r l o c a t i o n s i n c l u d i n g E b b w V a l e , N a n t y g l o a n d T r e d e g a r . B y 1 8 5 0 t h e w o r k s o f t h e n o r t h e r n r i m o f t h e coalfield w e r e p r o d u c i n g a r o u n d 3 7 0 , 0 0 0 t o n s , 4 0 p e r c e n t o f B r i t a i n ' s total: an expansion largely stimulated b y the concentration of the larger w o r k s o n rail m a n u f a c t u r e . A s w i t h c o p p e r s m e l t i n g , a l m o s t all t h e iron works w e r e established b y entrepreneurs from outside the region, as the G u e s t s , C r a w s h a y s , H o m p h r a y s a n d others b r o u g h t a n e w indus­ try t o a b l e a k , u n c h a r t e d t e r r a i n , t h e r e b y s u d d e n l y c r e a t i n g a n e n t i r e l y novel pattern of e c o n o m y and society with dramatic results. Thus by the early n i n e t e e n t h century a string of ' N e w T o w n s ' stretched a c r o s s t h e n o r t h o f t h e coalfield w i t h M e r t h y r Tydfil t h e u n d i s p u t e d

44

R. O. Roberts, 'The Smelting of Non-Ferrous Metals since 1750', in A. H. John

and Glanmor Williams, eds., Glamorgan County History, vol. 5: Industrial Glamorgan (Cardiff, 1980), pp. 47-96.

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c a p i t a l , a n d t h e l a r g e s t t o w n in W a l e s , b o a s t i n g a p o p u l a t i o n o f 4 6 , 3 7 8 in 1 8 5 1 .

4 5

A t t h e e n d o f t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y a f e w c a n a l s w e r e built f r o m t h e n o r t h e r n r i m t o t h e c o a s t t h u s affording b e t t e r a c c e s s for t h e i r o n to its o u t s i d e m a r k e t s .

4 6

T h e s e in t u r n s a w t h e g r o w t h o f t o w n s a l o n g

the seaboard as the early e m e r g e n c e of S w a n s e a a n d N e a t h as ports a n d non-ferrous metal-smelting centres w a s consolidated in the west, w h i l e Cardiff a n d N e w p o r t , a l o n g w i t h t h e r e s p e c t i v e G l a m o r g a n s h i r e a n d M o n m o u t h s h i r e c a n a l s , p r o v i d e d t h e e a s t e r n h a l f o f t h e coalfield w i t h vital c o m m e r c i a l c e n t r e s a n d a n effective i n f r a s t r u c t u r e .

The

growth of these early nineteenth-century industrial t o w n s and ports w a s to c o n s t i t u t e a m a j o r t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f W e l s h s o c i e t y a n d t h i s a s p e c t will t h e r e f o r e m e r i t p a r t i c u l a r a t t e n t i o n l a t e r in t h i s s e c t i o n . A l t h o u g h it s a w fairly e x t e n s i v e c o a l m i n i n g d u r i n g t h e l a t e e i g h ­ teenth century, particularly around B r y m b o and B e r s h a m w h e r e J o h n W i l k i n s o n h a d a p p l i e d A b r a h a m D a r b y ' s c o k e - s m e l t i n g p r o c e s s to i r o n m a k i n g , t h e N o r t h W a l e s coalfield e x p e r i e n c e d a m o r e l i m i t e d i n d u s t r i a l b i r t h a n d it h a s r e m a i n e d o v e r s h a d o w e d b y its s o u t h e r n counterpart ever since. Generally, industrial growth has always b e e n m o r e sporadic t h a n in the south, with small urban c o m m u n i t i e s , such as W r e x h a m , R h o s , M o l d a n d H o l y w e l l , d o t t e d p i e c e m e a l o v e r t h e face o f t h e c o a l f i e l d .

47

A s e c o n d ' p h a s e ' of industrial growth, b e g i n n i n g a r o u n d the middle of t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , s a w t h e i n s a t i a b l e d e m a n d for c o a l alter t h e face o f S o u t h W a l e s a s t h e r e g i o n t o o k o n t h e i d e n t i t y t h a t w a s to, for e v e r , s y m b o l i s e its h i s t o r y i n t h e p u b l i c m i n d . A s s t e a m c o a l transformed b o t h inland a n d o c e a n transport, so did the s m o k e l e s s coals of G l a m o r g a n b e c o m e especially prized in world markets, a n d a s will a l s o b e s h o w n i n t h e l a t e r d i s c u s s i o n o n t o w n s , t h e n a r r o w v a l l e y s , still e s s e n t i a l l y rural i n 1 8 4 0 , w e r e q u i c k l y t r a n s f o r m e d i n t o r i b b o n s o f life a n d a c t i v i t y . A l t h o u g h t h e y c o n t i n u e d t o g r o w a n d remain the region's major urban centres, the focus of growth m o v e d from t h e ports and from the iron t o w n s of the northern rim to the coalfield itself, as t h e o u t p u t o f c o a l i n c r e a s e d f r o m 4 . 5 m i l l i o n t o n s 45

46

47

See especially M. Atkinson and C. Baber, The Rise and Decline of the South Wales Iron Industry, 1760-1880 (Cardiff, 1987). C. Baber, 'Canals and the Economic Development of South Wales', in Baber and Williams, eds., Modern South Wales, pp. 24-42. For a comparison of different rates of industrial development between North and South Wales see F. Holloway, 'The Inter-War Depression in the Wrexham Coalfield', Denbighshire Historical Society Transactions, 27 (1978), pp. 5 2 - 6 .

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in 1 8 5 4 , to 18 m i l l i o n t o n s in 1 8 7 9 , t o 3 9 m i l l i o n t o n s in 1 9 0 0 a n d to 5 6 m i l l i o n t o n s in 1 9 1 3 . T h e e x p a n s i o n o f o v e r s e a s m a r k e t s w a s e s p e c i a l l y significant a n d b y 1 9 1 3 e x p o r t s c o m p r i s e d n e a r l y 6 0 p e r c e n t o f t h e m a r k e t for W e l s h c o a l .

4 8

A l t h o u g h t h e i n d u s t r y c a m e t o d o m i n a t e m o s t p a r t s o f t h e coalfield after 1 8 4 0 , it w a s t h e e a s t e r n half, a n d e s p e c i a l l y t h e s t e a m c o a l s o f the R h o n d d a Valleys, which saw the most dramatic exploitation. F r o m a l a r g e l y rural s e t t i n g in 1 8 4 0 , t h e R h o n d d a h a d , b y t h e e n d o f t h e century, b e c o m e o n e of the world's most productive

coal-mining

a r e a s . B y 1 9 1 3 t h e R h o n d d a b o a s t e d fifty-three p i t s , w i t h a total o u t p u t of o v e r 9 . 5 m i l l i o n t o n s o f c o a l , w h e r e e i g h t o u t o f t e n m e n w e r e employed underground. Although perhaps exaggerating the narrow­ n e s s o f t h e r e g i o n ' s e c o n o m i c s t r u c t u r e , t h e R h o n d d a did, n e v e r t h e ­ l e s s , m o s t fully e x e m p l i f y its p r o d u c t i v e c h a r a c t e r as all t h e v a l l e y s of t h e coalfield w e r e , to v a r y i n g d e g r e e s , r e l i a n t o n t h e e x p l o i t a t i o n of t h e i r c o a l r e s o u r c e s . The

4 9

S o u t h Wales coal industry

experienced substantial

growth

between the mid-nineteenth century and 1914, transforming the very n a t u r e o f t h e coalfield i n c r e a t i n g o n e o f B r i t a i n ' s f o r e m o s t e c o n o m i c r e g i o n s . B y t h e o u t b r e a k o f t h e First W o r l d W a r , a r o u n d 2 1 0 , 0 0 0 m e n , s o m e 4 0 p e r c e n t o f t h e r e g i o n ' s total w e r e e m p l o y e d c o m p a r e d to less than 40,000 a half-century earlier.

50

underground By the same

date S o u t h W a l e s w a s producing more coal than any region of Britain a n d nearly half of this w a s exported. This expansion occasioned, a n d w a s i n t u r n s t i m u l a t e d b y , a g r o w t h i n t h e s c a l e of c o a l m i n i n g ' s o w n e r s h i p p a t t e r n . A l t h o u g h t h e a v e r a g e c o l l i e r y i n 1 9 1 4 w a s still relatively small b y the standards of m o s t other British coalfields, with t h e t y p i c a l pit o f 6 0 0 or s o m i n e r s p r o v i d i n g t h e e c o n o m i c b a s i s o f almost every valley community, a certain degree of concentration of o w n e r s h i p h a d occurred. T h r e e c o m p a n i e s , Powell Duffryn,

Ocean

and the Cambrian Combine between them controlled almost 20 per c e n t o f t h e total o u t p u t b y 1 9 1 4 (a t r e n d w h i c h w a s t o g a t h e r m o m e n ­ t u m in the interwar years) t h u s effecting an increasing influence u p o n the region's e c o n o m y . This paradox of increasingly large concerns

The South Wales coalfield was significantly more dependent upon foreign markets than other British coalfields. E. D. Lewis, The Rhondda Valleys (1959). J. Morris and L. J. Williams, The South Wales Coal Industry, 1841-1875 (Cardiff, 1958); L. J. Williams, 'The Coal Industry, 1750-1914', in John and Williams, eds., Industrial Glamorgan, pp. 155-209.

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controlling m a n y , but relatively small, productive units together with the coalfield's c o m p l e x physical structure w a s to form the basis of t h e difficulties w h i c h l a y a h e a d .

5 1

A l t h o u g h coal provided the e c o n o m i c lifeblood of S o u t h W a l e s , exerting a profound influence u p o n the entire region, and u p o n other i n d u s t r i e s , a l o n g t h e c o a s t f r o m L l a n e l l i t o N e w p o r t a r a n g e o f activi­ ties w e r e a t t r a c t e d b y t h e m o r e d i v e r s e n e e d s o f t h e p o r t s . I n p a r t i c u l a r Cardiff, i n a d d i t i o n to t h e c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f f o o d - p r o c e s s i n g i n d u s t r i e s s u c h a s flour m i l l i n g a n d b r e w i n g , e m e r g e d a s a significant s h i p - r e p a i r ­ i n g a n d m a r i n e e n g i n e e r i n g c e n t r e , w h i l e S w a n s e a in t h e w e s t i n a d d i t i o n t o its m e t a l i n d u s t r i e s a l s o b e n e f i t e d f r o m a r e a s o n a b l y diver­ sified i n d u s t r i a l s t r u c t u r e .

52

W i t h t h e advent of B e s s e m e r ' s converter in 1856 a n d the introduc­ t i o n o f t h e o p e n - h e a r t h m e t h o d b y S i e m e n s at L a n d o r e in 1 8 6 6 , s t e e l m a k i n g r a p i d l y e x p a n d e d i n t h e p e r i o d u p to t h e G r e a t W a r as t h e m a i n industrial c o m p l e m e n t to coal mining. In the northern

parts

t h e d o m i n a n t w r o u g h t - i r o n m a k e r s w e r e f a c e d b y t h e n e e d to e x p l o i t t h e s u p e r i o r p r o p e r t i e s o f s t e e l . S o m e like D o w l a i s a n d E b b w V a l e d i d s o r a p i d l y , a f e w o t h e r s , T r e d e g a r for e x a m p l e , r a t h e r m o r e tardily, b u t m o s t , l a r g e l y b e c a u s e o f t h e financial b u r d e n s i n v o l v e d , s i m p l y w e n t o u t o f b u s i n e s s . B u t o n l y six o f t h e d i s t r i c t ' s i r o n w o r k s c o n v e r t e d to B e s s e m e r steel and only three w e r e to continue production

into

the twentieth century. T h e decline of steelmaking along the northern rim w a s almost as inevitable as the growth of i r o n m a k i n g h a d b e e n a century earlier. Steel necessitated the importation of n o n - p h o s p h o r i c haematite,

initially f r o m

Cumbria,

but increasingly from

abroad,

especially S p a i n , a n d the relative transport costs of coal, ore a n d the f i n i s h e d s t e e l i n c r e a s i n g l y f a v o u r e d a c o a s t a l l o c a t i o n . H o w e v e r , it w a s o n l y D o w l a i s o f t h e o r i g i n a l c o n c e r n s t h a t s e t u p a c o a s t a l site at C a r d i f f i n 1 8 9 0 . I n t h e w e s t e r n p a r t s o f t h e coalfield, h o w e v e r , t h e g r e a t e r flexibility of t h e o p e n - h e a r t h m e t h o d s a w t h e r a p i d e x p a n s i o n o f s h e e t s t e e l manufacture as the basis of a tinplate industry w h i c h quickly replaced t h e d i s t r i c t ' s d e c l i n i n g c o p p e r s m e l t e r s , as c h a n g i n g m a r k e t f o r c e s b e g a n to favour location close to ore sources. A l t h o u g h the industry

See T. Boyns, 'Labour Productivity in the South Wales Coal Industry, 1874-1913' (unpublished PhD thesis, University of Wales, 1982). C. Baber, 'The Subsidiary Industries of Glamorgan, 1760-1914', in John and Williams, eds., Industrial Glamorgan, pp. 211-75.

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s u f f e r e d a s e v e r e b l o w in 1 8 9 1 w h e n t h e M c K i n l e y Tariff s p e l t t h e l o s s o f its m a j o r o v e r s e a s m a r k e t , t h e U S A ,

5 3

by 1911 there were

a r o u n d e i g h t y w o r k s i n s o u t h - w e s t W a l e s , m a i n l y in S w a n s e a a n d Llanelli (Tinnapolis) producing over 800,000 tons of tinplate a n d pro­ v i d i n g e m p l o y m e n t for o v e r 2 2 , 0 0 0 m e n . T h e e c o n o m y of S o u t h W a l e s w a s s e e m i n g l y o n the crest of a w a v e in 1 9 1 3 , w i t h p r o d u c t i o n a n d e x p o r t s o f c o a l , s t e e l a n d t i n p l a t e all r u n n i n g at r e c o r d h i g h l e v e l s . B u t t h e r e a l i t y w a s s o m e w h a t different. Coal h a d serious productive problems, particularly a low level of mechanisation, and therefore productivity, occasioned by complex geological conditions, and a multiplicity of small productive failing to e x p l o i t b o t h p r o d u c t i v e a n d d i s t r i b u t i v e e c o n o m i e s .

units 5 4

Both

s t e e l a n d t i n p l a t e a l s o suffered f r o m a r e l a t i v e l y l o w l e v e l o f p r o d u c t i ­ v i t y , b u t as w i t h c o a l , b u o y a n t m a r k e t s d i s g u i s e d t h e s e u n d e r l y i n g w e a k n e s s e s as t h e y did the chronic e c o n o m i c n a r r o w n e s s of the w h o l e region.

5 5

B u t for t h e r e c o r d , S o u t h W a l e s ' s e c o n o m y s u c c e s s i v e l y

e x c e e d e d past a c h i e v e m e n t s right up to the Great W a r . A l t h o u g h t h e N o r t h W a l e s coalfield c o n t i n u e d t o e x p a n d its r a n g e a n d s c a l e o f activities as t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y p r o g r e s s e d it w a s increasingly overshadowed b y the south. Coal mining, though on a far l e s s e r s c a l e , a l s o f o r m e d t h e b a s i s o f t h e n o r t h ' s i n d u s t r i a l a d v a n c e ­ m e n t a n d h a d g i v e n r i s e to t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f v a r i o u s m e t a l - s m e l t ­ i n g a n d w o r k i n g activities i n c l u d i n g b r a s s , l e a d , c o p p e r a n d silver, t h o u g h t h e s e suffered contraction t o w a r d s the latter part of t h e cen­ tury. T h e trade in coal w a s e n h a n c e d , particularly with the Irish mar­ k e t , b y t h e o p e n i n g u p o f t h e F l i n t s h i r e coalfield, w h i c h a l s o s a w the growth of brick and pottery making around Buckley. O n the w h o l e , h o w e v e r , i n d u s t r i a l d e v e l o p m e n t s in t h e n o r t h t e n d e d t o b e far m o r e piecemeal despite the coalfield's more limited extent. C o n n a h ' s Q u a y h a d e m e r g e d as t h e ' C a r d i f f ' o f t h e n o r t h e r n coalfield d u r i n g t h e n i n e ­ t e e n t h c e n t u r y , a p o s i t i o n it w a s s o o n t o l o s e in t h e p r e s e n t c e n t u r y to M o s t y n . T h e m a j o r i n d u s t r i a l e v e n t c a m e in 1 8 9 6 , w i t h t h e e r e c t i o n of J o h n S u m m e r s ' s s t e e l w o r k s at H a w a r d e n w h i c h p r o v i d e d a m a j o r i n d u s t r i a l n u c l e u s for t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y . I n 1 9 1 7 t h e C o u r t a u l d s C o m p a n y i n t r o d u c e d t h e n e w s y n t h e t i c fibre i n d u s t r y w h i c h w a s t o

53

54

55

In 1891 the USA was taking 325,000 tons of the total exported of 450,000 tons. L. J. Williams, T h e Road to Tonypandy', Llafur, 1 (1973), pp. 41-52. See W. E . Minchinton, The British Tinplate Industry: A History (Oxford 1957), and T. Boyns, D. Thomas and C. Baber, T h e Iron, Steel and Tinplate Industries, 17501914', in John and Williams, eds., Industrial Glamorgan, pp. 97-154.

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f o r m t h e b a s i s o f significant e c o n o m i c s e c u r i t y for t h e a r e a as it r e ­ placed the declining manufacture of chemicals.

5 6

With the coming of the Great W a r there was an increased pressure of d e m a n d o n t h e b a s i c i n d u s t r i e s a n d at t h e s a m e t i m e a fall in t h e a v a i l a b l e l a b o u r f o r c e a s t h e call t o a r m s m o u n t e d . T o g e t h e r t h e s e r e s u l t e d i n a frantic r u s h t o i n c r e a s e o u t p u t at a n y c o s t , e s p e c i a l l y t h e c o s t o f w a s t e f u l m i n i n g m e t h o d s w i t h little h e e d o f t h e i m p l i c a t i o n s for future d e v e l o p m e n t a n d t h e o v e r u s e o f e x i s t i n g p l a n t a n d m a c h i ­ nery with scant replacement or technological improvement. T h u s b y 1 9 1 8 , t h o u g h t h e w a r h a d b e e n w o n , t h e e c o n o m i c future o f S o u t h W a l e s w a s b y n o m e a n s a sure o n e . In addition to the

underlying

productive problems, the b u o y a n t markets facing the main industry h a d c o n t r a c t e d as a l t e r n a t i v e fuels a n d n e w s o u r c e s o f c o a l s a w t h e o u t p u t o f S o u t h W a l e s fall t o j u s t o v e r 3 0 m i l l i o n t o n s i n 1 9 2 1 . A t e m p o r a r y respite occurred as various i m p e d i m e n t s limited the extent of i n t e r n a t i o n a l c o m p e t i t i o n ,

5 7

b u t b y 1 9 2 5 c o a l , as w e l l a s s t e e l a n d

t i n p l a t e , h a d fallen t o a n e w p r o d u c t i v e l o w w h i c h w a s t o p r e v a i l t h r o u g h o u t the interwar period. T h e 1920s w e r e replete with industrial crises as Britain's c o m m i t m e n t to the international gold

standard

accentuated the lack of competitiveness of S o u t h W a l e s ' s industries, w h i l e a s t u b b o r n failure o r i n a b i l i t y t o diversify p r o v i d e d n o a p p a r e n t solution to the problem. T h e G e n e r a l Strike of 1926 symbolised the s i t u a t i o n a n d fully i l l u s t r a t e d t h e i n t r a c t a b l e n a t u r e o f t h e r e g i o n ' s economic circumstances. T h e industries of S o u t h W a l e s w e r e chronically overstaffed in the light of the m a r k e t conditions prevailing in the interwar years and, as a result, c o m p l e t e l y lost their competitive e d g e . In particular, coal mining, w h i c h suffered from a l o w level of mechanisation, w a s to provide the m a i n source of the m o s t glaring manifestation of the r e g i o n ' s e c o n o m i c ills, l a b o u r u n e m p l o y m e n t . B e t w e e n 1 9 2 5 a n d 1 9 3 8 the average level of u n e m p l o y m e n t remained consistently above 20 p e r c e n t a n d i n t h e p e a k y e a r s s u c h a s 1 9 3 2 a n d 1 9 3 3 it s t o o d at 3 7 . 4 p e r c e n t a n d 3 4 . 9 p e r c e n t r e s p e c t i v e l y . B u t in t h e all t o o n u m e r o u s b l a c k s p o t s , i n v a r i a b l y t h o s e districts m o s t n a r r o w l y d e p e n d e n t o n c o a l m i n i n g , t h e i n c i d e n c e o f t h e p r o b l e m w a s m u c h g r e a t e r . T h u s in 1 9 3 1 M e r t h y r Tydfil, w i t h a p o p u l a t i o n o f 7 1 , 0 0 0 , s u f f e r e d a n u n e m p l o y ­ m e n t r a t e o f 4 9 . 6 p e r c e n t , w h i c h h a d w o r s e n e d to 6 2 . 3 p e r c e n t b y 56

57

Morgan, Rebirth, pp. 63-4; Holloway, Tnter-War Depression', pp. 52-6. A strike of coalminers in the U S A and the French occupation of the Ruhr delayed the full force of international competition until the end of 1923.

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1 9 3 2 / w h i l e in t h e s m a l l e r v a l l e y t o w n s t h e s i t u a t i o n w a s e v e n b l e a k e r . I n 1 9 3 2 , t h e w o r s t y e a r for m a n y p l a c e s , F e r n d a l e a n d B a r g o e d e x p e r ­ ienced rates of 79.7 per cent and 6 8 . 2 per cent respectively. In compari­ s o n t o t h e o t h e r i n d u s t r i a l r e g i o n s of B r i t a i n , S o u t h W a l e s suffered m o s t profoundly. B e t w e e n 1927 a n d 1937, w h e r e a s the average level of u n e m p l o y m e n t

for t h e ' d i s t r e s s e d ' r e g i o n s v a r i e d b e t w e e n 1 5 . 2

p e r c e n t in t h e b e t t e r y e a r s a n d 2 5 . 8 p e r c e n t in t h e w o r s t , for S o u t h W a l e s t h e c o m p a r a b l e figures w e r e 2 0 . 3 p e r c e n t a n d 3 7 . 4 p e r c e n t .

5 8

W h i l e the social implications of u n e m p l o y m e n t w e r e manifest, the o v e r t e c o n o m i c effects t e n d e d to c o m p r o m i s e t h e r e g i o n ' s m a t e r i a l p r o g r e s s . T h e h e a v y i n c i d e n c e o f u n e m p l o y m e n t , w h i c h w a s in itself the s y m p t o m of a more deep-rooted economic malaise, saw a progress­ ive d e t e r i o r a t i o n o f t h e r e g i o n ' s u r b a n i s e d i n f r a s t r u c t u r e w h i c h f u r t h e r d i m i n i s h e d t h e c a p a c i t y for s p o n t a n e o u s r e c o v e r y .

5 9

With the nega­

tive multiplier of e c o n o m i c decline w h i c h c o n s e q u e n t l y resulted, the e c o n o m i c p o t e n t i a l o f S o u t h W a l e s s u n k to e v e r l o w e r l e v e l s . F o r m a n y t h e o n l y s e e m i n g s o l u t i o n w a s to l e a v e t h e r e g i o n , a n d i n d e e d b e t w e e n 1 9 2 1 a n d 1 9 3 9 p r o b a b l y u p w a r d s o f 4 3 0 , 0 0 0 left W a l e s m a i n l y for t h e i n d u s t r i a l M i d l a n d s a n d t h e s o u t h o f E n g l a n d , e s p e c i a l l y L o n ­ don.

6 0

A l t h o u g h t h i s o b v i o u s l y e a s e d t h e p o s i t i o n in t h e s h o r t r u n ,

it f u r t h e r w e a k e n e d t h e r e g i o n ' s d e v e l o p m e n t as a d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e n u m b e r o f t h o s e l e a v i n g w e r e in t h e y o u n g , a c t i v e a g e T h e trend w a s ever d o w n w a r d s as the region suffered

groups.

6 1

profoundly

from an increasing sense of economic hopelessness. E l s e w h e r e in W a l e s conditions during the interwar years w e r e not s o h o p e l e s s . T h u s t h e d e p r e s s i o n in n o r t h - e a s t W a l e s as a w h o l e w a s n o t s o i n t e n s e as i n t h e s o u t h . T h e n o r t h - e a s t coalfield w e a t h e r e d t h e 1 9 2 0 s r e l a t i v e l y w e l l o w i n g t o t h e fact t h a t t h i s s m a l l a n d l o c a l i s e d coalfield e x p o r t e d i n s i g n i f i c a n t a m o u n t s . B u t f o r t u n e s c h a n g e d f r o m 1931 owing to the impact of world depression from 1929 and because n o n e w pits w e r e o p e n e d t o t a k e u p t h e l a b o u r f r o m c l o s e d m i n e s . B y 1 9 3 5 s t r u c t u r a l u n e m p l o y m e n t r e a c h e d l e v e l s e x p e r i e n c e d in t h e S o u t h W a l e s coalfield. T h e g r e a t e r d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n o f i n d u s t r y in Flint­ shire 58

59

60

61

saw

the

county

from

1933 -

paralleling the wider

British

The incidence of unemployment varied both between and within the main economic regions of Britain, and South Wales tended to do worse on both counts. See especially C. Baber and D. Thomas, 'The Glamorgan Economy, 1914-1945', in John and Williams, eds., Industrial Glamorgan, pp. 519-79. B. Thomas, 'The Influx of Labour into London and the South-East, 1920-1936', Económica, 4 (1937), pp. 323-36; idem, 'The Influx of Labour into the Midlands, 1920-37', Económica, 5 (1937), pp. 410-38. Baber and Thomas, 'Glamorgan Economy'.

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Wales

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r e c o v e r y - b e c o m i n g relatively p r o s p e r o u s o n t h e b a s i s o f t h e t h r i v i n g steel, r a y o n a n d b u i l d i n g i n d u s t r i e s .

62

T h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l e c o n o m i c crisis o f 1 9 2 9 - 3 2 hit S o u t h W a l e s as it did t h e rest o f B r i t a i n , t h o u g h m o r e s o , b u t it did s e e t h e flickerings of a n e w attitude o n t h e p a r t o f t h e g o v e r n m e n t t o w a r d s t h e i n t r a c t a b l e p r o b l e m s o f t h e traditional i n d u s t r i a l r e g i o n s . I n a d d i t i o n to t h e e n d i n g of t h e g o l d s t a n d a r d a n d t h e b e g i n n i n g s of p r o t e c t i o n i s m , l e g i s l a t i o n w a s e n a c t e d , w h i c h , t h o u g h l i m i t e d in e x t e n t at t h e t i m e , did p o i n t t h e w a y f o r w a r d to m o r e c o n s c i o u s r a t i o n a l i s a t i o n in t h e b a s i c i n d u s ­ tries. F u r t h e r h o r i z o n t a l i n t e g r a t i o n in c o a l m i n i n g a n d t h e b e g i n n i n g s of a m o v e t o w a r d s i n t e g r a t e d s t e e l p l a n t s w i t h t h e e x t e n s i v e m o d e r n i ­ s a t i o n at b o t h Cardiff a n d P o r t T a l b o t (as a r e s u l t o f t h e f o r m a t i o n of t h e G u e s t , K e e n a n d B a l d w i n s (British) C o m p a n y in 1 9 3 0 ) s p e l t p r o g r e s s in this d i r e c t i o n . T h e d e c i s i o n , in t h e light o f g o v e r n m e n t p r e s s u r e , t o c o n s t r u c t B r i t a i n ' s first i n t e g r a t e d s t e e l w o r k s at E b b w V a l e in t h e m i d - 1 9 3 0 s w a s , h o w e v e r , a c r u d e r e t r o g r a d e a t t e m p t at p u t t i n g t h e e c o n o m i c c l o c k b a c k for t h e s a k e o f social priorities, t h o u g h at t h e t i m e it w a s s e e n b y m a n y as t h e r e b i r t h o f t h e n o r t h e r n r i m of t h e coalfield. It w a s m o r e in t h e a t t r a c t i o n o f n e w i n d u s t r i e s i n t o W a l e s , or r a t h e r of l a y i n g t h e g r o u n d r u l e s for t h e future, t h a t t h e 1 9 3 0 s s a w t h e g o v e r n ­ m e n t s t e p i n t o t h e r e g i o n a l e c o n o m i c b r e a c h . A l t h o u g h it d i s a p p o i n t e d some contemporaries, and has been seen by subsequent commenta­ tors as b e i n g b o t h a t r o p h i e d a n d i n a d e q u a t e , t h e S p e c i a l A r e a s legisla­ t i o n o f 1 9 3 4 - 8 did m a r k t h e b e g i n n i n g s o f a n e w a p p r o a c h t o t h e p r o b l e m - of taking w o r k to the workers. T h e creation of the Treforest T r a d i n g E s t a t e in 1 9 3 6 , t h o u g h initially c o n c e r n e d l a r g e l y w i t h p r o v i d ­ i n g a h a v e n for r e f u g e e e n t r e p r e n e u r s f r o m C e n t r a l E u r o p e , p r o v e d b o t h a s y m b o l for t h e future a n d for t h e g r e a t e r diversification o f t h e S o u t h W a l e s coalfield, a n d in itself a h i g h l y attractive a n d c o n v e ­ n i e n t l o c a t i o n for n e w i n d u s t r i a l c o n c e r n s . It is n e v e r t h e l e s s i m p o r t a n t n o t to o v e r s t a t e t h e e x t e n t t o w h i c h i n d u s t r i a l diversification h a d m o d i ­ fied t h e i n d u s t r i a l c o m p l e x i o n o f W a l e s b e f o r e t h e 1 9 5 0 s . T h e b e g i n ­ n i n g s o f t h e r e c o v e r y of t h e W e l s h e c o n o m y h a d t o a w a i t t h e later 1930s and the mobilisation associated with the S e c o n d World War. I n d e e d w a r p r e p a r e d n e s s a n d t h e w a r y e a r s w e r e to a c h i e v e far m o r e for W a l e s ' s e c o n o m i c p r o g r e s s t h a n t h e c o m b i n e d efforts o f

62

Holloway, 'Inter-War Depression', pp. 4 9 - 8 5 .

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D. W. H O W E L L A N D C. B A B E R

market forces a n d g o v e r n m e n t h a d during the previous t w o d e c a d e s .

6 3

B e c a u s e o f its r e l a t i v e l y i s o l a t e d l o c a t i o n W a l e s p r o v i d e d a r e a l attrac­ t i o n for a v a r i e d r a n g e o f i n d u s t r i e s w h i c h s o u g h t r e f u g e f r o m H i t l e r ' s bombers, a trend e n h a n c e d b y the establishment of a n u m b e r of Royal O r d n a n c e Factories in various locations. T h e w a r also o c c a s i o n e d a r e s u r g e n c e i n t h e d e m a n d for t h e p r o d u c t s o f t h e o l d b a s i c i n d u s t r i e s , particularly coal a n d steel, as the n e e d to manufacture ever m o r e quan­ tities o f a r m a m e n t s a n d f i g h t i n g v e h i c l e s a n d m a c h i n e s

mounted.

F e m a l e e m p l o y m e n t , w h i c h in W a l e s h a d traditionally b e e n limited d u e l a r g e l y to t h e ' h e a v y ' n a t u r e o f i n d u s t r y , s i g n i f i c a n t l y i n c r e a s e d as t h e l o s s o f m e n to t h e a r m e d f o r c e s c o u p l e d w i t h t h e m o r e v a r i e d (lighter) i n d u s t r i a l r e q u i r e m e n t s s u d d e n l y c r e a t e d a n e n t i r e l y different e m p l o y m e n t situation. In e s s e n c e the war dispelled the m y t h that W a l e s w a s in e c o n o m i c terms a 'finished p l a c e ' . T h e e n d i n g o f h o s t i l i t i e s i n 1 9 4 5 s a w a v e r y different e c o n o m i c f u t u r e a h e a d c o m p a r e d e v e n to that w h i c h h a d b e e n apparent only eight years earlier. In particular the i m m e d i a t e p o s t w a r years s a w a scarcity in labour supply nationally w h i c h h e l p e d to e n s u r e the direction of n e w i n d u s t r i e s to W a l e s . I n d u s t r i a l p r o s p e c t s w e r e i n d e e d b r i g h t a s the British e c o n o m y expressed an excess d e m a n d

for

productive

resources and W a l e s w a s able to supply ample reserves of the k e y factor i n critically s h o r t s u p p l y . I n a d d i t i o n , t h e b e g i n n i n g s o f t h e rationalisation of the basic industries w h i c h w e r e to b e a leading factor in the following decades w a s w i t n e s s e d with the c o m p l e t i o n of the m a m m o t h s t e e l strip mill at P o r t T a l b o t i n 1 9 5 1 .

6 4

It h a s b e e n e m p h a s i s e d t h a t i n d u s t r i a l a n d c o m m e r c i a l d e v e l o p m e n t saw the growth of towns and ports; indeed, the pattern of settlement in south-east W a l e s w a s influenced m o r e b y industrialisation

than

b y a n y o t h e r f a c t o r . T w o m a i n t y p e s o f s e t t l e m e n t w e r e to g r o w u p i n t h e late e i g h t e e n t h a n d e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s : first, t h e i r o n t o w n s w h i c h in 1840 generally varied in population b e t w e e n 4,000 a n d 10,000 a n d c o m p r i s e d a line of 'manufacturing or m i n i n g c a m p s ' stretching eastwards from Hirwaun along the bare northern outcrop of t h e coalfield t o i n c l u d e A b e r d a r e , M e r t h y r , P e n y d a r r e n , D o w l a i s , Rhymney, Tredegar, Sirhowy, E b b w Vale, Nantyglo and Blaenafon. Their rate of population increase h a d b e e n nothing less than p h e n o m e ­ nal - faster t h a n in m o s t other areas of E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s - M e r t h y r 63

D. A. Thomas, 'War and the Economy: The South Wales Experience', in Baber

64

B. Thomas, 'Post-War Expansion', in Thomas, ed., The Welsh Economy, pp. 30-54.

and Williams, eds., Modern South Wales, pp. 251-77.

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g r o w i n g f r o m a h a m l e t in 1 7 5 0 i n t o a t o w n o f 7 , 7 0 5 b y 1 8 0 1 , s o o u t s t r i p ­ p i n g S w a n s e a , a n d , in 1 8 3 1 , w i t h 2 7 , 0 0 0 p e o p l e , w a s t w i c e as l a r g e a s t h e latter a n d f o u r t i m e s t h e s i z e o f Cardiff. T h e i r o n w o r k s c o m ­ prised the nucleus of each settlement around which grew up a cluster of w o r k m e n ' s s t o n e h o u s e s built in r o w s , s o m e t i m e s t w o to five d e e p , a n d , for w a n t o f a n y o t h e r s p a c e , t h e s e r o w s o f t e r r a c e s r a n l o n g i t u d i ­ nally along the steep valley sides. T h e s e c o n d type of settlement on t h e ' B l a c k D o m a i n ' w a s t h e c o l l i e r y v i l l a g e to t h e s o u t h o f t h e i r o n towns; containing only a few h u n d r e d people, they were smaller than t h e i r o n t o w n s a n d h e a l t h i e r p l a c e s to live i n .

6D

T h e e x p l o i t a t i o n o f t h e s t e a m c o a l s e a m s in t h e e a s t e r n p a r t o f t h e coalfield f r o m t h e 1 8 5 0 s l e d to t h e rise o f m a n y n e w t o w n s a n d p o r t s . The

largest

and

most

colourful

coalfield

community

was

the

' R h o n d d a ' , w h e r e the savage w i n n i n g of steam coal from the mid18608 m e a n t t h a t t h e p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e d f r o m u n d e r 1,000 in 1 8 5 1 to o v e r 1 5 2 , 0 0 0 b y 1 9 1 1 . I n p a r t i c u l a r , t h e y e a r s o f t h e c o a l b o o m b e t w e e n 1881 and 1911 saw the population nearly treble, a p h e n o m e nol

increase which

produced

chronic overcrowding.

Whole

new

m i n i n g c o m m u n i t i e s d e v e l o p e d a r o u n d t h e s p a t e o f pits t h a t w e r e b e i n g i n c r e a s i n g l y o p e n e d u p , c o m m u n i t i e s like M a e r d y , F e r n d a l e , Tylorstown, Treherbert, Treorchy, Tonypandy, Porth, Pentre

and

L l w y n y p i a . If l e s s s p e c t a c u l a r l y , t o w n s a n d v i l l a g e s a l i k e , for e x a m p l e , B a r g o e d , g r e w u p in t h e o t h e r n a r r o w r i v e r v a l l e y s t h a t s l i c e d t h r o u g h t h e c e n t r a l a n d e a s t e r n p a r t s o f t h e coalfield p l a t e a u , v a l l e y s w h i c h i n c l u d e d N e a t h , A f a n , G a r w , O g m o r e , Llynfi, C y n o n , Taff, R h y m n e y a n d E b b w . A s w e shall see, the terraces climbing up the slopes of t h e s e v a l l e y s , for all t h e i r m o n o t o n y a n d d r a b n e s s , c o n t a i n e d h o u s e s that w e r e a distinct i m p r o v e m e n t on the t w o - r o o m e d cottages of the earlier i r o n t o w n s .

6 6

T h e fact t h a t b y 1 8 7 1 Cardiff ( i n c l u d i n g Llandaff) w i t h a p o p u l a t i o n of 5 6 , 9 1 1 h a d o v e r t a k e n M e r t h y r in s i z e to b e c o m e t h e l a r g e s t W e l s h t o w n is a r e f l e c t i o n o f t h e shift o f t h e c e n t r e o f g r a v i t y in t h e S o u t h W a l e s e c o n o m y to c o a l m i n i n g . B e t w e e n 1 8 5 1 a n d 1 9 1 1 C a r d i f f ' s 65

66

J. W. England, 'The Inheritance', in G. Humphrys, Industrial Britain, South Wales (Newton Abbot, 1972), pp. 17-18; Minutes of the Committee of Council on Education, Part II, App. II, Commissioners of Inquiry into the State of Elementary Education in the Mining District of South Wales, PP 1840, XI; D. J. V. Jones, The Last Rising (Oxford, 1984), pp. 13-15; idem, Before Rebecca, pp. 86-7; Carter, Towns of Wales, pp. 308-11; G. A. Williams, The Merthyr Rising (1978), pp. 26-7. England, 'The Inheritance', pp. 20-3; Morris and Williams, South Wales Coal Industry, p. 115; K. S. Hopkins, ed., Rhondda Past and Future (Rhondda Borough Council, 1975), p. I l l ; Carter, Towns of Wales, pp. 312-13, 322.

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D. W. HOWELL AND C. BABER

n i n e - f o l d r a t e o f g r o w t h f r o m 2 0 , 0 0 0 to 1 8 2 , 0 0 0 w a s u n u s u a l l y r a p i d a n d , i n d e e d , w a s o n l y s u r p a s s e d in B r i t a i n b y M i d d l e s b r o u g h . I n t h e l a t e r d e c a d e s o f t h e c e n t u r y Cardiff e m e r g e d b o t h as t h e l e a d i n g p o r t in t h e e a s t e r n h a l f o f t h e coalfield - it w a s , i n d e e d , t h e l a r g e s t c o a l - e x p o r t i n g p o r t in t h e w o r l d - a n d t h e u n r i v a l l e d c o m m e r c i a l c e n t r e . O t h e r c o a s t a l p o r t s e i t h e r d e v e l o p e d for t h e first t i m e o r g r e w a p a c e t o c a t e r for t h e h u g e d e m a n d

for S o u t h W a l e s c o a l : t h u s

a d d i t i o n a l d o c k s to t h o s e at C a r d i f f w e r e c o n s t r u c t e d at B a r r y , w h i c h g r e w i n t o a t o w n f o l l o w i n g t h e o p e n i n g o f t h e first d o c k in 1 8 8 9 s o t h a t its p o p u l a t i o n o f j u s t 5 0 0 i n 1 8 8 1 h a d g r o w n r a p i d l y t o 3 3 , 7 6 3 in 1 9 1 1 , at P e n a r t h , w h e r e a d o c k w a s o p e n e d in 1 8 6 5 , at S w a n s e a a n d at N e w p o r t , f r o m w h i c h last t w o p o r t s c o a l h a d , o f c o u r s e , b e e n s h i p p e d in s i z e a b l e a m o u n t s f r o m t h e e a r l y c e n t u r y . T h e p o r t s a n d t h e m u l t i t u d e o f c o a l - m i n i n g v i l l a g e s , l i n k e d b y t h e a l l - i m p o r t a n t rail­ w a y s , t h o u g h p o l e s a p a r t i n t e r m s o f social a n d u r b a n s o p h i s t i c a t i o n , were inextricably united by c o m m o n economic interests.

67

In t h e w e s t e r n p a r t o f t h e S o u t h W a l e s coalfield t h e i n d u s t r i a l t o w n s of S w a n s e a , M o r r i s t o n a n d L l a n e l l i g r e w o n t h e f o u n d a t i o n s o f t h e t h r i v i n g c o p p e r i n d u s t r y a n d t h e a s s o c i a t e d e x p l o i t a t i o n o f c o a l for smelting purposes. Fortunately, the impact of the decline of the copper industry from the 1860s o n the area w a s eased b y the development of t i n p l a t e m a n u f a c t u r e a n d t h e r e n o w d e v e l o p e d in t h e late n i n e ­ teenth century a n u m b e r of self-contained tinplate townships. Besides the

largest,

Llanelli,

others

included

Pontardulais,

Morriston,

G o r s e i n o n , P o n t a r d a w e , B r i t o n F e r r y , N e a t h a n d P o r t T a l b o t . A s little t e c h n o l o g i c a l c h a n g e o c c u r r e d w i t h i n t h e t i n p l a t e i n d u s t r y in t h i s region d o w n to the 1950s t h e s e t o w n s h i p s retained m a n y of their t r a d i t i o n a l , l a r g e l y rural, m o d e s o f l i f e .

68

T h e exploitation of the anthracite s e a m s of the w e s t e r n part of the coalfield f r o m t h e last q u a r t e r o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y w i t n e s s e d t h e e x p a n s i o n o f s m a l l rural v i l l a g e s i n t o l a r g e r m i n i n g v i l l a g e s (in s o m e o f w h i c h t i n p l a t e w o r k s w e r e also l o c a t e d ) . I n t h e s e m i n i n g a r e a s o f t h e w e s t e r n coalfield t h e v a l l e y s , like t h e A m m a n a n d t h e G w e n d r a e t h , w e r e w i d e r a n d , in c o n t r a s t to t h e r i b b o n d e v e l o p m e n t further e a s t w a r d s , t h e v i l l a g e s w e r e c l e a r l y p h y s i c a l l y s e p a r a t e d f r o m 67

68

M. J. Daunton, Coal Metropolis: Cardiff, 1870-1914 (Leicester, 1977), pp. 11, 33ff; England, T h e Inheritance', pp. 23-4; D. Moore, ed., Barry: The Centenary Book, 2nd edn (Barry, 1985), pp. 211, 271-2; Morgan, Rebirth, pp. 66-7. W. E . Minchinton, ed., Industrial South Wales, 1750-1914 (1969), pp. xxiv-xxx; England, 'The Inheritance', pp. 22-3; T. Brennan, E . W. Cooney and H. Pollins, eds., Social Change in South-West Wales (1954), pp. 13-17.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

Wales o n e a n o t h e r . T h e s e s m a l l pit v i l l a g e s w e r e c l o s e l y i n t e g r a t e d

313 with

the surrounding pastoral farming e c o n o m y - indeed, not u n c o m m o n l y a m i n e r w a s a s m a l l h o l d e r - a n d as s u c h w e shall s e e t h a t t h e t e m p o of life w a s s l o w e r a n d m o r e c o n g e n i a l .

6 9

T h e s e i n d u s t r i a l t o w n s a n d v i l l a g e s w e r e in l a r g e m e a s u r e p e o p l e d b y m i g r a n t s f r o m o u t s i d e t h e v i c i n i t y . A s o n t h e o t h e r coalfields o f Britain, the bulk of the unskilled labour w h i c h c o m p r i s e d the greater p a r t o f t h e l a b o u r f o r c e w a s d r a w n in f r o m t h e n e i g h b o u r i n g a g r i c u l ­ tural c o u n t i e s - p a r t i c u l a r l y f r o m C a r m a r t h e n s h i r e ,

Pembrokeshire,

Cardiganshire and Brecknockshire - and from the Vale of G l a m o r g a n itself, b u t s o m e c a m e f r o m t h e n e i g h b o u r i n g E n g l i s h c o u n t i e s o f Staffordshire, Shropshire, Gloucestershire, S o m e r s e t and Hereford­ shire.

70

M o s t W e l s h m i g r a n t s in t h e late n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y w e n t t o t h e W e l s h c o a l - m i n i n g v a l l e y s a n d n o t to t h e c o a s t a l p o r t s like Cardiff a n d S w a n s e a , w h e r e a s , o n t h e w h o l e , t h e p o s i t i o n w a s r e v e r s e d for English migrants.

T h i s c o n c e n t r a t i o n of W e l s h i n c o m e r s w a s

to

influence crucially the survival of a distinctive W e l s h culture in the m i n i n g c o m m u n i t i e s d o w n to t h e 1 8 8 0 s a n d b e y o n d . E q u a l l y signifi­ c a n t for t h e s u r v i v a l o f t h e l a n g u a g e is t h e fact t h a t b e t w e e n 1 9 0 1 and 1911 an u n p r e c e d e n t e d n u m b e r of n o n - W e l s h migrants

found

t h e i r w a y to t h e p r e d o m i n a n t l y ' W e l s h ' c o a l - m i n i n g v a l l e y s o f G l a m o r ­ gan. T h e coming of y o u n g English migrants, too, certainly h a d some­ t h i n g to d o w i t h t h e c h a n g i n g c l i m a t e o f l a b o u r r e l a t i o n s after 1 8 9 8 . B y w a y o f c o n t r a s t , m i g r a n t s t o t h e a n t h r a c i t e pit v i l l a g e s o f t h e w e s t ­ e r n p a r t o f t h e coalfield c o n t i n u e d t h r o u g h o u t to b e d r a w n f r o m n e i g h ­ bouring W e l s h c o m m u n i t i e s , English migrants rarely penetrating so far w e s t w a r d s . O n e o t h e r a s p e c t o f t h i s m i g r a t i o n w a s to h a v e i m p o r t ­ a n t s o c i a l i m p l i c a t i o n s , n a m e l y , t h e influx o f t h e Irish e l e m e n t o n t o t h e coalfield, w h o differed in t h e i r r e l i g i o n a n d w h o l l y different s t a n ­ d a r d o f life. T h e y s e t t l e d m a i n l y in t h e i r o n - m i n i n g c e n t r e s a n d t h e ports.

7 1

I n d u s t r i a l d e v e l o p m e n t o u t s i d e t h e S o u t h W a l e s coalfield a l s o s a w the e m e r g e n c e of t o w n s . T h u s in A n g l e s e y , A m l w c h g r e w up as a result of the important c o p p e r industry b a s e d o n the Parys a n d M o n a m i n e s a n d in C a e r n a r f o n s h i r e a n d M e r i o n e t h t h e t o w n s o f B e t h e s d a 69 70 71

Brennan et al., eds., Social Change, pp. 15-17. Minchinton, ed., Industrial South Wales, p. xvi; John, Industrial Development, p. 63. B. Thomas, 'The Industrial Revolution and the Welsh Language', in Baber and Williams, eds., Modern South Wales, pp. 16-17; Brennan et al., eds., Social Change, p. 14; John, Industrial Development, p. 68; Jones, The Last Rising, pp. 2 0 - 1 .

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314

D. W. HOWELL AND C. BABER

a n d B l a e n a u F f e s t i n i o g g r e w u p as slate t o w n s . B o t h t h e slate a n d c o p p e r i n d u s t r i e s w e r e e a r l y capitalist m o d e s o f p r o d u c t i o n a n d d e v e ­ l o p e d p r e c i s e l y b e c a u s e t h i s a r e a o f G w y n e d d w a s not r e m o t e , g o o d c o m m u n i c a t i o n s i n t i m a t e l y l i n k i n g it t o t h e a d v a n c e d e c o n o m y o f south Lancashire and north Cheshire. Further east, the t o w n s of W r e x ­ h a m a n d Flint w e r e b o t h given i m p e t u s b y the c o m i n g of industry a n d H o l y w e l l p a r a l l e l e d M e r t h y r Tydfil, g r o w i n g u p f r o m a v e r y s m a l l s e t t l e m e n t to b e c o m i n g t h e c e n t r e o f t h e textile a n d industries

of the Flintshire section of the North

metallurgical

W a l e s coalfield.

S m a l l e r c o l l i e r y v i l l a g e s a l s o g r e w u p , like R u a b o n , B r y m b o , G w e r syllt, Bagillt, C o e d T a l o n a n d R h o s l l a n e r c h r u g o g . The

7 2

g r o w t h o f i n d u s t r i a l t o w n s a n d cities, t o g e t h e r w i t h r a i l w a y

c o m m u n i c a t i o n , a l s o s t i m u l a t e d t h e r i s e o f W e l s h h o l i d a y r e s o r t s . It w a s t h e N o r t h W a l e s c o a s t w h i c h w a s to d e v e l o p i n t o W a l e s ' s p r e m i e r h o l i d a y a r e a , a c c e s s i b l e as it w a s to b e c o m e t o t h e i n d u s t r i a l m a s s e s of B i r m i n g h a m a n d M e r s e y s i d e b y t h e c o m p l e t i o n o f t h e C h e s t e r to H o l y h e a d railway in 1848, and unspoiled, too, b y neighbouring indus­ trial w o r k i n g s . L l a n d u d n o , C o l w y n B a y a n d R h y l w e r e all to b e c o m e important resorts. T o u r i s m developed to a lesser extent along the C a r d i g a n B a y c o a s t l i n e , n o t a b l y at A b e r y s t w y t h , a n d , in t h e s o u t h ­ w e s t , at T e n b y . F u r t h e r e a s t , P o r t h c a w l a n d B a r r y r a p i d l y e x p a n d e d i n t h e last q u a r t e r o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . Rail c o m m u n i c a t i o n a l s o s a w Llandrindod Wells, and, to a lesser extent, Llanwrtyd a n d Llang a m m a r c h , r e a c h p o p u l a r i t y in t h e late n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y .

7 3

F i n a l l y t h e q u e s t i o n m u s t b e r a i s e d w h e t h e r t h e r e w e r e a n y signifi­ cant social a n d cultural factors w h i c h help explain w h y S o u t h W a l e s r e m a i n e d simply an exporter of coal, pig iron, sheet steel a n d tinplate for o t h e r s t o p r o c e s s a n d failed t o d e v e l o p s e c o n d a r y

engineering

i n d u s t r i e s for m u c h o f t h i s p e r i o d . T h e b a s i c e x p l a n a t i o n , let it b e s t r e s s e d , l a y in t h e a b s e n c e o f a n i n d u s t r i a l t r a d i t i o n i n S o u t h W a l e s . T h u s M e r t h y r failed to e s t a b l i s h m a n u f a c t u r i n g

industries because

t h e r e q u i s i t e e x i s t i n g l a b o u r skills for t h e v a r i o u s m e t a l t r a d e s w e r e l a c k i n g , l o c a l c a p i t a l w a s u n a v a i l a b l e for s m a l l o r n e w firms g i v e n t h a t n o l o c a l financial a g e n c i e s w e r e t o h a n d a n d t h a t i r o n m a s t e r s t o o k n o interest in developing other industries, a n d e v e n h a d there b e e n access to capital the relative a b s e n c e of ' m i d d l i n g ' social categories

72

73

Jones, 'Class and Society', pp. 199-214; Carter, Towns of Wales, pp. 62, 74, 331-2. W. J. Anthony-Jones, 'The Tourist Industry in Wales', Welsh Anvil, 3 - 4 (1951-2), pp. 101-4.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

Wales

315

b e t w e e n w o r k e r s a n d the handful of capitalist families told against t h e e m e r g e n c e o f e n t r e p r e n e u r s . I n t h i s last r e s p e c t , o f c o u r s e , a s o c i a l factor d i d to s o m e e x t e n t r e t a r d d e v e l o p m e n t o f m a n u f a c t u r i n g i n d u s ­ tries. W h a t h a d h a p p e n e d in the case of the iron industry h e l d g o o d l a t e r o n for c o a l , t i n p l a t e a n d s t e e l , for a l t h o u g h i n t h e c a s e o f c o a l the e n t r e p r e n e u r s (and capital) w e r e d r a w n from within S o u t h W a l e s yet t h e y , t o o , l o o k e d for t h e g r e a t e s t a n d m o s t i m m e d i a t e profits w h i c h w e r e p a t e n t l y y i e l d e d b y t h e h e a v y i n d u s t r i e s , a n d s o t h e y , like t h e early ironmasters, neglected the d e v e l o p m e n t of other industry. In considering

Cardiff's

failure

to b e c o m e a m a n u f a c t u r i n g

centre,

e s p e c i a l l y for s h i p b u i l d i n g , M . J . D a u n t o n p o i n t s to t h e p o r t h a v i n g e n j o y e d m a n y advantages over M e r t h y r in the supply of resources, b u t , for all t h a t , ' i t s d e v e l o p m e n t . . . w a s f u n d a m e n t a l l y c o n s t r a i n e d b y t h e earlier failure o f M e r t h y r to b r e a k w i t h t h e e s t a b l i s h e d p a t ­ tern'.

7 4

W h e n c o n s i d e r a t i o n is g i v e n to w h e t h e r c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s p l a y e d a p a r t i n all t h i s , a n u m b e r o f p o s s i b i l i t i e s h a v e b e e n s u g g e s t e d . T h e W e l s h a r e a p e o p l e , it h a s b e e n c l a i m e d , w i t h a t a l e n t for t a l k i n g r a t h e r t h a n d o i n g , e x c e l l i n g r a t h e r as t e a c h e r s , p r e a c h e r s , p o l i t i c i a n s , actors a n d singers t h a n as b u s i n e s s m e n . J . W . E n g l a n d has s u g g e s t e d t h a t : 'It m a y b e t h a t [this] n a t i o n a l t e m p e r a m e n t , t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e conservatism of a peasant people, the other-worldly influence of the c h a p e l , t h e e d u c a t i o n a l s y s t e m , a n d t h e e g a l i t a r i a n spirit o f W e l s h s o c i e t y , h a v e c o m b i n e d to g i v e t h e p r o f e s s i o n s a s t a t u s a b o v e m e r e " b u s i n e s s " in S o u t h W a l e s . ' D r a w i n g o n W . E . M i n c h i n t o n ' s s t u d y , h e p r o c e e d s t o a r g u e t h a t c u l t u r a l c o n s t r a i n t s s e e m to h a v e p l a y e d a significant r o l e in t h e t i n p l a t e a r e a o f w e s t S o u t h W a l e s u n t i l w e l l into the 1930s, the small local investors there allegedly lacking the s i n g l e m i n d e d n e s s a n d aggression of the typically successful entrepre­ n e u r in t h e i r l o o k i n g to t h e w o r k s a s a s e c u r i t y for c a p i t a l r a t h e r t h a n a s a m e a n s o f m a k i n g p r o f i t s . If t h e s e a r e i n t r i g u i n g c l a i m s , t h e y n e v e r t h e l e s s , i n s o m e r e s p e c t s at l e a s t , n e e d t o b e v i e w e d w i t h s o m e scepticism. In particular, E n g l a n d ' s contention that 'religion w a s a c a u s e w h i c h a t t r a c t e d m u c h m o n e y [in t h e w a y o f c h a p e l b u i l d i n g a n d m a i n t e n a n c e ] w h i c h o t h e r w i s e m i g h t h a v e b e e n a v a i l a b l e for i n d u s t r i a l i n v e s t m e n t ' is difficult t o a c c e p t . A g a i n , if h i s r e f e r e n c e t o t h e W e l s h e d u c a t i o n a l s y s t e m is t o a n e x t e n t v a l i d i n s o f a r a s t h e

74

Daunton, Coal Metropolis, p. 52; England, 'The Inheritance', p. 32.

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D. W. HOWELL AND C. BABER

preoccupation of the n e w system of W e l s h intermediate schools from the 1890s with narrow academic-based examination results - which in t h e e y e s o f n o n c o n f o r m i s t p a r e n t s a f f o r d e d t h e s w e e t p r o s p e c t o f e n t r y to t h e w h i t e - c o l l a r p r o f e s s i o n s w h i c h b e s t o w e d s t a t u s a n d s e c u r ­ ity - l e d to t h e n e g l e c t o f t h e n e e d s o f t h e l o c a l e c o n o m y a n d c o m ­ m u n i t y a n d s o failed t o r a i s e ' W e l s h b o y s a n d girls to b e l e a d e r s a n d pioneers in science, industry a n d c o m m e r c e ' , yet the nineteenth-cen­ t u r y e d u c a t i o n a l s y s t e m w a s n o t w h o l l y u n s u i t e d for t r a i n i n g c h i l d r e n for c a r e e r s in i n d u s t r y . F o r t h e l a r g e r a n d m o r e i m p o r t a n t o f t h e c o p p e r a n d iron ' w o r k s s c h o o l s ' provided instruction in unusually a d v a n c e d s u b j e c t s like l a n d s u r v e y i n g , a l g e b r a , g e o m e t r y a n d c h e m i s t r y .

7 5

W h e n w e turn to e x a m i n i n g the social structure of the industrial c o m m u n i t i e s w e m o v e o v e r to a different w o r l d , for w h i l e t h e rural s o c i e t i e s w e r e stratified h i e r a r c h i c a l l y i n t o e s t a t e s a n d , d o w n t o t h e 1 8 7 0 s at l e a s t , d e f e r e n c e w o r k e d a s o c i a l h a r m o n y b e t w e e n u n e q u a l g r o u p s , i n t h e t o w n s c o m m u n i t i e s w e r e stratified a l o n g c l a s s l i n e s a n d class consciousness informed relationships.

76

The upper classes

in the iron t o w n s c o m p r i s e d a d o z e n English families, s o m e living a w a y f r o m t h e coalfield, w h o e x e r c i s e d a t i g h t c o n t r o l o v e r t h e i r w o r k ­ force. In contrast to the smaller sale-coal villages southwards, w h i c h w e r e e s s e n t i a l l y o n e - c l a s s s e t t l e m e n t s , t h e r e e x i s t e d in t h e i r o n t o w n s a m o r e c o m p l e x middle class, small in n u m b e r s a n d largely d r a w n from outside, which included tradesmen, engineers, works managers, surgeons and Anglican clergymen, w h o occupied houses of 'decent exterior'. Beneath t h e m came the mining population, most of t h e m W e l s h b y birth and speech, t h o u g h s o m e , w e have seen, were immi­ grants from outside. T h e y were certainly not a h o m o g e n e o u s work­ f o r c e : i r o n w o r k e r s w e r e d i v i d e d i n t o a w h o l e c o m p l e x o f differing craft g r o u p s e a c h w i t h its o w n w a g e a n d s t a t u s a n d s e p a r a t e h o u s i n g quarters, while there was, too, a fundamental division of working and

living conditions

and

consequent

separation

of outlook

as

b e t w e e n t h o s e w h o w o r k e d for t h e i r o n c o m p a n i e s o n t h e o n e h a n d a n d the sale-coal colliers o n t h e other. B e s i d e s the generally bitter feelings harboured b y this workforce towards their employers, a point to w h i c h w e shall return later, the ethnic differences within the work-

England, T h e Inheritance', p. 30; G. Perrie Williams, Welsh Education in Sunlight and Shadow (1916), pp. 2 4 - 5 ; G. E . Jones, Controls and Conflict in Welsh Secondary Education, 1889-1944 (Cardiff, 1982), pp. 66, 72-4; L . Wynne Evans, Education in Industrial Wales, 1700-1900 (Cardiff, 1971). Jones, Explorations and Explanations, p. 286; Morgan, Rebirth, p. 10.

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ing population w a s also an important source of tension a n d troubled t h e a u t h o r i t i e s . I n p a r t i c u l a r , anti-Irish f e e l i n g w a s r a m p a n t , e s p e c i a l l y during the opening and closing years of the 1 8 4 0 s .

7 7

Certain distinctive features about the social structure of the eastern steam coal mining valley communities from the mid-nineteenth cen­ tury n e e d highlighting. D o w n to the 1880s the u p p e r class of coalowners,

unlike

the

earlier i r o n m a s t e r s ,

were

mostly

Welshmen,

f r e q u e n t l y n o n c o n f o r m i s t , r e s i d e n t a n d , t o s o m e e x t e n t at l e a s t , p a t e r ­ nalistic. F r o m t h e 1 8 8 0 s , h o w e v e r , t h e y w e r e to p l a y a n i n c r e a s i n g l y d i m i n i s h i n g r o l e in t h e l o c a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n a n d g o v e r n m e n t o f t h e coalfield, m a n y m o v i n g a w a y f r o m t h e c o l l i e r i e s to l i v e , a n d ,

with

the growth of c o m b i n e s , they b e c a m e increasingly remote from coal­ field s o c i e t y . B e n e a t h t h e m a s t e r s t h e r e w a s e m e r g i n g i n t h e l a t e r d e c a d e s o f t h e c e n t u r y , a s in B r i t a i n g e n e r a l l y , a m o r e

developed

m i d d l e c l a s s o f s m a l l b u s i n e s s m e n , s h o p k e e p e r s , m e r c h a n t s , solici­ tors, journalists, accountants, surgeons, bankers and nonconformist ministers, typically inhabiting large terraced h o u s e s with b a y w i n d o w s a n d k e e p i n g s e r v a n t s . T h i s n e w m i d d l e c l a s s in i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y w a s i m m e a s u r a b l y s t r e n g t h e n e d b y t h e e d u c a t i o n a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s afforded by the Forster Education Act of 1870. In what, indeed,

amounted

to a s o c i a l r e v o l u t i o n in t e r m s o f t h e e m e r g e n c e o f a n e w , t h r u s t i n g elite, t h e y c a m e to h o l d influential p u b l i c p o s i t i o n s i n t h e e x p a n d i n g domains of sanitation, public health, education and the like, and pro­ vided the leadership of the Liberal party in S o u t h W a l e s . W e shall s e e h o w in t h e m i d d l e a n d l a t e r d e c a d e s o f t h e c e n t u r y , u n l i k e t h e earlier C h a r t i s t p h a s e , t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s c a m e t o e s p o u s e a s i m i l a r o u t l o o k t o t h a t o f t h e m i d d l e c l a s s e s a n d to c o - o p e r a t e c l o s e l y w i t h t h e i r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s in p a r l i a m e n t a r y a n d l o c a l p o l i t i c s . A p a r t f r o m 7

the realm of workers trade unions towards which the middle classes grew increasingly unsympathetic, the convergence of the two classes w a s to b e m a r k e d ; i n d e e d , a s I. G . J o n e s a r g u e s , in t h e crucial a r e a of p u b l i c h e a l t h t h e l o w e r c l a s s e s , g i v e n t h e q u a l i f i c a t i o n s for e l e c t i o n t o a l o c a l b o a r d b e f o r e 1 8 8 2 , h a d n o c h o i c e b u t to c o - o p e r a t e w i t h enlightened m e m b e r s of the middle and professional classes, such 7

as w e r e t o b e f o u n d n o t i c e a b l y s o in Cardiff a m o n g its ' w h a r f g e n t r y , S w a n s e a ( w h o s e middle class w a s less wealthy t h a n Cardiff's) and,

Jones, The Last Rising, pp. 16-21; G. L. Williams, 'Plutocrats and Proletarians' (unpublished MA thesis, University of Wales, 1984), pp. 41-2; State of Elementary

Education in South Wales, PP1840; John, Industrial Development, p. 68.

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D. W. H O W E L L A N D C. B A B E R

t o a l e s s e r e x t e n t , N e w p o r t . O n l y i n t h e y e a r s after 1 9 0 0 w a s t h i s L i b e r a l c o n s e n s u s ( s l o w l y at first) t o d i s i n t e g r a t e .

78

In t h e i r o n t o w n s t h e collier h a d b e l o n g e d t o b u t o n e o c c u p a t i o n a l g r o u p a m o n g s e v e r a l , s u c h as t h o s e o f t h e s k i l l e d i r o n w o r k e r a n d t h e i r o n - s t o n e m i n e r . H e n c e h e h a d t e n d e d to p r o v i d e h i s o w n f o r m s of s o c i a l r e l a x a t i o n a n d s e l f - i m p r o v e m e n t , l i v i n g in h i s o w n n e i g h b o u r ­ h o o d s a n d having his o w n p u b s a n d friendly societies. In contrast in t h e n e w c o l l i e r y v i l l a g e s o n e c o m m u n i t y o f colliers w a s t h e n o r m . Not

that

hierarchical differences

in t h e

workforce were

thereby

n e g a t e d ; o n t h e c o n t r a r y , t h e collier p r i d e d h i m s e l f o n h i s skill a n d felt s u p e r i o r t o t h e d a y - w a g e m e n a s r e p a i r e r s a n d h a u l i e r s . T h u s if t h e d a n g e r o u s w o r k o f t h e c o l l i e r i e s t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e i r s m a l l n e s s of s i z e n u r t u r e d a s t r o n g s e n s e o f c o m m u n i t y , a n d if it is l e g i t i m a t e to p e r c e i v e t h e s e c o l l i e r y c o m m u n i t i e s as ' w o r k i n g c l a s s ' , t h e r e w e r e n e v e r t h e l e s s s u b t l e s t a t u s d i f f e r e n c e s , r e l a t i v e g r a d a t i o n s in t h e s o c i a l hierarchy

that

w e r e intuitively c o m p r e h e n d e d

and

sought

after.

C h a p e l offices w e r e in t h i s w a y k e e n l y a s p i r e d t o , a n d t h e p r e v a l e n c e in t h e s e v i l l a g e s o f h o m e o w n e r s h i p , as d i s t i n c t f r o m t e n a n c y o f h o u s e s i n t h e earlier i r o n t o w n s , facilitated t h e e x p r e s s i o n o f t h e s e g r a d e s of r e s p e c t a b i l i t y . I n t h e s e collier v i l l a g e s , t o o , t h e r e w a s l e s s availability of a l t e r n a t i v e e m p l o y m e n t t h a n in t h e i r o n t o w n s . A n d w h e n a fall-off i n t r a d e stilled t h e c o l l i e r y h o o t e r all m e m b e r s o f t h e c o m m u n i t y j o i n t l y s u f f e r e d a n d s h a r e d p r i v a t i o n , n o t j u s t t h o s e o f o n e o c c u p a t i o n or inhabitants of o n e section of the t o w n .

7 9

T h e s e v a l l e y t o w n s a l s o differed in s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e f r o m t h a t w h i c h o b t a i n e d in t h e c o a s t a l p o r t s . T h e l a t t e r w e r e g e n e r a l l y d e v o i d o f a n industrial b a s e a n d their workforce w a s mainly occupied in servicing a n d i n t r a n s p o r t i n g m i n e r a l s p r o d u c e d in t h e v a l l e y s . A s s u c h t h e y w e r e t o s h o w a different r e s p o n s e t o e c o n o m i c f l u c t u a t i o n s f r o m t h a t e n g e n d e r e d a m o n g the industrial valley c o m m u n i t i e s . T h e society of the

ports

was,

t o o , far m o r e

anglicised and

cosmopolitan

than

(especially d o w n to the 1880s) the predominantly W e l s h c o m m u n i t i e s of i r o n t o w n s a n d c o a l - m i n i n g v i l l a g e s a l i k e . It will b e s h o w n later 78

79

L. J. Williams, 'The Coalowners', in Smith, ed., A People and a Proletariat, pp. 106ff; Morgan, Rebirth, pp. 68-9; Jones, Explorations and Explanations, pp. 289-90; idem, 'The People's Health in Mid-Victorian Wales', Transactions of the Cymmrodorion Society (1984), pp. 146-7; N. Evans, 'The Welsh Victorian City: The Middle Class and Civic and National Consciousness in Cardiff', Welsh History Review, 12 (1985). I. G. Jones, 'The South Wales Collier in Mid-Nineteenth Century', in Victorian South Wales Architecture, Industry and Society (Victorian Society 7th Conference Report, 1969), pp. 34-51; idem, 'The Valleys: The Making of a Community', in P. H. Ballard and E. Jones, eds., The Valleys Call (Ferndale, 1975), pp. 55-67.

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h o w t h e a n g l i c i s e d n a t u r e o f t h e p o r t s w a s to h a v e p r o f o u n d i m p l i ­ c a t i o n s for t h e f o r t u n e s o f C y m r u F y d d in t h e 1 8 9 0 s . Cardiff in 1 9 1 1 - p r o s p e r o u s as t h e ' C h i c a g o o f W a l e s ' , p o s s e s s e d o f m a g n i f i c e n t civic b u i l d i n g s a n d w i d e s t r e e t s a n d , f r o m t h e last q u a r t e r o f t h e c e n ­ t u r y , d o w n r i g h t b o a s t f u l - w a s t h e m o s t c o s m o p o l i t a n c e n t r e in W a l e s a n d , i n d e e d , s t o o d s e c o n d o n l y to L o n d o n in t h e p r o p o r t i o n o f its i n h a b i t a n t s w h o w e r e f o r e i g n - b o r n . T i g e r B a y b y t h e late n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y w a s a multi-racial c o m m u n i t y . P r e d i c t a b l y , in t i m e s o f e c o n ­ o m i c difficulty c o l o u r e d s e c t i o n s w e r e m a d e s c a p e g o a t s ; in p a r t i c u l a r , p o s t w a r e c o n o m i c a n d social dislocation s a w whites identifying blacks as t h e r e a s o n for t h e i r u n e m p l o y m e n t a n d w a n t o f h o u s e s , s u c h feel­ i n g s e r u p t i n g i n t o v i o l e n t racial d i s o r d e r in N e w p o r t , e s p e c i a l l y , Cardiff in J u n e 1 9 1 9 .

Barry and,

8 0

A n y s u r v e y o f t h e l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s in e m e r g i n g i n d u s t r i a l c o m m u n i ­ ties over the course of the n i n e t e e n t h century m u s t

differentiate

b e t w e e n the early iron t o w n s together with S w a n s e a on the o n e h a n d a n d the later coal-mining valley t o w n s o n the o t h e r .

8 1

The former

h a d b e e n s h a p e d b y e m p l o y e r s w h o for t h e m o s t p a r t a d o p t e d a laissez-faire a p p r o a c h , w h i c h p r o d u c e d w r e t c h e d a n d o v e r c r o w d e d h o u s i n g , l a c k o f fresh w a t e r , d e p l o r a b l e s a n i t a t i o n a n d a b y s m a l s t r e e t paving and lighting. M e r t h y r ' s dirtiness a r o u n d mid-century

was

a l l e g e d l y w i t h o u t parallel e l s e w h e r e in B r i t a i n . L i k e w i s e , in t h e n o r t h ­ e a s t W a l i a n c o l l i e r y v i l l a g e s , c o a l a n d i r o n m a s t e r s w e r e indifferent to the condition of their workforce a n d Rhosllanerchrugog m a y have suffered e v e n w o r s e d e g r a d a t i o n t h a n M e r t h y r . S m a l l w o n d e r t h a t d i s e a s e s like s m a l l p o x , t y p h u s a n d s c a r l e t f e v e r t o o k t h e i r toll, t h a t c h o l e r a c l a i m e d d e a t h s in S o u t h W a l e s in 1 8 3 2 a n d , far m o r e d e v a s t a t i n g l y , i n 1 8 4 9 , a n d t h a t d e a t h r a t e s in ' n o r m a l ' y e a r s w e r e h i g h .

8 2

G o v e r n m e n t legislation from the Public Health Act of 1848 o n w a r d s m e t w i t h v a r y i n g d e g r e e s o f s u c c e s s : in t h e i r o n t o w n s , w h e r e t h e r e w a s v i r t u a l l y n o f o r m o f t o w n g o v e r n m e n t , a r e f l e c t i o n itself o f t h e absence of an i n d e p e n d e n t middle class b e t w e e n master and labourer, d e l a y s in p r o v i d i n g p u b l i c h e a l t h facilities w e r e ' i n c r e d i b l e ' . B y w a y of c o n t r a s t , in t h e m u n i c i p a l c o r p o r a t i o n s o f t h e o l d e r b o r o u g h s o f 80

81 82

Morgan, Rebirth, p. 67; Evans, 'The Welsh Victorian City', p. 352; idem, 'The South Wales Race Riots of 1919', Llafur, 3 (1980). Jones, 'The Valleys', p. 57. Report on the Sanitary Condition of Swansea and Merthyr Tydfil, PP 1845, XVIII, pp. 131-50; State of Elementary Education in South Wales, PP 1840, pp. 207-16; A. H. Williams, Public Health in Mid-Victorian Wales (Cardiff, 1983); E. Rogers, 'The History of Trade Unionism in the Coal Mining Industry of North Wales to 1914', Denbighshire Historical Society Transactions, 15 (1966), pp. 135-42.

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D. W. H O W E L L A N D C. B A B E R

N e w p o r t , Cardiff, S w a n s e a a n d N e a t h , h o u s i n g u p p e r m i d d l e - c l a s s families a p i n g t h e g e n t r y a n d a m o r e v a r i e g a t e d l o w e r m i d d l e c l a s s t h a n i n t h e i r o n t o w n s , far m o r e w a s a c h i e v e d i n t h e w a y o f p r o v i d i n g water supply, sewerage and gasworks by the 1870s. But the smaller i n d u s t r i a l t o w n s h i p s a d j a c e n t to t h e o l d b o r o u g h s l y i n g w i t h i n w h a t were designated 'rural a r e a s ' again suffered from a lack of administra­ tive s t r u c t u r e , a n d r e f o r m , a s at Y s t a l y f e r a , w a s c o n s e q u e n t l y s l o w .

8 3

T h e n e w s o u t h - e a s t v a l l e y t o w n s g r o w i n g u p i n t h e late n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y e s c a p e d t h e awful c o n d i t i o n s o f t h e o l d e r c o m m u n i t i e s ; t h e y w e r e h e a l t h i e r p l a c e s a n d t h e y i m p r o v e d still f u r t h e r f o l l o w i n g t h e legislation of 1 8 7 5 - 6 . In line with t o w n s e l s e w h e r e in Britain, h o u s e s were better constructed, particularly from the mid-1870s, a n d did not in fact b e c o m e o v e r c r o w d e d u n t i l t h e fast i n f l o w o f p o p u l a t i o n i n the 1890s. M o r e o v e r , t h e y w e r e not built b y the colliery o w n e r , so t h a t t h e collier, w e h a v e s e e n , u n l i k e t h e e a r l i e r i r o n w o r k e r , w a s not a tenant of his m a s t e r .

8 4

F r o m 1 8 9 9 h i g h e r real i n c o m e s d o w n

to 1 9 2 1 l e d to a m a s s i v e i n c r e a s e i n h o u s e - b u i l d i n g t o g e t h e r w i t h a vastly improved standard of h o u s e size a n d design. At the s a m e time, after 1 9 0 0 t h e r e w a s a m a r k e d shortfall in h o u s i n g p r o v i s i o n s : a defi­ ciency of 40,000 to 50,000 dwellings existing b y 1914. U n d e r these circumstances, o v e r c r o w d e d h o u s e s w e r e further swollen b y male l o d g e r s . If w e i n s t a n c e Cardiff, t h e fact t h a t t h r e e - q u a r t e r s o f t h e h o u s e s h a d b e e n built since 1871 m e a n t that a r o u n d 1914 there w e r e n o s l u m s , b u t for all t h a t t h e fact t h a t t h e h o u s e s e r e c t e d w e r e t o o large a n d e x p e n s i v e m e a n t that single working-class families could n o t afford t o r e n t t h e m s o t h a t t h e r e w a s a l a r g e a m o u n t o f s u b - l e t t i n g , families b e i n g c o m p e l l e d t o s h a r e r e n t e d d w e l l i n g s w i t h o t h e r f a m i ­ lies.

85

I m p r o v e m e n t s o n early nineteenth-century conditions notwith­

s t a n d i n g , i n t h e y e a r s s p a n n i n g t h e l a t e c e n t u r y d o w n to 1 9 1 4 t h e mining valleys of S o u t h W a l e s and the poorer quarters of S w a n s e a a n d Cardiff h a d a l o w e r s t a n d a r d o f m a t e r i a l e x i s t e n c e - as i n t h e i r sub-standard

h o u s i n g , o v e r c r o w d i n g a n d c h r o n i c ill-health -

than

m o s t p a r t s o f B r i t a i n . N e v e r t h e l e s s , it is n o t e w o r t h y t h a t in t h e w e s t e r n a n t h r a c i t e coalfield - n o t r e a l l y d e v e l o p e d till t h e 1 8 8 0 s - t h e g r o w t h of c o m m u n i t i e s w a s l e s s h e c t i c , m o r e s o b e r a n d o r d e r l y , a n d m o r e 83

84

85

I . G. Jones, Health, Wealth and Politics in Victorian Wales (Swansea, 1979), pp. 15-21; G. D. Fielder, Tublic Health and Hospital Administration in Nineteenth-Century Swansea' (unpublished MA thesis, University of Wales, 1962), pp. 68-76. Jones, 'The Valleys', pp. 57-61; P. N. Jones, Colliery Settlement in the South Wales Coalfield, 1850-1926 (Hull, 1969), p. 12. Jones, Colliery Settlement, pp. 14-16; Daunton, Coal Metropolis, pp. 97-101.

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c o n g e n i a l t o live in, t h e s m a l l e r a n d m o r e s c a t t e r e d c o l l i e r y v i l l a g e s exhibiting a continuing strong rural e t h o s .

8 6

During the depression from the early 1920s conditions deteriorated. A c c o r d i n g to A l l e n H u t t w r i t i n g i n 1 9 3 3 t h e w o r s e d e r e l i c t i o n w a s t o b e f o u n d i n t h e o l d i r o n t o w n s a l o n g t h e n o r t h e r n r i m o f t h e coal­ field.

T h u s at B l a e n a v o n , n o n e w h o u s e s w e r e b e i n g e r e c t e d , m o s t

h a d b e e n built sixty or s e v e n t y years previously a n d w e r e generally dilapidated a n d chronically o v e r c r o w d e d . W e s t w a r d s in M e r t h y r and D o w l a i s , l i k e w i s e , n o a d v a n c e s h a d b e e n m a d e a n d h o u s e s w e r e outof-repair a n d o v e r c r o w d e d . T h o u g h h o u s i n g c o n d i t i o n s w e r e o f t e n better in the R h o n d d a t h a n in the older industrial t o w n s , poverty h a d p r o d u c e d overcrowding t h r o u g h resort to sub-letting. In the west­ e r n v a l l e y s o f M o n m o u t h s h i r e , p o v e r t y i n A b e r t i l l e r y h a d similarly produced overcrowding and E b b w Vale had a n u m b e r of sub-standard h o u s e s . T h e sub-standard housing a n d appallingly low standard of public h y g i e n e in places like t h e R h o n d d a in t h e 1930s w e r e inevitably reflected in the poor standards of health of the industrial communities; malnutrition a n d death rates h e r e w e r e t h e w o r s t in Britain. In particu­ lar, T B w a s a ' W e l s h s c o u r g e ' .

8 7

T h e atrocious living a n d w o r k i n g conditions of the early nineteenthcentury iron towns of south-east W a l e s led to endemic unrest. Indeed, they were the most unsettled part of the United K i n g d o m . As such, t h e y stood in contrast to t h e S w a n s e a c o p p e r area w h e r e peaceful l a b o u r r e l a t i o n s p r e v a i l e d , a r e f l e c t i o n o f t h e m o r e i n t e g r a t e d social structure of that area. T h e m o s t militant areas of the south-east were the sale-coal villages of the lower valleys of M o n m o u t h s h i r e , which, w e h a v e s h o w n , w e r e smaller a n d p o s s e s s e d of a class structure even m o r e m o n o l i t h i c t h a n t h e m i n i n g t o w n s f u r t h e r n o r t h a n d suffered m o r e t h a n e l s e w h e r e f r o m i r r e g u l a r i t y o f w o r k . E v e r y w h e r e , t h e iso­ lated p o c k e t s of settlement in the industrialised 'Black D o m a i n ' of the south-east w e r e characterised b y squalor, discomfort and insecur­ ity; t r u e e n o u g h , in t i m e s o f full e m p l o y m e n t w a g e s w e r e h i g h , p r o v i ­ s i o n s p l e n t i f u l a n d h o u s e s c o n t a i n e d costly f u r n i t u r e b u t , a p a r t f r o m s o m e s k i l l e d m e n at t h e i r o n w o r k s , w o r k for m o s t p e o p l e w a s irregular - e s p e c i a l l y for t h o s e i n t h e s a l e - c o a l v i l l a g e s - a n d at t i m e s o f s h o r t -

86

Morgan, Rebirth, p. 71; Thomas Jones, Welsh Broth (1952), p. 126; Brennan et al, eds., Social Change, pp. 12-17; Jones, T h e South Wales Collier', pp. 3 5 - 8 .

87

Allen Hutt, The Condition of the Working Class in Britain: South Wales (1933), pp. 8-16; Morgan, Rebirth, pp. 233-5; for TB in the mining valleys see South Wales Miners' Library, Hendrefoilan, Swansea: transcript of tape of Dr D. A. Thomas.

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D. W. HOWELL AND C. BABER

t i m e w o r k i n g , lay-offs a n d w a g e r e d u c t i o n s , p o v e r t y a n d i n d e b t e d ­ ness were rife.

88

A l l - i m p o r t a n t in s h a p i n g t h i s n e w s o c i e t y w a s t h e d o m i n a t i o n o f the masters over every aspect of the w o r k e r s ' lives, amounting

in

m o s t i n s t a n c e s t o a r e g i m e o f fear a n d t e r r o r . T h i s c o n t r o l w a s b i t t e r l y r e s e n t e d b y t h e w o r k m e n , n o i n g r e d i e n t of it m o r e s o t h a n t h e ' l o n g p a y ' a n d t r u c k s y s t e m . M a t t e r s w e r e m a d e w o r s e i n s o f a r as t h i s u n ­ b r i d l e d p o w e r w a s g e n e r a l l y in n o w a y t e m p e r e d b y a s e n s e o f r e s p o n ­ sibility for t h e w e l f a r e a n d m o r a l i t y o f t h e w o r k f o r c e w h o , left to t h e i r o w n d e v i c e s , w e r e f r e q u e n t l y s t e e p e d in ' s e n s u a l i t y ' , ' i g n o r a n c e ' a n d ' i m p r o v i d e n c e ' . W i t h f e w e x c e p t i o n s , n o t a b l y at t h e g r e a t i r o n works of Dowlais a n d Cyfarthfa, e m p l o y e r s s a w their only responsibi­ lity as p a y i n g w a g e s . T h e c l a s s h a t r e d w h i c h g e n e r a l l y c h a r a c t e r i s e d relations b e t w e e n w o r k m e n

a n d m a s t e r s d o w n to t h e late 1 8 4 0 s

( t h o u g h t h e r e w a s c e r t a i n l y s o m e s h o w o f d e f e r e n c e in t h e a f o r e s a i d M e r t h y r i r o n w o r k s in ' g o o d ' t i m e s ) w a s a t t r i b u t e d b y c o n t e m p o r a r i e s to t h i s n e g l e c t o f t h e i r d u t y o n t h e p a r t o f t h e e m p l o y e r s . T h e fact t h a t i r o n m a s t e r s w e r e E n g l i s h a n d A n g l i c a n s e r v e d to further i n t e n s i f y t h e social d i v i s i o n b e t w e e n t h e m a n d t h e i r W e l s h - s p e a k i n g , o f t e n n o n ­ conformist workforce. Relationships were allegedly rendered

more

difficult b y t h e virtual a b s e n c e o f a m i d d l e c l a s s o u t s i d e S w a n s e a a n d Merthyr.

8 9

G i v e n this u n r e s t , h o w m u c h w o r k i n g - c l a s s solidarity w a s t h e r e a c h i e v e d in t h e s e e a r l y y e a r s ? W o r k i n g - c l a s s c o n s c i o u s n e s s w a s e v i ­ d e n c e d in t h e 1 8 2 0 s , 1 8 3 0 s a n d 1 8 4 0 s in t h e S c o t c h C a t t l e m o v e m e n t ; in t h e M e r t h y r R i s i n g o f 1 8 3 1 i n w h i c h w o r k e r s , e x c i t e d b y t h e r e f o r m crisis, s t r u c k o u t in a n a t u r a l j u s t i c e riot for r e f o r m , w h i c h t h e y p e c u ­ liarly c o n s t r u e d in t e r m s o f t o p p l i n g t h e t o w n ' s m i d d l e c l a s s - ironi­ cally t h e i r e r s t w h i l e ' m o d e r a t e ' political m e n t o r s b u t w h o m t h e y h a d

88

89

Williams, 'Plutocrats and Proletarians', pp. 1, 5, 12-13; Brennan et ah, eds., Social Change, pp. 22-3; G. A. Williams, 'Locating a Welsh Working Class', in Smith, ed., A People and a Proletariat, p. 26; Jones, Before Rebecca, pp. 87, 91-3; idem, The hast Rising, pp. 19, 39-40; Commissioners of Inquiry into the Employment of Children and Young Persons in Mines, PP 1842, XVII; Sanitary Condition of Swansea and Merthyr Tydfil, PP 1845. Jones, The Last Rising, pp. 25, 34-6; Williams, 'Plutocrats and Proletarians', p p . 4 , 25-35, 56; E. L. Edmunds, ed., I Was There: The Memoirs ofH. S. Tremenheere, (Wind­ sor, 1965), pp. 37-8; P. E. Razell and R. J. W. Wainwright, eds., The Victorian Working Class: Selections from the Morning Chronicle (1973), p. 37; Report of the Commissioners of Inquiry into the State of Education in Wales, PP 1847, XXVII, Part 2, p. 293; Employment of Children in Mines, PP 1842, p. 481; State of Elementary Education in South Wales, PP 1840, p. 216; T. Phillips, Wales (1849), pp. 36, 47.

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Wales

323

finally c o m e t o l o s e faith i n - a n d w i n n i n g for t h e m s e l v e s f r e e d o m a n d control over their workplace, industry a n d c o m m u n i t i e s ; a n d in C h a r t i s m , t h e l a t t e r m o v e m e n t s i n a i m i n g at w o r k e r s ' c o n t r o l o v e r p r o d u c t i o n r e p r e s e n t i n g a significant a d v a n c e o n t h e e a r l i e r s t r i k e s a n d riots w h i c h w e r e t r a d i t i o n a l - t y p e c o n s u m e r m o v e m e n t s .

9 0

Albeit,

this working-class m o v e m e n t lacked b o t h complete unity and conti­ n u i t y : w i t n e s s t h e w a n t o f i n v o l v e m e n t o f all M e r t h y r w o r k e r s i n t h e 1 8 3 1 R i s i n g , t h e refusal o f M e r t h y r m e n t o a d o p t t h e S c o t c h C a t t l e o r g a n i s a t i o n a n d t h e split b e t w e e n M e r t h y r a n d M o n m o u t h s h i r e m e n during the N e w p o r t Rising of 1839. S u c h w e a k n e s s e m a n a t e d from a n u m b e r of factors such as the o v e r w h e l m i n g p o w e r of the e m p l o y e r s , the lack of a trade-union tradition a m o n g s t labourers only recently l o o s e d f r o m t h e i r r u r a l m o o r i n g s , t h e d i v i s i o n i n t o different

trades

within the workforce - divisions exploited b y the masters - a want of s t r o n g l e a d e r s h i p , a n d t h e h i n d r a n c e to w o r k i n g - c l a s s a w a r e n e s s , respectively, of chapel and public h o u s e .

9 1

A l t h o u g h labour relations in the iron industry in the t w o decades after t h e m i d - 1 8 4 0 s w e r e h a r m o n i o u s - r e f l e c t i n g t h e m o r e p a t e r n a l i s ­ tic a p p r o a c h o f t h e m a s t e r s after t h e C h a r t i s t t r o u b l e s

92

- the 1840s

t o t h e m i d - 1 8 7 0 s w e r e c h a r a c t e r i s e d b y strife a m o n g s t t h e

South

W a l i a n colliers over w a g e fluctuations a n d safety conditions. T h e three major strikes of the early 1870s u n d e r the aegis of the A m a l g a m a t e d A s s o c i a t i o n o f M i n e r s w e r e to g i v e w a y to a n e r a o f p e a c e , h o w e v e r , with the institution in 1875 of the Sliding Scale w h e r e b y w a g e s w e r e t o b e r e g u l a t e d a c c o r d i n g to t h e s e l l i n g p r i c e o f c o a l . M a b o n , t h e attractive m i n e r s ' leader, a n d his fellow-agents, Lib-Lab in their belief in the identity of interest b e t w e e n capital a n d labour, h a d an apprecia­ t i o n o f t h e e m p l o y e r s ' difficulties a n d w e r e r e a d y to c o m p r o m i s e . H i s p e r s o n a l i n f l u e n c e m e a n t t h a t t h e m e c h a n i s m , for all its d e f e c t s in f r e q u e n t l y r e d u c i n g w a g e s t o s u b s i s t e n c e l e v e l , w a s a c c e p t e d b y

90

91

92

Williams, 'Locating a Welsh Working Class', pp. 28, 36, 38; Jones, Before Rebecca, pp. 108-9, 154-5, 157-8; Williams, The Merthyr Rising, pp. 131-3, 224, 227-8; Wil­ liams, 'Plutocrats and Proletarians', p. 40; A. V. John, 'The Chartist Endurance', Morgannwg, 15 (1971), pp. 24, 29-35; Jones, The Last Rising, pp. 113, 207-8; idem, 'Chartism in Welsh Communities', Welsh History Review, 6 (1973), p. 255. K. Strange, 'The Condition of the Working Classes in Merthyr Tydfil, c. 1840-1850' (unpublished PhD thesis, University of Wales, 1982), pp. 494-502; Williams, 'Pluto­ crats and Proletarians', pp. 4 0 - 3 , 50; Williams, 'Locating a Welsh Working Class', p. 38; idem, 'The Emergence of a Working Class Movement', in A. J. Roderick, ed., Wales through the Ages (Llandybie, 1960), vol. 2, pp. 140-2; Morris and Williams, South Wales Coal Industry, p. 270. RC on Trades Unions, Fifth Report, PP 1867-8, XXXIX; Phillips, Wales, pp. 3 8 - 9 .

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D. W. HOWELL AND C. BABER

t h e w o r k f o r c e for a l o n g t i m e , t h e m e n b e c o m i n g d i s g r u n t l e d in t h e 1 8 9 0 s .

only

9 3

S o u t h W a l e s w a s c l e a r l y a s l o w s t a r t e r in t e r m s o f t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of a n i n d u s t r i a l l a b o u r m o v e m e n t . T h a t n o effective c o a l f i e l d - w i d e u n i o n w a s to b e a c h i e v e d b e f o r e 1 8 9 8 w a s p r i n c i p a l l y d u e to district particularism, which was exacerbated b y the physical isolation of each v a l l e y . M o r e o v e r , t h e S l i d i n g S c a l e itself r e m o v e d t h e e s s e n t i a l n e e d for a t r a d e u n i o n . A g a i n , t h e p h e n o m e n a l rate o f g r o w t h o f t h e i n d u s ­ try after 1 8 7 5 d e m a n d e d a s t e a d y i n f l o w o f o u t s i d e l a b o u r , o f t e n rural, w h i c h a d d e d to t h e p r o b l e m s o f o r g a n i s a t i o n . N o n c o n f o r m i s t c h a p e l s , too, c o n t i n u e d in t h e i r o p p o s i t i o n to u n i o n s w h i l e t h e p o w e r o f t h e employers militated against a strong, centralised union. Likewise, a m o n g t h e s m a l l , p r i m i t i v e pit v i l l a g e s o f n o r t h - e a s t W a l e s u n i o n i s m w a s v e r y w e a k till t h e 1 8 9 0 s , a l t h o u g h t h e r e a f t e r t h e s t e r l i n g l e a d e r ­ s h i p o f E d w a r d H u g h e s w a s to m o u l d t h e N o r t h W a l e s M i n e r s ' A s s o c i ­ ation b e t w e e n 1898 and 1914 into a strong b o d y .

9 4

T h e s o u r i n g o f i n d u s t r i a l r e l a t i o n s o n t h e S o u t h W a l e s coalfield in t h e 1 8 9 0 s e r u p t e d in t h e strike a n d s i x - m o n t h l o c k - o u t o f 1 8 9 8 w h e n the miners d e n o u n c e d the Sliding Scale. O u t of their defeat a n d s e n s e of b i t t e r n e s s a n d h u m i l i a t i o n - w h i c h h a d significantly b e e n a b s e n t in t h e i r 1 8 7 5 defeat - c a m e a n e w o r d e r , t h e S o u t h W a l e s M i n e r s ' F e d e r a t i o n w i t h o v e r 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 m e m b e r s . A s e a - c h a n g e in l a b o u r rela­ t i o n s o n t h e coalfield w a s m a r k e d b y 1 8 9 8 , for c o n c i l i a t i o n g a v e w a y to m i l i t a n c y .

95

T h e n e w m o o d o f t h e 1 8 9 0 s in t h e s o u t h - e a s t

was

p a r a l l e l e d in t h e s l a t e - q u a r r y i n g i n d u s t r y o f n o r t h - w e s t W a l e s . T h e Penrhyn quarrymen,

p a s s i o n a t e l y W e l s h in l a n g u a g e a n d

national

sentiment, strongly nonconformist, remarkably cultured and,

from

the early nineties, increasingly class conscious, w e r e driven into a p r i n c i p l e d , g r i m b u t h o p e l e s s s t r u g g l e in 1 8 9 6 - 7 a n d 1 9 0 0 - 3 for t h e v e r y right o f c o m b i n a t i o n itself a g a i n s t a ' f e u d a l - m i n d e d ' ,

reactionary

employer, L o r d P e n r h y n , w h o incredibly e x t e n d e d his aristocratic

Morris and Williams, South Wales Coal Industry, pp. 248-84; E. W. Evans, The Miners of South Wales (Cardiff, 1961), pp. 65-116, 137-9, 227; idem, Mabon (Cardiff, 1959), pp. 2-14; Lewis, TheRhondda Valleys, pp. 167-8. Evans, The Miners of South Wales, pp. 122-6, 216-17; idem, Mabon, pp. 18-19; L. J. Williams, 'The Strike of 1898', Morgannwg, 9 (1965), p. 63; E . Rogers, 'The History of Trade Unionism in the Coalmining Industry of North Wales to 1914' (unpublished MA thesis, University of Wales, 1928); T. McCay, 'Edward Hughes, 1856-1925, North Wales' Miners' Agent', Llafur, 2 (1979), p. 48; Carnarvon and Denbigh Herald, 18 November 1892. Williams, 'The Strike of 1898', pp. 77-9; Morgan, Rebirth, pp. 7 7 - 8 .

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

Wales p h i l o s o p h y o f t h e s a c r e d f r e e d o m o f c o n t r a c t in a g r a r i a n r e l a t i o n s to c o v e r 'free l a b o u r ' in t h e i n d u s t r i a l f i e l d .

325

tenurial

96

T h e full i m p l i c a t i o n s o f t h e n e w m o o d a m o n g S o u t h W a l e s m i n e r s h e r a l d e d in 1 8 9 8 w a s to b e s e e n in t h e y e a r s 1 9 0 8 - 1 4 , for n o w t h e m i n i n g a r e a s t h e r e b e c a m e a c o c k p i t o f c l a s s w a r , w i t n e s s i n g in p a r t i c u ­ lar t h e y e a r - l o n g C a m b r i a n C o m b i n e strike o f 1 9 1 0 - 1 1 in t h e R h o n d d a which

spilled

over

into

the

notorious

Tonypandy

riots

of

7-8

N o v e m b e r 1910. Conflict basically g r e w out of the n e w situation facing o w n e r s a n d colliers b e c a u s e o f d e c l i n i n g p r o d u c t i v i t y - o w n e r s w e r e t h u s s e e i n g t h e i r c o s t s r i s i n g w h i l e colliers f a c e d a n e r o s i o n o f e a r n ­ i n g s . C o a l o w n e r s , in a b i d to l o w e r t h e m , s o u g h t to r e d u c e t h e c u s t o m ­ a r y a l l o w a n c e s m a d e for w o r k i n g in ' a b n o r m a l p l a c e s ' w h i l e w o r k e r s r e s p o n d e d b y i n s i s t i n g o n a m i n i m u m p a y m e n t for t h i s d i s a d v a n t a g e d work. G i v e n that technological i m p r o v e m e n t s h a d not c o m e about to r a i s e p r o d u c t i v i t y , t h e t w o p a r t i e s w e r e s e t o n a c o l l i s i o n c o u r s e . T h e increasing t e n d e n c y towards the large c o m b i n e h e i g h t e n e d the p o t e n t i a l for conflict. I n t h e i r s i t u a t i o n o f e x p l o i t a t i o n , t h e m i l i t a n c y of t h e m i n e r s a l s o o w e d m u c h to t h e i n f l u e n c e o f n e w i d e a s o n leftw i n g socialism. Vital in disseminating t h e s e doctrines of class struggle w a s t h e C e n t r a l L a b o u r C o l l e g e a n d its tutorial c l a s s e s f o u n d e d

on

t h e coalfield a n d , c l o s e l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e C L C m o v e m e n t ,

the

P l e b s L e a g u e , b a s e d in t h e R h o n d d a , a l t h o u g h it h a s b e e n c o n t e n d e d that the Marxist ideas s t e m m i n g from these classes w e r e not so m u c h c a u s i n g as r e i n f o r c i n g a t r e n d t o w a r d s a m o r e c l a s s - c o n s c i o u s L a b o u r movement

that

had

emerged

before the

Ruskin

College strike.

A l t h o u g h s o m e m e m b e r s o f t h e s e socialist c l a s s e s w e r e a t t r a c t e d to ideas of revolutionary

syndicalism, m a n y

more, while Marxists,

s o u g h t to a p p l y t h e i r g o s p e l t h r o u g h c o n v e n t i o n a l political a n d t r a d e union channels. E v e n though the militants furnished Marxist tradeu n i o n l e a d e r s h i p , t h e g r o w t h o f M a r x i s t c l a s s e s o n t h e coalfield b e f o r e 1914 m u s t not b e overstated; K. O . M o r g a n demonstrates that most miners before 1914 e m b r a c e d either the constitutional gradualism of t h e L a b o u r p a r t y or L i b e r a l i s m . H e i g h t e n e d c o n s c i o u s n e s s w a s to b e s e e n also a m o n g s t other industrial workers: the n e w unions and trades c o u n c i l s o f t h e 1 8 9 0 s s u r v i v e d i n t o this c e n t u r y to p r o v i d e t h e p o w e r

This is based on the fine analysis of R. M. Jones, The North Wales Quarrymen, 18741922 (Cardiff, 1982).

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D. W. H O W E L L A N D C. B A B E R

h o u s e o f a n e w w o r k i n g - c l a s s a g g r e s s i v e n e s s , m a n i f e s t e d a b o v e all by the Welsh railwaymen.

9 7

F a c e d w i t h t h e c o n t i n u i n g l o n g - t e r m p r o b l e m s o f t h e fall i n real w a g e s a n d the t e n d e n c y towards large c o m b i n e s and the immediate w a r t i m e p r o b l e m s l i k e h i g h p r i c e s a n d p r o f i t e e r i n g , t h e m i n e r s ' mili­ tancy w a s profoundly sharpened during the war; valley communities by 1 9 1 6 - 1 7 w e r e a w a s h with class antagonism, each side viewing the other with equal hostility.

98

T h i s tide of militancy flowed out of

the w a r years a n d ran ever stronger to 1 9 2 1 . M a r x i s m h a d b y n o w t a k e n a firm h o l d o n t h e coalfield a n d t h e r e w a s a h e a d y w h i f f o f r e v o l u t i o n a n d t h e o v e r t h r o w o f c a p i t a l i s m i n t h e air. B u t t h i s confi­ dent, assertive militancy w a s to take a battering following the onset of i n d u s t r i a l d e p r e s s i o n f r o m 1 9 2 1 . T h e y e a r 1 9 2 6 w a s a c l i m a c t e r i c in t h e W e l s h L a b o u r m o v e m e n t , d e m o n s t r a t i n g t h e arrival o f a n ' a l t e r ­ native cultural pattern' severed from the old nonconformist Liberal c o n s e n s u s f o u n d e d o n d e f e r e n c e , c o n c i l i a t i o n a n d h a r m o n y , a n alter­ native cultural pattern having n o counterpart e l s e w h e r e in industrial B r i t a i n . S o it w a s t h a t t h i s u n i q u e l y r a d i c a l i s e d , i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y o r i e n ­ tated working class, bolstered b y the militant M i n e r s ' Minority m o v e ­ ment of 1924-5 and by an increasingly implacable S W M F executive, m o r e s o t h a n e l s e w h e r e d e f i a n t l y r e s i s t e d , i n t h e face o f awful o d d s , the attack o n living standards. P e r h a p s t h e tragedy w a s , as T h o m a s J o n e s s a w it, t h a t b o t h s i d e s w e r e l e d b y u n c o m p r o m i s i n g , •

i

'confron-

99

tation m e n . B y D e c e m b e r 1 9 2 6 it w a s all o v e r ; t h e m i n e r s r e t u r n e d t o l o w e r 97

98

99

D. Smith, T o n y p a n d y 1910: Definitions of Community', Past & Present, 87 (1980), pp. 158-84; G. A. Williams, When Was Wales? (1985), pp. 241-2, 249; Morgan, Rebirth, pp. 7 5 - 6 , 145-54; H. Francis and D. Smith, The Fed (1980), pp. 5 - 8 , 10, 13, 15; D. Hopkin, T h e Llanelli Riots 1911', Welsh History Review, 11 (1983); Williams, 'The Road to Tonypandy', pp. 41-2; R. Lewis, 'Leaders and Teachers: The Origins and Development of the Workers' Education Movement in South Wales, 1906-40' (unpublished PhD thesis, University of Wales, 1979), pp. 151-3, 220-6, 230-43; P. Stead, Coleg Harlech (Cardiff, 1977), p. 8; L. J. Williams, 'The New Unionism in South Wales', Welsh History Review, 1 (1963), pp. 413-29. Morgan, Rebirth, pp. 172-4; Francis and Smith, The Fed, pp. 22-3; J. L . Rees and N. Nicholas, 'The Policy of the Colliers', Welsh Outlook, 2 (1915), pp. 375-7; National Library of Wales, Edgar Chappell papers, box 7: evidence of Frank Hodges before Commission into Industrial Unrest, 1917; Commission of Inquiry into Industrial Unrest. Report of Commissioners for Wales, PP 1917-18, XV, pp. 20-4; Anon., 'The Unrest in the Coalfield', Welsh Outlook, 3 (1916), p. 379. Francis and Smith, The Fed, pp. 28, 52-6; Williams, When Was Wales?, pp. 250-1, 266-7; Morgan, Rebirth, pp. 194-7, 284ff; Lewis, 'Leaders and Teachers', pp. 363, 439; Gwyn Jones, Times Like These (1979), p. 165; Anon., 'The Mind of the Miner', Welsh Outlook, 3 (1916), p. 279; H. Francis, 'South Wales', in J. Skelley, ed., The General Strike (1976), pp. 240-1; Stead, Coleg Harlech, p. 19.

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w a g e s and longer hours and their union, their great anchorsheet and s u p p o r t at all l e v e l s d u r i n g t h e s t r u g g l e , w a s s m a s h e d u n t i l t h e m i d t h i r t i e s ; u n i o n officials a n d ' t r o u b l e - m a k e r s ' w e r e v i c t i m i s e d , t h e S W M F m e m b e r s h i p fell d r a m a t i c a l l y a s m a n y , p a r t i c u l a r l y m i d d l e a g e d , m e n , w h o w e r e all a l o n g m o d e r a t e i n o u t l o o k , b i t t e r l y b l a m e d t h e l e f t - w i n g m i l i t a n t s for t h e i r p a r l o u s c o n d i t i o n after 1 9 2 6 . P o v e r t y a n d e m i g r a t i o n , t o o , e r o d e d its r a n k s as a l s o d i d t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of t h e h a t e d c o m p a n y u n i o n i s m , w h i c h i n t h e m i n i n g v i l l a g e s o f B e d w a s , Bedlinog, Trelewis, N e l s o n a n d Treharris fissured class and c o m m u n i t y solidarity. In north-east W a l e s the resistance of miners l e d t o a s h a r p a n d p e r m a n e n t fall i n t h e u n i o n ' s s t r e n g t h .

1 0 0

By the mid-thirties, h o w e v e r , the c o m m u n i t y consciousness of 1926 was once again surging through the valleys with militancy and unrest o n c e a g a i n t o t h e fore, c o n t r a s t i n g w i t h t h e d e f e n s i v e p o s i t i o n o f t h e coalfield s i n c e 1 9 2 6 . It c o n t r a s t e d , t o o , w i t h t h e l a c k o f r e a l m i l i t a n c y a m o n g N o r t h W a l e s m i n e r s , s t r i k e s in t h e 1 9 3 0 s p l a y i n g b u t a n i n s i g n i ­ ficant r o l e . N o w , in 1 9 3 4 , t h e S W M F b e g a n t o i n v o l v e itself d i r e c t l y in the ' u n e m p l o y e d ' struggle, co-operation b e t w e e n e m p l o y e d and u n e m p l o y e d s h o w i n g itself i n t h e p u b l i c o u t c r y a g a i n s t P a r t II o f t h e U n e m p l o y m e n t I n s u r a n c e A c t w h i c h , it w a s c l a i m e d , t h r o u g h t h e implementation of the h o u s e h o l d m e a n s test w o u l d h a v e led to the b r e a k - u p o f t h e r e v e r e d f a m i l y itself. U n i t e d F r o n t a c t i o n i n t h e f o r m of m a s s i v e d e m o n s t r a t i o n s a n d m a r c h e s ( w h i c h s u r p a s s e d for s h e e r breathless scale of c o m m u n a l action similar m a r c h e s e l s e w h e r e in Bri­ tain), culminating in the m o n s t e r m a r c h e s of S u n d a y , 3 February 1935, forced the g o v e r n m e n t to capitulate. S u c h morale-boosting action, coupled with the expunging of the ' S c a b ' union, m e a n t that 1935 w a s i n d e e d a w a t e r s h e d year in the S o u t h W a l e s L a b o u r m o v e m e n t . The

latter,

led

by

Communists

and

left-wing

activists,

r e - e s t a b l i s h e d its l e a d e r s h i p o v e r t h e v a l l e y c o m m u n i t i e s a n d

1 0 1

now the

initiative i n c o m m u n i t y a c t i o n w a s w r e s t e d f r o m t h o s e a c t i v e in t h e social service r e s p o n s e to u n e m p l o y m e n t a n d w h o , e m b r a c i n g the 100

101

Francis and Smith, The Fed, pp. 5 5 - 9 , 6 5 - 6 , 78; South Wales Miners' Library, Swansea, oral testimonies of O. Morgan, R. Fine and O. Powell; Francis, 'South Wales', p. 250-2; C. E . Gwyther, The Valley Shall Be Exalted (1949), pp. 22-3; H. W. Edwards, The Good Patch (1938), p. 143; Morgan, Rebirth p. 287; The Colliery Workers' Magazine, 5 (1927), p. 43; R. M. Jones, 'A Note on 1926 in North Wales', Llafur, 2 (1977), pp. 59-60. Francis and Smith,The Fed, p p . 113-38, 202-3, 216-17, 224, 245, 253-4, 258, 275, 282-9; Williams, When Was Wales?, pp. 262-4; Jim Griffiths, Pages from Memory (1969), pp. 4 2 - 3 , 137-8; South Wales Miners' Library, oral testimony of Mavis Llewellyn.

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D. W. HOWELL AND C. BABER

e t h o s o f t h e W E A , h a d s o u g h t to r e p l a c e c l a s s conflict b y a n o u t l o o k based on co-operation and reconciliation.

102

A m i d s t all t h e d r a m a o f s t r i k e s , m a r c h e s a n d d e m o n s t r a t i o n s

we

must not lose sight of the people themselves, those brave, 'simple, faithful' folk o f Idris D a v i e s ' s d e p i c t i o n , w h o s e m e n f o l k w e r e p r o u d of t h e i r w o r k - s k i l l s , o f t h e i r family a n d h o m e . M a t e r i a l c o n d i t i o n s of h o u s i n g a n d h e a l t h d e t e r i o r a t e d a n d social o u t l e t s , s u c h as c h a p e l activities, m u s i c a l activities in g e n e r a l , m i n e r s ' i n s t i t u t e s a n d libraries, a n d r u g b y t e a m s , all d r a m a t i c a l l y d e c l i n e d . T h e r e is n o e s c a p i n g t h e fact t h a t l o n g y e a r s o f u n e m p l o y m e n t ,

d e s p i t e t h e b r a v e front to

p o v e r t y , l e d to p e r i o d i c b o u t s o f d e p r e s s i o n a m o n g t h e o r d i n a r y w o r ­ k e r s . W h i l e t h e over-forty-fives got u s e d to t h e ' t h i r t y s h i l l i n g s - a - w e e k ' s t a n d a r d , t h e r e w a s n e v e r t h e l e s s r e s e n t m e n t at i d l e n e s s ; a c c o r d i n g to J e n n i n g s ' a n a b i d i n g s e n s e o f w a s t e o f life' w a s felt b y n e a r l y all. N e v e r t h e l e s s , i n v o l v e m e n t in s c h e m e s s u c h as t h e

unemployment

clubs (associated with the various voluntary bodies b a c k e d up

finan­

cially f r o m t h e m i d - t h i r t i e s b y t h e N a t i o n a l C o u n c i l o f S o c i a l S e r v i c e s , such clubs simply concerning themselves with the problem of 'time to s p a r e ' ) d e s t r o y e d a p a t h y a n d h o p e l e s s n e s s . F o r t h e u n e m p l o y e d y o u n g adult t h e r e w a s a s e n s e o f f a t a l i s m a b o u t t h e c h a n c e s o f e m p l o y ­ m e n t , e v e n t h a t fate itself h a d d e c r e e d h i s p r e d i c a m e n t . C e r t a i n l y , the industrial

depression

i n c r e a s e d t h e f e e l i n g o f solidarity

and

b r o u g h t s h o p k e e p e r s a n d t e a c h e r s i n t o t h e fold. N e v e r t h e l e s s , it is d e b a t a b l e as to j u s t h o w ' p o l i t i c a l ' t h e v a l l e y s w e r e : it is likely t h a t a l t h o u g h p a s s i o n s r a n h i g h at t i m e s o f l o c k - o u t s a n d s t r i k e s , in n o r m a l times only a minority were 'single subject' men; most were milder, m i d d l e - o f - t h e - r o a d L a b o u r s u p p o r t e r s , w h o s e politics w e r e j u s t o n e e l e m e n t in t h e i r lives - b y t h e d e m a n d i n g s t a n d a r d s o f t h e left t h e y w e r e politically a p a t h e t i c . E v e n if social life w a s t r u n c a t e d , m o s t still f o u n d s o m e o u t l e t s to r e l i e v e t h e g l o o m ; s o m e in t h e social a n d c u l t u r a l activities o f t h e c h a p e l s ; s o m e in t h e u n e m p l o y e d c l u b s a n d m a n y m o r e in t h e m i n e r s ' i n s t i t u t e s a n d libraries ( t h e latter b e f o r e 1 9 3 7 - 8 f r o w n i n g u p o n t h e c l u b s as m e r e l y d e s i g n e d to k e e p w o r k e r s q u i e t ) ; s o m e in t h e b r a s s b a n d s a n d c h o i r s ; s o m e in t h e d a n c e - h a l l s a n d t h e ' p i c t u r e s ' ; s o m e i n s p o r t like r u n n i n g in t h e C a m b r i a n D a s h a n d t h e P o n t y p r i d d P o w d e r Hall, b o x i n g a n d r u g b y ; a n d s o m e in w a l k i n g a l o n e or in g r o u p s o n t h e m o u n t a i n s a n d in w o r k i n g t h e i r a l l o t m e n t s . E v e n if r e a d i n g o f s e r i o u s l i t e r a t u r e w a s falling off b y t h e m i d - t h i r t i e s ,

102

Lewis, 'Leaders and Teachers', pp. 553-5, 562.

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t h a t d e c a d e c o u l d n e v e r t h e l e s s still b o a s t o f a l a u d a b l y c u l t u r e d g r o u p of w o r k e r s . Life in t h e b i g t o w n s o f Cardiff a n d S w a n s e a in p a r t i c u l a r w a s fairly r o b u s t ; S w a n s e a , e s c a p i n g t h e full b l i g h t o f d e p r e s s i o n , w a s a lively a n d q u i t e s o p h i s t i c a t e d t o w n in t h e 1 9 3 0 s . S o life w a s n o t u n a l l e v i a t e d m i s e r y or e x c l u s i v e l y s p e n t i n political activity. Throughout, the w o m e n f o l k shouldered m u c h of the burden d e s p i t e t h e p h y s i c a l toll o n t h e m , n e v e r l o s t c o u r a g e .

and,

1 0 3

Ill C e n t r a l in s h a p i n g t h e d i s t i n c t i v e c h a r a c t e r o f W e l s h s o c i e t y , b o t h rural a n d u r b a n , d o w n to t h e c l o s e o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y a n d (if to a l e s s e r e x t e n t ) b e y o n d , w e r e n o n c o n f o r m i t y a n d t h e W e l s h l a n g u a g e . T h e t w o w e r e to b e c l o s e l y a s s o c i a t e d , for t h e c h a p e l s w e r e fiercely W e l s h in c h a r a c t e r - i n d e e d , it w a s h e l d t h a t t h e v e r y s u r v i v a l of r e l i g i o n w a s d e p e n d e n t o n t h e c o n t i n u a n c e o f t h e W e l s h t o n g u e . T h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y w a s to w i t n e s s a d r a m a t i c g r o w t h in n o n c o n ­ f o r m i t y , s o t h a t b y m i d - c e n t u r y , d e s p i t e t h e fact t h a t o n l y s o m e t h i n g like a t h i r d o f t h e W e l s h p o p u l a t i o n a t t e n d e d a p l a c e o f w o r s h i p (albeit, t h e W e l s h p e o p l e , p a r t i c u l a r l y its p o o r e s t g r o u p s , w e r e a g r e a t d e a l m o r e religious than the English), those w h o did w e r e o v e r w h e l m i n g l y n o n c o n f o r m i s t . Its g r o w t h h a d m u c h to d o w i t h t h e fact t h a t t h e e s t a b ­ lished church, b a s e d on the pre-industrial parish unit, w a s too admi­ n i s t r a t i v e l y c u m b e r s o m e a n d inflexible t o c o p e w i t h a fast r i s i n g p o p u l a t i o n a n d , d o m i n a t e d b y t h e l a n d o w n i n g c l a s s e s , its u n d e m o c r a ­ tic e t h o s a n d E n g l i s h o u t l o o k c o u l d n o t c o m p e t e w i t h t h e o p p o r t u n i t i e s offered b y t h e c h a p e l s for f e l l o w s h i p a n d l a y p a r t i c i p a t i o n ,

their

emotional hymns and sermons and wholly Welsh atmosphere. This last e v a n g e l i c a l , e m o t i o n a l trait h a d b e e n i m p a r t e d to O l d D i s s e n t b y t h e M e t h o d i s t r e v i v a l ; it w a s t h i s w h i c h c o n s t i t u t e d M e t h o d i s m ' s m o s t i m p o r t a n t c o n t r i b u t i o n a n d m o r e t h a n o u t w e i g h e d its n e g a t i v e

Jones, Times Like These, foreword by Glyn Jones and pp. 16-17; South Wales Miners' Library, oral testimonies of Phil Abraham, Trevor Davies, Bryn Thomas, O. Morgan, W. Rosser-Jones and R. Fine; 'Nantyglo: Portrait of a Mining Town', Fact, Nov. 1937, pp. 37, 39-40, 48, 76-7, 237; H. Jennings, Brynmawr (1934), pp. 140-1; A. Lush, The Young Adult in South Wales (Cardiff, 1941), p. 31; Fourth Report of the Commissioner for the Special Areas, PP 1937-8, XII, p. 787; Morgan, Rebirth, p. 239; P. Stead, 'And Every Valley Shall Be Exalted', Morgannwg, 34 (1980), pp. 87-8; Edwards, The Good Patch, pp. 151-4, 159-60, 162, 177, 182-4; Third Report of the Commissioner for the Special Areas, PP 1936-7, XII, p. 661; P. Stead, 'The Swansea of Dylan Thomas', in A Memorable Year 1977-8 (Dylan Thomas Society Wales Branch, 1978).

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D. W . H O W E L L A N D C. B A B E R

impact in helping undermine the old fun-inducing, joyous customs of t h e p e a s a n t r y .

1 0 4

While in industrial areas the c h a p e l ' s influence w a s noticeably to d e c l i n e f r o m t h e c l o s e o f t h e First W o r l d W a r , r e l i g i o n c o n t i n u e d t o play a great part in the lives of W e l s h rural dwellers d o w n to the 1940s, especially in t h e r e m o t e r ' W e l s h ' counties, albeit t h e old puri­ tanical ideal w a s softening. N e v e r t h e l e s s , the wireless, c i n e m a , the development of bus services and the secularising influence of the s c h o o l s w e r e all e r o d i n g t h e o l d c u l t u r a l i s o l a t i o n a n d d o g m a t i c b e l i e f s , a n d the h o l d of the chapel suffered accordingly. M o r e o v e r , increas­ i n g l y f r o m t h e last d e c a d e s o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y p e o p l e w e r e being appointed deacons because they were of the emerging middle class a n d others p a s s e d over b e c a u s e of poverty a n d this doubtless contributed to the chapel's d e c l i n e .

1 0 5

A t t h e h e i g h t o f its i n f l u e n c e d o w n t o t h e t u r n o f t h e p r e s e n t c e n t u r y , chapel services in rural W a l e s w e r e h e l d three times a S u n d a y , a n d w e e k - n i g h t m e e t i n g s w o u l d i n c l u d e a seiet, a p r a y e r m e e t i n g , a n o c c a ­ sional sermon, s o m e t i m e s a lecture or a musical evening, and, in the W e l s h - s p e a k i n g districts, a literary society during w i n t e r .

1 0 6

Sunday

s c h o o l s , a t t e n d e d b y a d u l t s a s w e l l a s c h i l d r e n , p l a y e d a vital p a r t in c h a p e l life a n d g a v e t h o s e o f l o w l y o c c u p a t i o n a l s t a t u s a c h a n c e t o s h o w t h e i r i n t e l l e c t u a l a n d ' p u b l i c ' gifts. T h u s i n C a r d i g a n s h i r e in 1 9 1 8 a l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n o f S u n d a y s c h o o l t e a c h e r s w e r e f a r m s e r ­ vants. T h e Calvinistic Methodists there held scripture examinations annually a n d p r e s e n t e d m e d a l s to t h e b e s t performers in e a c h class, on a n u m b e r of occasions farm labourers winning the gold medal given to t h e m o s t successful in t h e adult c l a s s .

1 0 7

Arguably, Sunday

schools h a d an e v e n m o r e p r o f o u n d influence in t h e rural t o w n s a n d c o u n t r y s i d e t h a n t h e eisteddfodau.

' T h e i r gifted t e a c h e r s a n d p e r f e c t

organisation have m a d e the W e l s h nation a nation of students', wrote

Williams, Religion, Language and Nationality, pp. 25, 104; Jones, Explorations and Explanations, pp. 21, 26-7, 221, 225-7; E. T. Davies, Religion and Society in the Nine­ teenth Century (Llandybie, 1981), chap. 1; E . D. Evans, A History of Wales, 1660-1815 (Cardiff, 1976), p. 95; Owen, Welsh Folk Customs, pp. 23ff. Rees, Life in a Welsh Countryside, p. 118; Davies and Rees, eds., Welsh Rural Communi­ ties, pp. 4 0 - 1 , 194-6; Morgan, Rebirth, pp. 198-9; L. Morgan, 'The Future of Welsh Nonconformity', Welsh Outlook, 18 (1931), pp. 176-7; I. Peate, 'Society in Wales', in B. Jones, ed., The Anatomy of Wales (Cardiff, 1972), pp. 51-2; J. E . Southall, Wales and her Language, 2nd edn (1893), p. 215. RC on Land in Wales, PP 1896, pp. 645-6; RC on the Church and Other Religious Bodies in Wales, PP 1910, XIV. Wages and Conditions of Employment, PP 1919, p. 51.

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O w e n M . E d w a r d s towards the close of the n i n e t e e n t h century in r e f e r r i n g t o B a l a , a n d a c c o u n t e d for t h e fact t h a t W a l e s h a d p e r h a p s a m o r e f l o u r i s h i n g l i t e r a t u r e t h a n a n y E u r o p e a n c o u n t r y o f its s i z e . A n i n s t a n c e w a s r e c o r d e d in 1 9 1 8 o f a C a r d i g a n s h i r e l a b o u r e r w h o , h a v i n g b e e n g i v e n a h e i f e r a s a r e w a r d for s e v e n y e a r s ' s e r v i c e , s o l d it a n d s p e n t t h e p r o c e e d s o n b u y i n g b o o k s .

1 0 8

T h e p e r i o d i c c o m p e t i t i v e m e e t i n g s b e t w e e n c h a p e l s d i d m u c h for t h e i n t e l l e c t u a l i m p r o v e m e n t o f t h e rural p e a s a n t r y . F e s t i v a l s w e r e of t w o k i n d s , cymanfa ganu

(a s i n g i n g festival) a n d cymanfa bwnc (a

m e e t i n g h e l d for t h e p u r p o s e o f c a t e c h i s i n g S u n d a y s c h o o l s o n a s p e c i ­ fic p o r t i o n o f S c r i p t u r e ) . T h e s e festivals w e r e h e l d b y a g r o u p o f c h a p e l s o f o n e d e n o m i n a t i o n a n d at o n e l e v e l f o s t e r e d c o m p e t i t i o n b e t w e e n c h a p e l s o f t h e s a m e d e n o m i n a t i o n . B u t at t h e o t h e r l e v e l they were the occasion of co-operation b e t w e e n chapels of the s a m e d e n o m i n a t i o n t o p r o v i d e a festival t h a t w o u l d m a t c h or s u r p a s s t h e c o r r e s p o n d i n g festival h e l d b y o t h e r c h a p e l s o f a different d e n o m i n a ­ t i o n . T h i s friendly rivalry (or s o it w a s ideally!) b e t w e e n

different

d e n o m i n a t i o n s c a n n o t b e d e n i e d , b u t a l t h o u g h m e m b e r s h i p o f differ­ ent d e n o m i n a t i o n s gave p e o p l e a s e n s e of b e l o n g i n g to distinctive g r o u p s s u c h g r o u p s felt m o r e in c o m m o n w i t h o n e a n o t h e r t h a n w i t h the 'world'.

1 0 9

T h r o u g h o u t the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries contem­ p o r a r i e s r e c o g n i s e d a f u n d a m e n t a l s o c i a l d i s t i n c t i o n in t h e r u r a l c o m ­ m u n i t y b e t w e e n t h o s e w h o b e l o n g e d to ' t h e c h u r c h ' a n d t h o s e w h o b e l o n g e d to ' t h e w o r l d ' .

1 1 0

T h e characteristics of those belonging

t o ' t h e c h u r c h ' w e r e r e g u l a r a t t e n d a n c e at s e r v i c e s a n d t h e v a r i o u s activities o f t h e c h a p e l s a n d ( e s t a b l i s h e d ) c h u r c h e s , total a b s t i n e n c e f r o m a l c o h o l i c d r i n k , thrift, r e s p e c t for e d u c a t i o n a n d a d e s i r e to ' g e t o n ' . T h o s e o f ' t h e w o r l d ' , o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , e v e n if s o m e o f t h e m d i d a t t e n d c h a p e l or c h u r c h , d i d n o t s u p p o r t it in all its activities, did n o t k e e p t h e S a b b a t h b u t r a t h e r w e r e p r e p a r e d to e n j o y s e c u l a r r e c r e a t i o n s , f r e q u e n t e d p u b l i c h o u s e s , w e r e i n c l i n e d to s p e n d

on

immediate pleasures a n d did not value education and 'getting o n ' .

RC on Labour, Wales, PP 1893-4, p. 40; Wages and Conditions of Employment, PP 1919, p. 51. Wages and Conditions of Employment, PP 1919, pp. 51, 75; Jenkins, Agricultural Com­ munity, pp. 197-205; idem, 'Aberporth', in Davies and Rees, eds., Welsh Rural Com­ munities, p. 53. Davies and Rees, eds., Welsh Rural Communities, pp. x-xi; but note that Jenkins in Agricultural Community, pp. 210ff, distinguishes between members of a chapel and 'hearers' who attended chapel services. The latter were of 'the world'.

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332

D. W . H O W E L L A N D C . B A B E R

David

Jenkins

and

others

have

demonstrated

that

high

social

s t a t u s w a s chiefly d e t e r m i n e d b y m e m b e r s h i p o f t h e ' r e l i g i o u s g r o u p ' . At

t h e s a m e t i m e , t h e y r e c o g n i s e a s o c i a l stratification b a s e d

occupation. within

The

a chapel

awkward

circumstance

could

of a lowly cottager holding

an

sometimes office

on

arise

granting

authority over a farmer, so a t e n d e n c y developed of accommodat­ i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n t h e o n e field t o t h o s e i n t h e o t h e r , r e l a t i v e l y more farmers b e c o m i n g deacons than those holding occupations.

lower-status

1 1 1

C h a p e l activities i n r u r a l a r e a s - r e l i g i o u s , c u l t u r a l a n d s o c i a l - p r o ­ v i d e d t h e b e s t f o r u m for whole f a m i l i e s o f a n e i g h b o u r h o o d t o m e e t right d o w n t o t h e 1 9 4 0 s .

1 1 2

N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e r e is n o m i s t a k i n g t h e

a p p e a l t o i n d i v i d u a l f a m i l y m e m b e r s b y t h e n o f s u c h s e c u l a r activities as t h e W o m e n ' s I n s t i t u t e , w h i c h h a d t a k e n h o l d b y t h e e a r l y 1 9 2 0 s , Urdd Gobaith Cymru

(Welsh League of Youth), the Y o u n g Farmers'

Club, the cinema, the Y M C A s and the W E A classes. T h e manifestation of t h e s p r e a d o f n e w r e c r e a t i o n a l facilities n o t b a s e d o n t h e c h a p e l w a s t h e b u i l d i n g o f ' v i l l a g e ' o r ' m e m o r i a l ' h a l l s after t h e F i r s t W o r l d War.

1 1 3

The contribution of nonconformity to W e l s h industrial society w a s i m m e n s e a n d i n l a r g e m e a s u r e b e n e f i c i a l . Initially, n o n c o n f o r m i t y p e r ­ formed an inestimable service in providing t h e n e w c o m e r s with the m e a n s o f g r a c e i n a f o r m t h a t w a s familiar a n d p r e c i o u s t o m a n y of t h e m a n d g i v i n g t h e m a f e e l i n g o f b e l o n g i n g a n d s e n s e o f f r i e n d l y c o m m u n i t y w i t h i n t h i s h o s t i l e ' f r o n t i e r ' s o c i e t y . It t a u g h t t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s e s o f t h e v a l l e y t o w n s a n d p o r t s t h e v i r t u e s o f thrift, s o b r i e t y , cleanliness a n d h o n e s t y in an e n v i r o n m e n t of pervading drunkenness

and

careless abandon

-

most

sensationally

squalor, though

u n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y m a n i f e s t e d i n M e r t h y r ' s ' C h i n a ' a n d , later, i n

Jenkins, 'Aberporth', pp. 14ff; see also essays on Tregaron and Glanllyn in Davies and Rees, eds., Welsh Rural Communities; Jenkins, Agricultural Community, p. 193; G. Williams, 'On Class and Status Groups in Welsh Rural Society', in G. Williams, ed., Crisis of Economy and Ideology (Sociology of Wales Studies Group, 1983), pp. 134-86. T. Owen, 'Glanllyn', in Davies and Rees, eds., Welsh Rural Communities, p. 205; Parry-Jones, My Own Folk, p. 157. Rees, Life in a Welsh Country side, p. 139; Jenkins, 'Aberporth', p. 20; W. King, 'The Adolescent in Rural Wales', Welsh Outlook, 10 (1923), pp. 330-2; T. Jones Hughes, 'Aberdaron', in Davies and Rees, eds., Welsh Rural Communities, p. 175; E. Matthews, 'Anglesey Union of Village Halls and Societies', Welsh Outlook, 10 (1923), pp. 17-19.

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Wales

333

C a r d i f f ' s B u t e t o w n a n d S p l o t t . T h r o u g h its d e m o c r a t i c o r g a n i s a t i o n in c h a p e l a n d S u n d a y s c h o o l it a l s o p r o v i d e d a n o p p o r t u n i t y for per­ s o n a l s t a t u s for t a l e n t e d w o r k i n g - c l a s s p e o p l e , w h o w e r e o t h e r w i s e d e n i e d it. I n d e e d i n rural a n d i n d u s t r i a l W a l e s a l i k e , p o s s i b l y n o n c o n ­ f o r m i t y ' s g r e a t e s t c o n t r i b u t i o n , a r g u e s C h a r l o t t e A u l l , w a s its furnish­ i n g ' t h e b a s i s o f a n e w s t a t u s s y s t e m , d i v o r c e d f r o m E n g l i s h social structure, that produced a n e w W e l s h elite'. Finally, the nonconform­ ist S u n d a y s c h o o l s , m o r e s o t h a n a n y o t h e r a g e n c y d o w n t o t h e c l o s e of t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , w e r e r e s p o n s i b l e for t e a c h i n g t h e o r d i n a r y people in their native t o n g u e . T h e c h a p e l w a s far m o r e t h a n a m e a n s o f spiritual s u p p o r t , for t h e s e c u l a r activities o f t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s e s i n t h e t o w n s , as t h e eisteddfodau,

literary s o c i e t i e s , c o n c e r t s , p e n n y r e a d i n g s , a n d

cymanfaoedd

( s i n g i n g festivals) w e r e o f t e n a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e c h a p e l s . It is i n d e e d vital t h a t w e r e c o g n i s e t h e t r e m e n d o u s h o l d o f t h e eisteddfod - u s u a l l y c h a p e l - b a s e d - a n d o f c h o r a l s i n g i n g in b o t h t h e o l d a n d n e w t o w n s o v e r t h e c o u r s e o f t h e m i d - a n d l a t e - n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . T h e eisteddfod b y mid-century had b e c o m e a widespread, popular, highly democratic p u b l i c e v e n t a n d , a l o n g w i t h t h e c h a p e l , w a s a m a j o r a g e n t o f adult e d u c a t i o n . T h e c h a p e l s , t o o , s a w t h e r i s e o f m a r v e l l o u s c h o i r s , often t e m p e r a n c e o n e s , f r o m t h e 1 8 5 0 s o n w a r d s , t r a i n e d i n t h e t o n i c sol-fa s y s t e m . A s m e m b e r s h i p o f c h a p e l s g r e w i n t h e l a t e d e c a d e s of t h e c e n t u r y it b e c a m e a m a t t e r o f s e l f - e s t e e m t o p u t o n a n a n n u a l o r a t o r i o , a n d e v e n the less ambitious congregations h a d to attempt a sacred c a n t a t a . I n t h e c h a p e l s a n d eisteddfodau

countless ordinary

could achieve a measure of self-expression and personal

people dignity;

i n d e e d , c l a i m s I. G . J o n e s , it w a s in t h e eisteddfod t h a t t h e w o r k i n g m a n ' d i s c o v e r e d h i s s e l f - c o n s c i o u s n e s s ' . It w a s , t h e s a m e a u t h o r i t y reminds us, because of their very 'social' dimension that people were d r a w n to the chapels. A n d , h e again insists, the chapels and their a s s o c i a t e d s e c u l a r activities w e r e t h e p e o p l e ' s o w n c r e a t i o n , a c l a i m that holds m u c h truth although w e w o u l d caution that the contribution of t h e late n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y c o a l o w n e r s in f i n a n c i n g c h a p e l - b u i l d ­ i n g s h o u l d n o t b e lost s i g h t of. T h e s e v a r i o u s c h a p e l activities in truth satisfied t h e p e o p l e ' s k e e n d e s i r e t o g e t t o g e t h e r , a n d e v e n if t h e r e w e r e rivalries a n d j e a l o u s i e s e n g e n d e r e d b e t w e e n c h o i r s at t h e i n n u ­ m e r a b l e eisteddfodau

a n d s i n g i n g festivals n e v e r t h e l e s s s u c h inter-

c h a p e l activities g a v e t h e s e p a r a t e m i n i n g t o w n s h i p s a c h a n c e to b r e a k d o w n t h e i r s e n s e o f i s o l a t i o n b y j o i n i n g w i t h n e i g h b o u r i n g villages in

a common,

organic

culture.

Indeed,

insofar

as rivalry

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

was

334

D. W. HOWELL AND C. BABER

c o n c e r n e d , t h i s w a s p e r h a p s o v e r a l l a g o o d t h i n g for it m i g h t b e a r g u e d t h a t e a c h s e p a r a t e v i l l a g e a n d t o w n s h i p c o u l d o n l y e s t a b l i s h its o w n i d e n t i t y b y s u c h rivalry w h i c h e x t e n d e d n o t o n l y to c h o r a l s i n g i n g b u t to r u g b y as w e l l .

1 1 4

F o r all t h e b e n e f i t s c o n f e r r e d b y n o n c o n f o r m i t y , its l e a d e r s in t h e i n d u s t r i a l c o m m u n i t i e s o f S o u t h W a l e s h a v e n e v e r t h e l e s s b e e n criti­ cised o n the g r o u n d s that their Calvinistic individualistic theology r e n d e r e d t h e m p r e o c c u p i e d w i t h p e r s o n a l s a l v a t i o n a n d t h e after-life a n d l a r g e l y indifferent to c o n t e m p o r a r y s o c i a l p r o b l e m s . I n p a r t i c u l a r , it is s t r e s s e d , n o n c o n f o r m i t y f r o w n e d u p o n e a r l y w o r k i n g - c l a s s m o v e ­ m e n t s s u c h as t r a d e s u n i o n s , b e n e f i t s o c i e t i e s a n d C h a r t i s m .

1 1 5

There

is m u c h t r u t h i n t h i s c r i t i c i s m ( a l t h o u g h it is as w e l l to b e a r in m i n d that certain k e e n chapel m e m b e r s w e r e to b e found

among

the

m a r c h e r s o n N e w p o r t in 1 8 3 9 ) . F o r all t h a t , it c a n still b e c l a i m e d t h a t n o n c o n f o r m i t y , a n d to a l e s s e r e x t e n t t h e c h u r c h , p l a y e d a vital, p o s i t i v e role i n s h a p i n g t h e n e w i n d u s t r i a l e n v i r o n m e n t , in civilising that society.

1 1 6

W h i l e recognising this magnificent contribution,

it

remains unfortunately true that nonconformity's hold on urban and r u r a l W e l s h m e n alike d i d r a t h e r i n d u c e a n e r v o u s a n d a p o l o g e t i c t o n e w h e n alluding to pleasurable pastimes a n d an excessive feeling of guilt o v e r s m a l l t r a n s g r e s s i o n s , a n d t h e r e w a s c e r t a i n l y t h e d a n g e r of s e l f - r i g h t e o u s n e s s , c o n c e i t a n d p r i g g i s h c e n s o r i o u s n e s s c r e e p i n g in i n n o n c o n f o r m i t y ' s total a b s t i n e n c e n o t o n l y f r o m a l c o h o l b u t f r o m all k i n d s o f s p o r t .

117

D u r i n g t h e last t w o d e c a d e s o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y a n e w m o o d

114

115

116

117

Jones, 'The South Wales Collier', pp. 46, 49; idem, 'The Valleys', p. 62; W. Lambert, 'Some Working-Class Attitudes towards Organised Religion in Nineteenth-Cen­ tury Wales', Llafur, 2 (1976), p. 5; State of Education in Wales, PP 1847, Part 1, pp. 5-8; E. T. Davies, Religion in the Industrial Revolution in South Wales (Cardiff 1965), pp. 54, 92; idem, Religion and Society, p. 64; T. J. Morgan, 'Peasant Culture in the Swansea Valley', in S. Williams, ed., Glamorgan Historian, vol. 9 (Cowbridge, 1973), p. 118; T. Jones, Rhymney Memories (Newtown, 1938), p. 131; Aull, 'Ethnic Nationalism in Wales', p. 78; E. D. Lewis, 'Population Changes and Social Life 1860-1914', in Hopkins, ed., Rhondda Past and Future, pp. 120-2; D. Smith, Wales! Wa/es? (1984), p. 34. Davies, Religion and Society, pp. 76ff; Lambert, 'Some Working-Class Attitudes', pp. 9-11; C. Gwyther, 'Sidelights on Religion and Politics in the Rhondda Valley, 1906-26', Llafur, 3 (1980), pp. 3 2 - 3 . Jones, Explorations and Explanations, pp. 233-4; Williams, Religion, Language and Nationality, p. 141. W. G. Roberts, 'Nonconformity: A Force in Welsh National Life', Young Wales, 9(1903), p p . 8 7 , 9 1 - 2 .

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

Wales set in a m o n g t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s o f i n d u s t r i a l n e g a t i v e attitude

335

South Wales. The

o n t h e p a r t o f n o n c o n f o r m i t y to t h e

workers'

problems, the preoccupation on the part of Liberal leaders

and

n o n c o n f o r m i s t p r e a c h e r s ( m a n y o f w h o m h a d rural b a c k g r o u n d s ) w i t h t h e p r o b l e m s o f rural W a l e s a n d t h e b y n o w

middle-class

composition of the colliery-manager chapel-deacon out of touch with the feelings of the workers (the early-century deacons had b e e n drawn from a m o n g the working-class population) led increasing n u m b e r s to a b a n d o n the chapels in favour of trade u n i o n i s m socialism,

which

they

perceived

as t h e

and

best representatives

of

their true interests. T h e m a n y m i n e r s ' institutes founded across the coalfield in t h e t w o d e c a d e s u p t o 1 9 1 0 , e a c h h o u s i n g a r e a d i n g r o o m a n d library, w h e r e m e n b e c a m e w e l l v e r s e d in s c i e n c e , p o e t r y , r e l i g i o n , p h i l o s o p h y a n d e c o n o m i c s , w e r e i n c r e a s i n g l y to

appeal

to the y o u n g a n d to draw t h e m a w a y from the out-of-touch chapels. Welsh nonconformist chapels were antagonistic towards the

new

l a b o u r m o v e m e n t p a r t l y b e c a u s e t h e y c o n c e i v e d s o c i a l i s m to b e an ungodly

movement

and

p a r t l y b e c a u s e , as e v e r , t h e y

were

s u s p i c i o u s o f E n g l i s h i n f l u e n c e s . S o c i a l i s m ' s h o l d w a s significantly s t r e n g t h e n e d d u r i n g t h e First W o r l d W a r , t h e c h a p e l ' s s t a n d i n g n o w b e i n g d e n t e d b y its s u p p o r t for t h e w a r . B y t h i s t i m e , t h e d e c l i n e of t h e W e l s h l a n g u a g e w a s a l s o p o s i n g a p r o b l e m for t h e c h a p e l s . After t h e w a r , m o r e a n d m o r e s o s o c i a l i s m a n d t r a d e

unionism,

with the fellowship of their institutes and m i n e r s ' welfare halls, c o n s t i t u t e d attractive a l t e r n a t i v e s to r e l i g i o n , a n d l e i s u r e p u r s u i t s , t o o , it will b e s h o w n , f r o m t h e 1 8 9 0 s p o s e d s t r o n g c o u n t e r - a t t r a c t i o n s . A l l - i m p o r t a n t , t h e c i n e m a h a d c o m e in b y 1 9 1 4 . I n n o v a t i o n in travel, t o o , a l l o w e d for S u n d a y e x c u r s i o n s t o B a r r y I s l a n d or S w a n s e a , w h i l e t h e r a d i o f r o m 1 9 2 3 effected a v e r i t a b l e s o c i a l r e v o l u t i o n i n broadening

people's

outlook.

The

old

hell-fire,

fundamentalist

c h a r a c t e r o f n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y n o n c o n f o r m i t y c o m m e n d e d itself l e s s a n d less to the y o u n g . Furthermore, chapel m e m b e r s w e r e migrating t o j o b s e l s e w h e r e in t h e 1 9 2 0 s a n d 1 9 3 0 s a n d , m o r e o v e r , g i v e n t h a t religious observance w a s

in p a r t b o u n d

up

with

respectability,

t h e d e p r e s s i o n m e a n t t h a t p e o p l e l a c k e d s u i t a b l e c l o t h e s for c h a p e l a t t e n d a n c e . S o m e , t o o (in B r y n m a w r at l e a s t ) , d u r i n g t h e d e p r e s s i o n w e r e d i s i l l u s i o n e d at t h e w a y c e r t a i n m i n i s t e r s h a d r e j e c t e d t h e offer of a b a r e m a i n t e n a n c e g r a n t a n d h a d m o v e d t o c h u r c h e s t h a t c o u l d pay the usual salary. T h e S u n d a y schools declined partly b e c a u s e their teachers w e r e unable to relate to the p r o b l e m s of the y o u n g ,

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336

D. W . H O W E L L A N D C. B A B E R

w h o were n o w being w e a n e d away from the old puritanism b y secular education.

1 1 8

D e c l i n e w a s m i r r o r e d in t h e o v e r c a p a c i t y a n d o v e r l a p p i n g o f c h a p e l s in W a l e s e v i d e n t b y 1 9 1 0 a n d e v e n m o r e s o b y 1 9 2 9 . N e v e r t h e l e s s , that decline should not b e exaggerated. M e m b e r s h i p r e m a i n e d large d o w n to t h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r , n u m b e r i n g w e l l o v e r 4 0 0 , 0 0 0 i n t h e 1920s. W e h a v e s e e n that a t t e n d a n c e r e m a i n e d strongest in rural areas w h e r e r i g h t d o w n to t h e 1 9 4 0 s a n d e v e n i n t o t h e p o s t - 1 9 4 5 e r a t h e c h a p e l i n f l u e n c e w a s still a v e r y i m p o r t a n t f o r c e , a n d h e r e it is vital t h a t w e a p p r e c i a t e t h a t at a t i m e w h e n r e l i g i o u s c o n v i c t i o n w a s i n retreat the continuing strength of kinship a n d compelling awareness of a p e r s o n a l o b l i g a t i o n t o m a i n t a i n t h e t r a d i t i o n o f a f a m i l y w i t h a particular Bethel motivated continuing attendance. E v e n with regard t o i n d u s t r i a l S o u t h W a l e s , r e l i g i o n r e m a i n e d a n i m p o r t a n t , if d e c l i n ­ ing, f o r c e d o w n to t h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r , a n d t h a t t h i s w a s p a r t i c u ­ larly s o a s late as t h e 1 9 2 0 s d o u b t l e s s o w e d s o m e t h i n g t o t h e r e l i g i o u s revival of 1 9 0 4 - 5 . E v e n in the s p h e r e of the labour m o v e m e n t , the fact t h a t e n l i g h t e n e d social a t t i t u d e s w e r e c o m i n g i n c r e a s i n g l y t o p r e ­ vail m e a n t t h a t in t h e R h o n d d a a n u m b e r o f a c t i v e m e m b e r s o f t h e S W M F and the mid-Rhondda Trades and Labour Council remained a t t a c h e d to t h e c h a p e l s a n d t h a t i n t h e 1 9 2 0 s a n d 1 9 3 0 s m a n y c h a p e l s there, notably the Methodist T o n y p a n d y Central Hall u n d e r R e x Barker, did valuable w o r k in helping alleviate distress a n d w e r e a part of the United Front r e s p o n s e .

1 1 9

If t h e c h a p e l p l a y e d a n i n e s t i m a b l e r o l e in i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y t h r o u g h ­ out the Victorian era, nevertheless there w e r e a n u m b e r of other rec­ r e a t i o n s far r e m o v e d f r o m t h e e t h o s o f t h e c h a p e l w h i c h t h e i n d u s t r i a l w o r k e r c o u l d e n j o y . T h e m a i n a l t e r n a t i v e social o u t l e t for t h e w o r k e r d u r i n g h i s f e w l e i s u r e h o u r s w a s t h e s m o k e - n l l e d , badly-lit p u b l i c h o u s e . N o t that chapel a n d p u b w e r e mutually exclusive, h o w e v e r , 118

119

Davies, Religion in the Industrial Revolution, pp. 160-1, 166-7; idem, Religion and Society, pp. 75-7; Lambert, 'Some Working-Class Attitudes', p. 14; D. B. Rees, Chapels in the Valley (Wirral, 1975), pp. 148, 184-5, 193, 197; Gwyther, 'Sidelights on Religion and Polities', p. 35; B. Richards, History of the Llynfi Valley (Cowbridge, 1982), pp. 250-1; Lewis, 'Population Changes', p. 312; Morgan, Rebirth, pp. 197-9; Edwards, The Good Patch, pp. 81-2; B. Thomas, 'Organisation of Religion in Wales', Welsh Outlook, 16 (1929), p. 365; Third Report of the Commission for the Special Areas, p. 7; Lush, The Young Adult, pp. 47-8; Jennings, Brynmawr, p. 142; T. N. Williams, 'The Sunday School: Its Failure and Future', Welsh Outlook, 17 (1930), pp. 6-9. Thomas 'Organisation of Religion', pp. 364-5; Morgan, Rebirth, p. 199; Owen, 'Glanllyn', p. 195; Rees, Chapels in the Valley, p. 157; Gwyther, 'Sidelights on Religion', pp. 36-8; idem, The Valley Shall Be Exalted, pp. 2 1 - 3 , 71; Edwards, The Good Patch, pp. 1 4 3 - 4 , 1 6 8 - 7 2 ; Francis and Smith, The Fed, pp. 256ff.

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Wales

337

for s o m e c o l l i e r s at t h e c l o s e o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y w e r e t o b e f o u n d g o i n g t o t h e p u b s o n w e e k - d a y s a n d to t h e c h a p e l o n S u n d a y s . O n Saturday nights, especially pay-Saturday nights, a n d particularly at t h e l o c a l fairs, d r u n k e n n e s s a n d f i g h t i n g w e r e c o m m o n , e v e n t h e w o m e n f o l k f i g h t i n g o n e a n o t h e r w i t h b a r e fists. A n o t h e r s o u r c e o f popular entertainment in the valley t o w n s a n d villages b e t w e e n midc e n t u r y a n d t h e l a t e 1 8 7 0 s a n d , to a l e s s e r e x t e n t , d o w n to 1 9 1 4 , w e r e t h e p o r t a b l e t h e a t r e s w h i c h v i s i t e d t h e n u m e r o u s fairs. N o t s u r p r i s ­ ingly, their vulgarity and sensationalism rendered t h e m u n p o p u l a r w i t h t h e c h a p e l s . F o r all t h a t , t h e y p r o v i d e d a w e l c o m e t o u c h o f g a i e t y to the harsh lives of the w o r k i n g classes, allegedly d r e w the workers out of the pubs, a n d w e r e to m a k e the s a m e kind of w a r m appeal as w a s to b e later found in the music halls of the valley t o w n s a n d ports of the E d w a r d i a n era. B y the o p e n i n g years of this century t h o s e still i n b u s i n e s s w e r e b e i n g i n c r e a s i n g l y c o n v e r t e d t o c i n e m a s . T h e permanent

theatres, both those of the county t o w n s and

seaside

resorts which h a d b e e n established from the turn of the nineteenth c e n t u r y a n d t h o s e l a t e r o n e s e s t a b l i s h e d in t h e m a j o r i n d u s t r i a l t o w n s a n d p o r t s , a l s o p r o v i d e d a n i m p o r t a n t o p p o r t u n i t y for t h e W e l s h p e o p l e t o e n j o y , a b o v e all, m e l o d r a m a , b u t a l s o s o m e o p e r a

and

S h a k e s p e a r e . P r e d i c t a b l y , n o n c o n f o r m i t y o p p o s e d t h e m as t h e h o m e of frivolity a n d e v e n v i c e . I n t h e c e n t u r y o r s o d o w n to 1 8 8 0 t h e h i g h e s t s t a n d a r d s o f t h e a t r e i n W a l e s w e r e t o b e f o u n d at S w a n s e a b u t t h e r e ­ after t h e a t r e at C a r d i f f g r e w f r o m s t r e n g t h t o s t r e n g t h .

1 2 0

B e s i d e s t h e p u b s , t h e a t r e s a n d (later) m u s i c h a l l s , t h e r e w e r e t h e v i s i t i n g c i r c u s e s a n d t r a v e l l i n g fairs, t h e l a t t e r h o l d i n g o u t for t h e y o u t h t h e s p e c i a l a t t r a c t i o n o f t h e b o x i n g b o o t h s . W e e k l y bare-fist, £ l - a - s i d e boxing a n d wrestling bouts also occurred on the hillsides of t h e R h o n d d a . V e r y p o p u l a r t h e r e , t o o , w e r e t h e h o r s e - r a c i n g a n d f o o t - r u n n i n g c o n t e s t s at t h e P a r t r i d g e F i e l d , L l w y n y p i a , a n d o t h e r recreations a m o n g R h o n d d a miners were rounders, quoits, whippet racing a n d particularly hand-ball.

121

A s i g n i f i c a n t e x t e n s i o n to l e i s u r e a c t i v i t i e s , a n d , w i t h it, i n c r e a s i n g secularisation of society, c a m e from the 1890s, with organised sport

Jones, 'The South Wales Collier', p. 47; Wil Jon Edwards, From the Valley I Came (1956), pp. 7, 66; Lewis, 'Population Changes', p. 116; C. Price, 'Portable Theatres in Wales 1843-1914', National Library of Wales Journal, 9 (1955-6), pp. 65-92; idem, The Professional Theatre in Wales (Swansea, 1984). Mr Peter Stead made helpful suggestions for this paragraph. Lewis, 'Population Changes', p. 125.

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338

D. W. H O W E L L A N D C. B A B E R

n o w p l a y i n g a vital a n d i n c r e a s i n g r o l e in S o u t h W a l e s ' s i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y . B i g c r o w d s m e t to w a t c h w r e s t l i n g , b o x i n g , r u g b y a n d s o c c e r m a t c h e s . I n t h e E d w a r d i a n e r a S o u t h W a l e s w a s , i n d e e d , to p r o d u c e some outstanding boxing and wrestling champions. Most spectacu­ larly, ' F r e d d i e W e l s h ' a n d J i m m y W i l d e w e r e to b e c o m e w o r l d b o x i n g c h a m p i o n s . R u g b y b e c a m e a passion that gripped a large section of t h e p o p u l a t i o n o f E d w a r d i a n S o u t h W a l e s like a spell - s o m e c o n t e m ­ p o r a r i e s w o u l d h a v e s a i d a n evil s p e l l . D u r i n g t h e 1 8 7 0 s a n d 1 8 8 0 s it w a s , h o w e v e r , v e r y m u c h a m i d d l e - c l a s s g a m e a n d w a s , m o r e o v e r , often played b y m e n of n o n - W e l s h birth from the n e i g h b o u r i n g W e s t Country strongholds of the g a m e w h o , from the 1860s, h a d

gone

w e s t to m a k e t h e i r f o r t u n e s as p r o f e s s i o n a l p e o p l e i n t h e b o n a n z a society of industrial S o u t h W a l e s . B y the early 1890s the

numerous

v i l l a g e s i n coalfield s o c i e t y h a d c o m e to b o a s t t h e i r o w n c l u b s c o n t a i n ­ i n g w o r k i n g - c l a s s p l a y e r s a n d at t h e s a m e t i m e t h e l o n g e r - s t a n d i n g clubs of the larger t o w n s b e g a n to recruit w o r k i n g m e n . M o r e o v e r , t h e n a t i o n a l s i d e b y t h e late 1 8 9 0 s h a d c o m e t o i n c l u d e h e a v y w o r k i n g c l a s s ' R h o n d d a F o r w a r d s ' (a t e r m a c t u a l l y e m b r a c i n g

tinplatemen,

s t e e l w o r k e r s a n d d o c k e r s , as w e l l as c o l l i e r s ) , w h o p l a y e d a n i m p o r t ­ a n t p a r t i n s e c u r i n g n o l e s s t h a n six T r i p l e C r o w n s b e t w e e n 1 9 0 0 a n d 1 9 1 2 . R u g b y t h u s c a m e to act as a s o c i a l s o l v e n t b y c u t t i n g a c r o s s class barriers a n d bringing together w o r k i n g a n d middle-class players a n d s p e c t a t o r s a l i k e . J u s t as i m p o r t a n t l y , it b e c a m e b y 1 9 0 0 a ' f o c u s for n a t i o n a l i t y ' , a ( p l e a s i n g ) m e a n s for a s s e r t i n g W e l s h n a t i o n a l i d e n ­ tity. A l t h o u g h r u g b y w a s t h e d o m i n a n t s p o r t i n S o u t h W a l e s , s o c c e r , too, h a d a wide appeal a m o n g the S o u t h W a l e s industrial communities f r o m t h e 1 8 9 0 s , a n d b e t w e e n 1 8 9 0 a n d 1 9 0 6 ( b e f o r e t h e full i m p l i c a t i o n s of p r o f e s s i o n a l i s m w e r e felt) t h e f o u r m o s t s u c c e s s f u l c l u b s w e r e R o g e r s t o n e , Treharris, A b e r d a r e a n d Barry. I n d e e d , in

geographical

terms, soccer w o n wider appeal amongst the W e l s h than rugby.

1 2 2

A f u r t h e r t o u c h o f c o l o u r a n d d i v e r s i o n w a s afforded W e l s h s o c i e t y , p a r t i c u l a r l y after t h e c o m i n g o f rail c o m m u n i c a t i o n , b y visits a n d e x c u r s i o n s to s e a s i d e r e s o r t s a n d i n l a n d s p a s . T h u s r a i l w a y e x c u r s i o n s to S w a n s e a w e r e b e c o m i n g c o m m o n a m o n g M e r t h y r w o r k m e n

in

t h e 1 8 5 0 s w h i l e , f r o m t h e 1 8 8 0 s , colliers f r o m t h e W e l s h s t e a m c o a l v a l l e y s w e n t o n d a y e x c u r s i o n s b y rail to B a r r y a n d P o r t h c a w l . S i m i 122

Ibid., pp. 125-6; Morgan, Rebirth, pp. 133-4; Smith, Wales! Wales? pp. 35-7; B. Lile and D. Farmer, 'The Early Development of Association Football in South Wales, 1890-1906', Transactions of the Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion (1984), pp. 193-215.

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339

larly, t h e i n d u s t r i a l p o p u l a t i o n o f N o r t h W a l e s , t o g e t h e r w i t h t h o s e o f L a n c a s h i r e , w e r e d r a w n i n c r e a s i n g l y f r o m t h e 1 8 6 0 s to t h e r e s o r t s of L l a n d u d n o , C o l w y n B a y a n d R h y l . V i s i t s w e r e a l s o m a d e b y m e m ­ bers of S o u t h W a l e s industrial society to the inland spas of Llandrindod Wells and Llanwrtyd.

1 2 3

C l a s s stratification o f l e i s u r e w a s h e r e a p p a r e n t i n t h e t e n d e n c y for c e r t a i n r e s o r t s t o c a t e r for a p a r t i c u l a r t y p e o f v i s i t o r . T h u s it w a s t h e m i d d l e c l a s s e s w h o s p e n t t h e i r s u m m e r h o l i d a y s at L l a n d r i n d o d W e l l s w h i l e w o r k i n g - c l a s s c o l l i e r s w e n t to L l a n w r t y d . L i k e w i s e , i n the south, the bourgeoisie visited Penarth whereas the working classes m a d e day excursions to Barry, and, in the north, L l a n d u d n o attracted the middle classes - mainly from Lancashire - and Rhyl the working c l a s s e s . C l a s s stratification o f l e i s u r e c o u l d b e s e e n , t o o , i n s p o r t ; r u g b y , w e h a v e s h o w n , w a s at first a m i d d l e - c l a s s g a m e a n d c r i c k e t , too, w a s played b y the middle classes. O n the other h a n d , the native W e l s h g a m e o f h a n d - b a l l w a s p l a y e d b y t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s e s in t h e tavern yards of the industrial villages of S o u t h W a l e s .

1 2 4

There was,

t o o , c l a s s stratification o f o t h e r m o r e s e r i o u s f a c e t s o f c u l t u r e : i n t h e pre-1880 years the secondary schools of W a l e s were the preserve of c h i l d r e n o f t h e m i d d l e c l a s s e s w h i l e it will b e a p p a r e n t t h a t w h e r e a s t h e C h u r c h o f E n g l a n d in t h e e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y h a d b e e n a church of the l a n d e d gentry, industrial m a g n a t e s and the traditional, e s t a b l i s h e d m i d d l e c l a s s e s , t h e c h a p e l s i n rural a n d u r b a n W a l e s w e r e solidly w o r k i n g class in c o m p o s i t i o n . F r o m mid-century,

however,

t h i s e a r l i e r c l a s s stratification w a s s l o w l y t o d i s s o l v e : t r u e e n o u g h , the landed gentry a n d the old, traditional middle classes continued t o d o m i n a t e t h e C h u r c h o f E n g l a n d in rural a r e a s w h i l e t h e p e a s a n t r y attended the chapels, but n o w there grew up gradually within both rural a n d u r b a n n o n c o n f o r m i t y a middle-class leadership, and, within u r b a n n o n c o n f o r m i t y , m a n y o f t h e c o a l o w n e r s o f t h e late n i n e t e e n t h century were nonconformists.

1 2 5

If n o n c o n f o r m i t y w a s a c r u c i a l m a r k e r o f W e l s h e t h n i c i d e n t i t y , of e v e n g r e a t e r i m p o r t a n c e i n t h i s r e s p e c t w a s t h e W e l s h l a n g u a g e . 123

124 125

126

1 2 6

A. V. John, 'The Chartists of Industrial South Wales' (unpublished MA thesis, University of Wales, 1970), pp. 178-9; Morgan and Thomas, Wales p. 124; P. Stead, 'The Town that had Come of Age, 1918-39', in Moore, ed., Barry, p. 380; I. W. Jones, Llandudno (Cardiff, 1975). Morgan, Rebirth, pp. 128-9; Morgan and Thomas, Wales, p. 209. Davies, Religion and Society, p. 17; idem, Religion in the Industrial Revolution, pp. 148-51. Khleif, Language, pp. 34ff; Aull, 'Ethnic Nationalism in Wales', pp. 77-8; W y n Griffith, 'What is the Welsh Way of Life?', Welsh Outlook, 52 (1965).

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340

D. W. HOWELL AND C. BABER

While i n d u s t r i a l

d e v e l o p m e n t h a d a b e n e f i c i a l i n f l u e n c e in p r o l o n g i n g

its life, a r g u e s B r i n l e y T h o m a s , b y d i n t o f c o n c e n t r a t i n g t h e b u l k o f W e l s h - s p e a k i n g , rural m i g r a n t s w i t h i n t h e S o u t h W a l e s i n d u s t r i a l val­ leys (though Dudley Baines has (perhaps unconvincingly) contended that T h o m a s has overestimated the extent of this W e l s h migration t h e r e ) , it n e v e r t h e l e s s h a s t e n e d its d e c l i n e in t h e l o n g r u n b y a t t r a c t i n g ' o u t s i d e ' E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g m i g r a n t s . T h e crucial t u r n i n g p o i n t w a s 1 9 0 1 - 1 1 : up until then, T h o m a s a n d others claim, t h e s e i n c o m i n g migrants

had b e e n successfully absorbed by the

Welsh-speaking

population (though the claim b y a knowledgeable c o n t e m p o r a r y that by the mid-1880s 'children in the R h o n d d a speak English habitually in t h e p l a y - g r o u n d ;

this results from the immigration of English

p e o p l e ' c a s t s s o m e d o u b t as t o t h e total v a l i d i t y o f t h i s c o n t e n t i o n ) , but the decade 1 9 0 1 - 1 1 attracted such large n u m b e r s from E n g l a n d that they could not b e successfully absorbed: henceforth the language w a s fatally i n r e t r e a t , t h e p e r c e n t a g e o f W e l s h - s p e a k e r s i n W a l e s fall­ i n g n o t i c e a b l y after 1 9 0 1 a n d , crucially, absolute n u m b e r s after 1 9 1 1 .

dropping

1 2 7

E v e n if a b s o l u t e n u m b e r s of W e l s h - s p e a k e r s r o s e i n t h e n i n e t e e n t h century, there was, nevertheless, already from the early nineteenth century a proportional decline in this group. E c o n o m i c pressures led to a g r o w t h o f b i - l i n g u a l i s m w h i c h in t h e n a t u r e o f t h i n g s l e d o n to a n g l i c i s a t i o n .

128

W e l s h p a r e n t s b y t h e 1 8 4 0 s w e r e a n x i o u s for t h e i r

c h i l d r e n t o l e a r n E n g l i s h i n o r d e r to ' g e t o n ' a n d b y t h a t d e c a d e (if n o t earlier) d o w n to t h e e a r l y 1 8 9 0 s , w h e n it w a s a l m o s t o b s o l e t e , the punitive ' W e l s h not' e n s u r e d that children did not speak W e l s h d u r i n g s c h o o l h o u r s . D o w n to t h e 1 8 8 0 s t h e E n g l i s h g o v e r n m e n t n e g ­ l e c t e d t h e l a n g u a g e , t h e 1 8 6 1 R e v i s e d C o d e i g n o r i n g its e x i s t e n c e a n d t h e r e b y e n s u r i n g its b a n i s h m e n t f r o m t h e s c h o o l s . T h e e x t e n s i o n o f elementary education from the 1870s, of course, intensified the C o d e ' s a d v e r s e effects. T h e s i t u a t i o n w a s all t h e m o r e tragic i n s o f a r as t h e supposed

s a f e g u a r d o f t h e W e l s h l a n g u a g e in t h e e y e s o f p a r e n t s

a n d a u t h o r i t i e s alike, n a m e l y , t h e n o n c o n f o r m i s t S u n d a y s c h o o l s , w e r e failing to i n s t r u c t c h i l d r e n i n p r o p e r g r a m m a t i c a l u s a g e w h i c h m e a n t t h a t b y t h e 1 8 8 0 s W e l s h as a written l a n g u a g e w a s falling i n t o

Thomas,

7

T h e Industrial Revolution and the Welsh Language , pp.

16-17;

D. Baines, Migration in a Mature Economy: Emigration and Internal Migration in England and Wales, 1861-1900 (Cambridge, 1985); Southall, Wales and her Language, p. 127. Thomas, T h e Industrial Revolution and the Welsh Language', p. 15.

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Wales disuse.

1 2

School Board managers, inspectors, teachers and

341 parents

alike f r u s t r a t e d t h e i m p l e m e n t a t i o n o f b i - l i n g u a l t e a c h i n g in e l e m e n ­ t a r y s c h o o l s after t h e (at last) f a v o u r a b l e g o v e r n m e n t c o n c e s s i o n s o f 1 8 8 8 ; o n l y after t h e r e o r g a n i s a t i o n o f s c h o o l m a n a g e m e n t f o l l o w i n g 1 9 0 2 did b i - l i n g u a l s c h e m e s b e c o m e a d o p t e d b u t e v e n t h e n t h e y w e r e not p u s h e d through.

1 3 0

P e r h a p s e v e n m o r e h a r m f u l w e r e t h e effects

of t h e m u c h - l a u d e d I n t e r m e d i a t e E d u c a t i o n A c t o f 1 8 8 9 - itself m a i n l y t h e o u t c o m e o f t h e p a s s i o n for e d u c a t i o n a m o n g t h e p o o r e r c l a s s e s induced principally b y nonconformity and unrivalled amongst the E n g l i s h l o w e r c l a s s e s - for t h e n e w ' c o u n t y ' s c h o o l s failed to e n c o u r a g e t h e t e a c h i n g o f W e l s h . M a n y o f t h e i r p r o d u c t s , e s p e c i a l l y i n rural a r e a s , left W a l e s to e n t e r t h e p r o f e s s i o n s in E n g l i s h t o w n s a n d cities; while a marvellous n e w social mobility w a s thus achieved this never­ t h e l e s s h a d dire r e s u l t s for t h e l a n g u a g e . M i g r a t i o n d r a i n e d t h e W e l s h a r e a s , u r b a n a n d rural, o f t h e i r m o s t t a l e n t e d p e o p l e a n d s o left t h e m culturally i m p o v e r i s h e d .

1 3 1

(Another unfortunate

result of the aca­

demic bias of these secondary schools w a s that the interests of the m a j o r i t y w e r e sacrificed a n d t h i s m a y h a v e b e e n a m a j o r r e a s o n for t h e h i g h p e r c e n t a g e o f w o r k i n g - c l a s s c h i l d r e n in G l a m o r g a n l e a v i n g before reaching the higher forms.

1 3 2

)

F r o m the early years of this century other influences h a v e h a r m e d the language, so that w h e r e a s in 1891, 5 4 per cent could speak W e l s h , b y 1 9 1 1 t h i s h a d fallen to 4 4 p e r c e n t , b y 1 9 3 1 to 3 7 p e r c e n t a n d by 1951 to 29 per cent. Besides the u n p r e c e d e n t e d n u m b e r of English i m m i g r a n t s already referred to, other factors h a s t e n i n g anglicisation were the decline of nonconformity, and, associated with this, the d e c l i n e i n vitality o f l o c a l p a t r i o t i c a n d l i t e r a r y s o c i e t i e s ; t h e e c o n o m i c dislocation of the 1920s a n d 1930s w h i c h drove t h o u s a n d s out of rural and older industrial communities either into the m o r e anglicised coastal areas of the n e w metal industries or out of Wales altogether; the g r o w t h of the m a s s media w h i c h , together with increased social 129

130 131

132

Southall, Wales and her Language, pp. 76, 8 4 - 5 , 113ff, 191; idem, Bi-Lingual Teaching in Welsh Elementary Schools (Newport, 1888), pp. i-ii; M. J. Evans, 'Elementary Education in Montgomeryshire, 1850-1900', Montgomeryshire Collections, 63 (19734), pp. 15-16; HMSO, Welsh in Education and Life (1927), p. 150; Williams, Religion, Language and Nationality, p. 145. Welsh in Education and Life, p. 70. Ibid., pp. 61-2; Williams, Religion, Language and Nationality, pp. 145-6; G. E. Jones, Controls and Conflicts, pp. 83-4, for an excellent discussion; J. R. Webster, 'The Place of Secondary Education in Welsh Society, 1800-1917' (unpublished PhD the­ sis, University of Wales, 1959), pp. 171-90. P. Stead, 'Schools and Society in Glamorgan before 1914', Morgannwg, 19 (1975), pp. 49-51.

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342

D. W . H O W E L L A N D C. B A B E R

m o b i l i t y d e r i v i n g f r o m m o t o r t r a n s p o r t , fatally u n d e r m i n e d t h e o l d a n d s e l f - p e r p e t u a t i n g l i n g u i s t i c a n d c u l t u r a l a u t o n o m y o f local a r e a s ; the development of tourism; and contraception.

1 3 3

If t h e l a n g u a g e for m o s t W e l s h p e o p l e i n t w e n t i e t h - c e n t u r y W a l e s has b e e n English, so, too, has b e e n their literature. In earlier centuries, h o w e v e r , the m o s t important literary tradition w a s W e l s h . T h e W e l s h cultural revival of the eighteenth century w a s the w o r k of a group of m i d d l e - c l a s s l i t e r a r y e n t h u s i a s t s w h o , d i s m a y e d at t h e t w i n a d v e r s e cultural impact of the decline of the bardic order a n d the neglect of W e l s h c u l t u r e b y a f a s t - a n g l i c i s i n g g e n t r y , a n d fired b y

Augustan

neo-classicism, u n d e r t o o k a search into medieval W e l s h literature in o r d e r to d i s c o v e r classical m o d e l s t h a t m i g h t s t a n d c o m p a r i s o n w i t h the work of r e n o w n e d G r e e k a n d Latin authors. That t h e y could pub­ lish ancient texts, dictionaries a n d g r a m m a r s o n such an u n p r e c e ­ d e n t e d scale w a s m a d e possible b y the vast increase in literacy from the late s e v e n t e e n t h century as a c o n s e q u e n c e of the religious - C h u r c h of E n g l a n d a n d O l d D i s s e n t as w e l l a s M e t h o d i s t - a n d e d u c a t i o n a l e n l i v e n m e n t o f t h e p e r i o d . I r o n i c a l l y , t h e v e h i c l e for m u c h o f t h i s enthusiasm

for a n t i q u a r i a n i s m

and

romantic patriotism -

which

resorted to m u c h mythical invention in order to give the c o m m o n p e o p l e a s e n s e of, a n d p r i d e i n , t h e i r p a s t - w e r e t h e L o n d o n - b a s e d societies f o u n d e d in the late e i g h t e e n t h century, societies w h i c h , along w i t h t h e r e v i v e d eisteddfod f r o m 1 7 8 9 , w e r e t o c o n t i n u e i n t o t h e n i n e ­ t e e n t h c e n t u r y t o p l a y a vital r o l e in p r o m o t i n g W e l s h c u l t u r e .

1 3 4

Despite the rapid rise of n o n c o n f o r m i t y , W e l s h culture w a s to b e d o m i n a t e d i n t h e first t h i r t y o r forty y e a r s o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y by romantic Anglican parsons and by the gentry, w h o were the mov­ i n g spirits b e h i n d t h e eisteddfodau

a n d literary m o v e m e n t s . A s yet,

nonconformity was preoccupied with theological concerns and was, indeed, u n s y m p a t h e t i c t o w a r d s t h e s e activities as o c c a s i o n s w h i c h l e d p e o p l e a s t r a y . H o w e v e r , b e f o r e m i d - c e n t u r y it w a s t o r e l a x its p r e v i o u s m i s t r u s t o f b o t h political i n v o l v e m e n t a n d t h e

eisteddfod

a n d p a t r i o t i c s o c i e t i e s s o t h a t , i n c r e a s i n g l y , W e l s h m u s i c a n d litera­ t u r e c a m e u n d e r its d o m i n a n c e . W e l s h c u l t u r e n o w b e c a m e a t r u l y 133

134

Morgan and Thomas, Wales, pp. 53-4; Williams, Religion, Language and Nationality, p. 29; Thomas, 'The Industrial Revolution and the Welsh Language', p. 21; A. B. Philip, The Welsh Question: Nationalism in Welsh Politics, 1945-1970 (Cardiff, 1975), pp. 42-7. Williams, Religion, Language and Nationality, pp. 2 2 - 3 , 25, 138-9; Morgan and Thomas, Wales, pp. 184-5; Williams, When Was Wales?, p. 165; P. Morgan, The Eighteenth-Century Renaissance (Llandybie, 1981), pp. 101-35.

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Wales peasant'

culture,

the ordinary

working-class

members

343

of s o c i e t y

o r g a n i s i n g a n d c r e a t i n g t h e i r o w n m u s i c a n d l i t e r a t u r e w h i c h in t u r n p r o d u c e d a level of peasant intellectual a n d cultural attainment that w a s not m a t c h e d a m o n g s t English w o r k e r s . W e are n o w in the heroic a g e o f t h e c h a p e l c h o i r s a n d cymanfaoedd

(singing festivals), w h i c h

assemblies had become extremely popular throughout Wales by the 1 8 7 0 s . T h e a n n u a l eisteddfod

m e e t i n g s held in m o s t W e l s h villages

from mid-century, many, w e have seen, associated with the chapels, a n d , u n l i k e t h e p r o v i n c i a l eisteddfodau

a n d t h e n a t i o n a l eisteddfod

-

t h e l a t t e r d a t i n g effectively f r o m 1 8 5 8 - p r e d o m i n a n t l y W e l s h in t h e i r transactions, also saw extensive music making, not only sacred but s e c u l a r a l s o . B o t h c h a p e l a n d eisteddfod

music w e r e to b e a highly

distinctive e l e m e n t of W e l s h culture d o w n to 1914, but thereafter the (interconnected) decline of chapel and the language

saw

outside

influence take over in t h e form of A n g l o - A m e r i c a n e n t e r t a i n m e n t .

135

I n a s i m i l a r v e i n , t h e l i t e r a t u r e o f W a l e s h a d b y m i d - c e n t u r y fallen into the h a n d s of 'workers, peasants and preachers'. T h o s e powerful transmuting agencies of nineteenth-century W e l s h society, noncon­ formity and industrialism,

w h e r e b y W a l e s w a s to b e c o m e m o r a l l y

p u r i t a n a n d S a b b a t a r i a n , r a d i c a l i s e d a n d i n c r e a s i n g l y fired w i t h n a t i o ­ n a l i s t p r i d e - t h o u g h i n t h e e a r l y d e c a d e s s h o w i n g little s i g n s o f b e c o m ­ ing transmitters of that earlier linguistic a n d patriotic c o n s c i o u s n e s s - b y m i d - c e n t u r y w e r e i n f l u e n c i n g a g r e a t o u t p o u r i n g o f W e l s h litera­ ture and W e l s h newspapers

a n d p e r i o d i c a l s . T h e h u g e influx i n t o

t h e S o u t h W a l e s coalfield o f W e l s h - s p e a k i n g , n o n c o n f o r m i s t i m m i ­ grants created a relatively p r o s p e r o u s a n d increasingly literate work­ force, w h o c a m e to d e m a n d growing n u m b e r s of W e l s h b o o k s and p e r i o d i c a l s . T h e eisteddfod, g r o w i n g e v e r m o r e p o p u l a r o v e r t h e n i n e ­ t e e n t h c e n t u r y , w a s t h e vital v e h i c l e for l i t e r a r y o u t p u t o f a n artistic kind. Significantly, from mid-century the mythologising and fantasis­ i n g o f t h e ' e i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y r e n a i s s a n c e ' fell a w a y b e f o r e t h e n e w interest in the W e l s h literary w o r l d in material progress a n d rational discussion. But, predictably, m o s t of the W e l s h literature from mid-century w a s of a religious n a t u r e .

produced

1 3 6

Williams, Religion, Language and Nationality, pp. 140-1; Morgan and Thomas, Wales, pp. 163-4, 187, 199; Welsh in Education and Life, pp. 75-7; Parry-Jones, My Own Folk, p. 47. Morgan and Thomas, Wales, pp. 187-8, 200-4; Williams, Religion, Language and Nationality, pp. 141-2; Welsh in Education and Life, pp. 76-7; Morgan, The EighteenthCentury Renaissance, pp. 154-5.

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D. W. HOWELL AND C. BABER

F r o m t h e last q u a r t e r of t h e c e n t u r y , h o w e v e r , as W e l s h s o c i e t y b e c a m e more secular, there occurred a break-out from the previous m o n o l i t h i c literary p a t t e r n o f p u r i t a n p i e t y a n d r a d i c a l p o l e m i c . N o w , for i n s t a n c e , w e s e e e s s a y s a n d n o v e l s g a i n i n g in p o p u l a r i t y . A l t o ­ g e t h e r W e l s h literary s t a n d a r d s b e c a m e m o r e critical, s c h o l a r l y a n d s e c u l a r . C r u c i a l in i n f l u e n c i n g t h i s u p g r a d i n g w e r e t h e y o u n g

stu­

dents, notably O w e n M . Edwards and John Morris Jones, gathered around Sir J o h n R h y s , Principal of Jesus College, O x f o r d .

1 3 7

D u r i n g t h e 1 9 2 0 s t h e r e e m e r g e d a brilliant, c r e a t i v e g r o u p o f W e l s h w r i t e r s w h o s p e c i a l i s e d i n w r i t i n g critical e s s a y s , e s s a y s o f s e l f - a n a l y s i s a n d short stories, outstanding a m o n g w h o m w e r e S a u n d e r s Lewis, R. T. J e n k i n s , W . J . Gruffydd, K a t e Roberts, D . J . Williams, T. H. Parry-Williams and

D. Gwenallt Jones.

Characteristic strands of

t h o u g h t in t h e i r w o r k s w e r e a m o r e v i g o r o u s s o c i a l i s m a n d p a c i f i s m , a n e w attraction towards medieval Catholicism a n d a m o r e positive a t t a c h m e n t t o W e l s h political n a t i o n a l i s m . It w a s , h o w e v e r , p e r h a p s t h e i m p a c t o f t h e firing o f t h e L l e y n b o m b i n g s c h o o l in 1 9 3 6 w h i c h p r o v i d e d t h e vital s t i m u l u s i n t o p u s h i n g W e l s h w r i t e r s i n t o a d o p t i n g a h e i g h t e n e d radical nationalist s t a n c e .

1 3 8

Besides the impressive W e l s h publications of the 1920s and 1930s, c o n f i n e d albeit to a m i d d l e - c l a s s r e a d e r s h i p , t h e r e w a s a l s o a flourish­ ing Anglo-Welsh school during the interwar years, w h o s e

starting

point lay in the novels of Caradoc E v a n s , w h o bitterly attacked with s u r e l y ' s a v a g e d i s p r o p o r t i o n ' w h a t h e s a w as t h e h y p o c r i s y o f rural, nonconformist W a l e s . Anglo-Welsh novelists of the 1920s and 1930s like G w y n J o n e s , G l y n J o n e s , G w y n T h o m a s a n d J a c k J o n e s , m o s t l y n a t i v e s o f t h e i n d u s t r i a l s o u t h , r e a c t e d a g a i n s t t h e v a l u e s o f radical a n d r u r a l n o n c o n f o r m i t y . I n a W a l e s b y n o w fast b e c o m i n g p e o p l e d b y E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g W e l s h m e n , t h e y s o u g h t to c o m e t o t e r m s w i t h t h e o b v i o u s p r o b l e m o f i d e n t i t y a n d to m a k e s e n s e o f t h e i r s o m e w h a t schizoid existence as English-speaking W e l s h m e n . M a n y of the novel­ ists w e r e left-wing a n d w r o t e o u t o f i n d i g n a t i o n at t h e g r i m t r a g e d y that befell S o u t h W a l e s during the d e p r e s s i o n .

139

Williams, Religion, Language and Nationality, p. 17; Morgan and Thomas, Wales, pp. 188-9; Thomas Parry, 'The Welsh Renaissance of the Twentieth Century', in Roderick, ed., Wales through the Ages, vol. 2, pp. 209-14. Morgan and Thomas, Wales, p. 190; Morgan, Rebirth, pp. 246-8; D. H. Davies, The Welsh Nationalist Party, 1925-45 (Cardiff, 1983), pp. 165-6. Anon., 'Caradoc Evans', Welsh Review, 4 (1954), pp. 24ff; Morgan, Rebirth, pp. 250, 258ff; Morgan and Thomas, Wales, pp. 192-3; Williams, When Was Wales?, pp. 284-6; Anon., 'Jack Jones', Welsh Review, 6 (1947).

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345

IV

G i v e n its o v e r w h e l m i n g n o n c o n f o r m i t y a n d m a j o r i n d u s t r i a l d e v e l o p ­ m e n t in t h e s o u t h - e a s t , it is n o t s u r p r i s i n g t h a t t h e W e l s h p e o p l e e a r l y c a s t off t h e c e n t u r i e s - o l d political c o n t r o l of t h e l a n d o w n e r s a n d e m b r a c e d radical Liberalism. F r o m the 1830s O l d Dissent, a n d from t h e late 1 8 4 0 s t r a d i t i o n a l l y c o n s e r v a t i v e C a l v i n i s t i c M e t h o d i s m as w e l l , b e c a m e i n c r e a s i n g l y v o c i f e r o u s a b o u t t h e civil disabilities o f t h e i r s e c t s w h o , significantly, w e r e fast b e c o m i n g t h e m a j o r i t y o f t h e ' r e l i g i o u s ' p e o p l e o f W a l e s . T h e i r g r i e v a n c e s w e r e felt to b e t h o s e o f t h e p e o p l e of W a l e s a n d f e e l i n g s w e r e d r a m a t i c a l l y h e i g h t e n e d b y t h e i n c r e d i b l e insult h e a p e d o n the W e l s h t o n g u e and nonconformity b y the Edu­ cation Commissioners of 1 8 4 7 .

1 4 0

(This d e v e l o p m e n t and articulation

of a m i d d l e - c l a s s s e l f - c o n s c i o u s n e s s a r o u n d m i d - c e n t u r y , it will b e apparent, was growing up alongside and was antipathetic towards the i n d e p e n d e n t working-class m o v e m e n t e n s h r i n e d in C h a r t i s m a n d R e b e c c a a n d , as w e h a v e s e e n , f r o m t h e 1 8 5 0 s t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s e s w e r e to a b a n d o n

their former independent

course of action

and

instead c o m e to co-operate closely with the middle class; that this o c c u r r e d w a s l a r g e l y o w i n g to t h e i n f l u e n c e o f t h e c h a p e l e t h o s a n d growing economic prosperity.

141

) F o r all t h e r a d i c a l l e a v e n i n g o f earlier

d e c a d e s , t h e r e a l b r e a k - t h r o u g h in t h e p o l i t i c i s a t i o n o f t h e W e l s h p e o ­ p l e w a s o n l y to c o m e i n t h e 1 8 6 0 s , w h e n t h e i n c i p i e n t m i d d l e - c l a s s elite o f t h e c h a p e l s w e r e e d u c a t e d in politics; a l l - i m p o r t a n t h e r e w e r e the huge and unprecedented outpourings of Welsh and English news­ p a p e r s a n d , vitally, t h e L i b e r a t i o n S o c i e t y , w h o s e l o c a l - b a s e d o r g a n i ­ s a t i o n f r o m t h e start o f t h e 1 8 6 0 s u r g e d W e l s h p e o p l e t o v o t e i n t o Parliament m e m b e r s w h o w o u l d represent their true n e e d s b y calling for full civic e q u a l i t y for n o n c o n f o r m i s t s . T h e 1 8 6 7 f r a n c h i s e e x t e n s i o n , t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e fact t h a t t h e 1 8 6 8 e l e c t i o n w a s f o u g h t o v e r I r i s h Disestablishment,

with

which

Welsh nonconformists

could

fully

e m p a t h i s e , s a w t h e first m a j o r , if l i m i t e d , b l o w dealt political l a n d ­ l o r d i s m i n W a l e s i n t h e s a i d e l e c t i o n . U n d o u b t e d l y , t h e t r u e signifi­ c a n c e o f 1 8 6 8 l a y in t h e a f t e r m a t h o f v i n d i c t i v e e v i c t i o n s o f t e n a n t s b y t h e i r d i s a p p o i n t e d a n d s m a r t i n g l a n d l o r d s , for c o n s e q u e n t l y t h e

The best coverage is Morgan, Wales in British Politics, chap. 1. Ibid., pp. 15-16; Jones, Explorations and Explanations, pp. 290-1; idem, 'The South Wales Collier', pp. 4 9 - 5 1 .

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p r e v i o u s g e n u i n e ties o f political l o y a l t y o n t h e p a r t o f t e n a n t s to their traditional representatives w e r e severely w e a k e n e d .

1 4 2

T h e p e r i o d o f L i b e r a l a s c e n d a n c y i n W a l e s f r o m 1 8 6 8 d o w n to t h e c l o s e o f t h e First W o r l d W a r , w h e n L a b o u r s u p p l a n t e d it, w a s a vital o n e for t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f W a l e s as a n a t i o n . T h e S e c r e t B a l l o t A c t of 1 8 7 2 , t h e f r a n c h i s e e x t e n s i o n o f t h e m i d - e i g h t i e s a n d t h e L o c a l G o v e r n m e n t Acts of 1888 and 1894 together provided the m e c h a n i s m s w h e r e b y the nonconformist people of W a l e s w e r e enabled to seize political p o w e r f r o m a n ' a l i e n ' s q u i r e a r c h y a n d c h u r c h . S u c h w a s the impact of the franchise reform of 1 8 8 4 - 5 that the continuing domi­ n a n c e of the gentry in m a n y constituencies w a s dramatically e n d e d , for in e v e r y p a r l i a m e n t a r y e l e c t i o n after 1 8 8 5 d o w n t o 1 9 1 8 L i b e r a l s g a i n e d t h e o v e r w h e l m i n g m a j o r i t y o f b o t h u r b a n a n d rural s e a t s , a n d in the twenty years following 1886 W a l e s w a s the most intensely L i b e r a l o f a n y ' r e g i o n ' i n t h e B r i t i s h I s l e s . G e n t r y p o w e r w a s felt m o s t intensely, h o w e v e r , in the localities, a n d here a revolution in local g o v e r n m e n t o c c u r r e d f o l l o w i n g t h e 1 8 8 8 C o u n t y C o u n c i l A c t ; g e n t r y c a n d i d a t e s w e r e r e j e c t e d w h o l e s a l e at t h e p o l l s i n f a v o u r o f the nonconformist middle class a n d h e r e in W a l e s , o n c e again m o r e so than elsewhere, the breach with the 'feudal' past was severe. Like­ w i s e , t h e P a r i s h C o u n c i l A c t o f 1 8 9 4 , t h o u g h n o t s o drastic in its i m p a c t , f u r t h e r d e n u d e d t h e i r l o c a l a u t h o r i t y . I n t h e first c o u n c i l e l e c ­ tions the sheer t h o r o u g h n e s s of the 'rural revolution' in rural areas of S o u t h W a l e s r e s e m b l e d t h a t o f E a s t A n g l i a .

1 4 3

T h e 1880s also s a w an exhilarating, t e m p e s t u o u s

sea-change in

W e l s h p o l i t i c s , for n o w t h e e a r l i e r n o n c o n f o r m i s t L i b e r a l i s m w a s b e i n g t r a n s m u t e d into nationalism as n e w , distinctly ' W e l s h ' issues c a m e to d o m i n a t e t h e L i b e r a l p a r t y i n W a l e s . ( A n d t h i s n e w b r a n d o f W e l s h n e s s h a d a q u i t e different c h e m i s t r y - m o r e a g g r e s s i v e a n d p o w e r f u l - f r o m t h e earlier W e l s h n e s s p r o m o t e d b y t h e

eighteenth-century

W e l s h scholar patriots.) Central to this m e t a m o r p h o s i s w a s the emer­ g e n c e of a w h o l e n e w group of y o u n g nonconformist radical W e l s h ­ m e n , n o t a b l y D a v i d L l o y d G e o r g e a n d T o m Ellis, a r d e n t l y p a t r i o t i c a n d z e a l o u s to p r o m o t e t h e d i s t i n c t i v e c l a i m s o f W a l e s a s a n o n c o n ­ formist nation, a group w h i c h replaced the older, elderly W h i g g i s h L i b e r a l s . Ellis h e l d t h a t E n g l a n d h a d h i t h e r t o t r e a t e d W a l e s ' m a i n l y 142

Jones, Explorations and Explanations, pp. 236-68, 292-8; Morgan, Wales in British

143

Again, the authoritative treatment is Morgan, Rebirth, pp. 2 6 - 3 1 , 52-3; idem, 'From Cymru Fydd to Crowther', in Jones, ed., Anatomy of Wales, pp. 18-19; R. Heath, T h e Rural Revolution', Contemporary Review, 67 (1895), pp. 187-9.

Politics, pp. 17, 22-7.

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Wales with contemptuous neglect'.

1 4 4

347

A Welsh parliamentary party

now

e m e r g e d to l e n d g r e a t e r u n i t y a n d d i s c i p l i n e t h a n h i t h e r t o . T h e m o s t c h e r i s h e d a m o n g t h e n e w i s s u e s w a s t h a t o f D i s e s t a b l i s h m e n t (itself p u s h e d f o r w a r d all t h e m o r e v i g o r o u s l y in t h e face o f t h e C h u r c h of E n g l a n d i n W a l e s h a v i n g s i n c e m i d - c e n t u r y p u l l e d itself t o g e t h e r ) a n d it is w h o l l y significant t h a t f r o m 1 8 8 6 o n w a r d s , u n l i k e h i t h e r t o , Disestablishment was being demanded national grounds.

1 4 5

for W a l e s o n a g g r e s s i v e l y

S e c o n d to D i s e s t a b l i s h m e n t a s t h e b u r n i n g i s s u e

of t h e 1 8 8 0 s a n d 1 8 9 0 s w a s t h e L a n d Q u e s t i o n , T o m Ellis, B r y n R o b e r t s a n d o t h e r s d e m a n d i n g s p e c i a l t r e a t m e n t for W a l e s a l o n g Irish l i n e s to s o l v e t h e d i s t i n c t i v e social a n d e c o n o m i c g r i e v a n c e s o f t h e W e l s h tenant farmer - although justice b e t w e e n m a n and m a n was seen b y f a r m e r s a s t o o b t a i n b e t w e e n l a n d l o r d s a n d t e n a n t s , to t h e n e g l e c t of t h e l a b o u r e r . I n d e e d , i n t h e 1 8 9 2 e l e c t i o n p e o p l e in t h e r u r a l c o n s t i ­ t u e n c i e s w e r e c o n c e r n e d a b o v e all w i t h t h e W e l s h L a n d Bill. Ellis s a w D i s e s t a b l i s h m e n t a n d t h e L a n d Q u e s t i o n as ' s t r i k i n g l y i n t e r w o ­ v e n ' : the clergy and landlords having 'fought into one

another's

h a n d s ' t h e p e o p l e p e r f o r c e h a d to ' s t r i k e a g a i n s t b o t h ' . T h a t t h e r e w e r e g r i e v a n c e s w i t h i n t h e W e l s h l a n d s y s t e m is c l e a r , b u t u n d o u b ­ t e d l y t h e l a n d i s s u e w a s p l a y e d u p b y r a d i c a l l e a d e r s for political and sectarian advantage. the

Land

Question

1 4 6

and

T h e 'tithe war' was b o u n d up with both Disestablishment. Although

agricultural

d e p r e s s i o n t r i g g e r e d it, t h e d r i v i n g force i n s u s t a i n i n g t h e h o s t i l i t y w a s the nonconformist hatred of p a y m e n t of tithe to an alien church, a n d w h e n t h e c l e r g y r e a c t e d u n s y m p a t h e t i c a l l y t o t h e i r initial r e q u e s t for a b a t e m e n t s a n d t h e E c c l e s i a s t i c a l C o m m i s s i o n e r s r e s o r t e d to dis­ tress sales with the help of t h e police a n d military, the farmers (doubt­ less

encouraged

by

their

nonconformist

leaders)

became

more

extreme, going b e y o n d wanting abatements to opposing p a y m e n t of tithe as such to an 'alien' c h u r c h . T h e anti-tithe m o v e m e n t b r o a d e n e d o u t s o a s t o i n c l u d e l a n d r e f o r m a n d , it will b e a p p a r e n t , to s u p p o r t i n g Disestablishment. 144

145 146

147

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Secondary and higher education was,

again,

K. O. Morgan, 'The Welsh in English Polities', in R. R. Davies, R. A. Griffiths, I. G. Jones and K. O. Morgan, eds., Welsh Society and Nationhood (Cardiff, 1984), pp. 237-9; Morgan, The Eighteenth-Century Renaissance, p. 160; Carnarvon and Den­ bigh Herald, 28 October 1892. Morgan, Rebirth, pp. 4 0 - 2 . The Times, 2 September, 29 October, 1886; Carnarvon and Denbigh Herald, 16 Sep­ tember, 28 October, 11 November, 1892; Morgan, Rebirth, pp. 3 8 - 9 . Inquiry as to the Disturbances Connected with the Levying of Tithe Rent Charge in Wales, PP 1887, XXXVIII; Morgan, Rebirth, p. 40; Dunbabin, Rural Discontent, pp. 211-31, 282-96.

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D. W. HOWELL AND C. BABER

s e e n as a n a r e a i n w h i c h W a l e s , w i t h its d i s t i n c t i v e c u l t u r e a n d s o c i e t y , h a d s p e c i a l c l a i m s to s e p a r a t e t r e a t m e n t , a n d h e r e W e l s h A n g l i c a n s a n d t h e C o n s e r v a t i v e g o v e r n m e n t , as w e l l as n o n c o n f o r m i s t s

and

Liberals, adopted this nationalist stance. (By w a y of contrast, bitter sectarian division raged over the issue of W e l s h elementary education, the p r e d o m i n a n c e of church national schools in W a l e s b e i n g r e s e n t e d by nonconformists. H e n c e the ' W e l s h Revolt' over the Balfour Act of 1 9 0 2 , w h i c h p u t c h u r c h s c h o o l s for t h e first t i m e o n t h e r a t e s .

148

)

T e m p e r a n c e legislation and reform of the magistracy w e r e also seen as requiring special treatment to a c c o m m o d a t e the distinctive n e e d s of W a l e s . T h u s a c h a n g e i n t h e w a y t h a t m a g i s t r a t e s w e r e a p p o i n t e d w a s s e e n as u r g e n t i n o r d e r to b r i n g i n n o n c o n f o r m i s t s to t h e v a r i o u s Welsh benches.

1 4 9

The W e l s h radical p r o g r a m m e h a d s o m e s o u n d a c h i e v e m e n t s , per­ h a p s m o s t o f all i n t h e s e c u r i n g o f a d i s t i n c t i v e s y s t e m o f u n i v e r s i t y c o l l e g e s ( t h o s e o f A b e r y s t w y t h , Cardiff a n d B a n g o r ) a n d i n t e r m e d i a t e s c h o o l s , w h i c h t o g e t h e r , P e t e r S t e a d p e r t i n e n t l y r e m a r k s , ' i n effect established the basis of m o d e r n W e l s h society'. O t h e r victories were the 1881 Sunday Closing Act, the gaining government

acceptance

of t h e n e e d for a p p o i n t i n g W e l s h - s p e a k e r s t o m a n y i m p o r t a n t p u b l i c p o s i t i o n s s u c h a s b i s h o p s a n d j u d g e s , t h e f o u n d i n g in 1 9 0 7 o f t h e N a t i o n a l L i b r a r y o f W a l e s a n d a N a t i o n a l M u s e u m , significant s y m b o l s of n a t i o n a l d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s , a n d t h e l o n g - d e l a y e d p a s s i n g o f a W e l s h D i s e s t a b l i s h m e n t Bill in 1 9 1 4 .

1 5 0

Contrariwise,

despite

the

Welsh

L a n d C o m m i s s i o n o f t h e e a r l y 1 8 9 0 s a W e l s h L a n d A c t failed t o m a t e r ­ ialise, l a r g e l y o w i n g to t h e r e t u r n o f a n u n s y m p a t h e t i c

unionist

g o v e r n m e n t a n d t h e lifting o f p r i c e s b y t h e t u r n o f t h e c e n t u r y . A g a i n , t h e ' W e l s h R e v o l t ' a g a i n s t r a t e aid to c h u r c h s c h o o l s c a m e t o n o t h i n g . C e r t a i n failures n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g ,

the period from the 1880s to the

First W o r l d W a r w a s t h a t o f t h e h e r o i c y e a r s o f W e l s h n a t i o n h o o d , s o t h a t W a l e s h a d b y 1 9 1 4 b e c o m e a c c e p t e d as a political reality; e v e n

Morgan, Rebirth, p. 37; Carnarvon and Denbigh Herald, 9 September 1892; but note that the Bangor Diocesan Conference in September 1892 resolved to prevent the schemes for intermediate education already published from coming into law Carnarvon and Denbigh Herald, 23 September 1892. Morgan, Rebirth, pp. 36-7; Carnarvon and Denbigh Herald, 16 September 1892; Han­ sard, 16 February 1892, pp. 604-6. Morgan, 'From Cymru Fydd to Crowther', pp. 121-2; Stead, Coleg Harlech, p. 2; Hansard, 19 February 1892.

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the unionist-ridden Conservative party had by then b e e n w o n over to the idea of W e l s h nationality.

151

A l t h o u g h n a t i o n a l s e n t i m e n t r a n s t r o n g t h r o u g h W e l s h politics d u r ­ i n g t h e 1 8 8 0 s a n d 1 8 9 0 s , a s t h r o u g h all w a l k s o f W e l s h life, for e x a m p l e i n s p o r t , e s p e c i a l l y r u g b y football a n d i n W e l s h l i t e r a t u r e , t h e r e w a s n o s t r o n g p u b l i c c l a m o u r f r o m t h e W e l s h gwerin - t h e c l a s s l e s s ' m a s s of p e o p l e ' - for s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t . U n l i k e t h e I r i s h , w h o

demanded

h o m e rule, the W e l s h w e r e 'less obtrusive a n d exacting', seeking in a remarkably peaceful w a y merely equality within the United King­ d o m , n o t s e p a r a t i o n f r o m it. It is t r u e t h a t t h e Cymru Fydd ( Y o u n g Wales) m o v e m e n t of 1894-6,

advocating a m e a s u r e of h o m e rule,

s o u g h t to c a p t u r e t h e a l l e g i a n c e o f t h e W e l s h L i b e r a l p a r t y , b u t in t h i s it failed; for i n g e n e r a l W e l s h L i b e r a l s , e v e n t h o s e o u t s i d e t h e c o s m o p o l i t a n p o r t s o f t h e s o u t h , h a d n o w i s h to c u t t h e m s e l v e s adrift from the mainstream of the British Liberal party, within w h i c h they h a d achieved signal national c o n c e s s i o n s .

1 5 2

(Nor, on the other hand,

s h o u l d t h e W e l s h s e n t i m e n t a m o n g t h e c o s m o p o l i t a n Cardiff m i d d l e c l a s s at t h e e n d o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y b e u n d e r e s t i m a t e d , C a r d i f f ' s elite c l a i m i n g t h e i r city t o b e ' t h e M e t r o p o l i s o f W a l e s ' .

1 5 3

)

T h e o n e s e r i o u s c h a l l e n g e to t h e L i b e r a l a s c e n d a n c y in W a l e s b e f o r e 1 9 1 4 w a s t h e L a b o u r m o v e m e n t . I n b o t h its i n d u s t r i a l a n d political w i n g s L a b o u r w a s s l o w to e m e r g e i n a W e l s h s o c i e t y d o m i n a t e d b y a radical n o n c o n f o r m i s t ethos w h o s e leaders claimed to represent a c l a s s l e s s gwerin

and

who

stressed

conciliation and

co-operation

b e t w e e n capital a n d labour, but this c o n s e n s u s c a m e increasingly u n d e r strain from the s i x - m o n t h s ' stoppage of 1898. In the industrial held, w e have s h o w n , there occurred thereafter a growing bitterness a n d class a n t a g o n i s m . T h e assertion of a positive a n d distinct L a b o u r i d e n t i t y w a s n o w h e r e n e a r a s d r a m a t i c i n t h e political s p h e r e ; i n d e e d , L i b e r a l i s m a n d L a b o u r ( L i b - L a b i s m ) s u r v i v e d as a c o m p r o m i s e d o w n t o 1 9 1 0 a n d e v e n , t h o u g h m o r e superficially s o , d o w n t o 1 9 1 4 , for t h e four W e l s h L i b - L a b M P s r e t u r n e d at t h e 1 9 0 6 e l e c t i o n s t o o d as m o r e t h a n leaders of Labour - rather than being 'sectional' they could identify w i t h t h e w i d e r p r i n c i p l e s o f W e l s h L i b e r a l i s m . T h e f e w I L P e r s 151 152

153

Morgan, T h e Welsh in English Polities', p. 239. Morgan, Rebirth, pp. 113ff; idem, 'From Cymru Fydd to Crowther', pp. 121-2; Sir R. Coupland, Welsh and Scottish Nationalism (1954), pp. 226-32; Davies, The Welsh Nationalist Party, pp. 8-9; Morgan and Thomas, Wales, p. 142. Evans, 'The Welsh Victorian City', pp. 350-87; G. O. Pierce, 'University College Cardiff 1883-1893', Transactions of the Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion (1984), pp. 173-80.

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w h o put u p in S o u t h W a l e s against Lib-Lab progressive candidates, w h o were, importantly,

p e r s o n a l i t i e s , d e e p l y e n t r e n c h e d in t h e i r

wider c o m m u n i t i e s , w e r e rejected as sectional a n d t h e r e b y posing a t h r e a t t o c o m m u n a l c o n c o r d . N e v e r t h e l e s s , as o n e a u t h o r i t y

has

r e c e n t l y a r g u e d , t h e W e l s h L i b - L a b s after 1 9 0 6 w e r e b e i n g f o r c e d o n t o the defensive against ILP argument. A n d , from 1910 onwards, even if t h e ' G r e a t U n r e s t ' t e m p o r a r i l y h a l t e d I L P activity it n e v e r t h e l e s s s e t t l e d t h e a r g u m e n t for a L a b o u r p a r t y ; 1 9 1 3 , i n d e e d , w a s t h e y e a r w h e n a l o c a l L a b o u r p a r t y w a s t o b e c o m e a r e a l i t y in S o u t h W a l e s a n d in Caernarfon. Significantly, the S W M F w a s n o w in favour of L a b o u r p a r t i e s i n t h e c o n s t i t u e n c i e s a n d , t o w a r d s t h i s e n d , w e r e for t h e first t i m e c o - o p e r a t i n g w i t h o t h e r u n i o n s . S o , a l t h o u g h t h e L i b e r a l a s c e n d a n c y w a s t o all o u t w a r d a p p e a r a n c e s to h o l d i n t a c t u n t i l 1 9 1 4 , i n fact t h e a l l i a n c e w i t h L a b o u r i n t h e y e a r s 1 9 1 0 - 1 4 w a s c r u m b l i n g b e n e a t h the surface, and the working class u n d e r the trauma of the ' G r e a t U n r e s t ' w a s s a n c t i o n i n g political i n d e p e n d e n c e . L a b o u r h a d w o n t h r o u g h , if as y e t o n l y at l o c a l l e v e l . For

1 5 4

all t h e s u b t e r r a n e a n e n c r o a c h m e n t b y L a b o u r b e f o r e 1 9 1 4 , it

w a s t h e First W o r l d W a r t h a t w a s to f o r m t h e g r e a t political d i v i d e i n W e l s h p o l i t i c s . T h e w a r u s h e r e d in a l o n g p e r i o d o f L a b o u r d o m i ­ n a n c e l a s t i n g f r o m 1 9 1 8 d o w n t o 1 9 6 6 . P a r t l y t h i s w a s b y default, Labour gaining from the decline of W e l s h Liberalism: the

strong

a t t a c h m e n t of W e l s h Liberals to L l o y d G e o r g e m e a n t that t h e y suffered d i s a s t r o u s l y f r o m h i s fall i n 1 9 2 2 ; b u t , o f g r e a t e r i m p o r t a n c e , t h e o l d society dominated b y squire, parson a n d b r e w e r u p o n which W e l s h L i b e r a l i s m h a d t h r i v e d as t h e p a r t y s e e k i n g s o c i a l a n d civic e q u a l i t y w a s fast d y i n g , a n d w i t h t h e p a s s i n g o f t h e ' o l d c a u s e s ' L i b e r a l i s m ' s cutting edge was blunted.

1 5 5

B e s i d e s , t h e w a r h a d inflicted a s e v e r e

b l o w u p o n t h e n o n c o n f o r m i s t r a d i c a l c u l t u r e , f a c i n g a s it d i d n o n c o n ­ formist Liberals t h r o u g h o u t W a l e s with an u n a c c u s t o m e d lack of cer­ t a i n t y for n o w t h e o l d m o r a l v a l u e s o f t h e m i d d l e - c l a s s elite w e r e put in question a n d the former confidence a n d o p t i m i s m w e r e u n d e r ­ m i n e d . B o t h d u r i n g a n d after t h e w a r W e l s h n o n c o n f o r m i s t s w e r e

P. Stead, 'Establishing a Heartland - The Labour Party in Wales', in K. D. Brown, ed., The First Labour Party 1906-1914(1985), pp. 64-88; idem, 'Working-Class Leader­ ship in South Wales, 1900-20', Welsh History Review, 6 (1973), pp. 331ff; Morgan, Rebirth, pp. 143-5. Morgan, Rebirth, pp. 140-2; idem, 'From Cymru Fydd to Crowther', p. 124.

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t o b e c o m e a w a r e o f l o s s o f faith a n d d e c l i n e . D i s i l l u s i o n m e n t w i t h the aftermath of the w a r further d a m a g e d Liberal m o r a l e .

1 5 6

B u t L a b o u r a l s o r o s e to d o m i n a n c e b y v i r t u e o f its o w n

appeal.

A l t h o u g h w e have e m p h a s i s e d the strength of Labour a m o n g local a u t h o r i t i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y in S o u t h W a l e s , o n t h e e v e o f 1 9 1 4 , it w a s n e v e r t h e l e s s t h e w a r w h i c h a c t e d as t h e vital c a t a l y s t in

speeding

u p L a b o u r ' s a d v a n c e b y g i v i n g t h e L a b o u r p a r t y in W a l e s , as e l s e ­ w h e r e , a n e w organisational structure and a m a s s following through the growth of trades unions. T h e industrial militancy

surrounding

t h e c o a l - m i n i n g d i s p u t e s of 1 9 1 9 - 2 1 a n d t h e c o l l a p s e o f t h e p o s t w a r b o o m i n 1 9 2 1 f u r t h e r a d d e d to L a b o u r ' s a p p e a l .

1 5 7

A l t h o u g h t h e L i b e r a l s w e r e s u c c e s s f u l in W a l e s at t h e 1 9 1 8 g e n e r a l election, the transformation that was taking place w a s clearly reflected in t h e 1 9 2 2 e l e c t i o n s , w h e n L a b o u r t o o k f r o m t h e L i b e r a l s e i g h t s e a t s , six in t h e S o u t h W a l e s coalfield. I n all in 1 9 2 2 , W a l e s h a d e i g h t e e n L a b o u r M P s , six C o n s e r v a t i v e s , o n e I n d e p e n d e n t a n d e l e v e n L i b e r a l s , the latter significantly clinging o n in the nonconformist- a n d W e l s h d o m i n a t e d rural s e a t s . T h e f o l l o w i n g y e a r L a b o u r w a s to w i n t w e n t y o n e s e a t s a n d b y 1 9 2 9 t h i s h a d i n c r e a s e d to t w e n t y - f i v e , L a b o u r at t h i s last e l e c t i o n p o l l i n g 4 3 . 9 p e r c e n t o f t h e v o t e . A l t h o u g h L a b o u r u n d e r s t a n d a b l y s l i p p e d b a c k in W a l e s i n t h e d e b a c l e o f 1 9 3 1 ( t h o u g h l e s s s o t h a n e l s e w h e r e ) , it m a d e u p s o m e of t h e l o s s in 1 9 3 5 , g a i n i n g h a l f o f t h e W e l s h s e a t s , a n d its s h a r e o f t h e v o t e r o s e to 4 5 p e r c e n t . B e s i d e s k e e p i n g its h o l d o n t h e S o u t h W a l e s v a l l e y s , it did r e s p e c t a b l y w e l l in m o s t rural s e a t s s o t h a t L i b e r a l i s m w a s b e i n g e r o d e d i n its rural s t r o n g h o l d a s w e l l . B y 1 9 3 3 it w a s b e c o m i n g c l e a r t h a t t h e i d e n t i ­ cal political i n t e r e s t s o f f a r m e r , l a b o u r e r a n d s m a l l p e a s a n t t h a t h a d o b t a i n e d u n d e r t h e O l d L i b e r a l i s m c o u l d n o l o n g e r b e t a k e n for granted as w i d e n i n g fissures appeared. Nevertheless, until the 1945 e l e c t i o n L a b o u r d i d n o t s u c c e e d i n o u s t i n g L i b e r a l i s m f r o m t h e rural fastnesses of the north, w h e r e m a n y stayed loyal to Lloyd G e o r g e . I n d e e d , t h e o n e c h a l l e n g e to t h e L a b o u r h e g e m o n y i n S o u t h W a l e s c a m e f r o m t h e C o m m u n i s t p a r t y : as in S c o t l a n d , t h e p a r t y g a i n e d a c o n s i d e r a b l e f o l l o w i n g i n S o u t h W a l e s , e s p e c i a l l y t h e R h o n d d a val­ l e y s , i n t h e 1 9 2 0 s . Its a p p e a l w a s r e i n f o r c e d d u r i n g t h e 1 9 3 0 s a n d in fact it m o u n t e d a s e r i o u s t h o u g h u n s u c c e s s f u l c h a l l e n g e o n t w o o c c a s i o n s for R h o n d d a E a s t . S i g n i f i c a n t l y , h o w e v e r , t h o s e t w o L a b o u r Morgan, Rebirth, pp. 163ff, 188-9; Morgan and Thomas, Wales, p. 144. Morgan, 'From Cymru Fydd to Crowther', pp. 125-6; Stead, 'Establishing a Heart­ land', p. 85; Morgan, Rebirth, p. 191.

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D. W. H O W E L L A N D C. B A B E R

v i c t o r i e s w e r e t o s h o w t h a t t h e p e o p l e o f S o u t h W a l e s c h o s e to r e m a i n within the wider British L a b o u r party. T h e L a b o u r a s c e n d a n c y in the i n t e r w a r y e a r s t h r e w u p a n e w k i n d o f L a b o u r M P , c l o s e l y in t o u c h w i t h h i s c l a s s : m a n y w e r e t r a d e u n i o n i s t s , a lot o f t h e m m i n e r s , a n d a few of the miners groomed by the Central Labour College, notably A n e u r i n B e v a n , J a m e s Griffiths a n d M o r g a n P h i l l i p s , f o r m e d a d i s t i n c t elite a n d w e r e t o r i s e t o p r o m i n e n c e i n t h e L a b o u r p a r t y n a t i o n a l l y b o t h b e f o r e a n d after 1 9 4 5 .

1 5 8

The social revolution effected b y the rise of Labour, h o w e v e r , lay n o t s o m u c h in t h e e l e c t i o n o f w o r k i n g - c l a s s M P s o r e v e n in t h e k u d o s g i v e n b y t r a d e - u n i o n l e a d e r s h i p o p e r a t i n g at a n a t i o n a l l e v e l b u t i n t h e o p p o r t u n i t y afforded in e v e r y t o w n a n d v i l l a g e for w o r k i n g - c l a s s l e a d e r s h i p in t h e r u n n i n g o f l o c a l i t i e s b o t h a s l o c a l c o u n c i l l o r s a n d as t r a d e - u n i o n officials. A l r e a d y b y 1 9 1 6 a g r e a t i m p r o v e m e n t

had

allegedly c o m e about, especially in relation to public health a n d the poor law. This m o n o p o l y over local g o v e r n m e n t a n d every area of p u b l i c life w a s e s p e c i a l l y s e c u r e d , f r o m t h e e a r l y 1 9 2 0 s o n w a r d s , in Monmouthshire,

G l a m o r g a n and east Carmarthenshire, and

these

w o r k i n g - c l a s s l e a d e r s , u n l i k e t h e e a r l i e r L i b e r a l elite, w e r e d r a w n f r o m the very heart of their c o m m u n i t i e s . At a time of grave social a n d e c o n o m i c d i s l o c a t i o n , t h e s e (for t h e m o s t p a r t ) L a b o u r p e o p l e d e d i ­ c a t e d t h e i r t a l e n t s t o m a k i n g life b e a r a b l e . I n t e r e s t i n g l y f r o m t h e v i e w ­ point

o f t h e l e v e l o f political c o n s c i o u s n e s s i n t h e s e

working-class communities,

the

monolithic

L a b o u r party councillors in

the

R h o n d d a b e t w e e n 1 9 1 7 a n d 1 9 2 1 , t h o u g h s a t i s f a c t o r y in t h e e y e s o f the general public, w e r e d e e m e d too m o d e r a t e b y the L a b o u r activists within the trade councils and lodges. Indeed, by the

mid-twenties

the intensifying bitterness b e t w e e n the two groups h a d largely emas­ culated Labour party effectiveness in the R h o n d d a .

1 5 9

Unlike the First W o r l d W a r , w h i c h toppled the Liberal a s c e n d a n c y , the S e c o n d W o r l d W a r only served to e n h a n c e the standing of L a b o u r in W a l e s : a s o v e r t h e c o u n t r y i n g e n e r a l , h e r e , e s p e c i a l l y i n t h e relati­ vely less radicalised mid and North W a l e s , public opinion was p u s h e d l e f t w a r d s . T h e w a r y e a r s d e m o n s t r a t e d t h e c r u c i a l n e e d for c e n t r a l i s e d 158

159

Morgan, Rebirth, pp. 191-2, 274, 280, 282-3; idem, 'The Welsh in English Polities', p. 242; T. Huws Davies, 'Polities', Welsh Outlook, 20 (1933), p. 340. Stead, 'Working-Class Leadership', pp. 345ff; Anon., T h e Mind of the Miner', Welsh Outlook, 3 (1916), p. 249; Morgan, Rebirth, pp. 291-2, for a generous tribute; Chris Williams, ' " A n Able Administrator of Capitalism"?, The Labour Party in the Rhondda, 1917-21' (paper read at a Gregynog University of Wales seminar, March 1987).

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Wales

353

economic planning. T h e 1945 general election thus saw the Labour a s c e n d a n c y i n W a l e s r e a c h n e w h e i g h t s a n d , s i g n i f i c a n t l y , after 1 9 4 5 its h o l d w a s at l a s t ( a n d r a p i d l y ) e x t e n d e d o v e r t h e r u r a l h i n t e r l a n d . T h e r e w a s to b e n o revival of C o n s e r v a t i s m in W a l e s in the 1950s. T h r o u g h o u t the long period of Labour a s c e n d a n c y from 1918 to 1966, L a b o u r m e m b e r s , u n l i k e t h e i r L i b e r a l f o r b e a r s a n d , i n d e e d , to a n extent Keir Hardie a n d the ILP, w e r e not so c o n c e r n e d with distinctly W e l s h matters. Certainly t h e y h a d nothing to do with W e l s h separa­ tism.

1 6 0

T h e declining fortunes of the W e l s h language a n d decay of 'the W e l s h w a y of life' led to the founding of a W e l s h Nationalist party i n 1 9 2 5 . D o w n t o 1 9 4 5 , h o w e v e r , it w a s ' n o t r e a l l y a political p a r t y at

all b u t

a

cultural

and

educational

movement'.

Membership

r e m a i n e d small, p e r h a p s 2 , 0 0 0 in 1 9 3 9 , a n d c o m p r i s e d W e l s h - s p e a k ­ ing college lecturers, schoolteachers, nonconformist ministers

and

o t h e r m i d d l e - c l a s s p r o f e s s i o n a l s . T h e l a c k o f political activity w a s s h o w n a b o v e all i n t h e failure t o c o n t e s t l o c a l a n d n a t i o n a l e l e c t i o n s t o a n y significant e x t e n t . T h e R o m a n C a t h o l i c i s m o f its ' a n g u l a r a n d u n c o m p r o m i s i n g ' , albeit r e v e r e d , p o e t - l e a d e r , S a u n d e r s L e w i s , a n d , i n t h e l a t e t h i r t i e s , t h e a l l e g e d fascist s y m p a t h i e s o f t h e l e a d e r s , w e r e n o t h e l p f u l i n a t t r a c t i n g m e m b e r s . A b o v e all, i n s i s t e n c e b y t h e l e a d e r ­ s h i p r i g h t d o w n t o 1 9 3 9 u p o n W e l s h b e i n g t h e l a n g u a g e for t h e r u n ­ n i n g o f p a r t y a c t i v i t i e s , a n d t h e fact t h a t t h e l e a d e r s w e r e o u t o f t o u c h with the p r o b l e m s of the south-east valleys, w a s b o u n d to deter Eng­ lish-speaking W e l s h m e n . T h e dramatic burning of the b o m b i n g school i n t h e L l e y n P e n i n s u l a i n 1 9 3 6 d i d n o t r e a l l y h a v e t h e d e s i r e d effect o f r o u s i n g t h e n a t i o n to a n e w s e n s e o f n a t i o n a l a w a r e n e s s a n d u r g i n g p a r t y m e m b e r s t o g r e a t e r political i n v o l v e m e n t . I n 1 9 3 9 t h e p a r t y ' s f o r t u n e s w e r e at a l o w e b b ; b u t , l a r g e l y b e c a u s e o f t h e e x p e r i e n c e g a i n e d i n t h e 1 9 4 3 U n i v e r s i t y o f W a l e s b y - e l e c t i o n , it e m e r g e d in 1 9 4 5 with a r e n e w e d vigour and contested m o r e parliamentary seats than t h e total o f t h e p r e v i o u s t w e n t y y e a r s . It h a d at last c o m e to r e s e m b l e a r e a l political p a r t y , b u t , a p a r t f r o m t w o e n c o u r a g i n g b u t illusory b y - e l e c t i o n r e s u l t s i n 1 9 4 6 , t h e p a r t y m a d e little h e a d w a y in t h e follow­ ing twenty y e a r s .

1 6 1

A virtual revolution within W e l s h society a c c o m p a n i e d the 160

161

new

Morgan, Rebirth, pp. 296-7; Morgan and Thomas, Wales, pp. 147-8; Morgan, 'From Cymru Fydd to Crowther', pp. 127-8; idem, 'The Welsh in English Polities', p. 242. Davies, The Welsh Nationalist Party, pp. vii-viii, 71, 73, 112ff, 163-5, 182-6, 197-9, 261, 263, 267-8; Philip, The Welsh Question, pp. 14, 17; Morgan, 'From Cymru Fydd to Crowther', p. 131.

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D. W. HOWELL AND C. BABER

affluence o f t h e 1 9 5 0 s a n d 1 9 6 0 s , for t h e r e n o w o c c u r r e d a r e o r i e n t a t i o n i n p e o p l e ' s life s t y l e s . T h e p o p u l a t i o n b e c a m e significantly b e t t e r - o f f a n d b e t t e r p r o v i d e d for in t e r m s o f h o u s i n g , h e a l t h a n d e d u c a t i o n . A c c o m p a n y i n g t h i s t h e r e c a m e a t r a n s f o r m a t i o n in l e i s u r e p u r s u i t s : private ownership of cars, the spread of television and consequent g r e a t e r flood o f m a s s e n t e r t a i n m e n t all e r o d e d t h e o l d f o r m s o f social p a r t i c i p a t i o n . T h e c h a p e l i n f l u e n c e further w a n e d , t h e falling c o n g r e ­ gations partly a c o n s e q u e n c e of linguistic e b b . In the industrial south, t h e n e w affluence s p e l t i n e v i t a b l e d e c l i n e for t h e o l d w o r l d o f i n t i m a t e c o m m u n i t y a n d c o m r a d e s h i p , a w o r l d r e m a r k a b l e for its rich w o r k i n g c l a s s i n t e l l e c t u a l vitality. All t h i s w a s to b e r e p l a c e d b y t h e m i n d l e s s m o n o t o n y of the drinking clubs and bingo halls a n d the relatively c h e e r l e s s , s a n i t i s e d h o u s i n g e s t a t e s or c o m m u t e r s u b u r b s . D a i S m i t h p e r c e p t i v e l y c o n c l u d e s : ' i n r e t r o s p e c t t h e late 1 9 4 0 s s t a n d o u t as t h e last a u t h e n t i c y e a r s o f t h a t d i s t i n c t i v e c u l t u r e w h i c h h a d b e e n fash­ i o n e d in S o u t h W a l e s ' .

1 6 2

H o w e v e r , for all t h e g r o w i n g s e c u l a r i s a ­

tion and anglicisation throughout the Principality, the m o r e remote a n d w e s t e r n a n d n o r t h - w e s t e r n c o u n t i e s o f rural W a l e s in t h e 1 9 5 0 s a n d 1 9 6 0 s , e s p e c i a l l y o u t s i d e t h e t o w n s , c o u l d still c l a i m to h a v e a distinctive ' W e l s h ' culture b a s e d o n the language, chapel a n d eisteddfodau,

the

a 'specifically W e l s h cultural activity' that w a s 'reinforced

b y strong subjective identification with W e l s h n e s s ' .

1 6 3

T h e i s s u e o f l a n g u a g e h a s , w e h a v e h i n t e d earlier, g i v e n rise f r o m t h e e a r l y p a r t o f t h i s c e n t u r y d o w n to t h e p r e s e n t to a crisis i n i d e n t i t y a m o n g t h e p e o p l e o f W a l e s . W h i l e w e w o u l d n o t f u n d a m e n t a l l y dis­ a g r e e w i t h B u d K h l e i f t h a t ' a shift i n l a n g u a g e is a shift i n i d e n t i t y ' , it s h o u l d b e r e c o g n i s e d t h a t E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g W e l s h m e n s p i r i t e d l y a n d justifiably c o u n t e r t h a t , l a c k o f W e l s h n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g , t h e y , t o o , are a distinctive ' W e l s h ' people, p o s s e s s e d of characteristics w h i c h s e p a r a t e t h e m f r o m t h e i r E n g l i s h , S c o t t i s h a n d Irish n e i g h b o u r s . F o r t h e m , it is t h e i r s e p a r a t e h i s t o r y , i n s t i n c t i v e r a d i c a l i s m in r e l i g i o n a n d politics, c o n t e m p t for s o c i a l p r e t e n t i o u s n e s s , p e r s o n a l w a r m t h a n d e x u b e r a n c e , sociability, l o v e o f m u s i c a n d n e a r - o b s e s s i o n w i t h r u g b y w h i c h m a r k t h e m o u t as W e l s h m e n . 162

1 6 4

Morgan, Rebirth, pp. 340, 345-7, 352-4; Smith, Wales! Wales?, p. 124.

163

P. J. Madgwick, The Politics of Rural Wales (1972), pp. 84-5.

164

Khleif, Language, p. 35; for a sensitive discussion see Williams, Religion, Language

and Nationality, p. 147.

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CHAPTER 5

The north-west J. K. W A L T O N

C o n v e n t i o n a l w i s d o m about the fortunes a n d significance of this r e g i o n in t h e t w o c e n t u r i e s after 1 7 5 0 c o m e s t r i p p i n g l y off t h e t o n g u e . B e l o w a thin crust of banal generalisations, h o w e v e r , the questing h i s t o r i a n u n c o v e r s shifting, u n s t a b l e strata o f d i v e r g i n g a n d conflict­ i n g a c c o u n t s a n d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s , o f t e n v e n t i n g as e m i s s i o n s o f s u p e r ­ heated debate which alarm and confuse the innocent

bystander,

obscuring the view with steam and volcanic gases and dispelling the i l l u s i o n o f clarity, s e c u r i t y a n d c o n t r o l . E x p l a n a t i o n s o f t h e social cir­ c u m s t a n c e s surrounding the spectacular rise, sustained h e y d a y and p r e c i p i t o u s d e c l i n e o f t h e c o t t o n i n d u s t r y a n d its a s s o c i a t e d t o w n s f o r m a s t a p l e o f h i s t o r i c a l d e b a t e , a l t h o u g h t h e first t w o p h a s e s h a v e received m u c h m o r e attention t h a n the third. T h e early a n d intensive interaction of the s t e a m engine, the factory s y s t e m a n d an unprece­ dented rate of urban growth, concentrated within a narrow area of s o u t h L a n c a s h i r e a n d n o r t h C h e s h i r e , p r o v e d irresistible t o social c o m ­ m e n t a t o r s t h e n a n d h a s r e m a i n e d s o for social h i s t o r i a n s e v e r s i n c e . C o t t o n L a n c a s h i r e b e c a m e ' t h e first i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y ' a n d ' t h e c r a d l e of t h e I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n ' . T h e c o t t o n i n d u s t r y b e c a m e a m u c h d e b a t e d ' l e a d i n g s e c t o r ' in B r i t i s h i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n , w h i l e at t h e s a m e t i m e its a s s u m e d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s t e n d e d t o b e m i s l e a d i n g l y p a r a d e d a s a s u r r o g a t e for t h e m o r e c o m p l e x p a t t e r n o f c h a n g e s i n B r i t i s h e c o n o m y a n d s o c i e t y as a w h o l e . T h e i n d u s t r i a l i s i n g e x p e r i e n c e o f a s m a l l c o r n e r o f L a n c a s h i r e a n d its a d j o i n i n g c o u n t i e s b e c a m e at o n c e e x c i t i n g e x c e p t i o n a n d a l l - e m b r a c i n g n o r m in t h e t r e a t m e n t o f B r i t a i n ' s i n d u s t r i a l r e v o l u t i o n . M o r e o v e r , t h e r e w e r e political d i m e n ­ s i o n s t o t h e c h a n g e s . H e r e , it s e e m e d , w a s e m e r g i n g a n e w , t h r u s t i n g , entrepreneurial middle class w h o s e reforming vigour might change t h e face a n d d i r e c t i o n o f t h e B r i t i s h political s y s t e m . H e r e , t o o , i m m i s e r a t i o n , e x p l o i t a t i o n a n d vile w o r k i n g c o n d i t i o n s , t h e m s e l v e s a matter of heated debate, appeared to s o m e to threaten - or promise -

355

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356

J. K. WALTON

a m u c h m o r e radical u n d e r m i n i n g o f t h e e s t a b l i s h e d e c o n o m i c a n d political o r d e r . T h e industrial r e v o l u t i o n in L a n c a s h i r e t h u s s e e m e d - a n d w a s , a n d is - n a t i o n a l l y a n d i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y o f s p e c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e . T h i s perception has nurtured a self-sustaining and apparently exponential g r o w t h in t h e h i s t o r i o g r a p h y of t h e c o t t o n district, as t h e o r e t i c i a n s of e c o n o m i c g r o w t h a n d a n a l y s t s o f class s t r u g g l e h a v e s o u g h t to test, a p p l y or e l a b o r a t e their i d e a s t h r o u g h local o r i n d u s t r i a l c a s e s t u d i e s , o c c a s i o n a l l y d e t o n a t i n g e x p l o s i v e conflicts. H i s t o r i a n s

and

s o c i o l o g i s t s of all p e r s u a s i o n s h a v e p r o d u c e d m u t u a l l y i n c o m p a t i b l e v e r s i o n s of c h a n g e s a n d c o n t i n u i t i e s in textile t o w n social s t r u c t u r e , firm s i z e , living s t a n d a r d s , family o r g a n i s a t i o n a n d social a n d political r e l a t i o n s h i p s . F r o m t h e M a n c u n i a n m e d i c a l c o m m e n t a t o r s o f t h e later eighteenth century, through the apocalyptic, apologetic and celebra­ t o r y p o l e m i c i s t s o f t h e g e n e r a t i o n o f E n g e l s a n d C o o k e T a y l o r , to the recent clashes between Foster and Musson, Smelser and Ander­ s o n , c o n t r o v e r s y h a s fed c o n t r o v e r s y , a n d i n t e r p r e t e r s o f L a n c a s h i r e ' s industrial r e v o l u t i o n cultivate a t h i c k l y s o w n a n d h a p h a z a r d l y laid m i n e f i e l d . T h e b e g i n n i n g s o f similar d e b a t e s are a p p a r e n t as h i s t o r i a n s are d r a w n f o r w a r d i n t o t h e later V i c t o r i a n a n d E d w a r d i a n

cotton

t o w n s , s e e k i n g t h e r o o t s o f w h a t s e e m s to b e a s u d d e n t r a n s i t i o n f r o m t h e political a n d industrial m i l i t a n c y o f t h e 1 8 3 0 s a n d 1 8 4 0 s to the

controlled

industrial

relations,

social p e a c e

and

two-party

h e g e m o n y of the s e c o n d half of the nineteenth century. T h e unique e x t e n t o f w o m e n ' s factory w o r k is also a t t r a c t i n g a t t e n t i o n , a n d all t h e s e a r e a s are b e c o m i n g d i s p u t e d territory, as s h o w n b y r e a c t i o n s to t h e w o r k o f V i n c e n t , J o y c e a n d P . F . C l a r k e . A s t h e h i s t o r i o g r a p h y of t h e c o t t o n i n d u s t r y ' s d e c l i n e d e v e l o p s in t u r n , w e c a n e x p e c t n e w a r e a s o f c o n t r o v e r s y to b e d e f i n e d . T h e c o t t o n L a n c a s h i r e e x p e r i e n c e h a s b e e n t o o i m p o r t a n t , in its o w n right a n d for o u r u n d e r s t a n d i n g of w i d e r p r o c e s s e s , to b e left to t h e c o s y a t r o p h y o f c o n s e n s u s . B u t t h e r e is m u c h m o r e to L a n c a s h i r e t h a n t h e c o t t o n district. M e r s e y s i d e , e s p e c i a l l y , d e v e l o p e d a d i s t i n c t i v e social c o n f i g u r a t i o n of its o w n , w i t h a h i s t o r i o g r a p h y to m a t c h . L i v e r p o o l ' s v e r s i o n o f the commercial revolution has, however, generated less sustained i n t e r e s t a n d c o n t r o v e r s y a m o n g social h i s t o r i a n s . L i k e M e r s e y s i d e m o r e w i d e l y d e f i n e d , it l a c k s t h e m a g i c i n g r e d i e n t s o f s t e a m - p o w e r e d factories, e a r l y e v i d e n c e o f c l a s s conflict in politics a n d l a b o u r rela­ tions, and systematic employment of w o m e n and children outside the h o m e . But Liverpool's spectacular maritime expansion created

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d e e p social d i v i s i o n s w h i c h c h a l l e n g e t h e m o r e f a m o u s o n e s o f E n g e l s ' s M a n c h e s t e r , as p r o s p e r i n g m e r c h a n t s r e t r e a t e d to a s u c ­ c e s s i o n o f s u b u r b s a n d rural m a n s i o n s , l e a v i n g t h e b a d l y built, i n s a n i ­ tary, o v e r c r o w d e d h o u s i n g a r o u n d t h e d o c k s to b e c o m e a district o f d e p r i v a t i o n w h e r e c a s u a l l a b o u r a n d c r i m e e x i s t e d in s y m b i o s i s . M i g r a n t s f r o m I r e l a n d , a l w a y s m o r e n u m e r o u s t h a n in t h e c o t t o n t o w n s , a d d e d a n e x t r a d i m e n s i o n o f i n t e r n a l conflict b y t h e 1 8 4 0 s . H i g h e r u p t h e social s c a l e , t h e l a c k of a c h a r i s m a t i c e q u i v a l e n t o f t h e A n t i - C o r n L a w L e a g u e h a s h e l p e d to s t u n t t h e h i s t o r i o g r a p h y of L i v e r p o o l ' s r u l i n g c l a s s e s . W e k n o w a g r e a t d e a l m o r e a b o u t L i v e r ­ p o o l ' s m e r c a n t i l e m i d d l e c l a s s e s as b u s i n e s s m e n t h a n as c i t i z e n s , a n d a w h o l e range of roles and relationships remains almost unexplored. T h i s is a l s o l a r g e l y t r u e o f t h e social c i r c u m s t a n c e s s u r r o u n d i n g t h e rise o f t h e coal, salt, g l a s s a n d c h e m i c a l i n d u s t r i e s o f g r e a t e r M e r s e y s i d e , s t r e t c h i n g to W i g a n , S t H e l e n s , W a r r i n g t o n a n d t h e C h e s h i r e w i c h e s , d e s p i t e i m p o r t a n t g r o u n d w o r k in e c o n o m i c h i s t o r y a n d h i s ­ torical g e o g r a p h y . N o r t h o f t h e R i b b l e w e e n c o u n t e r a different set o f i n f l u e n c e s a g a i n . Here seaports and pockets of water-powered industry

flourished

briefly in t h e late e i g h t e e n t h a n d e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s o n l y t o fade a g a i n in t h e r a i l w a y a g e , a n d o n l y t h e v a r i o u s l y s p e c i a l i s e d u r b a n e c o n o m i e s of L a n c a s t e r , B l a c k p o o l , M o r e c a m b e a n d B a r r o w s h o w e d s u s t a i n e d g r o w t h o v e r significant l e n g t h s o f t i m e . A s in C h e s h i r e b e y o n d t h e pull o f M e r s e y s i d e a n d t h e c o t t o n t o w n s , remained predominant

here; and throughout

agriculture

the region

farming

r e m a i n e d i m p o r t a n t e n o u g h to m e r i t s u s t a i n e d a t t e n t i o n . O n t h e l o w ­ l a n d s , at least, t h e i n f l u e n c e o f a r i s t o c r a c y a n d g e n t r y d i e d h a r d . A n y a s s e s s m e n t o f r e g i o n a l social t r e n d s in L a n c a s h i r e a n d C h e s h i r e m u s t t a k e a c c o u n t o f t h e striking c o n t r a s t s in s u b - r e g i o n a l e x p e r i e n c e s . It is p o s s i b l e a n d useful to g e n e r a l i s e a b o u t t h e r e g i o n as a w h o l e in r e l a t i o n to t h e n a t i o n at l a r g e , b u t s u c h s t a t e m e n t s will n e e d careful qualification. T h i s r e q u i r e m e n t is p a r t i c u l a r l y p r e s s i n g w h e n w e l o o k at t h e i m p o r t a n t a n d c o n t r o v e r s i a l d e v e l o p m e n t s o f t h e p e r i o d c o n v e n ­ tionally labelled 'the Industrial Revolution'.

I THE TRANSITION

TO I N D U S T R I A L

SOCIETY,

c.

175O-185O

T h e c e n t u r y after 1 7 5 0 s a w t h e rise o f t h e c o t t o n i n d u s t r y in s o u t h - e a s t L a n c a s h i r e a n d n o r t h - e a s t C h e s h i r e . H e r e t h e full i m p a c t o f t h e tran­ sition to t h e s t e a m - p o w e r e d factory, w i t h its d i s t i n c t i v e f o r m o f

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J . K. W A L T O N

c o n c o m i t a n t urbanisation, w a s a b s o r b e d . In this crucible a n e w k i n d o f s o c i e t y w a s f o r g e d , a l t h o u g h t h e m a n n e r o f its t r a n s f o r m a t i o n e n s u r e d t h a t it r e t a i n e d m a n y significant c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e o l d o n e . L a n c a s h i r e ' s industrial revolution g a t h e r e d m o m e n t u m rapidly in t h e e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , a n d e s p e c i a l l y in t h e 1 8 2 0 s a n d 1 8 3 0 s , b u t t h e initial i m p e t u s c a m e i n t h e l a t e r e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y . T h e s w i t c h to p u r e c o t t o n p r o d u c t i o n at t h i s t i m e w a s a c c o m p a n i e d b y i n n o v a t i o n s which took the spinning and preparation processes out of the h o m e , but

created

an

enormous

compensatory

demand

for

handloom

weavers. T h e domestic putting-out s y s t e m w a s n o Utopia of the inde­ p e n d e n t smallholder/craftsman, as pressure o n the land increased a n d families b e c a m e i n c r e a s i n g l y d e p e n d e n t o n w h a t a m o u n t e d t o p i e c e rate w a g e s . T h e spread

of hand-operated

spinning

jennies

and

m a c h i n e s for c a r d i n g , r o v i n g a n d t w i s t i n g o c c u r r e d u n o b t r u s i v e l y d u r ­ i n g t h e 1 7 7 0 s , w h e n t h e l a r g e w a t e r - f r a m e s p i n n i n g mills w i t h t h e i r 'factory villages' also b e g a n to appear. But the m a i n impact of the w a t e r f r a m e c a m e after 1 7 8 5 , a n d c o u n t r y m i l l s e m p l o y i n g s e v e r a l hundred operatives remained conspicuous but unusual. Even w h e n water p o w e r w a s applied to C r o m p t o n ' s m u l e in the 1790s, as the pace of factory-building q u i c k e n e d a n d the transition to s t e a m b e g a n , c o t t o n s p i n n i n g w a s still d o m i n a t e d b y s m a l l u n i t s o f p r o d u c t i o n , often glorified w o r k s h o p s . M a n y o f O l d h a m ' s ' o r i g i n a l m i l l s ' w e r e established in t h e ' c o m m o d i o u s b e d r o o m s ' of dwelling-houses, a n d c o n v e r t e d corn mills w e r e often adapted to h o u s e w a t e r frames. Capi­ tal i n v e s t m e n t w a s u s u a l l y o n a l i m i t e d s c a l e , d r a w n c a u t i o u s l y f r o m the established resources of existing merchants and their families a n d n e i g h b o u r s .

manufacturers,

1

These developments ensured the demise of domestic spinning, but otherwise their impact w a s limited. Urbanisation was not yet spectacu­ lar, a s p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h s p r e a d t h r o u g h t h e c o u n t r y s i d e i n s c a t t e r e d f a r m s t e a d s a n d ' f o l d s ' o f w e a v e r s ' c o t t a g e s , a n d w a t e r - p o w e r e d mills dispersed in search of suitable u p l a n d sites. M a n c h e s t e r ' s population g r e w almost fourfold to 70,000 b e t w e e n 1760 a n d 1 8 0 1 , w h e n adjoining Salford contained another 13,000. O v e r the s a m e period Bolton almost t r e b l e d its p o p u l a t i o n to p a s s 1 7 , 0 0 0 , b u t t h e o t h e r c o t t o n t o w n s l a g g e d

1

S. D. Chapman, 'Fixed Capital Formation in the British Cotton Manufacturing Indus­

try', in J. P. P. Higgins and S. Pollard, eds., Aspects of Capital Formation in Great Britain 1750-1850 (1971), p. 59.

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b e h i n d . Outside M a n c h e s t e r the sheer scale of urban living w a s not yet a source of serious social p r o b l e m s . T h e r e a l l y i m p r e s s i v e c h a n g e s c a m e i n t h e first h a l f o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h century. Retained raw cotton imports increased more than tenfold b e t w e e n 1 8 0 0 a n d 1 8 4 1 , e s p e c i a l l y after 1 8 1 5 . T h e n u m b e r o f mills g r e w m u c h less spectacularly, from about 9 0 0 nationally in 1797 to about 1,200 in 1834; b u t this period s a w the rapid advent of s t e a m p o w e r a n d m u l e spinning, with great increases in factory productivity a n d the concentration of mills o n u r b a n sites. T h e transition to s t e a m w a s almost complete b y 1 8 4 1 . Increases in mule capacity, and the introduction of the self-actor in t h e 1830s, t h r e a t e n e d t h e privileged status a n d a u t o n o m y of the adult male labour aristocracy of m u l e spinners, although this w a s a c o m p l e x and protracted process. But the scale of workplace organisation did not increase markedly. T h e r e a d y availability o f c r e d i t a n d s e c o n d - h a n d m a c h i n e r y , a n d t h e s u b ­ division of factory buildings into smaller, rented production units, kept spinning o p e n to the small (but insecure) entrepreneur. B y 1841, a d m i t t e d l y , 7 7 p e r c e n t o f t h e f a c t o r y l a b o u r f o r c e w o r k e d i n firms e m p l o y i n g m o r e t h a n 150 people, but the few really large c o n c e r n s were survivors from the early days of the industry. ' M e d i u m - s i z e d ' firms e m p l o y i n g b e t w e e n 1 5 0 a n d 5 0 0 p r e d o m i n a t e d . T h e s e w e r e c o m ­ paratively very substantial, but less daunting to the operative than e x p e c t a t i o n s b a s e d o n t h e p r e d o m i n a n c e o f ' g i a n t ' firms m i g h t indicate; a n d m o s t r e c r u i t s w e r e s o c i a l i s e d i n t o t h e f a c t o r y at a n e a r l y a g e .

2

T h e other major d e v e l o p m e n t in cotton w a s the m e c h a n i s a t i o n of weaving. Continuing improvements to the handloom, an ample and elastic l a b o u r s u p p l y a n d t h e difficulty o f d e v e l o p i n g a c o s t - e f f e c t i v e a n d reliable p o w e r l o o m e n s u r e d the continuing e x p a n s i o n o f h a n d l o o m weaving into the 1820s. T h e n u m b e r of weavers probably trebled t o a b o u t 2 2 5 , 0 0 0 b e t w e e n 1 7 9 5 a n d 1 8 1 1 a n d s t a b i l i s e d for a d e c a d e f r o m t h e m i d - 1 8 2 0 s at a b o u t 2 5 0 , 0 0 0 . A t its p e a k h a n d l o o m w e a v i n g d o m i n a t e d t h e e c o n o m y o f a n e x t e n s i v e a n d t h i c k l y p o p u l a t e d district of north-east Lancashire a n d w a s important over a m u c h wider area. It w a s a n e a s y t r a d e t o e n t e r , a p a r t f r o m c e r t a i n f a n c y f a b r i c s . A p p r e n ­ t i c e s h i p r e s t r i c t i o n s h a d c o l l a p s e d , b a s i c skills c o u l d b e l e a r n e d in 2

V. A. C. Gatrell, 'Labour, Power and the Size of Firms in Lancashire Cotton in the Second Quarter of the Nineteenth Century', Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 30 (1977), pp. 95-139; S. D. Chapman, 'Financial Restraints on the Growth of Firms in the Cotton Industry, 1790-1850', Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 32 (1979), pp. 50-69; R. Lloyd-Jones and A. A. Le Roux, 'The Size of Firms in the Cotton Indus­ try: Manchester, 1815-41', Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 33 (1980), pp. 72-82.

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a few w e e k s , a n d the labour market b e c a m e over supplied. In time of h i g h d e m a n d y a r n w a s a l s o e x p o r t e d to b e w o v e n a n d

finished

o n t h e C o n t i n e n t . D u r i n g t h e 1 8 2 0 s p i e c e - r a t e s b e g a n to fall r a p i d l y and inexorably. Weavers responded by working longer hours

and

i n c r e a s i n g p r o d u c t i o n at t h e l o w e r r a t e s , e x a c e r b a t i n g a p r o b l e m w h i c h w a s a l s o b e i n g affected b y t h e r i s e o f t h e p o w e r l o o m . T h e p u t t e r s - o u t , w i t h t h e i r l o w o v e r h e a d s , c o n t i n u e d to m a k e profits i n t o t h e 1 8 4 0 s , b u t w e a v e r s ' c h i l d r e n b e g a n to e n t e r t h e f a c t o r i e s , s u b s i d i s i n g t h e i r p a r e n t s at t h e l o o m . H e a v y p o p u l a t i o n l o s s e s b y m i g r a t i o n o c c u r r e d in t h e w e a v i n g v i l l a g e s d u r i n g t h e 1 8 3 0 s a n d 1 8 4 0 s , as t h e p o w e r l o o m c o m p l e t e d its t r i u m p h ; b u t h a n d l o o m w e a v i n g s u r v i v e d t e n a c i o u s l y i n t o t h e 1 8 5 0 s in m a n y u p l a n d a r e a s , e s p e c i a l l y w h e r e it c o u l d still be c o m b i n e d with small-scale farming.

3

F a c t o r y w e a v i n g p r o v i d e d e v e n m o r e o p e n i n g s for t h e s m a l l e n t r e ­ preneur than factory spinning. A l t h o u g h m a n y of the p o w e r l o o m p i o n e e r s w e r e l a r g e i n t e g r a t e d s p i n n i n g a n d w e a v i n g firms i n s o u t h Lancashire and north Cheshire, by 1850 the industry was becoming concentrated into north-east Lancashire, and the average n u m b e r of e m p l o y e e s p e r firm w a s l e s s t h a n 1 0 0 . A s in s p i n n i n g , t h e w e a v i n g shed

was

a highly

personalised,

far

from

anonymous

working

environment. Unlike spinning, w o m e n were employed on the same t e r m s as m e n , t h o u g h m a l e w a g e s w e r e s l i g h t l y h i g h e r a n d p r o m o t i o n to t h e s u p e r v i s o r y g r a d e s w a s a m a l e p r e s e r v e . E v e n s o , t h e i m p o r ­ tance of family i n c o m e s rather than

adult male w a g e s

persisted

strongly from domestic industry; and p o w e r l o o m w e a v i n g b e c a m e a predominantly female occupation. B y m i d - c e n t u r y t h e f a c t o r y textile i n d u s t r y h a d r e a c h e d m a t u r i t y in c o t t o n , w i t h m a n y s h o r t - t e r m a n d s e c t o r a l t r a u m a s a n d c a t a s ­ t r o p h e s , b u t w i t h s u r p r i s i n g l y f e w l o n g - t e r m social d i s c o n t i n u i t i e s . It m i g h t b e a r g u e d t h a t t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t p r o b l e m s a n d p r e s s u r e s a r o s e m o r e f r o m p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h a n d u r b a n i s a t i o n t h a n f r o m fac­ t o r y i n d u s t r y in itself. B e t w e e n 1801 and 1851 the population of Lancashire and Cheshire i n c r e a s e d b y 1 8 5 p e r c e n t , a n d t h a t o f t h e c o t t o n district m o r e t h a n trebled, while that of E n g l a n d and W a l e s doubled. Textile Lancashire

3

J. S. Lyons, T h e Lancashire Cotton Industry and the Introduction of the Power-Loom, 1815-50' (unpublished PhD thesis, California University, Berkeley, 1977), pp. 34-99; G. Timmins, Hand-Loom Weavers' Cottages in Central Lancashire (Lancaster, 1977), p. 51; D. A. Farnie, The Lancashire Cotton Industry and the World Market 1815-96 (1979), pp. 276-84.

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w a s a l r e a d y r e l a t i v e l y d e n s e l y p e o p l e d in 1 8 0 1 , b u t t h e a g e o f t h e canal a n d the s t e a m - p o w e r e d factory brought rapid

urbanisation.

O v e r t h e h a l f - c e n t u r y M a n c h e s t e r m o r e t h a n q u a d r u p l e d its p o p u l a ­ t i o n to o v e r 3 0 0 , 0 0 0 , w h i l e in 1 8 5 1 f o u r o t h e r t o w n s in t h e c o t t o n district ( i n c l u d i n g S a l f o r d ) c o u n t e d m o r e t h a n 5 0 , 0 0 0 i n h a b i t a n t s , a n d five m o r e ( i n c l u d i n g W i g a n ) t o p p e d 2 0 , 0 0 0 . S m a l l e r t o w n s also p r o ­ l i f e r a t e d . O n o n e definition n e a r l y t w o - t h i r d s o f t h e a r e a ' s p o p u l a t i o n l i v e d i n its t h i r t y t o w n s b y m i d - c e n t u r y .

4

This was urbanisation on

an altogether novel scale a n d pattern. H o w did this h a p p e n ? T h e r e w a s s o m e short-distance migration f r o m o u t s i d e t h e a r e a , a n d w e m u s t n o t f o r g e t t h e Irish, e s p e c i a l l y i n t h e 1 8 4 0 s ; b u t t h e k e y to t h e p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e l a y in r e m a r k a b l y h i g h b i r t h r a t e s a n d fertility r a t i o s , e s p e c i a l l y in t h e 1 8 1 0 s a n d 1 8 2 0 s . E v e n in the d e p r e s s e d years of 1 8 3 7 - 4 1 the L a n c a s h i r e birth rate w a s the highest in E n g l a n d . This fecundity w a s spread across the county, o n M e r s e y s i d e a n d in t h e m a i n l y a g r i c u l t u r a l w e s t a n d far n o r t h as w e l l a s in t h e textile h e a r t l a n d , s u g g e s t i n g t h a t it w a s m o r e t h a n j u s t a n i n s t r u m e n t a l r e s p o n s e to j o b a n d m a r r i a g e o p p o r t u n i t i e s a n d t h e i n d u s t r i a l d e m a n d for c h i l d l a b o u r . D e a t h r a t e s w e r e also v e r y h i g h t h r o u g h o u t t h e c o u n t y , a n d life e x p e c t a n c y at b i r t h s h o w e d n o i m ­ p r o v e m e n t b e t w e e n the 1780s and 1840s. Fleischman c o m m e n t s that in the 1830s ' L a n c a s h i r e h a d higher birth, death a n d marriage rates, s h o r t e r life e x p e c t a n c y , a n d a y o u n g e r p o p u l a t i o n t h a n a n y o t h e r c o u n t y in t h e n a t i o n . '

5

Urban populations were already recruiting

p a r t l y b y n a t u r a l i n c r e a s e b y 1 8 0 0 , in s p i t e o f h i g h c h i l d m o r t a l i t y ; b u t in a n y c a s e t h e p a t t e r n o f m i g r a t i o n to t o w n s w a s p r e d o m i n a n t l y short-distance a n d e v e n local. M a n c h e s t e r attracted a higher propor­ t i o n o f l o n g - r a n g e m i g r a n t s , a n d its s l u m p o p u l a t i o n , in A n c o a t s at 6

l e a s t , w a s h i g h l y v o l a t i l e ; b u t t h e c o t t o n t o w n s in g e n e r a l g r e w in a m a n n e r w h i c h permitted n e w urban dwellers to maintain mutually supportive contacts with kin and friends. W e m u s t n o t e x a g g e r a t e t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f c o t t o n as a n e m p l o y e r in these towns, although comparatively the degree of specialisation 4

5

6

J. T. Danson and T. A. Welton, 'On the Population of Lancashire and Cheshire and its Local Distribution during the Fifty Years 1801-51', Transactions of the Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire, 11 (1858-9), p. 31. R. K. Fleischman, jr, 'Conditions of Life among the Cotton Workers of South-East Lancashire during the Industrial Revolution (1780-1850)' (unpublished PhD thesis, State University of New York, Buffalo, 1973), p. 260. P. Rushton, 'Housing Conditions and the Family Economy in the Victorian Slum: A Study of a Manchester District, 1790-1871' (unpublished PhD thesis, Manchester University, 1977), pp. 99-100.

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was very high b y any standards. O n o n e calculation the cotton indus­ try consistently e m p l o y e d over o n e third of L a n c a s h i r e ' s total popula­ tion during the h e y d a y of h a n d l o o m

weaving between the

late

eighteenth century and the 1830s. For adult male labour saturation p o i n t h a d a l r e a d y b e e n r e a c h e d i n t h e m i d - e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y in s o m e parishes, w h e r e b e t w e e n half a n d two-thirds of the fathers of children baptised in t h e parish c h u r c h w o r k e d in the textile industries. In 1841 t h e u r b a n figures for m e n o v e r t w e n t y y e a r s o l d w e r e l e s s s p e c t a c u l a r . M a n c h e s t e r in particular w a s developing quite a diverse e m p l o y m e n t s t r u c t u r e , a s it b e c a m e m o r e o f a c o m m e r c i a l c e n t r e . I n 1 8 4 1 f e w e r t h a n a q u a r t e r o f t h e t o w n ' s a d u l t m a l e s w o r k e d i n textile p r o c e s s e s as such, a n d just over half of t h e s e s e e m to h a v e w o r k e d in factories. T e x t i l e w o r k e r s w e r e o u t n u m b e r e d b y m i s c e l l a n e o u s craft o c c u p a ­ t i o n s . G e n e r a l l a b o u r e r s a c c o u n t e d for n e a r l y 2 0 p e r c e n t o f a d u l t males, and commercial, professional and shopkeeping occupations w e r e nearly as n u m e r o u s . In m o r e specialised centres such as A s h t o n , B l a c k b u r n a n d B o l t o n t e x t i l e w o r k e r s a c c o u n t e d for b e t w e e n 4 0 a n d nearly 5 0 per cent of the adult male workforce, and m a n y m o r e of 7

these w o r k e d in factories. T h e true d e p e n d e n c e of t h e s e e c o n o m i e s o n c o t t o n w e n t m u c h d e e p e r t h a n t h i s , a s j o b s i n all s e c t o r s f r o m labouring a n d coal m i n i n g to building a n d retailing d e p e n d e d o n the prosperity of the staple industry; a n d the rapid rise of m a c h i n e - m a k i n g during the 1840s w a s largely g e a r e d u p to the n e e d s of local cotton firms, a l t h o u g h a g r o w i n g p r o p o r t i o n o f o u t p u t w a s for e x p o r t . B u t c o t t o n f a c t o r i e s as s u c h still e m p l o y e d a m i n o r i t y o f a d u l t m a l e s e v e n in A s h t o n , w h e r e t h e i r i n f l u e n c e w a s s t r o n g e s t . I n m o s t p l a c e s t h e y a c c o u n t e d for a q u a r t e r o r l e s s o f t h i s s e c t o r o f t h e w o r k f o r c e . T o a s s e s s t h e full e x t e n t o f c o t t o n ' s d o m i n a n c e t o w a r d s m i d - c e n t u r y w e n e e d to consider the distinctive age a n d sex structure of factory employment. In 1841 more than 40 per cent of w o m e n aged over t w e n t y in M a n c h e s t e r ' s workforce w e r e in textiles, two-thirds of t h e m i n f a c t o r i e s . F o r t h e u n d e r - t w e n t i e s t h e f o r m e r figure w a s n e a r l y 6 0 per cent. In the really specialised cotton t o w n s the proportions w e r e m u c h higher: more than two-thirds of the female over-twenties labour force w e r e i n t e x t i l e s i n B l a c k b u r n a n d A s h t o n , a n d o v e r 8 0 p e r c e n t of t h e u n d e r - t w e n t i e s . A l m o s t all w e r e f a c t o r y w o r k e r s . 7

Children

V. A. C. Gatrell, 'The Commercial Middle Class in Manchester, c. 1820-57' (unpub­ lished PhD thesis, Cambridge University, 1971), p. 81; Rushton, 'Victorian Slum', pp. 198-9. In Preston the corresponding figure was only 32 per cent: M. Anderson,

Family Structure in Nineteenth-Century Lancashire (Cambridge, 1971), p. 25.

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u n d e r t h e a g e o f t h i r t e e n p r o b a b l y a c c o u n t e d for n e a r l y o n e fifth o f c o t t o n f a c t o r y w o r k e r s in s o u t h - e a s t L a n c a s h i r e a n d n o r t h C h e s h i r e in 1 8 3 3 , a n d d e s p i t e f a c t o r y l e g i s l a t i o n t h e u n d e r - e i g h t e e n s m a d e u p o v e r o n e t h i r d o f t h e f a c t o r y p o p u l a t i o n in 1 8 4 7 . T h e p e a k a g e s for c o t t o n e m p l o y m e n t , e s p e c i a l l y i n t h e m i l l s , w e r e t h e late t e e n s a n d e a r l y t w e n t i e s . I n 1 8 5 1 n e a r l y 4 0 p e r c e n t o f girls a g e d b e t w e e n fifteen a n d n i n e t e e n in t h e w h o l e o f L a n c a s h i r e w o r k e d in c o t t o n m a n u f a c ­ t u r e , a n d a b o u t o n e in e v e r y f o u r b o y s . T h i s s u g g e s t s t h a t f a c t o r y w o r k w a s a n a l m o s t u n i v e r s a l e x p e r i e n c e for f e m a l e t e e n a g e r s , a n d v e r y m u c h t h e n o r m for m a l e s , in t h e c o t t o n t o w n s t h e m s e l v e s . B y the mid-twenties the age participation rate w a s dropping steadily, as m e n w h o failed to m a k e t h e g r a d e s o u g h t b e t t e r - p a i d j o b s i n o t h e r i n d u s t r i e s , a n d w o m e n m a r r i e d a n d s t a r t e d f a m i l i e s , for at t h i s s t a g e only the hardest-pressed m o t h e r s sought factory w o r k while their children w e r e y o u n g . T h e overall percentage of the adult population w o r k i n g in cotton, including the surviving non-factory sector, r a n g e d in 1 8 5 1 f r o m 3 8 . 3 in B l a c k b u r n t h r o u g h 3 4 . 7 i n A s h t o n a n d 2 9 . 5 in P r e s t o n to 1 6 . 5 i n W i g a n a n d a m e r e 1 6 . 0 in M a n c h e s t e r itself, w i t h m u c h l o w e r figures for t h e a r e a n o r t h o f P r e s t o n a n d n e g l i g i b l e o n e s for M e r s e y s i d e .

8

W e s t o f W i g a n , n o r t h o f t h e R i b b l e a n d in m o s t o f C h e s h i r e t h e impact of cotton w a s indeed very limited. T h e e c o n o m y of greater M e r s e y s i d e d e v e l o p e d r a p i d l y w i t h little r e f e r e n c e to it d u r i n g t h e s e c o n d h a l f o f t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y . S a l t , c o a l a n d t h e A t l a n t i c traffic b u l k e d l a r g e s t at t h i s s t a g e in L i v e r p o o l , a n d s l a v e r y b r o u g h t o c c a s i o ­ n a l w i n d f a l l profits r a t h e r t h a n c o n s i s t e n t or r e l i a b l e h i g h r e t u r n s . C o t t o n b e c a m e a n i m p o r t a n t L i v e r p o o l t r a d e at t h e e n d o f t h e e i g h ­ t e e n t h c e n t u r y , a n d b y t h e 1 8 2 0 s it w a s t h e m o s t v a l u a b l e s i n g l e i m p o r t ; b u t t h i s w a s a diversified m a r i t i m e e c o n o m y w h o s e o w n sur­ p l u s e s w e r e i n v e s t e d in i n l a n d t r a n s p o r t a n d n e a r b y coalfields r a t h e r t h a n t h e c o t t o n i n d u s t r y as s u c h . E i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y L i v e r p o o l a l s o had

a substantial manufacturing

sector, with impressive concen­

t r a t i o n s o f c o a l - u s i n g crafts as w e l l as s h i p b u i l d i n g , p o t t e r y a n d c h e m i ­ c a l s . E a r l y in t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y t h e s e i n d u s t r i e s d e c l i n e d o r m i g r a t e d to L i v e r p o o l ' s h i n t e r l a n d , as t h e t o w n ' s s p e c i a l i s a t i o n i n c o m m e r c e a n d s h i p p i n g d e e p e n e d . It still g r e w s i g n i f i c a n t l y f a s t e r t h a n M a n c h e s t e r , a n d b y 1 8 5 1 its p o p u l a t i o n s t o o d at o v e r 3 7 5 , 0 0 0 . T h e r i s e o f t h e c o a l , salt a n d c h e m i c a l i n d u s t r i e s i n l a n d , 8

where

Rushton, 'Victorian Slum', p. 198; Lyons, Tower-Loom', pp. 147-51; Anderson, Family Structure, pp. 26-8; Fleischman, 'Cotton Workers', p. 29.

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u r b a n i s a t i o n ( o u t s i d e W a r r i n g t o n a n d S t H e l e n s ) l a g g e d far b e h i n d t h e textile district, c r e a t e d v u l n e r a b l y s p e c i a l i s e d local e c o n o m i e s with a h e a v y d e p e n d e n c e o n unskilled adult male labour, although C h e s h i r e salt, i n p a r t i c u l a r , e m p l o y e d w h o l e f a m i l i e s in a r d u o u s a n d u n p l e a s a n t t a s k s . I n c o n t r a s t w i t h t h e textile district, t h e M e r s e y s i d e social s t r u c t u r e w a s i n c r e a s i n g l y c h a r a c t e r i s e d b y a s h o r t a g e o f s k i l l e d industrial work, a chronic lack of female a n d juvenile e m p l o y m e n t , and a limited representation of the middle ranks of tradesmen and small manufacturers. North of Preston the cotton industry sprinkled factory settlements q u i te t h i c k l y o v e r a w i d e a r e a d u r i n g its w a t e r - p o w e r e d p h a s e , socialis­ i n g c o u n t r y d w e l l e r s as w e l l as p a r i s h a p p r e n t i c e s i n t o f a c t o r y life; b u t t h e y w e r e a l r e a d y d e c l i n i n g b y t h e 1 8 3 0 s , as t h e a d v a n t a g e s o f t h e coalfield a s s e r t e d t h e m s e l v e s . M i n i n g a n d q u a r r y i n g p e r s i s t e d i n p l a c e s , to b e r e v i t a l i s e d in F u r n e s s in t h e 1 8 4 0 s a n d a f t e r w a r d s . B u t t h e g r o w t h o f i n d u s t r y in t h e l a t e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y w a s n o t c o n s o l i ­ d a t e d s u b s e q u e n t l y , a n d d e c l i n e w a s a p p a r e n t in m o s t s e c t o r s b y 1 8 4 0 . S o u t h L a n c a s h i r e , i n s t e a d o f s t i m u l a t i n g e c o n o m i c a n d social c h a n g e further n o r t h , b e c a m e a s u c c e s s f u l c o m p e t i t o r for its fruits, e n t i c i n g t h e n a t u r a l i n c r e a s e o f t h e c o u n t r y s i d e s o u t h w a r d s in t h e p r o c e s s . In 1 8 5 0 as in 1 7 5 0 t h e social s t r u c t u r e o f n o r t h L a n c a s h i r e w a s d o m i ­ nated b y agricultural occupations, a n d farming r e m a i n e d important t h r o u g h o u t t h e n o r t h - w e s t . A g r i c u l t u r e a c c o u n t e d for o n l y j u s t o v e r 10 p e r c e n t o f L a n c a s h i r e ' s a d u l t m a l e s in 1 8 5 1 , b u t f a r m e r s a n d f a r m workers were remarkably thick on the ground; indeed, the Lancashire figure o f 2 9 . 6 p e r s q u a r e m i l e w a s s u b s t a n t i a l l y h i g h e r t h a n t h e national average.

9

C h e s h i r e ' s a g r i c u l t u r a l i n t e r e s t b u l k e d l a r g e r in

t h e total p o p u l a t i o n , b u t t h e p a t t e r n in b o t h c o u n t i e s w a s s i m i l a r . S m a l l f a r m s p r e d o m i n a t e d : t h r e e - q u a r t e r s o f L a n c a s h i r e ' s f a r m s in 1 8 5 1 o c c u p i e d l e s s t h a n 5 0 a c r e s e a c h , a n d in C h e s h i r e o n l y e l e v e n farmers h a d m o r e than 5 0 0 acres. A relatively high proportion of f a r m e r s w e r e o w n e r - o c c u p i e r s , a l t h o u g h t h e i r n u m b e r s d e c l i n e d after 1 8 1 5 . T h e l a n d e d g e n t r y w e r e s t r o n g a n d w e l l e s t a b l i s h e d in l o w l a n d C h e s h i r e , b u t t h i n o n t h e g r o u n d in L a n c a s h i r e a w a y f r o m t h e c o a s t a l plain. P a s t o r a l a n d m i x e d f a r m i n g p r e v a i l e d , w i t h a n e m p h a s i s o n cattle r e a r i n g a n d d a i r y i n g . M u c h o f t h e l a b o u r c a m e f r o m t h e f a r m e r s a n d t h e i r f a m i l i e s , a l t h o u g h in 1 8 5 1 a g r i c u l t u r a l d a y - l a b o u r e r s a n d living-in f a r m s e r v a n t s a v e r a g e d m o r e t h a n t w o p e r f a r m in L a n c a s h i r e

9

Danson and Welton, 'Population of Lancashire and Cheshire', p. 33.

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The north-west a n d t h r e e in C h e s h i r e . T h e s o c i a l d i s t a n c e b e t w e e n f a r m e r s

365 and

l a b o u r e r s w a s l i m i t e d , e s p e c i a l l y in t h e f r e q u e n t c a s e s w h e r e f a r m s e r v a n t s w e r e f a r m e r s ' c h i l d r e n s a v i n g for a h o l d i n g o f t h e i r o w n , or waiting to inherit. Agricultural real w a g e s w e r e relatively high and tending u p w a r d s through the period, especially near the industrial districts. T h i s w a s a g e n e r a l l y s t a b l e agricultural s y s t e m , a p a r t f r o m t h e p r o g r e s s i v e s u b - d i v i s i o n o f h o l d i n g s in s o u t h - e a s t L a n c a s h i r e a n d n o r t h - e a s t C h e s h i r e . It w a s little d i s r u p t e d b y e n c l o s u r e ( m a i n l y o f m o s s e s a n d u p l a n d c o m m o n s ) o r i n n o v a t i o n , a n d its p e r p e t u a t i o n w a s a i d e d b y t h e a m p l e s c o p e for s u r p l u s rural p o p u l a t i o n to find industrial e m p l o y m e n t or m o v e to t o w n s w h i c h w e r e themselves pro­ v i d i n g e x p a n d i n g m a r k e t s for t h e f a r m e r s ' p r o d u c t s . T h e f a r m e r s t h e m s e l v e s w e r e r a r e l y p r o s p e r o u s o r e v e n c o m f o r t a b l y off, b u t t h e rural s o c i a l s y s t e m w o r k e d w e l l e n o u g h t o e n s u r e t h a t m i g r a t i o n off the land could take place b y choice before pressure on the labour m a r k e t m a d e it a n e c e s s i t y . H o w d i d t h e c h a n g e s o f t h e c e n t u r y after 1 7 5 0 affect t h e l i v i n g stan­ d a r d s a n d life s t y l e s o f t h e i n d u s t r i a l l a b o u r f o r c e ? W e m u s t c o n s i d e r t w o s e t s o f r e l a t e d i n f l u e n c e s , o n e e m a n a t i n g f r o m t h e factory, t h e other from urbanisation. C o t t o n factories i m p o s e d l o n g h o u r s o f r e g i m e n t e d toil, at a p a c e and r h y t h m governed b y an external motive p o w e r and watched over b y a h i e r a r c h y o f s u p e r v i s o r s , in a n u n p l e a s a n t a n d u n h e a l t h y e n v i r o n ­ m e n t . M o s t o f t h e s e a s s e r t i o n s r e q u i r e s o m e qualification, h o w e v e r , a n d t h e r e w e r e b e n e f i t s t o s e t a g a i n s t t h e c o s t s . A b o v e all, factory w o r k m e a n t improved family earnings, even w h e n only the children participated. O n l y a small minority of m e n graduated to the super­ visory aristocracies of mule spinners and overlookers, but there was p l e n t y o f r e l a t i v e l y w e l l - p a i d w o r k for w o m e n ( e s p e c i a l l y w h e n p o w e r l o o m w e a v i n g e x p a n d e d ) , w h i l e c h i l d r e n c o u l d m a k e a useful contri­ bution to the family b u d g e t from an early stage, a n d teenage incomes w e r e h i g h for t h e a g e g r o u p . A n d e r s o n ' s P r e s t o n figures s u g g e s t that, in a r e a s o n a b l e y e a r , m o s t y o u n g c o u p l e s a n d families w i t h c h i l d r e n i n w o r k at m i d - c e n t u r y w e r e safely c l e a r o f a p o v e r t y - l i n e d e r i v e d from R o w n t r e e ' s York. Foster's more pessimistic O l d h a m evidence indicates that poverty levels compared favourably with the contrasting u r b a n e c o n o m i e s o f N o r t h a m p t o n a n d S o u t h S h i e l d s . M o s t families fell i n t o p o v e r t y w h e n t h e c h i l d r e n w e r e y o u n g , b u t t h e availability o f f a c t o r y w o r k for w i v e s w a s a n a d d i t i o n a l r e s o u r c e t o alleviate this universal problem. Cotton factory w a g e s w e r e relatively regular and

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predictable, t h o u g h t h e y w e r e always t h r e a t e n e d b y the trade cycle a n d t h e h i g h t u r n o v e r o f s m a l l e r e m p l o y e r s . S o m e a t t e m p t at b u d g e t ing,

saving and insurance w a s increasingly possible to m a n y , h o w -

ever, a n d the importance of family rather t h a n individual i n c o m e s reduced the potential impact of the illness or death of the m a i n breadwinner. T h e s e material advantages carry m o r e weight relatively t h a n absolutely, a n d t h e life s t y l e s a s s u m e d b y t h e c a l c u l a t o r s o f l i v i n g s t a n d a r d s are very basic indeed. M c K e n z i e ' s nutritional analysis of working-class b u d g e t s in t h e M a n c h e s t e r a r e a for 1 8 4 1 a p p l i e s o n l y t o t h e ' s o b e r a n d i n d u s t r i o u s ' , as d o t h e A n d e r s o n a n d F o s t e r f i g u r e s . E v e n t h e n , a l t h o u g h t h e w e l l - p a i d a n d fully e m p l o y e d m i g h t e n j o y a b o r i n g b u t a d e q u a t e diet b a s e d o n b r e a d , p o t a t o e s a n d a little m e a t , s i m i l a r l y v i r t u o u s l a b o u r e r s o n s h o r t t i m e d e s c e n d e d t o a bill o f fare s e r i o u s l y deficient in p r o t e i n a n d c a l o r i e s , w h i c h w a s ' v e r y l i k e l y ' to h a v e ' s o m e i m m e d i a t e effect o n h e a l t h a n d t h e ability t o r e s i s t d i s e a s e ' .

1 0

These

c a l c u l a t i o n s m a k e n o a l l o w a n c e for w a s t e or f o o d a d u l t e r a t i o n ,

or

'irrational' expenditure o n drink a n d entertainment; a n d s u c h evid e n c e s e t s textile L a n c a s h i r e ' s r e l a t i v e l y h i g h f a m i l y i n c o m e s in p e r s p e c t i v e . T o m a i n t a i n a n d s a f e g u a r d a b a r e l y a d e q u a t e diet it w a s n e c e s s a r y to a d o p t a n a b s t e m i o u s life s t y l e o f e n d l e s s l y d e f e r r e d gratifications.

T h e p r o l i f e r a t i o n o f b e e r h o u s e s in t h e c o t t o n t o w n s after

1 8 3 0 is o n e i n d i c a t i o n a m o n g m a n y t h a t s u c h s u s t a i n e d s e l f - c o n t r o l w a s far f r o m t h e n o r m . The factory e c o n o m y h a d obvious disadvantages. W o r k i n g h o u r s w e r e v e r y l o n g for m o s t o f t h e p e r i o d , a n d a c c i d e n t s a n d f a c t o r y i n d u c e d d i s e a s e s w e r e rife. T h e w o r k w a s m o n o t o n o u s a n d m e n t a l l y d e m a n d i n g as w e l l a s p h y s i c a l l y d e b i l i t a t i n g . A s K a y r e m a r k e d , c o t t o n operatives' employment absorbs their attention, and unremittingly employs their physical energies. They are drudges who watch the movements, and assist the operations, of a mighty material force, which toils with an energy ever unconscious of fatigue. The persevering labour of the operative must rival the mathematical precision, the incessant motion and the exhaustless power of the machine. 11

S u c h w o r k i m p o s e d its o w n d i s c i p l i n e , w h i c h w a s r e i n f o r c e d b y t h e mill m a n a g e m e n t h i e r a r c h y . B u t o n e d o e s n o t h a v e t o e n d o r s e A n d r e w 10

11

J. McKenzie, 'The Composition and Nutritional Value of Diets in Manchester and Dukinñeld', Lancashire and Cheshire Antiquarian Society, 72 (1962), pp. 123-40; Anderson, Family Structure; and J. Foster, Class Struggle and the Industrial Revolution (1974). J . P. Kay, The Moral and Physical Condition of the Working Classes Employed in the Cotton Manufacture of Manchester (1832), pp. 2 4 - 5 .

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

The north-west Ure's

a p o l o g e t i c s , in w h i c h

factory children w e r e

367

unashamedly

l i k e n e d to ' l i v e l y e l v e s ' w h o r e v e l l e d i n t h e i r e m p l o y m e n t , to s u g g e s t that the e m p l o y e r s ' adoption of elaborate codes of factory rules a n d fines w a s at l e a s t i n p a r t a d e f e n s i v e r e s p o n s e t o t h e i r r e p r e s s i b l e i n d i s c i p l i n e o f a y o u n g a n d r e s o u r c e f u l l a b o u r force w h o f o u n d w a y s of l i g h t e n i n g t h e b u r d e n o f t h e i r toil. In m u l e s p i n n i n g at l e a s t , a d j u s t m e n t t o f a c t o r y life w a s m a d e e a s i e r by the perpetuation of a family-sized basic production unit (spinner, piecers,

scavengers) and

a patriarchal

authority

structure.

Sub­

c o n t r a c t i n g w a s p r e v a l e n t i n s p i n n i n g as i n m a n y o t h e r i n d u s t r i e s , a n d evidence from the 1830s suggests that two-thirds of male undereighteen factory workers, a n d o n e third of the females, w e r e hired by the operatives rather than the masters. This does not m e a n that t h e f a m i l y u n i t s o f d o m e s t i c i n d u s t r y w e r e t r a n s f e r r e d to t h e f a c t o r y en bloc: S m e l s e r ' s a s s e r t i o n s to t h i s effect h a v e b e e n s u c c e s s f u l l y c h a l ­ lenged by Anderson

and

others

on

demographic

and

empirical

grounds, and many handloom weaving economies were being under­ p i n n e d b y children's factory w o r k from the 1820s o n w a r d s . But a substantial minority of factory children w e r e b e i n g e m p l o y e d a n d paid by their fathers on a sub-contracting basis, and m a n y others w e r e similarly supervised b y other relatives a n d n e i g h b o u r s . H o w this sys­ t e m c a m e i n t o o p e r a t i o n is still a n o p e n q u e s t i o n , b u t L a z o n i c k a r g u e s t h a t t h e f a c t o r y m a s t e r s f o u n d it c o n v e n i e n t t o l e a v e t h e r e c r u i t m e n t and discipline of the spinners' assistants to the spinners t h e m s e l v e s . The

privileged position of the mule spinner was thus

1 2

safeguarded

a g a i n s t d i l u t i o n a n d i n n o v a t i o n b y t h e n e e d for d i s c i p l i n e to b e imposed by physical domination and reinforced by the normative sanctions of patriarchal or quasi-patriarchal authority, although such n o r m s m u s t often h a v e shielded the children t h e m s e l v e s from excesses of c r u e l t y o r e x p l o i t a t i o n . T h e crucial differences entailed b y the factory w e r e the separation of h o m e f r o m w o r k p l a c e , a n d t h e e x p r e s s i o n o f e a c h m e m b e r ' s c o n t r i ­ b u t i o n to t h e f a m i l y e c o n o m y a s a s e p a r a t e m o n e y w a g e , e x c e p t w h e r e this w a s m a s k e d b y sub-contracting. W o r k outside the h o m e w a s the n o r m in agriculture a n d m a n y other occupations, of course, but factory w o r k t o o k e c o n o m i c a l l y a c t i v e h o u s e h o l d m e m b e r s a w a y for v e r y l o n g hours on a regular basis, w o m e n included. Contemporaries worried 12

W . Lazonick, 'Industrial Relations and Technical Change: The Case of the SelfActing Mule', Cambridge Journal of Economics, 3 (1979), pp. 231-62; N. J. Smelser,

Social Change in the Industrial Revolution (1959).

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a b o u t t h e social i m p l i c a t i o n s . H e r e is E n g e l s , at o n e w i t h A s h l e y a n d the factory reformers o n this issue: The employment of women at once breaks up the family; for when the wife spends 12 or 13 hours every day in the mill, and the husband works the same length of time there or elsewhere . . . the children . . . grow up like wild weeds; they are put out to nurse for a shilling or eighteenpence per week, and how they are treated may be imagined. 13

T h e r e is m u c h m o r e i n t h e s a m e v e i n , a b o u t c h i l d r e n b e i n g r u i n e d for f a m i l y life a n d m o v i n g i n t o l o d g i n g s at t h e first o p p o r t u n i t y , a b o u t t h e i m m o r a l i t y o f f a c t o r y girls a n d t h e painful r e v e r s a l o f s e x r o l e s as u n e m p l o y e d m e n k e p t h o u s e w h i l e t h e i r w i v e s w e n t o u t t o w o r k . T h e r e a l i t y w a s l e s s a p o c a l y p t i c . A n d e r s o n c a l c u l a t e s t h a t in t h e P r e s ­ ton of 1851 ' 2 3 % of children w h o h a d a co-residing father h a d working m o t h e r s ' , h a l f o f w h o m w e r e in f a c t o r y o c c u p a t i o n s . M o s t o f t h e s e c h i l d r e n w e r e l o o k e d after b y r e l a t i v e s a n d n e i g h b o u r s , a n d o n l y a t i n y m i n o r i t y o f i n f a n t s w e r e left w i t h p r o f e s s i o n a l c h i l d - m i n d e r s .

14

The m o t h e r s w h o w o r k e d in factories did so to mitigate the impact of t h e p o v e r t y c y c l e i n f a m i l i e s h e a d e d b y l o w w a g e e a r n e r s . A d m i t ­ tedly, Preston's administrative and residential functions

probably

offered a w i d e r r a n g e o f n o n - f a c t o r y a n d i n d e e d h o m e - b a s e d e m p l o y ­ m e n t for m o t h e r s t h a n d i d m o s t c o t t o n t o w n s . M o r e o v e r , e v i d e n c e from 1851 m a y well provide a m o r e stable a n d reassuring picture than s i m i l a r s o u r c e s m i g h t h a v e s u g g e s t e d for e a r l i e r y e a r s . W e m u s t n o t ignore the systematic dosing of children with opiates a n d the tragically h i g h i n f a n t m o r t a l i t y l e v e l s for t h e c o t t o n t o w n s ; b u t s u c h p r o b l e m s w e r e also prevalent e l s e w h e r e , a n d Liverpool, especially, h a d a m u c h w o r s e c h i l d m o r t a l i t y r e c o r d . A s for a d o l e s c e n t s l e a v i n g h o m e a n d f a c t o r y i m m o r a l i t y , w h a t e v i d e n c e w e h a v e is at w o r s t i n c o n c l u s i v e . W e should r e m e m b e r that middle-class observers were easily s h o c k e d b y f e m a l e b a d l a n g u a g e , a n d all t o o e a g e r t o e q u a t e its u s e w i t h d e p r a ­ vity of a m o r e physical kind. Factory w o r k gave w o m e n a m e a s u r e of c u l t u r a l i n d e p e n d e n c e , at l e a s t d u r i n g w o r k i n g h o u r s , a n d t h e evi­ d e n c e of this w a s deeply disturbing to m o s t c o m m e n t a t o r s . T h e factory m u s t h a v e i n h i b i t e d t h e t r a n s m i s s i o n o f h o u s e w i f e r y skills, a n d it c e r t a i n l y i m p o s e d a ' d o u b l e shift' o f h o u s e w o r k a n d mill w o r k o n t h o s e w i v e s a n d m o t h e r s w h o f o u n d it i n e s c a p a b l e . B u t t h e w o r s t effects o f t h e f a c t o r y o n t h e f a m i l y a r o s e f r o m c h i l d l a b o u r , a l t h o u g h e v e n t h i s h a d its a n t e c e d e n t s i n t h e d o m e s t i c w o r k s h o p s o f p r o t o 13

F. Engels, The Condition of the Working Class in England (Panther edn, 1969), p. 171.

14

Anderson, Family Structure, pp. 73-4.

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369

i n d u s t r i a l L a n c a s h i r e , w h e r e h o u r s c o u l d b e as l o n g a n d d i s c i p l i n e as b r u t a l as in a n y f a c t o r y . B y t h e 1 8 3 0 s l e g i s l a t i v e c o n t r o l s a n d e c o ­ n o m i c considerations w e r e conspiring to reduce the level of child e m p l o y m e n t in t h e y o u n g e s t a g e - r a n g e s ; a n d m o r e g e n e r a l l y t h e impact of the factory o n the working-class family was c u s h i o n e d b y family a n d n e i g h b o u r h o o d s u p p o r t n e t w o r k s , a i d e d b y t h e s h o r t range nature of m o s t migration and the early e m e r g e n c e of relatively stable working-class areas. Significantly, most of the adverse con­ t e m p o r a r y c o m m e n t c a m e f r o m M a n c h e s t e r , w h o s e size a n d w i d e m i g r a t i o n c a t c h m e n t a r e a m a d e t h e s e m i t i g a t i n g factors l e s s effective. F e w experienced the transition to factory a n d t o w n simultaneously. M a n y families first e x p e r i e n c e d f a c t o r y w o r k in t h e rural ' i n d u s t r i a l c o l o n i e s ' , w h i c h b e c a m e s t a g i n g p o s t s for m i g r a n t s en route t o t h e l a r g e r c e n t r e s . A d u l t m i g r a n t s to t h e c o t t o n t o w n s r a r e l y w o r k e d in factories t h e m s e l v e s u n l e s s t h e y a l r e a d y h a d a p p r o p r i a t e e x p e r i e n c e . O n l y c h i l d r e n a n d y o u n g a d o l e s c e n t s w e r e likely t o m a k e b o t h s e t s o f a d j u s t m e n t s at o n c e . T h e t r a u m a s o f t o w n life, as s u c h , c e n t r e d o n h e a l t h a n d p h y s i c a l e n v i r o n m e n t . W o r k i n g - c l a s s h o u s i n g in t h e c o t t o n t o w n s w a s often of v e r y p o o r q u a l i t y . E m p l o y e r h o u s i n g w a s r a r e l y p r o v i d e d for m o r e t h a n t e n o r t w e l v e k e y w o r k e r s , a n d ' m o d e l ' h o u s i n g in t h e m a n n e r of t h e A s h w o r t h s at E g e r t o n a n d N e w E a g l e y or t h e A s h t o n s at H y d e w a s m o s t u n u s u a l . S u c h e m p l o y e r s often d e d u c t e d r e n t s at s o u r c e a n d i m p o s e d strict r e g i m e s o f s u p e r v i s i o n a n d i n s p e c t i o n , w h i l e profit b u l k e d l a r g e r t h a n p a t e r n a l i s m as a m o t i v e for p r o v i s i o n o f t h i s k i n d . Housing subsidies were u n k n o w n .

1 5

T h e pressures and risks of the

l a n d m a r k e t a n d b u i l d i n g i n d u s t r y as e x p e r i e n c e d b y t h e s m a l l s p e c u ­ lators w h o p r e d o m i n a t e d , c o m b i n e d w i t h t h e u r g e to profit, e n s u r e d that tightly p a c k e d urban housing w a s easily and frequently over­ c r o w d e d b y the m o s t basic of public health standards. Families re­ sponded

to

depressions

or

troughs

in

the

poverty

cycle

by

e c o n o m i s i n g o n s p a c e , t a k i n g in r e l a t i v e s or l o d g e r s to m a k e t h e r e n t g o further. T h e l a c k o f u n t a i n t e d w a t e r a n d s e w e r i n g c o m p o u n d e d t h e p r o b l e m s , e s p e c i a l l y in w o r k i n g - c l a s s a r e a s . T h e l a c k o f a d e q u a t e w a s h i n g facilities e n c o u r a g e d t h e s p r e a d o f l o u s e - b o r n e d i s e a s e s like t y p h u s along with a wide range of other environmentally related 15

S. M. Gaskell, 'Housing Estate Development 1840-1918, with Special Reference to the Pennine Towns', (unpublished PhD thesis, Sheffield University, 1974), chap. 2; L. D. W. Smith, 'Textile Factory Settlements in the Early Industrial Revolution' (unpublished PhD thesis, Aston University, 1976), pp. 38, 42, 202-3.

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sicknesses. Squalor and high death rates were the most obvious physi­ cal disadvantages of urbanisation, compounded by air pollution and the adulteration of food supplies. Why did the cotton towns recruit so successfully among shortdistance migrants who knew what they were coming to? In the first place, historians are in a much better position to take account of high urban death and disease rates than were contemporary migrants, who seem to have taken little or no notice of this issue, despite growing awareness among sections of the professional middle classes, especially during the 1830s and 1840s. Beyond this, the answer varies according to the origins of the migrant. If they lay in domestic industry, subsistence migration increasingly predominated as life in handloom weaving settlements became more difficult. If in Ireland, the case was even more clear-cut. If in agriculture, the age structure of migrants, concentrated in the teens and twenties, suggests that the cotton towns promised early release from dependence, whether on the family farm or in farm service, especially for those who did not expect to inherit. For such people the towns offered independence, amusement and the prospect of early marriage. Short-range migration to compact towns of manageable size enabled extended families to provide mutual aid in hard times, and ensured that neighbours were likely to share a common background in exper­ ience and culture. Workplace recruitment through personal contacts reinforced these tendencies, and supportive social and familial networks were probably strengthened by the urban milieu, which also provided alternative or additional support systems based on workplace, pub, church or chapel. Customs and traditions were like­ wise defended and perpetuated: the wakes holidays, for example, might be truncated in time and content, but they survived to enter a new lease of life beyond mid-century, alongside the new commercial influences of singing saloon and music hall. The solidarity and syste­ matic mutual assistance provided by neighbourhood, workplace and extended family in the cotton towns stands out as a positive feature of the response to industrialisation; and the growing strength of the friendly societies reinforced these informal institutions. These argu­ ments are reinforced if we reject Anderson's assumption that this behaviour was largely founded on the coldly rational calculation of 16

16

J. K. Walton and R. Poole, 'The Lancashire Wakes in the Nineteenth Century', in R. D. Storch, ed., Popular Culture and Custom in Nineteenth-Century England (1982), pp. 100-24.

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i n d i v i d u a l l o n g - t e r m i n t e r e s t , a n d g i v e n o r m a t i v e v a l u e s a n d tradi­ tional expectations their due explanatory w e i g h t .

1 7

T h e i m p a c t o f l a r g e - s c a l e , r a p i d u r b a n i s a t i o n w a s p e r h a p s m o r e trau­ matic outside the cotton t o w n s . Liverpool h a d a particularly

sad

record. T h e decline of manufacturing industry, and the concentration of e m p l o y m e n t i n t o t r a n s p o r t a n d s e r v i c e s to c o m m e r c e , m e a n t t h a t from

the late eighteenth

century casual workers,

and especially

d o c k e r s , g r e w e v e n m o r e r a p i d l y i n r e l a t i v e i m p o r t a n c e t h a n in a b ­ solute numbers. B y 1851 about 45 per cent of household heads were in ' u n s k i l l e d ' o r ' s e m i - s k i l l e d ' o c c u p a t i o n s . T h e r e w e r e f e w e c o n o m i c o p e n i n g s for c h i l d r e n o r m a r r i e d w o m e n , a n d m a n y f a m i l y e c o n o m i e s d e p e n d e d very heavily on the uncertain incomes of casually e m p l o y e d dockers and labourers. Housing conditions w e r e especially appalling, a s d o c k e r s ' h o u s i n g c o m p e t e d w i t h c o m m e r c i a l u s e r s for s c a r c e s p a c e near the waterfront, and landowners rationed the supply of develop­ m e n t land. Back-to-back courts formed nearly o n e third of the h o u s i n g s t o c k b y 1 8 5 0 , a n d t e n y e a r s earlier o v e r 1 2 p e r c e n t o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n of L i v e r p o o l p a r i s h ( t h e i n n e r city) l i v e d in d a m p a n d p o l l u t e d c e l l a r s . T h e average working-class cottage occupied only 16 square yards of land, but high land prices sent overall building costs soaring. In 1845 t h e y w e r e 1 0 p e r c e n t h i g h e r t h a n in M a n c h e s t e r a n d 3 0 p e r c e n t m o r e t h a n in Bolton or B u r y . T h e c o m b i n a t i o n of low, uncertain w a g e s a n d high rents m e a n t large n u m b e r s of lodgers a n d lethal levels of o v e r c r o w d i n g . D e a t h r a t e s r o s e s h a r p l y after 1 8 2 0 . T h e y s t a y e d at well over thirty per t h o u s a n d through the 1830s a n d 1840s, reaching a g r u e s o m e p e a k of s e v e n t y - o n e per t h o u s a n d in the aftermath of t h e I r i s h f a m i n e i n 1 8 4 7 . L i v e r p o o l ' s m o r t a l i t y l e v e l s at t h i s p e r i o d w e r e the worst in E n g l a n d , a n d possibly the worst in the world. L o n g ­ distance migration predominated, especially from Ireland, and despite the Irish t e n d e n c y to cluster in particular areas, the n e i g h b o u r h o o d solidarity of the cotton t o w n s could not yet b e r e p r o d u c e d in the dockland slums. No wonder

c o n t e m p o r a r i e s identified

p r o b l e m s o f theft, d r u n k e n n e s s , v i o l e n c e a n d v i c e . Liverpool's

urban

pathology

illustrates

the

perennial

1 8

problems

of

rapid

urbanisation without manufacturing industry. Significantly, the most

17

18

J. K. Walton, 'Lunacy in the Industrial Revolution: A Study of Asylum Admissions in Lancashire, 1848-50', Journal of Social History, 13 (1979-80), pp. 16-17. I. C. Taylor, 'Black Spot on the Mersey: A Study of Environment and Society in Eighteenth- and Nineteenth-Century Liverpool' (unpublished PhD thesis, Liverpool University, 1976), pp. 1 2 4 , 1 9 6 - 7 .

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J . K. W A L T O N

h o r r e n d o u s a r e a s o f E n g e l s ' s M a n c h e s t e r lay c l o s e to t h e city c e n t r e , w h e r e f a c t o r y w o r k w a s n o t available a n d a c a s u a l l a b o u r m a r k e t s i m i ­ lar to t h a t o f i n n e r L i v e r p o o l p r e v a i l e d . T h e e m e r g e n t c e n t r e s o f m i n i n g a n d h e a v y i n d u s t r y in L i v e r p o o l ' s h i n t e r l a n d , h o w e v e r , s h a r e d s o m e i m p o r t a n t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s w i t h t h e c o t t o n t o w n s , as locally r e c r u i t e d l a b o u r k e p t u p e s t a b l i s h e d festivals a n d v i o l e n t s p o r t s , o u t w o r k sur­ v i v e d in w a t c h m a k i n g , t o o l m a k i n g a n d n a i l i n g ( b u t as y e t w i t h o u t t h e t r a u m a s o f t h e h a n d l o o m w e a v e r s ) , a n d f a m i l y i n c o m e s in m i n i n g could be supplemented by w o m e n and children (whatever the other social c o s t s ) until t h e 1 8 4 0 s . P u b l i c h e a l t h p r o b l e m s w e r e u n i v e r s a l , a n d m a r k e t t o w n s like O r m s k i r k o r e m e r g e n t r e s o r t s like S o u t h p o r t h a d 'black spots' of their o w n . In m a n y w a y s the cotton t o w n s c a m e o u t b e s t in t h e l o n g e r t e r m f r o m t h e w o r k i n g - c l a s s e x p e r i e n c e o f i n d u s ­ trialisation in t h e n o r t h - w e s t . U n d e r p r e v a i l i n g c i r c u m s t a n c e s , t h e fac­ t o r y b e c a m e m o r e a s s e t t h a n liability for t h e l i f e - c h a n c e s a n d living s t a n d a r d s of t h e u r b a n l a b o u r f o r c e . D u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d i m p o r t a n t c h a n g e s a l s o t o o k p l a c e in L a n c a s h i r e ' s propertied and governing classes. T h e balance of p o w e r and prestige tilted t o w a r d s t h e i n d u s t r i a l a n d c o m m e r c i a l w e a l t h o f s o u t h L a n ­ c a s h i r e , a n d n e w a d m i n i s t r a t i v e b o d i e s w e r e c o l o n i s e d b y textile m a g n a t e s a n d t h e i r allies. T h e rise o f t h e ' c o t t o n o c r a c y ' o r ' m i l l o c r a c y ' in t h e c o t t o n t o w n s w a s a c c o m p a n i e d b y t h e e m e r g e n c e o f n e w k i n d s of m e r c a n t i l e w e a l t h in L i v e r p o o l a n d a m e a s u r e o f l a n d e d c o n t i n u i t y in m a n y rural a r e a s . L a n c a s h i r e h a d its fair s h a r e o f aristocratic e s t a t e s , a n d C h e s h i r e substantially m o r e than that. But the gentry and greater y e o m a n r y w e r e relatively thin o n the ground, and very small holdings of less t h a n 1 0 0 a c r e s w e r e p a r t i c u l a r l y n u m e r o u s in s o u t h - e a s t L a n c a s h i r e . L a r g e e s t a t e s w e r e c o n c e n t r a t e d d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y i n t o t h e m o r e fer­ tile s o u t h a n d w e s t , a n d s o w e r e g e n t r y r e s i d e n c e s . M e r c h a n t s a n d m a n u f a c t u r e r s w e r e a l r e a d y t a k i n g o v e r t h e c o u n t r y s e a t s o f t h e textile district b y t h e e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , a n d m o s t o f L a n c a s h i r e ' s n e w gentry of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries rose b y this route. T h e great estates, from the Stanleys downwards,

prospered

f r o m s t e a d i l y r i s i n g rent-rolls a n d w i n d f a l l profits f r o m m i n i n g a n d urbanisation,

while the gentry were economically secure

unless

t e m p t e d into injudicious industrial speculation. T h e landlords them­ selves were benefiting from the economic changes which produced t h e c h a l l e n g e r s to t h e i r p o w e r . T h e s u b s t a n t i a l factory m a s t e r s w e r e t h e m o s t visible a n d c o n t r o -

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versial o f t h e n e w m e n . F e w w e r e a b r a s i v e s e l f - m a d e m e n in t h e B o u n d e r b y i d i o m . H o w e ' s s t u d y o f 3 5 1 L a n c a s h i r e textile i n d u s t r i a l i s t s finds t h a t b e t w e e n t h e late e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y a n d t h e 1 8 4 0 s o n l y 5 p e r c e n t 'definitely r o s e f r o m t h e r a n k s o f s h o p k e e p e r s ,

artisans

a n d o p e r a t i v e s ' , a l t h o u g h a further 2 1 p e r c e n t h a d u n k n o w n o r i g i n s . T h e successful o n e s m a d e substantial fortunes b y provincial stan­ dards, but could not compare with the richest metropolitan bankers and merchants.

1 9

Nearly half w e r e Anglicans, and

nonconformists

(apart f r o m U n i t a r i a n s a n d Q u a k e r s ) w e r e n o t o v e r r e p r e s e n t e d in t h e i r r a n k s . T h e y w e r e n o t a r a c e apart, b u t a n affluent, d i s t i n c t i v e a n d w e l l - i n t e g r a t e d g r o u p , l i n k e d b y cultural, familial a n d e c o n o m i c ties to t h e s o c i e t y w h i c h s p a w n e d t h e m . B y 1 8 7 2 , i n d e e d , t h i r t y - n i n e o f H o w e ' s s a m p l e (or t h e i r direct d e s c e n d a n t s ) o w n e d l a n d e d e s t a t e s of m o r e t h a n 1,000 a c r e s ; a n d m a n y m o r e h a d a s m a l l e r , b u t significant, s t a k e in t h e l a n d . Liverpool merchants a n d bankers w e r e also acquiring small estates o n t h e u r b a n fringe in this p e r i o d , a n d M a n c h e s t e r h a d a w e a l t h y m e r c a n t i l e g r o u p w h i c h o u t w e i g h e d m o s t o f its m a n u f a c t u r e r s in p r e s ­ tige. Coal, brewing, chemicals a n d engineering nurtured successful entrepreneurs, usually from comfortable backgrounds. Everywhere, t o o , a n u n e a s y , volatile a n d politically u n s t a b l e s t r a t u m o f s h o p ­ k e e p e r s a n d s m a l l m a n u f a c t u r e r s p r o l i f e r a t e d b e l o w t h e rich a n d rela­ tively c o m f o r t a b l e . A m o n g the substantial merchants and manufacturers there were d e e p d i v i s i o n s b e t w e e n T o r i e s a n d r e f o r m e r s , A n g l i c a n s a n d dis­ s e n t e r s . I n m o s t c o t t o n t o w n s t h e T o r y factory m a s t e r s w e r e w e a l t h y , w e l l e s t a b l i s h e d b y t h e 1 8 2 0 s , a n d c l o s e l y l i n k e d w i t h t h e local c l e r g y and landed gentry. T h e reformers were usually ' n e w m e n '

with

s m a l l e r factories, l o w e r s t a t u s a n d a n a r r o w e r , m o r e t o w n b o u n d social o u t l o o k . I n L i v e r p o o l a n d M a n c h e s t e r T o r y e l i t e s , e n t r e n c h e d in t h e o l d local g o v e r n m e n t i n s t i t u t i o n s , w e r e p i t t e d a g a i n s t n o n c o n f o r m i s t s of m o r e r e c e n t o r i g i n s , l e d b y w e l l - e d u c a t e d a n d w e a l t h y c o u n t e r elites o f c l o s e - k n i t U n i t a r i a n c o u s i n h o o d s . Strife b e t w e e n t h e s e c o n ­ tending groups was endemic b e t w e e n the 1790s and the 1840s, reach­ i n g a c l i m a x in L i v e r p o o l w i t h m u n i c i p a l r e f o r m in 1 8 3 5 a n d

in

A. C. Howe, 'The Lancashire Textile Masters 1830-60: A Social and Political Study' (unpublished DPhil thesis, Oxford University, 1980), chaps. 1-2.

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374

J. K. WALTON

M a n c h e s t e r with incorporation in 1838 a n d t h e rise of the A n t i - C o r n Law League.

2 0

Despite their internal divisions, the middle classes were beginning to challenge the d o m i n a n c e of the established landed families o n s e v e r a l fronts i n L a n c a s h i r e d u r i n g t h e 1 8 3 0 s a n d 1 8 4 0 s , t h o u g h n o t over most of Cheshire. T h e y invaded the county magistrates' bench: i n 1 8 3 1 , 6 0 of t h e 1 0 5 a c t i v e m a g i s t r a t e s w e r e l a n d e d g e n t r y , b u t b y 1 8 5 1 t h e figure w a s 1 4 4 o u t o f 4 0 0 . I n d u s t r y , b a n k i n g a n d c o m m e r c e a c c o u n t e d for t w e n t y - e i g h t J P s ( i n c l u d i n g s e v e n c o t t o n m a g n a t e s ) i n 1 8 3 1 a n d 1 8 7 (109) i n 1 8 5 1 , as t h e m i l l o c r a c y t o o k a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c o n t r o l of t h e i n d u s t r i a l

parts of the county. Lancashire's

parliamentary

representation was transformed even more remarkably. Between 1800 a n d 1 8 3 1 o n l y four o f fifty-nine M P s h a d b e e n c o t t o n m a s t e r s , a n d l a n d e d i n f l u e n c e p r e d o m i n a t e d ; b u t b e t w e e n 1 8 3 2 a n d 1 8 5 2 textile e m p l o y e r s a c c o u n t e d for t w e n t y - f o u r

of the eighty-five M P s ,

and

landed society claimed only twenty-three, with the balance drawn largely from c o m m e r c e , other industrial interests a n d the professions. A s w e l l as t h e b o r o u g h s , t h e y i n v a d e d t h e s o u t h e r n d i v i s i o n o f t h e c o u n t y , a n d h a d to b e c o n c i l i a t e d b y t h e S t a n l e y s a n d C a v e n d i s h e s e v e n i n t h e m a i n l y a g r i c u l t u r a l n o r t h e r n d i v i s i o n . T h e y m a d e little i m p a c t at W e s t m i n s t e r , b u t t h e i m p l i c a t i o n s for L a n c a s h i r e ' s p o w e r structure a n d social order w e r e real e n o u g h .

2 1

M e a n w h i l e , u r b a n l o c a l g o v e r n m e n t w a s p a s s i n g to n e w i n s t i t u t i o n s w h i c h w e r e d o m i n a t e d b y the middle classes to the exclusion of the l a n d e d interest. T h e advent of reformed corporations in Liverpool a n d M a n c h e s t e r outflanked a n d defeated the Tory elites there, with their landed connections. But these groups proved strong a n d re­ silient, a n d r e c o v e r e d d u r i n g t h e 1 8 4 0 s . T h e a p p a r e n t h e g e m o n y o f t h e A n t i - C o r n L a w L e a g u e a n d t h e ' M a n c h e s t e r S c h o o l ' , o f free t r a d e a n d l a i s s e z - f a i r e , w a s m o r e fragile i n M a n c h e s t e r t h a n s o m e h a v e suggested. Toryism remained well entrenched a m o n g M a n c h e s t e r ' s b u s i n e s s c o m m u n i t y , a s s h o w n b y t h e e v e n d i v i s i o n o f elite v o t e s at t h e 1 8 3 9 e l e c t i o n . B u t t h e g r o w i n g u n e a s e o f m a n y l a n d e d g e n t r y 20

21

Gatrell, 'Commercial Middle Class'; idem, 'Incorporation and the Pursuit of Liberal Hegemony in Manchester 1790-1839', in D. Fraser, ed., Municipal Reform and the Industrial City (Leicester, 1982), pp. 15-60, and B. D. White, A History of the Corporation of Liverpool (Liverpool, 1951), chaps. 2 - 3 ; S. A. L . Gunn, 'Insiders and Outsiders: The Formation of the Urban Elites and the Struggle for Municipal Power in Liverpool, 1800-35' (unpublished MA dissertation, Lancaster University, 1982). D. Foster, 'The Changing Social and Political Composition of the Lancashire Magis­ tracy 1821-51' (unpublished PhD thesis, Lancaster University, 1971), pp. 291-2; Howe, 'Lancashire Textile Masters', pp. 108-20.

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w a s u n d e r s t a n d a b l e . It w a s e a s y t o e q u a t e t h e o u t p o u r i n g s o f t h e Anti-Corn L a w L e a g u e a n d other pressure groups with the collective v o i c e o f a t h r e a t e n i n g n e w c l a s s o f t h r u s t i n g i n d u s t r i a l i s t s . T h e reality w a s less disturbing. M a n y manufacturer recruits to the c o u n t y b e n c h , and even some millowner M P s , were Tory protectionists w h o were a n x i o u s for a c c e p t a n c e i n t o l a n d e d s o c i e t y b y t h e e s t a b l i s h e d r o u t e , t h r o u g h e s t a t e p u r c h a s e a n d t h e a d o p t i o n o f a n a p p r o p r i a t e life s t y l e . D e r e k F r a s e r ' s suggestion that in early Victorian E n g l a n d ' t h e great political i s s u e . . . w a s t h e c l a s s s t r u g g l e b e t w e e n b o u r g e o i s i e a n d aris­ tocracy'

2 2

expresses the great divide b e t w e e n a vociferous s e g m e n t

of t h e e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l m i d d l e c l a s s o n o n e h a n d , a n d t h e r u r a l l a n d e d i n t e r e s t o n t h e o t h e r ; b u t it i g n o r e s a n e x t e n s i v e m i d d l e g r o u n d o f industrialists with landed connections a n d aspirations, and

land­

o w n e r s w i t h i n d u s t r i a l i n t e r e s t s , w h i c h a c c o u n t e d for a l a r g e p r o p o r ­ tion of Lancashire's leading citizens. T h e s e b e n e f i c i a r i e s o f i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n f o u n d it i n c r e a s i n g l y difficult to ignore the problems of towndwellers a n d industrial workers. Basic to their c o n c e r n w a s the n e e d to maintain w o r k discipline a n d social discipline, to maximise productivity a n d protect property. Religious a n d humanitarian impulses often reinforced or camouflaged these goals, or e v e n e n c o u r a g e d deviations from t h e m ; but they w e r e rarely far f r o m t h e s u r f a c e . B y t h e 1 8 3 0 s m o s t L a n c a s h i r e e m p l o y e r s h a d a c c e p t e d a n d i n t e r n a l i s e d a c r u d e political e c o n o m y o f l a i s s e z - f a i r e , i n d i v i d u a l i s m a n d free c o m p e t i t i o n , a l t h o u g h t h i s d i d n o t i n h i b i t t h e f o r m a t i o n o f e m p l o y e r s ' a s s o c i a t i o n s t o k e e p w a g e s l o w a n d fight for l e g i s l a t i v e f a v o u r s . M a n y w e r e a l s o w i l l i n g t o act, a s i n d i v i d u a l s o r t h r o u g h v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i s a t i o n s , t o i m p r o v e t h e lot o f t h e i r w o r k ­ people, or of the poor in general; but with rare exceptions they repu­ diated

compulsion, insisting on the autonomy

of the

individual

capitalist a n d the preservation of the e m p l o y e r ' s patriarchal d o m i n i o n o v e r h i s w o r k f o r c e . T h u s e m p l o y e r s f a m e d for m o d e l h o u s i n g a n d g e n e r o u s e d u c a t i o n a l a n d s o c i a l p r o v i s i o n s m i g h t b e f i n e d for p e r s i s ­ t e n t b r e a c h e s o f t h e f a c t o r y a c t s , o r o b j e c t to p r o p o s a l s for c o m p u l s o r y s c h o o l i n g for f a c t o r y c h i l d r e n . P o v e r t y , d i s e a s e , c r i m e a n d s o c i a l u n r e s t w e r e a s c r i b e d t o t h e d e p r a v i t y , i n c o m p e t e n c e o r ill-fortune of i n d i v i d u a l s , r a t h e r t h a n t h e failings o f t h e w i d e r e c o n o m y a n d society. T h e m o s t acceptable r e m e d i e s , coercion apart, w e r e religious a n d educational, suitably b l e n d e d to reform individuals b y teaching

22

D. Fraser, Urban Politics in Victorian England (Leicester, 1976), p. 22.

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J.

K.

W A L T O N

s u b o r d i n a t i o n , a c q u i e s c e n c e i n t h e social a n d political o r d e r , a n d b a s i c life skills t o c o p e w i t h it. T h e direct i n f l u e n c e of o r g a n i s e d r e l i g i o n w a s w e a k i n L a n c a s h i r e in t h e late e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y . T h e C h u r c h o f E n g l a n d h a s b e e n d e s ­ c r i b e d as ' m e a n i n g l e s s a n d i n v i s i b l e ' , w i t h its h u g e s p r a w l i n g par­ ishes, badly paid curates, pluralism and absenteeism.

2 3

P o c k e t s of

O l d Dissent persisted, and the Methodists m o v e d into the religious v a c u u m in s o m e a r e a s , e s p e c i a l l y in t h e textile district in t h e e a r l y nineteenth century. By the 1830s the Anglicans were beginning a major p r o g r a m m e of church-building and e n d o w m e n t , stimulated b y t h e r i s e o f e v a n g e l i c a l s e r i o u s n e s s in t h e i r o w n r a n k s , a n d b y c o m ­ p e t i t i o n f r o m R o m a n C a t h o l i c s , d e i s t s a n d s o c i a l i s t s as w e l l as n o n ­ conformity.

But e v e n in 1851 L a n c a s h i r e ' s religious

attendances,

p r o p o r t i o n a t e to p o p u l a t i o n , w e r e w e l l b e l o w t h e n a t i o n a l a v e r a g e for all d e n o m i n a t i o n s e x c e p t t h e R o m a n C a t h o l i c s . E v e n w h e r e a t t e n d ­ a n c e s w e r e l o w e s t , as in O l d h a m a n d P r e s t o n , t h e figures a r e c o m p a t ­ ible w i t h fairly r e g u l a r o b s e r v a n c e b y a b o u t o n e fifth o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n , but the working-class level w a s m u c h lower. C h u r c h or chapel attend­ a n c e , in itself, c a n h a v e d o n e little to m o u l d t h e c o n s c i o u s n e s s o f t h e L a n c a s h i r e w o r k i n g c l a s s in t h e d e s i r e d d i r e c t i o n s . R e l i g i o u s i n f l u e n c e s o p e r a t e d m o s t effectively t h r o u g h t h e S u n d a y s c h o o l s . T h e i r n u m b e r s a n d i n f l u e n c e i n c r e a s e d s t e a d i l y after t h e 1 7 8 0 s , r e a c h i n g a p e a k in t h e 1 8 2 0 s a n d 1 8 3 0 s , e s p e c i a l l y w h e r e chil­ d r e n w o r k e d i n t h e textile i n d u s t r i e s d u r i n g t h e w e e k . E m p l o y e r s o p e n e d t h e i r coffers m o r e r e a d i l y to S u n d a y s c h o o l p r o m o t e r s t h a n to church-builders. T h e y h o p e d to see their y o u n g e m p l o y e e s taught t h a t G o d ' s l a w e n j o i n e d s u b o r d i n a t i o n , thrift, self-denial, p u n c t u a l i t y a n d o b e d i e n c e , u s i n g a p p r o p r i a t e biblical t e x t s , a n d m a n y r e i n f o r c e d t h e S a b b a t a r i a n s in t h e i r o p p o s i t i o n to t h e t e a c h i n g o f w r i t i n g a n d arithmetic. S u n d a y schools reached vast n u m b e r s of children

and

a d o l e s c e n t s , b u t t h e i r i m p a c t is d e b a t a b l e . P u p i l s v o t e d w i t h t h e i r feet f r o m s c h o o l s w h i c h c e a s e d t o t e a c h u s e f u l l i t e r a c y skills, a n d the a m o u n t of indoctrination that could b e packed into a few hours w a s l i m i t e d , e s p e c i a l l y if it r a n c o u n t e r to t h e n o r m s o f h o m e a n d c o m m u n i t y . T e a c h e r s w e r e difficult t o s u p e r v i s e , a n d m o s t w e r e n o t the sons and daughters of the middle classes. T h e S u n d a y school w a s n o t n e c e s s a r y t o t e a c h factory d i s c i p l i n e t o f a c t o r y c h i l d r e n : t h e f a c t o r y itself fulfilled t h a t f u n c t i o n . S u n d a y s c h o l a r s w e r e n o t o r i o u s l y 23

J. Addy, 'Bishop Porteous' Visitation of the Diocese of Chester, 1778', History, 13 (1977), pp. 175-98.

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Northern

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377

p r o n e to f r e q u e n t i n g f a i r g r o u n d s a n d s i n g i n g r o o m s , a n d m a n y C h a r ­ tist l e a d e r s a c q u i r e d e s s e n t i a l l i t e r a c y skills t h r o u g h t h e school.

S o m e working-class

children

did

internalise

the

Sunday values

enjoined b y S u n d a y school promoters, but others rejected t h e m or failed to c o m p r e h e n d t h e m . T h e r e w a s a n e n o r m o u s w a s t a g e b e t w e e n Sunday

school attendance

in

one

generation

and

adult

church

a t t e n d e r s in t h e n e x t , a n d t h e o v e r a l l c u l t u r a l i n f l u e n c e o f t h e s c h o o l s w a s probably quite limited.

24

T h e rise of the church- a n d chapel-

f u n d e d e l e m e n t a r y d a y s c h o o l s , e s p e c i a l l y i n t h e 1 8 4 0 s as t h e f a c t o r y acts b e g a n to b i t e , w a s m u c h m o r e i m p o r t a n t i n t h e l o n g r u n . T h e Church of England, drawing o n donations from L o n d o n and the H o m e C o u n t i e s rather t h a n from factory masters, d o m i n a t e d this aspect of L a n c a s h i r e e d u c a t i o n b y 1 8 5 0 , e x p l o i t i n g to t h e full its ability to e x e r ­ c i s e strict c o n t r o l o v e r t r a i n e d , s a l a r i e d , d e p e n d e n t t e a c h e r s . A t t e m p t s t o g o b e y o n d a b a s i c l e v e l o f skill t r a n s m i s s i o n

and

religious indoctrination w e r e patchier a n d more controversial. F r o m the mid-1820s the M e c h a n i c s ' Institutes spread rapidly through the north-west, but Tory employers w e r e often o p p o s e d to non-sectarian scientific e d u c a t i o n , a n d o n l y a t i n y m i n o r i t y o f t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s t o o k a d v a n t a g e o f l e c t u r e s a n d libraries w h o s e c o n t e n t w a s u s u a l l y carefully v e t t e d b y c o m m i t t e e s o f m i d d l e - c l a s s p a t r o n s . T h e efforts of l a r g e e m p l o y e r s to g o b e y o n d p r o v i d i n g r e l a t i v e l y ' e f f i c i e n t ' f a c t o r y schools, by promoting self-improvement and 'sponsored mobility' t h r o u g h r e a d i n g r o o m s a n d i n s t i t u t e s i n mill c o l o n i e s , s i m i l a r l y p r o ­ duced a limited response from toil-worn operatives. T h e provision of ' r a t i o n a l r e c r e a t i o n s ' b y e m p l o y e r s , r e l i g i o u s b o d i e s a n d t h e t e m p e r ­ a n c e m o v e m e n t e x p a n d e d r a p i d l y after 1 8 3 0 , offering e x c u r s i o n s a n d tea m e e t i n g s as w e l l as r e a d i n g r o o m s to b u i l d b r i d g e s b e t w e e n t h e classes and

lure w o r k p e o p l e

a w a y f r o m b e e r h o u s e s , r a c e s , fair­

g r o u n d s , b l o o d sports a n d gambling. T h e s e initiatives p r o v e d m o r e p o p u l a r , b u t , as w i t h t h e p u b l i c p a r k s w h i c h b e g a n to a p p e a r in t h e 1840s, they were incorporated into an existing recreational pattern, r a t h e r t h a n d i s p l a c i n g o r r e p l a c i n g it. Joyce h a s labelled the e m p l o y e r initiatives of the 1830s a n d 1840s 'the n e w paternalism', but w e should r e m e m b e r the limited success of m o s t a t t e m p t s to e x t e n d e m p l o y e r i n f l u e n c e b e y o n d t h e w o r k -

24

Compare T. W. Laqueur, Religion and Respectability: Sunday Schools and Working-Class Culture, 1780-1850 (1976), and M. Dick, 'The Myth of the Working-Class Sunday School', History of Education, 9 (1980), pp. 27-42.

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place.

J . K. W A L T O N 2 5

T h e s e were a n y w a y the preserve of a few large employers,

in m i n i n g as w e l l a s t e x t i l e s , w i t h s u b s t a n t i a l r e s o u r c e s a n d d i s t i n c t areas of employee housing around their works; and everywhere they w e r e a c c o m p a n i e d b y an autocratic attitude to trade unions, w a g e b a r g a i n i n g a n d t h e l a b o u r p r o c e s s . T h e e m p l o y e r s ' w i l l i n g n e s s to a m e l i o r a t e t h e i r w o r k e r s ' l i v i n g s t a n d a r d s s t o p p e d s h o r t at w a g e s a n d r e n t s . T h e i r t r e a t m e n t o f p o v e r t y t o o k p l a c e w i t h i n a rigid f r a m e ­ work of expectation that the price of labour w o u l d b e ruled b y market forces, although they w e r e willing e n o u g h to tinker with the labour m a r k e t b y s e e k i n g s p o n s o r s h i p for p a r i s h - a s s i s t e d m i g r a n t s f r o m t h e r u r a l s o u t h , a n d t h e y w e r e also r e a d y t o p r o v i d e c h a r i t a b l e a s s i s t a n c e , e s p e c i a l l y in k i n d , d u r i n g t r a d e d e p r e s s i o n s . T h i s w a s , after all, v o l u n ­ t a r y a s s i s t a n c e , c a l c u l a t e d to p r e s e r v e t h e social o r d e r , k e e p t h e w o r k ­ force

together

and

forge b o n d s

of gratitude

between

poor

and

propertied. L e g i s l a t i v e i n t e r f e r e n c e w a s a different m a t t e r . E m p l o y e r s u p p o r t for t h e h a n d l o o m w e a v e r s ' p u r s u i t o f a g u a r a n t e e d m i n i m u m w a g e fell a w a y r a p i d l y b e t w e e n t h e 1 8 1 0 s a n d t h e 1 8 3 0 s , b y w h i c h t i m e t h e w e a v e r s ' r e m a i n i n g allies w e r e p r e s e n t e d as e c c e n t r i c s e n t i m e n ­ talists b y t h e i r o p p o n e n t s . F a c t o r y r e f o r m i n t h e 1 8 3 0 s a n d

1840s

attracted the s a m e unorthodox minority. T h e old poor law w a s so tightly run in m o s t of Lancashire, including Liverpool a n d the rural areas, that per capita expenditure w a s a m o n g the lowest in E n g l a n d , although general e c o n o m i c conditions w e r e also obviously important h e r e . T h e n e w p o o r l a w m a d e v e r y little p r a c t i c a l d i f f e r e n c e t o a d m i n i s ­ t r a t i o n o r p o l i c y . C a m p a i g n s for p u b l i c h e a l t h r e f o r m m a d e little h e a d ­ w a y in the 1830s a n d 1840s. M a n c h e s t e r ' s L o n g d e n d a l e water s c h e m e a n d L i v e r p o o l ' s p u b l i c h e a l t h i n i t i a t i v e s o f t h e 1 8 4 0 s w e r e significant s t r a w s in t h e w i n d , b u t v e s t e d i n t e r e s t s , c o n f l i c t i n g a d m i n i s t r a t i v e jurisdictions, faction-fighting, lack of expertise, technological uncer­ tainty, p a r s i m o n y and the sanctity of private property c o m b i n e d with laissez-faire i d e o l o g y t o m a k e a f o r m i d a b l e s e t o f b a r r i e r s t o effective improvement. Under these circumstances coercion and repression remained central pillars o f t h e social s y s t e m . L a n c a s h i r e ' s r a t e o f r e c o r d e d c r i m e w a s consistently well above the national level b e t w e e n 1811 and 1851, and t h e u r b a n r a t e s m u s t h a v e b e e n h i g h e r still. T h e v a s t m a j o r i t y o f t h e s e crimes - and, n o doubt, m o s t of the undetected and 25

unreported

P. Joyce, Work, Society and Politics (Brighton, 1980).

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379

o n e s - i n v o l v e d theft, u s u a l l y p e t t y theft. L i v e r p o o l , w i t h its d i s t i n c t i v e e c o n o m y , generated a particularly obvious sub-culture of interrelated crime and deprivation, exacerbated b y a very high density of drink outlets, coupled with violence and prostitution. Despite occasional a l a r m i s t c o m m e n t s , t h e textile district h a d n o t h i n g t o c o m p a r e w i t h t h i s , t h o u g h h e r e political u n r e s t a l s o b e c a m e e n d e m i c . B u t r a t e supported police forces w e r e introduced gradually a n d

grudgingly.

T h e c o u n t y justices, i m m u n e from electoral pressure, set u p a c o u n t y p o l i c e f o r c e at t h e first o p p o r t u n i t y in 1 8 3 9 ; b u t t h e u r b a n a r e a s , w h i c h complained most about crime and disorder,

also generated

angry

o p p o s i t i o n to t h e e x p e n s e a n d t h r e a t t o i n d i v i d u a l a n d l o c a l l i b e r t i e s a l l e g e d l y p o s e d b y t h e n e w p o l i c e . S e v e r a l t o w n s p r e f e r r e d to o p e r a t e s m a l l e r a n d c h e a p e r p o l i c e f o r c e s of t h e i r o w n , a n d l o w p a y , i n s e c u r i t y 7

and b a d working conditions ensured that the ' n e w police of the 1830s r a r e l y offered m u c h i m p r o v e m e n t o n t h e o l d t o w n w a t c h m e n . T h u s it w a s u n d e r s t a n d a b l e

t h a t t h e t r a d e s m e n m o s t at r i s k f r o m c r i m e

s h o u l d still p r e f e r l o w r a t e s to a n i n c r e a s e d p o l i c e p r e s e n c e . T h e p o l i c e w e r e u s e d to p u t d o w n d i s o r d e r l y p o p u l a r r e c r e a t i o n s i n p u b l i c p l a c e s , b u t t h e i r e f f e c t i v e n e s s in t h i s role m a y h a v e b e e n e x a g g e r a t e d .

26

Even

in t h e d i s t u r b e d 1 8 3 0 s a n d 1 8 4 0 s , t h e l e v e l o f c r i m e a n d d i s o r d e r did n o t b r e a k d o w n t h e d i s t r u s t o f L a n c a s h i r e ' s p r o p e r t i e d c l a s s e s for the coercive apparatus of central a n d local g o v e r n m e n t . M a n y feared t h a t p o l i c e p o w e r s w o u l d b e a b u s e d b y t h e i r political o p p o n e n t s . E v e n so, the persisting willingness to rely o n voluntary associations, private p o l i c e f o r c e s a n d , in extremis, m i l i t a r y f o r c e i n d i c a t e s t h e l i m i t e d e x t e n t of t h e t h r e a t to p r o p e r t y a n d o r d e r p o s e d b y t h e i n d u s t r i a l p o p u l a t i o n . In t h e a b s e n c e o f r e a l l y effective c u l t u r a l i n i t i a t i v e s f r o m a b o v e , t h e u r b a n w o r k i n g c l a s s c a m e t o t e r m s w i t h i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y in its o w n way, defending living standards a n d established rights through m u t u a l a s s i s t a n c e a n d t h e solidarity o f k i n s h i p , n e i g h b o u r h o o d workplace, increasingly supplemented voluntary

organisations.

Lancashire

by and expressed already

had

and

through

452

registered

f r i e n d l y s o c i e t i e s in 1 7 9 6 , a n d t h e y p r o l i f e r a t e d r a p i d l y

thereafter.

B y 1 8 5 0 m e m b e r s h i p l e v e l s w e r e c l o s e to s a t u r a t i o n p o i n t i n t h e textile t o w n s . T h e s o c i e t i e s offered h e a l t h a n d u n e m p l o y m e n t and 26

promised

a proper

funeral;

they

offered

insurance,

responsibility

and

R. Poole, Popular Leisure and the Music-Hall in Nineteenth-Century Bolton (Lancaster, 1982); idem, 'Oldham Wakes', in J. K. Walton and J. Walvin, eds., Leisure in Britain,

1780-1939 (Manchester, 1983), p. 85; P. Bailey, Leisure and Class in Victorian England (1978), pp. 2 0 - 1 , 8 3 - 4 .

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380

J . K. W A L T O N

p r e s t i g e to c o m p e t e n t a n d a s s i d u o u s m e m b e r s ; a n d m o s t m e t c o n v i vially in p u b s . T h e b e n e f i t s w e r e , o f c o u r s e , in direct p r o p o r t i o n to t h e c o n t r i b u t i o n s , w h i c h h a d t o b e p a i d r e g u l a r l y ; s o t h e better-off w o r k e r in r e g u l a r e m p l o y m e n t g a i n e d t h e m o s t s e c u r i t y , a n d t h e s o c i e ­ ties w e r e m u c h s t r o n g e r in t h e c o t t o n t o w n s t h a n o n M e r s e y s i d e . T h e friendly s o c i e t i e s o v e r l a p p e d w i t h t h e n a s c e n t t r a d e u n i o n s , w h i c h often offered similar b e n e f i t s to m e m b e r s w h i l e u s i n g t h e m as a c l o a k for i n d u s t r i a l activities w h i c h t h e l a w p r o s c r i b e d . C o m b i ­ nations to advance the e c o n o m i c interests of w o r k p e o p l e against mas­ t e r s fell foul o f s e v e r a l s t a t u t e s , o f w h i c h t h e c o m b i n a t i o n l a w s o f 1 7 9 9 - 1 8 2 4 w e r e o n l y t h e m o s t explicit. E v e n s o , w e a v e r s ' c o m b i n a t i o n s w e r e a l r e a d y a c t i v e in t h e M a n c h e s t e r a r e a i n t h e m i d - e i g h t e e n t h c e n ­ t u r y , as w e r e v a r i o u s t r a d e s in L i v e r p o o l a n d C h e s t e r . T h e y s o u g h t t o r e g u l a t e l a b o u r s u p p l y t h r o u g h t h e e n f o r c e m e n t o f T u d o r limi­ t a t i o n s o n a p p r e n t i c e s h i p , if p o s s i b l e t h r o u g h t h e c o u r t s ; b u t a l r e a d y in t h e late 1 7 5 0 s r i s i n g f o o d p r i c e s b r o u g h t direct w a g e b a r g a i n i n g into the equation, and the check weavers of the M a n c h e s t e r area sus­ t a i n e d a l o n g strike o n b o t h i s s u e s . T h e l e a d e r s w e r e s u c c e s s f u l l y p r o s e c u t e d , b u t t h e c o r e o f t h e o r g a n i s a t i o n r e m a i n e d intact, e n a b l i n g it to r e v i v e at s u b s e q u e n t p o i n t s o f e c o n o m i c t e n s i o n . T h i s s e t t h e b a s i c p a t t e r n o f t r a d e - u n i o n activity for t h e r e s t o f t h e p e r i o d . U n i o n s l a y d o r m a n t , s o m e t i m e s for l o n g p e r i o d s , to r e a p p e a r in s t r e n g t h w h e n w a g e cuts w e r e threatened during depressions or not restored w h e n trade revived, or w h e n the c u s t o m s of a trade w e r e threatened b y n e w machinery, c h e a p labour or the erosion of apprenticeship. T h e factory c o t t o n s p i n n e r s a n d e n g i n e e r s o r g a n i s e d e x t e n s i v e l y f r o m t h e late e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y a l o n g s i d e t h e o l d e r t r a d e s . C o l l a b o r a t i o n b e t w e e n t r a d e s a n d districts w a s a l r e a d y b e i n g c a n v a s s e d at t h i s t i m e , a n d s e v e r a l s t r i k e s in t h e e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y s a w a t t e m p t s at organising general unions, m u c h to the alarm of the authorities. B u t such ventures could not b e sustained long e n o u g h to secure tangible a n d lasting gains. Strikes t e n d e d to b e caught b y d o w n s w i n g s in the t r a d e c y c l e , as w e l l as b e i n g v u l n e r a b l e t o r e p r e s s i o n , s e c t i o n a l i s m and organisational problems. T h e bargaining position of the h a n d l o o m w e a v e r s , e s p e c i a l l y , d e t e r i o r a t e d r a p i d l y after t h e g r e a t strike o f 1 8 0 8 , as t h e y l o s t t h e i r fight t o e n f o r c e t h e a p p r e n t i c e s h i p l a w s a n d s e c u r e a m i n i m u m w a g e . M a c h i n e - b r e a k i n g w a s a r e g u l a r o c c u r r e n c e in t h e c o t t o n i n d u s t r y f r o m t h e 1 7 6 0 s to t h e 1 8 2 0 s , a n d o u t b r e a k s a m o n g t h e w e a v e r s i n t e n s i f i e d in v i o l e n c e as n e g o t i a t i o n b e c a m e m o r e diffi­ cult. B u t e v i d e n c e f r o m O l d h a m s u g g e s t s t h a t in t h o s e t r a d e s w h e r e

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381

a p p r e n t i c e s h i p r e m a i n e d a reality, a n d in s o m e f a c t o r y o c c u p a t i o n s , trade unions could m o u n t a formidable challenge to employers a n d a u t h o r i t i e s , w h o f o u n d it v e r y difficult t o s e c u r e c o n v i c t i o n s o n c o m b i ­ nation charges. Despite their general w e a k n e s s e s , the existence of c o n t i n u o u s trade-union organisations, capable (occasionally) of m o b i ­ l i s i n g m a s s s u p p o r t b e y o n d t h e b o u n d s o f i n d i v i d u a l t r a d e s a n d locali­ t i e s , is h i g h l y s i g n i f i c a n t . It s h o w s t h e r e s i l i e n c e o f i m p o r t a n t s e c t i o n s of t h e s k i l l e d w o r k i n g c l a s s , w h o s e l e a d e r s b e c a m e c a p a b l e o f g e n e r a t ­ i n g a t e l l i n g c r i t i q u e o f o r t h o d o x political e c o n o m y , s t r e s s i n g t h e o v e r ­ riding importance of the value of labour, the n e e d to concentrate o n t h e h o m e m a r k e t a n d m a x i m i s e c o n s u m p t i o n t h r o u g h fair w a g e s , a n d t h e d e l e t e r i o u s effects o f m a c h i n e r y .

2 7

This articulate counter-culture within the w o r k i n g class b e c a m e m o s t influential in t h e c o t t o n t o w n s , a n d o f little a c c o u n t in t h e m i n i n g districts a n d o n M e r s e y s i d e ; a n d t h e s a m e a p p l i e s to t h e d i s t i n c t i v e e d u c a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s w h i c h s u p p o r t e d it, e s p e c i a l l y in t h e 1 8 3 0 s a n d 1840s. Secular S u n d a y schools, O w e n i t e Halls of Science a n d less formal mutual i m p r o v e m e n t groups were n u m e r o u s enough, and t h e r e a d i n g p u b l i c for t h e r a d i c a l p r e s s w a s a t t e n t i v e e n o u g h , t o g i v e t h e p r o p e r t i e d c l a s s e s f o o d for t h o u g h t a b o u t t h e d a n g e r o u s s p r e a d of a l t e r n a t i v e v i e w s o f s o c i e t y . B u t t h e r e d e v e l o p e d o t h e r , s o m e t i m e s overlapping cultural tendencies within the working class. S o m e m a d e use of chapel, M e c h a n i c s ' Institute or temperance society, and m a n y of t h e s e a c c e p t e d t h e s o c i a l m e s s a g e a l o n g w i t h t h e c u l t u r a l m e d i u m ; o t h e r s fulfilled t h e m s e l v e s t h r o u g h m u s i c a n d s i n g i n g , as H a n d e l ' s o r a t o r i o s g a i n e d a m a s s f o l l o w i n g in h a n d l o o m w e a v i n g c o m m u n i t i e s . O t h e r s a g a i n w e r e a u t o d i d a c t s , p u r s u i n g k n o w l e d g e for its o w n s a k e as i n d i v i d u a l s . B u t a b o v e all t h e s o c i a b l e a p p e a l o f p u b l i c h o u s e a n d s i n g i n g s a l o o n , o f f a i r g r o u n d s a n d w a k e s c e l e b r a t i o n s , r e m a i n e d at t h e c o r e o f t h e p r e d o m i n a n t w o r k i n g - c l a s s w a y o f life, d e s p i t e t h e efforts o f f a c t o r y m a s t e r s a n d ' r a t i o n a l r e c r e a t i o n i s t s ' . A d e e p l y r o o t e d p a r t i c i p a n t t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e w a s o n l y j u s t b e g i n n i n g to b e affected by

the incipient commercialisation of popular

1840s.

2 8

recreations in

' S e l f - i m p r o v e m e n t ' of any kind remained,

the

understandably,

a minority preoccupation. T h i s is n o t t o d e n y t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f t h e political r e f o r m c a m p a i g n s 27

28

A. P. Wadsworth and J. de L . Mann, The Cotton Trade and Industrial Lancashire, 1600-1780 (1931), chaps. 18-19; J. Bohstedt, Riots and Community Politics in England and Wales 1790-1810 (1983), chaps. 3-7; Foster, Class Struggle, pp. 47-50. Poole, Popular Leisure; R. Elbourne, Music and Tradition in Early Industrial Lancashire 1780-1840 (Woodbridge, 1980).

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w h i c h a t t r a c t e d m a s s f o l l o w i n g s at v a r i o u s t i m e s b e t w e e n t h e 1 7 9 0 s a n d 1 8 4 0 s . O r g a n i s e d s u p p o r t for e q u a l i t y o f political r i g h t s first e m e r g e d a m o n g m i d d l e - c l a s s g r o u p s in L i v e r p o o l , M a n c h e s t e r a n d C h e s t e r in t h e i m m e d i a t e a f t e r m a t h o f t h e F r e n c h R e v o l u t i o n , w h i c h g a v e w i d e r r e l e v a n c e a n d h e i g h t e n e d u r g e n c y to e x i s t i n g c a m p a i g n s a g a i n s t u n r e f o r m e d c o r p o r a t i o n s , t h e s l a v e t r a d e a n d t h e political dis­ abilities o f d i s s e n t e r s . I n t h e early 1 7 9 0 s s o m e o f t h e s e r e f o r m e r s m o v e d o n t o b e c o m e full-blown P a i n e i t e s , a t t a c k i n g t h e w a r a g a i n s t France,

unfair

taxation

and

aristocratic c o r r u p t i o n ,

and

urging

thoroughgoing parliamentary and constitutional reform. T h e y were s u p p r e s s e d b y loyalist a s s o c i a t i o n s a n d c h u r c h - a n d - k i n g m o b s d u r i n g 1 7 9 3 - 4 , n e v e r t o r e v i v e in L i v e r p o o l or C h e s t e r ; b u t in t h e M a n c h e s t e r a r e a parallel ' w o r k i n g - c l a s s ' o r g a n i s a t i o n s h a d e m e r g e d a n d a t t r a c t e d n u m e r o u s supporters, including weavers, artisans a n d e v e n factory w o r k e r s . T h e y p r o d u c e d a c o r e o f p r i n c i p l e d , politically c o m m i t t e d activists w h o s e i n f l u e n c e e x t e n d e d t h r o u g h o u t t h e c o t t o n district, giv­ i n g a d i m e n s i o n o f political a w a r e n e s s t o b r e a d riots a n d t r a d e - u n i o n agitations, a n d posing a recurrent threat to established authority. Booth has demonstrated the existence of a well-organised revolution­ ary u n d e r g r o u n d m o v e m e n t , t h e U n i t e d E n g l i s h m e n , in t h e M a n c h e s ­ ter area during the traumatic period of trade depression, high prices a n d f o o d s h o r t a g e s at t h e e n d o f t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y . T h i s w a s l e s s t h a n a m a s s m o v e m e n t , b u t it w o r r i e d t h o s e in a u t h o r i t y w h o k n e w t h a t c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l o y a l i s m h a d lost its s a v o u r for a h u n g r y and war-weary population.

29

T h i s w a s n o t to b e t h e m o d e l for s u b s e q u e n t d e v e l o p m e n t s , t h o u g h t h e r e w e r e e c h o e s o f it in 1 8 1 2 , w h e n h i g h p r i c e s a n d d i s r u p t e d t r a d e fuelled food-rioting, m a c h i n e - b r e a k i n g a n d a t h r e a t o f i n s u r r e c t i o n , t h o u g h agents provocateurs

played their part. Hard times again pro­

v i d e d a m a s s f o l l o w i n g for radical r e f o r m e r s i n t h e late 1 8 1 0 s , b u t at t h i s p o i n t t h e t r a d i t i o n o f t h e 1 7 9 0 s r e s u r f a c e d in m o r e c o n s t i t u t i o n a l form,

although

m a s s p e t i t i o n s a n d o r g a n i s e d drilling

sometimes

a l a r m e d t h e a u t h o r i t i e s . T h i s p h a s e , w h i c h r e a c h e d its tragic c l i m a x at P e t e r l o o , w a s d o m i n a t e d b y t h e h a n d l o o m w e a v e r s , a n g r y at t h e i r failure

to

secure

parliamentary

redress

of e c o n o m i c and

legal

grievances. T h e w e a v e r s a n d o t h e r w a g e e a r n e r s w e r e a g a i n p r o m i n e n t in t h e 29

A. Booth, 'Reform, Repression and Revolution: Radicalism and Loyalism in the North-West of England, 1790-1803' (unpublished PhD thesis, Lancaster University, 1979).

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c a m p a i g n l e a d i n g u p to t h e 1 8 3 2 R e f o r m A c t , b u t h e r e t h e w a t e r s were muddied by a middle-class reform m o v e m e n t which was eager t o s e t t l e a l o n g w a y s h o r t o f m a n h o o d suffrage a n d t h e b a l l o t . T h e y w a n t e d fuller r e p r e s e n t a t i o n for t h e m e r c a n t i l e a n d

manufacturing

i n t e r e s t s , w i t h a v i e w to u n d e r m i n i n g aristocratic c o r r u p t i o n , r e d u c i n g t a x e s , f r e e i n g t r a d e a n d (in m o s t c a s e s ) r e d r e s s i n g d i s s e n t e r s ' g r i e v ­ ances. T h e working-class reformers' goal of a Parliament which might enact m i n i m u m w a g e legislation, shorten working hours and protect t r a d e u n i o n s w a s n o t to t h e i r t a s t e . T h e w o r k i n g - c l a s s r e f o r m e r s l i v e d to regret their eventual grudging acceptance of the Act, and the legisla­ tive r e c o r d o f t h e r e f o r m e d P a r l i a m e n t e n s u r e d m a s s s u p p o r t for C h a r t i s m in t h e n o r t h - w e s t . T h e 1 8 3 2 s e t t l e m e n t g a v e a n e w d i m e n s i o n to t h e politics o f r e f o r m i n t h e c o t t o n district. H i t h e r t o t h e e n e m y h a d b e e n i d e n t i f i e d m a i n l y as t h e L o n d o n g o v e r n m e n t a n d its aristocratic s u p p o r t e r s . T h e P e t e r loo m a g i s t r a t e s h a d b e e n g e n t r y , c o a l o w n e r s a n d clerics r a t h e r t h a n c o t t o n e m p l o y e r s , a l t h o u g h t h e latter w e r e a p p a r e n t l y

prominent

a m o n g t h e Y e o m a n r y officers. After 1 8 3 2 t h e c a s e b e c a m e m o r e c l e a r c u t : t h e l a r g e r e m p l o y e r s , at l e a s t , c o u l d b e i d e n t i f i e d as e m b o d i m e n t s of political as w e l l as e c o n o m i c o p p r e s s i o n , e s p e c i a l l y as t h e y g a i n e d local p o w e r as m a g i s t r a t e s , p o o r l a w g u a r d i a n s a n d m u n i c i p a l c o u n c i l ­ l o r s . B u t t h e a n t i - a r i s t o c r a t i c political d i a g n o s e s o f C o b b e t t a n d P a i n e r e m a i n e d at t h e r o o t o f C h a r t i s t i d e o l o g y , in L a n c a s h i r e as e l s e w h e r e , r e d u c i n g t h e i m p a c t o f t h i s t r a n s i t i o n , a l t h o u g h h o s t i l i t y to e m p l o y e r s p r o v i d e d a n a d d e d d i m e n s i o n o f direct c l a s s conflict at m o m e n t s o f h i g h tension, especially in 1839 a n d 1 8 4 2 .

3 0

C h a r t i s m w a s p a r t i c u l a r l y s t r o n g in t h e n o r t h - w e s t .

Organisation

a n d m a s s s u p p o r t w e r e c o n c e n t r a t e d i n t o t h e c o t t o n district, w h e r e t h e W h i g g o v e r n m e n t s after 1832 s e e m e d to h a v e l a u n c h e d a c o n c e r t e d a s s a u l t o n w o r k i n g - c l a s s i n s t i t u t i o n s a n d local a u t o n o m y . T h e n e w p o o r l a w offered a f r i g h t e n i n g p r o s p e c t to w o r k i n g p e o p l e w h o w e r e w e l l a w a r e o f t h e i r v u l n e r a b i l i t y t o cyclical u n e m p l o y m e n t . T h e t h r e a t of t h e w o r k h o u s e w a s c o u p l e d w i t h t h e r e f o r m e d P a r l i a m e n t ' s r e s i s ­ t a n c e t o full a n d effective f a c t o r y r e f o r m ; t h e disdainful r e j e c t i o n o f t h e h a n d l o o m w e a v e r s ' last p l e a for l e g a l d e f e n c e s a g a i n s t falling l i v i n g standards; 30

the r e n e w e d attack o n trade unions, epitomised

most

G. Stedman Jones, 'The Language of Chartism', in J. Epstein and D. Thompson,

eds., The Chartist Experience: Studies in Working-Class Radicalism and Culture

1830-1860

(1982), pp. 3-58; N. Kirk, 'Class and Fragmentation: Some Aspects of Working-Class Life in South-East Lancashire and North-East Cheshire, 1850-70' (unpublished PhD thesis, Pittsburgh University, 1974), pp. 11-12.

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cogently by the prosecution of the G l a s g o w cotton spinners' leaders in 1 8 3 7 - 8 ; a n d t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n i n 1 8 3 9 o f t h e n e w c o u n t y p o l i c e f o r c e , w h i c h w a s s e e n as t h e c o e r c i v e a r m o f t h e f a c t o r y m a s t e r s a g a i n s t s t r i k e s a n d d i s t u r b a n c e s . W h e n t h e s e i n i t i a t i v e s c o i n c i d e d w i t h cyclical d e p r e s s i o n a n d s u s t a i n e d p r e s s u r e o n w a g e r a t e s , it is e a s y t o u n d e r ­ s t a n d t h e h u g e a t t e n d a n c e s at m a s s m e e t i n g s , a n d t h e i n s u r r e c t i o n a r y character of s o m e of the rhetoric. T h e Charter provided a unifying political g o a l t h r o u g h w h i c h t h e s e g r i e v a n c e s m i g h t b e r e d r e s s e d , a n d it w a s c a p a b l e , for a t i m e , o f a c c u m u l a t i n g t h e m o m e n t u m f r o m a r a n g e o f specific b u t i n t e r r e l a t e d i s s u e s , e s p e c i a l l y t h e p o o r l a w a n d factory reform. T h e s e issues w e r e m o s t obviously a n d i m m e d i ­ a t e l y r e l e v a n t i n t h e textile district, a n d it is n o s u r p r i s e t o find t h e north-west's Chartists concentrated there, although the contrasting l a c k o f C h a r t i s t activity o n M e r s e y s i d e r e m a i n s a r r e s t i n g . Lancashire Chartism recruited across the whole spectrum of work­ i n g - c l a s s o c c u p a t i o n s , as w e l l a s a t t r a c t i n g s o m e m i d d l e - c l a s s s u p p o r t . T h e h a n d l o o m w e a v e r s m a i n t a i n e d their radical tradition, especially in i n d u s t r i a l v i l l a g e s like S a b d e n , a l t h o u g h B o l t o n ' s r e l a t i v e l y p r o s p e r ­ o u s w e a v e r s o f f a n c y fabrics w e r e a p a t h e t i c . F a c t o r y w o r k e r s w e r e b e c o m i n g i n c r e a s i n g l y a c t i v e , a l o n g s i d e a r t i s a n s a n d w o r k s h o p crafts­ m e n o f all k i n d s ; a n d S y k e s h a s s h o w n t h a t t r a d e - u n i o n i n v o l v e m e n t in C h a r t i s m w a s m u c h m o r e d i r e c t a n d s u s t a i n e d t h a n h a s u s u a l l y b e e n a s s u m e d , w i t h m a n y t r a d e s o c i e t i e s affiliating t o t h e N a t i o n a l Charter Association in the k n o w l e d g e that trade-union struggle b y itself h a d b e e n t r i e d a n d f o u n d w a n t i n g .

3 1

S h o p k e e p e r s and small

employers also figured a m o n g the Chartist leadership in places like Oldham and Rochdale, where Paineite radicalism had deep roots and t h e p o l i c i e s o f t h e W h i g s s e e m e d to t h r e a t e n h i g h e r r a t e s a n d t a x e s , to u n d e r m i n e l o c a l a u t o n o m y a n d t o m a i n t a i n s o m e o f t h e C h u r c h of E n g l a n d ' s m u c h - r e s e n t e d p r i v i l e g e s . The nature and strength of Chartism varied over time and b e t w e e n places. M u c h middle-class a n d s o m e working-class support w a s alien­ ated b y the violent language and insurrectionary rumours of 1839 and 1842, a n d attracted b y the divisive b l a n d i s h m e n t s of P e e l ' s govern­ ment and the Anti-Corn L a w L e a g u e and C o m p l e t e Suffrage U n i o n . T h i s a p p l i e d m o s t o b v i o u s l y i n M a n c h e s t e r , w i t h its d i v e r s e e c o n o m y and divided working class. E l s e w h e r e Chartism w a s probably stron­ gest - and m o s t moderate - in t o w n s with m a n y small manufacturers 31

R. Sykes, 'Early Chartism and Trade Unionism in South-East Lancashire', in Epstein and Thompson, eds., Chartist Experience, pp. 152-93.

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a n d a long radical tradition, w h e r e a ' u n i o n of the productive classes' could b e formed to link, but s e l d o m to unite, mutually suspicious w o r k i n g - c l a s s a n d p e t t y b o u r g e o i s c a m p a i g n e r s a g a i n s t aristocratic c o r r u p t i o n a n d its l o c a l m a n i f e s t a t i o n s a m o n g t h e ' b i g b o u r g e o i s i e ' w i t h t h e i r l a n d e d c o n n e c t i o n s . S u c h a n a n a l y s i s fits O l d h a m ' s c a s e more convincingly than Foster's vision of an archetypal revolutionary proletariat.

32

W h e r e l a r g e e m p l o y e r s h e l d a s t r a n g l e h o l d o v e r local

e c o n o m i e s , blacklisting dissidents a n d attempting to repress indepen­ dent working-class politics, threats of insurrection a n d the linking of political a n d t r a d e - u n i o n i s s u e s w e r e m o r e l i k e l y t o d e v e l o p . C h a r ­ t i s m t h u s e x p r e s s e d c l a s s conflict b e t w e e n f a c t o r y m a s t e r s a n d w a g e l a b o u r e r s m o s t v i o l e n t l y a n d c o n v i n c i n g l y i n p l a c e s like A s h t o n u n d e r - L y n e a n d Stockport, although such expression w a s intermit­ tent. T h e 'Plug Plot' strike originated in this area. T h e r e w a s n o simple r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n i n d u s t r i a l s t r u c t u r e , s i z e o f firm a n d l e v e l o f C h a r t i s t activity, h o w e v e r , a n d all g e n e r a l i s a t i o n s o n t h i s s c o r e s e e m v u l n e r a b l e to c o u n t e r - e x a m p l e s a n d c o u n t e r - a r g u m e n t s . D u r i n g t h e 1 8 3 0 s a n d 1 8 4 0 s a c o m p l e x r a n g e o f i n t e r r e l a t e d social a n d political p r o b l e m s c r e a t e d a crisis o f e a r l y i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y in t h e n o r t h - w e s t e r n t e x t i l e district. W e m u s t n o t e x a g g e r a t e its d i m e n ­ sions. A l w a y s , the w o r k i n g class w a s politically divided.

Consti­

t u t i o n a l l o y a l i s t s m a d e t h e i r p r e s e n c e felt i n t h e 1 7 9 0 s a n d O p e r a t i v e Conservative Associations recruited in t h e 1830s. A p a t h y , resignation a n d a l l - c o n s u m i n g efforts t o s u r v i v e at a p e r s o n a l a n d familial l e v e l , without

time

or

energy

for

outside

commitments,

must

have

a c c o u n t e d for m o s t o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n , m o s t o f t h e t i m e . B u t t h e r e e x i s t e d a s u b s t a n t i a l c o r e o f c o n v i n c e d a n d c o m m i t t e d radical politi­ cians a m o n g the artisans, factory workers and petty tradesmen. T h e y w e r e c a p a b l e o f a t t a c h i n g m a s s s u p p o r t at k e y m o m e n t s to c a m p a i g n s w h i c h at v e r y l e a s t i d e n t i f i e d a c o m m o n c l a s s e n e m y , t h e c o r r u p t a r i s t o c r a c y a n d its l o c a l a l l i e s , a n d i n s o m e c o n t e x t s m o b i l i s e d a p e r ­ ceived c o m m o n working-class interest against the factory masters. T h e s e w e r e t u r b u l e n t a n d u n e a s y y e a r s for t h o s e in a u t h o r i t y ; b u t t h e y s o o n g a v e w a y t o a l o n g p e r i o d o f r e l a t i v e p r o s p e r i t y a n d social stability i n t h e n o r t h - w e s t , l a s t i n g f r o m t h e m i d - n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y t o t h e First W o r l d W a r . B e f o r e e x p l a i n i n g t h i s e n d u r i n g r e s o l u t i o n

32

Foster, Class Struggle, chap. 5; D. S. Gadian, 'Class Consciousness in Oldham and Other North-West Industrial Towns', Historical Journal, 21 (1978), pp. 161-72; R. Sykes, 'Working-Class Consciousness in Oldham, 1830-42', Historical Journal, 23 (1980), pp. 167-79.

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J. K. W A L T O N

of t h e crisis of t h e 1 8 3 0 s a n d 1 8 4 0 s , w e n e e d to l o o k at e c o n o m i c c o n d i t i o n s , e m p l o y m e n t p a t t e r n s a n d l i v i n g s t a n d a r d s in t h e n o r t h ­ w e s t after t h e C h a r t i s t s .

II

STABLE

AND

PROSPERITY?

EDWARDIAN

THE HEYDAY

LANCASHIRE,

OF

VICTORIAN

c. 1 8 5 0 - 1 9 1 4

B e t w e e n 1 8 5 0 a n d 1 9 1 4 m o s t of t h e r e g i o n s a w c o n t i n u i n g e c o n o m i c growth

and

urban expansion on an altogether novel scale. Lan­

c a s h i r e ' s p o p u l a t i o n m o r e t h a n d o u b l e d to w e l l o v e r four m i l l i o n dur­ ing the s e c o n d half of the nineteenth century. B y 1911 about half t h e c o u n t y ' s i n h a b i t a n t s l i v e d in u r b a n c e n t r e s c o n t a i n i n g o v e r 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 p e o p l e , a n d o v e r five-sixths l i v e d in t o w n s o f o v e r 1 0 , 0 0 0 . T h i s l e v e l of u r b a n i s a t i o n w a s u n p a r a l l e l e d e l s e w h e r e , a n d its

manufacturing

and suburban influence extended into north Cheshire. Outside the m a i n industrial areas, Barrow and C r e w e s h o w e d spectacular midV i c t o r i a n g r o w t h f r o m t i n y b e g i n n i n g s , a n d t h e rise of t h e s e a s i d e resorts, especially Blackpool, provided impressive evidence of grow­ ing regional prosperity. Not surprisingly, the spectacular growth rates a r o u n d mid-century could not be sustained. During 1871-81 Lancashire's population rose b y 2 2 p e r c e n t a g a i n s t 14 p e r c e n t for E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s ; b u t t h e r e a f t e r t h e c o u n t y m a r c h e d in s t e p w i t h t h e n a t i o n at l a r g e , a n d s o m e u r b a n p o p u l a t i o n s w e r e a l r e a d y d e c l i n i n g in t h e 1 8 9 0 s . C o t t o n w a s ' u n a m ­ b i g u o u s l y h o l d i n g its o w n in t h e g r o w t h l e a g u e t a b l e s '

3 3

right

up

to 1 9 1 4 i n m o s t p l a c e s , b u t s o m e i n d u s t r i e s w e r e faltering b y t h e 1 8 9 0 s , especially coal and Lancashire chemicals. G r o w t h w a s

punctuated

b y cyclical d e p r e s s i o n s , a l t h o u g h t h e s e b e c a m e l e s s d i s r u p t i v e as c u t s in o u t p u t w e r e a c h i e v e d t h r o u g h s h o r t t i m e r a t h e r t h a n e s p e c i a l l y in c o t t o n . T h e late n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y b r o u g h t

lay-offs, problems

to m o s t o f t h e s t a p l e i n d u s t r i e s , b u t falling p r i c e s b o o s t e d t h e living s t a n d a r d s of t h e i r w o r k e r s . S u b - r e g i o n a l a n a l y s i s will a d d s u b s t a n c e to t h e s e p o i n t s . C o t t o n ' s expansion c o n t i n u e d with remarkable rapidity,

although

t h e C o t t o n F a m i n e of t h e e a r l y 1 8 6 0 s c o n v e n i e n t l y m a s k e d a s e v e r e cyclical d e p r e s s i o n . F o r e i g n c o m p e t i t i o n w a s e m e r g i n g in s o m e e x p o r t m a r k e t s in late V i c t o r i a n t i m e s , w h e n a s q u e e z e o n p r i c e s p u t p r e s s u r e o n profits a n d m a r g i n s ; b u t t h e E d w a r d i a n y e a r s s a w a s u r g e o f s p e c u ­ lative e x p a n s i o n a n d m i l l - b u i l d i n g . M a j o r i n n o v a t i o n s , t h e r i n g f r a m e 33

J. L. White, The Limits of Trade Union Militancy (1978), p. 14.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

The north-west in spinning

and the automatic loom, were adopted

387

very slowly,

especially b y contrast with the United States. But this caution m a y h a v e b e e n justified b y Lancashire conditions, a n d ring

spinning,

w h i c h u s e d c h e a p f e m a l e l a b o u r , w a s r e a d i l y i n t r o d u c e d for n e w c a p a ­ city o n t h e c o a r s e r y a r n s w h e r e its a d v a n t a g e s w e r e m o s t c l e a r - c u t .

34

Productivity i m p r o v e m e n t s c a m e mainly from adjustments to existing technologies and working methods. Between 1884 and 1914 Lanca­ shire's spindles increased b y 45 per cent and looms by 51.3 per cent, a n d m u c h of the 1914 output w a s of h i g h e r quality a n d value, as L a n c a s h i r e u s e d its skills c o m p e t i t i v e l y . C o t t o n ' s fortunes varied b e t w e e n places. T h e geographical division b e t w e e n s p i n n i n g a n d w e a v i n g i n t e n s i f i e d , t h o u g h it w a s n e v e r c o m ­ plete. T o w n s developed distinctive products a n d markets, a n d the north-east Lancashire w e a v i n g centres g r e w especially rapidly in the late n i n e t e e n t h century, while R o s s e n d a l e s a w declining u r b a n p o p u ­ l a t i o n s i n face o f c o m p e t i t i o n f r o m O l d h a m a n d o v e r s e a s i n c o a r s e spinning. But machine-making prospered from the growth of overseas textile i n d u s t r i e s , a n d m o s t e c o n o m i c i n d i c a t o r s i n c o t t o n L a n c a s h i r e still l o o k e d f a v o u r a b l e t o m o s t E d w a r d i a n s . M o s t c o t t o n firms c o n t i n u e d t o p r o v i d e w o r k i n g u n i t s o f m a n a g e a b l e s i z e , e s p e c i a l l y i n w e a v i n g . E m p l o y e e s p e r f a c t o r y still a v e r a g e d u n d e r 2 0 0 i n t h e 1 8 9 0 s . C h a n g e s i n t h e o r g a n i s a t i o n o f t h e firm c a r r i e d m o r e social

significance than

relatively m o d e s t

factory size increases.

D e s p i t e t h e e x i s t e n c e o f o n e o r t w o v a s t c o m b i n e s , t h e r e w e r e still a b o u t 2 , 0 0 0 firms i n L a n c a s h i r e c o t t o n i n 1914. B u t l i m i t e d c o m p a n i e s w e r e p h a s i n g o u t t h e o l d e r f a m i l y firms a n d p a r t n e r s h i p s , e s p e c i a l l y in spinning. T h e rise of the O l d h a m ' L i m i t e d s ' from the 1870s, a n d the slower a n d later spread of the limited c o m p a n y e l s e w h e r e , h a d i m p o r t a n t i m p l i c a t i o n s for l a b o u r r e l a t i o n s a n d p o l i t i c s in t h e c o t t o n towns. B e t w e e n 1851 a n d 1911 L a n c a s h i r e ' s cotton labour force g r e w b y over 40 per cent to just over half a million. W o m e n workers m o r e t h a n doubled to over 300,000. Despite this, the proportion of Lanca­ s h i r e ' s p o p u l a t i o n ( o v e r t e n y e a r s o l d ) w o r k i n g i n c o t t o n fell f r o m o n e i n five t o o n e i n s e v e n . S o m e o f t h e l a r g e r c o t t o n t o w n s w e r e t h e m ­ selves b e c o m i n g less specialised. But cotton's growth and importance

34

L. C. Sandberg, Lancashire in Decline (Columbus, Ohio, 1974), chaps. 2-3; W. Lazonick, 'Factor Costs and the Diffusion of Ring Spinning in Britain prior to World

War T, Quarterly Journal of Economics, 96 (1981), pp. 89-109.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

388

J . K. W A L T O N

r e m a i n e d i m p r e s s i v e , e s p e c i a l l y for k e y a r e a s a n d a g e r a n g e s , a n d it c o n t i n u e d to d o m i n a t e l o c a l e c o n o m i e s . D e s p i t e c h a n g e s in t h e a g e / s e x c o m p o s i t i o n o f t h e w o r k f o r c e , t h e r e w e r e i m p o r t a n t c o n t i n u i t i e s in t h e l a b o u r p r o c e s s . I n s p i n n i n g , d e s p i t e t h e t r i u m p h o f t h e self-acting m u l e , t h e e s t a b l i s h e d h i e r a r c h y o f s p i n ­ n e r (or m i n d e r ) , b i g p i e c e r (a y o u t h or y o u n g a d u l t r e c e i v i n g l e s s t h a n h a l f a s p i n n e r ' s n e t w a g e ) a n d j u v e n i l e or a d o l e s c e n t little piecer, remained almost unchallenged, although other arrangements e m e r g e d in a f e w a r e a s w h e r e m a l e r e c r u i t m e n t w a s difficult, a n d ring spinners w e r e female. T h e workplace organisation of p o w e r l o o m w e a v i n g w a s also effectively u n c h a n g e d . W h a t did alter s i g n i f i c a n t l y w a s the relative importance of w o m e n a n d children. Child labour declined. Successive Factory Acts raised the m i n i m u m w o r k i n g a g e f r o m e i g h t in 1 8 4 4 to t w e l v e in 1 9 0 1 , a n d after 1 8 4 4 t h e u n d e r - t h i r t e e n s w e r e r e q u i r e d to s p e n d p a r t o f t h e w e e k in s c h o o l 7

on the 'half-time system. Meanwhile w o m e n were becoming increas­ i n g l y i m p o r t a n t in factory w o r k , e s p e c i a l l y w e a v i n g a n d t h e s p i n n i n g p r e p a r a t o r y p r o c e s s e s . B y t h e late n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y 'it w a s a l m o s t a u t o m a t i c t h a t a w o r k i n g - c l a s s girl w o u l d g o i n t o t h e mill w h e n s h e left s c h o o l ' . M a n y left to g e t m a r r i e d in t h e i r e a r l y t w e n t i e s , b u t a n increasing proportion continued through the early years of marriage a n d m o t h e r h o o d , l e a v i n g t h e f a c t o r y in t h e i r m i d - t h i r t i e s or a f t e r w a r d s as c h i l d r e n b e g a n to e a r n . T h i s p a t t e r n b e c a m e e s p e c i a l l y p r e v a l e n t in w e a v i n g , w h e r e l o w m a l e w a g e s a s s u m e d t h e f a c t o r y e m p l o y m e n t of w i v e s .

3 5

C o t t o n c o n t i n u e d to e m p l o y u p to h a l f t h e m a l e w o r k f o r c e in t h e c o t t o n t o w n s t h e m s e l v e s . Its i n f l u e n c e p e a k e d a m o n g t e e n a g e r s , w i t h m u c h subsequent wastage into other jobs, leaving a residue of wellpaid overlookers and spinners, a 'sub-aristocracy' of strippers

and

g r i n d e r s in t h e p r e p a r a t i o n p r o c e s s e s , a n d l a r g e n u m b e r s o f r e l a t i v e l y ill-paid w e a v e r s . T e x t i l e e n g i n e e r i n g p r o v i d e d w e l l - p a i d w o r k for m a n y a d u l t s , e s p e c i a l l y in O l d h a m a n d B o l t o n , a n d c o a l m i n i n g , w o o l and

papermaking

w e r e locally important.

Building was a major

e m p l o y e r , as w e r e t h e g e n e r a l l y e x p a n d i n g t r a n s p o r t , m u n i c i p a l a n d w h i t e - c o l l a r s e c t o r s . B u t t h e r e w e r e m a n y ill-paid a n d u n d e r e m p l o y e d general labourers, and Edwardian cotton towns remained overwhelm­ ingly working class, despite incipient suburban spread. M e r s e y s i d e , like t h e c o t t o n t o w n s , k e p t its d i s t i n c t i v e o c c u p a t i o n a l 35

J. Liddington and J. Norris, One Hand Tied Behind Us (1978), pp. 58-9.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

The north-west

389

profile. C a s u a l w o r k for d o c k e r s , p o r t e r s a n d c a r t e r s p r e d o m i n a t e d in c e n t r a l L i v e r p o o l . B u i l d i n g a n d s h i p r e p a i r i n g c r a f t s m e n w e r e b e t t e r p a i d b u t v u l n e r a b l e to u n e m p l o y m e n t , as w e r e B i r k e n h e a d ' s s h i p ­ builders. But merchants, professionals, shopkeepers and traders com­ p r i s e d o v e r 2 0 p e r c e n t o f h o u s e h o l d e r s in 1 8 5 1 . E v e n s o , L i v e r p o o l h a d a h i g h p r o p o r t i o n o f u n s k i l l e d a n d relatively f e w skilled l a b o u r e r s w h e n c o m p a r e d w i t h Y o r k or e v e n P r e s t o n . W a g e d w o r k for w o m e n w a s s c a r c e , d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e apart, a n d l o w , irregular m a l e e a r n i n g s e n s u r e d a b u n d a n t c h e a p f e m a l e l a b o u r for t h e s l o p c l o t h i n g t r a d e s . Hawkers and prostitutes were numerous, and workless children were often r e d u c e d to b e g g i n g a n d p e t t y c r i m e . T h e m a i n late V i c t o r i a n g r o w t h s e c t o r w a s clerical w o r k , b u t e v e n this w a s often ill-paid a n d i n s e c u r e , e s p e c i a l l y as a r e s p e c t a b l e a p p e a r a n c e a n d d e m e a n o u r h a d to b e m a i n t a i n e d . C e n t r a l M a n c h e s t e r h a d a similar c o m m e r c i a l e c o n ­ o m y , a n d similar e x t r e m e s o f m e r c a n t i l e w e a l t h , s q u a l i d p o v e r t y a n d insecurity. I n L i v e r p o o l ' s h i n t e r l a n d coal m i n i n g a n d g l a s s m a k i n g b o o s t e d S t H e l e n s ' s p o p u l a t i o n sixfold to o v e r 9 0 , 0 0 0 b y 1 9 1 1 . F u r t h e r s o u t h t h e alkali i n d u s t r y b r o u g h t a m i d - V i c t o r i a n b o o m to R u n c o r n a n d W i d n e s , b u t t h e y s t a g n a t e d f r o m t h e 1 8 9 0 s as c o m p e t i t o r s i n t r o d u c e d

new

p r o c e s s e s , i n c l u d i n g B r u n n e r , M o n d o n t h e C h e s h i r e saltfields. O t h e r towns grew less spectacularly, but there was a general predominance of a d u l t m a l e l a b o u r , m o s t l y u n a p p r e n t i c e d ,

with relatively high

w a g e s a n d h i g h r i s k s . In g l a s s a n d c h e m i c a l s , e s p e c i a l l y , t h e t r e n d to o l i g o p o l y a n d l a r g e u n i t s o f p r o d u c t i o n w a s s t r o n g , a n d b y c o n t r a s t w i t h c o t t o n t h e gulf b e t w e e n capital a n d l a b o u r w a s w i d e n i n g r a p i d l y in late V i c t o r i a n t i m e s . E l s e w h e r e t h e e v e n m o r e s p e c t a c u l a r m i d - V i c t o r i a n rise o f B a r r o w produced another 'overwhelmingly proletarian' town dominated by m e n ' s w o r k in iron, s t e e l a n d later s h i p b u i l d i n g . S k i l l e d w o r k e r s a n d long-distance migrants were much

in e v i d e n c e , a n d m o s t

were

e m p l o y e d b y a f e w l a r g e firms. T h e r a i l w a y t o w n of C r e w e e x h i b i t e d m a n y similar c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , a n d at L a n c a s t e r s p e c i a l i s a t i o n in oilcloth g a v e g r e a t e c o n o m i c i n f l u e n c e to t w o large firms in a n o l d e r a n d m o r e d i v e r s e e c o n o m y . B y c o n t r a s t t h e s e a s i d e r e s o r t s a t t r a c t e d volatile and insecure populations

of small tradespeople,

commuters

and

r e t i r e d r e s i d e n t s , a n d t h e i r s e a s o n a l e c o n o m i e s g e n e r a t e d distinctive social p r o b l e m s . A g r i c u l t u r e h e l d its o w n as a n e m p l o y e r in m u c h o f n o r t h L a n c a s h i r e a n d m i d - C h e s h i r e , a l t h o u g h t h e n u m b e r s i n v o l v e d in L a n c a s h i r e as

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

390

J . K. W A L T O N

a w h o l e fell s t e a d i l y after m i d - c e n t u r y . T h e r e w a s i n c r e a s i n g s p e c i a l i s ­ ation in pastoral farming in north a n d east Lancashire, while a g r o w i n g concentration o n labour-intensive arable o n the larger estates of the s o u t h - w e s t w a s p a r t l y offset b y f a r m c o n s o l i d a t i o n a n d m e c h a n i s a t i o n . F a r m service declined rapidly here in mid-Victorian times, surviving longer in the north; but in general w a g e rates r e m a i n e d relatively high,

small farms

relatively n u m e r o u s ,

and

the transition

from

l a b o u r e r t o s m a l l f a r m e r r e m a i n e d a t t a i n a b l e for t h e f o r t u n a t e

and

thrifty. T h e f a r m e r s c o m p l a i n e d o f h i g h r e n t s , p r e c a r i o u s t e n u r e a n d l a c k o f c o m p e n s a t i o n for i m p r o v e m e n t s , e s p e c i a l l y d u r i n g t h e late Victorian agricultural depression; but rent rebates a n d the proximity o f u r b a n m a r k e t s k e p t m o s t o f t h e m afloat, a n d t h e m a j o r

financial

p r o b l e m s o f t h e ' G r e a t D e p r e s s i o n ' fell u p o n t h e l a n d o w n e r s . T h e i r eager investment in drainage a n d other i m p r o v e m e n t s around midc e n t u r y h a d r e a p e d d i s a p p o i n t i n g r e t u r n s : a n d t h e i r initial r e s p o n s e to d e p r e s s i o n w a s f u r t h e r i n v e s t m e n t i n t h e e x p e c t a t i o n o f e v e n t u a l rent increases. B y the 1890s m a n y were faced with mounting debts, unremunerative

improvements,

and

falling

land

values

which

reduced borrowing capacity. E v e n where estates h a d urban and indus­ trial r e v e n u e s , r e t r e n c h m e n t w a s n e c e s s a r y , b u t s o m e h e i r s p r e f e r r e d c o n s p i c u o u s c o n s u m p t i o n t o careful m a n a g e m e n t . B y 1 9 0 0 t h e b r e a k ­ up of s o m e major estates w a s beginning. L a n d o w n e r paternalism w a s eroded b y economic necessity, and the democratisation of counties in 1889 a n d parishes in 1894 confirmed the declining p o w e r of the gentry, e v e n in the countryside. B u t l a n d e d influence o n c o u n t y c o u n ­ cils, a n d e l s e w h e r e , l o n g r e m a i n e d p e r v a s i v e i n L a n c a s h i r e a s w e l l as C h e s h i r e .

3 6

Rural labourers' living standards w e r e improving, aided b y mig­ ration opportunities a n d alternative rural occupations, especially o n the railways a n d in the police. T h e trend in industry w a s also u p w a r d s for t h o s e i n r e g u l a r w o r k , e s p e c i a l l y d u r i n g t h e l a t e V i c t o r i a n p r i c e fall. I n E d w a r d i a n t i m e s f o o d a n d c o m m o d i t y p r i c e s w e r e c h e a p e r in Lancashire a n d C h e s h i r e t h a n a n y w h e r e else in Britain. T h e rise of c o m m e r c i a l i s e d l e i s u r e r e f l e c t e d t h e s e t r e n d s , a n d p u b l i c h e a l t h improvements reinforced t h e m . But urban poverty and insecurity w e r e far f r o m b e i n g c o n q u e r e d b y 1 9 1 4 , e s p e c i a l l y o n M e r s e y s i d e a n d in B a r r o w a n d Lancaster. E v e n in the cotton t o w n s , i m p r o v e m e n t s in m a t e r i a l c o n d i t i o n s w e r e d e a r l y b o u g h t in o t h e r w a y s . 36

J. M. Lee, Social Leaders and Public Persons (1963), chaps. 2-3; J. D. Marshall, ed.,

The History of Lancashire County Council (1977), chaps. 1, 4.

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C o t t o n L a n c a s h i r e w a s a h i g h - w a g e a r e a for a d u l t m a l e s in m o s t o c c u p a t i o n s , f r o m e n g i n e e r i n g t o b u i l d i n g . C o t t o n itself w a s l e s s generous, though Edwardian mule spinners and other 'aristocratic' groups took h o m e well over £ 2 per week. But male weavers averaged only 2 5 s . per w e e k , a n d big piecers, often y o u n g adults, w e r e a m o n g B r i t a i n ' s w o r s t - p a i d m a l e i n d u s t r i a l w o r k e r s . B u t w o m e n ' s a n d chil­ d r e n ' s w o r k b o o s t e d family i n c o m e s t o u n u s u a l l e v e l s o f c o m f o r t a n d r e l a t i v e affluence. W e a v i n g w a s t h i r d in t h e w o m e n ' s i n d u s t r i a l w a g e s l e a g u e in 1 9 0 6 , a n d w o m e n w e a v e r s ' e a r n i n g s a l m o s t m a t c h e d t h e m e n ' s . O t h e r factory j o b s p a i d m u c h l e s s , b u t c h i l d r e n ' s w a g e s s o o n r e a c h e d 1 0 s . p e r w e e k , h e l p i n g families o u t o f cyclical p o v e r t y . After t h e m i d - 1 8 6 0 s real w a g e s i n c o t t o n i n c r e a s e d faster t h a n in m o s t o t h e r industries, and the cotton t o w n s b e c a m e relatively prosperous except d u r i n g d e p r e s s i o n s or p r o l o n g e d s t r i k e s . T h e r e w e r e r e l a t i v e l y f e w p a u p e r s , e x c e p t in M a n c h e s t e r ; b u t p o v e r t y w a s v i s i b l y r e c e d i n g e v e n i n m i d - V i c t o r i a n A n c o a t s , as t h e i n c i d e n c e o f w o r k i n g m o t h e r s a n d shared accommodation declined.

37

Friendly societies flourished, and

t h e C o - o p , in s h o p k e e p i n g r a t h e r t h a n U t o p i a n socialist g u i s e , b e c a m e w e l l e s t a b l i s h e d i n t h e 1 8 5 0 s a n d a t t r a c t e d m a s s m e m b e r s h i p s in late V i c t o r i a n t i m e s . Thrift, c a s h t r a d i n g , s a v i n g a n d r e g u l a r b u d g e t i n g w e r e i n c r e a s i n g w h e n t h e y w e r e still l u x u r i e s i n m o s t V i c t o r i a n u r b a n e c o n o m i e s . Regular, predictable a n d relatively high i n c o m e s allowed growing expenditure on leisure, holidays and domestic comfort along­ s i d e d e f e n s i v e thrift t h r o u g h s a v i n g s a n d friendly s o c i e t i e s . S p e c i a l ­ ised s h o p s proliferated accordingly, despite the Co-op, selling every­ t h i n g f r o m fruit a n d c o n f e c t i o n e r y t o p i c t u r e f r a m e s a n d p i a n o s . T h e cotton towns led the commercialisation of leisure, which was e n c o u r a g e d b y t h e s p r e a d o f t h e S a t u r d a y h a l f - h o l i d a y after 1 8 5 0 . At mid-century M a n c h e s t e r a n d Bolton music halls already attracted audiences of a t h o u s a n d or m o r e , with teenage factory workers m u c h in e v i d e n c e ; a n d m u s i c h a l l s e x p a n d e d a n d m u l t i p l i e d s t e a d i l y t h e r e ­ after. L a t e V i c t o r i a n c o t t o n L a n c a s h i r e p i o n e e r e d b o t h t h e d e v e l o p ­ m e n t o f p r o f e s s i o n a l football as a m a s s s p e c t a t o r s p o r t , a n d

the

w o r k i n g - c l a s s s e a s i d e h o l i d a y . Thrift w a s h a r n e s s e d t o e n j o y m e n t as rushbearings a n d traditional w a k e s hospitality gave w a y to e x t e n d e d s e a s i d e visits t o B l a c k p o o l a n d its rivals, as u n p a i d s u m m e r h o l i d a y s w e r e s t e a d i l y e x t e n d e d . Electric t r a m w a y s in t h e 1 8 9 0 s b r o u g h t p a r k s

37

Rushton, 'Victorian Slum', p. 44.

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392

J . K. W A L T O N

a n d c o u n t r y s i d e i n t o e a s i e r r e a c h . A l l t h i s h e l p e d to u n d e r m i n e t h e c e n t r a l i t y o f t h e p u b in p o p u l a r c u l t u r e . T h i s t r e n d w a s a c c e n t u a t e d by

stricter l i c e n s i n g p r o v i s i o n s f r o m t h e 1 8 7 0 s a n d e s p e c i a l l y after

1904,

reducing p u b n u m b e r s a n d c h e c k i n g their spread into n e w l y

built w o r k i n g - c l a s s a r e a s . After 1 8 7 0 i m p r o v e m e n t s in d r a i n a g e , w a t e r s u p p l y a n d b u i l d i n g c o n t r o l s b e g a n to m a k e a n i m p a c t o n d e a t h a n d d i s e a s e r a t e s , a l t h o u g h t h e i r i n f l u e n c e is h a r d to d i s e n t a n g l e f r o m o t h e r a s p e c t s o f i m p r o v e d living s t a n d a r d s . T h e m i d - V i c t o r i a n c o t t o n t o w n s h a d a p a t c h y p u b l i c h e a l t h r e c o r d , as t h e s u b s t a n t i a l m a n u f a c t u r e r s w h o

predominated

in local g o v e r n m e n t r e m a i n e d d i v i d e d , u n c e r t a i n a n d v u l n e r a b l e to p r e s s u r e for e c o n o m y f r o m p e n n y - p i n c h i n g a n d v u l n e r a b l e

groups

of s m a l l r a t e p a y e r s . It w a s e a s i e r to i n v e s t in t o w n h a l l s t h a n in c o n t r o ­ versial sewering and water supply s c h e m e s w h i c h required the ap­ p r o v a l o f n e i g h b o u r i n g a u t h o r i t i e s , l a n d o w n e r s a n d P a r l i a m e n t itself. But l a t e V i c t o r i a n m u n i c i p a l g o v e r n m e n t s b e g a n to m a k e r e a l h e a d ­ w a y , p r o d d e d f r o m t h e c e n t r e a n d b o l s t e r e d b y profits f r o m m u n i c i p a l utilities. W a t e r s u p p l i e s i m p r o v e d , p r i v i e s a n d a s h p i t s g a v e w a y to w a t e r c l o s e t s , a n d in E d w a r d i a n t i m e s c o n t r o l s o v e r m i l k s u p p l y a n d f o o d a d u l t e r a t i o n b e c a m e i n c r e a s i n g l y effective. D e a t h , d i s e a s e a n d infant m o r t a l i t y r a t e s b e g a n t o fall, a l t h o u g h t h e c o t t o n t o w n s l a g g e d b e h i n d t h e n a t i o n at l a r g e . I n d u s t r i a l d i s e a s e s r e m a i n e d r a m p a n t a n d w o r s e n i n g w o r k i n g c o n d i t i o n s p e r p e t u a t e d l o w life e x p e c t a n c i e s for cotton workers. Industrial n e e d s and influence kept t o w n s s m o k y a n d r i v e r s p o l l u t e d , a l t h o u g h o v e r c r o w d i n g i n d i c e s b e g a n to fall. B u t persisting pockets of high mortality a n d e n v i r o n m e n t a l dereliction r e m i n d us of the darker side of cotton living s t a n d a r d s .

38

F a m i l y i n c o m e s d e p e n d e d h e a v i l y o n w o m e n ' s a n d c h i l d r e n ' s fac­ t o r y w o r k . E v e n w h e r e h u s b a n d s h e l p e d at h o m e , t h e ' d o u b l e shift' w a s a n o v e r w h e l m i n g b u r d e n . S t r e s s a n d e x h a u s t i o n t o o k t h e i r toll, e x a c e r b a t e d b y p r e s s u r e to c o n f o r m to d e m a n d i n g ' r e s p e c t a b l e ' i d e a l s of l a b o u r - i n t e n s i v e d o m e s t i c c l e a n l i n e s s . C o n v e n i e n c e f o o d s

were

widely used, while lack of domestic t e c h n o l o g y a n d loss of domestic skills w o r s e n e d m a t t e r s . C o t t o n w o r k e r s ' families e x p e r i e n c e d h i g h l e v e l s o f infant m o r t a l i t y , d e s p i t e t h e r e a d y availability o f c h i l d - m i n d e r s a m o n g f a m i l y

38

and

J. Garrard, Leadership and Power in Victorian Industrial Towns 1830-80 (Manchester, 1983); G. Trodd, 'Political Change and the Working Class in Blackburn and Burnley, 1880-1914' (unpublished PhD thesis, Lancaster University, 1978), chap. 4.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

The north-west neighbours.

3 9

393

T h e s t r e s s e s are s u g g e s t e d b y c o t t o n w o r k e r s ' e a r l y

recourse to family limitation, w h i c h b e c a m e apparent in the 1860s and was strongly marked by Edwardian times. Abortion was probably prevalent, e n c o u r a g e d b y the female factory c o m m u n i t y , but the meth­ ods u s e d must have prejudiced the health of mothers and surviving c h i l d r e n . B i r t h r a t e s , still v e r y h i g h i n t h e 1 8 7 0 s , h a d fallen b y 1 9 0 0 t o a r o u n d or b e l o w t h e n a t i o n a l a v e r a g e . S u r v i v i n g c h i l d r e n w e r e p u s h e d i n t o t h e f a c t o r y at t h e e a r l i e s t o p p o r t u n i t y . T h e ' h a l f - t i m e ' s y s t e m r e a c h e d its p e a k in t h e 1 8 9 0 s , a n d w a s s t r o n g l y d e f e n d e d b y t h e o p e r a t i v e s . It p e r s i s t e d l o n g e r in c o t t o n L a n c a s h i r e t h a n e l s e w h e r e , a n d w a s n o t effectively a b o l i s h e d u n t i l 1 9 2 1 . T h e m a r g i n a b o v e p o v e r t y w h i c h c a m e from multiple earnings within families, despite overheads incurred on child care and laundry, encouraged competitive c o n s u m e r spending which may have generated 'secondary poverty' through n e g l e c t o f e s s e n t i a l s . T h u s a n O l d h a m o b s e r v e r in 1 8 9 7 : ' T h e y p u t a w a y £ 2 0 0 , 0 0 0 for w a k e s w e e k , y e t t h e y s e n d t h e i r e l e v e n - y e a r - o l d s i n t o t h e mill t o h e l p e a r n i t . '

4 0

W h a t e v e r the perils of retrospective

value j u d g m e n t s , cotton living standards w e r e not unproblematically high. Liverpool fared m u c h w o r s e . High a n d rising mid-Victorian rents a n d food prices ate into e v e n skilled w o r k e r s ' i n c o m e s , while casual w o r k a n d irregular earnings bred casual a n d irregular s p e n d i n g habits a n d l o w e x p e c t a t i o n s a m o n g t h e p o o r . F r i e n d l y s o c i e t i e s w e r e ineffec­ tual u n d e r t h e s e c o n d i t i o n s , a n d t h e C o - o p ' s d e v e l o p m e n t w a s late a n d s t u n t e d . P a w n b r o k e r s a n d m o n e y l e n d e r s w e r e n u m e r o u s , as in i n n e r M a n c h e s t e r a n d S a l f o r d . T h e d e a t h r a t e r o s e s h a r p l y in t h e 1 8 6 0 s after r e c e d i n g in t h e 1 8 5 0 s , a n d infant m o r t a l i t y r e m a i n e d v e r y h i g h . C o r p o r a t i o n e x p e n d i t u r e o n p u b l i c h e a l t h b o r e little fruit, a n d although m o s t back-to-back courts h a d b e e n d e m o l i s h e d b y 1914, the local a u t h o r i t y c o u l d n o t p r o v i d e e n o u g h a l t e r n a t i v e a c c o m m o d a t i o n for d i s p l a c e d i n h a b i t a n t s . I m p r o v e d l i v i n g s t a n d a r d s a n d falling d e a t h r a t e s a p p e a r e d l a t e r a n d m o r e t e n t a t i v e l y in L i v e r p o o l t h a n e l s e w h e r e in t h e n o r t h - w e s t . Liverpool's manufacturing hinterland s a w precarious living stan­ dards threatened by bad working and environmental conditions. C h e m i c a l w o r k s l a b o u r e r s l o s t t e e t h , a p p e t i t e a n d ability t o w o r k , 39

White, Trade Union Militancy, p. 46, Table 17; M. Cruickshank, Children and Industry (Manchester, 1981), p. 105. See also E. Roberts, 'Working-Class Standards of Living in Three Lancashire Towns, 1890-1914', International Review of Social History, 27 (1982), pp. 62-4.

40

Cruickshank, Children and Industry, p. 98.

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J . K. W A L T O N

a n d w e r e d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y likely t o die p r e m a t u r e l y in t h e w o r k ­ h o u s e . E m p l o y e r s t o o k c a r e t o live at a safe d i s t a n c e . M u c h o f s o u t h ­ west Lancashire b e c a m e a notorious m o o n s c a p e of dead trees, stinking rivers a n d chemical w a s t e h e a p s . S u c h conditions w e r e not universal, b u t ill-health a n d f o r e s h o r t e n e d w o r k i n g l i v e s p r e v a i l e d a m o n g m i n e r s a n d g l a s s w o r k e r s as w e l l as c h e m i c a l w o r k e r s , a n d o u t s i d e m i n i n g h o u r s w e r e o f t e n v e r y l o n g . T h e late b u t r a p i d d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e C o - o p r e f l e c t e d h i g h e r a n d m o r e r e g u l a r i n c o m e s t h a n in c e n t r a l L i v e r ­ pool, but with h e a v y social costs. B a r r o w a n d L a n c a s t e r w e r e different a g a i n . T h e y h a d

important

craft e l i t e s , b u t a l s o l a r g e n u m b e r s o f u n s k i l l e d m e n w h o s e e a r n i n g s hovered around £ 1 per week. Family budgets a m o n g the low-paid w e r e e k e d o u t b y c h e a p a l l o t m e n t p r o d u c e , ' l i v i n g off t h e l a n d ' , parttime female e m p l o y m e n t in the h o m e , a n d resourceful housewifery. R o b e r t s a r g u e s t h a t , w i t h little f e m a l e f a c t o r y w o r k , s t a n d a r d s o f diet, h e a l t h a n d d o m e s t i c c o m f o r t w e r e a c t u a l l y b e t t e r t h a n in t h e c o t t o n t o w n s . T h i s f i n d i n g is i n f l u e n c e d b y e x t e r n a l v a l u e j u d g m e n t s a b o u t life s t y l e s a n d s p e n d i n g p a t t e r n s , b u t it r e m i n d s u s t h a t t h e r e is m o r e to living s t a n d a r d s t h a n f a m i l y i n c o m e s a n d c o n s u m e r s p e n d i n g .

4 1

Assertions about rising working-class prosperity must b e heavily qualified. E v e n i n t h e c o t t o n t o w n s , s e c u r i t y a g a i n s t o l d a g e , l o n g - t e r m sickness or u n e m p l o y m e n t , and injury were lacking. Friendly societies a n d s a v i n g s c h e m e s p r o v i d e d l e a s t c o v e r for t h o s e w h o n e e d e d it most, and they did not protect against the poverty cycle. At best, e v e n t h e E d w a r d i a n c o t t o n t o w n s offered relative p r o s p e r i t y , c o m ­ p a r e d w i t h earlier t i m e s a n d o t h e r p l a c e s . E v e n C r e w e , w i t h its s e c u r e and well-paid railway engineers and craftsmen, saw a threatening s h r i n k a g e i n its j o b m a r k e t in E d w a r d i a n t i m e s . D e s p i t e i m p o r t a n t p o s i t i v e i n d i c a t o r s , e s p e c i a l l y f r o m t h e 1 8 7 0 s , t h e r i s e in l i v i n g s t a n ­ d a r d s in t h e n o r t h - w e s t w a s t o o little, t o o l a t e a n d t o o i n s e c u r e t o p r o v i d e a full e x p l a n a t i o n for t h e a c h i e v e m e n t o f s o c i a l a n d political stability after m i d - c e n t u r y . A r o u n d 1 8 5 0 t h e e x p l o s i v e m i x t u r e o f e c o n o m i c a n d political t h r e a t s a n d g r i e v a n c e s , w h i c h f u e l l e d C h a r t i s m , h a d l o s t its p o t e n c y as its constituents b e c a m e separated out and isolated. B y the mid-1860s contemporaries could remark o n the cotton district's 'perfect tranquil­ lity a n d p e a c e ' , e v e n in t h e i m m e d i a t e a f t e r m a t h o f t h e C o t t o n F a m i n e . S u c h v i e w s w e r e m i s l e a d i n g : i n d u s t r i a l strife, s o m e t i m e s v i o l e n t , 41

Roberts, 'Three Lancashire Towns', pp. 4 3 - 6 5 .

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395

r e m a i n e d c l o s e to t h e s u r f a c e , a n d a s p e c t s o f C o t t o n F a m i n e relief h a d p r o v o k e d a n g r y w o r k i n g - c l a s s o p p o s i t i o n a n d o c c a s i o n a l distur­ b a n c e s . A s K i r k r e m a r k s , ' T h e d e s i r e for a m o r e e g a l i t a r i a n a n d d e m o ­ cratic s o c i e t y w a s still p r e s e n t in t h e 1 8 6 0 s , albeit in a m o r e e t i o l a t e d form'; but the cotton district's mid-Victorian Labour m o v e m e n t w a s ' m o r e i n t e r e s t e d in c o m i n g to t e r m s w i t h a n d g a i n i n g its d u e r e c o g ­ n i t i o n f r o m capitalist s o c i e t y t h a n in w o r k i n g for f u n d a m e n t a l social change'.

4 2

T h i s s t a t e m e n t h o l d s g o o d in m a n y w a y s until 1 9 1 4 a n d

b e y o n d . H o w should w e explain the enthusiastic assimilation of the w o r k i n g class i n t o a t w o - p a r t y political s y s t e m w h i c h c u t a c r o s s c l a s s l i n e s , a n d r e s i s t e d late V i c t o r i a n a n d E d w a r d i a n a t t e m p t s to r e v i v e class politics? E c o n o m i c stabilisation a n d rising living s t a n d a r d s , t h e m s e l v e s p r o ­ b l e m a t i c , are o n l y p a r t o f t h e a n s w e r . W e also n e e d to c o n s i d e r the

political a n d

social initiatives

of employers

and

others

in

a u t h o r i t y , t h e a d a p t a t i o n o f t h e l a b o u r force to i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y , a n d t h e structural a n d e t h n i c d i v i s i o n s in t h e c o t t o n d i s t r i c t ' s w o r k i n g class. As grievances were redressed and threats defused, successive layers of C h a r t i s t s u p p o r t w e r e p e e l e d off d u r i n g t h e 1 8 4 0 s . T h e p o o r l a w , factory r e f o r m a n d t r a d e - u n i o n i s s u e s r e t r e a t e d f r o m c e n t r e s t a g e , a n d s o did t h e h a n d l o o m w e a v e r s . G o v e r n m e n t flexibility d i s a r m e d t h e C h a r t i s t critique o f aristocratic c o r r u p t i o n , a n d c o r n l a w r e p e a l u s h e r e d in a l a s t i n g c o n s e n s u s o n free t r a d e e c o n o m i c s . F o r O l d h a m , F o s t e r s h o w s h o w T o r y initiatives for factory r e f o r m a n d a g a i n s t a b o r o u g h p o l i c e force d e t a c h e d o n e w i n g o f t h e ' w o r k i n g - c l a s s ' radi­ cals, w h i l e o t h e r s w e r e a t t r a c t e d to t h e L i b e r a l s b y t e m p e r a n c e , l i m i t e d p a r l i a m e n t a r y r e f o r m a n d o p p o s i t i o n to t h e C h u r c h o f E n g l a n d . T h e e m p l o y e r s a n d t h e i r allies m a d e c o n c e s s i o n s to t h e radicals, b u t a s s i m i ­ l a t e d t h e m , a n d t h e n e w a l i g n m e n t s w e r e r e i n f o r c e d b y later d e v e l o p ­ ments. ' C h a r t i s t L a n c a s h i r e ' t h u s g a v e w a y to ' L i b e r a l L a n c a s h i r e ' , a n d t h e n , after t h e S e c o n d R e f o r m A c t , to a l o n g spell o f T o r y p r e d o m i ­ n a n c e . T h e s e l a b e l s c o n c e a l a g e n u i n e t r a n s i t i o n to a t w o - p a r t y s y s t e m in w h i c h c o n t e s t s w e r e g e n e r a l l y c l o s e e n o u g h to s u s t a i n w i d e s p r e a d participatory enthusiasm. But the heyday of 'Liberal Lancashire' con­ ceals a s h a r p s w i n g a w a y f r o m t h e ' M a n c h e s t e r S c h o o l ' d u r i n g t h e 1 8 5 0 s , as t h e ' I m p e r i a l i s m o f F r e e T r a d e ' f a v o u r e d a P a l m e r s t o n i a n 42

Kirk, 'Class and Fragmentation', pp. 5, 8.

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J . K. W A L T O N

foreign p o l i c y t o s a f e g u a r d e x p a n d i n g e a s t e r n m a r k e t s . F r o m P a l m e r ston to Disraeli w a s to b e a short step, aided b y the strong continuity of c o m m e r c i a l a n d m a n u f a c t u r i n g

T o r y i s m i n t h e c o t t o n district

through the 1830s and 1840s. T h e extent of Tory influence o n workingclass h o u s e h o l d e r s w a s m a d e explicit u n d e r t h e n e w u r b a n f r a n c h i s e in 1 8 6 8 . I n 1 8 6 5 t h e c o t t o n c o n s t i t u e n c i e s p r o d u c e d six T o r y M P s a n d t w e l v e L i b e r a l s , b u t t h r e e y e a r s l a t e r t h e T o r i e s l e d b y t h i r t e e n to seven. In the spinning towns around M a n c h e s t e r the Liberals declined f r o m e l e v e n s e a t s o u t o f t w e l v e t o s e v e n o u t o f fifteen. T h i s w a s n o t j u s t a n artefact o f b o u n d a r y c h a n g e s , b u t a g e n u i n e e x p r e s s i o n o f widespread working-class Tory support, w h i c h proved to h a v e d e e p r o o t s . C l a s s conflict w a s s e l d o m a b s e n t , a n d b o t h p a r t i e s a d o p t e d t h e l a n g u a g e o f c l a s s w h e n it s u i t e d t h e m , b u t c o t t o n L a n c a s h i r e ' s electoral c o n f i g u r a t i o n c u t a c r o s s c l a s s b o u n d a r i e s . T h e m o s t i m p o r ­ t a n t political fault-lines w e r e n o t t h o s e o f c l a s s . W h a t , t h e n , were t h e m a i n d e t e r m i n a n t s o f social a n d political u n i t y a n d d i v i s i o n i n t h e post-Chartist cotton towns? J o y c e finds t h e a n s w e r in t h e social a n d political i n f l u e n c e o f t h e factory. H e identifies a ' n e w p a t e r n a l i s m ' a m o n g mill o w n e r s in t h e 1 8 4 0 s , as t h e y a c c e p t e d r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s t o t h e i r w o r k f o r c e s , t r i e d to b u i l d b r i d g e s b e t w e e n capital a n d l a b o u r , a n d s w e e t e n e d t h e i r patriar­ chal d i s c i p l i n e w i t h o u t i n g s a n d a m e n i t i e s . H e s e e s t h e w o r k p e o p l e responding positively to these overtures a n d identifying t h e m s e l v e s w i t h e m p l o y e r p o l i t i c s . T h e w o r k p l a c e b e c a m e t h e c o r e o f a satisfying s y s t e m o f c o m m u n i t y l o y a l t i e s , w h i c h f o u n d e x p r e s s i o n in a f o r m of deferential political b e h a v i o u r , b a s e d o n a m i x t u r e o f c o e r c i o n , cal­ c u l a t i o n a n d i n t e r n a l i s e d c o n v i c t i o n . T h e 1 8 6 8 e l e c t i o n s a w mill c o m ­ m u n i t i e s l i n i n g u p t o v o t e o n t h e side o f t h e i r f a c t o r y p a t r i a r c h s , L i b e r a l or T o r y , a n d t h e k e y social d i v i s i o n s w e r e b e t w e e n factories a n d fac­ tory c o m m u n i t i e s , r a t h e r t h a n b e t w e e n c l a s s e s . T h e factory, w i t h its a u t h o r i t y s y s t e m s a n d c h a i n o f c o m m a n d , b e c a m e t h e crucial i n s t r u ­ m e n t of social stability. T h i s a r g u m e n t w o r k s b e s t for l a r g e factories w i t h satellite s e t t l e ­ m e n t s o f e m p l o y e r h o u s i n g . T h e e x t e n t o f new p a t e r n a l i s t initiatives in this s e t t i n g in t h e 1 8 3 0 s a n d 1 8 4 0 s is difficult to p r o v e , a n d s u c h arrangements r e m a i n e d exceptional. M u c h of J o y c e ' s evidence c o m e s from B l a c k b u r n , w h e r e t h e s e ' i n d u s t r i a l c o l o n i e s ' w e r e

uniquely

i m p o r t a n t , a n d t h e l e a d i n g T o r y mill o w n e r s , e s p e c i a l l y t h e s q u i r e archical H o r n b y s , w e r e c l o s e l y identified w i t h a b e e r y , s p o r t i n g p o p ­ ular c u l t u r e . A c o n c e n t r a t i o n o n O l d h a m , w i t h its s m a l l e r f a c t o r i e s ,

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shortage of employer h o u s i n g and 'industrial colonies', absentee employers and early introduction of abrasively m a n a g e d limited com­ p a n i e s , w o u l d r e q u i r e different e x p l a n a t i o n s for its e q u a l l y c o n v i n c i n g (and equally flawed) post-Chartist stability. C a l h o u n argues

that

s m a l l e r f a c t o r i e s w e r e m o r e l i k e l y t o g e n e r a t e a n d s u s t a i n a radical political c o n s c i o u s n e s s : if s o , t h e t r a n s i t i o n t o o r d e r r e q u i r e s m o r e explanation in an O l d h a m - t y p e e n v i r o n m e n t t h a n in Blackburn. More­ o v e r , a full p a t e r n a l i s t p r o g r a m m e w a s c o s t l y , a n d t h e effective e x t e n t of e m p l o y e r s ' c u l t u r a l i n f l u e n c e is d o u b t f u l : after w o r k t h e b e e r h o u s e w a s preferred to the reading r o o m or institute, a n d an extensive range of w o r k i n g - c l a s s s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s l a y o u t s i d e e m p l o y e r s ' r e a c h , f r o m trade u n i o n s to music hall. Excursions a n d treats w e r e occasional, a n d limited in their positive i m p a c t .

4 3

E v e n t h e v o t i n g figures h a v e

their limitations, as Joyce admits. Factory c o m m u n i t i e s voted with e m p l o y e r s in t h e ratio o f 2 : 1 o r 3 : 1 , r a t h e r t h a n u n a n i m o u s l y . W e c a n n o t b e s u r e w h a t t h e v o t e s m e a n t , a n d J o y c e ' s o c c u p a t i o n a l figures are b i a s e d towards t h o s e h o u s e h o l d e r s with d e e p e s t local roots, those w h o qualified for t h e v o t e i n 1 8 6 8 a n d w e r e still in situ at t h e 1 8 7 1 c e n s u s . T h e r e w a s c o n s i d e r a b l e m o b i l i t y b e t w e e n firms, e v e n a m o n g spinners, a n d those w h o stayed o n in employer h o u s i n g were those m o s t l i k e l y t o find t h e r e g i m e s y m p a t h e t i c . M a n y o f t h e h o u s e h o l d e r s w e r e n o t e v e n mill w o r k e r s , o r w o r k e d at m i l l s s o m e d i s t a n c e a w a y . J o y c e ' s v e r s i o n o f t h e mill a s t o t a l i n s t i t u t i o n is b e g u i l i n g , b u t f l a w e d .

44

T h e s e criticisms are partly matters of e m p h a s i s . Joyce does deal w i t h t h e w o r l d b e y o n d t h e f a c t o r y g a t e , a n d w i t h c o n t i n u i n g efforts b y e m p l o y e r s a n d o t h e r s t o u s e its i n s t i t u t i o n s to m o u l d a n d m a n i p u ­ late popular c o n s c i o u s n e s s . B u t h e r e e m p l o y e r s operated alongside other, sometimes countervailing influences. D e n o m i n a t i o n a l r e l i g i o u s o b s e r v a n c e h a d a l i m i t e d a n d socially specific i m p a c t , as a n h e r o i c w a v e o f c h u r c h - a n d

chapel-building

failed t o i n c r e a s e w o r k i n g - c l a s s a t t e n d a n c e s s i g n i f i c a n t l y b e t w e e n 1 8 5 1 a n d 1 8 8 2 . S p e c i f i c r e l i g i o u s a t t a c h m e n t s h e l p e d t o define political allegiances, usually Liberal/nonconformist and Tory/Anglican, within an already accepted system, rather than t h e m s e l v e s m a k i n g the sys­ t e m a c c e p t a b l e . A m o r e diffuse a t t a c h m e n t t o b a s i c C h r i s t i a n t e a c h i n g s 43

44

Joyce, Work, Society and Politics; C. Calhoun, The Question of Class Struggle (Oxford, 1982), pp. 175-8, 198-202; H. I. Dutton and J. E. King, T h e Limits of Paternalism: The Cotton Tyrants of North Lancashire, 1836-54', Social History, 7 (1982), pp. 59-74; Poole, Popular Leisure. M. A. Savage, 'Union and Workers in the Cotton Industry of Preston, c. 1890-95' (unpublished MA dissertation, Lancaster University, 1981).

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u n d e r p i n n e d a secular morality of mutual assistance and g o o d neigh­ b o u r l i n e s s in t h e c o t t o n t o w n s , b u t t h i s w a s r a t i o n a l , a n d m o r a l l y v a l i d a t e d , o n its o w n t e r m s as w e l l .

4 5

T h e political p a t h o l o g y o f p o p u ­

lar P r o t e s t a n t i s m , o r a n t i - C a t h o l i c i s m , w a s a different m a t t e r , a s w e shall s e e . Day schooling was more important than church-going. The Angli­ c a n s t i g h t e n e d t h e i r grip o n e l e m e n t a r y e d u c a t i o n , s t e p p i n g u p s c h o o l p r o v i s i o n after t h e 1 8 7 0 E d u c a t i o n A c t t o k e e p o u t S c h o o l B o a r d s a n d o b v i a t e t h e n e e d for B o a r d s c h o o l s . F a c t o r y s c h o o l s d e c l i n e d in importance. R o m a n Catholic provision w a s locally impressive, but t h e n o n c o n f o r m i s t s f l a g g e d . A t t e n d a n c e s a n d b a s i c l i t e r a c y in L a n c a ­ s h i r e c a u g h t u p to t h e n a t i o n a l a v e r a g e in t h e 1 8 5 0 s a n d 1 8 6 0 s , as t h e d a y s c h o o l s t o o k o v e r f r o m t h e S u n d a y s c h o o l s in t h i s r e s p e c t . By 1901 L a n c a s h i r e ' s school provision h a d overtaken the national aver­ age,

with two-thirds

o f t h e c h i l d r e n in v o l u n t a r y s c h o o l s , m o s t l y

Anglican. Lancashire was

a unique

stronghold

of religious,

and

especially Church of England, elementary education. This must have affected p o p u l a r a t t i t u d e s , a n d A n g l i c a n s c h o o l s m a y h a v e n u r t u r e d w o r k i n g - c l a s s T o r i e s , b u t t h e c a u s a l m e c h a n i s m s are t a n g l e d . M o s t p a r e n t s w e r e indifferent to t h e p r e c i s e d e n o m i n a t i o n a l c o n t e n t o f t h e i r c h i l d r e n ' s e d u c a t i o n : m o s t s c h o o l s s e r v e d n e i g h b o u r h o o d s first, d e n o ­ m i n a t i o n s s e c o n d . C l e r i c s a n d e m p l o y e r s b e l i e v e d s c h o o l s to b e v a l u ­ able

instruments

of conformity

and

social discipline,

but

their

e f f e c t i v e n e s s w a s c o n d i t i o n a l o n , a n d l i m i t e d b y , t h e n e e d to w o r k with the grain of working-class attitudes. Neither religion nor edu­ c a t i o n w e r e n e c e s s a r i l y , or e v e n u s u a l l y , e m p l o y e r - d o m i n a t e d ,

and

their a u t o n o m o u s influence should not b e exaggerated. N o r w a s s c h o o l i n g i m p o r t a n t to t h e u p w a r d s o c i a l m o b i l i t y w h i c h m a y h a v e a c t e d as a s a f e t y - v a l v e for t h e f r u s t r a t i o n s a n d a s p i r a t i o n s of t h e a b l e s t o f t h e w o r k f o r c e . E l e m e n t a r y s c h o o l s p r o v i d e d b a s i c liter­ acy a n d n u m e r a c y : parents, m a n a g e r s a n d ratepayers l o o k e d a s k a n c e at a n y t h i n g m o r e e l a b o r a t e . B e y o n d t h i s , e d u c a t i o n w a s e x p e n s i v e and remained the preserve of t r a d e s m e n ' s and overlookers' children. F o r m o s t w o r k i n g - c l a s s c h i l d r e n , w h a t c o u n t e d w a s t h e ability t o e n t e r t h e f a c t o r y at t h e earliest o p p o r t u n i t y . T r o d d finds s o m e late V i c t o r i a n m o b i l i t y i n t o t h e g r o w i n g t e a c h i n g a n d w h i t e - c o l l a r s e c t o r s in B l a c k -

45

A. Ainsworth, 'Religion in the Working-Class Community and the Evolution of Socialism in Late Nineteenth-Century Lancashire: A Case of Working-Class Con­ sciousness', Histoire Sociale, 20 (1977), pp. 354-80.

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b u r n a n d B u r n l e y , b u t e v e n w h e r e l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s t o o k t h e initiative after 1 9 0 2 , t h e t a k e - u p r a t e for s e c o n d a r y e d u c a t i o n r e m a i n e d l o w . Declining M e c h a n i c s ' Institutes and

narrowly vocational

4 6

evening

c l a s s e s w e r e o f little a c c o u n t . Thrift, g o o d f o r t u n e a n d e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l g r a s p w e r e m o r e i m p o r t a n t s t i m u l a n t s t o s o c i a l m o b i l i t y . W o r k p l a c e p r o m o t i o n offered o p p o r t u n i ­ t i e s t o a m i n o r i t y , a l t h o u g h it is h a r d t o s h o w t h a t t h e y after m i d - c e n t u r y . S m a l l p r o d u c t i o n u n i t s a n d c h e a p

expanded

second-hand

m a c h i n e r y k e p t t h e t r a n s i t i o n t o Tittle m a s t e r ' w i t h i n r e a c h , e s p e c i a l l y in the late-developing w e a v i n g t o w n s of B u r n l e y a n d N e l s o n ; but i n c r e a s i n g c a p i t a l r e q u i r e m e n t s m a d e it i n c r e a s i n g l y difficult i n t h e o l d e r c e n t r e s , e s p e c i a l l y in s p i n n i n g . T h e o p t i m i s t i c f i n d i n g s o f C h a p ­ m a n and Marquis in 1912 o n the recruitment of cotton masters and m a n a g e r s from the workforce are vitiated b y methodological flaws. M o s t successful speculators in the Edwardian b o o m w e r e t r a d e s m e n a n d s m a l l b u s i n e s s m e n in o t h e r fields, r a t h e r t h a n c o t t o n o p e r a t i v e s .

47

B e l i e f i n u p w a r d m o b i l i t y t h r o u g h h a r d w o r k a n d thrift w a s p e r v a s i v e , a n d s t a b i l i s i n g i n itself; b u t its a c t u a l e x t e n t w a s l i m i t e d a n d p r o b a b l y declining. M a n y m o r e operatives acquired a stake in the s y s t e m b y supplying share or loan capital to c o m p a n i e s , especially the O l d h a m Timiteds' from the 1870s. This was usually a speculative, income-maximising response to perceived opportunities, reinforcing a prevalent ethos of individualistic o p p o r t u n i s m .

It w o r k e d a l o n g s i d e c o r p o r a t e i n s t i t u ­

t i o n s o f s e l f - h e l p like t h e b u i l d i n g s o c i e t i e s a n d t h e ' n e w m o d e l ' C o - o p , m a k i n g e x i s t i n g c o n d i t i o n s m o r e c o m f o r t a b l e for t h o s e w h o a l r e a d y h a d a small surplus. T h e positive ideological implications were limited. T h e p r e v a l e n c e o f i n s t r u m e n t a l r e s p o n s e s to c u l t u r a l i n i t i a t i v e s a n d e c o n o m i c o p p o r t u n i t i e s w a s g e n e r a l . It a p p l i e s t o l e i s u r e : w i t n e s s t h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f football f r o m p u b l i c s c h o o l - s p o n s o r e d ' r a t i o n a l r e ­ creation' to professional spectator sport, a n d the introduction of b e e r a n d self-government to w o r k i n g m e n ' s clubs in the 1870s a n d 1880s. T h i s ability t o s e i z e u p o n t h e u s e f u l , r e l e v a n t o r e n j o y a b l e a s p e c t s of a n e w i n s t i t u t i o n w h i l e i g n o r i n g o r r e j e c t i n g its i d e o l o g i c a l p a c k a g ­ i n g w a s a l s o i m p o r t a n t t o t h e C o - o p ' s s u c c e s s , a s it e v e n t u a l l y s h e d

46

47

Trodd, 'Political Change'. Farnie, Cotton Industry, pp. 293-4; and see the entertaining comments by B. Bowker,

Lancashire under the Hammer (1928), pp. 16-18.

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m o s t o f its O w e n i t e i n s p i r a t i o n t o b e c o m e a c o m b i n a t i o n o f s h o p , joint-stock company and savings bank. By mid-century working-class culture w a s autonomously adapting to c o t t o n t o w n c o n d i t i o n s , a n d t h i s p r o c e s s c o n t i n u e d , w i t h

the

e n t r e n c h m e n t of a distinctive ethos b a s e d o n c u s t o m , mutual assis­ t a n c e , n e i g h b o u r l i n e s s a n d thrift. F a m i l i e s a n d s u p p o r t i v e n e i g h b o u r ­ h o o d g r o u p s g r e w s t r o n g e r as u r b a n p o p u l a t i o n s b e c a m e s t a b l e a n d deep-rooted,

recruiting b y natural increase rather than migration.

C o n s c i o u s n e s s o f t h e v a l u e a n d d i g n i t y o f l a b o u r w a s e x p r e s s e d as p r i d e in h a r d w o r k , w h i c h w a s s e e n as t h e n a t u r a l c o n d i t i o n o f t h e factory w o r k f o r c e . T h e s e a t t i t u d e s c o e x i s t e d w i t h i n s i s t e n c e o n 'fair' w a g e s a n d c o n d i t i o n s , as w o r k e r s a n d u n i o n s l e a r n e d ' t h e r u l e s o f t h e g a m e ' ; b u t t h e o v e r a l l social a n d e c o n o m i c s y s t e m w a s s e e n as i n e v i t a b l e . A c q u i e s c e n c e w a s p r e d i c a t e d o n t o l e r a b l e living s t a n d a r d s as i n t e r p r e t e d b y a n u n d e m a n d i n g w o r k f o r c e , a n d o n p e r c e i v e d r e a ­ s o n a b l e b e h a v i o u r b y e m p l o y e r s a n d t h e s t a t e ; b u t it b e c a m e t h e d o m i ­ nant mode of consciousness. A s w e l l as b e i n g c u l t u r a l l y a d a p t i v e , t h e c o t t o n district w o r k i n g class w a s structurally divided.

T h e r e w e r e t w o m a j o r fault-lines:

b e t w e e n 'labour aristocrats' and others (with varying implications in different i n d u s t r i e s ) , a n d b e t w e e n m i l i t a n t P r o t e s t a n t s a n d C a t h o l i c Irish. T h e s e divisions n e e d further discussion. T h e ' l a b o u r a r i s t o c r a c y ' is c e n t r a l t o F o s t e r ' s e x p l a n a t i o n o f t h e 'restabilisation' of cotton Lancashire. H e sees a redefinition of work­ p l a c e r e l a t i o n s h i p s in t h e k e y i n d u s t r i e s d u r i n g t h e 1 8 4 0 s , as r e l a t i v e l y a u t o n o m o u s craftsmen gave w a y to supervisory piecemasters a n d p a c e m a k e r s , ' b o s s e s ' m e n ' , w h o p a r t i c i p a t e d in t h e e x p l o i t a t i o n o f their

subordinates.

This grouping

b e c a m e culturally

distinctive,

a c c e p t i n g e m p l o y e r political e c o n o m y , s e e k i n g ' s e l f - i m p r o v e m e n t ' in individualistic w a y s , a n d a c c e p t i n g a p r i v i l e g e d s h a r e o f t h e s u p e r ­ profits a r i s i n g f r o m t h e e x p l o i t a t i o n o f o v e r s e a s m a r k e t s . T h u s t h e e m p l o y e r s b u t t r e s s e d t h e i r political c o n t r o l b y p u r c h a s i n g t h e l o y a l t y of a w o r k i n g - c l a s s elite a n d its d e p e n d a n t s . T h i s a r g u m e n t is c o m p a t ­ ible w i t h s o m e o f J o y c e ' s i d e a s a b o u t e m p l o y e r p a t e r n a l i s m ; a n d t h e r e w a s i n d e e d a shift a w a y f r o m craft skills t o w a r d s s u p e r v i s i o n

and

s u b - c o n t r a c t i n g . B u t it w a s n e i t h e r as s u d d e n n o r as a l l - e m b r a c i n g as F o s t e r s u g g e s t s . T h e a l l - r o u n d craft skills o f t h e m i l l w r i g h t w e r e c o m i n g u n d e r p r e s ­ s u r e in e n g i n e e r i n g in t h e 1 8 3 0 s a n d 1 8 4 0 s , a n d in 1 8 5 2 t h e n e w l y f o r m e d A S E lost a t o u g h s t r u g g l e a g a i n s t u n t r a m m e l l e d p i e c e w o r k ,

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s y s t e m a t i c o v e r t i m e a n d 'illegal m e n ' . B u t ' o n e - o f f ' j o b s a n d c o m p l i ­ c a t e d i n v e n t o r i e s k e p t skills at a p r e m i u m , a n d t h e s u b - c o n t r a c t i n g of p i e c e w o r k r e m a i n e d u n u s u a l , a l t h o u g h m o r e p r e v a l e n t in s o u t h ­ e a s t L a n c a s h i r e textile e n g i n e e r i n g t h a n e l s e w h e r e . E n g i n e e r i n g w a s certainly not transformed. In cotton spinning, sub-contracting was long-established, the transition from h a n d - m u l e to self-actor w a s pro­ tracted and piecemeal, and mule spinning had always b e e n more a supervisory

occupation

than

a craft.

Technological change

here

involved a threat to old m e t h o d s of working a n d the replacement o f o n e elite b y a n o t h e r ; b u t t h e o r g a n i s a t i o n o f t h e w o r k p l a c e c h a n g e d s u r p r i s i n g l y little. I n m i n i n g , t o o , t h e c h a n g e s w e r e n e i t h e r s u d d e n n o r c l e a r - c u t , a n d d o n o t fit F o s t e r ' s c h r o n o l o g y . T h e r e w a s n o a b r u p t mid-century w a t e r s h e d . N o r can the cultural divisions within the w o r k i n g c l a s s b e s y s t e m a t i c a l l y l i n k e d w i t h o c c u p a t i o n a l s t a t u s , as Bristow's evidence o n Preston illustrates. D e c e n t housing, abstemious life s t y l e s a n d ' r e s p e c t a b l e ' b e h a v i o u r w e r e n o t t h e s o l e p r e r o g a t i v e of t h e s k i l l e d a n d s u p e r v i s o r y . T h e d i v i s i o n s w i t h i n t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s , t h o u g h r e a l e n o u g h , i n v o l v e d c o m p l e x c r o s s - c u r r e n t s o f life s t y l e a n d o u t l o o k . H e r e a g a i n , s t a t u s at t h e w o r k p l a c e w a s o n l y p a r t o f t h e story.

48

O c c u p a t i o n a l stratification r e m a i n e d i m p o r t a n t ,

of course, even

t h o u g h its n a t u r e w a s n o t c h a n g e d d r a m a t i c a l l y at m i d - c e n t u r y . I n s p i n n i n g t h e self-actor m i n d e r s t o o k t h e l i o n ' s s h a r e o f t h e r e w a r d s for i n c r e a s e d p r o d u c t i v i t y , a l t h o u g h t h e i r a s s i s t a n t s b o r e t h e b r u n t of t h e e x t r a p r e s s u r e f r o m faster m a c h i n e r y a n d a d d i t i o n a l s p i n d l e s . Dilution was resisted because the system suited the employers, the spinners w e r e strongly organised to resist initiatives, the piecers h o p e d for p r o m o t i o n o r left t h e i n d u s t r y , a n d t h e w o m e n w h o m i g h t h a v e b e e n deployed w e r e relatives or neighbours of the spinners. T h e survival of the minder/piecer s y s t e m b e c a m e unique to Lanca­ shire, expressing the strength of patriarchal attitudes and a general social c o n s e r v a t i s m . I n t h e o t h e r b r a n c h e s o f c o t t o n , s u p e r v i s o r y w o r k w a s a male preserve, and in weaving the most productive assignments w e r e r e s e r v e d for m e n . A s s u m p t i o n s a b o u t d o m e s t i c a u t h o r i t y w e r e carried over to the workplace a n d reinforced there. T h e cotton working c l a s s w a s n o t m e r e l y f r a g m e n t e d : it w a s h i e r a r c h i c a l l y o r g a n i s e d , w i t h

48

B. Bristow, 'An Artisan Elite Residential District in Preston, 1851', Manchester Geogra­ pher, N.S., 3 (1982), pp. 5-17; Foster, Class Struggle, pp. 224-38; and see also Trodd, 'Political Change', pp. 259-64.

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o v e r t conflict b e t w e e n t h e l e v e l s o f t h e h i e r a r c h y k e p t to a m i n i m u m . T h i s w a s a p o w e r f u l i n f l u e n c e for stability. T h e cotton u n i o n s reinforced this pattern. T h e y e x p a n d e d rapidly in m i d - V i c t o r i a n t i m e s as f e d e r a t i o n s o f r a t h e r i n s u l a r local o r g a n i s ­ ations, celebrating and codifying their hard-won collective bargaining r i g h t s t h r o u g h c o m p l e x p i e c e w o r k w a g e lists n e g o t i a t e d b y h i g h l y t r a i n e d officials w h o a i m e d at a c c o m m o d a t i o n a n d a r b i t r a t i o n . T h e s p i n n e r s ' u n i o n w a s particularly 'aristocratic', d e m a n d i n g uniquely high dues and paying 'luxurious' benefits. B y 1 8 9 1 , 90 per cent of n o r t h - w e s t e r n s p i n n e r s w e r e in t h e u n i o n , a n d t h e p i e c e r s w e r e h e l d in t u t e l a g e , s o m e t i m e s u n e a s i l y , b y a k i n d o f a s s o c i a t e m e m b e r s h i p after t h e y t h r e a t e n e d t o o r g a n i s e s e p a r a t e l y in t h e 1 8 8 0 s . T h e l e s s p o w e r f u l c a r d r o o m w o r k e r s ' (after 1 8 8 6 ) a n d w e a v e r s ' u n i o n s w e r e also d o m i n a t e d b y 'aristocratic' e l e m e n t s within their o w n ranks. M o s t of t h e i r m e m b e r s w e r e w o m e n , a n d t h e y a c c o u n t e d for m o r e t h a n five-sixths o f all B r i t i s h f e m a l e t r a d e u n i o n i s t s in 1 8 9 6 ; b u t t h e f e m a l e m e m b e r s h a d little s a y in t h e i r u n i o n s ' c o u n s e l s . T h e s e o r g a n i s a t i o n s r e m a i n e d o n t h e fringe o f m a i n s t r e a m l a b o u r politics, o f t e n t a k i n g i n d e p e n d e n t initiatives for p a r l i a m e n t a r y r e d r e s s of specific g r i e v a n c e s . T h e y u s u a l l y a c q u i e s c e d in e m p l o y e r initiatives to r a i s e p r o d u c t i v i t y b y s p e e d i n g u p m a c h i n e r y a n d p u s h i n g u p w o r k ­ loads, the results of which safeguarded the position and earnings of s e n i o r m e m b e r s o f t h e w o r k f o r c e . T h e w e a v e r s ' u n i o n s d i d c a m ­ paign against the competitive 'driving' of weavers by aggressive over­ lookers, and the 'steaming' of weaving sheds through

unhealthy

artificial i n c r e a s e s in h u m i d i t y . B u t t h e c o t t o n u n i o n s w e r e r u n b y sectional interests w h o feared foreign competition and were anxious to p e r p e t u a t e t h e e x i s t i n g o r g a n i s a t i o n o f p r o d u c t i o n . E v e n s o , l a b o u r d i s p u t e s o n specific i s s u e s w e r e e n d e m i c . O c c a s i o n ­ ally t h e y flared i n t o l o n g i n d u s t r y - w i d e c o n f r o n t a t i o n s in s p i n n i n g or w e a v i n g , as in 1 8 5 3 - 4 , 1 8 7 8 a n d 1 8 9 2 - 3 . T h e s e w e r e u s u a l l y f o u g h t on the d o w n s w i n g of the trade cycle, against w a g e cuts which w e r e h e l d t o g o b e y o n d t h e i n d u s t r y ' s real n e e d s . V i o l e n c e s o m e t i m e s e r u p t e d , as at B l a c k b u r n a n d B u r n l e y in 1 8 7 8 , w h e n e m p l o y e r s ' h o u s e s were attacked and burned, and Hornby himself was pelted. These events, admittedly aberrant, must b e considered alongside Joyce's view

of Blackburn's industrial

paternalism.

But labour

leaders

r e t r e a t e d f r o m t h e r h e t o r i c o f c l a s s conflict, w i t h C h a r t i s t o v e r t o n e s , w h i c h m a r k e d t h e b i t t e r P r e s t o n d i s p u t e o f 1 8 5 3 - 4 . M o s t conflicts w e r e b r i e f a n d f o c u s s e d o n specific local i s s u e s ; a n d a t t e m p t s t o codify

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industrial relations culminated in cotton L a n c a s h i r e ' s talisman of order and control, the spinning industry's Brooklands A g r e e m e n t of 1 8 9 3 .

4 9

The cotton unions' change of posture, which was reciprocated by t h e m a s t e r s , w a s g r a d u a l a n d p i e c e m e a l b u t c u m u l a t i v e a n d stabilis­ ing. Similar processes operated in mining and engineering, and the Tory and Liberal parties penetrated so deeply into the u n i o n s ' rank a n d file a s to i n h i b i t a s e p a r a t e l a b o u r p o l i t i c s . M i d - a n d late V i c t o r i a n t r a d e u n i o n s e x p r e s s e d t h e o c c u p a t i o n a l , g e o g r a p h i c a l a n d political divisions within the cotton Lancashire working class more than they obscured them. Ethnic divisions also b e c a m e important in mid-Victorian times, as Irish immigration increased in the 1840s with the advent of povertystricken refugees from the famine, w h o proved particularly h a r d to a s s i m i l a t e . T h e Irish w e r e r e s i d e n t i a l l y c o n c e n t r a t e d , c u l t u r a l l y dis­ tinctive, a n d p o s e d an apparent threat to w a g e s a n d jobs. In Stockport and

S t a l y b r i d g e , at l e a s t , t h e y i n v a d e d

the factory workforce

in

s t r e n g t h d u r i n g t h e 1 8 5 0 s , a n d t h e r e w a s a definite e c o n o m i c d i m e n ­ s i o n t o t h e anti-Irish riots w h i c h b e c a m e e n d e m i c after t h e i n f a m o u s Stockport disturbances of 1 8 5 2 .

5 0

But there w a s also an anti-Catholic

dimension, fuelled b y militant Protestant a n d O r a n g e organisations a n d b y T o r y d e f e n d e r s o f t h e C h u r c h o f E n g l a n d . It w a s l a t e r s t o k e d u p b y the itinerant orator M u r p h y , w h o identified Catholicism with a n o v e r t l y s e x u a l t h r e a t to d o m e s t i c p a t r i a r c h y , a n d b y c o n t r o v e r s i e s a b o u t F e n i a n i s m a n d I r i s h d i s e s t a b l i s h m e n t , w h i c h p a r t i c u l a r l y affec­ t e d t h e 1 8 6 8 e l e c t i o n . S u b s e q u e n t l y t h e Irish i s s u e f a d e d i n t h e c o t t o n district, b u t it a d d e d a n e x t r a d i m e n s i o n o f d i v i s i o n t o t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s e x p e r i e n c e at a c r u c i a l p e r i o d . It w a s p a r t l y s p o n t a n e o u s i n o r i g i n , a n d p a r t l y f o m e n t e d f r o m a b o v e ; a n d its r o o t s w e r e u l t i m a t e l y e c o n ­ o m i c , n a t i o n a l i s t i c a n d c o n s t i t u t i o n a l r a t h e r t h a n r e l i g i o u s . It w a s p r o b ­ ably a c o n s e q u e n c e rather than a cause of the Chartist collapse, but it e n c o u r a g e d t h e m o r e j i n g o i s t i c a s p e c t s o f ' T o r y d e m o c r a c y ' . It w a s at l e a s t a significant s y m p t o m o f c h a n g e s w i t h i n t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s , e v e n if w e p l a y d o w n its c a u s a l i n f l u e n c e . T h e late n i n e t e e n t h century s a w the revival of working-class m o v e ­ m e n t s w i t h b r o a d e r s o c i a l a n d political a i m s . T h e i r c h a l l e n g e w a s a i d e d b y c h a n g e s i n t h e e s t a b l i s h e d o r d e r . T h e d y n a s t i c f a m i l y firms o f t h e 49

50

See esp. H. I. Dutton and J. E . King, Ten Per Cent and No Surrender (Cambridge, 1981), chap. 3; Trodd, 'Political Change', pp. 288-90. N. Kirk, 'Ethnicity and Popular Toryism, 1850-70', in K. Lunn, ed., Hosts, Immigrants and Minorities (Folkestone, 1980), pp. 64-106.

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older cotton centres w e r e giving w a y to limited c o m p a n i e s w h o s e v i s i b l e g r e e d for profit m a x i m i s a t i o n r e m o v e d t h e c l o a k o f p a t r i a r c h a l authority a n d gentlemanly mystique from industrial relations. T h e flight o f e m p l o y e r elites t o s e a s i d e , L a k e District or r e m o t e r c o u n t r y s e a t s a c c e l e r a t e d . I n m u n i c i p a l g o v e r n m e n t t h e mill o w n e r s g a v e w a y to t r a d e s m e n a n d p r o f e s s i o n a l s w h o l a c k e d t h e i r p r e c u r s o r s '

wider

influence and prestige. A n abrasive ' N e w T o r y i s m ' attacked trade unions, repudiated paternalist obligations and asserted the neglected c l a i m s o f e m p l o y e r s to c o n t r o l r e c r u i t m e n t a n d w o r k p r o c e s s e s . P r e s ­ sures to boost productivity b y speeding-up a n d 'driving' increased, a n d w o r k i n g c o n d i t i o n s w o r s e n e d . R e a l w a g e s s u f f e r e d a s e t b a c k in the Edwardian cotton b o o m , while successful speculators

flaunted

t h e i r w e a l t h . D e s t a b i l i s i n g t e c h n o l o g i c a l i n n o v a t i o n w a s in t h e air. T h e s e p r o c e s s e s w e r e patchy in their impact: in Blackburn a n d M a c ­ clesfield, for e x a m p l e , o l d - s t y l e e m p l o y e r s r e m a i n e d s o c i a l l y a n d poli­ tically p o w e r f u l , t h o u g h n o t u n c h a l l e n g e d or i n v u l n e r a b l e . B u t t h e t r e n d s a r e c l e a r : t h e v e r t i c a l ties b e t w e e n c a p i t a l a n d l a b o u r w e r e weakening, and the barriers b e t w e e n trade-union concerns and wider w o r k i n g - c l a s s political activity w e r e b e g i n n i n g to c r u m b l e .

5 1

Trade unions e x p a n d e d rapidly from the 1880s. B y 1911 the weavers h a d achieved almost 100 per cent m e m b e r s h i p in s o m e t o w n s . T h e e m p l o y e r s d e f e a t e d a n a t t e m p t to i m p o s e t h e c l o s e d s h o p , b u t t h e g r o w t h in c o n f i d e n c e a n d a s p i r a t i o n s is r e m a r k a b l e . T h e m i n e r s a n d c a r d r o o m w o r k e r s r e c r u i t e d w e l l , as did s e v e r a l n e w u n i o n s a m o n g t h e u n s k i l l e d . T e x t i l e L a n c a s h i r e p l a y e d a lively p a r t in t h e l a b o u r u n r e s t after 1 9 1 0 , as rank-and-file p r e s s u r e m a d e t h e c o t t o n u n i o n s less conciliatory. T h e spinners remained determinedly 'aristocratic', b u t t h e w e a v e r s b e g a n to a d m i t w o m e n to r e s p o n s i b l e p o s i t i o n s , w h i l e t h e o v e r l o o k e r s b e g a n to ally w i t h t h e o t h e r w e a v i n g t r a d e s a g a i n s t the masters. T h e divisions b e t w e e n and within trades were gradually being eroded.

5 2

S o c i a l i s m w a s g a i n i n g c o n v e r t s , e s p e c i a l l y in t h e n e w e r w e a v i n g centres. T h e ILP b e c a m e well established during the 1890s, especially in Nelson, while B u r n l e y b e c a m e an S D F stronghold. Several trades c o u n c i l s c a m e u n d e r socialist i n f l u e n c e , a n d i m p o r t a n t u n i o n s , i n c l u d ­ i n g t h e m i n e r s a n d w e a v e r s , a d o p t e d s o m e socialist p o l i c i e s i n t e r m i t ­ t e n t l y . S o c i a l i s m w a s a m i n o r i t y c r e e d r a c k e d b y i n t e r n e c i n e strife,

51

Joyce, Work, Society and Politics, pp. 331-42.

52

White, Trade Union Militancy; Trodd, 'Political Change', chaps. 5 - 6 .

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b u t its i n f l u e n c e b e c a m e p e r v a s i v e e n o u g h to w o r r y e s t a b l i s h e d a u t h ­ ority o f all k i n d s . T h e e m e r g e n t L a b o u r party h a d a m u c h wider appeal. T h e legal onslaught on trade unions around 1900 p u s h e d e v e n the cotton unions i n t o s u p p o r t for t h e L a b o u r R e p r e s e n t a t i o n C o m m i t t e e , e s p e c i a l l y after a B l a c k b u r n e m p l o y e r g a v e L a n c a s h i r e its o w n Taff V a l e c a s e in 1 9 0 1 . L a b o u r e x p e r i e n c e d s e v e r a l E d w a r d i a n n e a r - m i s s e s in t h e c o t t o n district a s w e l l a s a s p r i n k l i n g o f s u c c e s s e s , a n d L a n c a s h i r e politics w e r e a c q u i r i n g a n e x p l i c i t c l a s s d i m e n s i o n . I n 1 9 0 6 t h e L i b e r a l s , i n a l l i a n c e w i t h L a b o u r , e n d e d n e a r l y forty y e a r s o f T o r y d o m i n a t i o n i n L a n c a s h i r e , a n d C l a r k e s e e s t h e m as t h e l a s t i n g b e n e f i c i a r i e s o f t h e t r a n s i t i o n to c l a s s p o l i t i c s , h a d t h e w a r not intervened. But his a r g u m e n t requires an identification b e t w e e n trade unionists, working-class voters and the ' N e w Liberalism' which is h a r d t o s q u a r e w i t h o t h e r a s p e c t s o f w o r k i n g - c l a s s a t t i t u d e s . L a b o u r d i s p u t e s , s q u a b b l e s o v e r s e a t a l l o c a t i o n s a n d socialist i n i t i a t i v e s p u t t h e a l l i a n c e u n d e r p e r p e t u a l strain, a n d i n 1 9 1 3 t h e t h r e e l a r g e s t c o t t o n u n i o n s v o t e d c l e a r l y for t h e u s e o f t r a d e - u n i o n f u n d s for political p u r ­ p o s e s . T h i s a m o u n t e d to r a n k - a n d - f i l e e n d o r s e m e n t o f t h e L a b o u r party.

53

M o r e o v e r , L a b o u r a n d Socialist candidates in local govern­

m e n t r e g u l a r l y f o u g h t a g a i n s t L i b e r a l s as w e l l a s T o r i e s , a n d t h e l a b o u r m o v e m e n t c a p t u r e d N e l s o n t o w n c o u n c i l in 1 9 0 6 , a l t h o u g h in m o s t p l a c e s it h e l d a

fluctuating

handful

of seats. But the

'progressive

a l l i a n c e ' w a s little i n e v i d e n c e i n l o c a l g o v e r n m e n t , w h e r e L a b o u r was making an independent impact. Lancashire's Liberals m a y well h a v e held a caretaker role, until further

franchise extensions and

i n c r e a s e d r e s o u r c e s a l l o w e d L a b o u r t o r e a p its full r e w a r d . T h e p o p u ­ lar politics o f p a t e r n a l i s m , e t h n i c i t y , p u b a n d c h a p e l w e r e i n d e c l i n e , a n d their m o s t threatening challenger w a s the labour m o v e m e n t , in s p i t e o f its i n t e r n a l d i v i s i o n s , c a u t i o u s l e a d e r s a n d l i m i t e d e x p e c ­ tations. L a b o u r ' s s t r e n g t h l a y i n its d e f e n c e o f t r a d e - u n i o n i n t e r e s t s . S o c i a l ­ ism, as such, r e m a i n e d a fringe c r e e d in m o s t places, innovatory a n d t h r e a t e n i n g . B o t h t h e S D F a n d t h e I L P o r g a n i s e d like r e v i v a l i s t s e c t s

P. F. Clarke, Lancashire and the New Liberalism (Cambridge, 1971), chaps. 1, 12, 15; J. White, 'A Panegyric on Edwardian Progressivism', Journal of British Studies, 16 (1976-7), pp. 143-52; A. Fowler, 'Lancashire and the New Liberalism: A Review',

North-West Labour History Society Bulletin, 4 (1977).

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rather than political parties, and like the chapels their viability depended on sociable events which absorbed members' energy and commitment, so that means became more important than ends. The ILP, especially, bore the stigmata of earnest, self-improving noncon­ formity, and the socialists themselves became imprisoned in the insti­ tutions of the old cultural politics. The working-class women's suffrage movement was similarly held back by existing social arrange­ ments, as the 'double shift' made it impossible to convert the tens of thousands of suffrage petitioners into activists, despite the enthusi­ asm of supporters and the sympathy of the weavers' unions. Outside the cotton district, post-Chartist stability is easier to explain; indeed, Chartism itself had been weak. Disturbances in Liverpool in 1848 owed more to Irish hostility to the Act of Union than to Char­ tism, and elsewhere the 1840s saw little threat to the established order. The new political initiatives of the 1890s and after also made less of an impact outside the cotton towns. Liverpool was a special case. Its Irish population, including many Ulster Protestants, generated formidable ethnic and sectarian conflict, which persisted strongly into the twentieth century. The Tories made use of Liverpool's unique brand of virulent low church Protestantism, although even they sometimes drew back in distaste and dismay from the excesses of demagogues like George Wise. Processions provoked extensive street fighting on the great Ulster anniversaries. This was nationalistic hostility tinged with economic rivalry and clothed in religious garb, though church attendances were unimpressive. The Catholics espoused Irish nationalism, expressed in T. P. O'Connor's long career as MP for Liverpool Scotland. These intractable divisions sufficed to ensure that Liverpool remained infertile soil for class-based socialist or labour politics. The defensive solidarity of working-class communities expressed itself through ethnicity rather than through overt class conflict. 54

55

These circumstances did not prevent the New Unionism of dockers and transport workers from becoming established on Liverpool's waterfront; but they reduced its wider impact. Deteriorating industrial relations and working conditions, arising from larger firms, limited

54

55

K. Hunt, 'Women and the Social Democratic Federation: Some Notes on Lanca­ shire', North-West Labour History Society Bulletin, 7 (1980-1), pp. 6 0 - 2 . J. Belchem, 'English Working-Class Radicalism and the Irish 1815-50', North-West Labour History Society Bulletin, 8 (1982-3), pp. 9 - 1 6 .

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

The north-west companies and

abrasive m a n a g e m e n t ,

led to the

407

seamen's

and

d o c k e r s ' u n i o n s a n d strikes in 1889 a n d 1890. T h e rhetoric of class conflict w a s e x p l o s i v e l y d e p l o y e d i n t h e h e a t o f t h e s t r u g g l e , b u t t h e main aims involved defensive control over 'hiring procedure and work p r a c t i c e s ' , a n d t h e r e w a s little m u t u a l a s s i s t a n c e b e t w e e n

trades.

T h e s e a n d other n e w unions did not disappear, however, a n d dockers a n d s e a m e n w e r e again p r o m i n e n t in t h e great transport strike of 1 9 1 1 , w h i c h t e m p o r a r i l y t r a n s c e n d e d s e c t a r i a n a n d o c c u p a t i o n a l divi­ s i o n s w i t h i n L i v e r p o o l ' s w o r k f o r c e . B u t d e s p i t e t h e efforts o f a n e a g e r group of syndicalists, the strike's objectives remained limited and m u n d a n e . I n its a f t e r m a t h s e v e n l a b o u r c a n d i d a t e s w e r e e l e c t e d t o t h e c i t y c o u n c i l , a n d i n i t i a t i v e s w e r e d e v e l o p e d o n t h e d o c k s for j o i n t negotiating procedures and the amelioration of casual labour. But the solidarity of 1911 p r o v e d short-lived, a n d Liverpool politics s o o n reverted to type. T h e u n i o n s ' challenge to the established order h a d been evanescent.

5 6

E l s e w h e r e , o r g a n i s e d l a b o u r a s a political f o r c e d i d b e s t i n a r e a s of mining a n d h e a v y industry from the 1890s. T h e miners took over s e v e r a l s o u t h L a n c a s h i r e coalfield c o n s t i t u e n c i e s , a n d l a b o u r r e p r e s e n ­ t a t i v e s m a d e r a p i d m u n i c i p a l i n r o a d s at S t H e l e n s . B a r r o w l i k e w i s e saw the development of a strong trades council and labour electoral influence. In Lancaster and around Northwich, however,

authori­

tarian paternalist employers in the major industries s q u e e z e d out the incipient labour m o v e m e n t , and the small businesses and seasonal e c o n o m i e s o f t h e s e a s i d e r e s o r t s o f f e r e d little e n c o u r a g e m e n t t o o r g a n ­ i s e d l a b o u r . B u t i n 1 9 1 2 - 1 3 m i l i t a n t t r a d e u n i o n i s m r e a c h e d t h e agri­ cultural labourers of the O r m s k i r k area, the part of Lancashire w h e r e capitalist farming w a s m o s t a d v a n c e d . A hard-fought strike in 1 9 1 3 , with help from Liverpool syndicalists and the National Union of Railwaymen, achieved shorter hours while revealing the anger and bitterness which w e r e usually h i d d e n b e l o w the calm deferential sur­ face o f ' c l o s e ' a g r i c u l t u r a l v i l l a g e s l i k e S p e k e .

5 7

T h e Edwardian advances were usually m a d e by labour representa­ tives rather t h a n socialists; a n d t h e Tories r e m a i n e d a force to b e r e c k o n e d w i t h t h r o u g h o u t t h e n o r t h - w e s t , d e s p i t e t h e i r tariff r e f o r m election disaster in 1 9 0 6 . D e s p i t e c h a n g i n g social a n d 56

57

economic

P. J . Waller, Democracy and Sectarianism: A Political and Social History of Liverpool, 1868-1939 (Liverpool, 1981), pp. 97-106, 230-48; H. Hikins, ed., Building the Union (Liverpool, 1973), pp. 99-152. A. Mutch, 'Lancashire's "Revolt of the Field"', North-West Labour History Society Bulletin, 8 (1982-3), pp. 56-67.

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J. K. W A L T O N

c o n d i t i o n s , t h e t w o - p a r t y h e g e m o n y w a s s t r o n g a n d resilient; a n d d e s p i t e t h e d e c l i n i n g political role of t h e local e m p l o y e r a n d civic p a t r i a r c h , t h e politics o f c u l t u r e a n d c o m m u n i t y r e m a i n e d i m p o r t a n t b e y o n d t h e First W o r l d W a r . M o r e o v e r , t h e y w e r e p e r v a s i v e e n o u g h to m a k e a n i n d e l i b l e m a r k o n t h e n e w politics o f l a b o u r c o n s c i o u s n e s s . T h r o u g h o u t t h e n o r t h - w e s t , d e s p i t e p o c k e t s o f socialist s t r e n g t h s u c h as N e l s o n a n d m a n i f e s t a t i o n s o f l a b o u r solidarity like t h e L i v e r p o o l t r a n s p o r t strike, t h e i m p a c t o f t h e n e w politics w a s still q u i t e l i m i t e d . T r a n s i t i o n w a s still i n c i p i e n t . T h e r e w e r e s t r o n g h i n t s in t h e e a r l y t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y o f m o r e t h o r o u g h g o i n g c h a n g e s in t h e e c o n o m i c a n d political s y s t e m , b u t t h e i r full i m p a c t w a s r e s e r v e d for t h e t r o u b l e d y e a r s after t h e First W o r l d W a r .

Ill

CRISIS

AND

DECLINE,

1914-50

B e t w e e n the wars, the most important sectors of the north-western e c o n o m y fell i n t o s h a r p a n d i r r e v e r s i b l e d e c l i n e , g e n e r a t i n g m a s s u n e m p l o y m e n t a n d o c c a s i o n a l a n g r y o u t b u r s t s o f social u n r e s t . B u t c o n d i t i o n s w e r e n e v e r as b a d as in S o u t h W a l e s or n o r t h - e a s t e r n E n g ­ l a n d , a n d after 1 9 3 1 g l o o m w a s r e l i e v e d b y falling u n e m p l o y m e n t a n d pockets of industrial prosperity. T h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r brought full e m p l o y m e n t , a n d a s s o c i a t e d i n d u s t r i a l r e s t r u c t u r i n g a s s i s t e d a widespread medium-term recovery which was evident by 1950. But the relative industrial prosperity and world e c o n o m i c importance of pre-1914 Lancashire evaporated

at a l a r m i n g s p e e d , a l t h o u g h

the

r e s u l t i n g c h a l l e n g e t o e x i s t i n g e c o n o m i c a n d political a r r a n g e m e n t s was generally lukewarm and limited. L a n c a s h i r e c o t t o n a p p e a r e d t o s u r v i v e t h e First W o r l d W a r q u i t e w e l l , d e s p i t e d i s r u p t i o n s in c o t t o n s u p p l y a n d e x p o r t m a r k e t s ; a n d 1919-20 saw an enormous speculative investment boom, w h e n m a n y firms w e r e a m a l g a m a t e d a n d r e c o n s t r u c t e d at n o m i n a l v a l u e s w h i c h soon appeared absurdly over-optimistic. T h e industry was already l o s i n g its vital e x p o r t m a r k e t s in I n d i a ( e s p e c i a l l y ) , C h i n a a n d t h e M i d d l e E a s t to local m a n u f a c t u r e r s a n d e x p o r t c o m p e t i t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y f r o m J a p a n ; a n d c o t t o n L a n c a s h i r e n e v e r really r e c o v e r e d f r o m t h e d e p r e s s i o n o f 1 9 2 0 - 1 , as w o r l d d e p r e s s i o n a n d r i s i n g tariff b a r r i e r s exacerbated existing trends. British cotton cloth exports never again a p p r o a c h e d t h e 1 9 1 3 p e a k . I n 1 9 2 9 t h e y w e r e little m o r e t h a n h a l f that level, and the collapse of 1 9 3 0 - 1 halved the export yardage again. I n 1 9 3 8 - 9 c o t t o n e x p o r t s fell b e l o w t h e i r m i d - n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y l e v e l .

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409

Calamity was postponed by systematic short-time, below-capacity w o r k i n g a n d price-fixing a g r e e m e n t s ; b u t u l t i m a t e l y t h e

interwar

y e a r s s a w t h e effective c o l l a p s e o f t h e n o r t h - w e s t ' s m o s t i m p o r t a n t i n d u s t r y , a l t h o u g h its d e a t h - t h r o e s w e r e p r o t r a c t e d . H a r d l y a n y n e w textile m a c h i n e r y w a s o r d e r e d , w i t h c a t a s t r o p h i c r e s u l t s for t h e e n g i n ­ e e r i n g firms; a n d c o a l m i n i n g a l s o suffered s e v e r e l y as d e p r e s s e d d e m a n d was exacerbated b y geological problems and low produc­ tivity. L i v e r p o o l a l s o s u f f e r e d , a n d n o t o n l y f r o m t h e c o l l a p s e o f t h e c o t t o n t r a d e , as s h i p p i n g l i n e s r e l o c a t e d to L o n d o n a n d S o u t h a m p t o n a n d t h e p o r t r e t a i n e d a d e c l i n i n g s h a r e o f falling B r i t i s h o v e r s e a s t r a d e . Barrow's

industries

modestly thereafter,

c o l l a p s e d in

the

early

1920s

but

recovered

and here especially rearmament boosted the

e c o n o m y after 1 9 3 7 . T h e d a m a g e w a s worst in the m o s t specialised spinning a n d w e a v i n g c e n t r e s , e s p e c i a l l y t h o s e p r o d u c i n g t h e c o a r s e y a r n s a n d c h e a p fabrics w h i c h w e r e h a r d e s t hit b y o v e r s e a s c o m p e t i t i o n . I n O l d h a m , B l a c k ­ burn, Burnley a n d their smaller neighbours the collapse of cotton w a s m o s t c o m p l e t e , a n d in the w e a v i n g area especially, few n e w i n d u s t r i e s a p p e a r e d t o fill t h e g a p s .

5 8

L a n c a s h i r e ' s industrial centre

of g r a v i t y s h i f t e d t o w a r d s t h e s o u t h a n d w e s t , as n e w d e v e l o p m e n t s in electrical e n g i n e e r i n g , v e h i c l e - b u i l d i n g a n d g a r m e n t

manufacture

b e c a m e c o n c e n t r a t e d i n t o a L i v e r p o o l - M a n c h e s t e r axis, w h i l e g l a s s a n d chemicals did relatively well in the 1930s, a n d Ellesmere P o r t ' s oil i n d u s t r y b e g a n t o d e v e l o p a p a c e . L i v e r p o o l itself w a s a t t r a c t i n g manufacturing industry by the 1930s, and there were outposts of growth further north. T h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r accentuated existing trends. Decisive government intervention hastened the amalgamation a n d r a t i o n a l i s a t i o n o f c o t t o n firms, a n d in s o m e a r e a s t h e d i s p e r s a l of s t r a t e g i c a l l y i m p o r t a n t f a c t o r i e s b r o u g h t l a s t i n g b e n e f i t s , a s p r o d u c ­ t i o n c o n t i n u e d o r p r e m i s e s w e r e a d a p t e d after t h e w a r . B y t h e l a t e 1 9 4 0 s , i n d e e d , t h e r e w e r e l a b o u r s h o r t a g e s in s o m e o f t h e o l d s t a p l e i n d u s t r i e s o f t h e c o t t o n district after a l o n g p e r i o d o f l o w r e c r u i t m e n t , a n d o v e r m u c h o f t h e r e g i o n significant i n d u s t r i a l d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n h a d been achieved. T h e basic causes of the interwar slump were b e y o n d the north­ w e s t ' s c o n t r o l . C h a n g e s in w o r l d t r a d i n g p a t t e r n s a n d t h e rise o f 58

Lancashire Industrial Development Association, Industrial Reports (1948-56); Board of Trade, An Industrial Survey of the Lancashire Area (1932); and for a more optimistic view G. Rushton, 'A Geographical Survey of the Changes in the Industrial Structure of Lancashire Towns since 1931' (unpublished MA thesis, University of Wales, 1962), pp. 14-15.

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p r o t e c t e d o v e r s e a s textile i n d u s t r i e s m a d e t h e c o l l a p s e o f L a n c a s h i r e c o t t o n i n e v i t a b l e , a n d s i m i l a r t r e n d s hit t h e o t h e r s t a p l e i n d u s t r i e s . L a n c a s h i r e ' s r e s e r v o i r s o f skill a n d e x p e r i e n c e o n t h e m u l e a n d p l a i n l o o m were outflanked b y n e w technologies, but Sandberg argues con­ vincingly that h e a v y i n v e s t m e n t in ring spinning a n d automatic l o o m s would merely have delayed the inevitable, with serious consequences in t e c h n o l o g i c a l u n e m p l o y m e n t

and

unremunerative

investment.

Admittedly, the speculative b o o m of 1 9 1 9 - 2 0 h a d u n d e r m i n e d

the

industry's finances, a n d overvalued assets inhibited further invest­ m e n t , w h i l e R o c h d a l e ' s e a r l y (for L a n c a s h i r e ) a c c e p t a n c e o f r i n g s p i n ­ n i n g a n d artificial fibres g a v e it a m o r e r e s i l i e n t textile i n d u s t r y t h a n its

neighbours.

5 9

T h e industry's past

successes militated

against

f u r t h e r a d a p t a t i o n , as m a n a g e r s s t u c k to t r u s t e d f o r m u l a e a n d u n i o n s resisted labour-saving innovation. But the best possible outcome w o u l d still h a v e b e e n a n u p h i l l a n d u l t i m a t e l y u n s u c c e s s f u l s t r u g g l e , a n d L a n c a s h i r e ' s i n t e r n a l p r o b l e m s w e r e n o t t h e a u t h o r s o f its m i s f o r ­ t u n e s . T h e w a y f o r w a r d l a y i n i n d u s t r i a l diversification, r a t h e r t h a n the remaking of the prewar e c o n o m y . W h a t w e r e the social c o n s e q u e n c e s of the s l u m p ? T h r e e t h e m e s stand out: the c h a n g e s in t h e u p p e r strata of north-western society, the impact o n t h o s e in e m p l o y m e n t , a n d m o s t obviously the impli­ cations of m a s s u n e m p l o y m e n t and u n d e r e m p l o y m e n t . The interwar years saw the culmination of the decline of the landed gentry, and the substantial merchants and manufacturers w h o had b e c o m e a s s i m i l a t e d i n t o it, as a n effective political a n d s o c i a l f o r c e . M a n y surviving patriarchal employers sold up and retired to m o r e congenial climes in the p o s t w a r b o o m ; a n d others a d o p t e d a m o r e p r i v a t e life s t y l e as s u b o r d i n a t e d i r e c t o r s o f financially ailing a m a l g a ­ m a t i o n s . U r b a n l o c a l g o v e r n m e n t l o s t m u c h o f its a u t o n o m y

and

p a s s e d a l m o s t c o m p l e t e l y i n t o t h e h a n d s o f a s e c o n d a r y elite o f s h o p ­ keepers, tradesmen and a few managers. T h e county councils were similarly t r a n s f o r m e d , a l t h o u g h a c o r e o f a c t i v e g e n t r y r e t a i n e d d i s p r o ­ p o r t i o n a t e i n f l u e n c e i n L a n c a s h i r e . A g r i c u l t u r e w a s itself d e p r e s s e d , with poultry-keeping the only growth sector; and county society c e a s e d t o f u n c t i o n as a d i s t i n c t i v e s o c i a l s y s t e m d u r i n g t h e 1 9 2 0 s ,

Sandberg, Lancashire in Decline, chaps. 6-7; LID A, Industrial Report No. 5: The Spinning Area (1950), p. 26.

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as r e c o g n i t i o n o f social o b l i g a t i o n s o f all k i n d s c r u m b l e d b e f o r e t h e pursuit of individual pleasures.

6 0

L o w e r d o w n the scale, t r a d e s m e n and s h o p k e e p e r s guarded their living standards

carefully, a n d e x p r e s s e d t h e i r p r e o c c u p a t i o n s in

p e n n y - p i n c h i n g local g o v e r n m e n t p o l i c i e s , e s p e c i a l l y t o w a r d s

the

poor a n d u n e m p l o y e d . T h e energies of working-class families w e r e channelled into the getting and keeping of employment,

although

t r a d e u n i o n s r e m a i n e d a s s e r t i v e in d e f e n c e o f w a g e l e v e l s a n d e s t a b ­ lished m e t h o d s of working. P r o m o t i o n a v e n u e s from piecer to spinner a n d o n into m a n a g e m e n t b e c a m e b l o c k e d in a contracting cotton i n d u s t r y , a n d a s p i r a t i o n s to u p w a r d m o b i l i t y w e r e t h w a r t e d a s a s m a l l a n d c o n t r a c t i n g elite r e s e r v e d p o s i t i o n s o f a u t h o r i t y for r e l a t i v e s a n d friends.

61

B u t w a g e c u t s d i d n o t k e e p p a c e w i t h deflation, a n d m o s t

of t h o s e i n w o r k e x p e r i e n c e d g e n t l y r i s i n g l i v i n g s t a n d a r d s . B u t after 1 9 2 0 m a n y p e o p l e w e r e n o t i n w o r k . V a r i o u s w o r k - s h a r i n g practices obscured the true extent of u n e m p l o y m e n t

and

under­

e m p l o y m e n t in cotton, but e v e n so over 4 0 per cent of the registered workforce in the w e a v i n g area w a s returned as u n e m p l o y e d in 1 9 3 1 , w h e n figures o f b e t w e e n a q u a r t e r a n d o n e t h i r d w e r e c o m m o n p l a c e e l s e w h e r e in the industrial north-west. This w a s t h e worst point in the slump, and matters improved steadily through the 1930s, although M e r s e y s i d e still h a d a n official u n e m p l o y m e n t r a t e o f 1 8 . 9 p e r c e n t in 1939, a n d m o s t of Lancashire r e m a i n e d well above the national average. Worries about d a m a g e to the w o r k ethic a m o n g the y o u n g u n e m p l o y e d p r o v e d short-lived as the j o b m a r k e t i m p r o v e d , but longterm u n e m p l o y m e n t w a s intractable on Merseyside, a m o n g miners and among the middle-aged,

especially w o m e n . Family incomes,

s h a r e a n d p r o p e r t y o w n e r s h i p a n d a t t a c h m e n t t o skills a n d n e i g h b o u r ­ h o o d i n h i b i t e d o u t - m i g r a t i o n f r o m t h e c o t t o n district, a l t h o u g h it w a s increasing in t h e 1930s; a n d l o w birth rates h e l p e d to e n s u r e an ageing, custom-bound, inward-looking, stagnant population. In

important

r e s p e c t s t h e V i c t o r i a n v i r t u e s o f t h e c o t t o n l a b o u r force h a d b e c o m e its i n t e r w a r v i c e s . I n t h e c o a l a n d c h e m i c a l a r e a s o f s o u t h - w e s t L a n c a ­ shire a y o u n g e r population w a s m o r e adventurous, but h e r e t h e local

60

61

P. A. Harris, 'Social Leadership and Social Attitudes in Bolton, 1919-39' (un­ published PhD thesis, Lancaster University, 1973), chap. 1; Lee, Social Leaders, chap. 4. Harris, 'Social Leadership', chap. 5.

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412

J. K. WALTON

e c o n o m y w a s a d a p t i n g b e t t e r t o c h a n g i n g c i r c u m s t a n c e s . It t o o k the war, and the alienation of a rising generation from the declining cotton industry,

to alter t h e

pattern

significantly in t h e

textile

heartland. T h e i n t e r w a r y e a r s did b r i n g m a r k e d i m p r o v e m e n t s in p u b l i c h e a l t h a n d h o u s i n g c o n d i t i o n s , in t h e n o r t h - w e s t as e l s e w h e r e . T u b e r c u l o s i s a n d infant m o r t a l i t y d e c l i n e d s h a r p l y , for e x a m p l e , a n d L i v e r p o o l a n d M a n c h e s t e r w e r e p a r t i c u l a r l y e n e r g e t i c in t h e i r p r o v i s i o n o f municipal housing, although the spacious n e w estates were enjoyed m a i n l y b y skilled a n d w h i t e - c o l l a r w o r k e r s w h o c o u l d afford t h e r e n t s a n d fares. T h e p r o b l e m s o f t h e i n n e r city s l u m s r e m a i n e d , fuelled b y h i g h b i r t h r a t e s a m o n g t h e i r i n h a b i t a n t s . M e d i c a l Officers o f H e a l t h played d o w n the impact of u n e m p l o y m e n t on public health, although in 1 9 3 4 ' t h e g e n e r a l o p i n i o n s e e m s to b e t h a t p a r e n t s are sacrificing t h e m s e l v e s for t h e i r c h i l d r e n ' .

62

N e w r o a d s , electricity a n d i n c r e a s i n g

m o b i l i t y b r o u g h t b e n e f i t s m a i n l y to t h e better-off, a n d m u c h o f t h e industrial north-west r e m a i n e d physically repugnant to outsiders a n d s e n s i t i v e i n s i d e r s alike. M e a n w h i l e , s u b u r b a n s p r a w l e n g u l f e d agri­ cultural a c r e s in n o r t h - e a s t C h e s h i r e a n d t h e W i r r a l , as t h e l o w e r m i d ­ dle a n d u p p e r w o r k i n g c l a s s e s o f M a n c h e s t e r a n d M e r s e y s i d e v o t e d w i t h t h e i r feet. Despite widespread economic disaster, the north-west b e t w e e n the w a r s did n o t b e c o m e fertile soil for r e v o l u t i o n a r y socialists or o t h e r r a d i c a l s . T h e L a b o u r p a r t y a d v a n c e d s t e a d i l y in L a n c a s h i r e d u r i n g t h e 1 9 2 0 s , a n d in 1 9 2 9 it c a p t u r e d f o r t y - o n e o f t h e c o u n t y ' s sixty-six p a r l i a m e n t a r y s e a t s . B u t this w a s t h e i n t e r w a r h i g h - w a t e r m a r k , a n d in 1 9 3 1 t h e C o n s e r v a t i v e s a l m o s t s w e p t t h e b o a r d , t a k i n g e s t a b l i s h e d L a b o u r s t r o n g h o l d s s u c h as G o r t o n , S t H e l e n s , a n d e v e n N e l s o n a n d C o l n e . L a b o u r r e c o v e r y r e m a i n e d i n c o m p l e t e in 1 9 3 5 . L a b o u r ' s s u c ­ c e s s e s in local g o v e r n m e n t w e r e p a t c h y a n d l i m i t e d , a n d L a b o u r c o u n ­ cillors a n d g u a r d i a n s in L a n c a s h i r e w e r e u n w i l l i n g to b r e a k o u t o f the constraints i m p o s e d b y central g o v e r n m e n t . T h e y could b e angrily v o c i f e r o u s in o p p o s i t i o n ,

but

they had

s t r a t e g y . L i v e r p o o l r e m a i n e d sui generis,

no workable

alternative

as s e c t a r i a n conflict r e f u s e d

to e v a p o r a t e a n d L a b o u r b e c a m e t h e e m b a r r a s s e d l e g a t e e o f t h e Irish n a t i o n a l i s t s , w h o k e p t c o n s i d e r a b l e i n f l u e n c e in t h e local p a r t y ' s

PRO MH.66/128, p. vii. Jane Mark-Lawson kindly drew my attention to this source.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

The north-west counsels.

6 3

413

M o r e generally, Labour and the trade unions h a d a distant

and uneasy relationship with the National U n e m p l o y e d Workers' M o v e m e n t , w h i c h d i d a c h i e v e s o m e i n t e r m i t t e n t m o b i l i s a t i o n of t h e u n e m p l o y e d in d e m o n s t r a t i o n s a n d h u n g e r m a r c h e s . T h e N U W M had

several Lancashire branches,

but

its C o m m u n i s t

leadership

a t t r a c t e d little s u s t a i n e d s u p p o r t , a n d t h e d e m o n s t r a t i o n s w e r e m o r e s u c c e s s f u l at s t i m u l a t i n g v i o l e n t r e a c t i o n s f r o m t h e p o l i c e t h a n wringing concessions from the authorities.

Significantly,

at

Oldham

Trades Council m e m b e r s in 1932 s u g g e s t e d that the troubles of the unemployed

arose from their neglect of u n i o n m e m b e r s h i p

in work; a n d suspicion of the u n e m p l o y e d b y their m o r e

when

fortunate

n e i g h b o u r s s e e m s to h a v e d i v i d e d t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s t h r o u g h o u t industrial north-west.

64

the

Meanwhile, the depression exacerbated the

divisions b e t w e e n skilled a n d less-skilled, a n d b e t w e e n o n e trade a n d another; a n d t h o s e in w o r k preferred safety-hrst e c o n o m i c policies, p r e f e r a b l y t e m p e r e d b y h u m a n i t y , r a t h e r t h a n r i s k i n g a socialist alter­ native which w a s anyway b e y o n d the imagination of most Labour MPs.

D e s p i t e the ossification of the social structure, a n d the lack of

r e a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s for s o c i a l m o b i l i t y , t h e m y t h o f t h e o p e n s o c i e t y lived o n in the cotton t o w n s ; a n d the h a r d - w o n Victorian acceptance of t h e i n d u s t r i a l s y s t e m h a d g e n e r a t e d v a l u e s w h i c h p r o v e d ciously pervasive w h e n the system broke down.

tena­

Labour's lasting

b r e a k t h r o u g h i n L a n c a s h i r e p o l i t i c s h a d to w a i t u n t i l 1 9 4 5 , w i t h u n e m ­ p l o y m e n t in a b e y a n c e a n d a n e w i d e a l i s m e m e r g i n g f r o m t h e w a r y e a r s . T h e c o u n t y c o u n c i l w e n t L a b o u r in 1 9 5 2 , a n d e v e n L i v e r p o o l s u c c u m b e d in 1 9 5 5 . C h e s h i r e , o f c o u r s e , r e m a i n e d l a r g e l y i m m u n e . B u t t h i s w a s e m p h a t i c a l l y s u p p o r t for s o c i a l r e f o r m r a t h e r t h a n r e v o l u ­ t i o n ; a n d w h a t is r e a l l y r e m a r k a b l e is t h e l i m i t e d e x t e n t o f t h e r a d i c a l political r e s p o n s e to t h e t r a u m a s o f t h e i n t e r w a r y e a r s . E v e n i n 1 9 4 5 m a n y L a b o u r s e a t s in t h e c o t t o n district w e r e m a r g i n a l s , a n d t h e C o n ­ servatives held Bury, D a r w e n and Stockport. All t h i s s u g g e s t s t h e s u r v i v a l o f o l d political a t t i t u d e s a n d b e h a v i o u r a l o n g s i d e t h e n e w . P o l i t i c s for m a n y p o s t w a r L a n c a s t r i a n s w e r e c l a s s i n f l u e n c e d b u t n o t c l a s s b a s e d . I n l e a r n i n g to c o p e w i t h t h e i n d u s t r i a l 63

64

Waller, Democracy and Sectarianism, chaps. 16-17; A. Shallice, 'Liverpool Labourism and Irish Nationalism in the 1920s and 1930s', North-West Labour History Society Bulletin, 8 (1982-3), pp. 19-28; R. S. W. Davies, 'The Liverpool Labour Party and the Liverpool Working Class, 1900-39', North-West Labour History Society Bulletin, 6(1979-80), pp. 2-14. R. H. C Hayburn, 'The Responses to Unemployment in the 1930s, with Particular Reference to South-East Lancashire' (unpublished PhD thesis, Hull University, 1970), pp. 292-3.

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J . K. W A L T O N

revolution, L a n c a s h i r e ' s working class h a d evolved a s y s t e m of values, attitudes and allegiances which resisted the implications of n e w econ­ omic and ideological influences. W e have examined the formation of t h i s i n d u s t r i a l t r a d i t i o n , w i t h its b l e n d o f i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c o p p o r t u n ­ i s m a n d collectivist m u t u a l a s s i s t a n c e , o f thrift a n d h e d o n i s m , o f e a r n ­ estness and scepticism, of i n d e p e n d e n c e and deference, of hard work a n d o s t e n t a t i o u s l e i s u r e . A s y e t it is m u c h m o r e difficult to c h a r t t h e d e c l i n e o f t h i s d i s t i n c t i v e r e g i o n a l c u l t u r e , a n d t o e x p l o r e its i m p l i ­ c a t i o n s . M a n y i m p o r t a n t t h e m e s in t h e social h i s t o r y o f t h e n o r t h - w e s t s i n c e t h e First W o r l d W a r still a w a i t s c h o l a r l y a n a l y s i s , a n d t h e p r o b ­ l e m s o f d e c l i n e a n d a d j u s t m e n t in t h i s p i o n e e r i n d u s t r i a l r e g i o n are j u s t as i n t e r e s t i n g , a n d i m p o r t a n t , as t h e p r o b l e m s r a i s e d b y its d e ­ v e l o p m e n t a n d h e y d a y . F u r t h e r w o r k o n s o c i e t y a n d politics in t w e n t i e t h - c e n t u r y L a n c a s h i r e s h o u l d b e at o r n e a r t h e t o p o f t h e r e s e a r c h a g e n d a for social h i s t o r i a n s .

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

CHAPTER 6

The north-east D. J. R O W E

I

THE

REGION

C o m p a r e d with m a n y of the m o d e r n e c o n o m i c regions of Britain, w h i c h exist m o r e for a d m i n i s t r a t i v e t h a n a n y o r g a n i c r e a s o n ,

the

n o r t h - e a s t d o e s a p p e a r t o h a v e s o m e intrinsic m e r i t s a n d h i s t o r i c a l validity a s a r e g i o n . If w e t a k e as t h e b a s i c r e g i o n t h e o l d a d m i n i s t r a t i v e counties of Northumberland

a n d D u r h a m , it h a s r e a s o n a b l y w e l l -

defined geographical boundaries with the North S e a , the Scottish b o r d e r , t h e c e n t r a l u p l a n d s a n d t h e river v a l l e y o f t h e T e e s . It w a s , t h e r e f o r e , firmly d i s t i n g u i s h e d to t h e e a s t , t o t h e n o r t h (if really o n l y b y t h e a n c i e n t a n t a g o n i s m s o f r a c e ) a n d t o t h e w e s t b y hills w h i c h r e s t r i c t e d m o b i l i t y . O n l y to t h e s o u t h w a s t h e r e g i o n w e a k l y b o u n d e d in a s p a r s e l y p o p u l a t e d agricultural a n d m e t a l - m i n i n g a r e a b e t w e e n t h e s o u t h D u r h a m coalfield a n d t h e d e v e l o p i n g W e s t R i d i n g t o w n s . M o r e than the simple boundaries of regional geography gave the area s o m e unity, however. In an age w h e n overland transport was very c o s t l y , t h e s e a w a s t h e m a j o r h i g h w a y for t h e m o v e m e n t o f h e a v y or b u l k y g o o d s . It w a s , t h e r e f o r e , i n e v i t a b l e t h a t c o m m e r c i a l activity l o o k e d t o t h e n e a r e s t c o a s t for o t h e r t h a n local t r a d e a n d t h a t t o w n s s u c h as B i s h o p A u c k l a n d , D u r h a m , H e x h a m , M o r p e t h ( a n d t h e i r environs) should look to the east a n d the market p o w e r s of t o w n s s u c h as N e w c a s t l e , S u n d e r l a n d a n d S t o c k t o n w i t h t h e i r river a c c e s s t o t h e s e a . U l t i m a t e l y (but p a r a d o x i c a l l y s i n c e it c o v e r e d o n l y a m i n o r p a r t o f t h e r e g i o n ) it w a s t h e c o a l i n d u s t r y w h i c h g a v e u n i t y t o t h e r e g i o n . I n a n a g e w h e n its p o p u l a t i o n w a s s p a r s e a n d its o t h e r attrac­ t i o n s l i m i t e d , t h e n o r t h - e a s t w a s to all i n t e n t s a n d p u r p o s e s

(and

e s p e c i a l l y to s o u t h - e a s t e r n i n t e n t s a n d p u r p o s e s ) t h e G r e a t N o r t h e r n coalfield. It w o u l d , h o w e v e r , b e a m i s t a k e t o r e g a r d t h e r e g i o n as u n i f o r m e i t h e r at a p o i n t in t i m e o r o v e r t h e last 2 0 0 y e a r s . I n t e r m s o f l a n d 415

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416

D. J . R O W E

t y p e a n d u s e t h e r e g i o n h a s as m u c h o f a m i x as m a y b e f o u n d a n y ­ w h e r e in t h e c o u n t r y . A s a r e s u l t t h e r e h a v e a l w a y s b e e n s h a r p d i s t i n c ­ tions b e t w e e n industrial, m i n i n g a n d agricultural areas. M o r e o v e r , s o m e o f t h e s e a r e a s h a v e a g r e a t e r affinity t o t h e i r n e i g h b o u r s o u t s i d e than those inside the region. T h e agriculture of north N o r t h u m b e r l a n d (Milfield plain, t h e v a l l e y s o f t h e Till, B r e a m i s h a n d T w e e d ) w a s m u c h c l o s e r in t h e late e i g h t e e n t h a n d e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s to t h a t of s o u t h - e a s t e r n S c o t l a n d t h a n it w a s to t h a t o f c e n t r a l N o r t h u m b e r ­ l a n d . T h e f o r m e r a r e a s w e r e a d v a n c e d agriculturally, a d o p t i n g n e w c r o p s ( s u c h as t h e t u r n i p ) a n d c r o p r o t a t i o n s a n d m a c h i n e r y ( s u c h as t h r e s h i n g m a c h i n e s ) , w h i l e t h e a g r i c u l t u r e o f c e n t r a l N o r t h u m b e r ­ l a n d w a s b a c k w a r d . S u c h d i s t i n c t i o n s affected t h e local w a y o f life a n d a t t i t u d e s . S i m i l a r l y t h e e a s t P e n n i n e s h a d m o r e to d o w i t h t h e w e s t P e n n i n e s t h a n t h e y h a d t o d o w i t h t h e e a s t D u r h a m coalfield. T h e lead-mining communities of Weardale and Teesdale h a d m o r e in c o m m o n w i t h t h o s e o f A l s t o n a n d N e n t h e a d in C u m b e r l a n d t h a n t h e y h a d w i t h c o a l - m i n i n g c o m m u n i t i e s ( e p i t o m i s e d b y t h e fact t h a t f e w l e a d m i n e r s w e r e a t t r a c t e d t o w o r k in t h e coalfield, d e s p i t e t h e attraction o f h i g h e r e a r n i n g s , u n t i l t h e c o l l a p s e o f l e a d m i n i n g in t h e last q u a r t e r o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y ) . I n t h e s a m e w a y it is c l e a r t h a t t h e agricultural n o r t h b a n k o f t h e T e e s w a s m o r e s i m i l a r t o N o r t h Y o r k s h i r e t h a n it w a s t o t h e r e s t o f C o u n t y D u r h a m , at l e a s t u n t i l the 1830s. T o l o o k at t h e s o u t h e r n e n d o f t h e r e g i o n , h o w e v e r , d r a w s a t t e n t i o n n o t o n l y to t h e l i m i t a t i o n s t o r e g i o n a l u n i t y at a n y p o i n t in t i m e b u t also to t h e fact t h a t a s p e c t s o f r e g i o n a l u n i t y c h a n g e o v e r t i m e . T h e c o m p l e t i o n o f t h e S t o c k t o n a n d D a r l i n g t o n R a i l w a y in 1 8 2 5 , l i n k i n g t h e l a n d - l o c k e d s o u t h D u r h a m coalfield t o t h e s e a , w a s t o initiate the growth of T e e s s i d e . S t o c k t o n w a s found to b e an unsatisfactory p o i n t o n t h e river T e e s for t h e s h i p m e n t o f c o a l a n d in 1 8 3 0 t h e r a i l w a y w a s e x t e n d e d t o t h e s o u t h b a n k o f t h e river, w h e r e p r e v i o u s l y a f a r m ­ h o u s e h a d b e e n the only settlement. T h e result w a s the growth of Middlesbrough (along with W e s t Hartlepool, one of the Victorian n e w t o w n s c r e a t e d in t h e r e g i o n ) . S p u r r e d b y t h e e x p l o i t a t i o n o f C l e v e l a n d iron o r e s after 1 8 5 0 , M i d d l e s b r o u g h g r e w d r a m a t i c a l l y as t h e p i v o t b e t w e e n those ores a n d south D u r h a m coking coal. In doing so, not o n l y did it r e p l a c e S t o c k t o n as t h e focal p o i n t for t h e l o w e r T e e s b u t it r e d e f i n e d t h e n o r t h - e a s t . P a r t o f t h e N o r t h R i d i n g n o w h a d to b e included with N o r t h u m b e r l a n d and D u r h a m b e c a u s e of the dictates of industrial l o g i c . S i n c e S t o c k t o n , D a r l i n g t o n a n d o t h e r p a r t s o f s o u t h

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D u r h a m d e v e l o p e d i r o n a n d e n g i n e e r i n g w o r k s it w o u l d o b v i o u s l y b e nonsensical to exclude the major iron-working area, Middles­ b r o u g h , p u r e l y b e c a u s e o f t h e arbitrary d i c t a t e s o f a d m i n i s t r a t i v e a n d river b o u n d a r i e s . M o r e c o n f u s i n g l y , t h e C l e v e l a n d H i l l s , w h i c h s u p ­ p l i e d M i d d l e s b r o u g h w i t h its i r o n o r e a n d w e r e firmly a n c h o r e d to the T e e s b y railway building, t e n d to b e excluded from the north-east e v e n t h o u g h t h e i r l i n k s , for a t i m e w h i l e o r e a n d r a i l w a y s l a s t e d , w e r e m u c h s t r o n g e r t h e r e t h a n w i t h t h e agricultural N o r t h R i d i n g . R e g i o n is, t h e r e f o r e , a n i n d e t e r m i n a t e a n d f l u c t u a t i n g t o o l w i t h w h i c h t o a t t e m p t t o a n a l y s e s o c i e t y , e v e n in a n a r e a w h i c h at first g l a n c e a n d t h r o u g h l o n g h i s t o r i c a l definition a p p e a r s t o h a v e a u n i t y . M o r e o v e r , it is a l s o t h e c a s e t h a t similar f e a t u r e s m a y d o m o r e to l e a d t o rivalry a n d d i s h a r m o n y t h a n t h e y d o to b r i n g u n i t y . S u n d e r ­ l a n d a n d N e w c a s t l e , for i n s t a n c e , b o t h o w e m u c h o f t h e i r g r o w t h t o t h e facilities t h e y offered for t h e e a s y a n d c h e a p t r a n s p o r t of t h e r e g i o n ' s c o a l b u t in m a n y s e n s e s t h i s did n o t u n i t e b u t differentiated t h e m . Collieries b e t w e e n the t w o rivers shipped their coal either from t h e T y n e or t h e W e a r a n d a divide g r e w u p , a d i v i d e w h i c h to s o m e e x t e n t still e x i s t s . It is m o s t a p p r o p r i a t e t h a t s i n c e 1 9 7 4 t h e n e w m e t r o ­ p o l i t a n c o u n t y h a s b e e n k n o w n as T y n e a n d W e a r , w h i c h e m p h a s i s e s t h e t w o p a r t s , r a t h e r t h a n b y a u n i f y i n g n a m e . T h e r e is a social d i s t a n c e b e t w e e n Newcastle, the regional metropolis, and Sunderland which feels t h a t life h a s b e e n u n k i n d t o it (as i n d e e d it h a s ) a n d this is reflected in b o t h c o r p o r a t e a n d i n d i v i d u a l a t t i t u d e s in t h e t w o t o w n s . S u n d e r l a n d f r e q u e n t l y tries n o t t o a c k n o w l e d g e N e w c a s t l e , as a n y o n e w h o h a s t r i e d l o o k i n g for s i g n p o s t s t o t h e latter in t h e f o r m e r will b e a w a r e ; its i n h a b i t a n t s p r e f e r t h e D a r l i n g t o n m o r n i n g p a p e r to that p u b l i s h e d i n N e w c a s t l e . It is n o t , h o w e v e r , n e c e s s a r y t o g o to t o w n s s o g e o g r a p h i c a l l y far a p a r t as N e w c a s t l e a n d S u n d e r l a n d t o find dis­ h a r m o n y . T h e river T y n e b e t w e e n N e w c a s t l e a n d G a t e s h e a d h a s offered a n d c o n t i n u e s to offer a b o u n d a r y m o r e m a r k e d t h a n that b e t w e e n any regions. G a t e s h e a d has never forgiven the quip that it w a s ' a l o n g [ s o m e t i m e s t h e a d j e c t i v e is ' d i r t y ' ] l a n e l e a d i n g to N e w ­ c a s t l e ' ; it h a s a l w a y s suffered inferior p r o v i s i o n in social o v e r h e a d c a p i t a l t o t h a t o f its n e i g h b o u r a n d h a s a l w a y s b e e n v e r y m u c h a w a r e o f t h e fact. A s w e s h a l l s e e G a t e s h e a d suffered N e w c a s t l e ' s p r o b l e m s w i t h o u t t h e r e s o u r c e s t o d e a l w i t h t h e m : t h e large s h o p s , offices a n d i n d u s t r i a l firms m a d e t h e i r m o n e y in a n d p a i d t h e i r r a t e s t o N e w c a s t l e w h i l e t h e i r e m p l o y e e s f r e q u e n t l y l i v e d in G a t e s h e a d , w h e r e t h e y p l a c e d p r e s s u r e for p o o r relief a n d o t h e r p a y m e n t s .

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II D E V E L O P M E N T

1750-1950

At its v e r y s i m p l e s t o n e m i g h t s a y t h a t t h e u n i f y i n g f e a t u r e o f t h e r e g i o n o v e r t h e p e r i o d w a s d e p r i v a t i o n as c o m p a r e d w i t h t h e n a t i o n a l n o r m in e c o n o m i c p r o v i s i o n . I n t h e m i d d l e o f t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y t h e n o r t h e r n p a r t o f t h e r e g i o n w a s o n l y j u s t b e g i n n i n g to d e v e l o p after c e n t u r i e s o f b o r d e r s k i r m i s h i n g in w h i c h t h e m o s t n o r t h e r l y town, Berwick, changed hands between England and Scotland on several occasions. T h e remainder of the region was, with the exception of t h e m a r g i n s o f t h e T y n e a n d W e a r , s p a r s e l y p o p u l a t e d , culturally backward, closer to subsistence agriculture and less innovative than m a n y o t h e r r e g i o n s . O n e m i g h t r e g a r d it as ' d e p r i v a t i o n w i t h b e a u t y ' b e c a u s e o f t h e s c e n i c g r a n d e u r o f hills a n d c o a s t s , b u t t h e l o v e of t h e c o u n t r y a n d t h e t r a n s p o r t facilities w i t h w h i c h to e n j o y it h a d yet

to a p p e a r . D u r i n g t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y a n d e s p e c i a l l y in its

s e c o n d half t h e r e g i o n (or m u c h o f it) e x p e r i e n c e d d r a m a t i c m i n i n g a n d industrial d e v e l o p m e n t w h i c h i n c r e a s e d w e a l t h , e v e n for t h e m a j o r i t y o f w o r k e r s w h o s w e l l e d its p o p u l a t i o n b y m i g r a t i o n a n d increased natural growth. T h e increased wealth (both absolute and relative t o o t h e r a r e a s ) w a s , h o w e v e r , e p h e m e r a l a n d c o - e x i s t e d w i t h the continuation of deprivation. T h e industrial areas m a y have bustled with e m p l o y m e n t opportunities but their environs w e r e appalling, w i t h c o n d i t i o n s o f h o u s i n g a n d ill-health w h i c h d e t e r i o r a t e d c o m p a r e d to o t h e r a r e a s . T h e i n d u s t r i a l g r o w t h e v e n b l i g h t e d s o m e o f t h e n a t u r a l beauty, throwing up iron works on desolate m a r s h e s and turning beautiful b e a c h e s b l a c k w i t h coal w a s t e . After 1 9 2 0 t h e relative p r o s ­ p e r i t y o f t h e n o r t h - e a s t e b b e d a n d , a l t h o u g h t h e r e w a s a brief r e s u r ­ g e n c e d u r i n g a n d for a d e c a d e after t h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r , it h a s n o t r e t u r n e d . D e c l i n e in t h e n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y s t a p l e i n d u s t r i e s , coal, i r o n a n d s t e e l , e n g i n e e r i n g a n d s h i p b u i l d i n g , left t h e r e g i o n w i t h a s u r p l u s o f u s e l e s s l a b o u r skills a n d i n d u s t r i a l capital a n d a deficit in r e s o u r c e s w i t h w h i c h to c h a n g e t h e future. In r e n e w e d d e p r i v a t i o n t h e r e w a s little b u t r e t u r n i n g b e a u t y (as t h e i n d u s t r i a l l a n d s c a p e r e v e r t e d to n a t u r e ) to offset h i g h u n e m p l o y m e n t , l o w p r o v i s i o n o f social o v e r h e a d capital, l o w e d u c a t i o n a l p r o v i s i o n , e t c .

1750-1825 At t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e i n d u s t r i a l r e v o l u t i o n p e r i o d t h e n o r t h - e a s t was remote from the major areas of economic growth and population. Internal communications with other parts of the country were poor,

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it is s a i d t o h a v e t a k e n six d a y s b y c o a c h t o L o n d o n , a n d it w a s o n l y c o a s t a l s h i p p i n g , chiefly for t h e c o a l t r a d e , w h i c h m a d e t h e r e g i o n of a n y i n t e r e s t t o t h e r e s t o f t h e c o u n t r y . T h e r e g i o n ' s p o p u l a t i o n w a s small, with only Newcastle a t o w n of any significance, possessing a m e r c h a n t c o m m u n i t y w h i c h h a d developed o n the b a c k of the coal t r a d e , a n d t h e ability t o i m p o r t a n d e x p o r t t h e n e e d s a n d t h e p r o d u c e of a w i d e n e i g h b o u r h o o d . S u n d e r l a n d w a s a s m a l l - s c a l e v e r s i o n o f N e w c a s t l e , d r a w i n g t h e c o a l s u p p l i e s o f its h i n t e r l a n d a n d p r o v i d i n g s e r v i c e s a n d g o o d s for t h e s u r r o u n d i n g c o m m u n i t y . It w a s n o t , h o w ­ ever, o n the m a i n road from L o n d o n to Edinburgh, w h i c h , despite the inadequacies of road transport, w a s clearly a limitation o n Sunder­ l a n d ' s g r o w t h . O t h e r t o w n s w e r e o f e v e n l e s s s i g n i f i c a n c e , little m o r e t h a n m a r k e t v i l l a g e s c a t e r i n g for t h e i r s u r r o u n d i n g agricultural r e g i o n , d r a w i n g in agricultural p r o d u c e for t h e i r o w n u s e a n d m o r e w i d e ­ s p r e a d d i s t r i b u t i o n t o N e w c a s t l e o r e v e n L o n d o n (in t h e c a s e o f t h e c o a s t a l c o m m u n i t i e s s u c h as B e r w i c k o r A l n m o u t h ) . A g r i c u l t u r e w a s i n d e e d b y far t h e m o s t significant o c c u p a t i o n throughout the region with the exceptions of narrow corridors a few m i l e s e i t h e r s i d e o f t h e r i v e r s T y n e a n d W e a r . B y a n d l a r g e it w a s a fairly t r a d i t i o n a l a g r i c u l t u r e w h i c h k n e w little o f t h e t e c h n i q u e s brought in b y the 'agricultural revolution'. T h e r e w a s a g o o d deal of s u b s i s t e n c e f a r m i n g , w i t h little i n t e r e s t in t h e m a r k e t e c o n o m y , in t h e r e m o t e r a r e a s a w a y f r o m t h e c o a s t a n d u r b a n c o m m u n i t i e s . S h e e p g r a z i n g w a s c o m m o n in t h e u p l a n d interior, a l t h o u g h little a t t e n t i o n w a s p a i d t o i m p r o v e m e n t s in q u a l i t y o f t h e a n i m a l s e i t h e r for m e a t or w o o l . I n t h e s e r e m o t e v a l l e y s o f w e s t

Northumberland,

s u c h as R e d e s d a l e , life w a s little r e m o v e d f r o m t h e M i d d l e A g e s . T h e r e w e r e f a m i l y rivalries w h i c h r e s e m b l e d t h e c l a n strife o f t h e H i g h l a n d s , cattle a n d s h e e p s t e a l i n g w e r e c o m m o n a n d t h e illicit dis­ tilling o f spirits a w a y o f life. C l o s e t o t h e c o a s t a n d in t h e s h e l t e r e d river v a l l e y s s u c h as t h e T y n e , a g r i c u l t u r e b e c a m e m o r e profitable a n d m a r k e t o r i e n t a t e d w i t h t h e f a t t e n i n g o f s h e e p a n d cattle, w h i l e in t h e b r o a d l o w l a n d s b e t w e e n c o a s t a n d hills a n u n i m p r o v e d arable farming, concentrating o n c h e a p cereals, oats and rye, with regular fallows, w a s t h e n o r m . W h i l e a g r i c u l t u r e d o m i n a t e d l a n d u s e a n d e m p l o y m e n t , it w a s t h e coal industry w h i c h d o m i n a t e d the rest of the c o u n t r y ' s perception of t h e r e g i o n . C o a l w a s chiefly r e q u i r e d for d o m e s t i c h e a t i n g a n d the major source of d e m a n d was L o n d o n , the great centre of popula­ tion, easily supplied from the north-east b y coastal ship, together

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w i t h m a n y o t h e r m i n o r p o r t s f r o m E a s t A n g l i a to t h e s o u t h c o a s t . W h i l e Britain w a s w e l l e n d o w e d w i t h coal o n l y t h e G r e a t N o r t h e r n coalfield h a d i m m e d i a t e a c c e s s to w a t e r t r a n s p o r t a n d n o c o m p e t i t o r s o v e r a c o a s t l i n e of s e v e r a l h u n d r e d m i l e s . A s a r e s u l t it a c c o u n t e d for a r o u n d 2 5 - 3 0 p e r c e n t of B r i t i s h o u t p u t , m o s t o f it, o v e r a m i l l i o n tons per a n n u m around 1750, being shipped southwards. Because of t h e i n a d e q u a c i e s of o v e r l a n d t r a n s p o r t , this coal w a s s u p p l i e d b y collieries c l o s e to t h e T y n e a n d W e a r . T h e v e r y furthest collieries i n v o l v e d in ' s e a - s a l e ' to d i s t a n t m a r k e t s w e r e n o m o r e t h a n 10 m i l e s f r o m t h e river T y n e a n d t h e m a j o r i t y w e r e o n l y a m i l e or t w o . T h i s m e a n t t h a t i s o l a t e d pit c o m m u n i t i e s l i n e d t h e river b a n k s a n d a s h o r t d i s t a n c e n o r t h a n d s o u t h f r o m t h e m , for t h e r e w a s t h e n n o c o n t i n u o u s u r b a n r i b b o n a l o n g t h e r i v e r s . I n l a n d f r o m t h e rivers t h e e x p l o i t a t i o n of t h e coal for a f e w m i l e s h a d b e e n facilitated b y t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of w a g g o n w a y s

(an invention of the N o t t i n g h a m

coalfield s o o n

b r o u g h t to t h e n o r t h - e a s t in t h e e a r l y s e v e n t e e n t h c e n t u r y ) , w o o d e n tracks on which horses could haul coal-waggons with greater ease t h a n o n m u d r o a d s . In t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y , t h e r e f o r e , t h e colliery c o m m u n i t i e s w e r e e n a b l e d to p e n e t r a t e further i n t o t h e coalfield a n d w h a t h a d b e e n p r e v i o u s l y agricultural a r e a s , to p l a c e s like T a n h e l d o n t h e n o r t h - w e s t D u r h a m hills 10 m i l e s f r o m t h e T y n e . B e y o n d this d i s t a n c e o n t h e m a i n coalfield a n d in o u t l y i n g p l a c e s like t h e s o u t h ­ w e s t D u r h a m coalfield a n d t h e N o r t h u m b e r l a n d hills w i t h t h e i r l i m e ­ s t o n e coal m e a s u r e s , t h e m i n i n g of coal w a s o n a s m a l l s c a l e for local ' l a n d - s a l e ' o n l y , a r e s u l t o f t h e fact t h a t c a r r y i n g t h e c o a l b y h o r s e a n d cart for 10 or 12 m i l e s w o u l d m o r e t h a n d o u b l e its p i t - h e a d cost. M a j o r s o u r c e s o f e m p l o y m e n t , o t h e r t h a n in a g r i c u l t u r e a n d c o a l m i n i n g , w e r e l a r g e l y l i n k e d to t h e m o v e m e n t o f c o a l . M a n y h u n d r e d s w e r e e m p l o y e d in t h e w a g g o n h a u l a g e f r o m t h e collieries to t h e rivers a n d m a n y m o r e , t h e k e e l m e n , in t h e m o v e m e n t o f t h e c o a l b y k e e l or b a r g e d o w n river t o t h e a n c h o r a g e p o i n t s w h e r e it c o u l d b e l o a d e d o n to t h e w a i t i n g colliers for t r a n s p o r t s o u t h . T h e r e g r e w u p as a r e s u l t s m a l l tight c o m m u n i t i e s o f k e e l m e n a n d e v e n l a r g e r o n e s of s e a m e n , as at S o u t h S h i e l d s , w i t h all t h e p r o b l e m s a t t a c h e d t o h a v i n g t h e m e n e m p l o y e d in a h i g h l y d a n g e r o u s o c c u p a t i o n w h i c h k e p t t h e m a w a y f r o m h o m e for w e e k s at a t i m e . T h e size o f t h e c o m m u n i t y of s e a m e n in t h e m i d - e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y c a n n o t b e g i v e n a c c u r a t e l y but m a y be estimated from the k n o w l e d g e that m o r e than a million t o n s o f c o a l w e r e s h i p p e d a n n u a l l y f r o m t h e T y n e a n d W e a r in colliers

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w h o s e b u r t h e n p e r h a p s a v e r a g e d 2 0 0 t o n s a n d w h i c h t o o k five m e n a m o n t h to c o m p l e t e t h e r o u n d trip to L o n d o n . T h e r e w a s also a g o o d deal of e m p l o y m e n t p r o v i d e d a l o n g t h e rivers in s e r v i c i n g t h e c o a l t r a d e . Colliers h a d to b e built, w o o d p u r c h a s e d , i r o n fittings, r o p e s a n d sails m a d e , w h i l e t h e s h i p s h a d t o b e provi­ s i o n e d for t h e i r v o y a g e s . T h e rivers w e r e a l r e a d y t h e h u b of t h e r e g i o n ' s life a n d activity , w h e r e r a w m a t e r i a l s for m a n u f a c t u r e w e r e m o s t c h e a p l y o b t a i n e d a n d w h e r e e m p l o y m e n t a n d d e m a n d for m a n u ­ f a c t u r e s w e r e h i g h . B u t to s a y t h a t is o n l y to m a k e a s t a t e m e n t relative to t h e rest o f t h e agricultural r e g i o n , for c o n t e m p o r a r y illustrations s h o w t h e large p a r t o f t h e b a n k s o f t h e T y n e a n d W e a r to b e as n a t u r e left t h e m w i t h n o i n d u s t r i a l i n t r u s i o n . A p a r t f r o m t h e i r e m p l o y m e n t activities in s e r v i c i n g t h e c o a l t r a d e t h e river b a n k s also offered e m p l o y m e n t b a s e d o n u s i n g c o a l - activities w h i c h w o u l d n o t h a v e e x i s t e d locally b u t for t h e availability of c h e a p c o a l . S a l t , a l t h o u g h its local o u t p u t w a s a l r e a d y in d e c l i n e b y 1 7 5 0 , w a s m a n u f a c t u r e d at t h e river m o u t h s b y t h e e v a p o r a t i o n o f s e a w a t e r in l a r g e p a n s u s i n g p o o r - q u a l i t y a n d s m a l l c o a l s a n d T y n e s i d e , to a g r e a t e r e x t e n t t h a n W e a r s i d e , w a s b e g i n n i n g to d e v e l o p as a c e n t r e for g l a s s m a n u ­ facture, a g a i n b a s e d o n local c o a l a n d c h e a p silica b r o u g h t as ballast in r e t u r n i n g colliers. T h e s e apart, t h e r e g i o n h a d little to offer to t h e n a t i o n a l e c o n o m y a n d its e x i s t e n c e w a s l a r g e l y i n s u l a r . M o s t e m p l o y ­ m e n t w a s in craft skills a n d l a b o u r i n g c a p a c i t y w h i c h m e t local d e m a n d for h o u s i n g , f o o d , c l o t h i n g , h o u s e h o l d g o o d s for t h e c o m f o r t a b l y off a n d d r i n k for t h e m a j o r i t y . T o g e t h e r w i t h a n d p a r t l y a r e s u l t o f g e o g r a ­ p h i c a l i s o l a t i o n t h i s h e l p e d to b r e e d a n e n c l o s e d c o m m u n i t y r e l u c t a n t to m o v e a w a y f r o m t h e r e g i o n a n d

initially r e l u c t a n t to a c c e p t

i n c o m e r s , i n s t a n c e d b y t h e r u l e s o f a n u m b e r o f T y n e s i d e crafts in the early eighteenth century that n o n e of their m e m b e r s should b e a l l o w e d t o t a k e a S c o t s m a n as a n a p p r e n t i c e . T h i s p i c t u r e o f t h e r e g i o n a l e c o n o m y in t h e m i d d l e o f t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y is n o t o n e w h i c h s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e n o r t h - e a s t w o u l d p l a y a m a j o r p a r t in t h e i n d u s t r i a l r e v o l u t i o n , t h e g a t h e r i n g z e p h y r w h i c h w a s , in t i m e , to s w e e p t h e c o u n t r y . N o t , t h a t is, u n l e s s o n e b e l i e v e s t h a t i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n w a s c a r r i e d o n t h e b a c k o f coal, s t e a m p o w e r a n d t e c h n o l o g y . B u t , w h i l e t h e r e c a n b e n o d o u b t t h a t t h e s e factors e n a b l e d t h e e v e n t u a l c o n t i n u a t i o n o f i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n in t h e n i n e ­ t e e n t h c e n t u r y , t h e failure o f t h e n o r t h - e a s t to rise a b o v e t h e rest of t h e e c o n o m y in t h e late e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y s u r e l y d e n i e s t h e i r t o o e a r l y s u p r e m a c y . A p a r t f r o m its r e m o t e n e s s f r o m t h e m a j o r a r e a s

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of the country's population, and even that was partly offset by the facility of cheap coastal transport, the north-east was, in retrospect, as well placed in the mid-eighteenth century as any other area to lead industrialisation. It had trade (a long-established merchanting tradition), resources (especially coal but also some iron, lead, lime­ stone, wool, timber, etc.), existing industrial experience, but it failed to generate growth, perhaps because of the small size of the local market. The north-east was ultimately to benefit from the long-run changes brought by industrialisation, from wood to coal as fuel and wood to iron as constructional material, but these changes were to come only slowly in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, were to be at high tide in the late nineteenth century and were to ebb rapidly from 1920. Perhaps the first and most significant piece of evidence for the slow growth of the north-east economy in the eighteenth century is that its population was growing more slowly than the national average. The regions which we link with industrialisation, however, Lanca­ shire, the West Riding of Yorkshire and the Midland counties, had faster rates of growth than the national average. They attracted migrant labour and had higher rates of fertility, factors closely asso­ ciated with the freedom from old restrictions brought by industrialis­ ation. By contrast the picture for Northumberland and Durham is one of very slow growth and, unless Deane and Cole's detailed figures are wildly inaccurate, slower even than those of most southern agri­ cultural counties which had no industrial stimulus. In both counties the average annual rate of growth of population by natural increase is given as identical for the period 1781-1800 as for the period 1701-50, with in each case a rather faster (but still slow relative to the national position) growth in the decades between those periods. This would suggest that there was some initial stimulus to population growth in the early stages of industrialisation after 1750 (when population began to rise rapidly in the country as a whole) but that it was not followed through in the north-east. Little or no work has been done on the region's population in the late eighteenth century, which makes it impossible to offer any reasons for the slow growth, but there seems no reason to doubt the accuracy of the figures in relation to those 1

1

P . Deane and W. A. Cole, British Economic Growth 1688-1959, 2nd edn (Cambridge, 1967), pp. 103 and 115. Their estimates give populations respectively for Durham and Northumberland; 1701 112,724 and 118,380; 1751 130,091 and 139,011; 1801 165,479 and 162,115.

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for t h e r e s t o f t h e c o u n t r y . E q u a l l y it is difficult t o d o u b t t h e s t a t e m e n t that a region which s a w rates of natural increase of population m u c h t h e s a m e as a c o u n t y s u c h as W i l t s h i r e for m o s t o f t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y a n d s l o w e r for t h e crucial last t w o d e c a d e s , w a s little i n v o l v e d in industrialisation. Indeed, while D e a n e and Cole place Northumber­ l a n d a n d D u r h a m in t h e i r c a t e g o r y ' i n d u s t r i a l a n d c o m m e r c i a l ' c o u n ­ ties, t h i s a t t r i b u t i o n c a n o n l y b e b a s e d o n t h e i r s u b s e q u e n t e x p e r i e n c e a n d for t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y t h e y w o u l d m o r e a p p r o p r i a t e l y h a v e b e e n p l a c e d i n t h e ' m i x e d ' if t h e ' a g r i c u l t u r a l ' c a t e g o r y w e r e felt inappropriate. W i t h o u t a c o n s i d e r a b l e i n c r e a s e in its p o p u l a t i o n t h e o n l y w a y i n w h i c h t h e r e g i o n c o u l d h a v e m a d e a significant c o n t r i b u t i o n t o i n d u s ­ trialisation w a s b y i n c r e a s i n g t h e p e r c a p i t a o u t p u t o f its e x i s t i n g p o p u ­ l a t i o n . I n e v i t a b l y it is n o t p o s s i b l e t o p r o d u c e r e g i o n a l o u t p u t figures b u t all t h e e v i d e n c e s u g g e s t s t h a t s u c h a rise i n p r o d u c t i v i t y d i d n o t occur. T h e r e w e r e n o n e w industries developed in the region, such as c o t t o n t e x t i l e s i n w h i c h t e c h n o l o g i c a l c h a n g e offered t h e o p p o r ­ t u n i t y for m a s s i v e i n c r e a s e i n p e r c a p i t a o u t p u t f r o m t h e l a b o u r f o r c e . M o r e o v e r , t h e e x i s t i n g i n d u s t r i a l activities i n t h e n o r t h - e a s t w e r e n o t o n e s i n w h i c h m a r k e d t e c h n o l o g i c a l c h a n g e o c c u r r e d . It is a c o m m o n ­ place that the coal industry g r e w b y m o r e extensive m e t h o d s until the early twentieth century and, although this observation m a y b e d u e t o g r e a t e r c o n c e n t r a t i o n o n t h e m e t h o d o f p r o d u c t i o n at t h e c o a l ­ face t h a n is strictly j u s t i f i e d , it is u n l i k e l y t o b e far f r o m t h e m a r k . T h e G r e a t N o r t h e r n coalfield w a s a l r e a d y o r g a n i s e d o n a n a d v a n c e d c o m m e r c i a l a n d t e c h n o l o g i c a l b a s i s b y 1 7 5 0 . T h e u s e o f m o r e efficient steam engines a n d d e v e l o p m e n t s in w a g g o n w a y technology there­ after are u n l i k e l y t o h a v e m a d e d r a m a t i c i n c r e a s e s in o u t p u t p e r h e a d of t h e total c o l l i e r y l a b o u r f o r c e . If t h a t is t r u e o f t h e r e g i o n ' s m o s t significant i n d u s t r y , t h e n it is difficult t o s e e t h a t t h e r e c o u l d h a v e b e e n sufficient c h a n g e s in t e c h n o l o g y e l s e w h e r e i n t h e r e g i o n ' s activi­ ties t o h a v e affected total o u t p u t . M o r e o v e r , w h a t e v e r h a p p e n e d t o t h e total w o r k effort o f t h e l a b o u r f o r c e in t h e p e r i o d o f i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n ( a n d it is b y n o m e a n s c e r t a i n t h a t total h o u r s a n d / o r i n t e n s i t y o f w o r k i n c r e a s e d a s a w h o l e ) t h e r e is n o r e a s o n t o b e l i e v e t h a t t h e r e w a s a n i n c r e a s e w h i c h specifically affected t h e n o r t h - e a s t . If w e l o o k at t h e p a t t e r n o f i n d u s t r i a l g r o w t h i n t h e r e g i o n o v e r t h e t h r e e - q u a r t e r s o f a c e n t u r y after 1 7 5 0 it will c l e a r l y r e i n f o r c e t h e p i c t u r e o f g r o w t h , b u t g r o w t h in r e s p o n s e t o w h a t is h a p p e n i n g e l s e ­ w h e r e in the country rather than a n y innovative d e v e l o p m e n t which

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w o u l d lift t h e r a t e o f g r o w t h o f t h e e c o n o m y as a w h o l e . T h e m o s t o b v i o u s a r e a in w h i c h t h e r e s t o f t h e c o u n t r y r e q u i r e d t h e n o r t h - e a s t w a s for its ability to s u p p l y c o a l . F o r m o s t o f t h i s p e r i o d t h e m a j o r d e m a n d w a s for d o m e s t i c c o n s u m p t i o n for h e a t i n g p u r p o s e s a n d t h i s w a s the prime factor b e h i n d L o n d o n d e m a n d w h i c h d o m i n a t e d north­ e a s t e r n s h i p m e n t s . L o n d o n ' s p o p u l a t i o n g r e w r a p i d l y a n d its i n h a b i ­ t a n t s w e r e i n c r e a s i n g l y m a k i n g u s e o f c o a l fires b u t t h e r e w a s also a r i s i n g d e m a n d for m e t a l l u r g i c a l m a n u f a c t u r e a n d for s t e a m r a i s i n g . It is e a s y t o f o r g e t t h a t L o n d o n w a s t h e c o u n t r y ' s m a j o r i n d u s t r i a l c e n t r e at t h i s t i m e w i t h n u m e r o u s n o n - f e r r o u s m e t a l w o r k s , f o u n d r i e s a n d i n d u s t r i e s s u c h as b r e w i n g w h i c h w e r e i n c r e a s i n g l y u s i n g s t e a m p o w e r . A s a result, coal s h i p m e n t s from the north-east rose from a b o u t 1.2 m i l l i o n t o n s in 1 7 5 0 to 2 . 2 5 m i l l i o n t o n s in 1 8 0 0 a n d 4 . 2 5 million tons b y 1830. This w a s a rate of growth w h i c h considerably exceeded that of the national growth of population and

therefore

reflected b o t h m o r e intensive a n d extensive u s e of coal. G i v e n the l i m i t a t i o n s o n t e c h n o l o g i c a l c h a n g e in t h e i n d u s t r y it m e a n t a n e x t e n ­ s i o n o f d e m a n d for c o a l - m i n i n g l a b o u r a n d a w i d e n i n g o f t h e g e o ­ g r a p h i c a l a r e a o f t h e e x p l o i t e d coalfield ( a l t h o u g h m o r e effective s t e a m p u m p s did m e a n t h a t a n u m b e r o f f l o o d e d T y n e s i d e collieries c o u l d be de-watered, reopened and deeper seams exploited). Employment statistics for t h i s p e r i o d are m e r e s p e c u l a t i o n s b u t a figure o f 1 3 , 5 0 0 for c o a l - m i n i n g e m p l o y m e n t in N o r t h u m b e r l a n d a n d D u r h a m i n 1 8 0 0 h a s b e e n s u g g e s t e d , w h i c h (if l a t e r n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y l e v e l s o f a b o u t 4 0 p e r c e n t o f t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n i n t h e l a b o u r force h e l d for t h i s earlier d a t e ) w o u l d i m p l y t h a t a b o u t 1 0 p e r c e n t of t h e e c o n o m i c a l l y a c t i v e p o p u l a t i o n w a s e m p l o y e d in c o a l m i n i n g . B y 1 8 5 1 t h e c e n s u s n o t e d s o m e 4 1 , 0 0 0 w h o s e o c c u p a t i o n s w e r e r e t u r n e d as i n c o a l m i n i n g , a b o u t 14 p e r c e n t o f t h e total e m p l o y e d p o p u l a t i o n , a l t h o u g h t h e s e figures c o n s i d e r a b l y u n d e r e s t i m a t e t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f coal m i n i n g s i n c e t h e c e n s u s l i s t e d m a n y l a b o u r e r s , s o m e o f w h o m will h a v e b e e n i n v o l v e d 2

in c o l l i e r y w o r k . A l r e a d y b y t h e e a r l y p a r t o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y it is c l e a r t h a t t h e r e g i o n w a s m o v i n g t o w a r d s a p o s i t i o n in w h i c h a f e w i n d u s t r i e s w o u l d h a v e a r e m a r k a b l e d o m i n a n c e in its i n d u s t r i a l s t r u c t u r e . T h e g r o w t h o f c o a l m i n i n g w a s a l s o e x t e n d i n g t h e differen­ tiation o f t h e l a b o u r f o r c e . E a r l y c o a l w o r k i n g s h a d h a d to b e n e a r

2

D . J . Rowe, 'Occupations in Northumberland and Durham 1851-1911', Northern His­ tory, 8 (1973), pp. 119-31. The census used an occupational and not an industrial classification - apart from some labourers the figures also exclude some colliery workers employed in the transport of coal.

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t h e river b a n k s or i n l a n d c e n t r e s o f p o p u l a t i o n in o r d e r to b e v i a b l e . A s a r e s u l t t h e p i t m e n w e r e p a r t o f or c l o s e l y l i n k e d t o t h e u r b a n c o m m u n i t i e s . I n c r e a s i n g l y as o u t p u t e x p a n d e d t h e p i t m e n b e g a n to live in m o r e i s o l a t e d c o m m u n i t i e s a n d a n e w i m a g e of t h e m b e g a n to b u i l d u p , a s o m e w h a t f r i g h t e n i n g o n e to m a n y city d w e l l e r s . O t h e r t h a n t h e rise o f c o a l m i n i n g in r e s p o n s e to d e m a n d in o t h e r p a r t s o f t h e c o u n t r y t h e r e g i o n s a w little n o t a b l e c h a n g e in t h e p e r i o d t o 1 8 2 5 . T h e salt i n d u s t r y w i t h e r e d a n d d i e d b y 1 8 0 0 as c o m p e t i t i o n f r o m C h e s h i r e r o c k salt d e v e l o p e d . T h e steel i n d u s t r y , in w h i c h T y n e ­ side d o m i n a t e d a v e r y s m a l l total B r i t i s h o u t p u t in 1 7 5 0 , s t a g n a t e d w h i l e o u t p u t in Sheffield r e s p o n d e d to t h e g r o w t h in n a t i o n a l d e m a n d a n d e c l i p s e d T y n e s i d e p r o d u c t i o n . O f t h e s e t w o e x a m p l e s o f failure t h e first m i g h t b e a t t r i b u t e d t o fortuitous g e o g r a p h i c a l f e a t u r e s a n d b e the disappearance of an unimportant pre-industrial sector. L o n g t e r m , h o w e v e r , l a c k o f local salt w a s to b e a significant factor in t h e d e c l i n e o f t h e c h e m i c a l i n d u s t r y o n T y n e s i d e a n d W e a r s i d e a n d its b e i n g o v e r t a k e n b y T e e s s i d e a n d M e r s e y s i d e . T h e relative d e c l i n e in t h e T y n e s i d e s t e e l i n d u s t r y is m o r e significant. A l t h o u g h as y e t o n t h e fringes o f t h e m a j o r m e t a l l u r g i c a l d e m a n d s o f t h e p e r i o d , s t e e l w a s c l e a r l y w i t h i n t h e a r e a o f o u t p u t in w h i c h t h e i n d u s t r i a l r e v o l u t i o n w a s p r o c e e d i n g . T h a t T y n e s i d e w i t h a n initial a d v a n t a g e c o u l d n o t s u s t a i n it, p o i n t s to s o m e failure in t h e local e c o n o m y t o r e s p o n d to industrial growth (especially since T y n e s i d e w a s m u c h better placed t h a n Sheffield to r e c e i v e t h e i m p o r t s o f b a r i r o n f r o m S w e d e n w h i c h w e r e u s e d in s t e e l m a n u f a c t u r e ) . It h a s to b e a failure o f e n t r e p r e n e u r s h i p o n T y n e s i d e a n d s u c c e s s f u l r e c o g n i t i o n o f future m a r k e t e x p a n ­ s i o n b y Sheffield e n t r e p r e n e u r s w h i c h w a s r e s p o n s i b l e for s u c h a change. A l o n g s i d e t h e s e failures, t h e a r e a s in w h i c h t h e n o r t h - e a s t m a d e a n a t i o n a l i m p a c t b y 1 8 2 5 are l i m i t e d a n d h a r d l y o f d r a m a t i c signifi­ c a n c e for e c o n o m i c g r o w t h . T h e m o s t o b v i o u s is t h e g l a s s i n d u s t r y , in w h i c h t h e r e g i o n did capitalise o n its earlier i n v o l v e m e n t . B y 1 8 2 5 Tyneside and Wearside together were probably the largest single pro­ d u c e r o f g l a s s in total ( b r o a d , c r o w n , flint a n d b o t t l e ) in t h e c o u n t r y . G l a s s c o n s u m p t i o n n a t i o n a l l y w a s , h o w e v e r , insufficiently large for t h e local i n d u s t r y to h a v e significant i m p a c t o n e m p l o y m e n t . T h e remaining areas of regional e m p l o y m e n t continued to b e those w h i c h s e r v i c e d t h e c o a l i n d u s t r y ( a n d its g r o w t h m e a n t t h e i r e x p a n s i o n in a r e a s s u c h as r o p e m a k i n g ) a n d t h o s e w h i c h p r o v i d e d for t h e n e e d s of t h e l o c a l p o p u l a t i o n . I n 1 8 2 5 , o t h e r t h a n its s h i p m e n t o f coal, t h e

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r e g i o n r e m a i n e d l a r g e l y a n i n s u l a r e c o n o m y , little affected b y i n d u s ­ trial c h a n g e a n d little affecting t h a t c h a n g e .

1825-1920 E v e n b e f o r e t h e s e c o n d q u a r t e r o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y t h e r e is s o m e evidence that the north-east w a s b e g i n n i n g to catch u p with the growth rates of m o r e a d v a n c e d areas in the country. In terms of p o p u l a t i o n , for i n s t a n c e , t h e r a t e o f g r o w t h for N o r t h u m b e r l a n d a n d D u r h a m w a s o n l y s l i g h t l y b e l o w t h e n a t i o n a l a v e r a g e for t h e p e r i o d 1 8 0 1 - 3 0 a n d t h a t for D u r h a m a l o n e w a s s l i g h t l y h i g h e r , reflect­ ing the greater impact of coal m i n i n g there t h a n in N o r t h u m b e r l a n d . N e v e r t h e l e s s , it is c l e a r t h a t it is o n l y f r o m a b o u t 1 8 2 5 t h a t t h e r e g i o n b e g a n t o m a k e a d i s t i n c t i v e c o n t r i b u t i o n . A f t e r 1 8 2 1 its r a t e o f g r o w t h of p o p u l a t i o n w a s i n e x c e s s o f t h a t o f t h e n a t i o n a l a v e r a g e i n e v e r y decade u p to the e n d of the c e n t u r y .

3

County Durham grew most

rapidly, i n s o m e d e c a d e s its r a t e o f g r o w t h b e i n g at l e a s t t w i c e t h e n a t i o n a l a v e r a g e , f r o m 1 5 0 , 0 0 0 i n 1 8 0 1 t o a l m o s t 1.2 m i l l i o n i n 1 9 0 1 w h i l e N o r t h u m b e r l a n d ' s p o p u l a t i o n g r e w at a b o u t t h e n a t i o n a l a v e r ­ a g e ( e x c e p t for t h e last t w o d e c a d e s o f t h e c e n t u r y w h e n it g r e w v e r y r a p i d l y w i t h t h e o p e n i n g o f t h e A s h i n g t o n a r e a o f t h e coalfield), f r o m 170,000 to 600,000. Increasingly the geographical distribution of popu­ lation w a s along the margins of the rivers. T h e north T y n e s i d e belt a c c o u n t e d for 3 6 p e r c e n t o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n o f N o r t h u m b e r l a n d

in

1801 a n d 6 1 per cent in 1 9 0 1 . This w a s t h e m o s t m a r k e d e x a m p l e i n t h e r e g i o n s i n c e t h e r e s t o f N o r t h u m b e r l a n d s a w little i n d u s t r i a l growth and, therefore, increase in e m p l o y m e n t opportunities, while p o p u l a t i o n i n m a n y rural a r e a s b e g a n t o d e c l i n e f r o m t h e m i d - n i n e ­ teenth century. T o a lesser extent, however, the example of north Tyneside was repeated on south Tyneside and, of course, Teesside, e a c h a r e a i n c r e a s i n g its p r o p o r t i o n o f t h e t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n o f C o u n t y D u r h a m at t h e e x p e n s e o f t h e r u r a l h i n t e r l a n d . T h e n o r t h - e a s t b e c a m e , therefore, very heavily d e p e n d e n t o n urban dwelling, the distinction b e t w e e n industrial a n d rural areas b e c o m i n g very m a r k e d , especially in N o r t h u m b e r l a n d . P o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h w a s chiefly a r e s u l t o f a r i s i n g r a t e o f n a t u r a l i n c r e a s e (a r e s u l t a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y o f b o t h r i s i n g b i r t h r a t e s a n d falling death rates) as c o m p a r e d with the late eighteenth-century position, 3

D . J . Rowe, 'Population of Nineteenth Century Tyneside', in N. McCord, ed., Essays in Tyneside Labour History (Newcastle upon Tyne, 1977), p. 21.

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b u t g r o w t h w a s also facilitated b y i n w a r d m i g r a t i o n at c e r t a i n t i m e s . M i g r a t i o n n e v e r a c c o u n t e d for m o r e t h a n o n e t h i r d o f t h e r e g i o n ' s p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h in a n y i n t e r - c e n s a l p e r i o d , a l t h o u g h it a l m o s t r e a c h e d t h a t l e v e l b e t w e e n 1 8 6 1 a n d 1 8 7 1 a n d w a s n o t far s h o r t in t h e p r e v i o u s d e c a d e . I n t h e s e d e c a d e s e m p l o y m e n t o p p o r t u n i t i e s in n o r t h - e a s t i n d u s t r y really t o o k off a n d c o u l d n o t b e filled b y t h e r i s e of t h e i n d i g e n o u s p o p u l a t i o n . F o r m a n y p a r t s o f t h e r e g i o n , o f c o u r s e , m i g r a t i o n w a s m u c h m o r e i m p o r t a n t in p a r t i c u l a r p e r i o d s - t h e n e w t o w n s s u c h as M i d d l e s b r o u g h a n d W e s t H a r t l e p o o l a n d t h e colliery villages - a n d p o l y g l o t (at l e a s t in t e r m s o f a c c e n t ) c o m m u n i t i e s d e v e ­ loped. Inevitably these communities attracted y o u n g m e n because o f t h e i r e m p l o y m e n t o p p o r t u n i t i e s a n d r e s e m b l e d frontier c o m m u n i ­ t i e s . T h e y h a d h i g h p r o p o r t i o n s o f m e n t o w o m e n ; in 1 8 7 1 D u r h a m h a d 9 4 1 f e m a l e s p e r 1,000 m a l e s ( t h e l o w e s t o f a n y c o u n t y ) a g a i n s t a n a v e r a g e for E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s o f 1,052. A s a r e s u l t t h e m a r r i a g e rate w a s h i g h a n d t h e r e w a s a v e r y l o w p r o p o r t i o n o f w o m e n o f m a r ­ riageable age unmarried. A c o n s e q u e n c e of the low average age of t h e p o p u l a t i o n in t h e t h i r d q u a r t e r o f t h e c e n t u r y w a s v e r y h i g h b i r t h r a t e s w h i c h r e m a i n e d h i g h w h e n t h e n a t i o n a l rate w a s falling a n d m a i n t a i n e d p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h at a h i g h level u p to t h e t u r n o f t h e century. I n d i s s o l u b l y l i n k e d w i t h p o p u l a t i o n c h a n g e w a s r a p i d g r o w t h in t h e r e g i o n ' s i n d u s t r i a l e c o n o m y . C o a l o u t p u t s o a r e d to s o m e 5 6 m i l l i o n t o n s b y 1 9 1 3 o n t h e b a c k o f a n e c o n o m y w h i c h w a s at last d e p e n d e n t o n t h e fruits o f e i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n - s t e a m p o w e r a n d i r o n t e c h n o l o g y - a n d a l s o w i t h a large i n c r e a s e in e x p o r t s o f coal. A s a result of the extension of the w a g g o n w a y network, with the development of railways (using stationary and then locomotive s t e a m e n g i n e s ) , t h e w h o l e o f t h e coalfield w a s g r a d u a l l y o p e n e d u p . T h e a r e a s w h i c h b e n e f i t e d w e r e s o u t h - w e s t D u r h a m , s e n d i n g its coal t o t h e T e e s f r o m 1 8 2 5 a n d later f r o m W e s t H a r t l e p o o l ; e a s t D u r h a m , g r a d u a l l y e x p a n d i n g f r o m 1 8 2 2 , w h e n H e t t o n colliery w a s o p e n e d , a n d c u l m i n a t i n g in t h e s i n k i n g o f t h e c o a s t a l collieries in t h e late n i n e ­ teenth century; and south-east Northumberland, with the opening of m a n y o f t h e collieries in t h e A s h i n g t o n - B e d l i n g t o n a r e a after 1 8 5 0 . T h e r e s u l t w a s t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f a n u m b e r o f colliery t o w n s , s u c h as A s h i n g t o n , a n d m a n y m o r e v i l l a g e s w i t h p o p u l a t i o n s o f p e r h a p s 5,000, w h i c h w e r e largely or completely d o m i n a t e d b y coal mining. W h i l e t h e r e w e r e d e v e l o p m e n t s in o t h e r p a r t s o f t h e c o u n t r y , t h e r e c a n b e little d o u b t t h a t t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f r a i l w a y s o w e d a g r e a t d e a l

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J.

R O W E

to e x p e r i m e n t a t i o n i n t h e n o r t h - e a s t , b y a n u m b e r o f c o l l i e r y ' e n g i n ­ e e r s ' o f w h o m G e o r g e S t e p h e n s o n is t h e b e s t k n o w n . Initially t h e y applied stationary s t e a m p o w e r to w i n d i n g sets of w a g g o n s b y rope u p i n c l i n e s , e n a b l i n g w a g g o n w a y s t o t a k e m o r e direct r o u t e s t o t h e rivers, w h i c h h o r s e h a u l a g e c o u l d n o t m a n a g e . T r a n s p o r t o f c o a l w a s speeded up and cost reduced. T h e n followed the introduction of loco­ motive haulage a n d from the early 1820s several composite railways w e r e built, u s i n g h o r s e s , s t a t i o n a r y a n d l o c o m o t i v e e n g i n e s , f r o m t h e collieries direct t o t h e p o r t s r a t h e r t h a n t o t h e r i v e r b a n k s like t h e o l d w a g g o n w a y s . A m i n o r p o i n t , p e r h a p s , b u t it r e f l e c t e d t h e c h a n g e s w h i c h w e r e overtaking the r e g i o n ' s established activities. R a i l w a y s w e r e t o p r o v i d e a n e w g r o w t h p o i n t for t h e r e g i o n . F o r a t i m e in t h e 1 8 2 0 s R o b e r t S t e p h e n s o n & C o . o f N e w c a s t l e w a s t h e o n l y m a n u f a c t u r e r o f l o c o m o t i v e e n g i n e s i n t h e c o u n t r y . Its e x a m p l e w a s s o o n f o l l o w e d b y R . & W . H a w t h o r n in N e w c a s t l e , w h i l e t h e B e d l i n g t o n I r o n W o r k s built u p t o a c l a i m e d e m p l o y m e n t p e a k o f 2 , 0 0 0 , l a r g e l y o n t h e b a s e o f s u p p l y i n g w r o u g h t - i r o n rails a n d o t h e r fittings for r a i l w a y s as w e l l as s o m e l o c o m o t i v e s . I n t h e s o u t h o f t h e region the railway expansion o n T e e s s i d e led not only to the setting u p of w o r k s b y t h e r a i l w a y c o m p a n i e s , as at S h i l d o n , b u t a l s o t o demand

for i r o n s u p p l i e s

met by the

development

o f firms

in

Darlington, Stockton and other towns. A s i r o n b e c a m e m o r e i m p o r t a n t , for a m y r i a d o f u s e s b e y o n d t h e r a i l w a y s , it w a s i n e v i t a b l e t h a t a r e g i o n s o w e l l e n d o w e d in c o a l w o u l d d e v e l o p in i r o n m a n u f a c t u r e , h o w e v e r l i m i t e d t h e local availability of i r o n o r e . B o t h c o u n t i e s h a d s e e n earlier a t t e m p t s t o d e v e l o p t h e industry and a n u m b e r of n e w , isolated works was established around t h e 1 8 3 0 s at p l a c e s like R i d s d a l e i n N o r t h u m b e r l a n d a n d B i r t l e y in D u r h a m . All w e r e b a s e d o n r e l a t i v e l y i n s i g n i f i c a n t l o c a l s o u r c e s o f iron ore and, despite the d e v e l o p m e n t of the D e r w e n t Iron W o r k s at C o n s e t t d u r i n g t h e 1 8 4 0 s t o b e c o m e o n e o f t h e l a r g e s t i n t h e c o u n t r y , t h e r e g i o n w a s a n i n s i g n i f i c a n t p r o d u c e r . T h e c h a n g e c a m e in t h e 1850s w i t h t h e e x p l o i t a t i o n o f t h e h u g e d e p o s i t s o f i r o n o r e in t h e Cleveland Hills. F r o m an output of less t h a n 150,000 tons of pig iron in 1 8 5 0 ( a r o u n d 5 p e r c e n t o f B r i t i s h o u t p u t ) , t h e r e g i o n w a s p r o d u c i n g 2 million t o n s , a l m o s t o n e t h i r d o f n a t i o n a l o u t p u t b y t h e e a r l y 1 8 7 0 s . This development, not the impact of railway-borne coal in the 1830s, really c a u s e d t h e d r a m a t i c

growth

of Middlesbrough,

'the

iron­

masters' t o w n ' , from a population of 7,000 in 1851 to 70,000 in 1891. O n the base of local supplies of iron the shipbuilding industry w a s

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t o e x p a n d . T h e T y n e a n d W e a r h a d for l o n g b e e n significant p r o d u c e r s o f w o o d e n v e s s e l s , e s p e c i a l l y colliers, a n d i n t h e 1 8 3 0 s it w a s c l a i m e d that the W e a r produced a bigger output than any other shipbuilding port. T h e vessels were, h o w e v e r , small a n d traditional a n d the change in s i g n i f i c a n c e r e a l l y c a m e w i t h t h e s w i t c h t o i r o n s h i p b u i l d i n g , gain­ i n g g r o u n d in t h e 1 8 5 0 s o n t h e T y n e a n d b e c o m i n g p r e - e m i n e n t in the region from the mid-1860s. T o Charles M a r k P a l m e r ' s iron-hulled, s t e a m - p o w e r e d , w a t e r - b a l l a s t colliers f r o m 1 8 5 2 m a y g o t h e p a l m for the most obvious e m b l e m of the change, but there were precursors and others w h o played a major role, including migrant shipbuilders s u c h as A n d r e w L e s l i e f r o m A b e r d e e n . M a n y firms d e v e l o p e d o n each of the three rivers, producing a wide range of vessels from war­ s h i p s t o oil t a n k e r s w i t h t h e r e s u l t t h a t w h i l e n o r t h - e a s t e r n

yards

p r o d u c e d l e s s t h a n 2 0 p e r c e n t o f B r i t i s h o u t p u t i n t h e late 1 8 5 0 s t h e y p r o d u c e d m o r e t h a n 5 0 p e r c e n t in t h e 1 8 9 0 s . A l o n g w i t h s h i p b u i l d i n g w e n t t h e rise o f g e n e r a l e n g i n e e r i n g as the use of iron b e c a m e more widespread. E v e n before 1800 there was s o m e r e g i o n a l b a s e in t h e i n d u s t r y , l i n k e d e s p e c i a l l y t o colliery r e q u i r e ­ m e n t s . F i r m s s u c h as H a w k s & C o . o f G a t e s h e a d p r o d u c e d a w i d e r a n g e o f i r o n g o o d s f r o m nails t o a n c h o r s b u t it w a s i n t h e m i d d l e of t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y t h a t t h e s c o p e c a m e for n o t a b l e e x p a n s i o n in t h e size a n d n u m b e r s o f firms. F o r g e n e r a l c o n s t r u c t i o n a l w o r k , b r i d g e - b u i l d i n g , m a c h i n e p a r t s , w a g g o n s a n d o t h e r c o l l i e r y a n d rail­ w a y e q u i p m e n t , a r m a m e n t s a n d s o o n , t h e d e m a n d for iron, a n d f r o m t h e 1 8 7 0 s s t e e l , p r o d u c t s w a s a l m o s t l i m i t l e s s . L a r g e firms b e c a m e c o m m o n s u c h as A b b o t s o f G a t e s h e a d a n d H e a d , W r i g h t s o n & C o . o f T h o r n a b y , w h i l e t h e T y n e b o a s t e d g i a n t i n t e g r a t e d iron a n d s t e e l , s h i p b u i l d i n g a n d e n g i n e e r i n g firms s u c h as P a l m e r s a n d A r m s t r o n g s , t h e latter w i t h a n e m p l o y m e n t at E l s w i c k a l o n e e x c e e d i n g 1 0 , 0 0 0 in t h e y e a r s b e f o r e 1 9 1 4 . It is t h e n really i n t h e s e c o n d h a l f o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y that t h e n o r t h - e a s t p l a y e d a m a j o r r o l e in t h e n a t i o n ' s g r o w t h . N o r w a s it l i m i t e d t o c o a l , i r o n a n d s t e e l , s h i p b u i l d i n g a n d e n g i n e e r i n g , s i n c e there w a s a major contribution from the chemical industries, especially t h e p r o d u c t i o n o f alkalis i n w h i c h t h e T y n e a c c o u n t e d for u p to 5 0 p e r c e n t o f B r i t i s h o u t p u t in t h e y e a r s a r o u n d m i d - c e n t u r y . E v e n w i t h i n t h e p e r i o d t o 1 9 2 0 , h o w e v e r , t h e r e w e r e s u g g e s t i o n s o f fragility in t h e r e g i o n ' s i n d u s t r i a l b a s e a n d p r o s p e r i t y . T h e B e d l i n g t o n I r o n W o r k s d e c l i n e d f r o m t h e 1 8 5 0 s a n d c l o s e d in 1 8 6 7 , at G a t e s h e a d Abbots closed in 1909 having had a peak e m p l o y m e n t of 2,000, while

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t h e similarly s i z e d H a w k s , C r a w s h a y c l o s e d in 1 8 8 9 . O f c o u r s e t h e s e m a y b e p u t d o w n to e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l failure o r i n a p p r o p r i a t e l o c a t i o n b u t t h e r e a s o n s a d d u p to a n inability to c o m p e t e a n d w i t h o u t adjust­ m e n t t o c h a n g i n g c i r c u m s t a n c e s e v e n t u a l failure w a s i n e v i t a b l e . Already before 1914 the Tyneside chemical industry had discovered t h i s fact. It h a d d e c l i n e d i n t o a p a l e s h a d o w o f its f o r m e r self as a r e s u l t o f t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n e l s e w h e r e o f m o r e efficient m e t h o d s o f manufacture of h e a v y chemicals. Moreover, b y the early twentieth c e n t u r y c o m p e t i t i o n w a s n o t o n l y c o m i n g f r o m o t h e r r e g i o n s in B r i t a i n b u t f r o m a b r o a d a n d t h e n o r t h - e a s t w a s g o i n g t o h a v e to b e in t h e forefront o f m o d e r n i s a t i o n if its h e a v y i n d u s t r i e s w e r e n o t t o suffer t h e s a m e fate as t h e c h e m i c a l i n d u s t r y . 1920-50 W h a t e v e r the doubts about rising competition before 1914, they were stilled b y t h e d e m a n d s o f w a r t i m e p r o d u c t i o n a n d , briefly, b y t h e p o s t w a r n e e d s o f r e c o n s t r u c t i o n . F r o m 1 9 2 0 , h o w e v e r , d e c l i n e set in. T h e r e d u c e d ability o f B r i t a i n to s u p p l y for e x p o r t d u r i n g t h e w a r h a d e n c o u r a g e d m a n y c o u n t r i e s to d e v e l o p t h e i r o w n i n d u s t r i e s t o m a k e u p for s h i p s , i r o n a n d s t e e l a n d e n g i n e e r i n g p r o d u c t s w h i c h h a d p r e v i o u s l y c o m e f r o m t h e n o r t h - e a s t . After t h e w a r s u c h c o u n t r i e s r a i s e d tariff b a r r i e r s t o p r o t e c t t h e i r n e w l y e x p a n d i n g i n d u s t r i e s a n d m a n y e x p o r t m a r k e t s w e r e p e r m a n e n t l y lost, t h e d e c l i n e in w o r l d t r a d e r e d u c i n g d e m a n d s for s h i p b u i l d i n g . C o a l , p r e v i o u s l y s e n t f r o m t h e n o r t h - e a s t t o c o n t i n e n t a l c o u n t r i e s w a s to a c o n s i d e r a b l e e x t e n t r e p l a c e d b y E u r o p e a n o u t p u t . M o r e o v e r , h o m e d e m a n d in B r i t a i n w a s n o l o n g e r r i s i n g for m a n y o f t h e s t a p l e p r o d u c t s o f t h e n o r t h - e a s t a n d c o u l d n o t , t h e r e f o r e , m a k e u p for t h e l o s s o f e x p o r t m a r k e t s . H o m e d e m a n d for c o a l d i d n o t rise in t h e i n t e r w a r y e a r s as o t h e r fuels b e g a n t o c o m p e t e . R a i l w a y s suffered f r o m t h e c o m p e t i t i o n o f t h e i n t e r n a l c o m b u s t i o n e n g i n e a n d , apart f r o m o n e ill-fated v e n t u r e i n t o a u t o m o b i l e p r o d u c t i o n b y A r m s t r o n g s , t h e e m p l o y m e n t effect of t h e r i s e o f m o t o r t r a n s p o r t w a s n o t felt in t h e n o r t h - e a s t . I n e v i t a b l y , t h e h e a v y , capital g o o d s i n d u s t r i e s w e r e hit m o s t s e r i o u s l y b y t h e s l u m p s i n c e i n v e s t m e n t fell m o r e s h a r p l y t h a n c o n s u m p t i o n . I n e v i ­ t a b l y a l s o , t h e n o r t h - e a s t w a s hit m o r e s e r i o u s l y t h a n m a n y o t h e r p a r t s o f t h e c o u n t r y b e c a u s e o f its c o m m i t m e n t to t h e s t a p l e i n d u s t r i e s (in 1 9 1 1 a l m o s t o n e h a l f o f total e m p l o y m e n t in C o u n t y D u r h a m l a y w i t h i n four m a i n i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r s , coal, s h i p b u i l d i n g , i r o n m a n u f a c ­ t u r e a n d e n g i n e e r i n g ) . A t t h e p e a k o f i n t e r w a r u n e m p l o y m e n t in 1 9 3 2 ,

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431

22.7 per cent of the insured labour force w a s u n e m p l o y e d nationally, b u t 3 7 . 4 p e r c e n t in t h e n o r t h - e a s t , 4 5 . 8 p e r c e n t i n w e s t D u r h a m a n d 6 4 . 3 per cent in S t a n l e y .

4

Villages and towns dependent

on

s i n g l e i n d u s t r i e s , s u c h a s J a r r o w o n s h i p b u i l d i n g , w e r e w o r s t hit b u t the interlocking nature of the heavy industries reinforced the decline in d e m a n d a n d t h e d r o p i n e a r n i n g s a m o n g t h e i r e m p l o y e e s i n e v i t a b l y led to d e c l i n e s i n e x p e n d i t u r e o n c o n s u m e r g o o d s . O f c o u r s e t h e d e c l i n e in t h e s t a p l e i n d u s t r i e s w a s n o t t h e w h o l e story of the interwar years. N e w industries developed and with t h e m n e w e m p l o y m e n t opportunities. O n e area into which the north-east b e g a n to diversify at t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y w a s e l e c t r i ­ cal e n g i n e e r i n g a n d , d e s p i t e t h e l o c a l d o m i n a n c e o f c o a l a n d g a s for fuel, p o w e r a n d l i g h t , b e f o r e 1 9 1 4 t h e r e g i o n h a d d e v e l o p e d t h e b e s t organised provision of electricity supply in the country. L i n k e d to this w e n t the manufacture of electrical generating e q u i p m e n t a n d t w o firms, A . R e y r o l l e & C o . at H e b b u r n a n d C . A . P a r s o n s & C o . at H e a t o n , m a d e significant c o n t r i b u t i o n s to n e w e m p l o y m e n t o n T y n e s i d e . I n d e e d at H e b b u r n , n e x t d o o r to E l l e n W i l k i n s o n ' s d e p r e s s e d Jarrow,

the existence of typical estates of o w n e r - o c c u p i e d

semi­

d e t a c h e d h o u s e s built in the mid-1930s, points to the prosperity w h i c h c a m e to s o m e , e v e n o n depressed T y n e s i d e . At the other e n d of the region, o n T e e s s i d e , the rise of t h e chemical industry with I C I ' s devel­ o p m e n t at B i l l i n g h a m is a n o t h e r p o i n t e r t o d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n . O v e r a l l , h o w e v e r , t h e n e w j o b o p p o r t u n i t i e s c o u l d d o little t o offset t h e m a s s i v e declines in old areas. In 1923 the coal-mining labour force p e a k e d at 1 7 0 , 0 0 0 i n C o u n t y D u r h a m b u t i n t h e late 1 9 3 0 s it r a n at n o t m u c h over 100,000. O n e result of m a s s u n e m p l o y m e n t w a s h u g e migration a w a y from the north-east with the y o u n g , active adults p r e d o m i n a t i n g in the m o v e m e n t and without their presence m a n y communities appeared e v e n m o r e d e p r e s s e d a n d lacking a future. B e t w e e n 1921 a n d 1931 the north-east had net outward migration of almost 200,000, approxi­ m a t e l y 8 p e r c e n t o f its 1 9 2 1 p o p u l a t i o n . been

growing

more

rapidly

than

the

5

The region which

national

average

had

abruptly

c h a n g e d direction. T h e overall population of the north-east, w h i c h h a d increased b y 1 million b e t w e e n 1881 and 1921, rose b y only 100,000 4

5

G. H. Daysh etal., Tnter-War Unemployment in West Durham 1929-39', in M. Bulmer, ed., Mining and Social Change: Durham County in the Twentieth Century (1978), p. 143. J. W . House, North-Eastern England: Population Movements and the Landscape since the Early Nineteenth Century (King's College, Newcastle upon Tyne, Department of Geography, research series 1,1954), p. 56.

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D. J . R O W E

to 2 . 5 m i l l i o n i n 1 9 5 1 . T o w n s j u s t c e a s e d t o g r o w , w h i c h at l e a s t g a v e t h e m a respite from the rapid increase of their environmental prob­ lems. A s e c o n d result of m a s s u n e m p l o y m e n t w a s a h u g e increase in t h e d e p r i v a t i o n w h i c h a l r e a d y e x i s t e d in t h e r e g i o n . S u r v e y after sur­ vey s h o w e d the demoralising impact of long-term u n e m p l o y m e n t and in a n a r e a w h e r e j o b s w e r e d i s a p p e a r i n g m o r e r a p i d l y t h a n t h e y w e r e being replaced (because the r e g i o n ' s industrial structure w a s out of d a t e ) , it w a s i n e v i t a b l e t h a t u n e m p l o y m e n t w o u l d b e l o n g t e r m for the older m e n , the less than dynamic and those w h o were merely c o n s e r v a t i v e a n d h o m e - l o v i n g . T h e w o r s t effects o f l o n g - t e r m u n e m ­ p l o y m e n t w e r e s e e n in t h e o n e - i n d u s t r y t o w n s a n d e s p e c i a l l y i n t h e colliery v i l l a g e s . A t C r o o k i n 1 9 3 6 t h e P i l g r i m T r u s t o b s e r v e r s f o u n d t h a t 7 1 p e r c e n t o f t h e u n e m p l o y e d h a d h a d n o w o r k for t h e p r e v i o u s five y e a r s b u t t h e y n e v e r t h e l e s s felt t h a t ' t h e " a t m o s p h e r e " i n t h e h o m e s v i s i t e d in C r o o k w a s m o r e s a t i s f a c t o r y t h a n a n y w h e r e e l s e ' .

6

R e f e r e n c e w a s m a d e t o t h e s t r e n g t h o f f a m i l y life i n C r o o k ( e v e n m o r e n o t i c e a b l y t h a n i n t h e R h o n d d a ) as a factor i n l i m i t i n g t h e i n s i ­ d i o u s effects o f u n e m p l o y m e n t , w h i l e t h e w o r k i n g m e n ' s c l u b s a n d a l l o t m e n t s (this w a s t h e t i m e o f t h e r i s e o f t h e l e e k c o m p e t i t i o n ) m a d e m a j o r c o n t r i b u t i o n s to stability. T h e r e w a s a s e n s e o f s o l i d a r i t y in depression, w h i c h m u s t have contributed to the rising d o m i n a n c e of t h e L a b o u r p a r t y i n C o u n t y D u r h a m a n d w h i c h c a r r i e d o v e r i n t o t h e m o r e r e c e n t p e r i o d . It is s o m e t i m e s a s if t h e n o r t h - e a s t a c t u a l l y t h r i v e s o n a n d e n j o y s d e p r i v a t i o n , if o n l y to s c o r n t h e ' s o f t - l i v i n g ' in ' t h e s o u t h ' . Within a couple of years of the c o m m e n c e m e n t of the S e c o n d World W a r the p r o b l e m of u n e m p l o y m e n t h a d disappeared, actually to b e r e p l a c e d b y s h o r t a g e s o f l a b o u r a n d t h e n e e d for m o r e c o a l m i n e r s . T h e r e g i o n ' s industries w e r e o n c e m o r e in d e m a n d a n d this position c o n t i n u e d , e v e n m o r e s u r p r i s i n g l y , after t h e w a r w a s o v e r a n d o n into the mid-1950s. This was less a result of the much-heralded govern­ m e n t c o m m i t m e n t to full e m p l o y m e n t a n d r e g i o n a l p o l i c y t h a n to r a p i d l y r i s i n g w o r l d t r a d e a n d g r o w t h o f n e w i n d u s t r i a l d e m a n d at home

as y e t little affected b y f o r e i g n c o m p e t i t i o n .

Coal-mining

e m p l o y m e n t s t a b i l i s e d at r a t h e r o v e r 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 in C o u n t y

Durham,

shipbuilding benefited from h i g h e r d e m a n d t h a n in the 1930s, the chemical

6

and

engineering

industries

saw

new

and

Pilgrim Trust, Men Without Work (Cambridge, 1938), p. 74.

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expanding

The north-east

433

d e m a n d s . N e w capital investment in buildings a n d m a c h i n e r y w a s t h e o r d e r o f t h e d a y a n d t h e n o r t h - e a s t ' s capital g o o d s i n d u s t r i e s w e r e a n x i o u s t o o b l i g e . U n e m p l o y m e n t in t h e n o r t h - e a s t , still a b o v e t h e n a t i o n a l a v e r a g e , w a s o n l y a b o u t 1.5 p e r c e n t in t h e m i d - 1 9 5 0 s . F r o m the e n d of the decade the scene c h a n g e d , h o w e v e r . Competition f r o m n e w fuels l e d to t h e d e c l i n e o f c o a l ( e m p l o y m e n t in c o a l m i n i n g in C o u n t y D u r h a m fell b y t h r e e - q u a r t e r s to o n l y 2 5 , 0 0 0 in 1 9 7 6 ) , s h i p ­ b u i l d i n g a n d t h e n m a n y o t h e r m a n u f a c t u r i n g i n d u s t r i e s felt t h e chill w i n d of foreign competition and w e n t into decline. In the 1960s regional policy e n c o u r a g e d industrialists to m o v e to the north-east a m o n g o t h e r d e p r e s s e d a r e a s b u t t h e r e s u l t s w e r e slight in t h e l o n g t e r m s i n c e t h e b r a n c h p l a n t s o f n a t i o n a l firms w e r e t h e first to d i s a p ­ p e a r in t h e c l o s u r e s o f t h e 1 9 7 0 s . C a n t h e future h o l d b e t t e r p r o s p e c t s ? T h e o u t l o o k s u g g e s t s t h a t it is u n l i k e l y . T h e n o r t h - e a s t r e t a i n s a h i g h e r proportion

of employment

in m a n u f a c t u r i n g

industry than

the

n a t i o n a l a v e r a g e a n d its relative d e p e n d e n c e o n m a n u f a c t u r i n g h a s b e e n i n c r e a s i n g in r e c e n t y e a r s . G i v e n t h e g r e a t e r volatility o f m a n u ­ facturing e m p l o y m e n t

d u r i n g cyclical d o w n s w i n g s

and Britain's

a p p a l l i n g l o n g - r u n r e c o r d in i n d u s t r i a l c o m p e t i t i v e n e s s , s u c h a d e p e n ­ d e n c e is h a r d l y e n c o u r a g i n g .

Ill

REGIONAL

CHARACTERISTICS

I n a s i n g l e c h a p t e r it is p o s s i b l e t o d o n o m o r e t h a n o u t l i n e t h e o v e r a l l development of the region but rather than devote the whole chapter t o o u t l i n e it s e e m e d w o r t h w h i l e t o p i c k o n a n u m b e r o f c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s a n d e x a m i n e t h e m in s o m e w h a t g r e a t e r d e p t h . T h e o b v i o u s p o i n t at i n t e r e s t is t o a t t e m p t t o i s o l a t e t h o s e a s p e c t s o f life in w h i c h t h e n o r t h - e a s t w a s in s o m e w a y different f r o m t h e rest o f t h e c o u n t r y . P e r h a p s t h e g e n e r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o n w h i c h it w o u l d b e p o s s i b l e t o g e t c l e a r a g r e e m e n t is t h e r e m o t e n e s s o f t h e r e g i o n for m u c h o f t h e p e r i o d c o v e r e d . T o s o m e e x t e n t t h i s w a s offset b y t h e e x i s t e n c e of rivers a n d h a r b o u r s w h i c h p r o v i d e d a c c e s s to t h e c h e a p e s t o f c o n ­ temporary forms of travel before the railways - the sea. But sea jour­ n e y s w e r e s l o w a n d d a n g e r o u s in t h e s m a l l s h i p s o f t h e late e i g h t e e n t h a n d e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s a n d w e r e u s e d o n l y for e s s e n t i a l travel b y the poor and the transport of h e a v y goods and raw materials. W a l k i n g apart, l o n g a n d e x p e n s i v e c o a c h j o u r n e y s w e r e t h e o n l y o t h e r m e t h o d o f r e a c h i n g a r e a s o f civilisation ( s u c h as E d i n b u r g h

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L o n d o n ) a n d o f i n d u s t r i a l d e v e l o p m e n t . I n e v i t a b l y s u c h travel w a s

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l i m i t e d to t h e w e a l t h y a n d t h e r e c a n b e n o d o u b t t h a t g e o g r a p h i c a l i s o l a t i o n w a s l e s s o f a n i n h i b i t i n g factor to t h e u p p e r m i d d l e c l a s s e s a n d g e n t r y t h a n to t h e r e s t . T h e l a r g e f a r m e r s a n d l a n d o w n e r s o f t e n t r a v e l l e d to a n d c o m m u n i c a t e d w i t h t h e i r f e l l o w s i n o t h e r p a r t s o f the country. In following the progress of G e o r g e a n d M a t t h e w Culley, f r o m b e i n g s m a l l f a r m e r s i n s o u t h D u r h a m in t h e 1 7 6 0 s to l a r g e l a n d ­ o w n e r s a n d t e n a n t s o f t h o u s a n d s o f a c r e s in n o r t h

Northumberland

by the early nineteenth century, o n e can see that r e m o t e n e s s , e v e n of t h e n o r t h o f t h e r e g i o n , w a s n o s e r i o u s b a r for t h o s e w h o w i s h e d 7

to c o m m u n i c a t e . T h e C u l l e y s m a d e a n u m b e r o f a g r i c u l t u r a l t o u r s a w a y f r o m t h e r e g i o n to e x p l o r e a g r i c u l t u r a l i n n o v a t i o n s , h a d m a n y visitors from other parts of the country a n d maintained a v o l u m i n o u s correspondence

with

farmers

and

landowners

in o t h e r

regions.

Nevertheless, the Culleys frequently noted the limited impact which their considerable contributions to agricultural i m p r o v e m e n t h a d o n their neighbours. R e m o t e n e s s m a y not have prevented development for t h o s e w i t h d r i v e a n d initiative b u t it m a y w e l l h a v e h i n d e r e d t h e spread of the n e w ideas of industrialisation a n d the cultural c h a n g e s w h i c h c a m e w i t h m o r e w i d e s p r e a d m o b i l i t y e l s e w h e r e in t h e e i g h ­ teenth century. Parts of the region, away from the coast, experienced a geographical r e m o t e n e s s w h i c h h a s h a r d l y c h a n g e d in t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y . T h e g r o w t h o f l e a d m i n i n g in t h e n o r t h e r n P e n n i n e s in t h e late e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y l e d to t h e r i s e o f v i l l a g e s s u c h as M i d d l e t o n - i n - T e e s d a l e a n d N e n t h e a d a n d t o s m a l l t o w n s s u c h a s A l s t o n , d e s c r i b e d as t h e h i g h e s t m a r k e t t o w n i n E n g l a n d . E x i s t e n c e in hilly a r e a s i n e v i t a b l y m e a n t i s o l a t i o n b e c a u s e o f t r a n s p o r t difficulties. U n t i l w e l l i n t o t h e n i n e ­ t e e n t h c e n t u r y t r a n s p o r t d e p e n d e d o n h o r s e for p a s s e n g e r s a n d p a c k h o r s e a n d m u l e for g o o d s a n d t h e m o v e m e n t o f l e a d . F r o m t h e 1 8 5 0 s m a n y o f t h e s e c o m m u n i t i e s a n d o t h e r s s u c h as t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l a n d m i n i n g o n e s in the north T y n e valley (Bellingham, Plashetts, etc.) were given a respite from remoteness by the building of a considerable n e t w o r k of railways. North-west D u r h a m could p e r h a p s justify this d e v e l o p m e n t o n t h e b a s i s o f m i n e r a l r e s o u r c e s d e s p i t e its l i g h t p o p u l a ­ tion density but western N o r t h u m b e r l a n d ' s railways were largely a white elephant from the beginning, e v e n their ultimate justification, 7

D. J. Rowe, 'The Culleys, Northumberland Farmers 1767-1813', Agricultural History Review 19 (1971), pp. 156-74, and S. Macdonald, 'The Role of the Individual in Agricultural Change: The Example of George Culley of Fenton, Northumberland', in H. S. A. Fox and R. A. Butlin, eds., Change in the Countryside (1979).

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The north-east

435

t h e p r o v i s i o n o f a n a l t e r n a t i v e t h r o u g h r o u t e to S c o t l a n d , p r o v i n g o f little v a l u e . N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e r a i l w a y s m a d e w i d e r u s e o f local coal, iron a n d limestone resources t h a n could h a v e occurred with r o a d t r a n s p o r t a l o n e ; t h e y facilitated j o u r n e y s t o local m a r k e t s a n d offered m o b i l i t y t o rural d w e l l e r s t o w h o m t h e c o n c e p t h a d b e e n p r e ­ viously largely u n k n o w n . In doing so they almost certainly led to outward migration, the decline of the communities, especially from t h e 1 8 7 0 s a n d u l t i m a t e l y t h e r e c o g n i t i o n in t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y o f t h e l a c k o f financial r e t u r n f r o m rural r a i l w a y s , t h e i r c l o s u r e a n d a return to r e m o t e n e s s . T h e significant q u e s t i o n is t h e e x t e n t t o w h i c h r e m o t e n e s s c o n t r i ­ b u t e d to r e g i o n a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . G i v e n t h e fact t h a t in t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y t h e r e g i o n itself w a s f r a g m e n t e d , it s e e m s h i g h l y u n l i k e l y t h a t a n y c o h e s i v e n o r t h - e a s t e r n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a p p e a r e d as a r e s u l t of t h e r e g i o n ' s g e n e r a l r e m o t e n e s s . A g r i c u l t u r a l c o m m u n i t i e s , l e a d villages, market t o w n s and the T y n e a n d W e a r communities h a d their o w n distinctive characteristics a n d their links with o n e another w e r e largely limited to trade. T h e n i n e t e e n t h century did s o m e t h i n g to modify this picture b y placing the regional focus strongly on the areas o f h e a v y i n d u s t r y . A s t h e coalfield a r e a b e c a m e m o r e d e n s e l y p o p u ­ lated a n d the three rivers m o r e specialised, a regional identity b e c a m e m o r e noticeable. Nevertheless, the rural areas r e m a i n e d to s o m e extent divorced, as did the lead dales. In t h e m there w a s considerable s u s p i c i o n a n d dislike o f t h e c o a l - m i n i n g c o m m u n i t i e s t o w h i c h t h e y w e r e c l o s e s t , let a l o n e o f t h e l a r g e u r b a n d e v e l o p m e n t s a l o n g t h e r i v e r s . A n d w h i l e t h e coal c o m m u n i t i e s h a d m u c h in c o m m o n , e a c h h a d m u c h w h i c h d i s t i n g u i s h e d it f r o m its n e i g h b o u r s a n d t h e r e w a s s t r o n g a n d often v i o l e n t rivalry b e t w e e n pit v i l l a g e s . W h i l e it m i g h t b e t h o u g h t t h a t t h e influx o f m i g r a n t s i n t o t h e colliery c o m m u n i t i e s , as c o a l m i n i n g e x p a n d e d i n t h e n i n e t e e n t h

century,

w o u l d h a v e d e s t r o y e d t h e i r i n s u l a r i t y , it is c l e a r t h a t t h i s w a s o n l y a temporary p h e n o m e n o n . In the 'social melting-pot', which was his 8

t e r m for t h e c o a l - m i n i n g v i l l a g e s , J a c k L a w s o n s a w p e o p l e

from

v a r i o u s p a r t s o f t h e U n i t e d K i n g d o m as b e i n g c o n v e r t e d o v e r t i m e i n t o p u r e D u r h a m m e t a l w i t h all t h e o l d a n d s o m e n e w c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . W i t h t h e e n d o f p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h e a c h c o m m u n i t y c l o s e d in, as d i d t h e w h o l e r e g i o n after a b o u t 1 9 1 0 . O u t w a r d

migration

after

1920 did n o t h i n g to break d o w n insularity (except to encourage the 8

J. Lawson, A Man's Life (1932), pp. 56-7.

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D. J . R O W E

f o l l o w i n g o f t h e f o r t u n e s o f t h o s e w h o left b y r e l a t i v e s a n d friends w h o stayed). Those w h o went were the young and enquiring while those w h o stayed were largely those w h o could not break from their e n v i r o n m e n t a n d t h e i r c o m m i t m e n t to it w a s o f t e n r e i n f o r c e d b y t h o s e w h o r e t u r n e d f r o m t h e ' s o u t h ' h a v i n g b e e n u n a b l e to s e t t l e . After t h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r t h e s i t u a t i o n b e g a n t o c h a n g e for t h e r e g i o n as a w h o l e a n d for t h e c o a l c o m m u n i t i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y f o l l o w i n g t h e r u n - d o w n o f c o a l m i n i n g f r o m t h e late 1 9 5 0 s . T h e o l d d o m i n a n c e of m a n y v i l l a g e s , w i t h p e r h a p s 7 5 p e r c e n t o f t h e i r total l a b o u r force w o r k i n g at ' t h e p i t ' , w a s b r o k e n . P e o p l e h a d t o t r a v e l t o w o r k ( a n d t h e m o t o r car h a s i n c r e a s i n g l y c o n t r i b u t e d to t h e c h a n g e ) , w h i l e n e w o c c u p a t i o n s , often in f a c t o r i e s o n s m a l l i n d u s t r i a l e s t a t e s , to s o m e e x t e n t r e p l a c e d c o a l . T h e o l d p a t t e r n o f f o l l o w i n g f a t h e r i n t o t h e pit w a s b r o k e n a n d w i t h it t h e c l a n n i s h n e s s o f t h o s e w h o l i v e d a n d t a l k e d a m y s t e r i o u s a n d s e p a r a t e w a y o f life. B u t w h i l e t h e b r e a k d o w n o f r e m o t e n e s s w a s m o s t n o t i c e a b l e for t h e c o l l i e r y v i l l a g e s , it h a d a w i d e r impact on the whole region. Prosperity and government regional p o l i c y for t h e ' d e v e l o p m e n t a r e a s ' b r o u g h t n e w firms a n d ( m o r e o f t e n ) n e w b r a n c h factories o f o l d o n e s t o t h e r e g i o n . W h i l e m u c h u n s k i l l e d l a b o u r w a s r e c r u i t e d locally, k e y p e r s o n n e l , b o t h for s h o p - f l o o r a n d m a n a g e m e n t , w e r e often b r o u g h t in a n d t h r o u g h o u t t h e n o r t h - e a s t i n t r o d u c e d n e w i n s i g h t s a n d a t t i t u d e s . N e v e r t h e l e s s , it r e m a i n s t r u e t h a t a v e r y l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n o f n o r t h - e a s t e r n e r s are g e o g r a p h i c a l l y i m m o b i l e . If t h e y e n t e r h i g h e r e d u c a t i o n o n l e a v i n g s c h o o l t h e y are v e r y likely to g o to t h e local c o l l e g e or u n i v e r s i t y r a t h e r t h a n further afield, w h i l e a h i g h p r o p o r t i o n o f all n o r t h - e a s t e r n e r s w o u l d n o t c o n ­ s i d e r m o v i n g to a j o b in a n o t h e r r e g i o n . R e l a t i v e to m u c h o f t h e rest of t h e c o u n t r y t h e n e w t o w n s , s u c h as C r a m l i n g t o n , N e w t o n Aycliffe a n d P e t e r l e e , are in t h e s a m e t r a d i t i o n o f i n s u l a r i t y as t h e i r m i n i n g p r e d e c e s s o r s . It is a m a t t e r o f v a l u e j u d g m e n t as t o w h e t h e r i n s u l a r i t y is b e n e f i c i a l or d e t r i m e n t a l t o social life. T h e r e c a n b e little d o u b t , h o w e v e r , t h a t r e m o t e n e s s h a s b e e n a signi­ ficant factor in c o n t r i b u t i n g t o a n o t h e r r e g i o n a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c - t h e i m a g e of t h e n o r t h - e a s t p o r t r a y e d s o u t h of Sheffield ( s o m e m i g h t s a y s o u t h o f t h e T e e s ) . T h e c a r i c a t u r e is of a dirty, g r i m y i n d u s t r i a l r e g i o n full o f pits a n d b l a s t - f u r n a c e s w h e r e t h e m e n w e a r c a p s , d r i n k b e e r out of straight glasses, g r o w leeks a n d race w h i p p e t s while the w o m e n s t a y at h o m e , w e a r ' p i n n i e s ' a n d c u r l e r s a n d s a n d t h e d o o r s t e p . It is a n i m a g e w h i c h is m e t r e g u l a r l y b y t h o s e w h o i n t e r v i e w s t u d e n t s a p p l y i n g for p l a c e s at n o r t h - e a s t e r n u n i v e r s i t i e s . ' W h e r e are t h e p i t s ? '

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

The north-east is a q u e s t i o n a s k e d b y t h o s e w h o h a v e t r a v e l l e d b y t r a i n

437 through

C o u n t y D u r h a m for t h e first t i m e - ' W h e r e is t h e s m o k e a n d g r i m e ? ' It is e a s y to e x p l a i n t h e d e c l i n e o f h e a v y i n d u s t r y a n d p o i n t to t h e impact which clean-air legislation has h a d o n north-eastern

towns

as o n o t h e r p a r t s o f t h e c o u n t r y . T h e r e m o v a l o f pit h e a p s , t h e c l o s u r e of w a g g o n w a y s , t h e d e m o l i t i o n o f b l a s t - f u r n a c e s a n d m a n y o t h e r c h a n g e s have m a d e the north-east not dissimilar from any other r e g i o n . T h e significant q u e s t i o n is t h e e x t e n t to w h i c h t h e n o r t h - e a s t did

suffer f r o m

earlier manifestations

o f its p a r t i c u l a r

industrial

structure. It h a s b e e n s u g g e s t e d t h a t i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n h a d m a d e little i m p a c t o n t h e n a t u r a l b e a u t y o f t h e r e g i o n i n 1 7 5 0 n o r w a s to d o s o for m a n y s u b s e q u e n t d e c a d e s . N e w c a s t l e w a s t h e o n l y l a r g e t o w n (earlier i n t h e c e n t u r y p e r h a p s f o u r t h i n s i z e to L o n d o n , B r i s t o l a n d N o r w i c h i n E n g l a n d ) , b u t e v e n i n 1 8 0 1 its p o p u l a t i o n w a s l e s s t h a n 3 0 , 0 0 0 . T h e problems brought by mass urbanisation, although present, were far l e s s w i d e s p r e a d t h a n in m a n y o t h e r a r e a s - n o n o r t h - e a s t e r n t o w n g r e w to h u g e s i z e n o r d i d a n y e x p a n d at a p a r t i c u l a r l y r a p i d r a t e during the nineteenth century. Newcastle reached a population of 200,000 during the 1890s while no other t o w n had done more than s t r u g g l e to 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 b y t h e n . M o r e o v e r , s i n c e m u c h o f t h e g r o w t h c a m e i n t h e s e c o n d h a l f o f t h e c e n t u r y , r a t h e r t h a n t h e first, a s w i t h B r a d f o r d , for i n s t a n c e , it s h o u l d h a v e b e e n e a s i e r to a c c o m m o d a t e a s k n o w l e d g e a c c u m u l a t e d . It is a l s o i m p o r t a n t to n o t e t h a t as w e l l as b e i n g r e l a t i v e l y small, north-eastern t o w n s w e r e strung out linearly along the rivers w i t h t h e r e s u l t t h a t t h e y w e r e n o t v e r y w i d e . F e w p e o p l e , e v e n in N e w c a s t l e , c o u l d t h e r e f o r e h a v e b e e n far f r o m t h e c o u n t r y s i d e , a fact w h i c h m u s t h a v e l i m i t e d t h e p r i s o n - l i k e effect o f t o w n life. O f c o u r s e , as p o p u l a t i o n g r e w a n d i n d u s t r y e x p a n d e d in t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , the t o w n s b e c a m e m o r e u n p l e a s a n t but this m u s t h a v e b e e n mitigated b y t h e e a s e w i t h w h i c h it w a s p o s s i b l e to g e t o u t o f t h e m . I n t h e 1870s a L o n d o n - b a s e d journalist wrote of his j o u r n e y across 'the T y n e to the unlovely t o w n of G a t e s h e a d , a n d so go on, fortunately not far, till w e g e t o u t o f its n o i s e , s m e l l s a n d u n m i t i g a t e d s q u a l o r , to the greenhelds again'.

9

If t h i s w e r e t r u e for t h e m a j o r t o w n s , w h e r e i n a d d i t i o n t h e r e w e r e o p e n s p a c e s s u c h as N e w c a s t l e ' s T o w n M o o r a n d J e s m o n d D e n e , gift to t h e t o w n i n 1 8 8 3 o f S i r W i l l i a m A r m s t r o n g , it w a s e v e n m o r e 9

Athenaeum, 27 Sept. 1873, p. 407.

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true of the mining villages. In the lead dales farming and mining h a d t r a d i t i o n a l l y b e e n c o m b i n e d as o c c u p a t i o n s , w h i l e in c o a l - m i n i n g communities, despite the claustrophobic impact of u n b r o k e n terrace r o w s , it is c l e a r f r o m m a n y a c c o u n t s t h a t t h e s u r r o u n d i n g c o u n t r y s i d e w a s m u c h u s e d . F o r t h e c h i l d r e n it p r o v i d e d c o n v e n i e n t p l a y a r e a s a w a y f r o m t h e o v e r c r o w d e d h o u s e s , t r e e s t o c l i m b , rivers t o s w i m in a n d s c o p e for m u c h fun, w h i c h w a s l a c k i n g in M a n c h e s t e r o r B i r m i n g h a m . F o r t h e m e n it offered t h e c h a n c e to w a l k , c o u r t , p o a c h ( a n e n d e m i c activity w h i c h p r o v i d e d a useful v a r i a t i o n in d i e t ) , e x e r ­ c i s e , r a c e d o g s a n d s o o n . I n a d d i t i o n in t h e m i n i n g c o m m u n i t i e s s p a c e w a s n o t at a p r e m i u m as it w a s i n t h e t o w n s a n d t h e c o l l i e r y t e r r a c e s o f t e n h a d c o n s i d e r a b l e g a r d e n s as w e l l as t h e availability o f nearby allotments. T h e y provide a fascinating contrast to the p o k y front g a r d e n s a n d b a c k l a n e s o f t h e t e r r a c e r o w s in t h e t o w n s , w h e r e t h e r e w a s little o r n o s c o p e for s a t i s f a c t i o n o u t o f w o r k i n g h o u r s f r o m growing o n e ' s o w n food. T h e contrast can only b e explained in terms of t h e r e l a t i v e c o s t o f l a n d a n d , in t h e t o w n s , t h e n e e d t o p a c k w o r k i n g p e o p l e in as s m a l l a n a r e a as p o s s i b l e in o r d e r t o p r o v i d e a c c o m m o ­ d a t i o n c l o s e t o t h e i r w o r k , in a n a g e o f p o o r a n d e x p e n s i v e t r a n s p o r t facilities. W h a t e v e r t h e r e a s o n , t h e c o n t r a s t s t r o n g l y f a v o u r e d t h e o t h e r w i s e d i s a d v a n t a g e d c o l l i e r y v i l l a g e s . It is e a s y t o d i s m i s s (or alter­ n a t i v e l y c o n c e n t r a t e o n ) t h e m as b a r b a r i c o u t p o s t s , w h e r e

work-

i n g m e n w e r e robbed of their h u m a n i t y b y the rule of the coalowners, a n d a s p e c t s o f t h a t c a r i c a t u r e are t r u e b u t it m i s s e s t h e fact t h a t t h e r e w e r e o p p o r t u n i t i e s for s a t i s f a c t i o n o u t s i d e w o r k ( a l t h o u g h it is e q u a l l y clear t h a t as a g r o u p p i t m e n g a i n e d c o n s i d e r a b l e w o r k s a t i s f a c t i o n relative to f a c t o r y o p e r a t i v e s for i n s t a n c e ) . U r b a n w o r k e r s w e r e far more prisoners of their environment than w e r e the pitmen, despite t h e u n a t t r a c t i v e p i c t u r e d r a w n b y o u t s i d e r s o f pit c o m m u n i t i e s . T h e garden and allotment were not just escapes from the employerd o m i n a t e d w o r k i n g life, t h e y w e r e p l a c e s w h e r e t h e p i t m a n c o u l d establish his o w n identity, w h e r e h e could give expression to his o w n i n d i v i d u a l i t y a n d c r e a t e . It is n o t i c e a b l e t h a t f l o w e r s w e r e m u c h g r o w n and that annual flower s h o w s w e r e an important highlight of the y e a r (a p r a c t i c e w i t h a m o d e r n h a n g o v e r o f g r o w i n g d a h l i a s , c h r y s a n ­ t h e m u m s a n d other flowers, which surprises the m o r e recent middleclass converts to allotmenteering). O f course vegetables w e r e import­ ant. T h e y w e r e not widely available as market c o m m o d i t i e s in r e m o t e c o m m u n i t i e s a n d a private supply w a s a useful contribution to limited wage incomes. Out of t h e m c a m e an u n d o u b t e d regional character-

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istic, l e e k g r o w i n g . L e e k s w e r e w i d e l y g r o w n for e a t i n g a n d for s h o w ­ i n g in t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y b u t it w a s r e a l l y f r o m t h e i n t e r w a r y e a r s t h a t t h e S e p t e m b e r l e e k s h o w for ' p o t ' l e e k s b e g a n t o d o m i n a t e t h e image of the north-eastern horticultural scene with the development of a p r i z e l e v e l o u t o f all p r o p o r t i o n t o t h o s e offered for o t h e r e x h i b i t s . T h e r e a s o n w h y o f c o u r s e r e m a i n s i n t a n g i b l e b u t it w a s c e r t a i n l y a n i n - g r o u p activity w h i c h e n a b l e d w o r k i n g m e n t o differentiate t h e m ­ s e l v e s , g a i n r e s p e c t a m o n g t h e i r p e e r g r o u p a n d a life-line o n w h i c h t o h a n g in a p e r i o d o f p o t e n t i a l l y c r i p p l i n g c h a n g e . O n c e a g a i n , h o w ­ e v e r , t h e p r e s e n t p o s i t i o n is different, t h e l e e k c l u b s h a v e b e c o m e m o r e o p e n and classless and although their exhibits are regarded b y o u t s i d e r s as a n e p i t o m i s a t i o n o f t h e r e g i o n , t h i s is t o g e n e r a l i s e fanci­ fully f r o m a s m a l l g r o u p . F a r m o r e n o r t h - e a s t e r n e r s g r o w k i t c h e n l e e k s t h a n s h o w a n y i n t e r e s t i n t h e ' p o t ' v a r i e t y for s h o w s . A s w i t h m u c h i n t h e field o f r e g i o n a l d i s t i n c t i o n , d i f f e r e n c e s lie i n t h e e y e of t h e m e d i a , w h i c h is l i k e l y t o f o c u s o n trivialities. H o w e v e r , t h e m e d i a h a v e p o i n t e d o u t t h e i n a d e q u a c i e s o f social o v e r h e a d capital i n t h e r e g i o n ( a n d t h e r e is s o m e e v i d e n c e t o s u g g e s t t h a t t h e s e h a v e b e e n w o r s e t h a n in m a n y o t h e r a r e a s o f h e a v y i n d u s ­ try). F o r t h e w h o l e o f t h e p e r i o d u n d e r d i s c u s s i o n t h e n o r t h - e a s t h a s b e e n p o o r l y s u p p l i e d w i t h a w h o l e r a n g e o f social facilities, w h i c h is p e r h a p s t h e m a j o r r e a s o n for r e g a r d i n g it as a r e l a t i v e l y d e p r i v e d region over the 200-year period. The road network was poor and con­ t r i b u t e d t o r e g i o n a l i s o l a t i o n until s e r i o u s i m p r o v e m e n t s b e g a n t o b e m a d e i n t h e 1 9 6 0 s . A n y effective g o v e r n m e n t p o l i c y , a i m e d at d e a l ­ ing with the regional imbalance in economic performance which b e c a m e obvious b y the 1930s, w o u l d surely have concentrated on providing a road network which would have made the north-east m o r e attractive t o t h e i n d u s t r i a l i s t s w h o m t h e a c t u a l r e g i o n a l i n c e n ­ t i v e s w e r e i n t e n d e d t o attract. W i t h d e c l i n i n g u s e o f c o a s t a l s h i p p i n g a n d t h e u n c o m p e t i t i v e n e s s o f t h e r a i l w a y s for g o o d s c a r r i a g e , n o a m o u n t of provision of a d v a n c e d factories, depreciation a n d tax allow­ a n c e s , e t c . , w o u l d h a v e s e r i o u s i m p a c t if t h e m a j o r f o r m o f g o o d s c o m m u n i c a t i o n w a s inadequate. In the industrial climate of the middle of the twentieth century the north-east h a d too small a population t o p r o v i d e a v i a b l e e c o n o m i c d e m a n d a n d its e n t e r p r i s e s h a d , t h e r e ­ fore, t o b e c o m p e t i t i v e in w i d e r m a r k e t s . W h i l e p o o r r o a d facilities m a y have b e e n a result of the nineteenth-century concentration o n t h e s e a as t h e m a j o r m e a n s o f t r a n s p o r t it is l e s s e a s y to e x p l a i n o t h e r a r e a s o f i n a d e q u a c y i n social p r o v i s i o n . T h e t w o w h i c h are m o s t

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significant are h o u s i n g a n d h e a l t h , w h i c h m a y b e l o o k e d at in s o m e d e p t h s i n c e t h e y p r o v i d e m a j o r p l a n k s in t h e c a s e for calling t h e n o r t h ­ e a s t a d e p r i v e d r e g i o n . T h e y relate n o t to superficial c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s b u t to m a t t e r s o f crucial a n d e v e r y d a y c o n c e r n t o t h e w h o l e o f t h e population.

Housing T h e quality o f h o u s i n g is o n e o f t h e g r e a t factors w h i c h differentiates t h e n o r t h - e a s t f r o m o t h e r r e g i o n s . W e k n o w little o f t h e s t a t e o f h o u s ­ i n g for t h e m a j o r i t y at t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e p e r i o d , o t h e r t h a n t h a t it w a s p o o r , b u t t h a t w a s t r u e for t h e c o u n t r y as a w h o l e . A s p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e d , f r o m t h e m i d d l e o f t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y , h o w e v e r , it is clear t h a t t h e m a j o r i t y c r o w d e d i n t o e x i s t i n g a c c o m m o d a t i o n . T o w n s , s u c h as N e w c a s t l e a n d B e r w i c k , o n l y s l o w l y e x p a n d e d b e y o n d t h e i r m e d i e v a l l i m i t s . W h a t n e w b u i l d i n g t h e r e w a s t e n d e d to b e o f a n infill t y p e , w o r s e n i n g t h e spatial o v e r c r o w d i n g b y r e d u c i n g t h e availability o f light a n d air. T h e c e n t r a l , m e d i e v a l h o u s e s , o n c e t h e a c c o m m o d a t i o n for w e a l t h y m e r c h a n t s , b e c a m e t e n e m e n t e d

and

dilapidation followed overcrowding. In such circumstances the n o r m of a s i n g l e r o o m or at m o s t t w o r o o m s as a family d w e l l i n g b e c a m e established. In mining areas, probably the result of following the estab­ l i s h e d local agricultural p a t t e r n , t h e s i n g l e - r o o m e d c o t t a g e , a p p r o x i ­ m a t e l y 15 feet s q u a r e w a s c e r t a i n l y c o m m o n b y t h e e n d o f t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y . W i t h m a n y d w e l l i n g s so n o t i c e a b l y l i m i t e d in s p a c e it w a s i n e v i t a b l e t h a t h i g h l e v e l s o f o v e r c r o w d i n g w o u l d e n s u e . F r o m t h e p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h e first c e n s u s figures for 1 8 0 1 it is p o s s i b l e to p r o d u c e figures for o v e r c r o w d i n g b y d i v i d i n g total p o p u l a t i o n for a n y a r e a b y t h e n u m b e r o f d w e l l i n g s w h i c h e x i s t e d . T h e r e s u l t s are, h o w e v e r , o f little u s e a n d are p r o b a b l y n o t at all c o m p a r a b l e b e t w e e n local a r e a s , let a l o n e w i t h figures for o t h e r p a r t s o f t h e c o u n t r y . T h e r e a s o n for this s t a t e m e n t is t h a t t h e statistics are u n r e l i a b l e . A p a r t f r o m t h e fact t h a t it is k n o w n t h a t t h e e a r l y c e n s u s e s u n d e r - r e c o r d e d t h e p o p u l a t i o n , it is u n l i k e l y t h a t t h e r e c o r d e d figures for t h e n u m b e r s of u n o c c u p i e d h o u s e s are a c c u r a t e w h i l e t h e definition o f w h a t w a s a h o u s e r e m a i n e d b y n o m e a n s c o n s t a n t . W h a t w a s m o r e , it m u s t h a v e b e e n i n o r d i n a t e l y difficult for c e n s u s e n u m e r a t o r s to m a k e c o n ­ s i s t e n t d e c i s i o n s as to w h a t w a s a s e p a r a t e h o u s e in t h e t e n e m e n t s of N e w c a s t l e or G a t e s h e a d . F o r w h a t t h e y are w o r t h t h e figures s h o w d e n s i t i e s p e r o c c u p i e d h o u s e o f 9 . 0 p e r s o n s in N e w c a s t l e a n d 8.5

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p e r s o n s in S u n d e r l a n d in 1 8 0 1 , w i t h s o m e d e c l i n e to a little o v e r 8 . 0 in t h e f o l l o w i n g t w o c e n s u s e s . T h e s i g n i f i c a n c e o f s u c h

figures

d e p e n d s , o f c o u r s e , o n h o u s e size b u t , p l a c e d a l o n g s i d e t h e i n d i c a t i o n s that the n u m b e r of r o o m s per h o u s e was low, they suggest that very s e r i o u s o v e r c r o w d i n g a l r e a d y e x i s t e d in t h e m a i n t o w n s o f t h e r e g i o n b y t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . W h i l e t h e figures t a k e n o a c c o u n t o f r o o m size it is difficult to b e l i e v e t h a t this factor c o u l d offset t h e p r o b l e m . A l t h o u g h c o m p a r i s o n s w i t h o t h e r a r e a s are o f v e r y little validity it is significant t h a t n o o t h e r r e g i o n in E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s h a d figures o f d e n s i t y o f o c c u p a t i o n w h i c h a p p r o a c h e d t h o s e in t h e n o r t h - e a s t . A s o n e m i g h t e x p e c t , t h e n e x t h i g h e s t

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r e l a t e d to L o n d o n a n d M i d d l e s e x , w h e r e d e n s i t i e s v a r i e d f r o m 7 . 2 to 7.5 in t h e d e c a d e s 1 8 0 1 - 2 1 . S i n c e m o r e a c c u r a t e figures for later in t h e c e n t u r y c o n f i r m t h i s p r e - e m i n e n c e o f t h e n o r t h - e a s t in t e r m s of o v e r c r o w d i n g , it s e e m s safe to s a y t h a t it w a s a p o s i t i o n w h i c h w a s a l r e a d y e s t a b l i s h e d b y t h e b e g i n n i n g of t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . T h e i m p o r t a n t c o n c l u s i o n w h i c h f o l l o w s is t h a t it p r e - d a t e d b o t h a n y significant g r o w t h in t h e r e g i o n ' s p o p u l a t i o n a n d i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n o n a n y s c a l e . O v e r c r o w d i n g in t e r m s o f d e n s i t y p e r h o u s e w a s n o t , t h e r e ­ fore, d u e to i n t o l e r a b l e p r e s s u r e o f g r o w i n g n u m b e r s o n t h e e x i s t i n g h o u s e s t o c k w i t h a failure to b u i l d e n o u g h n e w h o u s e s to c o p e . N o r w a s it a r e s u l t o f i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n w h i c h f o r c e d w o r k i n g p e o p l e t o live in l i m i t e d h o u s i n g s p a c e b e c a u s e o f l o w i n c o m e s . It w a s histori­ cally e n d e m i c . C o n s i d e r i n g t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f h o u s i n g t o h u m a n h i s t o r y it is sur­ p r i s i n g t h a t s o little w o r k h a s b e e n u n d e r t a k e n t o a n a l y s e t h e p r o b l e m s of t h e n o r t h - e a s t a n d a s s e s s w h y it s h o u l d h a v e h a d t h e w o r s t o v e r ­ c r o w d i n g l e v e l s in E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s . O f t h e i d e a s w h i c h h a v e b e e n p u t f o r w a r d as e x p l a n a t i o n s n o n e is c o n v i n c i n g o n its o w n a n d e v e n c u m u l a t i v e l y t h e y h a r d l y a p p e a r satisfactory. It h a s b e e n s u g g e s t e d that the north-east w a s influenced b y Scottish experience but this s e e m s to b e b a s e d m o r e o n t h e fact t h a t b o t h a r e a s h a d h i g h o v e r c r o w d ­ i n g l e v e l s t h a n o n a n y e v i d e n c e t h a t t h o s e l e v e l s h a d a similar c a u s e o r t h a t t h e d i r e c t i o n a l l i n k w a s f r o m n o r t h to s o u t h . T h e p o l i c y o f colliery c o m p a n i e s in t h e n o r t h - e a s t o f p r o v i d i n g ' f r e e ' h o u s i n g for m o s t g r a d e s o f a d u l t m a l e colliery w o r k e r s h a s also b e e n p u t f o r w a r d as a partial s o l u t i o n . It is a r g u e d t h a t t h e c o m p a n i e s p r o v i d e d l o w - c o s t , small h o u s e s which proved inadequate but that their employees w o u l d n o t l e a v e t h e m for b e t t e r a c c o m m o d a t i o n , p a r t l y b e c a u s e t h e r e w a s little a l t e r n a t i v e b u t chiefly b e c a u s e t h e y w o u l d l o s e t h e i r rent-free

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a c c o m m o d a t i o n . T h e y w e r e , t h e r e f o r e , t i e d to o v e r c r o w d e d a c c o m m o ­ d a t i o n . W h i l e t h e r e is m u c h t r u t h i n t h i s a r g u m e n t , w h i c h h e l p s to e x p l a i n w h y o v e r c r o w d i n g c o n t i n u e d in t h e c o l l i e r y v i l l a g e s t h r o u g h ­ out the n i n e t e e n t h century (especially with the practice of families t a k i n g in s i n g l e m e n as l o d g e r s ) , it d o e s n o t e x p l a i n w h y it s t a r t e d . T h e free c o l l i e r y h o u s e w a s l a r g e l y a d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y in r e s p o n s e to t h e l a c k o f h o u s i n g i n t h e r e m o t e r p a r t s o f t h e coalfield w h i c h w e r e t h e n b e i n g p e n e t r a t e d b y m i n i n g . A s s u c h it w a s a r e s p o n s e to t h e a l r e a d y a c c e p t e d s t a n d a r d s o f h o u s i n g a c c o m ­ m o d a t i o n in t h e r e g i o n . It s e e m s u n l i k e l y t h a t c o a l o w n e r s d e l i b e r a t e l y h a d h o u s e s built w h i c h w e r e s m a l l e r t h a n t h e n o r m for t h e r e g i o n , w h i c h w a s d e t e r m i n e d as m u c h a s a n y t h i n g b y t h e u r b a n a r e a s c l o s e to t h e r i v e r s w h e r e t h e earlier c o l l i e r i e s h a d b e e n e s t a b l i s h e d . H i g h l a n d p r i c e s h a v e a l s o b e e n offered a s a c a u s e o f t h e b u i l d i n g o f a c c o m ­ m o d a t i o n o f l o w s q u a r e f o o t a g e . A g a i n t h i s s e e m s m o r e l i k e l y to h a v e b e e n a c a u s a t i v e factor i n t h e c o n t i n u a t i o n o f o v e r c r o w d i n g i n t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y r a t h e r t h a n a r e a s o n for its o r i g i n a l i n n o v a t i o n . In a n y e v e n t h i g h l a n d p r i c e s w e r e o n l y o f s i g n i f i c a n c e i n c e r t a i n areas and h a d n o impact o n colliery villages w h e r e h o u s e s w e r e small but gardens often large. T h e r e are o t h e r f a c t o r s , o n w h o s e s i g n i f i c a n c e little w o r k h a s as yet b e e n u n d e r t a k e n , w h i c h a r e c l e a r l y r e l e v a n t t o t h e r e g i o n ' s h o u s ­ i n g s t r u c t u r e . T h e first o f t h e s e is t h e l e v e l o f r e n t s . If r e n t s w e r e h i g h e r t h a n i n o t h e r r e g i o n s it m i g h t b e a r g u e d t h a t

workingmen

would purchase a smaller a m o u n t of dwelling space than in other r e g i o n s . F o r t h e p e r i o d w h e n , it h a s b e e n a r g u e d , t h e r e g i o n ' s s m a l l size o f d w e l l i n g b e c a m e e s t a b l i s h e d , t h e r e is n o c o n v e n i e n t s o u r c e of e v i d e n c e o n r e n t s . F o r t h e e a r l y t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y , h o w e v e r , a Board of Trade survey

10

does s h o w that rents in the north-east w e r e

a b o v e t h e a v e r a g e for s i m i l a r a c c o m m o d a t i o n i n o t h e r i n d u s t r i a l t o w n s in E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s . N e w c a s t l e h a d t h e f o u r t h h i g h e s t r e n t s o u t of a list o f s e v e n t y - t h r e e l a r g e t o w n s , w h i l e J a r r o w w a s s i x t h a n d G a t e s h e a d eighth. Nevertheless, while the level of rents in those t o w n s r a n g e d f r o m o n l y 6 6 p e r c e n t to 7 6 p e r c e n t o f t h e L o n d o n figures

for s i m i l a r a c c o m m o d a t i o n , L o n d o n h o u s e s w e r e n o t n o r m a l l y

s m a l l . M o r e o v e r r e n t s at S u n d e r l a n d a n d S o u t h S h i e l d s w e r e n o t i c e ­ ably lower a n d similar to t h o s e in t o w n s such as M i d d l e s b r o u g h , O l d h a m a n d Cardiff w h e r e h o u s e s w e r e o n a v e r a g e l a r g e r a n d o v e r 10

Report of an Enquiry by the Board of Trade into Working-Class Rents, Housing Retail Prices and Standard Rates of Wages in the United Kingdom, PP1908, CVII, pp. xiii-xx.

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c r o w d i n g w a s l e s s significant. I n d e e d t h e B o a r d o f T r a d e r e p o r t n o t e d that while there was s o m e broad correlation b e t w e e n high rents and high levels of overcrowding a n d vice versa, there w e r e too m a n y t o w n s in w h i c h t h e fit w a s p o o r for t h e c o r r e l a t i o n to b e s t r o n g . T h e s e c o n d factor o f r e l e v a n c e is i n c o m e l e v e l s in t h e r e g i o n . A g a i n t o o little is k n o w n o n t h i s s u b j e c t for t h e late e i g h t e e n t h a n d e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s b u t it is c l e a r t h a t w a g e r a t e s w e r e at l e a s t e q u a l t o t h o s e for s i m i l a r j o b s i n o t h e r i n d u s t r i a l a r e a s in t h e s e c o n d h a l f of t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . M o r e o v e r t h e n o r t h - e a s t h a d a h i g h p r o p o r ­ t i o n o f its e m p l o y e e s i n r e l a t i v e l y w e l l - p a i d o c c u p a t i o n s .

1 1

W h i l e it

is p o s s i b l e t h a t u n e m p l o y m e n t i n t h e r e g i o n w a s a b o v e t h e n a t i o n a l average and that average earnings might therefore have b e e n lower t h a n w o u l d o t h e r w i s e b e e x p e c t e d , t h e r e is n o r e a s o n to t h i n k t h a t this w o u l d have b e e n noticeably greater than in other areas of heavy i n d u s t r y . A final factor w i t h r e g a r d to i n c o m e w a s t h a t t h e o p p o r t u n i ­ t i e s for f e m a l e a n d c h i l d e m p l o y m e n t w e r e l i m i t e d i n t h e h e a v y i n d u s ­ tries o f t h e r e g i o n a n d t h a t t h i s t h e r e f o r e l i m i t e d t h e s c o p e for e x p a n d i n g f a m i l y e a r n i n g s . It i s , h o w e v e r , u n l i k e l y t h a t t h i s w a s o f sufficient i m p o r t a n c e to h a v e affected t h e s i z e o f t h e r e g i o n ' s h o u s e s a n d it c l e a r l y d o e s n o t e x p l a i n t h e fact t h a t f e m a l e e m p l o y m e n t w a s high a n d male w a g e s w e r e high in agricultural areas of N o r t h u m b e r ­ l a n d b u t h o u s e size w a s still s m a l l . Neither the relatively high rents of the region nor the probable level o f e a r n i n g s s e e m s l i k e l y to h a v e b e e n a d e t e r m i n i n g f a c t o r as t h e c a u s e o f t h e r e g i o n ' s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y s m a l l h o u s e s , a l t h o u g h it is difficult to b e c o n f i d e n t o n t h e s e m a t t e r s w i t h o u t d e t a i l e d r e s e a r c h o n t h e p o s i t i o n in t h e l a t e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y . I n d e e d , it s e e m s u n l i k e l y t h a t it is p o s s i b l e t o p r o d u c e a n y s i n g l e factor w h i c h g a v e t h e n o r t h - e a s t its u n e n v i a b l e r e p u t a t i o n in o v e r c r o w d i n g . T h e o c c u p a ­ tion of small dwellings (whether t h e y w e r e separate h o u s e s or part of a t e n e m e n t e d b u i l d i n g ) w a s a l r e a d y e s t a b l i s h e d as p a r t o f r e g i o n a l standards b y the e n d of the eighteenth century a n d relative isolation from other communities and other standards of housing provision s e e m s to h a v e m a i n t a i n e d it. E v e n t h e i n w a r d m i g r a t i o n o f t h e 1 8 6 0 s a n d 1870s did nothing to c h a n g e expectations of h o u s i n g standards, p r e s u m a b l y b e c a u s e t h e i m m i g r a n t s w e r e w o r k e r s w h o c o u l d d o little b u t a c c e p t w h a t a c c o m m o d a t i o n w a s a v a i l a b l e e v e n if it w a s l e s s s p a c i o u s t h a n t h a t to w h i c h t h e y w e r e u s e d .

11

E. H. Hunt, Regional Wage Variations in Britain, 1850-1914 (Oxford, 1973).

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D. J. ROWE

T h e t o w n s h a d at l e a s t t h e a d v a n t a g e t h a t cellar d w e l l i n g s w e r e u n c o m m o n , a point o n w h i c h the T y n e s i d e report to the Health of T o w n s C o m m i s s i o n c o m m e n t e d in 1 8 4 5 . O f the old m a n s i o n s near t h e q u a y s i d e it did, h o w e v e r , n o t e , ' S o m e o f t h e finest r e s i d e n c e s of f o r m e r N e w c a s t l e , t h e e a r l y a b o d e s o f t h e n o b l e a n d t h e w e a l t h y , with m a n y of the advantages of m o d e r n civilization parcelled into t e n e m e n t s , h a v e b e e n t u r n e d i n t o t h e f o u l e s t s h e l t e r s for t h e p o o r . '

1 2

It w a s n o t j u s t t h e o v e r c r o w d i n g o f o l d b u i l d i n g s , s i n c e , t h e r e p o r t continued,

' A t this very m o m e n t

s o m e of the n e w e s t streets of

N e w c a s t l e a n d G a t e s h e a d are fast b e c o m i n g as b a d a s t h e v e r y w o r s t p a r t s o f t h e o l d . ' I n t h e c e n t r a l N e w c a s t l e p a r i s h o f All S a i n t s ' r o o m s [are] v e r y c o m m o n l y i n h a b i t e d b y e i g h t o r t e n p e r s o n s ; t h e y a r e s o c h o k e d up b y the crowded contiguous buildings, that any semblance of a w i n d o w t h e y m a y p o s s e s s is u s e l e s s , a n d o n e n t e r i n g t h e m s o m e minutes must elapse before the eye can distinguish objects'. T h e report w e n t o n t o g i v e d e t a i l e d figures o n o v e r c r o w d i n g w h i c h s h o w e d t h a t figures

of 4 . 2 5 - 4 . 5 p e r s o n s p e r r o o m w a s a n a v e r a g e d e n s i t y for h o u s e s

in All Saints, N e w c a s t l e , although 'In the worst part of the parish, h o w e v e r , w e h a v e v e r y c o n s t a n t l y f o u n d f r o m six t o e i g h t p e r s o n s i n h a b i t i n g o n e r o o m , a n d f r e q u e n t l y 1 1 a n d 1 2 . T h e y all s l e e p in t h e s a m e r o o m a n d t h e a v e r a g e s i z e o f e a c h r o o m is 1 2 feet b y 1 0 , a n d u n d e r 9 feet h i g h . ' E v e n in t h e l e s s c r o w d e d p a r i s h o f S t A n d r e w s , to t h e n o r t h o f c e n t r a l N e w c a s t l e , p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y w a s 3 . 5 p e r r o o m o n the north side of Gallowgate. C h a d w i c k told the Social S c i e n c e A s s o c i a t i o n ' t h a t if " S i v a t h e D e s t r o y e r " w e r e t o r e q u i r e it, w e c o u l d c e r t a i n l y b u i l d a city in w h i c h w e c o u l d e n s u r e a d e a t h r a t e o f 4 0 p e r 1,000, or far m o r e t h a n d o u b l e t h e g e n e r a l m o r t a l i t y of t h e c o u n t r y . F o r t h a t p u r p o s e w e s h o u l d c o p y liberally a n d c l o s e l y the old parts of W h i t e h a v e n , those of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, and the w y n d s of G l a s g o w and of E d i n b u r g h . '

1 3

Of course other towns could show housing and overcrowding con­ ditions w h i c h w e r e equal to the worst w h i c h could b e s h o w n b y Newcastle or G a t e s h e a d but not the w i d e s p r e a d p r o b l e m w h i c h w a s a p p a r e n t i n t h e l a t t e r . It is n o t i c e a b l e t h a t C h a d w i c k c h o s e f o u r o l d established towns and not the newer ones which had

expanded

b e c a u s e o f i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n , w h i c h a g a i n p o i n t s to t h e l o n g - e s t a b 12

13

D. B. Reid, Report on the State of Newcastle upon Tyne and Other Towns (1845), p. 89. E. Chadwick, 'Address on Health', Transactions of the National Association for the Promotion of Social Science, Aberdeen Meeting 1877 (1878), p. 100.

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l i s h e d n a t u r e o f t h e p r o b l e m in t h e n o r t h - e a s t . It is, t h e r e f o r e , fortu­ n a t e t h a t t h e r e g i o n ' s p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h c a m e n o t in t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y b u t in t h e slightly m o r e e n l i g h t e n e d a n d socially a w a r e c o n ­ ditions from the second quarter of the nineteenth century onwards. Earlier p o p u l a t i o n e x p a n s i o n , h o u s e d t o e s t a b l i s h e d s t a n d a r d s o f accommodation with m o r e primitive building and sanitation tech­ niques, would have produced even more deplorable conditions. As it w a s t h e r e is s o m e e v i d e n c e to s u g g e s t a n o v e r a l l i m p r o v e m e n t in d e n s i t y o f h o u s i n g o c c u p a t i o n in t h e r e g i o n in t h e first h a l f o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . T o o m u c h a t t e n t i o n s h o u l d n o t b e p a i d to t h e statistics, w h i c h m a y o n l y reflect c h a n g i n g definition o f w h a t w a s a separate dwelling, but the 1851 c e n s u s s h o w s that D u r h a m h a d an average of 6.0 persons per occupied h o u s e and N o r t h u m b e r l a n d 6 . 3 . T h e s e figures w e r e w e l l b e l o w t h a t for M i d d l e s e x ( h e a v i l y d o m i ­ n a t e d b y L o n d o n ) o f 7 . 9 b u t similar to t h a t for S u r r e y ( a g a i n affected b y L o n d o n ) o f 6 . 3 a n d t h e y w e r e a b o v e t h e figure for a n y o t h e r c o u n t y . W h i l e t h e d e n s i t i e s p e r o c c u p i e d h o u s e w e r e falling, e v e n for t h e m a j o r t o w n s , t h e y w e r e still v e r y h i g h b y n a t i o n a l s t a n d a r d s . B e t w e e n 1 8 2 1 a n d 1 8 6 1 N e w c a s t l e ' s figure fell f r o m 8 . 4 to 7 . 8 b u t in t h e latter y e a r it w a s t h e h i g h e s t figure for a n y p r o v i n c i a l t o w n in E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s . It c a n , t h e r e f o r e , b e s h o w n t h a t o v e r c r o w d i n g d i d n o t w o r s e n d u r i n g t h e p o p u l a t i o n a n d i n d u s t r i a l g r o w t h o f t h e first h a l f o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . I n d e e d it s e e m s c l e a r t h a t t h e h e t e r o g e n e o u s c o l l e c t i o n o f individuals and

firms

which made up the construction

industry

m a n a g e d to c o p e with population growth. H o u s i n g output r e s p o n d e d w i t h v e r y little lag to p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h a n d t h e c e n s u s e s s h o w m a n y i n s t a n c e s in w h i c h , m e a s u r i n g b e t w e e n d e c a d a l p o i n t s , r a t e s o f g r o w t h o f p o p u l a t i o n a n d h o u s i n g s t o c k w e r e v e r y similar. T h i s w a s m o s t o b v i o u s w i t h r e g a r d t o colliery v i l l a g e s , o f w h i c h t w o e x a m p l e s f r o m t h e e a s t D u r h a m coalfield will suffice ( s e e T a b l e 6 . 1 ) . F o r t h e m a j o r t o w n s t h e c o r r e l a t i o n is l e s s r e m a r k a b l e b u t still significant ( s e e Table 6.2). P o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h a n d t h e b u i l d i n g o f h o u s i n g are, o f c o u r s e , f l o w s , while the c e n s u s e s only enable us to observe the stock of population a n d h o u s i n g at d e c a d a l i n t e r v a l s . U n d o u b t e d l y t h e r e w e r e , at p a r t i c u ­ lar p o i n t s in t i m e , d i s c r e p a n c i e s b e t w e e n t h e t w o w i t h h o u s i n g s h o w ­ ing a lagged r e s p o n s e to population growth. A s a result of a s u d d e n g r o w t h o f p o p u l a t i o n in a p a r t i c u l a r c o m m u n i t y o v e r c r o w d i n g c o n ­ ditions w o u l d w o r s e n temporarily but the broad picture over time

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T a b l e 6 . 1 Population and housing stock in two east Durham villages, 1831-81:

colliery

rates of increase (percentage) by decade 1831-41

1841-51

1851-61

1861-71

1871-81

Thornley Population Housing stock

5,460 5,856

0.4 1.1

20.7 19.7

-7.5 1.4

2.4 11.4

Wingate Population Housing stock

2,283 2,241

-6.4 7.3

-12.7 -3.4

44.8 37.4

91.7 80.8

T a b l e 6 . 2 Population and housing stock in Newcastle and 1811-71:

rates of increase (percentage)

Sunderland,

by decade

1811-21

1821-31

1831-41

1841-51

Sunderland Population Housing stock

23.1 11.7

28.5 28.0

30.9 38.7

24.8 18.7

Newcastle Population Housing stock

28.3 28.7

28.3 38.4

63.7* 54.4*

1851-61 1861-71 25.2 29.4

22.7 22.8

24.3 33.9

17.7 17.7

* The 1841 figure for housing stock for the Tyneside towns is known to be inaccurate and comparison is therefore made between 1831 and 1851. is o n e o f fairly c o n s i s t e n t p r o v i s i o n o f h o u s i n g . T h e r e w e r e , h o w e v e r , p l a c e s w h e r e t h e r e w a s a c o n s i d e r a b l e d e t e r i o r a t i o n , u s u a l l y as a r e s u l t of i n d u s t r i a l a n d u r b a n d e v e l o p m e n t in a n e w a r e a . O n T y n e s i d e , for i n s t a n c e , J a r r o w ' s p o p u l a t i o n h a d b e e n b e t w e e n 3 , 0 0 0 a n d 4 , 0 0 0 in t h e p e r i o d f r o m 1 8 1 1 t o 1 8 5 1 w i t h a d e n s i t y o f p o p u l a t i o n p e r h o u s e r a n g i n g f r o m 4 . 9 t o 5 . 8 . F r o m t h e e a r l y 1 8 5 0 s p o p u l a t i o n b e g a n to rise r a p i d l y a n d r e a c h e d 6 0 , 0 0 0 b y 1 9 0 1 , u n d e r t h e s t i m u l u s o f t h e growth of Palmer's works, and b e t w e e n 1861 and 1901 the density figures r a n g e d f r o m 7 . 1 t o 8 . 1 . In the s e c o n d half of the n i n e t e e n t h century the building of n e w i n d u s t r i a l c o m m u n i t i e s t e n d e d t o m a i n t a i n o v e r c r o w d i n g at a h i g h level, w h i l e t h e p o p u l a t i o n s o f o l d e r c o m m u n i t i e s e x p a n d e d to a l r e a d y accepted standards. T h e r e w e r e , h o w e v e r , modifications to the old p a t t e r n . First, t h e n u m b e r o f r o o m s t o t h e a v e r a g e d w e l l i n g b e g a n t o i n c r e a s e . W h e r e a s o n e o r t w o h a d b e e n t h e n o r m at t h e b e g i n n i n g

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of t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , t h e n e w b u i l d i n g after t h e m i d d l e o f t h e c e n t u r y w o u l d n o r m a l l y h a v e b e e n o f t w o or t h r e e r o o m s p e r d w e l l i n g . S i g n i f i c a n t l y , p e r h a p s , t h e c h a n g e c a m e as a g r o w i n g p r o p o r t i o n o f t h e r e g i o n ' s d w e l l i n g s w e r e s t r u c t u r a l l y s e p a r a t e (if t e r r a c e d ) h o u s e s , as a g a i n s t t h e o l d t e n e m e n t s . It w a s l e s s e a s y to d i v i d e a t w o - o r t h r e e - r o o m e d c o t t a g e i n t o d w e l l i n g s for m o r e t h a n o n e f a m i l y t h a n it h a d b e e n w i t h o l d e r , l a r g e r h o u s e s . W i t h t h i s d e v e l o p m e n t t h e r e c a m e the evolution of distinctive housing styles, especially the T y n e s i d e flat b u t a l s o t h e s i n g l e - s t o r i e d , t e r r a c e d c o t t a g e w h i c h a p p e a r e d i n m i n i n g v i l l a g e s b u t e s p e c i a l l y in S u n d e r l a n d . Little is k n o w n a b o u t t h e r e a s o n s for t h e e v o l u t i o n o f r e g i o n a l h o u s i n g t y p e s a n d n o confi­ dent explanation can be offered.

14

T h e single-storied cottage was pro­

b a b l y a c h e a p w a y o f p r o v i d i n g a m i n i m u m a m o u n t o f s p a c e . It o b v i o u s l y h a d a l o n g h i s t o r y in t h e r e g i o n b u t h a d e v o l v e d b y t h e s e c o n d h a l f o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y f r o m a s i n g l e r o o m , t h e traditio­ n a l a g r i c u l t u r a l a n d m i n i n g p a t t e r n , to t w o s i d e - b y - s i d e a n d o f t e n a kitchen b e h i n d . A further derivation, very c o m m o n in colliery c o m ­ m u n i t i e s , h a d b e e n for t h e u n c e i l e d loft a b o v e t h e s i n g l e r o o m t o be converted into sleeping quarters with ladder access, the height of s u b s e q u e n t c o t t a g e s to b e i n c r e a s e d to g i v e t w o full r o o m s , o n e - u p o n e - d o w n a n d t h e n f u r t h e r e x p a n s i o n to t h r e e o r f o u r r o o m s . T h e m o s t d i s t i n c t i v e h o u s e style w a s , h o w e v e r , t h e T y n e s i d e flat, b e g i n n i n g to e m e r g e f r o m t h e 1 8 5 0 s . T h e n a m e t e n d s to l o c a l i s e t h e s t y l e t o t o o g r e a t a n e x t e n t , s i n c e it w a s a l s o u s e d i n S u n d e r l a n d a n d W e s t H a r t l e p o o l ( a n d e v e n s p r e a d to p a r t s o f L o n d o n , a l t h o u g h t h e r e t h e flats o f t e n h a d r e a r g a r d e n s to w h i c h t h e u p p e r flat h a d n o a c c e s s ) . T h e T y n e s i d e flat w a s d i v i d e d h o r i z o n t a l l y , w i t h g r o u n d and

first-floor

flats, t h e u p p e r flat h a v i n g a c c e s s to t h e b a c k y a r d v i a

a s t a i r c a s e . Initial e x a m p l e s t e n d e d to h a v e t w o r o o m s in e a c h flat b u t i n l a t e r o n e s t h e r e w e r e t h r e e r o o m s in t h e u p s t a i r s flat ( t h e e x t r a o n e b e i n g partially c r e a t e d in t h e s p a c e o v e r t h e s t a i r s ) . T h e T y n e s i d e flat t h e r e f o r e f o l l o w e d t h e c o n t e m p o r a r y n o r m in t e r m s o f t h e a m o u n t of s p a c e it offered. It is c o m m o n l y a r g u e d t h a t t h e f o r m it t o o k w a s a r e s u l t o f h i g h l a n d c o s t s a n d , t h e r e f o r e , t h e n e c e s s i t y t o h o u s e as m a n y p e o p l e in as l i m i t e d a s p a c e as p o s s i b l e in o r d e r to k e e p r e n t s at a r e a s o n a b l e l e v e l . T o o little is k n o w n to b e c e r t a i n b u t it s e e m s u n l i k e l y t h a t l a n d c o s t s c o u l d h a v e b e e n a sufficiently l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n of total c o s t s o f h o u s i n g to h a v e h a d s u c h a n i n f l u e n c e . I n a d d i t i o n 14

The overall position is outlined very clearly and the pattern of the north-east dis­ cussed in S. Muthesius, The English Terraced House (1982).

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D. J . R O W E

o t h e r factors m a k e t h e l a n d - c o s t e x p l a n a t i o n s e e m d o u b t f u l . T h e T y n e ­ side flat d e v e l o p e d j u s t at t h e t i m e w h e n h o u s e - b u i l d i n g o n T y n e s i d e was beginning to develop away from the old urban centres and the flats w e r e m o s t c o m m o n o n t h e f r i n g e s o f G a t e s h e a d , N e w c a s t l e , South Shields and so on, where land was presumably

cheaper.

S e c o n d l y , t h e T y n e s i d e flat w a s a r e v e r s i o n f r o m t h e l a r g e r h o u s e s , d i v i d e d i n t o t e n e m e n t s , w h i c h h a d b e e n built o n p r e s u m a b l y m o r e e x p e n s i v e l a n d n e a r e r t h e c e n t r e s in t h e first h a l f o f t h e c e n t u r y . T h i r d l y , t h e T y n e s i d e flat e x i s t e d i n S u n d e r l a n d w h e r e s i n g l e - s t o r i e d c o t t a g e s w e r e a l s o built a n d it is difficult t o a r g u e t h a t c o s t o f l a n d w a s a n i m p o r t a n t factor i n s u c h c i r c u m s t a n c e s . It s e e m s m o s t l i k e l y t h a t t h e T y n e s i d e flat w a s a r e s p o n s e t o t h e n e e d to i m p r o v e l o c a l h o u s i n g s t a n d a r d s , p e r h a p s w i t h i n t h e c o n ­ straints o f r e l a t i v e l y h i g h - c o s t l a n d . I n t h i s l i g h t t h e flat w o u l d b e s e e n as g i v i n g l a r g e r a c c o m m o d a t i o n t h a n w a s p r e v i o u s l y a v a i l a b l e for m a n y a n d w i t h t h e a d v a n t a g e o f a s e l f - c o n t a i n e d d w e l l i n g in p l a c e of a t e n e m e n t . T h e l a c k o f g a r d e n s p a c e ( a n d t h e r e f o r e e x t e r n a l p l a y area) w o u l d o b v i o u s l y b e a r e s u l t o f t h e fact t h a t t h e earlier t e n e m e n t e d dwellings h a d given the area n o experience of the u s e or benefits of g a r d e n s . S u b s e q u e n t flat-building f o l l o w e d t h e p a t t e r n o f i m ­ provement of housing standards with the evolution of a n o r m of threea n d f o u r - r o o m e d flats b y t h e e n d o f t h e c e n t u r y . T h i s b e g a n to e a s e t h e o v e r c r o w d i n g p r o b l e m s in t h e m a j o r city a r e a s , a l t h o u g h o n l y slowly since the smaller, older dwellings r e m a i n e d a large proportion of total s t o c k . W h i l e t h e i n c r e a s e in n u m b e r o f r o o m s p e r d w e l l i n g w a s t h e first m o d i f i c a t i o n t o t h e r e g i o n a l h o u s i n g a n d o v e r c r o w d i n g p r o b l e m in t h e s e c o n d h a l f o f t h e c e n t u r y , t h e s e c o n d w a s t h e m a r k e d l y different p a t t e r n w h i c h d e v e l o p e d in t h e s o u t h e r n p a r t o f t h e r e g i o n . W h i l e t h e e x i s t i n g t o w n s s u c h as S t o c k t o n a n d D a r l i n g t o n h a d t h e a d v a n t a g e of b e i n g s m a l l , b o t h t h e y in t h e i r n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y g r o w t h a n d t h e n e w t o w n s of M i d d l e s b r o u g h a n d W e s t Hartlepool m a n a g e d to h o u s e their i n c r e a s i n g p o p u l a t i o n s at m u c h l o w e r d e n s i t i e s p e r h o u s e t h a n w e r e t h e n o r m in t h e T y n e s i d e a n d W e a r s i d e t o w n s . D a r l i n g t o n h a d d e n s i t i e s o f b e t w e e n 6 . 0 a n d 6 . 5 f r o m 1 8 1 1 to 1 8 5 1 a n d b e l o w 5 . 0 by 1900; Stockton had densities below 6.0 throughout the century; a n d W e s t H a r t l e p o o l ' s o n l y r o s e a little a b o v e 6 . 0 in t w o r a p i d p e r i o d s of p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h in t h e 1 8 4 0 s a n d 1 8 6 0 s . B y c o n t r a s t i n 1 9 0 1 t h e T y n e s i d e t o w n s v a r i e d in d e n s i t i e s f r o m 7 . 5 p e r h o u s e at H e b b u r n to 8.3 at W a l l s e n d .

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449

L o c a l e x p e c t a t i o n s o f h o u s i n g p r o v i s i o n w e r e o b v i o u s l y different in t h e s o u t h e r n p a r t o f C o u n t y D u r h a m , right f r o m t h e b e g i n n i n g of t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , a n d t h e s e affected t h e h o u s i n g w h i c h w a s built e v e n in t h e r a p i d l y e x p a n d i n g t o w n s . H o u s i n g c o n d i t i o n s a n d o v e r c r o w d i n g for t h e M i d d l e s b r o u g h i r o n a n d s t e e l w o r k e r s m a y h a v e b e e n p o o r , as L a d y B e l l s h o w e d , b u t t h e y w e r e still c o n s i d e r a b l y b e t t e r t h a n in t h e o l d e r p a r t s o f t h e r e g i o n . A n d this is a d i s t i n c t i o n w h i c h b e c o m e s d r a m a t i c a l l y c l e a r w h e n w e h a v e d e t a i l e d figures for o v e r ­ crowding collected from the 1891 census onwards. This was a culmina­ tion of a considerable outcry about the conditions of working-class h o u s i n g o n a n a t i o n a l s c a l e , w h i c h h a d l e d t o t h e p o s i n g in t h e c e n s u s of a q u e s t i o n t o d e t e r m i n e t h e p r o p o r t i o n o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n living at a d e n s i t y o f g r e a t e r t h a n t w o p e r s o n s p e r r o o m . T h e r e s u l t s c o n ­ f i r m e d t h a t t h e n o r t h - e a s t h a d l e v e l s of o v e r c r o w d i n g w h i c h w e r e horrifically w o r s e t h a n a n y o t h e r a r e a : 3 4 p e r c e n t o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n of C o u n t y D u r h a m a n d 3 8 p e r c e n t o f t h a t o f N o r t h u m b e r l a n d living at d e n s i t i e s g r e a t e r t h a n t w o p e r r o o m , w h i l e t h e n e x t w o r s e w a s L o n d o n which averaged just under 20 per cent. In the next two d e c a d e s t h e r e w a s i m p r o v e m e n t a n d in 1 9 1 1 t h e figures w e r e 2 8 . 7 p e r c e n t for N o r t h u m b e r l a n d a n d 2 8 . 5 p e r c e n t for C o u n t y D u r h a m . W h i l e t h o s e figures w e r e s u r p r i s i n g it w a s t h e similarities a n d differ­ e n c e s w i t h i n t h e r e g i o n w h i c h w e r e f a s c i n a t i n g . First, t h e d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n south D u r h a m a n d the rest of the region w a s confirmed. In 1911 Barnard Castle (14.8 per cent), Bishop Auckland (18.1 per cent), Darlington (12.8 per cent), Shildon (15.9 per cent), Stockton (10.9 per cent) and W e s t Hartlepool (16.7 per cent) m a y be simply p i c k e d f r o m t h e list o f D u r h a m c o m m u n i t i e s b e c a u s e t h e y w e r e t h e only places with overcrowding below 20 per cent of their populations. That t h e y h a d around o n e half of the regional level of overcrowding p o i n t s t o t h e i r distinct e x p e r i e n c e in h o u s i n g t e r m s . T h e s e c o n d c o n ­ c l u s i o n t o w h i c h t h e statistics l e a d is t h a t for t h e r e m a i n d e r of t h e region (other than south D u r h a m ) overcrowding levels were generally h i g h . T h e r e is n o e v i d e n c e t h a t u r b a n a r e a s h a d h i g h e r levels t h a n rural a r e a s n o r t h a t l a r g e t o w n s h a d h i g h e r l e v e l s t h a n s m a l l t o w n s , i n d e e d s o m e o f t h e h i g h e s t l e v e l s in D u r h a m w e r e in s m a l l m i n i n g c o m m u n i t i e s s u c h as A n n f i e l d P l a i n a n d L e a d g a t e w h e r e s m a l l w o r k ­ ing-class h o u s e s m a d e up nearly the w h o l e of the housing stock. Over­ crowding w a s clearly e n d e m i c throughout N o r t h u m b e r l a n d and most of C o u n t y D u r h a m as a r e s u l t o f l o w e x p e c t a t i o n s . I n N o r t h u m b e r l a n d i n a m a r k e t t o w n s u c h as M o r p e t h , 1 5 m i l e s n o r t h o f T y n e s i d e , t h e

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D. J . R O W E

level in 1 9 1 1 w a s 3 2 . 9 p e r c e n t as c o m p a r e d w i t h t h e n e a r b y m i n i n g t o w n o f A s h i n g t o n at 3 2 . 2 p e r c e n t , t h e s m a l l p o r t o f A m b l e at 3 2 . 6 p e r c e n t , t h e agricultural village o f Belford at 3 1 . 3 p e r c e n t a n d t h e r e g i o n a l m e t r o p o l i s o f N e w c a s t l e at 3 1 . 6 p e r c e n t . O f c o u r s e , t h o s e e x a m p l e s h a v e b e e n c h o s e n to h i g h l i g h t t h e p o i n t that c o m m u n i t i e s of totally different size a n d i n d u s t r i a l s t r u c t u r e h a d virtually i d e n t i c a l o v e r c r o w d i n g p r o b l e m s a n d it is p o s s i b l e to select a r e a s w h e r e t h e p r o b l e m w a s l e s s (or m o r e ) m a r k e d . A l r e a d y b y t h e e v i d e n c e f r o m t h e 1 8 9 1 c e n s u s it is clear t h a t t h e p r o b l e m w a s c a u s e d b y t h e l a r g e n u m b e r o f d w e l l i n g s c o m p o s e d o f v e r y f e w r o o m s . In G l e n d a l e , in t h e rural n o r t h o f N o r t h u m b e r l a n d , t h e r e w e r e , in 1 8 9 1 , 8 8 d w e l l i n g s of o n l y o n e o r t w o r o o m s , e a c h c o n t a i n i n g n i n e or m o r e o c c u p a n t s , w h i l e at t h e o t h e r e n d o f t h e r e g i o n t h e r e w e r e 4 9 5 s u c h d w e l l i n g s in N e w c a s t l e . W h e n it is r e m e m b e r e d t h a t d w e l l i n g s of o n e o r t w o r o o m s n e e d e d r e s p e c t i v e l y o n l y m o r e t h a n t w o or four a n d n o t n i n e o c c u p a n t s to b e classified as o v e r c r o w d e d , t h e e x t e n t o f t h e p r o b l e m m a y b e i m a g i n e d . I n N o r t h u m b e r l a n d in 1 8 9 1 d w e l l i n g s of o n l y o n e or t w o r o o m s c o m p r i s e d 4 6 . 3 p e r c e n t o f t h e total s t o c k . In 1901, 77.4 per cent of D u r h a m ' s and 77.8 per cent of Northumber­ l a n d ' s h o u s i n g s t o c k w a s o f l e s s t h a n five r o o m s , w h i l e t h e

figure

for t h e n e x t w o r s t c o u n t y , L a n c a s h i r e , w a s 4 9 . 5 p e r c e n t . T h e

figures

for t h e p r o p o r t i o n o f d w e l l i n g s o f a n y p a r t i c u l a r size w h i c h w e r e o v e r ­ c r o w d e d s h o w m u c h h i g h e r figures for t h e n o r t h - e a s t for d w e l l i n g s of o n e to four r o o m s t h a n a n y o t h e r area, p o i n t i n g to t h e fact t h a t the widespread provision of small houses was the cause of overcrowd­ i n g . T h e 1 9 2 1 c e n s u s , for i n s t a n c e , s h o w e d t h a t 5 3 8 p e r 1,000 o f Northumberland's

h o u s i n g s t o c k w e r e o f o n l y o n e to t h r e e r o o m s

a n d 4 5 8 o f C o u n t y D u r h a m ' s , w h i l e t h e n e x t h i g h e s t level for a c o u n t y in E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s w a s 3 4 0 for t h e W e s t R i d i n g o f Y o r k s h i r e , fol­ l o w e d b y 2 5 2 for C u m b e r l a n d . G r o w i n g social c o n c e r n a n d t h e availability o f e v i d e n c e s u c h as t h a t b r o u g h t f o r w a r d b y t h e c e n s u s e s l e d t o a s e r i e s o f social e n q u i r i e s w h i c h further e l u c i d a t e d t h e p r o b l e m . T h i s w a s p a r t o f a n a t i o n a l movement which included Booth's work on London and Rowntree's o n Y o r k a n d in it t h e n o r t h - e a s t figured to o n l y a l i m i t e d e x t e n t . A l m o s t c e r t a i n l y t h e p r e - 1 9 1 4 p r o s p e r i t y o f t h e h e a v y i n d u s t r i e s l e d to t h e a s s u m p t i o n t h a t all w a s w e l l w h i l e t h e u n d e r l y i n g e v i d e n c e p o i n t s to t h e c o n t i n u a t i o n o f relative d e p r i v a t i o n . It w a s n o t until h e a v y u n e m p l o y m e n t s e t in in t h e i n t e r w a r y e a r s t h a t social i n v e s t i g a t o r s p a i d s e r i o u s a t t e n t i o n to t h e r e g i o n a n d t h e n t h e r e w e r e e x c e l l e n t

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

The north-east surveys of Tyneside by M e s s and Goodfellow,

1 5

451

t h e latter noting

t h a t ' T y n e s i d e i n t h e p a s t h a s s u f f e r e d f r o m false p r o s p e r i t y . . . H i g h w a g e s did not m e a n p l e n t y . '

1 6

T h e investigators c o n t i n u e d to stress

the impressive levels of overcrowding, drawing their evidence from each successive census which showed absolute improvement but the c o n t i n u e d p r e - e m i n e n c e of the north-east relative to other regions. M e s s noted that

' T y n e s i d e h o m e s are exceptionally s m a l l '

1 7

and

pointed out that in 1921 the t o w n s of G a t e s h e a d , Newcastle, T y n e m o u t h a n d S o u t h Shields h a d m o r e t h a n 10 per cent of their families l i v i n g i n o n l y o n e r o o m ( a g a i n s t a n a v e r a g e for E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s of 3 . 6 p e r c e n t ) a n d m o r e t h a n 2 5 p e r c e n t l i v i n g i n o n l y t w o r o o m s (England and Wales 10.5 per cent). Conversely, less than 20 per cent of f a m i l i e s o c c u p i e d five o r m o r e r o o m s ( a g a i n s t a n a v e r a g e for E n g ­ land a n d W a l e s of 4 6 per cent). T y n e s i d e averaged in 1 9 2 1 an over­ c r o w d i n g l e v e l (at g r e a t e r t h a n t w o p e r s o n s p e r r o o m ) o f 3 4 . 9 p e r c e n t o f its p o p u l a t i o n , w h i l e t h e w o r s t l e v e l i n t h e r e s t o f t h e c o u n t r y w a s in t w o L o n d o n b o r o u g h s , Finsbury a n d S h o r e d i t c h , w h e r e 3 0 per cent was exceeded. At Hebburn

(which significantly h a d

the

largest proportion of one- and two-roomed dwellings) the region's w o r s t o v e r c r o w d i n g l e v e l w a s 4 6 . 9 p e r c e n t a g a i n s t a n a v e r a g e for England and Wales of 9.6 per cent. Disparities of that

order

could not b e expected to

disappear,

especially in the d e p r e s s e d years of t h e interwar period w h e n local authorities in the north-east w e r e a m o n g t h e m o s t hard-pressed in t e r m s of available financial resources a n d w h e n m u c h of t h e popula­ t i o n w a s i n n o p o s i t i o n t o p a y for i m p r o v e d a c c o m m o d a t i o n . S l u m c l e a r a n c e d i d a little t o r e m o v e t h e w o r s t o f t h e p r o b l e m b y e l i m i n a t i n g m a n y of the old o n e - a n d t w o - r o o m e d t e n e m e n t s in central areas. I n a d d i t i o n , p r o b a b l y for t h e first t i m e , n e w b u i l d i n g , b o t h c o u n c i l a n d p r i v a t e ( w h i c h e v e n i n t h e n o r t h - e a s t a c c o u n t e d for t h e m a j o r i t y o f all h o u s e s c o n s t r u c t e d i n t h e i n t e r w a r y e a r s ) , w a s d o n e t o a s t a n d a r d of a c c o m m o d a t i o n s i m i l a r t o t h a t i n t h e r e s t o f t h e c o u n t r y . T h e s t o c k of s m a l l , o l d d w e l l i n g s c o n t i n u e d t o d o m i n a t e t h e s i t u a t i o n , h o w e v e r , especially in the large t o w n s w h i c h w e r e not experiencing m u c h n e w building b e c a u s e of stagnation in population size. In a national over­ c r o w d i n g s u r v e y p u b l i s h e d i n 1 9 3 6 n o r t h - e a s t e r n t o w n s filled t h e first 15

H. A. Mess, Industrial Tyneside (1928), and D. M. Goodfellow, Tyneside: The Social Facts (Newcastle upon Tyne, 1940).

16

Goodfellow, Tyneside: The Social Facts, pp. 18-19. Mess, Industrial Tyneside, p. 77.

17

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six p l a c e s in a list of t h e t o w n s w i t h t h e h i g h e s t o v e r c r o w d i n g l e v e l s .

1

Statistical a n a l y s i s of t h e figures g i v e n i n t h e s u r v e y s h o w s t h a t t h e r e w a s o n l y m a r g i n a l difference b e t w e e n t h e n o r t h - e a s t e r n t o w n s a n d o t h e r s w i t h r e g a r d to d i s t r i b u t i o n o f families b y size, w h i l e far m o r e s m a l l families w e r e living in o v e r c r o w d e d c o n d i t i o n s in t h e n o r t h - e a s t t h a n e l s e w h e r e , p o i n t i n g c o n c l u s i v e l y to t h e s i g n i f i c a n c e o f h o u s e size in c a u s i n g o v e r c r o w d i n g .

Similarly the 1951 census

showed

G a t e s h e a d t o p o f a list o f 1 5 7 l a r g e t o w n s in a n u m b e r o f i m p o r t a n t c a t e g o r i e s - t h e n u m b e r of d w e l l i n g s o f o n l y o n e to t h r e e r o o m s , d e n s i t y of p e r s o n s p e r r o o m , n u m b e r o f o v e r c r o w d e d

households,

a n d n u m b e r of h o u s e h o l d s w i t h m o r e t h a n 1.5 p e r s o n s p e r r o o m .

1 9

E v e n in t h e 1 9 8 0 s t h e h a n g o v e r of late n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y h o u s i n g still m e a n s t h a t p r o v i s i o n in m u c h o f t h e r e g i o n is b e l o w t h e n a t i o n a l a v e r a g e in t e r m s o f s p a c e p e r d w e l l i n g . T h a t m a n y s u c h h o u s e s h a v e l a s t e d for a c e n t u r y a n d in r e c e n t y e a r s h a v e j u s t i f i e d m o d e r n i s a t i o n r a t h e r t h a n d e m o l i t i o n , d o e s , h o w e v e r , p o i n t to t h e i r e s s e n t i a l l y s o u n d q u a l i t y o f c o n s t r u c t i o n . I n d e e d in t h e 1 9 8 0 s t h e y m a y , at last, h a v e f o u n d t h e i r t r u e metier,

fitting

m o d e r n family size without causing

overcrowding. Although the region has always had an unusually high proportion of its p o p u l a t i o n in t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s e s , for w h o m t e n e m e n t d w e l l i n g s a n d s m a l l h o u s e s w e r e t h e n o r m , it w o u l d b e u n r e a s o n a b l e to l e a v e the impression that these w e r e the only form of a c c o m m o d a t i o n in the region. B y the middle of the eighteenth century both Tyneside and Wearside had well-established merchant and commercial com­ m u n i t i e s , t h e m i d d l e - c l a s s m e m b e r s o f w h i c h c o u l d afford h o u s i n g of h i g h q u a l i t y . Initially t h e y h a d l i v e d in t h e m e d i e v a l t o w n c e n t r e s b u t g r o w i n g w e a l t h e n a b l e d t h e m , a n d t h e p r o b l e m s o f g r o w i n g city centre population persuaded

t h e m , to m o v e f u r t h e r afield. L a r g e

G e o r g i a n t e r r a c e d h o u s e s w i t h g a r d e n s b e h i n d w e r e built o n n e w streets radiating from the old centres, subsequently in the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y to b e c o n v e r t e d a n d t h e n d e m o l i s h e d for t h e p u r p o s e o f retail­ i n g . A s t h e w e a l t h y p o p u l a t i o n s p r e a d f u r t h e r afield to m a i n t a i n its e x c l u s i v e n e s s n e w m i d d l e - c l a s s t e r r a c e s w e r e built in t h e e a r l y n i n e ­ t e e n t h c e n t u r y a n d o n w a r d s , c a t e r i n g also for t h e r i s i n g n u m b e r s o f

18

19

Ministry of Health, Report on the Overcrowding Survey in England and Wales (1936), p. xvii. N. McCord and D. J. Rowe, 'Industrialisation and Urban Growth in North-East England', International Review of Social History, 22 (1977), p. 62.

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453

b u s i n e s s m e n . N e w c a s t l e , in particular, w e n t in for s u c h t e r r a c e s o f l a r g e , r e f i n e d b u t i d e n t i c a l h o u s e s - h o m e s for p r o f e s s i o n a l m e n , s m a l l industrialists, m e r c h a n t s and so on. Frequently these provided the first s t a g e in u p w a r d social m o b i l i t y , to b e f o l l o w e d p e r h a p s b y a villa in L o w Fell, s o u t h o f G a t e s h e a d a n d t h e n (if f o r t u n e c o n t i n u e d to s m i l e ) b y a m o d e s t c o u n t r y h o u s e w i t h t w e n t y or thirty r o o m s and a few h u n d r e d acres of land. T h e c o u n t r y h o u s e w a s a n a r e a o f a c c o m m o d a t i o n in w h i c h t h e region and especially N o r t h u m b e r l a n d was well supplied ( m a n y have n o w e x p e r i e n c e d c o n v e r s i o n for u s e as s c h o o l s , r e s t a u r a n t s

and

offices, as a r e s u l t o f t h e i n e v i t a b l e s h o r t a g e s a n d h i g h c o s t o f d o m e s t i c staff). T h e r e g i o n ' s l a n d o w n e r s h a d t h e i n e v i t a b l e s u p p l y o f large h o u s e s ( s h o w i n g t h e f a s c i n a t i n g i n f l u e n c e of b o r d e r w a r f a r e a n d its d e c l i n e in t h e i r g r a d u a l c o n v e r s i o n f r o m fortress, to h o u s e - c u m - f o r t r e s s to p u r e l y d o m e s t i c a r c h i t e c t u r e ) . T h e l a r g e s t i n c l u d e d h o u s e s o u t s t a n d i n g b y n a t i o n a l s t a n d a r d s s u c h as A l n w i c k , C h i p c h a s e , R a b y a n d L u m l e y C a s t l e s . B u t it w a s l e s s t h e h o u s e s o f t h e o l d - e s t a b l i s h e d landowners than those of the newly developing o n e s which gave the r e g i o n s u c h a n i m p r e s s i v e c o l l e c t i o n . F r o m e a r l y in t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y , g a t h e r i n g s t r e n g t h d u r i n g t h a t c e n t u r y a n d c o m i n g to full flower in t h e first t h r e e - q u a r t e r s o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , t h e r e w a s a massive p h a s e of country-house building b a s e d on industrial and c o m m e r c i a l w e a l t h . T y n e s i d e m e r c h a n t s , like t h e R i d l e y s w h o built B l a g d o n , c o a l o w n e r s , like C. W . B i g g e w h o built L i n d e n Hall, a n d i n d u s t r i a l i s t s , like I s a a c C o o k s o n a n d W i l l i a m C u t h b e r t w h o built r e ­ s p e c t i v e l y M e l d o n Hall a n d B e a u f r o n t C a s t l e , all c o n t r i b u t e d t o this e f f l o r e s c e n c e . Its a p o t h e o s i s w a s s e e n in C r a g s i d e , t h e h o u s e built for S i r W i l l i a m A r m s t r o n g o n a r e m o t e , r o c k a n d m o o r l a n d e s t a t e n e a r R o t h b u r y . B u t C r a g s i d e (like t h e earlier m o d i f i c a t i o n s to A l n w i c k Castle) w a s the w o r k of a L o n d o n architect, while m o s t of the countryh o u s e d e s i g n s w e r e h o m e - g r o w n . S i m p l e , classical w o r k w a s i n a u g u r ­ a t e d b y S i r C h a r l e s M o n c k in h i s o w n B e l s a y Hall a n d t h e n in L i n d e n H a l l j o i n t l y w i t h J o h n D o b s o n , t h e d o y e n o f N o r t h u m b e r l a n d archi­ t e c t s , w h o s e w o r k in a v a r i e t y of s t y l e s w a s to p r o v i d e for t h e a s p i r a t i o n s o f m a n y o f t h e i n d u s t r i a l l y rich d u r i n g t h e first h a l f o f the nineteenth century. T h e c o n t r a s t b e t w e e n t h e h o u s i n g of industrialists a n d o f t h e i r w o r k e r s is a l w a y s startling b u t it is p e r h a p s m o r e t h a n s o in t h e n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y

north-east.

unusually

It is also r e m a r k a b l e in

that, a l t h o u g h t h e rich a n d p o o r h a d a l w a y s h a d a c c o m m o d a t i o n

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differentiated b y t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e w e a l t h s , t h e y h a d i n t h e p a s t n o t b e e n separated spatially. T h e m a n a g i n g partner of the Elswick L e a d W o r k s n e a r N e w c a s t l e , for i n s t a n c e , l i v e d i n a h o u s e (albeit a v e r y s p a c i o u s o n e ) in t h e w o r k s u n t i l t h e e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , a d j a c e n t to t h e c o t t a g e s b u i l t for h i s s t r a t e g i c w o r k e r s . S o c i a l p r e s s u r e s a n d p e r h a p s i m p r o v i n g t r a n s p o r t facilities m e a n t t h a t t h i s k i n d o f p r o p i n ­ q u i t y b e c a m e m u c h l e s s c o m m o n as t h e c e n t u r y p r o g r e s s e d . O n e final p o i n t m i g h t b e m a d e a b o u t h o u s i n g a n d t h a t is t h e r e l a t i v e shortage of middle-class h o u s i n g in m u c h of the region - o n e of the great complaints of the business executive of the s e c o n d half of the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y c o n d e m n e d t o a stint in a r e g i o n a l office. T h e r e a r e a n u m b e r o f r e a s o n s for t h i s s h o r t a g e . P r i m e a m o n g t h e m m u s t b e t h e fact t h a t in t h e n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y f o r m a t i v e p e r i o d o f t h e h o u s ­ ing stock there was a low proportion of professional and higher mana­ gerial p e r s o n n e l in t h e r e g i o n ' s p o p u l a t i o n , w h i l e t h e d e p r e s s i o n o f the interwar years, w h e n c o m m u t e r h o u s i n g really b e c a m e important elsewhere, m a d e the region e v e n less attractive to such people. That m a n y of the villages on the edges of the major built-up areas w e r e colliery c o m m u n i t i e s m a d e it difficult to e s t a b l i s h m i d d l e - c l a s s c o m ­ m u t e r a r e a s b a s e d o n o l d a g r i c u l t u r a l c e n t r e s . It is n o t i c e a b l e t h a t N e w c a s t l e ' s o n e significant m i d d l e - c l a s s c o m m u t e r v i l l a g e , P o n t e l a n d , is t o t h e n o r t h - w e s t o f t h e t o w n , off t h e coalfield. T o a g r e a t extent, therefore, middle-class h o u s i n g w a s d e p e n d e n t o n the large terraces of the Victorian and Edwardian years, frequently garden-less, w h i c h often did not appeal to the m o d e r n b u s i n e s s m e n . Lack of ' e x e c u t i v e ' t y p e h o u s e - b u i l d i n g in t h e y e a r s b e f o r e 1 9 3 9 left t h e r e g i o n w i t h a n o b v i o u s i n a d e q u a c y w h i c h w a s t o p r o v e c o s t l y in t h e t h i r d q u a r t e r o f t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y in t e r m s o f failure t o attract t h e m o r e dynamic entrepreneurs to the area. T h e pattern of h o u s i n g outlined a b o v e h a s a l s o left t h e r e g i o n w i t h a different o w n e r s h i p

structure

from the national picture. In 1976 the northern region h a d the lowest l e v e l o f o w n e r - o c c u p a n c y ( 4 5 p e r c e n t ) in E n g l a n d ( w h o s e a v e r a g e w a s 5 5 p e r c e n t ) a n d c o n v e r s e l y t h e h i g h e s t l e v e l o f local a u t h o r i t y housing provision (40 per cent) against an English average of 29 per c e n t . A l t h o u g h t h i s s t r u c t u r e r e s u l t e d f r o m a t t e m p t s b y local a u t h o r i ­ ties s i n c e t h e 1 9 2 0 s to d e a l w i t h t h e p r e v i o u s d e p r i v a t i o n in r e g i o n a l h o u s i n g p r o v i s i o n , it d o e s , o f c o u r s e , p o i n t t o t h e c o n t i n u a t i o n o f a different f o r m o f d e p r i v a t i o n s i n c e o w n e r - o c c u p i e r s r e c e i v e h i g h e r h o u s i n g s u b s i d i e s ( t h r o u g h m o r t g a g e i n t e r e s t relief) a n d social s t a t u s than do council house occupants.

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Health The

s t a t e o f p u b l i c h e a l t h is affected t o a c o n s i d e r a b l e e x t e n t b y t h e

h o m e environment, and since a large proportion of the region's popu­ lation h a s always lived in h o u s i n g w h i c h w a s i n a d e q u a t e in terms of s p a c e , it c a n n o t b e w o n d e r e d at t h a t it e x p e r i e n c e d h i g h l e v e l s of m o r t a l i t y f r o m t h o s e e p i d e m i c d i s e a s e s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h p o o r l i v i n g conditions. F r o m the b e g i n n i n g of the n i n e t e e n t h century c o n t e m p o r a r y social investigators c o m m e n t e d o n the appalling housing conditions

and

their likely impact o n health, especially o n T y n e s i d e w h e r e the worst conditions were most widespread.

2 0

N e w c a s t l e ' s M e d i c a l Officer o f

Health, in writing a survey of the t o w n ' s sanitary history u p to 1 8 8 1 , q u o t e d an account written in 1804: It is impossible to give a proper representation of the wretched state of many of the habitations of the indigent, situated in the confined lanes from the Quay-side, Castle Garth, and Sandgate, which are kept in a most filthy state, and, to a stranger, would appear inimical to the existence of human beings; where each small unventilated apartment of the house contains a family, with lodgers, in number from five to seven, and seldom more than two beds for the whole. 21

S u c h conditions m u s t h a v e led to very high urban death rates, but with low concentrations of urban population and slow

population

growth rates before 1800, the p r o b l e m w a s not particularly serious. Northumberland,

i n p a r t i c u l a r , h a d v e r y l o w d e a t h r a t e s (reflecting

its b a s i c a l l y r u r a l c h a r a c t e r ) i n t h e p e r i o d u p t o t h e e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . It w a s w i t h p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h a n d c o n c e n t r a t i o n o n t h e major riverside t o w n s that the problems really c a m e . N e w c a s t l e ' s d e a t h r a t e i n t h e y e a r s 1 8 4 1 - 7 a v e r a g e d 2 5 . 7 p e r 1 , 0 0 0 , sufficiently h i g h to justify intervention b y the G e n e r a l B o a r d of H e a l t h to set up a Local Board under the 1848 Public Health Act. T h e strong oppo­ sition a m o n g local ratepayers a n d m e m b e r s of the t o w n council to a n y u n n e c e s s a r y e x p e n d i t u r e o n s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s m a d e it c l e a r , h o w ­ e v e r , t h a t i n t e r v e n t i o n u n d e r t h e A c t w o u l d h a v e b e e n p o i n t l e s s . It is n o t i c e a b l e t h a t t o w n s s u c h a s N e w c a s t l e a n d S u n d e r l a n d s u f f e r e d severely from the various cholera epidemics. Newcastle experienced 322

deaths from cholera in 1 8 3 1 - 2 , 412 in 1848 a n d no fewer than

1,533 20

in 1853 (ironically the h i g h e r n u m b e r in the latter year being

See J. Smith, Tublic Health on Tyneside 1850-80', in McCord, Essays in Tyneside

Labour History, pp. 25-46. 21

H. E. Armstrong, 'Sketch of the Sanitary History of Newcastle-upon-Tyne', Trans­

actions of the Sanitary Institute of Great Britain, 4 (1883), p. 84.

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partly caused by the recent introduction of a more widespread water supply, partly drawn from the Tyne close to the town). Deaths from cholera were, however, a mere pimple on the mountain of death but the serious impact of the disease in the region's main towns pointed to major problems in public health. Small dwellings in an agricultural community or in a market town might be acceptable (although their occupants would still be subject to all the social tensions brought by overcrowding), but heaped together in a large town they brought almost intolerable problems. One of the most obvious was sanitation, or rather the lack of it. Sani­ tary reports up to the middle of the nineteenth century contain horrific accounts of the problems attached to the disposal of human excrement and even worse of the problems caused by the frequent failure to dispose of it. In one of the old streets of Gateshead, Pipewellgate, where the houses had been converted into tenement buildings for the poorer classes, there were in 1843 only three privies although the total population was over 2,000. Mortality in such areas was much above the average for the town. Despite the overwhelming evidence of insanitary conditions pro­ vided by the various enquiries of the 1840s, very little was done in any attempt to improve the situation. Symptomatic of the lack of con­ cern was the failure of either Newcastle or Gateshead to appoint a Medical Officer of Health until 1873 (and even then the latter town's appointment was only of a part-time employee) and South Shields not until 1875, a step which Liverpool had taken in 1845. There was some attempt by most towns to extend local bye-laws to provide the means of control over such matters as new building and public nuis­ ances but little was done which would have any serious effect on the urban environment. There was no significant attempt by any of the local authorities in the region to build accommodation for the working classes under the various enabling acts of the later nineteenth century. Indeed in Newcastle there was strong opposition in the local council to such activity. Of the £4m borrowed nationally between 1891 and 1904 from central government under the 1890 Housing of the Working Classes Act, Newcastle borrowed £5,761 while even Alnwick borrowed £23,000. Even in the obvious areas which had been widely condemned, such as the provision of privy middens, many towns continued to allow their construction for new housing 22

22

E. R. Dewsnup, The Housing Problem in England (Manchester, 1907), pp. 173-85.

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£57

in the third quarter of the n i n e t e e n t h century. T h e y p r e s e n t e d enor­ m o u s problems of spread

of disease through their use b y large

n u m b e r s of persons, while they were infrequently cleaned out and p r o v i d e d a n effective b r e e d i n g g r o u n d for d i s e a s e . I n M i d d l e s b r o u g h in 1869 n o fewer t h a n 94 per cent of h o u s e s h a d privy m i d d e n s , the last o f w h i c h w a s n o t a b o l i s h e d u n t i l 1 9 1 4 . A l t h o u g h t h e p r o v i s i o n of w a t e r c l o s e t s b e g a n to g a i n g r o u n d a n d w a s s t r o n g l y f a v o u r e d b y h e a l t h r e f o r m e r s , a s h c l o s e t s c o n t i n u e d to b e b u i l t u p to t h e e n d of t h e c e n t u r y b e c a u s e t h e y w e r e c h e a p e r . A g a i n t h e risk o f c o n t a m i n a ­ tion and spread of disease w a s higher than with water closets and at t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y t h e r e g i o n ' s u r b a n a r e a s faced a h u g e conversion problem. In 1912 there w e r e 15,000 dry closets i n M i d d l e s b r o u g h w h i c h h a d a total o f 2 3 , 0 0 0 h o u s e s , w h i l e L i v e r p o o l b y that time h a d largely m o v e d to water-borne sanitation. T h e back l a n e , a s t a n d a r d f e a t u r e o f h o u s i n g in t h e r e g i o n , l a r g e l y n e c e s s i t a t e d for t h e e m p t y i n g o f a s h c l o s e t s , w a s , a n d is, l a r g e l y a w a s t e o f s p a c e w h i c h m i g h t h a v e b e e n d e v o t e d to g a r d e n s . It m i g h t b e s a i d t h a t it p r o v i d e d s p a c e a n d light, p r e v i o u s l y m i s s i n g in t h e o l d e r t e n e mented

accommodation, and

provided

a p l a y a r e a for

children.

Clearly, h o w e v e r , back lanes were insalubrious places. T h e Medical Officer o f H e a l t h for G a t e s h e a d c o m m e n t e d in 1 9 2 5 o n t h o s e a r e a s w h i c h h a d recently b e e n converted to water carriage, that there w e r e ' g e n e r a l l y c l e a n e r y a r d s , f e w e r flies, c l e a n e r b a c k s t r e e t s , w i t h a b s e n c e of t h e u n s i g h t l y l i q u i d f a e c e s o o z i n g f r o m t h e c l o s e t d o o r s a n d w i t h it a p u r e r a t m o s p h e r e ' .

2 3

In 1920 G a t e s h e a d h a d only 6,000 water

c l o s e t s for 2 7 , 0 0 0 t e n a n c i e s a n d o n l y c o m m e n c e d t h e m a j o r c a m p a i g n t o e l i m i n a t e d r y c l o s e t s in t h e m i d - 1 9 2 0 s b e c a u s e o f t h e availability of g o v e r n m e n t g r a n t s . S o m e l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s , s u c h as S o u t h S h i e l d s , w e r e e v e n s l o w e r t h a n G a t e s h e a d to u n d e r t a k e c o n v e r s i o n s c h e m e s , w h i l e t h e s m a l l e r u r b a n a r e a s h a d l a r g e n u m b e r s o f d r y c l o s e t s in the 1930s. T h e n o r t h - e a s t ' s u n e n v i a b l e p o s i t i o n w i t h r e g a r d to s a n i t a t i o n w a s r e p e a t e d in m a n y other areas of social characteristics a n d the improve­ m e n t s t o t h e h o u s i n g s t o c k in t h e i n t e r w a r y e a r s still left its i n h a b i t a n t s i n a s t a t e o f r e l a t i v e d e p r i v a t i o n , s i n c e o t h e r r e g i o n s did n o t s t a n d still w h i l e t h e n o r t h - e a s t c a u g h t u p . E v e n t h o u g h e v e r y h o u s e in M i d d l e s b r o u g h w a s said to h a v e a water closet in 1945, s o m e 5 0 per cent of t h e m were outside the house, while 50 per cent of

23

Quoted in Mess, Industrial Tyneside, p. 96.

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M i d d l e s b r o u g h ' s h o u s e s w e r e w i t h o u t a fixed b a t h , a n d i n t h e o l d w o r k i n g - c l a s s w a r d s , s u c h a s C a n n o n a n d N e w p o r t , it w a s 9 0 p e r c e n t o r m o r e w h i l e i n l a r g e l y m i d d l e - c l a s s L i n t h o r p e it w a s o n l y 9 per cent. In the years 1 9 3 5 - 9 M i d d l e s b r o u g h ' s infant mortality rate h a d averaged 7 4 . 4 per 1,000, the s e c o n d h i g h e s t rate of a n y c o u n t y borough in the country. B y t h e i n t e r w a r y e a r s t h e statistics o n p u b l i c h e a l t h a r e r e a s o n a b l y accurate and well d o c u m e n t e d and there w a s a wide range of interest i n t h e i r p e r u s a l b u t , a l t h o u g h d o c u m e n t a t i o n is l e s s g o o d for t h e n i n e ­ teenth century, e n o u g h h a s b e e n suggested to s h o w that the region c o u l d n o t e x p e c t a n a v e r a g e s t a n d a r d o f h e a l t h . It is c e r t a i n t h a t d e a t h rates rose in the major u r b a n areas as populations increased in the early part of the n i n e t e e n t h century. In N e w c a s t l e in 1866 the crude death rate w a s 3 2 . 1 per 1,000, t h e third h i g h e s t a m o n g the large t o w n s of B r i t a i n , b u t N e w c a s t l e d i d n o t h a v e t h e p r o b l e m s o f h u g e s i z e a n d early e x p a n s i o n from w h i c h m a n y of the t o w n s suffered. A s m a n y contemporary observers noted, Newcastle's problems were of her o w n m a k i n g a n d largely reflected a lack of desire a m o n g the middlec l a s s c o u n c i l l o r s to d o a n y t h i n g a b o u t t h e m . I n t h e p e r i o d u p t o 1 9 1 4 death rates were consistently above the national average and, more significantly, a b o v e t h e a v e r a g e for l a r g e t o w n s . G a t e s h e a d ' s d e a t h r a t e for t h e y e a r s 1 8 8 1 - 3 a v e r a g e d 2 2 . 9 a g a i n s t a figure for E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s o f 1 9 . 3 a n d a n a v e r a g e for fifty l a r g e t o w n s o f 2 0 . 2 . N e w c a s t l e ' s d e a t h r a t e a v e r a g e d 2 8 . 2 for t h e y e a r s 1 8 6 7 - 7 2 , 2 4 . 8 for 1 8 7 4 - 9 a n d d i d n o t fall c o n s i s t e n t l y b e l o w 2 0 p e r 1,000 u n t i l after 1 9 0 2 , a n d e v e n t h e n its r a t e w a s a b o u t t w o p o i n t s a b o v e t h e a v e r a g e for s e v e n t y - s i x g r e a t t o w n s . T h e evidence of the interwar period s h o w e d that 'the North-east h a d o n e o f t h e w o r s t , if n o t t h e w o r s t , h e a l t h r e c o r d s o f a n y r e g i o n in E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s '

2 4

a n d t h e r e g i o n a l figures w e r e u s e d b y t h e

Registrar G e n e r a l to c o m p a r e with t h o s e of the best region, Eastern R u r a l D i s t r i c t s , a n d t h e a v e r a g e for E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s . I n 1 9 2 0 , for instance, S u n d e r l a n d ' s death rate w a s 16.0 c o m p a r e d with the average of 1 2 . 5 for t h e g r e a t t o w n s . I n t h e c o u n t y b o r o u g h s o f t h e n o r t h - e a s t m a l e life e x p e c t a n c y at b i r t h i n t h e y e a r s 1 9 2 0 - 2 w a s 4 9 . 5 9 y e a r s ( a n d m a l e life e x p e c t a n c y at a g e t e n w a s a c t u a l l y h i g h e r at 5 0 . 8 5 , r e f l e c t i n g t h e h i g h i n f a n t m o r t a l i t y r a t e s ) , a g a i n s t a figure o f 5 5 . 6 2 y e a r s for the average of c o u n t y b o r o u g h s in E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s . T h e average 24

J Hadneld, Health in the Industrial North-East (n.d.), p. 35. The subsequent detail on health in the interwar period is taken from this very useful source.

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n u m b e r o f m a l e d e a t h s in t h e c o u n t y b o r o u g h s o f t h e n o r t h - e a s t in the years 1920-2 was 4,810 per annum, whereas the expected number of d e a t h s if t h e a v e r a g e m o r t a l i t y r a t e s for E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s h a d o p e r a t e d w a s 3 , 7 0 5 . I n o t h e r w o r d s , it m i g h t b e s a i d t h a t m o r e t h a n 1,000 m e n d i e d p u r e l y b e c a u s e o f c o n d i t i o n s w h i c h w e r e p r e v a l e n t in t h e n o r t h - e a s t . O f c o u r s e , t h a t is t o o s i m p l e a n a n a l y s i s s i n c e t h e r e w e r e m a n y factors i n v o l v e d - s o m e o f t h e m l i n k e d t o o t h e r a s p e c t s of d e p r i v a t i o n in t h e n o r t h - e a s t . O n e o f t h e r e a s o n s for t h e r e g i o n ' s h i g h d e a t h r a t e s w a s t h e fact t h a t its social s t r u c t u r e w a s s k e w e d , m o r e s t r o n g l y t h a n t h e n a t i o n a l a v e r a g e , t o w a r d s t h e l o w e r social c l a s s e s w i t h t h e i r s h o r t e r life e x p e c t a n c y . In 1 9 3 1 C o u n t y D u r h a m h a d 10 p e r 1,000 o f its p o p u l a t i o n in social c l a s s I ( w h i l e S u r r e y h a d 5 6 ) , 70 in c l a s s II ( S u r r e y 161) b u t 3 1 3 in c l a s s I V ( S u r r e y h a d 1 0 5 ) . N e v e r t h e ­ l e s s , d e a t h r a t e s for t h e h i g h e r social c l a s s e s in t h e n o r t h - e a s t w e r e also above the national average. W h i l e social s t r u c t u r e m a y h a v e h a d s o m e effect it is difficult to e x p l a i n t h e n o r t h - e a s t ' s inferior h e a l t h r e c o r d to a r e a s w i t h similar s t r u c t u r e , e x c e p t in t e r m s o f a b s o l u t e l y w o r s e e n v i r o n m e n t a l c o n ­ d i t i o n s . I n t h e y e a r s 1 9 2 0 - 2 m a l e d e a t h s in t h e n o r t h - e a s t e x c e e d e d t h e n a t i o n a l a v e r a g e for c o u n t y b o r o u g h s in a ratio o f 1.298 ( a n e x c e s s of n e a r l y 3 0 p e r c e n t m o r e d e a t h s ) . T h e n e x t h i g h e s t l e v e l w a s in t h e c o u n t y b o r o u g h s o f L a n c a s h i r e a n d C h e s h i r e w h e r e t h e ratio w a s 1.256. I n u r b a n districts o t h e r t h a n c o u n t y b o r o u g h s t h e p i c t u r e w a s t h e s a m e w i t h t h e n o r t h - e a s t w i t h t h e h i g h e s t ratio o f d e a t h s to t h e n a t i o n a l a v e r a g e at 1.125 ( f o l l o w e d in this c a s e b y u r b a n districts in S o u t h W a l e s at 1.098). T h e d i s e a s e s w h i c h w e r e m o s t s t r o n g l y p r e v a l e n t in t h e r e g i o n w e r e those w h i c h h a d a high correlation with environmental factors. Enteric f e v e r a n d t u b e r c u l o s i s , for i n s t a n c e , h a d c o n s i s t e n t l y h i g h e r a t t a c k a n d fatality r a t e s in t h e n o r t h - e a s t t h a n t h e y h a d in o t h e r r e g i o n s . E v e n before 1914 T B rates on Tyneside h a d b e e n above the national a v e r a g e b u t t h e m o r e reliable figures o f t h e i n t e r w a r y e a r s s h o w this t o h a v e c o n t i n u e d to b e t r u e a n d a l t h o u g h t h e i n c i d e n c e o f t h e d i s e a s e o n T y n e s i d e d e c l i n e d , it did s o m o r e r a p i d l y in t h e c o u n t r y as a w h o l e , l e a v i n g t h e r e g i o n relatively w o r s e off. I n t h e y e a r s 1 9 1 2 - 1 3 T y n e s i d e ' s rate w a s 3 0 p e r c e n t a b o v e t h e n a t i o n a l a v e r a g e , w h i l e f r o m 1 9 3 5 t o 1 9 3 7 it e x c e e d e d t h e n a t i o n a l a v e r a g e b y 5 3 p e r c e n t .

County

D u r h a m h a d the highest death rates from tuberculosis of any county in E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s , w i t h G a t e s h e a d a n d S o u t h S h i e l d s a v e r a g i n g death rates from the disease s o m e 75 per cent above the national

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average. In the ten years 1 9 1 9 - 2 8 S o u t h Shields was never b e l o w t h e f o u r t h w o r s t p o s i t i o n for T B d e a t h s o f all c o u n t y b o r o u g h s in E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s a n d w a s top o n four occasions. T B w a s a disease w h i c h w a s closely correlated with overcrowding, large families a n d undernourishment

a n d since t h e s e w e r e also factors closely linked

to infant m o r t a l i t y it is n o t s u r p r i s i n g t h a t t h e r e g i o n f e a t u r e d p r o m i ­ n e n t l y in i n f a n t d e a t h s as w e l l . I n t h e y e a r s 1 9 2 0 - 2 t h e p r o b a b i l i t y of m a l e d e a t h s d u r i n g t h e first y e a r o f life w a s 0 . 1 1 4 7 1 in t h e n o r t h - e a s t a g a i n s t 0 . 0 8 9 9 6 for E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s . W h a t is m o r e , a l t h o u g h o n c e a g a i n t h e a b s o l u t e c o n d i t i o n s o f h e a l t h w e r e i m p r o v i n g , t h e y did s o m o r e r a p i d l y in o t h e r p a r t s o f t h e c o u n t r y t h a n in t h e n o r t h - e a s t . By the early 1930s the large t o w n s of the north-east h a d the highest infant m o r t a l i t y r a t e s o f t w e l v e g r o u p s o f l a r g e t o w n s in t h e c o u n t r y , e v e n t h o u g h t h e y h a d o c c u p i e d o n l y f o u r t h h i g h e s t p o s i t i o n in t h e years 1911-14. For the years 1930-2 the north-east had the highest infant m o r t a l i t y r a t e s in social c l a s s e s III-V, w i t h t h e h i g h e s t figure 130 p e r c e n t o f t h e n a t i o n a l r a t e in c l a s s V , b u t for t h e s e c o n d y e a r of life t h e n o r t h - e a s t h a d t h e h i g h e s t r a t e s for c l a s s e s I I - V , w i t h t h e rates ranging from 130 per cent to 155 per cent of their respective class a v e r a g e s for E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s . It w o u l d b e p o s s i b l e t o g o o n t o detail t h e n o r t h - e a s t ' s u n f a v o u r a b l e r e c o r d for m a n y o t h e r d i s e a s e s c o m p a r e d t o t h e n a t i o n a l a v e r a g e a n d t h e w a y t h e y t o o k t h e i r toll at all a g e s a n d n o t j u s t a m o n g i n f a n t s . It is m u c h m o r e difficult to b e p r e c i s e a b o u t e n v i r o n m e n t a l effects o n h e a l t h w h i c h d i d n o t l e a d to m a j o r d i s e a s e a n d d e a t h b u t m e r e l y l o w e r e d t h e s t a n d a r d o f life in t h e n o r t h - e a s t r e l a t i v e to o t h e r r e g i o n s . A n u m b e r of references, h o w e v e r , suggest that there were high levels of s i c k n e s s , l o w h e i g h t a n d w e i g h t figures for c h i l d r e n a n d e v i d e n c e of n u t r i t i o n a l d e f i c i e n c y d i s e a s e s s u c h as r i c k e t s a n d a n a e m i a d u r i n g t h e i n t e r w a r y e a r s . G i v e n t h e fact t h a t s m a l l e r p r o p o r t i o n s o f t h e p o p u ­ lation o f t h e n o r t h - e a s t a t t e n d e d T B clinics t h a n t h e n a t i o n a l a v e r a g e , d e s p i t e t h e h i g h r e g i o n a l i n c i d e n c e o f t h e d i s e a s e , it s e e m s l i k e l y t h a t t h e r e w e r e f e w e r facilities for t r e a t m e n t o f m i n o r ill-health in t h e n o r t h ­ e a s t a n d that its p o p u l a t i o n r e c e i v e d l e s s a t t e n t i o n for s u c h m a t t e r s t h a n t h o s e in o t h e r p a r t s o f t h e c o u n t r y . There were, of course, major health i m p r o v e m e n t s b y the e n d of t h e 1 9 3 0 s . T h e T B d e a t h r a t e fell f r o m a l m o s t 2 t o o n l y 1 p e r 1,000 per a n n u m , while infant mortality rates halved b e t w e e n 1900 a n d the 1930s. T h e s e i m p r o v e m e n t s w e r e the result of m u c h increased e x p e n d i t u r e o n c h i l d w e l f a r e c e n t r e s , a n t e - n a t a l clinics, T B s a n a t o r i a ,

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the appointment of midwives, improved sanitation, a considerable e x t e n s i o n o f h o s p i t a l facilities, t o g e t h e r w i t h m a n y m i n o r d e v e l o p ­ m e n t s which included increased dental care, provision of spectacles a n d m e a l s for n e e d y c h i l d r e n a n d s o o n . B u t t h e s e w e r e p a r t o f n a t i o n a l d e v e l o p m e n t s a n d w h a t is i m p o r t a n t for t h e r e g i o n a l p o s i t i o n is n o t absolute but relative provision. In the years 1 9 1 1 - 1 3 the average male d e a t h r a t e for S o u t h S h i e l d s w a s 1 3 4 p e r c e n t o f t h e n a t i o n a l a v e r a g e , w h i l e it w a s 1 3 8 p e r c e n t i n t h e y e a r s 1 9 3 0 - 2 ; for S u n d e r l a n d t h e figures w e r e 1 2 8 p e r c e n t a n d 1 3 2 p e r c e n t ; for W e s t H a r t l e p o o l 1 2 1 p e r c e n t a n d 1 2 8 p e r c e n t ; a n d for G a t e s h e a d 1 2 0 p e r c e n t a n d 1 2 6 per cent. A p a r t f r o m t h e o b v i o u s l i n k s b e t w e e n o v e r c r o w d i n g a n d ill-health, t h e m o r t a l i t y a n d h e a l t h statistics o f t h e n o r t h - e a s t w e r e s t r o n g l y affec­ ted b y the region's industrial structure. M a n y of the major occupations were a m o n g those with the highest health risks. Coal mining and c o a s t a l s h i p p i n g c a r r i e d p a r t i c u l a r l y h i g h r i s k s o f d e a t h at w o r k , e s p e c i a l l y in t h e e i g h t e e n t h a n d n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s , w h i l e industrial i n j u r i e s w e r e v e r y p r o m i n e n t in t h e f o r m e r . I n a p e r i o d b e f o r e t h e introduction of c o m p u l s o r y insurance against industrial injuries, an e m p l o y e e w h o w a s t e m p o r a r i l y , or e v e n m o r e i m p o r t a n t l y p e r m a ­ nently, incapacitated from w o r k w o u l d experience a disastrous decline i n a l r e a d y l o w l i v i n g s t a n d a r d s . F e w r e c e i v e d significant c o m p e n s a ­ t i o n f r o m e m p l o y e r s a n d it is n o t s u r p r i s i n g t h a t in t h e m i n i n g villages i n p a r t i c u l a r t h e r e w a s s t r o n g m e m b e r s h i p o f t h e friendly s o c i e t i e s s u c h as O d d f e l l o w s a n d F o r e s t e r s . It w a s n o t o n l y t h e o b v i o u s i n d u s ­ tries i n w h i c h h e a l t h w a s d a m a g e d , s i n c e e m p l o y m e n t in i r o n a n d steel manufacture, in iron foundries, shipbuilding and engineering, as w e l l as t h e m a n u f a c t u r e o f c h e m i c a l s a n d l e a d , w a s a l s o s u b j e c t to a high level of industrial accidents a n d to deleterious conditions w h i c h p r o v i d e d s c o p e for T B a n d b r o n c h i t i s a m o n g o t h e r d i s e a s e s . M o r e o v e r , in m a n y o f t h e s e o c c u p a t i o n s s t r e n g t h a n d y o u t h w e r e at a p r e m i u m a n d o l d e r w o r k e r s e x p e r i e n c e d l o w e r e a r n i n g s a n d , t h e r e f o r e , d e c l i n i n g living s t a n d a r d s j u s t at t h e t i m e w h e n t h e i r h e a l t h m i g h t b e affected b y t h e i r earlier w o r k i n g c o n d i t i o n s . I n e v i t a b l y , t h e s e w e r e factors w h i c h w e r e m i r r o r e d i n all a r e a s w h e r e t h e r e w a s a c o n ­ c e n t r a t i o n o f h e a v y i n d u s t r y a n d it is n o t i c e a b l e t h a t a l t h o u g h t h e n o r t h - e a s t w a s p r o m i n e n t a m o n g t h e w o r s t r e g i o n s w i t h r e g a r d to h o u s i n g p r o v i s i o n a n d m o r t a l i t y r a t e s , its rivals w e r e

invariably

Lancashire, S o u t h W a l e s and the W e s t Riding of Yorkshire. T h e north­ e a s t ' s p r o m i n e n c e h a s t o b e p u t d o w n t o t h e s t r o n g s e n s e of insularity

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D. J. R O W E

in t h e r e g i o n ; its u n a t t r a c t i v e total e n v i r o n m e n t w a s m e r e l y a c c e p t e d as n o r m a l b y t h o s e w h o l i v e d a n d w o r k e d in it a n d w a s , t h e r e f o r e , n o t c h a l l e n g e d . It n e e d e d a n influx o f o u t s i d e r s w i t h w i d e r e x p e r i e n c e a n d it is n o t i c e a b l e t h a t m a n y o f t h e s e , e s p e c i a l l y t h o s e c o n c e r n e d w i t h social p r o v i s i o n s u c h as d o c t o r s , w e r e a p p a l l e d b y w h a t t h e y f o u n d in t h e r e g i o n . A l t h o u g h m a n y o f t h e m w o r k e d for c h a n g e t h e r e w e r e t o o f e w o f t h e m to h a v e a n y significant i m p a c t b e f o r e t h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r a n d , i n d e e d , as t h e y b e c a m e i n v o l v e d w i t h t h e n o r t h - e a s t they too b e c a m e insular. T h e y b e c a m e c o n c e r n e d about absolute i m p r o v e m e n t s in r e g i o n a l c o n d i t i o n s a n d a p p l a u d e d a n d w e r e often satisfied w h e n t h e s e o c c u r r e d , failing t o r e c o g n i s e t h a t t h e r e s t o f t h e c o u n t r y w a s n o t s t a n d i n g still w a i t i n g for t h e l a g g a r d s to c a t c h up.

A regional

perspective

M a n y o f t h e g e n e r a l failings o f t h e n o r t h - e a s t m a y , t h e r e f o r e , b e r e g a r d e d as a result o f t h e failure o f its l e a d e r s to l o o k b e y o n d t h e regional inheritance of deprivation. For m u c h of the period, of course, t h i s w a s a result o f t h e e x i s t e n c e o f a n individualist s o c i e t y in w h i c h t h e r e w a s n e i t h e r t h e i n s t i t u t i o n a l m e a n s n o r t h e collectivist will a m o n g t h o s e w i t h p o w e r to d o a n y t h i n g a b o u t t h e o v e r a l l e n v i r o n ­ m e n t . T h i s is n o t to d e n y t h a t t h e r e g i o n h a d p a t e r n a l i s t s b u t m e r e l y t o state a g e n e r a l fact. A s t h e t o w n e n v i r o n m e n t s d e t e r i o r a t e d d u r i n g t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y t h e r e s p o n s e o f t h e w e a l t h y w a s t o m o v e to m o r e s a l u b r i o u s a r e a s , a n o p t i o n w h i c h w a s n o t o p e n to t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s e s . T o m o v e o u t w a s to b e c o m e l a r g e l y d i v o r c e d f r o m u r b a n c o n ­ d i t i o n s w h i c h m a d e it v e r y e a s y to d o n o t h i n g a b o u t t h e m . T h e result w a s t h a t t h e p r o s p e r o u s y e a r s o f t h e late n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y s a w little or n o a t t e m p t at i m p r o v e m e n t at a t i m e w h e n a t o w n s u c h as Birmingham, under determined leadership, s h o w e d that improve­ ment was possible. By the interwar period, w h e n

improvement

b e c a m e a n a t i o n a l l y a c c e p t e d t h e m e , t h e n o r t h - e a s t w a s h a r d l y in t h e financial p o s i t i o n to c o p e w i t h t h e g e n e r a l t r e n d s o f t h e t i m e let alone eliminate past deprivation. M a n y of the people w h o h a d m a d e m o n e y out of the region's indus­ trial g r o w t h h a d t a k e n it o u t o f t h e r e g i o n t o live in m o r e f a v o u r a b l e c l i m e s , w h i l e s u c h p r o s p e r i t y as r e m a i n e d e x i s t e d in p o c k e t s i s o l a t e d f r o m t h e g e n e r a l d e p r e s s i o n . T h i s p a t t e r n h a d e x i s t e d for s o m e t i m e w i t h G a t e s h e a d , for i n s t a n c e , b e i n g j e a l o u s o f t h e fact t h a t m a n y

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

The north-east profitable

businesses

paid

rates

to

Newcastle

while

their

463 poor

e m p l o y e e s lived in G a t e s h e a d in premises of low rateable value. But t h e question of rate i n c o m e b e c a m e crucial in the interwar years as b o t h n e e d s a n d the desire to m e e t t h e m increased in the poorer areas. T h e small, poor authorities such as Jarrow, H e b b u r n a n d W a l l s e n d o n T y n e s i d e suffered from l o w rateable values a n d therefore l o w i n c o m e . O f t h e 9 , 2 9 8 o c c u p i e d p e r s o n s in H e b b u r n i n 1 9 2 1 , ' O n l y 4 4 p e r s o n s e n g a g e d in i n d u s t r y r e t u r n e d t h e m s e l v e s i n t h e c a t e g o r i e s of e m p l o y e r , o w n e r , a g e n t , o r m a n a g e r . . . t h e r e w e r e e l e v e n c l e r g y ­ m e n a n d five d o c t o r s , b u t t h e r e w a s n o d e n t i s t , n o solicitor, n o b a r r i s ­ ter, n o a c c o u n t a n t , n o j o u r n a l i s t , n o s o c i a l w e l f a r e w o r k e r . . . n o o n e o v e r t h e a g e o f 18 e n u m e r a t e d as a s t u d e n t /

2 5

O f neighbouring Jarrow

o n e c o m m e n t a t o r w r o t e at t h e e n d o f t h e 1 9 3 0 s : It must be one of the strongest manifestations of 19th century civilisation that business men were able to construct districts such as Jarrow, themselves to live in another town, and then to leave the people of Jarrow to overcome typhoid and tuberculosis as best they could on their tiny resources while the profits were being spent elsewhere. 26

T h e missing middle-class residents frequently lived in Gosforth or W h i t l e y B a y , w h e r e t h e i n c i d e n c e o f o v e r c r o w d i n g w a s m o r e like 3 per cent t h a n 30 per cent, c o m m u n i t i e s w h i c h w e r e anxious to main­ tain their i n d e p e n d e n c e a n d not contribute to the u p k e e p of the poor in n e i g h b o u r i n g c o m m u n i t i e s . I n d e e d , T y n e s i d e w a s o n e of the worst e x a m p l e s of class enclaves with resultant massive inefficiency. T h e r e w e r e n o fewer t h a n fourteen local authorities o n T y n e s i d e in the inter­ w a r y e a r s r e s p o n s i b l e for t h e p r o v i s i o n o f m a n y s o c i a l b e n e f i t s b u t with greatly varying resources with w h i c h to provide t h e m . A s a r e s u l t , b i r t h o r r e s i d e n c e o n o n e o r a n o t h e r s i d e o f a n artificial b o u n d ­ a r y h a d a d r a m a t i c i m p a c t o n life e x p e c t a n c y , e d u c a t i o n p r o v i s i o n a n d m a n y other services. T h e discrepancies led to m a n y d e m a n d s for a u n i f i e d T y n e s i d e - ' I f a civic c o n s c i e n c e is e v e r t o b e d e v e l o p e d , t h e fact m u s t b e f a c e d t h a t N e w c a s t l e , G o s f o r t h , a n d W h i t l e y B a y a n d M o n k s e a t o n m u s t e n t e r a u n i f i e d T y n e s i d e a n d g i v e it t h e b e n e f i t of their rateable v a l u e '

2 7

- but despite the setting up of a Royal C o m ­

mission o n the subject in t h e 1930s n o t h i n g w a s d o n e . N a k e d s e l f - i n t e r e s t m a y h a v e b e e n a n i m p o r t a n t factor i n c r e a t i n g t h e i n d u s t r i a l p r o s p e r i t y o f t h e l a t e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , b u t it w a s 25

Mess, Industrial Tyneside, pp. 167-8.

26

Goodfellow, Tyneside: The Social Facts, p. 69. Ibid., p. 67.

27

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464

D. J . R O W E

c e r t a i n l y a b a r r i e r to d e a l i n g w i t h t h e l e g a c y o f i n d u s t r i a l d e p r e s s i o n . B u t it w a s n o t o n l y a failure to u n i t e to d e a l w i t h t h e p r o b l e m s there w a s a considerable lack of initiative. In 1928 M e s s wrote: ' A t G a t e s h e a d a n d e l s e w h e r e t h e r u i n s o f b u i l d i n g s stick o u t as u n s i g h t l y s t u m p s a l o n g t h e s l o p e o f t h e cliff. T h e s e s l o p e s , u n s u i t a b l e

for

m o d e r n b u i l d i n g s o f a n y k i n d , m i g h t in s o m e c a s e s b e p l a n t e d w i t h b u s h e s , and b e converted into h a n g i n g parks, with zig-zag p a t h s . '

2 8

F o r a l o n g t i m e n o t h i n g w a s d o n e a n d m o r e t h a n fifty y e a r s l a t e r s o m e o f t h e a r e a s o f river b a n k a r e still a n e y e s o r e . T o t a k e a n o t h e r e x a m p l e , t h e T o w n M o o r at N e w c a s t l e w a s ( a n d is) u s e d for o n e w e e k a y e a r for t h e ' H o p p i n g s ' b u t , at t h e c o s t o f d i s p o s s e s s i n g t h e freemen of their grazing rights, an imaginative use could h a v e b e e n p r o v i d e d b y its d e v e l o p m e n t as a p e r m a n e n t p l e a s u r e a n d l e i s u r e ground. While the terraces of Scots w o o d had no play areas, Newcastle h a d t h e h i g h e s t ratio o f o p e n s p a c e to b u i l t - u p a r e a o f a n y l a r g e t o w n - b u t t h e u s e m a d e o f t h e l a r g e s t a r e a o f o p e n s p a c e w a s trivial. A l t h o u g h t h e y did n o t a p p l y t h e m s e l v e s to i m p r o v e m e n t o f t h e r e g i o n a l e n v i r o n m e n t it w o u l d n o t d o to e n d t h i s s u r v e y w i t h o u t s a y ­ i n g s o m e t h i n g o f t h e p e o p l e o f t h e r e g i o n a n d t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s . First, it is i m p o r t a n t to d r a w a t t e n t i o n to t h e i m p r e s s i v e s t r e a m o f i n v e n t i o n a n d i n n o v a t i o n w h i c h c a m e f r o m i n d i v i d u a l s i n t h e r e g i o n - initially from natives but frequently from the middle of the nineteenth century f r o m i m m i g r a n t s as t h e p r o s p e r i t y o f i n d u s t r i a l g r o w t h a c t e d a s a m e c c a for t h e d y n a m i c e n t r e p r e n e u r . I n a g r i c u l t u r e , J o h n R a s t r i c k ' s thresher, John C o m m o n ' s reaper and the stock-breeding improve­ m e n t s m a d e b y the brothers Culley and Colling stand out

among

the features w h i c h m a d e the region significant b y the m i d - n i n e t e e n t h century. In industry there were m a n y w h o m a d e major contributions to k n o w l e d g e

and

productive

techniques ranging from the

well

k n o w n , s u c h as t h e S t e p h e n s o n s i n r a i l w a y s , A r m s t r o n g a n d P a l m e r in s h i p b u i l d i n g turbine

a n d e n g i n e e r i n g , C h a r l e s P a r s o n s in m a r i n e

engineering a n d J o s e p h S w a n in electricity, t h r o u g h

and the

s l i g h t l y k n o w n , s u c h as J . W . I s h e r w o o d in s h i p d e s i g n , t o t h e h a r d l y known,

s u c h as E d w a r d

Chapman,

inventor of the

ropemaking

m a c h i n e a n d J o h n W a l k e r o f S t o c k t o n , i n v e n t o r o f t h e friction m a t c h . It is difficult to m e a s u r e a r e g i o n ' s i n v e n t i v e n e s s b u t d u r i n g its n i n e ­ teenth-century expansion those mentioned and m a n y others gave the r e g i o n a c l a i m to h a v e m a d e a c o n t r i b u t i o n o f g r e a t e r s i g n i f i c a n c e

28

Mess, Industrial Tyneside, p. 97.

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465

t h a n m i g h t h a v e b e e n e x p e c t e d b y its s i z e . M a n y o f t h e m e n w h o m a d e n o t i c e a b l e c o n t r i b u t i o n s t o i n v e n t i v e n e s s also d e v e l o p e d t h e i r ideas a n d created e m p l o y m e n t opportunities a n d prosperity. In this a r e a t h e y w e r e j o i n e d b y n u m e r o u s e n t r e p r e n e u r s w h o offered little in t h e w a y o f n e w i d e a s b u t w h o h a d t h e ability t o u s e t h e i d e a s of o t h e r s t o c r e a t e i n d u s t r i a l e n t e r p r i s e s . F r o m t h e i r efforts r e s u l t e d t h e h u g e i r o n a n d s t e e l firms o f T e e s s i d e a n d t h e s h i p b u i l d i n g y a r d s o n all t h r e e r i v e r s . T h e r e w e r e a l s o m a j o r c o n t r i b u t i o n s in c u l t u r a l a r e a s . T y n e s i d e w a s t h e h o m e o f a n u m b e r of n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y painters of distinction, a m o n g t h e m Carmichael, Perlee Parker, the R i c h a r d s o n s a n d J o h n M a r t i n , w h o s e w o r k s are n o w c o l l e c t o r s ' i t e m s , while D o b s o n and others not only bespattered the region with elegant c o u n t r y h o u s e s b u t a l s o d e s i g n e d for N e w c a s t l e t h e finest c e n t r e o f a n y i n d u s t r i a l city. W h a t h a p p e n e d to t h e s e v e i n s o f i n n o v a t i o n a n d e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l ability after t h e First W o r l d W a r ? It w o u l d b e p o i n t l e s s a n d u n t r u e t o s a y t h a t t h e y d r i e d u p , for t h e r e h a v e o b v i o u s l y b e e n m a n y n e w i d e a s p r o d u c e d a n d s u c c e s s f u l b u s i n e s s m e n e s t a b l i s h e d in t h e r e g i o n s i n c e t h a t t i m e . N e v e r t h e l e s s , it is c l e a r t h a t t h e n o r t h - e a s t h a s in t h e last fifty y e a r s or s o b e e n l e s s d y n a m i c t h a n in h e r earlier h i s t o r y . Perhaps the depression of the region and the attraction of other areas (especially L o n d o n a n d the south-east) h a s led to the departure of s o m e o f t h e m o s t i n n o v a t i v e . It is n o t difficult t o find e x a m p l e s . I s h e r w o o d t o o k h i s s h i p d e s i g n i d e a s to L o n d o n t o d e v e l o p h i s p r a c t i c e in n a v a l a r c h i t e c t u r e a n d P e r c i v a l H u n t i n g a l s o t o o k h i s i n t e r e s t s in aircraft a n d p e t r o l e u m t h e r e , f r o m w h i c h t h e H u n t i n g G r o u p o f c o m ­ panies developed. In addition the m o v e m e n t away from individual to corporate enterprise h a s b o t h r e d u c e d the attention society pays to i n d i v i d u a l s a n d c o n c e n t r a t e d t h e p o w e r t o s h a p e i n d u s t r i a l d e v e l o p ­ m e n t o n L o n d o n . T h e n o r t h - e a s t w a s , t h e r e f o r e , l i k e l y to attract o n l y factory d e v e l o p m e n t , often in t h e f o r m o f b r a n c h e s o f n a t i o n a l a n d i n c r e a s i n g l y i n t e r n a t i o n a l c o m p a n i e s (easily c l o s e d or t h e i r c a p a c i t y r e d u c e d in t i m e o f r e c e s s i o n ) , a n d n o t t h e o u t s t a n d i n g i n v e n t o r or entrepreneur. F o r m u c h o f t h e p e r i o d u n d e r c o n s i d e r a t i o n it w a s t h e m a j o r i n d u s ­ trialists, t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e o l d - e s t a b l i s h e d l a n d o w n e r s , i n t o w h o s e ranks the industrialists h a d b e e n absorbed b y the purchase of country e s t a t e s , w h o h e l d p o w e r in t h e n o r t h - e a s t . I n t h e t o w n s , c o m m e r c i a l and industrial oligarchies ran the corporations during the eighteenth a n d m o s t of the nineteenth centuries. T h e creators of industrial

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e n t e r p r i s e s like P a l m e r at J a r r o w a n d H e n r y B o l c k o w a n d J o h n V a u g h a n at M i d d l e s b r o u g h w e r e f r e q u e n t l y a m o n g t h e first m a y o r s o f a n d M P s for t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e t o w n s . A s t h e y m o v e d i n t o l a n d e d s o c i e t y , l e a v i n g a v a c u u m f r e q u e n t l y filled b y t r a d e s m e n , m a n y o f t h e i n d u s t r i a l i s t s j o i n e d t h e l a n d o w n e r s as d e p u t y l i e u t e n a n t s a n d sheriffs for t h e c o u n t i e s . T h e c o n t r a s t w h i c h h a s b e e n s e e n b e t w e e n a g r i c u l t u r e a n d i n d u s t r y , t h e c o u n t r y h o u s e a n d u r b a n t e r r a c e affected m a n y aspects of the north-east's history. O n e of the strongest con­ trasts within the region lay b e t w e e n the traditional p o w e r of the land­ owners and the Church of England and the growing power of the workingpeople. T h e contrast was marked between the two counties. N o r t h u m b e r l a n d w a s traditionally a very conservative a n d b a c k w a r d c o u n t y in w h i c h t h e p o w e r o f t h e l a n d o w n e r s w a s c l o s e to f e u d a l e v e n in t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . T h i s m i g h t b e s e e n in t h e C h a r l t o n s of H e s l e y s i d e o r t h e T r e v e l y a n s o f W a l l i n g t o n , m e n o f c o n s i d e r a b l e significance w i t h r e g a r d t o a n y d e v e l o p m e n t , s u c h as r a i l w a y s , in t h e i r local a r e a . B u t t h e m o s t significant o f all w e r e t h e D u k e s o f N o r t h u m b e r l a n d , w h o s e v a s t o w n e r s h i p o f l a n d , b o t h rural a n d in urban areas, was one reason w h y Northumberland was the English c o u n t y w h i c h t h e 1 8 7 3 s u r v e y s h o w e d to h a v e t h e l a r g e s t p r o p o r t i o n of all its l a n d h e l d in l a r g e e s t a t e s . T h r o u g h t h e i r d o m i n a n c e t h e l a r g e l a n d o w n e r s e n s u r e d t h e c o n t i n u a n c e o f a t r a d i t i o n a l rural s o c i e t y , slowing the break-up of old patterns of behaviour. Nevertheless, c h a n g e c a m e a n d N o r t h u m b e r l a n d p r o v i d e d , in T h o m a s B u r t , M P for M o r p e t h , a n d later C h a r l e s F e n w i c k ( a n o t h e r

Northumberland

m i n e r a n d e x - C h a r t i s t ) s o m e o f t h e first w o r k i n g - c l a s s M e m b e r s o f P a r l i a m e n t . S o m e h o w , h o w e v e r , t h e r e s p e c t for l a n d in N o r t h u m b e r ­ l a n d h a s r e m a i n e d , e v i d e n c e d b y t h e fact t h a t a L o r d R i d l e y o f Blagdon, d e s c e n d a n t of o n e of the earliest of T y n e s i d e m e r c h a n t s to m o v e into land, could b e c h a i r m a n of N o r t h u m b e r l a n d

County

C o u n c i l in t h e 1 9 7 0 s . B y c o n t r a s t , in C o u n t y D u r h a m , a l t h o u g h t h e r e h a d b e e n great landed power, not least a m o n g the clergy, rising indus­ trialisation b r o u g h t great c h a n g e . I n t h e m i d d l e o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n ­ tury the rector of S t a n h o p e w a s r e c k o n e d to b e richer t h a n m a n y b i s h o p s b e c a u s e of the mineral royalties attached to his living and the Earls of D u r h a m and Lords L o n d o n d e r r y h a d e n o r m o u s power, political, rural a n d i n d u s t r i a l . B u t it w a s C o u n t y D u r h a m i n 1 9 1 9 w h i c h b e c a m e t h e first c o u n t y c o u n c i l in t h e c o u n t r y t o h a v e a m a j o r i t y for the Labour party. T h e gradual m o v e m e n t away from Liberalism, the g r e a t political s t r e n g t h o f t h e coalfield, e p i t o m i s e d b y ' t h e D u r h a m

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thirteen' of 1874, through the election of 'Lib-Lab' M P s , had culmi­ n a t e d in a m o o d of i n d e p e n d e n c e b r o u g h t b y the First W o r l d W a r . A s J a c k L a w s o n p u t it, ' t h e o l d s o c i a l s u p e r s t i t i o n o f a s u p e r i o r p e o p l e w h o a r e e n t i t l e d t o a s u p e r i o r life h a s g o n e f o r e v e r ' .

2 9

Inevitably, he

exaggerated the change; the attitudes of centuries do not disappear i n d e c a d e s b u t t h e f u t u r e g r e a t m e n o f C o u n t y D u r h a m w e r e to b e n o l o n g e r t h e i n d u s t r i a l i s t s b u t w o r k i n g m e n , like h i m s e l f a n d P e t e r Lee, w h o found that society could m a k e use of their talents elsewhere t h a n pit-face, f u r n a c e a n d s h o p - f l o o r . The m o o d which elected pitmen M P s and Labour county councillors c a m e out of a recognition of the c o m m u n i t y of interests and p o w e r o f t h e m a j o r i t y o f w o r k i n g p e o p l e , for it w a s t h e y w h o c r e a t e d t h e s o c i e t y w h i c h w a s ( a n d is) t h e n o r t h - e a s t . W e a r e left w i t h t h e q u e s t i o n ' H o w far w e r e t h e p e o p l e o f t h e n o r t h - e a s t a n d t h e i r c u l t u r e differ­ e n t ? ' , i n a d d i t i o n t o t h e d i f f e r e n c e s w h i c h h a v e b e e n s e e n in t h e i r e n v i r o n m e n t . It is difficult t o w r i t e m u c h a b o u t t h e p e r i o d b e f o r e the nineteenth century, w h e n population was small and divided b y p o o r c o m m u n i c a t i o n s a n d a b o u t w h i c h w e k n o w s o little. I n a n y e v e n t , it is to t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , w i t h its g r o w t h i n p o p u l a t i o n

and

s o c i a l a w a r e n e s s , to w h i c h w e n e e d to l o o k for c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y . It is i n t h a t p e r i o d t h a t t h e ' G e o r d i e ' c o n c e p t o r i g i n a t e d , r e l a t i n g n o t m e r e l y t o T y n e s i d e b u t m o r e w i d e l y to t h e coalfield. T o s o m e e x t e n t , h o w e v e r , t h e coalfield a n d i n d u s t r i a l c o m m u n i t i e s w e r e d i s t i n c t . T h e v e r y n a t u r e o f c o a l m i n i n g a n d its c o m m u n i t i e s m e a n t g r e a t e r i n s u l a r ­ ity a n d c l o s e n e s s t h a n c o u l d e x i s t i n t h e m u c h m o r e o p e n a n d c h a n g i n g i n d u s t r i a l c o m m u n i t i e s a l o n g t h e r i v e r b a n k s . O n c e a pit w a s e s t a b ­ l i s h e d t h e r e w a s little c h a n g e i n s i z e o f c o m m u n i t y o v e r m a n y y e a r s ; t h e pit w a s t h e o n l y s o u r c e o f e m p l o y m e n t - it d o m i n a t e d life. H o u s e s i n pit c o m m u n i t i e s w e r e c o n t i n u a l l y o p e n to o t h e r m e m b e r s o f t h e c o m m u n i t y a n d p r i v a c y w a s i m p o s s i b l e (in s m a l l h o u s e s it w a s n o t e v e n p o s s i b l e w i t h i n a f a m i l y ) . F a m i l y life w a s s t r o n g , p a r t l y a r e s u l t o f t h e fact t h a t t h e r e w e r e n o o p p o r t u n i t i e s for f e m a l e e m p l o y m e n t , a n d h o m e k e e p i n g w a s a r e s p e c t e d activity. Despite the distinctive h o u r s of work, w h e t h e r o n the two- or three-shift system, wife/mother w o u l d a l w a y s b e u p to s e e h e r m e n f o l k off t o t h e pit - ' t h e o l d l a w of the colliery w o m a n ' - in case she never s a w t h e m again. But the d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s o f t h e c o l l i e r y v i l l a g e w a s n o t j u s t m a d e u p o f fear, dirt ( t h e first p i t - h e a d b a t h s i n t h e r e g i o n w e r e i n s t a l l e d at B o l d o n

29

Lawson, A Man's Life, p. 234.

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C o l l i e r y in 1 9 2 7 ) a n d c r a m p e d living c o n d i t i o n s . It c o n s i s t e d in a n i m m e n s e a m o u n t o f p r i d e in t h e o c c u p a t i o n , t h e skill a n d i n d e p e n ­ d e n c e o f ' t h e b i g h e w e r ' , a n d t h e e t h o s o f t h e village s e e n in t h e g l o r i o u s pit b a n n e r s . T h e r e w a s rivalry, often fierce, b e t w e e n v i l l a g e s b u t t h e r e w a s also t h e c o m m u n a l spirit o f m i n i n g s e e n in ' t h e b i g m e e t i n g ' , a n d a n n u a l m i n e r s ' gala at D u r h a m . It is difficult to b e s u r e w h e t h e r t h e r e w e r e cultural activities w h i c h distinguished the mining from industrial c o m m u n i t i e s , since mining c o m m e n c e d o n t h e i n d u s t r i a l river b a n k s a n d o n l y later set u p distinc­ tive, m o r e r e m o t e c o m m u n i t i e s . M a n y o f t h e d i s t i n c t i v e f e a t u r e s o f w o r k i n g - c l a s s c u l t u r e o f t h e n o r t h - e a s t w e r e f o u n d e q u a l l y in b o t h a r e a s , a l t h o u g h t h e s h o r t e r w o r k i n g h o u r s in m i n i n g c o m m u n i t i e s (a d i s t i n c t i v e n o r t h - e a s t e r n f e a t u r e w i t h o n l y s e v e n h o u r s at t h e pitface b y t h e last q u a r t e r o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y ) m e a n t t h a t t h e r e w a s greater time to indulge t h e m . G a r d e n i n g w a s a notable feature of colliery v i l l a g e s , w h e r e t h e r e w a s t h e s p a c e t o d e v e l o p t h e activity, b u t o n e s h o u l d n o t u n d e r e s t i m a t e t h e e x t e n t to w h i c h t h e d e s i r e to g e t b a c k t o n a t u r e s u r v i v e d in all b u t t h e m o s t d e n s e b r i c k j u n g l e s s u c h as t h e S c o t s w o o d t e r r a c e s . R e l i g i o n w a s c e r t a i n l y a m o r e d i s t i n c ­ tive f e a t u r e o f t h e colliery v i l l a g e s t h a n t h e l a r g e r u r b a n a r e a s . T h e h u g e c h a p e l s , m o s t e s p e c i a l l y o f t h e P r i m i t i v e M e t h o d i s t s , still b e a r w i t n e s s to t h e p o w e r o f n o n c o n f o r m i t y in D u r h a m m i n i n g villages f r o m t h e 1 8 2 0 s . T h e c h a p e l , like e a r l y political activity in C h a r t i s m , gave m a n y w o r k i n g m e n self-confidence, taught t h e m not to h o n o u r o t h e r m e n a n d g a v e t h e m o p p o r t u n i t i e s for l e a d e r s h i p . P r e s b y t e r i a n i s m , reflecting t h e c l o s e n e s s to S c o t l a n d , w a s s t r o n g e r t h a n t h e n a t i o n a l a v e r a g e , as w a s R o m a n C a t h o l i c i s m , w h i c h h a d its s e c o n d highest proportion

o f a d h e r e n t s in t h e r e g i o n ( t h e h i g h e s t b e i n g

L a n c a s h i r e ) , o n l y p a r t l y a r e s u l t o f Irish i m m i g r a t i o n . A m o n g o t h e r l e i s u r e activities d o g r a c i n g , e s p e c i a l l y w i t h w h i p p e t s , a p p e a r s to h a v e b e e n a n e s s e n t i a l l y m i n i n g activity. In the urban c o m m u n i t i e s there w a s less distinctive c o m m u n i t y i n t e r e s t , p a r t l y b e c a u s e o f t h e i r l a r g e r size a n d p a r t l y b e c a u s e , w i t h e x c e p t i o n s s u c h as J a r r o w a n d S c o t s w o o d , t h e y w e r e d e p e n d e n t o n a wider range of occupations. T h e r e were, however, m a n y c o m m o n l e i s u r e activities w h i c h to s o m e e x t e n t b o u n d p e o p l e o f o t h e r w i s e distinct t y p e s . D r i n k i n g w a s p e r h a p s t h e m o s t o b v i o u s . I n t h e p e r i o d of t h e h i g h e s t e v e r n a t i o n a l p e r c a p i t a l e v e l s o f a l c o h o l c o n s u m p t i o n in t h e s e c o n d h a l f o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , t h e r e g i o n m a d e a m a j o r c o n t r i b u t i o n to t h e statistics. H e a v y l a b o u r , as in m a n y o f t h e r e g i o n a l

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i n d u s t r i e s , is u s u a l l y l i n k e d to h i g h a l c o h o l c o n s u m p t i o n a n d t h e l e v e l of e x p e n d i t u r e o n d r i n k w a s o n e o f t h e r e a s o n s for t h e failure to raise living s t a n d a r d s d u r i n g a p e r i o d o f p r o s p e r i t y . I n 1 9 1 1 N o r t h u m ­ b e r l a n d w a s t h e l e a d i n g c o u n t y a n d D u r h a m w a s s e c o n d in t h e n u m b e r o f c o n v i c t i o n s for d r u n k e n n e s s p e r 1 0 , 0 0 0 p o p u l a t i o n . O t h e r activities w e r e l e s s socially divisive. R o w i n g w a s t h e m a j o r s p e c t a t o r s p o r t o n T y n e s i d e in t h e m i d - n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y - t h e T h a m e s b e i n g t h e o n l y o t h e r river w h e r e t h e s p o r t w a s as significant. R o w i n g w a s t o b e e c l i p s e d later in t h e c e n t u r y b y t h e rise o f a s s o c i a t i o n football in w h i c h b o t h a m a t e u r a n d p r o f e s s i o n a l c l u b s in t h e r e g i o n w e r e to p l a y a significant p a r t . H o r s e r a c i n g w a s a p o p u l a r s p e c t a t o r s p o r t for w o r k i n g m e n , w h i l e p i g e o n - f a n c y i n g w a s a c o m m o n p a r t i c i p a t o r y o n e . T h e s t r e n g t h o f local s o n g (often in dialect) a n d t h e m u s i c hall are o t h e r f e a t u r e s o f w o r k i n g - c l a s s c u l t u r e in t h e r e g i o n . All o f t h e s e w o r k i n g - c l a s s activities a d d to a c u l t u r e w h i c h w a s c e r t a i n l y differen­ tiated from that of the middle classes with their Literary a n d Philoso­ p h i c a l S o c i e t y at N e w c a s t l e , p r o f e s s i o n a l s o c i e t i e s ( s u c h as t h e N o r t h East Coast Institution of Engineers a n d Shipbuilders), concert socie­ ties, l a w n t e n n i s c l u b s a n d s o o n . It is m o r e d u b i o u s as t o w h e t h e r it differentiated w o r k i n g - c l a s s s o c i e t y f r o m its p e e r s in o t h e r p a r t s of t h e c o u n t r y . It s e e m s m o r e likely t h a t t h e m u c h - f a m e d ' G e o r d i e ' c u l t u r e is m e r e l y a carefully c u l t i v a t e d a n d p r e s e r v e d m y t h , like t h e local a c c e n t s a m e r e superficiality in t h e d i s t i n c t i o n s w h i c h m a k e u p mankind. S u c h superficialities h a v e b e g u n to b r e a k d o w n u n d e r t h e w i d e ­ s p r e a d i n f l u e n c e o f t h e m a s s m e d i a a n d m o b i l i t y i n t h e later t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y . S o m e h a v e c u l t i v a t e d n e w h o m e s in o t h e r r e g i o n s , o t h e r s h a v e b e c o m e l e s s s t r o n g in t h e i r o w n h o m e a r e a . T h e d i s t i n c t i o n s w h i c h r e m a i n are in t h e o l d a r e a o f i n s t i t u t i o n a l d e p r i v a t i o n . I n t h e i n t e r w a r p e r i o d social c o m m e n t a t o r s n o t e d t h e p o o r s t a n d a r d s o f e d u ­ c a t i o n a l p r o v i s i o n in t h e r e g i o n . I n t h e m i d - 1 9 2 0 s in p u b l i c e l e m e n t a r y s c h o o l s in all t h e c o u n t y b o r o u g h s o f E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s s o m e 2 2 . 5 p e r c e n t o f c h i l d r e n w e r e in c l a s s e s o f o v e r fifty c h i l d r e n , w h i l e in N e w c a s t l e t h e figure w a s 4 6 . 1 p e r c e n t ; in H e b b u r n it w a s 6 5 . 7 p e r c e n t w h i l e t h e a v e r a g e for u r b a n districts a n d m e t r o p o l i t a n b o r o u g h s w a s 1 4 . 0 p e r c e n t . I n 1 9 2 6 - 7 t h r e e o f t h e four T y n e s i d e c o u n t y b o r ­ o u g h s w e r e a m o n g t h e fifteen n a t i o n a l l y (out o f a total o f e i g h t y - t w o ) which spent less than £ 1 0 per child on educational provision (while t h e fourth, T y n e m o u t h , s p e n t o n l y slightly m o r e ) . I n t h e e a r l y 1 9 8 0 s , while expenditure on education compares well with the

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average, the years of neglect have built a mould of educational expec­ tation which does not break. Consequently, the 1982 edition of Regional Trends shows that the northern region had the lowest propor­ tion of children staying in full-time schooling after the age of sixteen when compulsory education ends. The region's figure of 18.8 per cent of the age group compared with a figure of 26.0 per cent for the UK and 32.0 per cent for the south-east. The region also has the lowest levels of achievement of school leavers at public examinations, the lowest levels of the age group going into full-time further education and even the lowest going into non-advanced further education. A larger proportion of school leavers is therefore limited in its horizons and condemned to a narrow range of job opportunities and so the old expectations of education are reinforced in the next generation - home background being the basic determinant of educational per­ formance. In many other areas the deprivation of the region relative to the national position continues - in the numbers of doctors and dentists per 100,000 of the population, in car ownership and in any one of a wide range of statistical comparisons. The 1982 edition of Regional Trends shows that telephone possession (at 52 per cent of houses against a national average of 65 per cent) was lower than in any other region; that there were 5,068 persons per dentist (the highest regional figure) against a national average of 3,725; that 46 per cent of dwellings were owner-occupied (the lowest regional figure) against a national average of 57 per cent; and that unemployment was the highest of any region in Great Britain at 1.3 times the UK average. 30

Whether such relative deprivation (which mirrors that which is increasingly occurring between Britain and other industrial countries) is important can probably not be answered or even comprehended by the individuals (including the writer) involved. Do they affect the basic human activities of living, loving, hating? Does the risk of spelks mean that making love on a board is less pleasure-giving than on a Dunlopillo mattress? 30

Regional inequalities are usefully outlined in G. Taylor and N. Ayres, Born and Bred Unequal (1969). Central Statistical Office, Regional Trends (1982), Tables 3.3, 4.9, 6.3, 7.6 and 9.5.

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CHAPTER

7

London and the Home Counties P. L. G A R S I D E

INTRODUCTION

The reality of London has never been easy to grasp - the character of this vast city has been shrouded in uncertainty and ambiguity and much has depended on the perspective of the observer. Most obviously, there have been the contradictions arising from London's various, overlapping spatial contexts - London has operated and has been experienced at sub-metropolitan, metropolitan, regional, natio­ nal and international levels. Each of these arenas has generated a particular 'London view' and much of London's history since 1750 can be seen as a series of conflicts arising from the associated interests and tensions. Yet despite its 'chinese box' character, a fundamental feature of London has been its stability and continuity. The basis of London's orderliness has, paradoxically, been its conti­ nued dynamism, driven by a particular type of physical and economic growth that permitted both interdependence and autonomy. The two centuries between 1750 and 1950 can be regarded as the benchmarks of this inherently stable, though expansionist era for London - after 1950, changed economic and political conditions accentuated the fragi­ lity of London, forcing previously hidden and unresolved contradic­ tions in metropolitan life to the centre of the social and political stage. The prism through which London is viewed in what follows is that of the impact of the metropolis on the Home Counties - that is, its expansion from the old core cities of London and Westminster, through Middlesex, and later Surrey, Essex, Kent and Hertfordshire. The nature of that impact, its causes and consequences cannot, how­ ever, be comprehensively assessed. While there are important pointers from the new, quantitative economic history, and from oldfashioned political and administrative history, the sheer scale and diversity of the expanding metropolis appears to have daunted, and 471

diversity of the expanding metropolis appears to have daunted, and

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e v e n d e f e a t e d , social h i s t o r i a n s . L o n d o n h i s t o r y r e m a i n s a t h i n g o f shreds and patches, lacking overall form. A s the L o n d o n giant grew, neither his o w n clothes nor those fabricated b y historians have b e e n q u i t e a b l e to g r o w w i t h h i m .

I LONDON:

IMPERIAL

STRONGHOLD

CAPITAL

AND

MERCANTILE

1750-1820

Oh, London is a fine town, A very famous city, Where all the streets are paved with gold, And all the maidens pretty. George Colman The Younger, The Heir at Law (1797)

The mysterious grandeur The

of London

distinctiveness and separateness so emphatically displayed by

L o n d o n in the later e i g h t e e n t h century b o t h enthralled a n d alarmed c o n t e m p o r a r y observers. T h e scale a n d complexity of L o n d o n ' s myr­ iad worlds w a s generating a highly diverse, intricate yet interdepen­ d e n t w a y o f life. A p p r o a c h i n g a p o p u l a t i o n o f 1 m i l l i o n in 1 8 0 1 , L o n d o n w a s t h e n a t i o n ' s f o r e m o s t m i l i e u for c o u r t a n d h i g h s o c i e t y : it p r o v i d e d

the seat of government,

a mercantile stronghold

for

t r a d e r s , f i n a n c i e r s a n d s p e c i a l i s t m a n u f a c t u r e r s , a c r a d l e for n e w p r o ­ fessions as well as the a p o g e e of the old, and the principal national s t a g e for political m o v e m e n t s a n d e n t e r t a i n e r s a l i k e . L o n d o n - t h e u n i q u e city - s t o o d a p a r t i n its m a g n i f i c e n c e a n d v a r i e t y , d i s t i n c t b o t h from the rest of Britain's developing urban hierarchy a n d also from its i m m e d i a t e r u r a l h i n t e r l a n d . I n t h e M i d l a n d s a n d t h e n o r t h t h e expanding

provincial manufacturing

centres were

establishing

a

w h o l l y n e w ' u r b a n frontier', while in the agricultural areas bordering t h e m e t r o p o l i s , t h e c o n t r a s t w i t h L o n d o n life w a s p a r t i c u l a r l y s t a r k : i n d e e d , it h a s r e c e n t l y b e e n a r g u e d t h a t t h e r u r a l u n e m p l o y m e n t a n d low

w a g e s of Surrey, Kent, Middlesex and Hertfordshire

directly from the capital's o w n d e m a n d for g o o d s a n d s e r v i c e s .

resulted

i m m e n s e , but highly specialised

1

Complexity, ambiguity, specialisation and distinctiveness were the 1

P. J. Corfield, The Impact of English Towns, 1700-1800 (Oxford, 1982), pp. 9-11. K. D. M. Snell, 'Agricultural Seasonal Unemployment, the Standard of Living, and Women's Work in the South and East, 1690-1860', Economic History Review, 2nd ser.,34(1981), pp. 407-37.

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London and the Home

Counties

473

h a l l m a r k s o f late e i g h t e e n t h - a n d e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y L o n d o n . T h e s c a l e , p a c e a n d i m p a c t o f t h e c a p i t a l ' s g r o w t h defied d e s c r i p t i o n - indeed our u n d e r s t a n d i n g of L o n d o n ' s significance and

wider

2

i n f l u e n c e r e m a i n s e v e n n o w partial a n d i n c o n c l u s i v e . T h e n e e d to e v a l u a t e t h e l i n k s b e t w e e n L o n d o n a n d t h e c h a n g e s u n d e r w a y in t h e s u r r o u n d i n g r e g i o n , a n d in t h e n a t i o n as a w h o l e , is o n e of t h e m a j o r t h e m e s to b e e x p l o r e d in this c h a p t e r . T h e p r e s e n t state o f k n o w l e d g e , h o w e v e r , m e a n s that while w e k n o w a considerable a m o u n t a b o u t c e r t a i n a s p e c t s of L o n d o n life b e t w e e n 1 7 5 0 a n d 1 8 2 0 , the processes connecting these with broader metropolitan, regional a n d n a t i o n a l c h a n g e s r e m a i n e n i g m a t i c a n d difficult to g r a s p . H i s t o r ­ i a n s h a v e b e g u n to e x p l o r e s o m e of t h e s e c o n n e c t i o n s in w a y s w h i c h h a v e p r o v e d v e r y i l l u m i n a t i n g , b u t for t h e m o s t p a r t t h i s s e c t i o n m u s t s e r v e s i m p l y to h i g h l i g h t t h o s e e l e m e n t s o f t h e L o n d o n s c e n e w h i c h s e e m p a r t i c u l a r l y i m p o r t a n t in e s t a b l i s h i n g t h e f r a m e w o r k for t h e s u b ­ s e q u e n t d i s c u s s i o n s of t h e d y n a m i c s of c h a n g e in V i c t o r i a n L o n d o n . T h e first p a r t o f w h a t f o l l o w s s e e k s to identify t h o s e a s p e c t s of L o n ­ d o n w h i c h h a d t h e m o s t significant social a n d e c o n o m i c i m p a c t o n s u r r o u n d i n g c o u n t i e s a n d o n n a t i o n a l life as a w h o l e . T h e latter p a r t e x a m i n e s m o r e directly t h e w o r l d o f L o n d o n itself, in particular, t h e c o m p l e x i t i e s o f m e t r o p o l i t a n social a n d o c c u p a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e , its built f o r m , p u b l i c i n s t i t u t i o n s a n d c u l t u r a l life.

London and the national economy T h e s i g n i f i c a n c e o f L o n d o n in t h e p e r i o d 1 7 5 0 - 1 8 2 0 o b v i o u s l y n e e d s to b e a s s e s s e d in r e l a t i o n t o t h e k i n d o f p l a c e it w a s , a n d t h e e x p e r i e n c e it afforded to t h o s e living t h e r e . T o Angliae Nottia in 1 7 0 2 , L o n d o n w a s t h e e p i t o m e of E n g l a n d , t h e s e a t o f t h e B r i t i s h E m p i r e , t h e C h a m b e r o f t h e K i n g , a n d t h e g r e a t e s t E m p o r i u m in t h e w h o l e w o r l d . Indeed, L o n d o n ' s heterogeneity and multiple sources of growth con­ f o u n d e d t h e classification s y s t e m s d e v i s e d b y c o n t e m p o r a r i e s to c o p e with Britain's burgeoning urban network - spa town, dockyard town, manufacturing town, resort, university town, 'thoroughfare

town'.

A s c a r t o g r a p h e r s a n d p u b l i s h e r s o f g u i d e s a n d d i r e c t o r i e s s t r o v e to identify L o n d o n ' s d i v e r s e p a r t s , c o m m e n t a t o r s s u c h as C h a m b e r l a y n e a n d Defoe c o n c e d e d that the contiguous but highly varied built-up 2

Corfield emphasises the enigmatic nature of London's role as both 'exemplar and exception', Impact of English Towns, p. 66. London provided both a model for provincial towns, and also a unique configuration which none could hope to match.

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P. L . G A R S I D E

a r e a s ' s e e m to m a k e i n d e e d o n e C i t y ' w h o s e 5 , 0 0 0 o r s o s t r e e t s a n d alleys might o n e day e x t e n d from C h e l s e a to Deptford Bridge ' w h i c h if it s h o u l d h a p p e n , w h a t a M o n s t e r m u s t L o n d o n b e ' .

3

L o n d o n e l u d e d a t t e m p t s t o d e f i n e it t h r o u g h c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s a n d s y s ­ t e m s , as it h a d e a r l i e r e l u d e d a t t e m p t s at p h y s i c a l c o n f i n e m e n t . R u d e h a s i l l u s t r a t e d , for e x a m p l e , t h e i n a d e q u a c y o f b o t h ' t r a d i t i o n a l ' a n d ' r e a l i s t i c ' a s s e s s m e n t s o f L o n d o n ' s m u l t i p l i c i t y o f t r a d e s a n d crafts. J o h n S t r y p e , w r i t i n g i n 1 7 2 0 , c o n c e n t r a t e d s o l e l y o n t h o s e t r a d e s still regulated b y the old City c o m p a n i e s , a n d r e c o r d e d a m e r e sixty. E v e n t h e m o r e e x t e n d e d list o f a ' G e n e r a l D e s c r i p t i o n o f all T r a d e s ' p u b ­ l i s h e d in 1 7 4 7 l i m i t e d its c o n c e p t i o n to t h e 1 3 5 crafts a n d 8 0 o t h e r occupations w h i c h w e r e organised in the 'traditional' w a y with small m a s t e r c r a f t s m e n , t h e i r j o u r n e y m e n a n d a p p r e n t i c e s . I n fact, a g r o w ­ i n g n u m b e r o f L o n d o n ' s i n d u s t r i e s a n d s e r v i c e s e i t h e r p a i d m e r e lipservice to the regulations of the old guilds or ignored t h e m altogether, b e i n g o r g a n i s e d ' o n a l m o s t capitalist l i n e s ' . F o l l o w i n g D r G e o r g e , R u d e s u g g e s t s t h a t L o n d o n ' s o c c u p a t i o n s are b e s t c o n s i d e r e d i n t h r e e b r o a d c a t e g o r i e s : First, t r a d e s c a t e r i n g for L o n d o n ' s p o s i t i o n a s n a t i o ­ n a l a n d i n t e r n a t i o n a l m a r k e t - p l a c e a n d e n t r e p o t - s h i p b u i l d i n g , refin­ i n g a n d p r o c e s s i n g o f r a w m a t e r i a l s e s p e c i a l l y b r e w i n g , distilling, s u g a r - r e f i n i n g a n d d y e i n g . S e c o n d , l u x u r y t r a d e s p r o v i d i n g for t h e w e a l t h y c o n s u m e r market in L o n d o n a n d abroad - furniture m a k i n g , coachbuilding, plate, porcelain, w a t c h e s a n d other precision instru­ m e n t s . Third, trades c o m m o n to any urban area serving the city's everyday needs - construction, food and drink manufacturers

and

r e t a i l e r s , w i g m a k e r s , tailors, s h o e m a k e r s , c a r r i e r s , a n d s u p p l i e r s o f professional a n d personal services. T h e range, v o l u m e a n d diversity of e c o n o m i c activity i n L o n d o n w a s o f g r e a t s o c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e . T h e d e g r e e o f s p e c i a l i s a t i o n b e t w e e n a n d w i t h i n crafts a n d o t h e r e m p l o y ­ m e n t g r o u p s g a v e r i s e to a c o m p l e x s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e w h i c h w a s r e i n ­ forced b y spatial specialisation e v e n a m o n g

comparatively

petty

4

t r a d e s . T e c h n o l o g i c a l d e v e l o p m e n t s a n d c a p i t a l i s t o r g a n i s a t i o n dis­ tinguished s o m e major industries and especially brewing and food processing, but other sectors w e r e organised in small traditional 3 4

Quoted in ibid., p. 190. G. Rude, Hanoverian London 1714-1808 (1971), pp. 2 5 - 6 . L. D. Schwarz, 'Conditions of Life and Work in London c. 1770-1820, with Special Reference to East London' (unpublished DPhil. thesis, University of Oxford, 1976). J. M. Howe, 'Occupations in Bermondsey 1701-3', Genealogists' Magazine, 20 (1982). T. R. Forbes, 'Weaver and Cordwainer: Occupations in the Parish of St Giles, London, in 1654-93 and 1729-43', Guildhall Studies in London History, 4 (1980). I. T. Prothero, Artisans and Politics in Early Nineteenth-Century London (Folkestone, 1979), chap. 2.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

London and the Home w o r k s h o p s , while in the docks, m e n w e r e e m p l o y e d

Counties

475

predominantly

5

on a casual day-to-day b a s i s . O n e quarter of L o n d o n ' s workforce, 2 0 , 0 0 0 m e n , a r e e s t i m a t e d t o h a v e b e e n e m p l o y e d in t r a d e s c o n n e c t e d with L o n d o n ' s

docks in the early n i n e t e e n t h

century,

while

the

construction industry d r e w similarly on a vast pool of skilled a n d unskilled labour. ' L o n d o n ' s manufacturing',

Schwarz has

empha­

s i s e d , ' c a t e r e d l a r g e l y for t h e local m a r k e t , w h i c h , a l t h o u g h v e r y l a r g e , w a s n o t a m a s s m a r k e t in t h e m o d e r n s e n s e ' .

6

L o n d o n ' s h i g h l y stratified a n d l o c a l i s e d e c o n o m i c s t r u c t u r e h a d t h e effect o f d r i v i n g s o m e t r a d e s o u t o f t h e city a l t o g e t h e r i n t o s u r r o u n d i n g a r e a s o r e v e n f u r t h e r afield. ' T h e M e t a m o r p h o s i s o f t h e P o r t o f L o n ­ d o n ' w a s o n e example of this effect.

7

In 1700, s o m e 7 5 - 8 0 per cent

of all E n g l a n d ' s o v e r s e a s t r a d e w a s h a n d l e d b y t h e P o r t o f L o n d o n , a n d t h i s t r a d e c o n t i n u e d to g r o w t h r o u g h t h e e i g h t e e n t h

century

t h o u g h L o n d o n ' s relative share declined. T h e Port, h o w e v e r , b e c a m e increasingly unable to cope a n d unloading berths m o v e d d o w n s t r e a m from the Pool to L i m e h o u s e a n d Millwall. T h e resulting

problems

of theft, d e l a y a n d c o n g e s t i o n , w i t h 3 , 5 0 0 craft f e r r y i n g g o o d s f r o m these 'sufferance wharfs' to the legal quays, e m p h a s i s e d that L o n d o n w a s being by-passed technologically b y other ports that could provide secure dock systems. Despite the opposition of the City Corporation, P a r l i a m e n t s e t u p a c o m m i t t e e in 1 7 9 5 t o i n v e s t i g a t e t h e b e s t m e a n s of providing the necessary a c c o m m o d a t i o n , a n d m e r c h a n t m o n o p o l i e s subsequently built n e w docks a n d w a r e h o u s e s u n d e r special A c t s of P a r l i a m e n t d o w n s t r e a m f r o m t h e o l d q u a y s o n b o t h s i d e s o f t h e Thames.

8

This ' e x p o r t ' of L o n d o n functions in an attempt to avoid

restrictions and seek out m o r e favourable locations occurred not only in d a n g e r o u s a n d noxious trades but also in established trades s u c h as s h o e m a k i n g a n d framework knitting: t h e s e latter w e r e transferred to M i d l a n d t o w n s whilst continuing to serve the L o n d o n

market.

9

By 1820, L o n d o n s e e m e d poised o n the verge of 'a n e w balanced c o m p l e t e n e s s ' b u t at t h e s a m e t i m e it r e q u i r e d t h e i n p u t o f g o o d s

5

6

7 8 9

P. Mathias, The Transformation of England: Essays in the Economic and Social History of England in the Eighteenth Century (1979), chaps. 11-13. W. L. Goodman, 'Christopher Gabriel, his Book', Furniture History, 17(1981). L. D. Schwarz, 'Social Class and Social Geography: The Middle Classes in London at the End of the Eighteenth Century', Social History, 7 (1982), pp. 167-85. R. C. Jarvis, 'The Metamorphosis of the Port of London', London Journal, 3 (1977). Corheld, Impact of English Towns, p. 71. P. G. Hall, 'The East London Footwear Industry: An Industrial Quarter in Decline', East London Papers, 5 (1962).

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P. L . G A R S I D E

a n d s e r v i c e s at a n e v e r - i n c r e a s i n g s c a l e to m a i n t a i n its g r o w t h a n d equilibrium. The

i m p a c t o f L o n d o n o n t h e e c o n o m y a s a w h o l e a n d o n local

employment markets has b e e n discussed by historians over m a n y d e c a d e s , y e t t h e r e is still c l e a r l y a g r e a t d e a l t o b e e x p l o r e d . I n m a n y r e s p e c t s , L o n d o n ' s c o m m e r c i a l a n d t r a d i n g l i n k s w e r e a force for i n t e g ­ r a t i o n , b o t h at t h e g l o b a l s c a l e , a n d n o l e s s at t h e n a t i o n a l s c a l e . A s a n e n t r e p o t for t h e r e s a l e o f c o l o n i a l g o o d s for h o m e a n d E u r o p e a n c o n s u m p t i o n , L o n d o n b e c a m e a c l e a r i n g h o u s e for t h e p r o d u c e o f the East and W e s t Indies. Spectral analysis has revealed the integration of L o n d o n ' s c r e d i t a n d b a n k i n g s y s t e m s w i t h t h o s e o f A m s t e r d a m , and, indeed, L o n d o n eventually eclipsed the D u t c h capital as E u r o p e ' s premier m o n e y and investment market. At h o m e , a m o d e l of L o n d o n ' s economic importance 'as a potent engine working towards change in E n g l a n d ' h a s b e e n postulated b y Wrigley, while Braudel h a s u s e d e i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y L o n d o n as a n e x a m p l e o f moyenne duree i n h i s t o r i c t i m e , i . e . a p h a s e o f s o m e 5 0 to 1 0 0 y e a r s w i t h a d i s t i n c t i v e a n d identify­ ing feature. In this case, the distinguishing feature w a s the reign of L o n d o n a n d its m o n e y m a r k e t , b y w h i c h u n i t y w a s c r e a t e d i n t h e B r i t i s h m a r k e t t h r o u g h 'flux et reflux d e m e r c h a n d i s e s v e r s et p a r t i r d e L o n d r e s , e n o r m e c o e u r e x i g e a n t q u i r y t h m e t o u t , b o u l e v e r s e et apaise tout'.

1 0

W i t h its p o p u l a t i o n r i s i n g f r o m 5 7 5 , 0 0 0 i n 1 7 0 0 t o 9 0 0 , 0 0 0 in 1 8 0 1 , t h e r e is n o d o u b t t h a t L o n d o n r e q u i r e d v a s t s u p p l i e s o f daily n e c e s s i ­ t i e s , e s p e c i a l l y f o o d , w a t e r a n d fuel. A t t e m p t s to s p e c i f y t h e effects of t h i s d e m a n d h a v e b e e n m a d e b y F i s h e r a n d b y W r i g l e y - n o t a b l y , a r a p i d s p r e a d o f m a r k e t g a r d e n i n g , e s p e c i a l l y in S u r r e y , K e n t a n d other suitable areas near to L o n d o n , increasing local crop specialisa­ t i o n , a s , for i n s t a n c e , t h e c o n v e r s i o n o f M i d d l e s e x to m o n o c u l t u r e of h a y d u r i n g t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y , a n d t h e i n v o l v e m e n t o f w h o l e ­ salers either directly in food production, or indirectly t h r o u g h invest­ m e n t of capital to improve production m e t h o d s .

1 1

Wrigley estimates

that the resulting annual rise in national agricultural productivity dur­ ing the period 1 6 5 0 - 1 7 5 0 w a s of the order of 10 per cent, though 10

11

E. A. Wrigley, 'A Simple Model of London's Importance in Changing English Society and Economy 1650-1750', Past & Present, 37 (1967), pp. 44-70. F. Braudel, Civilisation materielle, economie et capitalisme, XVe-XVIIIe siecle (Paris, 1979), p. 465. Wrigley, 'A Simple Model of London's Importance'. F. J. Fisher, 'London as an Engine of Growth', in J. S. Bromley and E. H. Kossman, eds., Britain and the Nether­ lands (The Hague, 1971). F. M. L. Thompson, Hampstead: Building a Borough 1650-1964 (1978). Mathias, Transformation of England, chap. 13.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

London and the Home Counties t h i s c a n n o t b e a t t r i b u t e d s o l e l y to L o n d o n .

1 2

477

L o n d o n ' s i n d i r e c t effect,

h o w e v e r , m u s t h a v e b e e n s i g n i f i c a n t s i n c e its d i s t a n t

consumption

market stimulated local s e c o n d a r y a n d tertiary e m p l o y m e n t , w h i c h in t u r n c r e a t e d its o w n d e m a n d for f o o d . ' D r o v e r s , c a r t e r s , b a d g e r s , brokers, cattle dealers, corn chandlers, hostlers, i n n k e e p e r s a n d the like g r e w m o r e a n d m o r e n u m e r o u s as l a r g e r a n d l a r g e r f r a c t i o n s of t h e y e a r ' s flocks a n d c r o p s w e r e c o n s u m e d at a d i s t a n c e f r o m t h e areas in w h i c h t h e y w e r e p r o d u c e d . '

1 3

N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e L o n d o n m a r k e t for g o o d s w a s a v o l a t i l e o n e , s u b ­ j e c t t o w i d e s e a s o n a l f l u c t u a t i o n s f o l l o w i n g t h e e b b a n d flow o f s o c i e t y and 'the Season'. Such

fluctuations

produced

adolescent b o y s in

L o n d o n slums w h o s e growth w a s so stunted b y childhood deprivation t h a t it s c a r c e l y m a t c h e d t h a t o f W e s t I n d i a n s l a v e s .

1 4

M o r e o v e r , in

t h e s o u t h - e a s t o u t s i d e L o n d o n a n d its i m m e d i a t e e n v i r o n s , H a r v e y has s h o w n the prevalence of low i n c o m e s , and Snell has suggested t h a t t h e r e w a s ' a m a r k e d c o l l a p s e o f d e m a n d ' after 1 7 7 0 b e c a u s e o f a decline in rural family i n c o m e s in the H o m e C o u n t i e s due to agricul­ t u r a l r e s p o n s e s to t h e L o n d o n m a r k e t . E v i d e n c e b a s e d o n t h e P r o v i ­ s i o n s ' A c c o u n t s o f K e n t P o o r a n d W o r k h o u s e s s u g g e s t s a rise o f 1 2 0 per cent in agricultural labourers' living costs b e t w e e n 1790 a n d 1 8 1 2 . Falling

purchasing

power

led

industry

to

seek

out

1 5

alternative

m a r k e t s i n t h e n o r t h a n d o v e r s e a s . L o n d o n itself i n d i r e c t l y a s s i s t e d t h i s a d j u s t m e n t t h r o u g h its i n s u r a n c e a n d b a n k i n g s e r v i c e s e n s u r i n g ' a sort o f n a t u r a l b a l a n c e ' v i a t h e c i r c u l a t i o n o f c a p i t a l b e t w e e n a g r i c u l ­ ture, trade and the developing manufacturers of the Midlands and north. Overall, one must agree that the nature and location of ' h o m e d e m a n d ' 'remains an elusively vague concept' and therefore neat con­ c l u s i o n s a b o u t L o n d o n ' s r o l e a r e l i k e l y to p r o v e p r e m a t u r e .

1 6

W h i l e c o n c l u d i n g t h a t 'it is t h e r e f o r e n o p a r t o f t h i s a r g u m e n t t h a t the growth of L o n d o n in the century before 1750 w a s the sole e n g i n e of c h a n g e i n t h e c o u n t r y ' , W r i g l e y h a s a r g u e d t h a t d e m o g r a p h i c a l l y , 12 13 14

15

16

Wrigley, 'A Simple Model of London's Importance'. Ibid., p. 229. P. E . Jones, The Butchers of London (1976). R. Floud and K. W. Wachter, 'Poverty and Physical Stature: Evidence on the Stan­ dard of Living of London Boys, 1770-1870, Social Science Journal, 4 (1982). A. D. Harvey, 'The Regional Distribution of Incomes in England and Wales, 1803', Local Historian, 13 (1979). Snell, 'Agricultural Seasonal Unemployment'. P. G. M. Dickson, The Financial Revolution in England: The Story of the Development of Public Credit 1688-1756 (1967). S. R. Cope, 'Bird, Savage and Bird of London, Merchants and Bankers, 1782-1803', Guildhall Studies in London History, 4 (1982). On the nature of 'home demand', see N. McKendrick, in N. McKendrick, J. Brewer and J. H. Plumb, The Birth of a Consumer Society: The Commercialisation of EighteenthCentury England (1982).

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

478

P. L . G A R S I D E

at l e a s t , L o n d o n ' s e x p a n s i o n w a s c r u c i a l i n e n g e n d e r i n g ' t h e m a g i c " t a k e - o f f " ' . H e a r g u e s t h a t t h e c h a n g e s w h i c h t o o k p l a c e i n t h e agri­ c u l t u r a l s e c t o r , a n d t h e failure o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n t o i n c r e a s e , ' a r e c l o s e l y i n t e r t w i n e d w i t h t h e g r o w t h o f L o n d o n , b u t not with each other' (my

italics). W i t h o u t L o n d o n ' s g r o w t h a n d t h e d e m a n d it c r e a t e d ,

' t h e a b s e n c e or s l i g h t n e s s o f p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h o v e r a l l . . . m i g h t w e l l h a v e i n h i b i t e d a g r i c u l t u r a l c h a n g e ' . W r i g l e y n o t e s t h a t in L o n d o n the crude death rate w a s substantially higher t h a n the crude birth r a t e for m o s t o f t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y , y e t t h e p r o p o r t i o n o f E n g l a n d ' s total p o p u l a t i o n l i v i n g i n t h e c a p i t a l r o s e f r o m a b o u t 7 p e r c e n t in 1 6 5 0 t o a b o u t 1 1 p e r c e n t in 1 7 5 0 . W r i g l e y e s t i m a t e s t h a t n e t i m m i ­ gration into L o n d o n in the mid-eighteenth century m u s t h a v e b e e n about 8,000 per a n n u m , representing the natural increase of 2.5 million o u t o f E n g l a n d ' s total p o p u l a t i o n ( o u t s i d e t h e c a p i t a l ) o f o n l y 5 m i l l i o n . Furthermore,

the

demographic

pull of L o n d o n

appears

to

have

b e c o m e m o r e concentrated on the extra-metropolitan parts of the H o m e Counties and the Midlands w h e r e a surplus of births over d e a t h s w a s m a i n t a i n e d , w h i l e t h e r e s t o f t h e c o u n t r y b a r e l y h e l d its o w n in this r e s p e c t .

1 7

In the south-east, Snell suggests,

women's

e m p l o y m e n t opportunities declined b e c a u s e of m e n ' s d o m i n a n c e in arable cultivation: t h e y w e r e d r a w n instead into domestic service a n d prostitution in L o n d o n , a state h e describes as 'disguised u n d e r e m ­ p l o y m e n t ' c a r r y i n g h i g h m o r a l r i s k s e v e n for t h e ' b e t t e r s o r t ' o f s e r v a n t girl.

18

M i g r a t i o n to L o n d o n , t h e r e f o r e , s e e m s t o h a v e b e c o m e m o r e

l o c a l i s e d t h o u g h W e l s h , S c o t t i s h a n d I r i s h m i g r a n t s still c a m e in v a r y ­ ing numbers:

1 9

W r i g l e y c o n c l u d e s t h a t fully o n e s i x t h o f t h e a d u l t

p o p u l a t i o n o f E n g l a n d m u s t h a v e s p e n t at l e a s t p a r t o f t h e i r l i v e s i n t h e city. M o r e r e c e n t l y , W a r e i n g h a s a r g u e d t h a t t h e s i g n i f i c a n c e of m i g r a t i o n t o L o n d o n n e e d s t o b e r e - e x a m i n e d . D r a w i n g o n s o m e ­ what variable apprenticeship evidence, h e argues that the declining d i s t a n c e s t r a v e l l e d b y a p p r e n t i c e s b y 1 7 5 0 reflects a l o n g - t e r m d e c l i n e in L o n d o n ' s function as a training centre. F u r t h e r m o r e , h e s h o w s t h a t L o n d o n w a s n o t t h e u l t i m a t e d e s t i n a t i o n for m a n y t r a n s i e n t s , s i n c e it r e p r e s e n t e d for s o m e o n l y a first s t e p t o w a r d s 17

18

19

emigration

Wrigley, 'A Simple Model of London's Importance'. See also A. Redford, Labour Migration in England, 1800-1850, 2nd edn (Manchester, 1964), pp. 184-5. Snell, 'Agricultural Seasonal Unemployment', p. 420. J. R. Gillis, 'Servants, Sexual Relations, and the Risks of Illegitimacy in London, 1801-1900', Feminist Studies, 5(1979). E . Jones, 'The Welsh in London in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries', Welsh History Review, 10 (1981), pp. 461-79.

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

London and the Home Counties to A m e r i c a .

2 0

479

O n e m u s t c o n c l u d e t h a t in t e r m s o f m i g r a t i o n p a t t e r n s

a n d e x p e r i e n c e s , e m p l o y m e n t g e n e r a t i o n or c o n s u m e r d e m a n d , m a n y aspects of L o n d o n ' s impact remain elusive, despite historians' recent a t t e m p t s to a d d r e s s s u c h q u e s t i o n s specifically. The

occupational structure of L o n d o n and the surrounding

areas

h a s b e e n a p a r t i c u l a r l y n e g l e c t e d s u b j e c t p a r t l y d u e to t h e l a c k o f c o n c i s e s o u r c e s . T h o u g h p a r i s h r e g i s t e r s b e g i n to r e c o r d o c c u p a t i o n s from

the early eighteenth

century onwards,

the time and

effort

i n v o l v e d in u s i n g t h e s e s o u r c e s to e s t a b l i s h e m p l o y m e n t c h a n g e s h a s prevented their systematic exploitation. Indeed, n o n e of L o n d o n ' s p a r i s h e s is r e p r e s e n t e d in t h e 4 0 4 i n v e s t i g a t e d b y t h e

Cambridge

G r o u p . S c h w a r z b a s e d his study of L o n d o n ' s middle class on the 1798 r e t u r n s o f t h e c o m m i s s i o n e r s for a s s e s s e d t a x e s , b u t t h e c o n n e c ­ t i o n s b e t w e e n h o u s e t a x , i n c o m e a n d o c c u p a t i o n a r e at b e s t i m p r e s ­ s i o n i s t i c , w i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n of s h o p k e e p e r s . S n e l l h a s u s e d e v i d e n c e f r o m rural s e t t l e m e n t s to identify s o m e c a u s e s o f u n e m p l o y m e n t in the south-east during the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, but h e recognises that an understanding

o f t h e a b s o l u t e or relative

size o f t h e w o r k f o r c e o r its c o n s t i t u e n t p a r t s r e m a i n s ' b e y o n d t h e r e a c h o f h i s t o r i a n s ' . E v e n if t h e p i c t u r e c o u l d b e e s t a b l i s h e d , t h e p r o b ­ l e m o f i n t e r p r e t a t i o n w o u l d r e m a i n . O f c e n t r a l i m p o r t a n c e for h i s t o r ­ i a n s of L o n d o n , is t h e q u e s t i o n of h o w far t h e c h a n g e s i d e n t i f i e d can

b e a t t r i b u t e d to t h e c a p i t a l itself. C o r f i e l d t r e a t s L o n d o n b o t h

as ' e x e m p l a r ' a n d ' e x c e p t i o n ' in her study of the impact of English t o w n s , b u t t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n fails to r e c o g n i s e t h e s i g n i f i c a n c e of t h e d i s p a r a t e n a t u r e of t o w n s at every level. W e are still, t h e r e f o r e , u n a b l e t o d e t e r m i n e t h e n a t u r e o f c h a n g e s in t h e e c o n o m i c a n d e m p l o y m e n t s t r u c t u r e o f L o n d o n a n d t h e s o u t h - e a s t , still l e s s t o a s s e s s t h e r e l a t i v e impact of L o n d o n c o m p a r e d with the spectrum of other t o w n s . T h o u g h s y s t e m a t i c u n d e r s t a n d i n g is n o t w i t h i n o u r g r a s p , w e c a n ­ not doubt that the sheer p r e s e n c e of L o n d o n d o m i n a t e d the British, E u r o p e a n a n d w o r l d s c e n e o f 1 8 0 1 . N o o t h e r c a p i t a l city c o u l d m a t c h it for p o p u l a t i o n s i z e , p h y s i c a l e x t e n t or e c o n o m i c c o m p l e x i t y . T h o u g h its s h a r e o f t h e n a t i o n a l p o p u l a t i o n w a s n o l o n g e r i n c r e a s i n g at its previous rate, there w a s no doubting L o n d o n ' s continued i m m e n s e attraction 20

for n a t i o n a l

and

international

produce

of every

kind.

J. Wareing, 'Changes in the Geographical Distribution of the Recruitment of Appren­ tices to the London Companies 1486-1750', journal of Historical Geography, 6 (1980). J. Wareing, 'Migration to London and Transatlantic Emigration of Indentured Ser­ vants, 1683-1775', Journal of Historical Geography, 7 (1981).

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480

P. L. G A R S I D E

Paradoxically, h o w e v e r , this h u g e d e m a n d operated partly as a force for

m a r k e t i n t e g r a t i o n a n d p a r t l y for d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n .

It

promoted

g r o w t h i n s o m e s e c t o r s a n d d e c a y i n o t h e r s at e v e r y s c a l e

from

L o n d o n ' s o w n c o r e to t h e s u r r o u n d i n g r e g i o n a n d b e y o n d . T h e c o n ­ c e p t of L o n d o n a s ' a n e n g i n e ' o f social a n d e c o n o m i c c h a n g e h a s b e e n m o d i f i e d b y t h e r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t its i m p a c t w a s differential, e v e n n e g a t i v e , a n d t h a t i n c e r t a i n r e s p e c t s L o n d o n a c t e d as a d i v i s i v e f o r c e . W h i l e o p e r a t i n g o v e r a l l as a p r o m o t e r o f e c o n o m i c g r o w t h , L o n d o n ' s local a n d r e g i o n a l i m p a c t w a s u n e v e n . Its i n f l u e n c e o n s t a n d a r d s o f living v a r i e d w i d e l y - C i t y m o g u l s a n d s u b u r b a n f a r m e r s a n d l a n d ­ owners

flourished,

while

some

agricultural

workers

and

slum-

d w e l l e r s s u f f e r e d s e v e r e l y f r o m shifts i n L o n d o n ' s d e m a n d for g o o d s and services. L o n d o n ' s national a n d international p r e - e m i n e n c e in finance a n d c o m m e r c e w a s b e i n g b u i l t at c o n s i d e r a b l e c o s t for c e r t a i n s e g m e n t s o f its o w n p o p u l a t i o n a n d t h a t o f s u r r o u n d i n g c o u n t i e s .

London life L o n d o n ' s national a n d international role gave a distinctive character to its social s t r u c t u r e . I n p a r t i c u l a r , L o n d o n e x h i b i t e d a m a r k e d c o n ­ c e n t r a t i o n o f aristocratic a n d m e r c a n t i l e w e a l t h , i n c r e a s i n g l y c o m p l e x gradations a m o n g 'the middling sort', and a variety of occupational e x p e r i e n c e s differentiating ' t h e w o r k i n g t r a d e s ' . R u d e e s t i m a t e s t h a t d u r i n g t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y L o n d o n ' s social p y r a m i d w a s t o p p e d by s o m e 1 8 0 - 3 0 0 noble families ranging from ' t h e ordinary aristocrat' with an estimated annual i n c o m e of £ 8 , 0 0 0 to the 'great landed mag­ n a t e s ' w h o s e agricultural i n c o m e alone might reach several times that amount. Beneath these were s o m e several thousand 'gentle families' deriving their wealth from sources similar to the aristocracy - land, t r a d e a n d i n h e r i t a n c e . T h e i n c o m e o f t h e C i t y ' s m e r c a n t i l e a n d finan­ cial b o u r g e o i s i e , h o w e v e r , w a s l a r g e l y d e r i v e d f r o m o v e r s e a s t r a d e a n d b a n k i n g , a n d i n s u r a n c e r e c o r d s h a v e b e e n u s e d to d e m o n s t r a t e t h a t t h e s e activities w e r e d o m i n a t e d b y a h a n d f u l The

of m e r c h a n t s .

conventional view that these City moguls, w h o s e wealth

2 1

out­

stripped m a n y aristocratic families, t h e m s e l v e s sought l a n d e d status has recently b e e n challenged. Rogers has argued that by 1760 L o n d o n A l d e r m e n h a d g o n e b e y o n d this - not m e r e l y gracefully 21

welding

Rude, Hanoverian London. L. D. Schwarz and L. J. Jones, 'Wealth, Occupations and Insurance in the Late Eighteenth Century: The Policy Registers of the Sun Fire Office', Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 36 (1983), pp. 365-73.

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London and the Home Counties

481

t h e m s e l v e s t o t h e ' w o r l d o f g e n t i l i t y ' t h r o u g h m a r r i a g e , b u t in t h e process replacing aristocratic values with a bourgeois a n d plutocratic e t h o s . A n d r e w h a s c h a l l e n g e d t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , a r g u i n g t h a t aristoc­ ratic e x c l u s i v e n e s s i n t h e m a r r i a g e m a r k e t r e m a i n e d . B o t h a g r e e , h o w ­ e v e r , t h a t t h e t e n d e n c y for i n t e r m a r r i a g e b e t w e e n m e r c h a n t s ,

finan­

ciers a n d gentry h a d increased b y 1800 as polite society b e c a m e m o r e ' s o c i a l l y a m b i g u o u s ' a n d o p e n t o all w i t h t h e n e c e s s a r y c r e d e n t i a l s .

22

In c o n t r a s t t o t h e m e r c h a n t s w i t h o v e r s e a s i n t e r e s t s , L o n d o n ' s h o m e t r a d e r s a p p e a r to h a v e b e e n h i g h l y stratified. A t o n e e x t r e m e , t h e cheese trade w a s apparently dominated b y a ring of twenty-five mer­ chants, w h o m a i n t a i n e d their position partly t h r o u g h m o n o p o l y provi­ sion of transport

and

partly t h r o u g h control of local (especially

Cheshire) producers. Bakers, b e c a u s e of the relative costs of their operation were uniformly 'middling', while carpenters and builders o p e r a t e d at v a r i o u s s c a l e s , h a v i n g s o m e r i c h , l a r g e - s c a l e c o n t r a c t o r s , although, overall, a generally l o w level of wealth prevailed.

23

The

m u l t i p l i c i t y o f L o n d o n m a n u f a c t u r e s a n d crafts h a s a l r e a d y b e e n dis­ cussed, a n d further light has b e e n s h e d o n the very varied experiences of s h i p w r i g h t s , c o o p e r s , s h o e m a k e r s , t o o l m a k e r s a n d j o u r n e y m e n to s u p p l e m e n t R u d e ' s still v a l u a b l e g e n e r a l i s a t i o n s a b o u t t h e c h a r a c t e r of t h i s ' o t h e r ' L o n d o n .

2 4

L o n d o n ' s p h y s i c a l fabric r e f l e c t e d its d i v e r s e s o c i a l a n d e c o n o m i c structure, especially in terms of land u s e a n d population density. T h e C i t y o f L o n d o n itself w a s i n c r e a s i n g l y g i v e n o v e r t o offices, w a r e ­ h o u s e s a n d s h o p s a n d t h e C i t y g a t e s w e r e r e m o v e d after 1 7 6 0 to p r e v e n t h i n d r a n c e t o c o m m e r c i a l traffic. R i s i n g g r o u n d r e n t s a s s o c i ­ ated with commercial redevelopment encouraged an exodus which affected a l m o s t all s e c t i o n s o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n - o n l y t r a d e s m e n a n d the poorest r e m a i n e d c o n c e n t r a t e d in the o v e r c r o w d e d 'rookeries' of E a s t S m i t h f i e l d a n d M o o r f i e l d s , w h i l e o t h e r s r e l o c a t e d i n S t G i l e s , 22

23

24

N. Rogers, 'Money, Land and Lineage: The Big Bourgeoisie of Hanoverian London', Social History, 4 (1979). D. T. Andrew, 'Aldermen and Big Bourgeoisie of London Reconsidered', Social History, 6 (1981). W. M. Stern, 'Where, Oh Where, Are the Cheesemongers of London?', London Journal, 5 (1979). J. M. Imray, 'The Mercers' Company and East London, 1750-1850', East London Papers, 9 (1966). Schwarz and Jones, 'Wealth, Occupations and Insur­ ance'. Jones, The Butchers of London. Prothero, Artisans and Politics. P. Hudson and L. Hunter, 'The Autobiography of William Hart, Cooper, 1796-1857: A Respectable Artisan in the Industrial Revolu­ tion', London Journal, 7 (1981). J. Mansfield, 'John Brown, a Shoemaker in Place's London', History Workshop Journal, 8 (1979), pp. 129-36. Goodman, 'Christopher Gabriel'. S. Shipley, 'London Journeymen 1810-30', Bulletin of the Society for the Study of Labour History, 36 (1978).

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482

P. L. GARSIDE

a parish located west of the City and by 1801 the most densely occupied registration district.

20

T h o u g h a t e n d e n c y to s o c i a l s e g r e g a t i o n w a s

clear b y 1 8 0 0 , it h a d o n l y o c c u r r e d to a l i m i t e d d e g r e e . S c h w a r z h a s s h o w n that a m o n g the 'middling sort' w h o formed s o m e 25 per cent of L o n d o n ' s p o p u l a t i o n , t h e r i c h e s t w e r e c o n c e n t r a t e d in t h r e e W e s t ­ m i n s t e r p a r i s h e s , a n d in e i g h t e e n w a r d s w i t h i n - t h e - w a l l s , w h i l e t h e p o o r e r s e c t i o n s o f t h e m i d d l e c l a s s w e r e c o n c e n t r a t e d to t h e s o u t h a n d east of the City, especially a r o u n d the T o w e r . Yet t h r o u g h o u t L o n d o n , t a x p a y e r s at all levels l i v e d n e a r to t h o s e n o t p a y i n g t a x e s at all, a n d n o w h e r e did t h e v e r y w e a l t h y f o r m m o r e t h a n a h a l f o f the population of a parish, usually less. This distribution, S c h w a r z s u g g e s t s , r e f l e c t e d t h e w i d e s p r e a d o f m a n u f a c t u r i n g , s m a l l - s c a l e arti­ s a n i n d u s t r y a n d s h o p k e e p i n g i n L o n d o n , as w e l l as t h e

demand

for s e a s o n a l , l a b o u r - i n t e n s i v e s e r v i c e s ( a n d t h e r e f o r e s l u m s ) f r o m t h e middle-class enclaves of squares a n d a v e n u e s .

2 6

G r y t z e l l ' s d e t a i l e d a c c o u n t o f c h a n g e s in p o p u l a t i o n n u m b e r s a n d d e n s i t i e s at district a n d sub-district l e v e l for t h e c e n t u r y after 1 8 0 1 h e l p s t o p i n - p o i n t c h a n g e , s h o w i n g , for e x a m p l e , t h a t t h e d e c l i n e in t h e C i t y p o p u l a t i o n b e g a n in t h a t p o r t i o n ' w i t h i n - t h e - W a l l s ' , w h i l e t h e s h a r p e s t d e c l i n e s w e r e in S h a d w e l l - 10 p e r c e n t b e t w e e n 1 8 0 1 a n d 1 8 1 1 , a n d 4 per cent b e t w e e n 1811 a n d 1 8 2 1 . H e cites S p a t e ' s e x p l a n a t i o n for t h e latter, t h a t c l e a r a n c e s for d o c k - b u i l d i n g

were

r e s p o n s i b l e . I n g e n e r a l , G r y t z e l l s h o w s t h a t a r e a s i m m e d i a t e l y sur­ r o u n d i n g the City increased in population size and density, a n d that b y 1 8 2 1 t h e t r e n d for d e n s i t i e s to i n c r e a s e o v e r t h e w h o l e o f t h e c e n s u s L o n d o n division w a s clearly established, with the

fastest-growing

a r e a s l y i n g at t h e p e r i p h e r y in K e n s i n g t o n , P o p l a r a n d B r o m l e y . G r y t ­ zell, h o w e v e r , offers n o g e n e r a l e x p l a n a t i o n s o f h i s o w n , r e l y i n g o n S p a t e a n d t h e c e n s u s r e p o r t s w h i c h offer s o m e w h a t eclectic e x p l a n a ­ t i o n s for local p o p u l a t i o n v a r i a t i o n s i n t e r m s o f g e n e r o u s p o o r l a w p r o v i s i o n s ( C l e r k e n w e l l ) , b e t t e r c e n s u s r e t u r n s ( S a f f r o n Hill), d e m o ­ litions (St J a m e s ) a n d prison- and asylum-building (St J o h n ' s a n d G r e e n w i c h ) . T h e r e is a s y e t n o s t u d y w h i c h i n c o r p o r a t e s s u c h l o c a l detail i n t o a g e n e r a l f r a m e w o r k for e x p l a i n i n g d e m o g r a p h i c c h a n g e s in L o n d o n . T h e o b j e c t i v e s a n d i m p a c t o f ' i m p r o v e m e n t ' is a s u b j e c t w h i c h h a s b e e n w i d e l y d i s c u s s e d in t e r m s o f its e c o n o m i c a n d s o c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e . T h e r e is n o d o u b t t h a t d o c k - b u i l d i n g , t h e c u t t i n g o f P a r l i a m e n t S t r e e t , 25

26

K. Grytzell, Population Changes in London, 1801-1901 (Lund, 1969). Schwarz, 'Social Class and Social Geography'.

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483

t h e o p e n i n g o f s e c o n d a n d t h i r d T h a m e s b r i d g e s at W e s t m i n s t e r ( 1 7 5 0 ) a n d Blackfriars ( 1 7 6 9 ) , t h e c r e a t i o n o f L o n d o n ' s first b y - p a s s a l o n g t h e N e w R o a d f r o m P a d d i n g t o n to I s l i n g t o n ( 1 7 5 6 ) a n d t h e c o n s t r u c ­ tion of the R e g e n t s ' C a n a l linking P a d d i n g t o n with the docks (1811) w e r e i n t e n d e d in p a r t s i m p l y to i m p r o v e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s w i t h i n L o n d o n , and b e t w e e n L o n d o n and the rest of the country. D y o s , h o w e v e r , has argued that these and other i m p r o v e m e n t s w e r e not merely attempts to r e m o v e barriers to c o m m e r c e , but w e r e empirical s o l u t i o n s t h a t e n a b l e d l a n d o w n e r s t o m e e t t h e i n c r e a s e d d e m a n d for housing which the rapidly expanding

suburbs could only

partly

a c c o m m o d a t e , a n d to further e n h a n c e property values b y clearing s o m e slums, while containing t h o s e that r e m a i n e d in separate, demar­ cated areas.

2 7

Certainly, the great landlords of L o n d o n ' s W e s t End,

not least the c r o w n u n d e r J o h n N a s h ' s guidance, r e s p o n d e d b y creat­ i n g ' c o u r t l y s u b u r b s ' to c a t e r for t h e r e l o c a t i o n o f m e r c h a n t r e s i d e n c e s . T h e t o w n v i l l a g e s t h a t w e r e g r o w i n g u p a f e w m i l e s o u t s i d e t h e builtu p a r e a at H a m p s t e a d , C h e l s e a , G r e e n w i c h , C a m b e r w e l l , C l a p h a m , Dulwich, T w i c k e n h a m a n d W a n d s w o r t h h a v e b e e n s h o w n to b e resi­ dential or semi-residential in nature rather t h a n c o m m u t e r suburbs before 1820.

2 8

T h e i r i n d i v i d u a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , a n d t h e social g r o u p s

a t t r a c t e d t o t h e m , w e r e m a r k e d l y different, w i t h b o t h local t o p o g r a p h y a n d the structure of the property market h e l p i n g to d e t e r m i n e relative degrees of exclusiveness. T h e story of L o n d o n development

and

i m p r o v e m e n t strongly suggests that the response of individual pro­ p r i e t o r s is c r u c i a l in u n d e r s t a n d i n g its p a c e a n d c h a r a c t e r . T h e M i d d l e ­ sex R e g i s t e r o f D e e d s r e c o r d s i n d a u n t i n g detail e v e r y i n d i v i d u a l t r a n s a c t i o n i n p r o p e r t y f r o m 1 7 1 0 , b u t i n s u m it is a l s o u s e f u l for charting L o n d o n ' s building cycle.

2 9

J o h n G w y n n e (1766) a n d J o h n

N a s h (1812) b o t h p r o p o s e d dramatic a n d c o m p r e h e n s i v e s c h e m e s to dignify L o n d o n ' s i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c a n d n o n - a u t h o r i t a r i a n e x p a n s i o n , b u t t h e f o r m e r failed a n d t h e latter w a s m u c h m o d i f i e d i n t h e face o f those s a m e independent forces. D y o s ' s concern with the interaction b e t w e e n p r o c e s s a n d p l a c e h a s b e e n m o s t fully e x p l o r e d i n r e l a t i o n to L o n d o n ' s 27

28

29

physical development

in the

eighteenth

and

early

H. J. Dyos, 'The Objects of Street Improvement in Regency and Early Victorian London', International Review of Social History, 2 (1957). M. H. Port, 'Metropolitan Improvements: From Grosvenor Square to Admiralty Arch', London Journal, 7 (1981). John Summerson, The Life and Works of John Nash, Architect (1981), chap. 12. Thompson, Hampstead, pp. 54-7. F. H. W. Sheppard, V. Belcher and P. Cottrell, 'The Middlesex and Yorkshire Deeds Registries and the Study of Building Fluctuations', London Journal, 5 (1979), pp. 176-217.

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P.

L. G A R S I D E

n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s , b u t t h e o p e r a t i o n of l a n d a n d h o u s i n g m a r k e t s a n d t h e i r i n f l u e n c e o n i n d i v i d u a l p r o p r i e t o r s a n d t h e i r s c h e m e s is not yet properly understood.

30

It is clear t h a t t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n L o n d o n ' s built f o r m a n d e c o n o m i c a n d social c h a n g e s h o u l d n o t b e r e g a r d e d as a o n e - w a y p r o c e s s . T h e i n t e r r e l a t i o n b e t w e e n t h e m h a s b e e n s u g g e s t e d in s t u d i e s of four q u i t e different s t r u c t u r e s - i n n s w h i c h s p r a n g u p , a r c h i t e c t u r ­ ally distinct a n d c o m m a n d i n g , o n L o n d o n ' s t h o r o u g h f a r e s , c l u b s a n d coffee-houses, public buildings associated with science, from S o m e r ­ set H o u s e to t h e M e c h a n i c s ' I n s t i t u t e s , a n d f o r m a l p a r k s a n d t h e a t r e s in L o n d o n ' s W e s t E n d .

3 1

Each of these building types m a y b e repre­

s e n t e d as a r e a c t i o n to e c o n o m i c f o r c e s , b u t e a c h p l a y e d a l s o s o m e specific a n d p o s i t i v e role in p r o m o t i n g or e a s i n g social a n d e c o n o m i c c h a n g e . I n n s s e r v e d as i n f o r m a l l a b o u r e x c h a n g e s for n e w i m m i g r a n t s ; c l u b s a n d c o f f e e - h o u s e s as w e l l as p u b l i c h o u s e s e n g e n d e r e d t h e n e w s ­ p a p e r a n d s e r v e d as t h e f o c u s of political a n d e d u c a t i o n a l activity for

v a r i o u s g r o u p s i n c l u d i n g t h e j o u r n e y m e n ' s friendly s o c i e t i e s ;

scientific m e e t i n g h o u s e s w e r e p l a c e s w h e r e ' g r o u p s b e i n g c o n t i n u a l l y r e d e f i n e d as m a r g i n a l in a p e r i o d o f s t a g g e r i n g e c o n o m i c a n d social c h a n g e ' c o u l d l e g i t i m i s e t h e i r c l a i m s to social s t a t u s , a n d p a r k s a n d p l e a s u r e g a r d e n s , e x c l u s i v e at first, u l t i m a t e l y c a m e to act as ' a unify­ i n g social i n f l u e n c e ' , a c o m m o n m e e t i n g g r o u n d for L o n d o n ' s aristo­ cratic a n d

'carriage-folk' thereby

further

eroding

aristocratic e x -

c l u s i v e n e s s a n d p r o m o t i n g t h e ' n e w v a l u e s ' of L o n d o n ' s c o m m e r c i a l middle class.

3 2

T h e role o f l a n d - u s e c h a n g e s a n d p u b l i c b u i l d i n g in f u r t h e r i n g ' s o c i a l c o n t r o l ' of t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s e s is a p r e o c c u p a t i o n o f h i s t o r i a n s o f t h e V i c t o r i a n r a t h e r t h a n t h e G e o r g i a n p e r i o d . N e v e r t h e l e s s , as w e l l as t h e e a r l y s t r e e t i m p r o v e m e n t s o b j e c t s as v a r i e d as p r i s o n s , h o s p i t a l s , t u r n p i k e s , d o c k s a n d s c h o o l s h a v e b e e n c i t e d as i n s t r u m e n t s w h e r e b y t h e u n r u l y , n o t to s a y c r i m i n a l , t e n d e n c i e s o f t h e l o w e r c l a s s e s m i g h t b e c u r b e d . T h i s is s c a r c e l y a m a j o r t h e m e , h o w e v e r , a n d S h e e n a n , in fact, s h o w s h o w s o l a c e as w e l l as p u n i s h m e n t c o u l d b e a c h i e v e d 30 31

32

D. J. Olsen, Town Planning in London in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (1964). J. A. Chartres, 'The Capital's Provincial Eyes: London's Inns in the Early Eighteenth Century', London Journal, 3 (1977). A. Lejeune, The Gentlemen's Clubs of London (1979). B. Lilly white, London Coffee Houses (1963). McKendrick, Brewer and Plumb, Birth of a Consumer Society. A. Osier, 'The London University of 1742', London Journal, 6 (1980). I. Inkster, 'Science and Society in the Metropolis: A Preliminary Examin­ ation of the Social and Institutional Context of the Askesian Society of London, 1796-1807', Annals of Science, 34 (1977). G. Rude, Paris and London in the Eighteenth Century (1952).

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in n e w l y rebuilt N e w g a t e , w h i l e T o b i a s a r g u e s t h a t t h o u g h b o t h s e c u r e d o c k s a n d t u r n p i k e s l e d initially to a d e c l i n e in c r i m e , c r i m i n a l s s u b s e ­ q u e n t l y c h a n g e d t h e i r m e t h o d s to m e e t t h e n e w c o n d i t i o n s , b e c o m i n g less personally and physically violent, but more organised and m o r e c o n c e r n e d w i t h t h e o p p o r t u n i t i e s offered b y u n o c c u p i e d s h o p s a n d warehouses, and unprotected houses.

3 3

T h e nature of L o n d o n ' s law­

lessness and the criminality associated with the G i n A g e (1720-51) w a s apparently transformed b y social and e c o n o m i c c h a n g e , a n d b y t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f a g e n c i e s s u c h as H e n r y F i e l d i n g ' s B o w S t r e e t runners, and the H o r s e Patrole. Despite the e m e r g e n c e of the concept of a ' c r i m i n a l c l a s s ' in L o n d o n , t h e e v i d e n c e s u g g e s t s a r e l a t i v e l y l o w r a t e o f p e r c a p i t a c r i m e in b o t h t h e m e t r o p o l i s a n d t h e H o m e Counties.

3 4

Q u e s t i o n s o f l a w a n d o r d e r in t h e b r o a d e r s e n s e h a v e b e e n a g r o w i n g c o n c e r n of h i s t o r i a n s i n r e c e n t y e a r s . T h e s o c i a l a n d political signifi­ c a n c e o f c r i m i n a l activity h a s b e e n o f p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t .

33

Elton, how­

ever, has w a r n e d of the danger of using preconceived m o d e r n categor­ ies w h i c h w o u l d h a v e b e e n m e a n i n g l e s s to c o n t e m p o r a r i e s a n d w h i c h can

r e s u l t in m i s l e a d i n g a n d d i s t o r t e d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of p a r t i c u l a r

c r i m i n a l a c t i v i t i e s . H e e m p h a s i s e s t h a t t h e s u b j e c t m a t t e r of c r i m e must b e defined, and contemporary distinctions b e t w e e n

different

t y p e s o f c r i m e e s t a b l i s h e d , before m o d e r n a n a l y t i c a l c a t e g o r i e s are introduced.

H i s t o r i a n s a g a i n s t w h o m s u c h c r i t i c i s m s are d i r e c t e d ,

h o w e v e r , maintain that this kind of ground-clearing operation already f e a t u r e s in r e c e n t r e s e a r c h . C o c k b u r n , a n d B r e w e r a n d S t y l e s , for example, have e x a m i n e d the nature of law, law enforcement and law b r e a k i n g a n d h a v e u n d e r l i n e d t h e e s s e n t i a l l y political n a t u r e of l a w in t h e s e v e n t e e n t h a n d e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s , as w e l l as t h e l e g a l n a t u r e of p o l i t i c s .

33

34

35 36

36

C. W. Chalklin, 'The Reconstruction of London's Prisons, 1770-1799: An Aspect of the Growth of Georgian London', London journal, 9 (1983), pp. 21-32. W. J. Sheenan, 'Finding Solace in Eighteenth-Century Newgate', in J. S. Cockburn, ed., Crime in England 1550-1800 (1977). J. S. Taylor, 'Philanthropy and Empire: Jonas Hanway and the Infant Poor of London', Eighteenth Century Studies, 12 (1979). P. McCann, 'Popular Education, Socialization and Social Control: Spitalfields 181224', in P. McCann, Popular Education and Socialization in the Nineteenth Century (1977). J. J. Tobias, Crime and Industrial Society in the Nineteenth Century (1967). J. M. Beattie, 'Crime and the Courts in Surrey 1736-53', in Cockburn, ed., Crime in England, pp. 155-86. N. Rogers, 'Popular Protest in Early Hanoverian London', Past & Present, 74 (1978). J. Brewer and J. Styles, An Ungovernable People: The English and their Law in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (1980). G. R. Elton, 'Crime and the Historian', in Cockburn, ed., Crime in England.

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P. L . G A R S I D E

T h e c l o s e i n t e r r e l a t i o n b e t w e e n political a n d l e g a l s y s t e m s

had

i m p o r t a n t i m p l i c a t i o n s b o t h for t h e e x e r c i s e o f a u t h o r i t y b y t h e s t a t e , a n d for t h e t e n o r o f o p p o s i t i o n . F o r its p a r t , t h e s t a t e e m p l o y e d t h e courts as the chief m e a n s of exercising authority a n d enforcing regula­ t i o n s . C o n v e r s e l y , it w a s a c c e p t a n c e of, a n d r e g a r d for, ' t h e r u l e o f l a w ' at l e a s t a s a n idea, w h i c h p r e v e n t e d i n d i v i d u a l g r i e v a n c e s f r o m b e c o m i n g g e n e r a l i s e d i n t o a c r i t i q u e o f a u t h o r i t y o r t h e l a w . T h i s is n o t to s a y t h a t s o m e ' c o n s e n s u a l v i e w ' p r e v a i l e d . C o n f l i c t c o u l d a n d d i d o c c u r w h e r e p a r t i c i p a n t s w e r e u n m i s t a k a b l y m o t i v a t e d b y political aims, as in the L o n d o n food riots a n d Wilkite agitations of the mide i g h t e e n t h century. S u c h protests, h o w e v e r , could b e accepted as an attempt to p r o v o k e a remedial r e s p o n s e a n d not as a challenge to a u t h o r i t y per

se.

37

T h e e s s e n t i a l l y l e g a l n a t u r e o f p o l i t i c s at t h i s t i m e s h o u l d c a u t i o n a g a i n s t s i m p l i s t i c a t t e m p t s t o a s s o c i a t e specific o c c u p a t i o n a l g r o u p s w i t h p a r t i c u l a r f o r m s o f political activity, n o t l e a s t in L o n d o n w h e r e the legal a n d social structure w a s so c o m p l e x . S c h w a r z has pointed to the socially a n d politically a m b i g u o u s position of L o n d o n ' s very n u m e r o u s small employers a n d s h o p k e e p e r s : potential social leaders in t h e poorer parts of L o n d o n , b u t of inferior status e l s e w h e r e ; w o o e d b y the L o n d o n Corresponding Society in the 1790s, but emerging as t h e d e f e n d e r s o f T a w a n d o r d e r ' b y 1 8 4 8 . T h e i r s o c i a l a n d political characteristics, S c h w a r z suggests, m u s t b e analysed in the context of t h e i r e v e r y d a y e x p e r i e n c e s , a n d n o t a s s u m e d f r o m t h e i r o c c u p a ­ tional l a b e l s .

3 8

T h e political r o l e o f t h e s e ' m i d d l i n g s o r t s o f p e o p l e '

has b e e n e m p h a s i s e d , and Prothero has concluded that 'instead of . . . t r e a t i n g " t h e a r t i s a n s " c o l l e c t i v e l y , w e m u s t a n a l y s e t h e differing e x p e r i e n c e s o f s o m e o f t h e t r a d e s . O c c u p a t i o n a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n is essential.' Prothero's study of J o h n Gast, the L o n d o n

shipwrights

a n d t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n r a d i c a l ' s u p r a - t r a d e a c t i v i t y ' in t h e e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y is a r i c h l y d e t a i l e d e x a m p l e o f t h e c u l t u r a l , social a n d political w o r l d s o f o n e g r o u p o f ' s k i l l e d a r t i s a n s ' .

39

T h e n a t u r e a n d s c a l e o f political a g i t a t i o n i n L o n d o n b e t w e e n 1 7 5 0 and 1820 has led m a n y observers to think that L o n d o n ' s 'repertoire of c o n t e n t i o n ' c a m e c l o s e t o r e v o l u t i o n . T h e y p o i n t to t h e f r e q u e n c y of i n d u s t r i a l d i s p u t e s , t h e s i z e o f d e m o n s t r a t i o n s , t h e G o r d o n R i o t s 37

38

39

N. Rogers, 'Popular Disaffection in London during the Forty-Five', London Journal, 1 (1975). J. Stevenson, ed., London in the Age of Reform (1977). Schwarz, 'Social Class and Social Geography'.

Prothero, Artisans and Politics, p. 6.

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( 1 7 8 0 ) , t h e h i g h d e g r e e o f political o r g a n i s a t i o n d i s p l a y e d b y t h e L o n ­ don Corresponding Society and the insurrection of 1820 planned by t h e C a t o S t r e e t c o n s p i r a t o r s . T h e p r o b l e m , h o w e v e r , is t o a c c o u n t for t h e failure o f L o n d o n ' s ' r e v o l u t i o n a r y m o m e n t ' t o m a t e r i a l i s e . S t e v e n s o n takes as his starting point the 'constitutional' nature of L o n d o n political a g i t a t i o n , a n d e m p h a s i s e s t h a t t h e s o c i o - e c o n o m i c d e m a n d s o f t h e g r o u p s i n v o l v e d w e r e h a r n e s s e d b y W i l k e s to t h e cause of parliamentary reform. In an interim report on a long-term study of the c h a n g i n g spatial pattern of ' c o n t e n t i o u s g a t h e r i n g s ' in L o n d o n a n d t h e H o m e C o u n t i e s , Tilly a n d S c h w e i t z e r h a v e s u g g e s t e d t h a t t h e riots a n d d e m o n s t r a t i o n s t y p i c a l o f t h e 1 7 6 0 s a n d 1 7 7 0 s c a m e t o b e r e p l a c e d o v e r t h e n e x t fifty y e a r s b y s c h e d u l e d m e e t i n g s a n d symbolic public assemblies w h e r e large n u m b e r s of workers travelled long distances to m a k e orderly, but emotionally powerful, forays into the alien, middle-class territory of L o n d o n ' s W e s t E n d . H o n e h a s ques­ tioned the revolutionary c o m m i t m e n t of radical leaders, e m p h a s i s i n g i n s t e a d t h e i r p r e f e r e n c e for ' k e e p i n g t h e i r political o p t i o n s o p e n ' a n d t h e i r i n v o l v e m e n t i n a w i d e r a n g e o f activities - p h i l a n t h r o p i c , s c i e n ­ tific a n d e d u c a t i o n a l - i n t h e p u r s u i t o f s o c i a l c h a n g e .

4 0

W h i l e S t e v e n s o n , Tilly a n d S c h w e i t z e r a n d H o n e h a v e a r g u e d t h a t L o n d o n ' s r e v o l u t i o n a r y m o m e n t w a s t r a n s f o r m e d b y political l e a d e r ­ s h i p o r s t r u c t u r a l c h a n g e , o t h e r s h a v e c a s t d o u b t o n its v e r y e x i s t e n c e . D o b s o n has underlined the essential continuity of pre- and post-indus­ trial l a b o u r r e l a t i o n s , e s p e c i a l l y i n t h e h i g h p r o p o r t i o n o f l a b o u r dis­ putes w h i c h occurred in L o n d o n . E m s l e y has discussed the possibility t h a t t h e g o v e r n m e n t ' c o n c o c t e d ' e v i d e n c e o f a n i n s u r r e c t i o n for its o w n e n d s in the winter of 1792 in order to create a loyalist reaction a g a i n s t t h e p o p u l a r t u r b u l e n c e o f t h e t i m e . S i m i l a r l y , t h e reliability of e v i d e n c e a b o u t e v e n t s l e a d i n g u p to t h e r a i d o n t h e C a t o S t r e e t s t a b l e h a s b e e n q u e s t i o n e d s i n c e m u c h o f it d e r i v e s f r o m g o v e r n m e n t sources based on spies' reports.

41

It i s , t h e r e f o r e , w i d e l y a c c e p t e d

t h a t t h e c h a r a c t e r o f L o n d o n p o l i t i c s a n d political c o n s c i o u s n e s s c a n n o t b e explained simply in terms of e c o n o m i c a n d 40

41

industrial

T. M. Parsinnen, 'The Revolutionary Party in London', Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, 45 (1972). J. Stevenson, 'Disturbances and Public Order in London 1790-1821' (unpublished DPhil. thesis, Oxford University, 1973). C. Tilly and R. A. Schweitzer, 'How London and its Conflicts Changed Shape 1758-1834', Histori­ cal Methods, 15 (1982). J. A. Hone, For the Cause of Truth: Radicalism in London 17961821 (Oxford, 1982). C. R. Dobson, Masters and Journeymen: A Pre-History of Industrial Relations 1717-1800 (1980). C. Emsley, 'The London "Insurrection" of December 1792: Fact, Fiction or Fantasy?', Journal of British Studies, 17 (1978). Hone, For the Cause of Truth.

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P. L. G A R S I D E

c h a n g e - t h e v a r i e d e x p e r i e n c e s b e t w e e n a n d w i t h i n social g r o u p s , the influence of tradition a n d social ideals, a n d the c o m p l e x interrela­ t i o n b e t w e e n L o n d o n a n d n a t i o n a l affairs all h a v e to b e t a k e n i n t o a c c o u n t . T h r o u g h o u t t h e p e r i o d 1 7 5 0 - 1 8 2 0 , s e v e r a l political c e n t r e s are identifiable in L o n d o n a n d t h i s factor t e n d e d to limit L o n d o n ' s role in radical m o v e m e n t s . Initially, t h e C i t y , g o v e r n e d b y its t h r e e c o u r t s , h a d t h e c e n t r a l r o l e , p r o v i d i n g ' c o n t i n u o u s o p p o s i t i o n ' to t h e g o v e r n m e n t of the day m o s t particularly during the Wilkite agitation of t h e 1 7 6 0 s a n d t h e 1 7 7 0 s . A f t e r 1 7 9 0 , h o w e v e r , t h e l e v e l a n d c h a r a c t e r of C i t y a g i t a t i o n c h a n g e d , a n d t h o u g h r a d i c a l activity c o n t i n u e d , rela­ tions with the g o v e r n m e n t b e c a m e m o r e conciliatory.

42

Opposition

to i n c o m e t a x , t h e s u s p e n s i o n o f H a b e a s C o r p u s a n d t h e S i x A c t s c a m e n o t s o m u c h f r o m t h e C i t y as f r o m W e s t m i n s t e r . I n d e e d ,

attempts

w e r e m a d e to e x t e n d c o - o p e r a t i o n b e t w e e n r a d i c a l s a c r o s s t h e m e t r o ­ polis as a w h o l e , a n d to d e v e l o p a political b o d y u n i t i n g n o t o n l y t h e t w i n cities b u t a l s o S o u t h w a r k , M i d d l e s e x , S u r r e y , E s s e x a n d K e n t . Despite t h e s e h o p e s of a metropolitan radical m o v e m e n t , t h e focus of political a t t e n t i o n b e g a n to shift to t h e p r o v i n c e s after 1 8 1 5 . T h o u g h the retreat of L o n d o n radicalism should not b e o v e r e m p h a s i s e d , L o n ­ d o n failed to m a i n t a i n its p r e v i o u s l y h i g h l e v e l o f political i n v o l v e m e n t a n d l e a d e r s h i p . S t e v e n s o n h a s a r g u e d t h a t t h i s w a s n o t d u e to s t r u c ­ tural factors s u c h as L o n d o n ' s l a c k o f a m a n u f a c t u r i n g b a s e , n o r to a l a c k o f i n t e r e s t t h e r e in t h e d o m i n a n t i s s u e o f p a r l i a m e n t a r y r e f o r m , b u t to t h e c i t y ' s s h e e r size a n d m u l t i p l e s p e c i a l i s e d h i e r a r c h i e s w h i c h m a d e political m o b i l i s a t i o n o n a n y p a r t i c u l a r i s s u e v e r y difficult to achieve.

4 3

P a r a d o x i c a l l y , t h e d i v e r s i t y o f L o n d o n life n o t o n l y c r e a t e d

t h e p r e c o n d i t i o n s for d i s o r d e r a n d d i s i n t e g r a t i o n , b u t a l s o at t h e s a m e t i m e p r e v e n t e d t h e c i t y ' s i n h e r e n t i n s t a b i l i t y f r o m m a n i f e s t i n g itself in m e t r o p o l i t a n a n d n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c s . T h e p e r i o d b e t w e e n 1 7 5 0 - 1 8 2 0 w a s o n e o f g r e a t c h a n g e for L o n d o n a n d t h e H o m e C o u n t i e s , w h i c h w a s as e n i g m a t i c a n d difficult for c o n t e m p o r a r i e s to u n d e r s t a n d a s it h a s b e e n for m o d e r n s o c i a l h i s t o r ­ ians. L o n d o n ' s complexities and paradoxes confounded the language of e i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y o b s e r v e r s as w e l l as t w e n t i e t h - c e n t u r y e c o n o m ­ ists a n d s o c i o l o g i s t s . S o c i a l h i s t o r i a n s h a v e c o m e to r e c o g n i s e t h e n e e d

42

43

J. R. Dinwiddy, "'The Patriotic Linen-Draper": Robert Waithman and the Revival of Radicalism in the City of London, 1795-1818', Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, 46 (1973), pp. 72-94. Stevenson, 'Disturbances and Public Order'. Hone, For the Cause of Truth.

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t o u n d e r s t a n d t h e c o n t e m p o r a r y m e a n i n g s a t t a c h e d to o c c u p a t i o n a l g r o u p s ( ' a r t i s a n s ' , ' j o u r n e y m e n ' , ' m e c h a n i c s ' ) a n d to political a n d c r i m i n a l activity b e f o r e a d o p t i n g

analytical frameworks

borrowed

f r o m m o d e r n e c o n o m i c a n d social t h e o r i s t s . T h o u g h m a j o r c h a n g e s w e r e u n d e r w a y , n o t all o f t h e m a p p e a r to h a v e w o r k e d in t h e d i r e c t i o n t h e o r y s u g g e s t s . D e m o g r a p h i c a l l y a n d e d u c a t i o n a l l y , a n d e v e n politi­ cally, L o n d o n ' s i n f l u e n c e s e e m e d to h a v e b e c o m e m o r e l o c a l i s e d b y 1 8 2 0 . L o n d o n ' s t r a n s f o r m a t i o n w a s i n c o m p l e t e : t h e i n f l u e n c e o f its h i s t o r y a n d t r a d i t i o n s c o n t i n u e d t o m a r k its c h a r a c t e r , a n d t h e o p p o r ­ tunity of transforming British society w a s passing from L o n d o n and its r a d i c a l s t o t h e i n d u s t r i a l l y b a s e d p r o v i n c i a l cities.

II

METROPOLITAN

RIVALS

MIST:

LONDON

AND

ITS

PROVINCIAL

1820-1870

Hell is a city much like London A populous and smoky city P. B. Shelley, Peter Bell the Third, Part 3, 'Heir It w a s L o n d o n ' s ' p a r t i c u l a r ' qualities w h i c h c a u g h t t h e i m a g i n a t i o n of m i d - n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y w r i t e r s . T o D i c k e n s , S h e l l e y , D i s r a e l i a n d T e n n y s o n , as w e l l as to t h e l e s s e r k n o w n G e r a l d M a s s e y a n d J a m e s T h o m s o n , L o n d o n w a s a city like n o o t h e r - at least, n o t t h i s s i d e of H e a v e n or H e l l . Its s m o k i n e s s p r o v i d e d a p o w e r f u l i m a g e of t h e c i t y ' s ability to s w a l l o w u p c o u n t l e s s m u l t i t u d e s in its m y s t e r i o u s d e p t h s - g u a r a n t e e i n g a n o n y m i t y . L o n d o n , B a g e h o t s a i d , w a s like a n e w s p a p e r : e v e r y t h i n g w a s t h e r e , a n d n o t h i n g w a s c o n n e c t e d to anything else. Nevertheless, L o n d o n ' s repellent strangeness

and

formlessness could not extinguish the possibility that a poetic, surrea­ list b e a u t y m i g h t y e t e m e r g e f r o m t h e city. S u c h a v i s i o n m a y p e r h a p s b e e x p l a i n e d b y t h e s u r v i v a l of m a n y o f L o n d o n ' s p r e - i n d u s t r i a l quali­ ties a n d a t t r i b u t e s , a n d b y its i n c o m p l e t e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n i n t o a n a r c h e ­ t y p a l i n d u s t r i a l city. T h e village-like c h a r a c t e r of m a n y of its r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a s ( w h e t h e r h u m b l e or g r a n d ) , t h e p e r s i s t e n c e o f o l d p h y s i c a l a n d i n s t i t u t i o n a l f o r m s a l o n g s i d e t h e n e w , a n d its r e s e m b l a n c e to g r e a t a n d l u x u r i o u s cities o f t h e p a s t - all t h e s e s u s t a i n e d i n t i m a t i o n s o f h u m a n i t y a n d s p l e n d o u r d e s p i t e t h e p o v e r t y , d i s e a s e a n d filth t h a t h u n g a b o u t t h e city. T h e p e r i o d 1 8 2 0 - 7 0 s a w m a n y d i s t i n c t i v e c h a n g e s in t h e life o f L o n d o n y e t t h e i r i m p a c t w a s m e d i a t e d b o t h b y v i s i o n s of t h e future, a n d b y s h a d o w s o f t h e p a s t .

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London and London's

industrialisation share

in t h e

unprecedented,

bizarre

and

momentous

changes associated with the industrial revolution has b e e n variously i n t e r p r e t e d . S h e p p a r d h a s p o r t r a y e d L o n d o n a s a city i n t h e i n d u s t r i a l r e v o l u t i o n , b u t n o t o f it - its h u b , b u t n o t its d r i v i n g f o r c e .

44

Certainly,

t h e o v e r w h e l m i n g g r o w t h o f L o n d o n c a n n o t b e d e n i e d : d e c a d e after d e c a d e its p o p u l a t i o n e x p a n d e d at a c o n s t a n t r a t e b e t w e e n 1 6 a n d 2 1 p e r c e n t : b y 1 8 7 7 , it h a d r e a c h e d t h e e n o r m o u s s i z e o f 3 . 2 5 m i l l i o n people. Y e t L o n d o n ' s position in the urban hierarchy w a s being chal­ l e n g e d b y t h e b u r g e o n i n g g r o w t h o f a d o z e n o r m o r e p r o v i n c i a l cities in t h e M i d l a n d s a n d the north, e a c h with a population of m o r e t h a n 100,000 in 1 8 7 1 . T h e growth of these ' s h o c k cities' suggested that t h e c e n t r e o f n a t i o n a l e c o n o m i c life h a d s h i f t e d , l e a v i n g L o n d o n ' a l m o s t t o t a l l y i s o l a t e d ' i n t h e still p r e d o m i n a n t l y a g r i c u l t u r a l s o u t h . This provincial approach to explanations of Britain's e c o n o m i c growth has b e e n challenged. T h e exploitation of the northern provinces, Dyos argued, occurred ' n o t as an a b a t e m e n t of the centripetal forces w h i c h were concentrating the population and economic power on London, but primarily as a r e d e p l o y m e n t of provincial resources, s o m e of t h e m 45

h a v i n g b e e n , a s it w e r e , p r o c e s s e d i n L o n d o n en route'.

O n this

interpretation, L o n d o n played an essential part as o n e of the 'world cities', functioning as a primary e l e m e n t in a national a n d international control m e c h a n i s m which fostered both industrial a n d urban growth. L o n d o n w a s , at o n e a n d t h e s a m e t i m e , c e n t r a l y e t p e r i p h e r a l , e c o n o ­ mically s e c o n d a r y yet socially d o m i n a n t , culturally inspirational yet parasitic. F o r contemporaries, the duality of L o n d o n ' s role found e x p r e s s i o n i n d i s l i k e , s u s p i c i o n a n d h o s t i l i t y . T h e i r d e s i r e to k e e p L o n d o n in its p l a c e , a n d t o n u r t u r e t h e n e w - g r o w n i n d u s t r i a l c e n t r e s is r e f l e c t e d in t h e fact t h a t t h e t e r m ' p r o v i n c e s ' b e c a m e e s t a b l i s h e d as a c o l l e c t i v e a n d f a v o u r a b l e e x p r e s s i o n l o n g b e f o r e ' m e t r o p o l i s ' s h e d its u n a c c e p t a b l y p o m p o u s o v e r t o n e s . In the half-century b e t w e e n 1820 a n d 1870, L o n d o n indeed appeared o v e r s h a d o w e d b y t h e s e provincial t o w n s - economically, politically and administratively. Nonetheless, L o n d o n ' s aggrandisement conti­ n u e d a n d its i s o l a t i o n f r o m t h e m a i n s t r e a m o f t h e i n d u s t r i a l r e v o l u t i o n e n s u r e d t h a t its d e v e l o p m e n t r e m a i n e d u n i q u e , ' a f o r m a t i o n for w h i c h 44

45

F. H. W. Sheppard, London 1808-1870: The Infernal Wen (1971), pp. xvii-xix. H . J . D y o s , ' Greater and Greater London: Notes on the Metropolis and the Provinces in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries', in J. S. Bromley and E. H. Kossman, eds., Britain and the Netherlands (The Hague, 1971).

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Counties

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4 6

no n a m e e x i s t s ' . This section examines the significance of L o n d o n ' s a p p a r e n t i s o l a t i o n in t e r m s o f its e c o n o m y , its p h y s i c a l d e v e l o p m e n t , its social s t r u c t u r e a n d its political life.

London's economic growth - a provincial or metropolitan

phenomenon?

D e s p i t e t h e c o n t i n u e d a b s e n c e o f ' a full-scale e c o n o m i c h i s t o r y o f V i c t o r i a n L o n d o n ' l a m e n t e d b y D y o s in 1 9 7 1 , t h e m a i n e l e m e n t s are q u i t e clear, n a m e l y a significant t h o u g h u n o b t r u s i v e

manufacturing

b a s e , w i t h c o n s u m e r - o r i e n t e d e n t e r p r i s e s l a r g e l y o r g a n i s e d in s m a l l specialist w o r k s h o p s , a n d a n i n c r e a s i n g l y w i d e - r a n g i n g s e r v i c e s e c t o r , w i t h s p e c i a l i s t financial a n d b a n k i n g activities c e n t r e d o n t h e C i t y . L o n d o n i n d u s t r y a n d L o n d o n finance s e r v e d n o t o n l y m e t r o p o l i t a n m a r k e t s , b u t a l s o r e g i o n a l a n d n a t i o n a l m a r k e t s . I n d e e d , it h a s b e e n a r g u e d t h a t t h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l m a r k e t for its g o o d s a n d s e r v i c e s out­ s t r i p p e d d o m e s t i c o n e s , n o m a t t e r w h a t l e v e l is u s e d for c o m p a r i s o n . C e r t a i n l y , t h e g r o w i n g d o m i n a t i o n o f L o n d o n in t h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l m o n e y m a r k e t s l e d to t h e C i t y ' s relative d e c l i n e in t h e h o m e m a r k e t . Y e t it m u s t b e e m p h a s i s e d t h a t s u c h a d e c l i n e was o n l y r e l a t i v e , a n d L o n d o n d o m i n a n c e of t h e d o m e s t i c s e c u r i t i e s m a r k e t w a s clearly e s t a b l i s h e d after 1 8 5 0 . I n c r e a s i n g l y e x t e n s i v e p u b l i c i n v o l v e m e n t in i n v e s t m e n t , t h e r e f o r e , c a m e to b e c h a n n e l l e d t h r o u g h L o n d o n d e s p i t e t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f e x c h a n g e s in t h e p r o v i n c e s .

4 7

The power and

size o f L o n d o n ' s financial i n s t i t u t i o n s d e r i v e d p a r t l y f r o m i n c r e a s e d p r o v i n c i a l w e a l t h , b u t a l s o f r o m e n t e r p r i s e s c a r r i e d o n in L o n d o n itself, a n d t h r o u g h o u t t h e w o r l d . I n r e t u r n , L o n d o n a c t e d as a n e s s e n ­ tial i n t e r m e d i a r y in m a n a g i n g s u p p l y a n d d e m a n d for i n v e s t m e n t from industrialists and entrepreneurs

in B r i t a i n , E u r o p e a n d

the

E m p i r e , e s p e c i a l l y after 1 8 5 0 . I n v e s t m e n t b o t h at h o m e a n d a b r o a d t e n d e d to b e in i n f r a s t r u c t u r e , n o t a b l y r a i l w a y s , r a t h e r t h a n in direct i n d u s t r i a l capital. N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e m a r k e t p r o v e d p r e c a r i o u s , a n d t h e s p e c u l a t i v e b u b b l e o f t h e 1 8 6 0 s w h i c h c u l m i n a t e d in t h e c o l l a p s e of O v e r e n d a n d G u r n e y w a s l a r g e l y d u e to o v e r - e x t e n s i v e r a i l w a y i n v e s t m e n t in a n d a r o u n d L o n d o n itself. S u c h a n a n a l y s i s s u g g e s t s t h a t L o n d o n s h o u l d n o t b e t h o u g h t o f as a n ' i n d e p e n d e n t v a r i a b l e ' in t h e g r o w t h of t h e n e w i n d u s t r i a l e c o n o m y , b u t n e i t h e r s h o u l d t h e rise o f t h e i n d u s t r i a l n o r t h b e s e e n as ' s o m e k i n d o f c l a n d e s t i n e 46

47

Quoted in ibid., p. 54. R. C. Michie, 'The London Stock Exchange and the British Securities Market 18501914', Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 38 (1985), pp. 61-82.

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extramural activity of L o n d o n ' .

4 8

L o n d o n ' s specific i n v o l v e m e n t l a y

in p r o v i d i n g s p e c i a l i s t f i n a n c i a l s e r v i c e s to s e c u r e i n v e s t m e n t c a p i t a l a n d insurance protection n e c e s s a r y to s u p p o r t t h e industrial infrastruc­ t u r e . Its i n f l u e n c e w a s n o t w h o l l y b e n i g n - t h e v u l n e r a b i l i t y o f t h e system was demonstrated b y the periodic crises of 1825, 1 8 3 6 - 9 and 1 8 5 7 , a n d t h e i n f l u e n c e o f L o n d o n m a d e itself felt i n c u l t u r a l as w e l l as financial t e r m s t h r o u g h t h e s p r e a d o f a s s o c i a t e d c o m m u n i c a t i o n s - not only the railway, but also the mail, press a n d electric telegraph. H i s t o r i a n s ' efforts t o d e t e r m i n e L o n d o n ' s r o l e i n t h e ' i n d u s t r i a l r e v o ­ lution' have tended to proceed on the assumption that manufacturing provided the k e y e l e m e n t in Britain's e c o n o m i c g r o w t h in the nine­ teenth century. Recently, h o w e v e r , this a s s u m p t i o n has b e e n chal­ l e n g e d i n w a y s w h i c h t h r o w a v e r y different l i g h t o n L o n d o n a n d t h e n a t i o n a l e c o n o m y at t h i s t i m e . A t t e m p t s h a v e b e e n m a d e t o q u a n ­ tify c h a n g e s i n B r i t a i n ' s e c o n o m i c s t r u c t u r e at a r e g i o n a l r a t h e r t h a n a national level, with the metropolitan region receiving particular attention. Both Rubinstein's study of the distribution of wealth a n d Lee's analysis of types of regional development have s h o w n the value of s u c h a t t e m p t s at q u a n t i f i c a t i o n , w h e t h e r t h e y a r e c o n d u c t e d at t h e b a s i c l e v e l o f careful c o u n t i n g , o r at t h e m o r e s o p h i s t i c a t e d l e v e l of factor a n a l y s i s .

49

I n t h e i r different w a y s , b o t h R u b i n s t e i n a n d L e e

s h o w that traditional generalisations c o n c e r n i n g the rise of industry, and of industrial wealth, do not survive quantitative analysis. T h e y both underline the importance of the service sector a n d of c o n s u m e r oriented industry as an e c o n o m i c force in Victorian Britain - generating l a r g e p e r s o n a l f o r t u n e s , a n d at t h e s a m e t i m e f o r g i n g a n e w a n d h i g h l y successful e c o n o m i c sector. This large, highly integrated,

homo­

g e n e o u s m a r k e t initially c o m p r i s e d L o n d o n a n d W e s t m i n s t e r , b u t expanded

rapidly

into

neighbouring,

contiguous

counties. Lee,

i n d e e d , g o e s s o far a s t o c o n c l u d e ' w e s h o u l d i n t e r p r e t V i c t o r i a n Britain i n t e r m s o f t h e S o u t h - E a s t b e i n g t h e m o s t a d v a n c e d r e g i o n in t h e B r i t i s h e c o n o m y , a n d m a k i n g a c o m m e n s u r a t e c o n t r i b u t i o n to t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h a t n a t i o n a l e c o n o m y ' . W h a t t h a t ' c o m m e n s u r ­ ate c o n t r i b u t i o n ' w a s h a s y e t t o b e d e t e r m i n e d . C l e a r l y , h o w e v e r , L o n d o n l a c k e d t h o s e activities t r a d i t i o n a l l y r e g a r d e d as t h e ' d r i v i n g forces' of Victorian expansion - mining, h e a v y industry, large-scale

48

49

Dyos, 'Greater and Greater London', p. 47. W. D. Rubinstein, 'Wealth, Elites and the Class Structure of Modern Britain', Past & Present, 76 (1977). C. H. Lee, 'Regional Growth and Structural Change in Victorian Britain', Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 34 (1981), pp. 438-52.

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493

textile m a n u f a c t u r i n g . I n d e e d , s o m e t e x t i l e f a c t o r i e s w h i c h h a d e x i s t e d in L o n d o n in the early n i n e t e e n t h century w e r e e x p o r t e d to outlying t o w n s s u c h as C o l c h e s t e r : t h e d e c l i n e o f t h e s e silk a n d w o o l l e n w e a v ­ i n g firms c o n t i n u e d i n t h e i r n e w l o c a t i o n s , h o w e v e r , d e s p i t e t h e l o w e r local w a g e s .

5 0

H e a v y i n d u s t r y a l o n g t h e T h a m e s a l s o t e n d e d to m o v e

o u t - l a r g e r c h e m i c a l i n d u s t r i e s s o u g h t c h e a p e r l a n d a n d f e w e r restric­ t i o n s a n d m i g r a t e d a c r o s s t h e L e e v a l l e y t o W e s t H a m after 1 8 5 0 . I n S t r a t f o r d , h o w e v e r , s m a l l e r c h e m i c a l firms f o r m e d a ' q u a r t e r ' for t h e m s e l v e s w h e r e t h e y d e v e l o p e d that i n t e r d e p e n d e n c e a n d proxi­ mity m o s t usually associated with L o n d o n ' s clothing, furniture

and

instrumentmakers. The L o n d o n e c o n o m y was increasingly based on high-technology, consumer-oriented industry and an associated service sector, relying a b o v e all o n its o w n l a r g e , d e n s e l y p o p u l a t e d a n d r e l a t i v e l y w e a l t h y market. This great metropolitan market w a s essentially divided into t w o , b o t h p h y s i c a l l y a n d s o c i a l l y . T h e c l o t h i n g t r a d e s illustrate t h i s division - there w a s the W e s t E n d centre, north of Piccadilly and e a s t o f R e g e n t S t r e e t , s p e c i a l i s i n g i n t h e h i g h e s t g r a d e b e s p o k e tailor­ ing a n d ' C o u r t D r e s s m a k i n g ' , well placed to serve the highly personal d e m a n d s o f its f a s h i o n a b l e c l i e n t e l e . Q u i t e s e p a r a t e , w a s t h e c l o t h i n g i n d u s t r y o f t h e E a s t E n d , w h e r e ' P e t t i c o a t L a n e ' d e v e l o p e d as t h e c e n t r e for c h e a p r e a d y - m a d e c l o t h e s a b o u t 1 8 5 0 . N e v e r t h e l e s s , n o factory s y s t e m e m e r g e d , rather the productive process disintegrated into small ' s w e a t e d ' shops equipped with cheap technical innovations s u c h as the s e w i n g m a c h i n e a n d the b a n d s a w .

Furnituremaking

s h o w e d a very similar k i n d of spatial a n d organisational structure, a s d i d p r i n t i n g a n d t h e h i g h l y s k i l l e d crafts i n v o l v e d i n t h e m a n u f a c ­ t u r e o f w a t c h e s , c l o c k s a n d scientific i n s t r u m e n t s . A l l t h e s e t r a d e s n e e d e d t o b e n e a r t h e i r m a r k e t , w h i c h b e c a u s e o f its s i z e a n d c o m ­ p l e x i t y , t e n d e d to s u p p o r t a s y s t e m o f s p e c i a l i s e d b u t h i g h l y i n t e r d e ­ p e n d e n t w o r k s h o p s . T h e 1851 census d o c u m e n t e d the extraordinary r a n g e o f L o n d o n ' s o c c u p a t i o n s , a n d b y 1 8 6 1 , three-fifths o f all e m p l o y ­ m e n t in t h e C i t y w a s p r o v i d e d b y s m a l l - s c a l e i n d u s t r y a n d t h e s e r v i c e sector. The mid-nineteenth-century metropolitan economy was centred on the Cities of L o n d o n a n d W e s t m i n s t e r and the county of Middlesex, and was characterised b y a highly integrated group of consumer goods

50

A. F. J. Brown, 'Colchester 1815-1914', Essex Record Office Publications, 74 (1980).

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a n d service industries: this e c o n o m i c sector w a s e x p a n d i n g

more

quickly than the industrial sectors w h i c h have traditionally b e e n r e g a r d e d as t h e m a j o r g r o w t h g e n e r a t o r s . O v e r a h a l f o f all n e w j o b s in B r i t a i n b e t w e e n 1 8 4 1 a n d 1 9 1 1 w e r e c r e a t e d in s e r v i c e e m p l o y m e n t , a n d a h i g h p r o p o r t i o n o f t h e s e j o b s w e r e l o c a t e d in t h e s o u t h - e a s t , initially in L o n d o n a n d M i d d l e s e x . T h e H o m e C o u n t i e s w e r e n o t fully i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o t h e m e t r o p o l i t a n e c o n o m y b y 1 8 7 0 , a n d L e e ' s factor a n a l y s i s o f t h e 1 8 5 1 a n d 1 8 6 1 c e n s u s s h o w s t h e o u t e r c o u n t i e s falling into three separate groups with c o m m o n features distinguishing t h e m b o t h f r o m e a c h o t h e r a n d f r o m L o n d o n itself. S i m i l a r g r o w t h profiles d i s t i n g u i s h e d first, K e n t , S u r r e y a n d H a m p s h i r e , s e c o n d l y , S u s s e x , B e r k s h i r e a n d O x f o r d a n d finally, B u c k i n g h a m s h i r e , B e d f o r d s h i r e a n d Hertfordshire. E a c h of these counties, h o w e v e r , m o v e d to adopt the s t r u c t u r a l p a t t e r n o f t h e L o n d o n e c o n o m y , as t h e c e n t u r y p r o g r e s s e d . A n i m p o r t a n t e l e m e n t in L e e ' s a r g u m e n t is t h a t t h e s e

structural

c h a n g e s w e r e i n t e r n a l l y g e n e r a t e d - t h e p r o d u c t o f a l a r g e affluent society 'enjoying conspicuous c o n s u m p t i o n and giving e m p l o y m e n t to a w i d e r a n g e o f l a b o u r i n t e n s i v e s e r v i c e s - f r o m d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e at o n e e x t r e m e to t r a d i t i o n a l p r o f e s s i o n s like m e d i c i n e , l a w a n d e d u ­ c a t i o n at t h e o t h e r ' . L e e e m p h a s i s e s t h e s e l f - g e n e r a t i n g c h a r a c t e r o f L o n d o n ' s g r o w t h a n d calls i n t o q u e s t i o n t h e c o m m o n a s s u m p t i o n that service e m p l o y m e n t w a s primarily a by-product of manufacturing (i.e. provincial) growth. Rather, h e asserts, service e m p l o y m e n t arose chiefly f r o m c e r t a i n t y p e s o f c o n s u m e r - o r i e n t e d m a n u f a c t u r i n g

-

p a p e r , p r i n t i n g a n d p u b l i s h i n g , t i m b e r a n d furniture, c l o t h i n g , c h e m i ­ cals a n d ' h i g h - t e c h ' i n s t r u m e n t a n d electrical e n g i n e e r i n g i n d u s t r i e s - all o f w h i c h w e r e p a r t i c u l a r l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y L o n d o n and the surrounding counties. In other words, the L o n d o n r e g i o n w a s o n t h e w a y t o b e c o m i n g ' t h e w o r l d ' s first l a r g e - s c a l e c o n ­ s u m e r s o c i e t y ' , n o t in a n y vital r e s p e c t d e p e n d e n t o n p r o v i n c i a l m a n u ­ facturing, but i n d e p e n d e n t a n d self-sustaining. S u c h an analysis goes m u c h further t h a n B a r k e r o r D y o s , a n d d o e s n o t m e r e l y alter t h e provincial perspective on L o n d o n ' s e c o n o m i c growth a n d role, but virtually r e m o v e s it a l t o g e t h e r . L o n d o n ' s e c o n o m i c a c h i e v e m e n t s in the mid-nineteenth century were not derived from, nor e v e n interde­ p e n d e n t w i t h p r o v i n c i a l m a n u f a c t u r i n g t o w n s : it w a s n e i t h e r parasitic n o r a m b i o t i c - it w a s s e p a r a t e , s e l f - g e n e r a t i n g a n d h i g h l y s u c c e s s f u l .

51

Lee, 'Regional Growth', pp. 450, 452.

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495

London - the infernal wen It is i m p o r t a n t to s e t t h i s a n a l y s i s o f a n i n t e g r a t e d , d y n a m i c a n d h i g h t e c h n o l o g y L o n d o n e c o n o m y in the c o n t e m p o r a r y physical a n d social context. Cobbett's unbridled

fury a g a i n s t t h e s w e l l i n g g r o w t h o f

L o n d o n as h e rode t h r o u g h S u r r e y a n d S u s s e x w a s portentous, but in 1822 the transformation of the H o m e C o u n t i e s into metropolitan s u b u r b i a w a s c e r t a i n l y i n c o m p l e t e , a n d r e m a i n e d s o as late as 1 8 7 0 . E v e n in M i d d l e s e x in 1882, a W e a l d s t o n e vicar c o m p l a i n e d that h e ' m i g h t j u s t as w e l l b e in a r e m o t e p a r t o f Y o r k s h i r e ' for all t h e d i f f e r e n c e L o n d o n m a d e . T h o u g h L e e ' s statistical a n a l y s i s o f o c c u p a t i o n s s h o w s M i d d l e s e x firmly t i e d to t h e s t r u c t u r e o f a m e t r o p o l i t a n e c o n o m y , actual circumstances s u g g e s t e d distance, separation a n d rusticity in many areas.

5 2

While the system of turnpikes provided passable routes

towards L o n d o n , m a n y lanes of sticky m u d or rutted hard-baked clay p e r s i s t e d far i n t o t h e c e n t u r y . T h e n e g l e c t o f l o c a l p a r i s h r o a d s m i g h t indeed b e linked to the creation of the turnpikes w h i c h starved other r o u t e s o f i n v e s t m e n t a n d a t t e n t i o n . S u r r e y , for e x a m p l e , c a m e t o b e t r a v e r s e d b y a n e w s y s t e m o f direct t r u n k r o a d s b e t w e e n L o n d o n and the coast, a n d also b y a close network of cross-country c o n n e c ­ tions. At the s a m e time, m a n y of the old p a t h w a y s which followed natural contours a n d cut circuitous routes b e c a m e derelict. M u c h of t h e S u r r e y W e a l d r e m a i n e d i n a c c e s s i b l e at m i d - c e n t u r y , t h e l a n d u n c u l t i v a t e d , b e y o n d t h e r e a c h o f t h e m e t r o p o l i t a n m a r k e t for f o o d .

5 3

W h e r e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s w e r e g o o d , w h e t h e r at t h e f r i n g e o f L o n ­ d o n ' s b u i l t - u p a r e a , o r at n o d a l p o i n t s i n t h e t r a n s p o r t s y s t e m , t h e i m p a c t o f ' L o n d o n - o u t - o f - t o w n ' w a s s t r o n g l y felt. U n t i l 1 8 7 0 , r o a d s , rather t h a n railways, w e r e the major carriers of people a n d g o o d s . Nevertheless, though transport was a necessary cause of suburbanisat i o n , it w a s n o t a sufficient o n e - a l s o i m p o r t a n t w a s t h e availability of l a n d , c r e d i t a n d i n v e s t m e n t i n i n f r a s t r u c t u r e . T h e p h y s i c a l s p r e a d of L o n d o n , t h e r e f o r e , p r o c e e d e d a l o n g a v e r y i r r e g u l a r p a t h b o t h i n time and space, diverted n o w b y landownership patterns, n o w b y t h e g e n e r a l financial s i t u a t i o n . I n t h e b u i l d i n g b o o m w h i c h f o l l o w e d the e n d of the F r e n c h W a r s in 1815, areas to t h e w e s t a n d

south

of L o n d o n s a w t h e m o s t r a p i d g r o w t h . T h e f a s h i o n a b l e e s t a t e s o f T y b u r n i a a n d Belgravia in P a d d i n g t o n w e r e b e g u n in t h e 1820s, while s o u t h o f t h e T h a m e s t h e t h r e e n e w b r i d g e s at V a u x h a l l , W a t e r l o o 52

M. Robbins, 'Transport and Suburban Development in Middlesex down to 1914',

53

P. Brandon, A History of Surrey (1977), pp. 7 1 - 6 .

Transactions of London and Middlesex Archaeological Society, 29 (1978), pp. 129-36.

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and S o u t h w a r k and their associated turnpikes o p e n e d up

hitherto

isolated areas. In the 1820s, the population of both L a m b e t h and C a m b e r w e l l i n c r e a s e d b y o v e r 5 0 p e r c e n t , a n d it w a s t h r o u g h r o w s o f t h e i r t e r r a c e h o u s e s t h a t C o b b e t t r o d e o n h i s w a y to C r o y d o n , itself the fastest-growing outpost of the ' G r e a t W e n ' . Cobbett railed against t h e s e 'horrible a n d ridiculous' r o w s surpassed in ugliness only b y the m o r e distant 'hideous villas' of ' J e w s and j o b b e r s ' - b a n k e r s , stock­ b r o k e r s a n d distillers - c l u s t e r e d a r o u n d n e w l y e n c l o s e d S u r r e y c o m ­ m o n s . E v e n w o r s e to Cobbett, w a s the j o b b e r s ' practice of b u y i n g u p o l d S u r r e y f a r m h o u s e s a n d f u r n i s h i n g t h e m in n e w - f a n g l e d s t y l e s w i t h p a r l o u r s , fine t a b l e w a r e set o n m a h o g a n y t a b l e s a n d w i t h ' c a r p e t and bell-push too'. As the n e w owners 'skip backwards and forwards' on coaches along the turnpikes, they transformed the physical and social fabric of t h e p l a c e s t h e y t o u c h e d , s o m e t i m e s d e l i b e r a t e l y , o f t e n u n c o n s c i o u s l y . N o t u n t i l t h e 1 8 6 0 s d i d a c o n c e r n for t r a d i t i o n a l b u i l d ­ i n g s t y l e s , a n d for t h e p r e s e r v a t i o n o f c o m m o n s , e m e r g e t o m o d i f y these alien metropolitan a d v a n c e s .

5 4

L o n d o n ' s i n f l u e n c e c o u l d r e a c h e v e n as far as s m a l l t o w n s o n t h e c o a s t a l fringe o f t h e s o u t h - e a s t . L o c a l s t u d i e s o f C o l c h e s t e r a n d R a m s g a t e h a v e s h o w n h o w g e n e r a l i s a t i o n s at c o u n t y l e v e l a b o u t t h e e x t e n t of m e t r o p o l i t a n i n f l u e n c e m a y c o n c e a l m u c h v a r i a t i o n - in r u r a l M i d ­ d l e s e x a n d S u r r e y t h e ' m e t r o p o l i t a n effect' w a s o f t e n w e a k , w h i l e in s o m e u r b a n c o a s t a l c e n t r e s i n E s s e x a n d K e n t it w a s c l e a r l y s t r o n g .

55

T h e a t t r a c t i o n o f C o l c h e s t e r for s o m e o f L o n d o n ' s c o n s u m e r i n d u s t r i e s has already b e e n m e n t i o n e d - successive textile, tailoring a n d s h o e m a k i n g h r m s t o o k a d v a n t a g e of its c h e a p , r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e l a b o u r f o r c e a n d e s t a b l i s h e d b r a n c h e s in t h e t o w n b e t w e e n 1 8 1 5 a n d 1 8 7 0 , putting out work from their L o n d o n s h o w r o o m s . T h e c o m i n g of the L o n d o n - C h e l m s f o r d - C o l c h e s t e r r a i l w a y in 1 8 4 3 e x p a n d e d t h e c o n ­ s u m e r m a r k e t for t h e s e firms b e y o n d L o n d o n to a w i d e r a r e a o f s o u t h ­ e a s t E n g l a n d . I n d e e d , in 1 8 5 7 C o l c h e s t e r ' s s h o e m a k e r s c l a i m e d t h a t they had b e c o m e the Great Eastern Railway's chief commercial cus­ t o m e r in t h e t o w n . C o m m e r c i a l l i n k s a l s o l a y b e h i n d s o m e i m p o r t a n t political i n t e r p l a y b e t w e e n L o n d o n a n d C o l c h e s t e r . C o l c h e s t e r ' o u t ­ v o t e r s ' formed a cohesive g r o u p in the 1820s. Liberal in s y m p a t h y , these Colchester-born artisans, commercial and professional m e n met 54

53

W. Cobbett, Rural Rides (1930 edn), quoted in Sheppard, Infernal Wen. Brown, 'Colchester 1815-1914'. R. S. Holmes, 'Continuity and Change in a MidVictorian Resort: Ramsgate 1851-1871' (unpublished DPhil. thesis, University of Kent, 1977).

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in certain L o n d o n inns and e s p o u s e d the cause of parliamentary reform. L e d by Colchester's Liberal M P , D . W . Harvey, w h o m they h a d themselves h e l p e d to elect, these Colchester out-voters c a m e h o m e t o v o t e ' f o r t h e e x t i n c t i o n o f t h e i r o w n political f r a n c h i s e ' , a n d were duly disenfranchised by the Reform Bill.

56

T h e coming of the

railway m a d e L o n d o n available to a wide section of C o l c h e s t e r ' s resi­ d e n t s , e s p e c i a l l y for e n j o y m e n t a n d for social activities. C h e a p e x c u r ­ s i o n s at B a n k H o l i d a y s w e r e p o p u l a r , a n d s p e c i a l a t t r a c t i o n s like t h e G r e a t E x h i b i t i o n , c o n f e r e n c e s a n d political rallies s u c h as t h e P e o p l e ' s W e l c o m e t o G a r i b a l d i a t t r a c t e d t h o u s a n d s o f C o l c e s t r i a n s to t h e c a p i ­ tal. F o r t h e m , L o n d o n w a s n o t r e m o t e , b u t a n i m m e d i a t e a n d direct experience. While Colchester's relation with L o n d o n was primarily commercial, R a m s g a t e v a l u e d a c e r t a i n social ' t o n e ' w h i c h r e f l e c t e d a m o r e i n t i m a t e relationship with s o m e of the wealthier m e m b e r s of L o n d o n society. H e r e L o n d o n e r s established not b r a n c h factories, but enclaves,

thereby heightening

residential

residential

segregation within

the

t o w n . T h e s i z e o f R a m s g a t e - 1 1 , 0 0 0 p o p u l a t i o n in 1 8 5 1 a n d 1 4 , 0 0 0 in 1 8 7 1 - h a s m a d e p o s s i b l e a s t u d y o f t h e t o w n ' s s t r u c t u r e w i t h o u t t h e n e e d for s a m p l i n g : u s i n g a c o m b i n a t i o n o f c e n s u s a n d rate b o o k data, H o l m e s h a s c o m p a r e d social a n d e c o n o m i c v a r i a b l e s b e t w e e n n e i g h b o u r i n g h o u s e h o l d s , s t r e e t s a n d a r e a s . R e j e c t i n g factor a n a l y s i s as ' i n a p p r o p r i a t e a n d m i s l e a d i n g ' , H o l m e s h a s c o n c e n t r a t e d o n a n a n a l y s i s o f ' k e y ' v a r i a b l e s , in particular, t e n u r i a l s t a t u s , r e s i d e n t i a l mobility a n d rateable values. H e draws attention to o n e striking dicho­ t o m y - t h e t o w n ' s stability in t e r m s o f o v e r a l l s t r u c t u r e , a n d its fluidity in t e r m s o f i n d i v i d u a l m o v e m e n t s . A m a j o r factor in t h i s s i t u a t i o n was undoubtedly

t h e i n f l u e n c e o f w e a l t h y L o n d o n families

who

s o u g h t e v e r m o r e e x c l u s i v e l o c a t i o n s , b u t w h o , o n c e satisfied, s e l d o m m o v e d , thereby creating a stable growth pole of high-status h o u s e ­ holds, w h e r e t h e y w e l c o m e d L o n d o n lodgers a n d visitors with the help of their L o n d o n - b o r n servants. S u c h a well-entrenched, highs t a t u s c o m p o n e n t in R a m s g a t e ' s social a n d e c o n o m i c s t r u c t u r e m a d e for o v e r a l l stability in t h e t o w n ' s spatial a n d s o c i e t a l c h a r a c t e r , a n d ensured a growing L o n d o n influence on h o u s e h o l d structure, residen­ tial p a t t e r n s a n d i n t e r n a l m o b i l i t y . T h e impact of L o n d o n o n the inner ring of H o m e Counties and 56

Harvey is said to 'have made history by inspiring fifty wives of London voters to form a group to raise funds for him and to assist in other ways, the earliest known case of women participating in Colchester polities', ibid., p. 79.

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o n t h o s e b e y o n d in t h e m i d - n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y w a s c l e a r l y n o t s i m p l y a m a t t e r o f g e o g r a p h i c p r o p i n q u i t y , b u t w a s r e l a t e d to m a n y o t h e r factors n o t l e a s t t h e c i r c u m s t a n c e s p r e v a i l i n g in t h e ' r e c e i v i n g ' locality, a n d t h e t y p e o f i n v o l v e m e n t s o u g h t b y L o n d o n e r s o n t h e m o v e . It is t h e d i v e r s i t y o f L o n d o n ' s i m p a c t a n d t h e r e s i l i e n c e o f local w a y s in life t h a t is m o s t striking: C o b b e t t ' s v i e w o f t h e u n r e m i t t i n g , undiffer­ entiated absorption of neighbouring areas b y relentlessly expanding a n d m u l t i p l y i n g s u b u r b s is p o l e m i c a l r a t h e r t h a n factual. A t t h e s a m e t i m e , h o w e v e r , r e c e n t statistical g e n e r a l i s a t i o n s at c o u n t y l e v e l s u g g e s t a g r e a t e r d e g r e e o f e c o n o m i c i n t e g r a t i o n t h a n w a s a p p a r e n t to m a n y at t h e t i m e .

Demographic

transition

I n m a n y r e s p e c t s 1 8 7 1 r e p r e s e n t s a d e m o g r a p h i c w a t e r s h e d for L o n ­ d o n a n d its n e i g h b o u r i n g c o u n t i e s , for b y t h a t d a t e t h e a r e a w a s b e g i n ­ n i n g t o s h o w a b u o y a n t a n d s e l f - g e n e r a t i n g g r o w t h in t e r m s o f p o p u l a t i o n , as m u c h as in e c o n o m i c activity. T h e 1 8 7 1 c e n s u s w a s t h e last o n e to r e c o r d p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e s in t h e i n n e r a r e a t h a t w a s to b e c o m e t h e A d m i n i s t r a t i v e C o u n t y o f L o n d o n a l t h o u g h o v e r a l l , L o n d o n and the H o m e Counties were growing rapidly and remained t h e l a r g e s t n a t i o n a l f o c u s for m i g r a n t s . T h e p r o p o r t i o n o f m i g r a n t s in L o n d o n ' s p o p u l a t i o n w a s falling, h o w e v e r , as t h e b i r t h r a t e r o s e above the national average b e t w e e n 1 8 6 5 - 1 8 7 0 and the death rate b e g a n to fall. Assessments

of

London's

demographic

structure

from

1840

o n w a r d s rest o n w h a t W r i g l e y h a s c a l l e d t h e ' d e l u s i v e clarity a n d a p p a r e n t a u t h o r i t y ' o f official statistics - p r i m a r i l y t h e c e n s u s ( w h e r e the n a m e s of h o u s e h o l d m e m b e r s were recorded from 1841) and the r e c o r d s o f t h e R e g i s t r a r G e n e r a l o f B i r t h s a n d D e a t h s (from 1 8 3 6 ) .

5 7

E m b a r r a s s i n g as t h e s e s o u r c e s are in t h e i r s h e e r b u l k , h i s t o r i a n s h a v e b e e n d e v i s i n g t e c h n i q u e s for c l a s s i f y i n g a n d m a r s h a l l i n g t h e s e s e t s of d a t a , a n d for d e v e l o p i n g a p p r o p r i a t e e x p l a n a t o r y f r a m e w o r k s . A s e r i o u s p r o b l e m for L o n d o n h i s t o r i a n s is t h a t m a n y o f t h e t e c h n i q u e s t h a t h a v e b e e n d e v e l o p e d for c e n s u s a n a l y s i s - for e x a m p l e , s a m p l i n g , a n d f a m i l y o r h o u s e h o l d r e c o n s t r u c t i o n - are v e r y difficult t o a p p l y in s u c h a l a r g e a n d h e t e r o g e n e o u s city. T h e c e n s u s p e r m i t s L o n d o n h i s t o r i a n s t o identify g e n e r a l d e m o g r a p h i c t r e n d s a n d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , 57

E. A. Wrigley, 'Baptism Coverage in Early Nineteenth Century England', Population Studies, 29 (1975), pp. 229-316.

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Counties

b u t t h e s e m e r e l y ' s e t t h e s t a g e ' for a n e x p l o r a t i o n o f t h e c i r c u m s t a n c e s surrounding the population changes. This kind of explanation has p r o v e d v e r y difficult, a n d v e r y f e w a t t e m p t s h a v e b e e n m a d e

to

explore t h e process of d e m o g r a p h i c c h a n g e in relation to particular areas or occupational g r o u p s .

5 8

The value and limitations of the n e w demographic techniques can be illustrated b y Friedlander's study of inter-censal migration b e t w e e n the counties of south-east E n g l a n d .

5 9

flows

Friedlander shows the

changing pattern of origin a n d destination of L o n d o n migrants from 1 8 5 1 to 1 9 5 1 . I n t h e 1 8 4 0 s , L o n d o n a n d M i d d l e s e x g a i n e d p o p u l a t i o n at t h e e x p e n s e o f t h e a d j a c e n t c o u n t i e s o f E s s e x , S u r r e y a n d K e n t . T h o u g h there w e r e s o m e early signs of population dispersal

from

L o n d o n to Middlesex, the d o m i n a n t feature w a s o n e of massive p o p u ­ lation concentration in t h e centre. M o s t migrants to L o n d o n , h o w e v e r , t r a v e l l e d o n l y s h o r t d i s t a n c e s e v e n after t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f r a i l w a y s . Important migration

flows

are established b y Friedlander, yet his

explicit a s s u m p t i o n s c l e a r l y s h o w t h a t h e r e t o o t h e r e is a ' d e c e p t i v e clarity'. In constructing his analytical framework, Friedlander adopts the following conventions. 1. A p e r s o n w h o m o v e s a n d t h e n d i e s i n t h e i n t e r - c e n s a l p e r i o d is d e e m e d o n l y t o d i e , a n d t o d o s o i n h i s l o c a l i t y at t h e f o r m e r c e n s u s . 2. A p e r s o n m o v i n g from K to L , a n d t h e n L to M in an inter-censal p e r i o d is d e e m e d t o h a v e m o v e d o n l y f r o m K t o M . 3. If a n a t i v e o f a n y c o u n t y m o v e s f r o m K t o L a n d a n o t h e r n a t i v e of t h e s a m e c o u n t y m o v e s f r o m L t o K , n o m o v e m e n t is a s s u m e d . This ' s m o o t h i n g ' of the data distorts the s u b s e q u e n t analysis to an u n k n o w n e x t e n t : t h e s e u n k n o w n s a r e c o m p o u n d e d b y t h e fact t h a t t h e c e n s u s itself r e c o r d s n o i n t e r v e n i n g m o v e s w i t h i n d e c a d e s , t h u s l i m i t i n g t h e c o m p l e t e n e s s o f t h e r a w d a t a itself. S u c h a n a l y s i s c a n 58

59

Census studies show 'a marked concentration on localities in Lancashire, Yorkshire and the East Midlands' according to C. G. Pearce and D. R. Mills, Census Enumerators' Books: An Annotated Bibliography of Published Work Based Substantially on the Nineteenth Century Census Enumerators' Books (Milton Keynes, 1982), p. vi. The Home Counties in particular have received little attention. They are (a) Essex: Colchester (L. Davidoff), Elmdon (J. Robin) and Little Beddow (S. V. Rowley); (b) Kent: Margate (L. Davidoff), Preston-next-Faversham (K. Duffy), Ramsgate (R. Holmes), Sheergate (N. Buck); and (c) Middlesex: Ealing (D. Thompson). The Inner London Suburbs feature in several publications, they are: Bethnal Green (B. Coleman), Camberwell (H. J. Dyos), Highbury (T. Hinchcliffe), Hoxton (B. Knott), Kensington (P. Malcolmson), North Lambeth (H. C. Binford), and five inner parishes (L. Lees). D. Friedlander, 'London's Urban Transition, 1851-1951', Urban Studies, 2 (1974), pp. 127-41.

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t h r o w n o light o n t h e q u e s t i o n s r a i s e d b y H o l m e s in h i s s t u d y o f R a m s g a t e about the strength of 'counter-currents' b e t w e e n the seaside t o w n a n d L o n d o n , n o r a b o u t t h e e x t e n t o f direct m o v e s via L o n d o n into R a m s g a t e - a p h e n o m e n o n suggested b y data on the birthplace of y o u n g e s t c h i l d r e n .

60

Within these limitations, Friedlander's decennial county level analy­ sis s h o w s t h e i n t e r c o n n e c t i o n s b e t w e e n i m m i g r a t i o n flows i n t o a n d within L o n d o n and the surrounding counties. Sub-division below c o u n t y l e v e l is n o t a t t e m p t e d b u t , n e v e r t h e l e s s , F r i e d l a n d e r p r e s e n t s a s e r i e s o f s n a p s h o t s o f t h e aerial v a r i a t i o n o f m i g r a t i o n f l o w s a n d c o n f i r m s t h e a b s o r p t i o n o f s u r r o u n d i n g c o u n t i e s like S u r r e y a n d M i d ­ dlesex into the L o n d o n migration z o n e . B y 1871, the expanding area of a t t r a c t i o n for L o n d o n m i g r a n t s h a d r e a c h e d D o r s e t , S o m e r s e t a n d D e v o n , w h i l e t h e p r e f e r r e d r e c e p t i o n a r e a s h a d b e g u n to shift f r o m L o n d o n a n d M i d d l e s e x to a d j a c e n t c o u n t i e s . W h i l e l o n g - d i s t a n c e m i g r a t i o n to L o n d o n f r o m E n g l i s h c o u n t i e s w a s g r o w i n g b y 1 8 7 1 , t h a t f r o m I r e l a n d w a s falling: t h e 1 8 4 0 s h a d s e e n a t r e m e n d o u s I r i s h e x o d u s f o l l o w i n g s u c c e s s i v e failures of t h e p o t a t o h a r v e s t . I n t h e d e c a d e 1 8 4 1 - 5 1 , o u t o f a n e s t i m a t e d total o f 3 3 0 , 0 0 0 n e w m i g r a n t s a r r i v i n g in L o n d o n , 4 6 , 0 0 0 w e r e ' e x i l e s of E r i n ' .

6 1

By

1 8 5 1 , t h e r e w e r e s o m e 1 0 9 , 0 0 0 Irish l i v i n g in L o n d o n , n o l e s s t h a n 4 . 6 p e r c e n t o f t h e m e t r o p o l i t a n p o p u l a t i o n . F r o m t h a t p e a k , t h e Irish p r o p o r t i o n d e c l i n e d , a n d t h e n u m b e r s a r r i v i n g fell to 1 4 , 0 0 0 i n t h e 1 8 5 0 s , w i t h a s l i g h t r i s e t o 1 9 , 0 0 0 in t h e 1 8 6 0 s . S u c h figures e x c l u d e E n g l i s h - b o r n c h i l d r e n , s o t h e total n u m b e r o f Irish r e s i d e n t s m i g h t w e l l h a v e b e e n 5 0 p e r c e n t h i g h e r , as L y n n L e e s h a s

suggested.

6 2

I n m a n y w a y s , t h e Irish s e e m to h a v e r e v e r s e d t h e c o m m o n p a t t e r n s of m i g r a t i o n i n E n g l a n d . W h e r e a s E n g l i s h u r b a n m i g r a n t s m o s t fre­ q u e n t l y m o v e d s h o r t d i s t a n c e s , p r o v i n g t h e m s e l v e s in s m a l l e r a n d l e s s c o m p l i c a t e d t o w n s b e f o r e m o v i n g o n to t h e l a r g e r c e n t r e s , t h e I r i s h l e a p t s t r a i g h t to L o n d o n . T h o u g h p o o r l y s u i t e d to t h e c a p i t a l b y skills, c o n t a c t s a n d e x p e r i e n c e , t h e I r i s h u r b a n s c e n e offered t h e rural migrants n o easier alternatives. Pitched into L o n d o n ' s casual l a b o u r m a r k e t , t h e Irish f o r m e d c l o s e c o m m u n i t i e s in t h e ' r o o k e r i e s ' 60

61

62

Holmes, 'Continuity and Change: Ramsgate 1851-1871', p. 201. Holmes found that the youngest child of migrants to Ramsgate was three times as likely to be Londonborn as the head of the household, and suggests that this might be due to indirect moves via London. H. A. Shannnon, 'Migration and the Growth of London 1841-91', Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 5 (1955), p. 81. L . H. Lees, 'Social Change and Social Stability among the London Irish, 1830-1870' (unpublished PhD thesis, Harvard, 1969).

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of t h e c e n t r a l districts - t h e n o t o r i o u s S t G i l e s a r e a o f H o l b o r n , t h e S e v e n Dials and the riverside parish of St O l a v e ' s , east of L o n d o n B r i d g e . S o m e Irish e n c l a v e s a l s o f o r m e d in s u b u r b a n a r e a s s u c h as N o r t h K e n s i n g t o n a n d N o r t h C a m b e r w e l l w h e r e t h e r e w e r e local s h o r t a g e s for u n s k i l l e d l a b o u r , e s p e c i a l l y in b u i l d i n g . T h e i r i s o l a t i o n w a s n o t , h o w e v e r , total: r e c e n t r e s e a r c h b a s e d o n 1 8 5 1 a n d 1 8 6 1 c e n s u s d a t a h a s s h o w n h o w Irish s e t t l e r s c a m e to a d o p t s i m i l a r fertility p a t ­ t e r n s to L o n d o n e r s in g e n e r a l - m a r r y i n g y o u n g e r , b u t n e v e r t h e l e s s h a v i n g f e w e r c h i l d r e n t h a n t h e i r c o u n t r y m e n in r u r a l I r e l a n d .

Employment

and

63

unemployment

A p a r t i c u l a r v a l u e o f t h e Irish s t u d i e s is t h a t t h e y p r o v i d e a ' t r a c e r ' flowing along well-marked channels which s h o w b y their surges and d i v e r s i o n s t h e a r e a s o f flux a n d stability in L o n d o n ' s social a n d e c o n ­ o m i c s t r u c t u r e . I n p a r t i c u l a r , c o n c e n t r a t i o n s o f I r i s h s e t t l e m e n t act as p o i n t e r s , d r a w i n g a t t e n t i o n t o t h e b a s i c s t r u c t u r e o f t h e L o n d o n l a b o u r m a r k e t , w i t h its h i g h l e v e l o f u n e m p l o y m e n t a n d c a s u a l l a b o u r . W h e r e v e r t h e Irish s e t t l e d , t h e i r p r e s e n c e i n d i c a t e d a m a r k e t for unskilled, itinerant workers, bordering always o n destitution

and

c r i m e . T h e d o c k s , t h e m a r k e t s , t h e brickfields a n d t h e W e s t E n d s t r e e t s offered e m p l o y m e n t o f t h i s k i n d t o ' e v e r y o n e (for t h e w o r k n e e d s n o t r a i n i n g ) w h o w a n t s a loaf, a n d w h o is w i l l i n g to w o r k for i t ' . E m p l o y m e n t in the capital w a s sporadic a n d

fiercely

6 4

competitive -

t h e 1 8 5 1 c e n s u s s h o w e d a l m o s t h a l f L o n d o n ' s p o p u l a t i o n to b e w i t h ­ o u t f o r m a l e m p l o y m e n t . C l o s e d to all e x c e p t t h e m o s t p e r s i s t e n t a n d f o r t u n a t e , w e r e t h e e m p l o y m e n t n e t w o r k s for c r a f t s m e n a n d p r o ­ fessionals, each with their o w n codes and rules of entry: n e w migrants 'knowing excluded.

no-one,

nor

being

known

to

any'

were

particularly

6 5

E a c h e m p l o y m e n t g r o u p d e v e l o p e d v e r y specific m e c h a n i s m s a n d p a t h w a y s for n e w r e c r u i t s . F o r w o m e n , t h e m a i n p a t h w a y s l e d t o domestic

service and

to p r o s t i t u t i o n :

indeed,

the

two

virtually

a m o u n t e d to t h e s a m e t h i n g i n s o m e w e a l t h i e r h o u s e h o l d s .

6 6

The

1861 c e n s u s recorded a quarter of a million domestic servants in 63

64

65

66

L. H. Lees and J. Modell, 'The Irish Countryman Urbanized: A Comparative Perspec­ tive on the Famine Migration', Journal of Urban History, 3 (1977). Henry Mayhew and John Binney, The Criminal Prisons of London and the Scenes of Prison Life (1862), quoted in Sheppard, Infernal Wen, p. 364. William Lovett, The Life and Struggles of William Lovett in his Pursuit of Bread, Knowledge and Freedom (1876), quoted in Sheppard, Infernal Wen, p. 3. See above p. 478.

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L o n d o n , o f w h o m five-sixths w e r e w o m e n , m a n y o f t h e m r e c e n t m i g r a n t s . I n all, o n e i n e v e r y six L o n d o n w o m e n w e r e

employed

in domestic service: of t h o s e in paid e m p l o y m e n t , t h e proportion w a s n e a r e r t w o - t h i r d s . T h e v a s t m a j o r i t y o f o t h e r L o n d o n j o b s w e r e strictly male preserves, with the exception of the clothing trade. O n e large g r o u p o f w o m e n u s e d t h e h o m e itself t o i n c r e a s e f a m i l y i n c o m e s b y t a k i n g in l o d g e r s , e s p e c i a l l y t h e c l e r k s a n d s h o p a s s i s t a n t s w h o s o u g h t a c c o m m o d a t i o n i n districts like K e n s i n g t o n a n d C a m b e r w e l l .

6 7

M a n y s k i l l e d a n d s e m i - s k i l l e d w o r k e r s s o u g h t to e s t a b l i s h a n d m a i n ­ tain L o n d o n - w i d e conditions of e m p l o y m e n t a n d w a g e rates, but the size a n d d i v e r s i t y o f t h e l a b o u r m a r k e t l e d i n s t e a d to a g o o d d e a l of l o c a l i s a t i o n . N e v e r t h e l e s s , a s H o b s b a w m h a s p o i n t e d o u t , t h e r e is g r e a t s i g n i f i c a n c e for t h e h i s t o r i a n i n t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e idea of a s i n g l e , a l l - L o n d o n district for w a g e s a n d c o n d i t i o n s , a c o n c e p t w h i c h never d e v e l o p e d in a n y of the other c o n u r b a t i o n s .

6 8

Trade-

u n i o n L o n d o n did not coincide with administrative boundaries - the Metropolitan Police District, the Metropolitan B o a r d of W o r k s , or the L o n d o n P o s t a l D i s t r i c t - b u t w a s u s u a l l y r e p r e s e n t e d a s a circle o f given radius from C h a r i n g Cross: the radius w a s e x p a n d e d as the c e n t u r y p r o g r e s s e d , e v e n t u a l l y o u t s t r i p p i n g for s o m e t r a d e s e v e n t h e n e w l y c r e a t e d a d m i n i s t r a t i v e a n d political b o u n d a r i e s . B y 1 8 5 5 , t h e L o n d o n c o m p o s i t o r s w e r e c l a i m i n g a n a r e a of 1 5 m i l e s f r o m C h a r i n g C r o s s , p l u s s o m e i s o l a t e d p l a c e s f u r t h e r afield: i n 1 8 7 7 t h e b r i c k l a y e r s w e r e using a 12-mile radius. Again, incorporation in the metropolitan w a g e structure w a s not defined b y the built-up area, nor b y geographi­ cal p r o p i n q u i t y : a b s o r p t i o n r e f l e c t e d e c o n o m i c r e a l i t y t h a t w a s n o t spatially defined, but w a s d e t e r m i n e d b y patterns of interaction. T h e tailors, for e x a m p l e , w e r e c o n t e n t t o e n f o r c e w a g e r a t e s o v e r a v e r y s m a l l district (reflecting t h e i r c o n c e n t r a t i o n in c e n t r a l L o n d o n

and

their w e a k , female, s w e a t e d labour force); printers o n the other h a n d s o u g h t t o e s t a b l i s h a m u c h w i d e r district (reflecting t h e d e c e n t r a l i s a ­ t i o n o f t h e i r t r a d e ) . W h e r e d e m a n d for l a b o u r w a s s t r o n g , as it w a s for c a r p e n t e r s , t r a d e s u s e d t h e i r b a r g a i n i n g p o w e r t o w i d e n t h e a r e a of s t a n d a r d w a g e s , a n d t h e s e g r o u p s r e a c h e d E a l i n g i n t h e w e s t , W o o d G r e e n in t h e n o r t h , a n d G r e e n w i c h a n d F o r e s t Hill in t h e Even

67

68

among

some

unskilled,

unorganised

occupations

south.

such

as

L. Davidoff, 'Separation of Home and Work?', in S. Burman, ed., Fit Work for Women (1979), pp. 64-97. E . J. Hobsbawm, T h e Nineteenth Century London Labour Market', in R. Glass,

ed., London: Aspects of Change (1964), pp. 3-28.

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London and the Home Counties

503

b u i l d i n g , a m e t r o p o l i t a n l e v e l o f w a g e s a n d c o n d i t i o n s c a m e to b e accepted b y m e n a n d employers alike. U p to the 1870s, h o w e v e r , w h e n c h e a p a n d w i d e s p r e a d public trans­ port was introduced,

local s u b - d i v i s i o n s p e r s i s t e d in t h e

labour

m a r k e t . F o r m o s t u n s k i l l e d w o r k e r s , 'all t h a t l a y b e y o n d a t i n y circle of p e r s o n a l a c q u a i n t a n c e o r w a l k i n g d i s t a n c e w a s d a r k n e s s ' .

6 9

Lovett

describes the 'footsore and h u n g r y ' walking about that h e and three f e l l o w - C o r n i s h m e n w e r e e n g a g e d in d a y after d a y d u r i n g t h e i r s e a r c h for

work.

M o r e settled searchers, whether

skilled or

unskilled,

d e p e n d e d l a r g e l y o n h e a r s a y a n d p e r s o n a l t i p s , s o t h a t f r o m t h e indivi­ dual w o r k e r ' s point of v i e w the metropolitan ideal faded before the reality o f a m u c h m o r e l o c a l i s e d p a t t e r n o f e m p l o y m e n t . E v e n t h e u n i o n s r e c o g n i s e d a s u b - d i v i s i o n i n t o districts, o f t e n c o i n c i d i n g w i t h b r a n c h b o u n d a r i e s , a n d reflecting a b o v e all a tripartite d i v i s i o n i n t o north and west, north and east, and south regions. T h e boundaries b e t w e e n t h e s e districts w e r e m a r k e d b y t h e T h a m e s , a n d b y t h e w i d e w e d g e o f b u s i n e s s districts ( t h e C i t y a n d H o l b o r n ) , o p e n s p a c e s a n d high-class residential areas (Highgate and Hampstead) running out from the centre to the north. E a c h o f t h e s e districts differed in i d e o l o g i c a l a n d political c h a r a c t e r , a n d represented very real divisions b e t w e e n L o n d o n ' s working-class a r e a s . T h e s o u t h h a d a p a r t i c u l a r l y s t r o n g radical c h a r a c t e r , h a v i n g t h e l a r g e s t c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f t r a d e u n i o n i s t s a n d activists in t h e m e t r o ­ polis. W e s t e r n working-class L o n d o n , on the other hand, was 'merely a g e o g r a p h i c a l c a t e g o r y ' a n d e v e n e a s t L o n d o n w a s Tittle m o r e t h a n a trade unionist desert, an a m o r p h o u s z o n e of w e a k a n d fluctuating o r g a n i s a t i o n u n i t e d o n l y b y its g e n e r a l p o v e r t y ' .

7 0

Despite the desire

for m e t r o p o l i t a n w a g e r a t e s , t h e reality w a s o f l o c a l i s e d a n d c a p r i c i o u s v a r i a t i o n s w h i c h s o m e t i m e s b o r d e r e d o n total i n c o h e r e n c e . O n e c a n n o t t h e r e f o r e v i s u a l i s e L o n d o n as a h i g h p l a t e a u o f w a g e r a t e s , e x e r c i s i n g s o m e g e n e r a l i n f l u e n c e o v e r t h e s i t u a t i o n in n e i g h ­ bouring counties. W h a t that situation was remains unclear, but Hobsb a w m ' s g e n e r a l o u t l i n e is still w o r t h c o n s i d e r i n g e s p e c i a l l y n o w t h a t s o m e local a c c o u n t s o f w a g e r a t e s h a v e a l s o b e c o m e a v a i l a b l e . K e n t s e e m s to have h a d closer links with the L o n d o n labour market than any of the other H o m e Counties. Nevertheless, the influence w a s b y n o m e a n s all o n e w a y : t h e e x t e n t o f rural u n e m p l o y m e n t

69

Ibid., p. 8.

70

Ibid., pp. 12-13.

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and

504

P. L. GARSIDE

u n d e r e m p l o y m e n t in K e n t , a m o u n t i n g to p e n u r y for s o m e t h i r d o f t h e l a b o u r f o r c e p r o d u c e d n o t o n l y t h e ' S w i n g ' riots o f t h e 1 8 3 0 s , b u t a l s o r e l a t i v e l y lower w a g e r a t e s in s o u t h - e a s t L o n d o n at t h e p o i n t of e n t r y for K e n t i s h m i g r a n t s .

7 1

North a n d westwards from L o n d o n ,

t h e m e t r o p o l i t a n effect w a s l e s s m a r k e d . M o s t s t r i k i n g p e r h a p s are the tentacles which linked L o n d o n with remoter parts of the country, especially w h e r e sea links w e r e strong. In 1853, C o l c h e s t e r ' s building w o r k e r s , for e x a m p l e , s e c u r e d a n i n c r e a s e o f 4 - 6 d . a d a y to b r i n g t h e i r w a g e s a little n e a r e r L o n d o n r a t e s . O t h e r d a t a , a d m i t t e d l y frag­ mentary, suggest a pattern of influence through a series of j u m p s to m a j o r c e n t r e s a r o u n d t h e c o a s t o f t h e n o r t h , s o u t h a n d e a s t , a n d e v e n as far afield as B r i s t o l a n d S o u t h W a l e s .

Places and classes The primary focus of this section h a s b e e n the significance of L o n d o n in t h e life o f t h e r e g i o n a n d o f t h e n a t i o n as a w h o l e . T h i s e m p h a s i s is j u s t i f i a b l e g i v e n t h e o v e r a l l c o n c e r n o f t h e v o l u m e for t h e i n t e r a c t i o n of l o c a l i t i e s , r e g i o n s a n d n a t i o n a l life. It a l s o reflects t h e fact t h a t t h e e n i g m a o f L o n d o n ' s w i d e r i n f l u e n c e h a s r e c e n t l y b e e n e v a l u a t e d in s o m e p a r t i c u l a r l y i n n o v a t i v e r e s e a r c h . I n t h e p e r i o d to b e c o n s i d e r e d n e x t , h o w e v e r , t h e h a l f - c e n t u r y after 1 8 7 0 , t h e f o c u s h a s to c h a n g e . L o n d o n ' s o w n d o m e s t i c p r o b l e m s w e r e to f o r c e t h e m s e l v e s f o r w a r d as the n a t i o n a l i s s u e s o f t h e m o m e n t . I n t h e 1 8 8 0 s a n d 1 8 9 0 s p r o b l e m s of u n e m p l o y m e n t , p o v e r t y , h o u s i n g a n d l a w a n d o r d e r w e r e to b e v i e w e d through the prism of the L o n d o n experience. Nevertheless, t h e p o l i c i e s d e v i s e d to m e e t t h e s e m e t r o p o l i t a n p r o b l e m s w e r e to b e applied t h r o u g h national legislation to the w h o l e of the country. In m a n y w a y s , t h e f e a t u r e o f L o n d o n life w h i c h d i s t i n g u i s h e s t h e p r e - 1 8 7 0 p e r i o d f r o m t h e o n e t h a t f o l l o w e d is t h e n a t u r e o f t h e r e l a t i o n ­ ship within a n d b e t w e e n the social classes, particularly that of the middle and the working classes. With the burgeoning of L o n d o n ' s o w n s e r v i c e s e c t o r , t h e m e t r o p o l i s c a m e to d i s p l a y ' a n a g g r e g a t e o f p e r s o n s o f m i d d l e r a n k c o l l e c t e d in o n e s p o t . . . T h e like o f w h i c h exists in n o other spot o n earth.'

71

I n c o n s e q u e n c e , t h e fabric o f

T. L. Richardson, 'The Agricultural Labourers' Standard of Living in Kent, 17901840', in D. J. Oddy and D. S. Miller, The Making of the Modern British Diet (1976), pp. 103-16.

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London and the Home

Counties

505

L o n d o n ' s inner areas w a s physically and architecturally transformed. T h e r a i l w a y s a b o v e all p l a y e d t h i s d u a l r o l e - d i s p e r s i n g t h e m i d d l e c l a s s e s to t h e i r a l l o t t e d a d d r e s s e s , e a c h w i t h its o w n

'distinctive

s o u n d ' a n d concentrating the w o r k i n g classes in the ever-more c o m ­ pacted centre.

7 2

T h e building and operation of transport services,

d e p a r t m e n t s t o r e s , p a r k s a n d p l e a s u r e g a r d e n s , m u s e u m s a n d galler­ ies p u s h e d t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s e s ' f u r t h e r d o w n a n d d o w n ' a n d h e l d t h e m t h e r e b y t h e d e m a n d for c a s u a l a n d s e a s o n a l l a b o u r t h a t w a s generated.

7 3

F o r t h e t i m e b e i n g , h o w e v e r , t h e s i t u a t i o n a n d its i m p l i ­

cations were hidden. M a s t e r m a n e m p l o y e d the powerful image of t h e r a i l w a y v i a d u c t s to c o n v e y t h e e a s e w i t h w h i c h t h e m i d d l e c l a s s e s r o s e a b o v e t h e n e t h e r w o r l d o f t h e s l u m s in r e a c h i n g t h e i r j o b s a n d p l e a s u r e s in t h e h e a r t o f t h e m e t r o p o l i s .

74

A s t h e e a r l i e r p a s s i o n for

exact k n o w l e d g e of the circumstances of the urban poor faded and the j o u r n a l i s m of M a y h e w replaced the social analysis of Disraeli, the relationship b e t w e e n the classes b e c a m e o n e of separation and i g n o r a n c e . R e g a r d e d as a p u b l i c s p e c t a c l e b y s o m e a n d as a n o b j e c t of c h a r i t y b y a f e w , L o n d o n ' s s l u m c o m m u n i t i e s r e m a i n e d u n t o u c h e d by the middle class a n d developed their o w n distinctiveness and value systems. E v e n the early Victorian obsession with urban waned,

disorder

as the formation of the Metropolitan Police provided

the

m e a n s for a c h i e v i n g s o c i a l stability t h r o u g h a ' c o n s i d e r a b l e d e g r e e of b u r e a u c r a t i c i n t e r v e n t i o n i n daily l i f e ' .

75

The middle classes t u r n e d in o n t h e m s e l v e s to explore a n d c o m e t o t e r m s w i t h t h e i r o w n i n t e r n a l p r o b l e m s o f s o c i a l c o h e s i o n a n d differ­ entiation. A s the gap b e t w e e n slum-dwellers and the rest of society w i d e n e d , m o r e a n d m o r e s t e p s a p p e a r e d i n t h e s o c i a l l a d d e r at t h e h i g h e r l e v e l s , a n d t h e g a p s b e t w e e n t h e s t e p s o c c u r r e d at s m a l l e r i n t e r v a l s . S o c i a l a n d g e o g r a p h i c a l m o b i l i t y c r e a t e d t h e n e e d for t h e 'paraphernalia of gentility' to define propriety, d e c o r u m a n d proper b e h a v i o u r for e a c h s t a t u s g r o u p . T h i s n e e d f o u n d s o c i a l e x p r e s s i o n i n i n t r i c a t e rituals o f e t i q u e t t e , a n d p h y s i c a l e x p r e s s i o n i n t h e v a r i e d location and form of suburbs, and the facade and ornamentation of

72 73

74 75

H. McLeod, Class and Religion in the Mid-Victorian City (1974), p. 2. H. J. Dyos, 'The Slums of Victorian London', Victorian Studies, 11 (1968) (reprinted in D. Cannadine and D. Reeder, eds., Exploring the Urban Past (Cambridge, 1982), p. 149). Ibid., p. 142. H. Cunningham, 'The Metropolitan Fairs: A Case Study in the Social Control of Leisure', in A. P. Donajgrodzki, ed., Social Control in Nineteenth Century Britain (1977).

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506

P. L . G A R S I D E

houses.

7 6

B y negotiating their w a y through the labyrinth of rules

g o v e r n i n g social a c c e p t a n c e o r r e j e c t i o n , n e w c o m e r s s o u g h t t o e s t a b ­ lish t h e i r p l a c e i n L o n d o n ' s o c i e t y ' . The calling-card s y s t e m protected the sanctity of the h o m e as the h e a r t o f m i d d l e - c l a s s p r i v a t e a n d social life. O p p o r t u n i t i e s for a m u s e ­ m e n t s , h o w e v e r , increasingly took the middle class out of doors, into t h e ' r e l a t i v e l y u n s t r u c t u r e d a r e a i n l i f e - s p a c e ' , g i v i n g r i s e to r e n e w e d anxieties about status boundaries w h i c h w e r e easily b r e a c h e d in these pleasurable but unprotected leisure a r e n a s .

7 7

T h e p h y s i c a l a n d social s e p a r a t i o n o f L o n d o n ' s m i d d l e a n d w o r k i n g classes, a n d the size a n d differentiation of b o t h groups h a d a profound i m p a c t o n L o n d o n political life a r o u n d m i d - c e n t u r y : p a r t i c u l a r l y s i g n i ­ ficant w a s t h e c a r d i n a l d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e s k i l l e d a n d u n s k i l l e d s e c t i o n s o f t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s . L o n d o n ' s political o r g a n i s a t i o n a n d will w e r e u n d e r m i n e d b y t h e s e gulfs a n d g r a d a t i o n s d e s p i t e t h e i n v o l v e ­ m e n t in t h e p r o m o t i o n o f n e w i d e a s a n d i n political a g i t a t i o n . I n t h e a f t e r m a t h o f t h e 1 8 3 2 R e f o r m Bill, R o b e r t O w e n f o r m e d t h e G r a n d N a t i o n a l C o n s o l i d a t e d T r a d e s U n i o n i n L o n d o n , o n l y to s e e it r a p i d l y collapse. L o n d o n leadership was noticeably absent from the Chartist m o v e m e n t . T h e a l i e n a t i o n a n d rifts b e t w e e n L o n d o n ' s m i d d l e - a n d w o r k i n g - c l a s s political l e a d e r s c u l m i n a t e d i n l o c k - o u t s i n t h e e n g i n e e r ­ ing a n d building industries. L o n d o n middle-class reformers like Lovett f o u n d t h e m s e l v e s o v e r t a k e n b y t h e m o r e r a d i c a l a n d v i o l e n t political leaders, while L o n d o n ' s labour leaders concentrated on building up their o w n authority through amalgamation and absorption of smaller unions. T h e 1860s saw the foundation of both the L o n d o n Trades Council and the International Working M e n ' s Association, both of w h i c h w e r e u s e d as i n s t r u m e n t s o f political p r e s s u r e at n a t i o n a l a n d international level. L o n d o n ' s role w a s as a source of ideas, rather t h a n as a centre of action. T h e p r o m o t i o n o f r a d i c a l i d e a s in L o n d o n d i d n o t , h o w e v e r , r e s u l t i n t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f r a d i c a l v i e w s about L o n d o n - its d i v e r s i t y h a m ­ p e r e d t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f a m e t r o p o l i t a n political c o n s c i o u s n e s s , a n d gave 76

77

rise to

a disjuncture

between

administrative

and

political

L . Davidoff, The Best Circles: Society, Etiquette and the Season (1973). T. Hinchcliffe, 'Highbury New Park: A Nineteenth Century Middle-Class Suburb', London Journal, 7 (1981). H. J. Dyos and D. A. Reeder, 'Slums and Suburbs', in H. J. Dyos and M. Wolff, eds., The Victorian City, vol. 1: Images and Realities (1973). S. Muthesius, The English Terraced House (1982). P. Bailey, ' " A Mingled Mass of Perfectly Legitimate Pleasures": The Victorian Middle Class and the Problem of Leisure', Victorian Studies, 21 (1977).

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L o n d o n . F o r c e r t a i n p r a c t i c a l p u r p o s e s , it is t r u e , L o n d o n c a m e to b e t r e a t e d as a w h o l e after 1 8 2 0 . S e w e r a g e , p o l i c e , c a s u a l w a r d s for v a g r a n t s , a s y l u m s a n d p r o v i s i o n for t h e s i c k p o o r - all t h e s e w e r e c o n s i d e r e d a p p r o p r i a t e for u n i f i e d t r e a t m e n t a c r o s s t h e m e t r o p o l i s . Y e t as l a t e as 1 8 5 5 , The Times j u d g e d t h a t L o n d o n w a s ' r e n t i n t o a n affinity o f d i v i s i o n s , districts a n d a r e a s . . . W i t h i n t h e m e t r o p o l i t a n l i m i t s , t h e l o c a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n is c a r r i e d o n b y n o f e w e r t h a n 3 0 0 different b o d i e s d e r i v i n g p o w e r s f r o m a b o u t 2 5 0 different local A c t s /

7 8

L o n d o n h a d failed to p a s s t h r o u g h t h e m u n i c i p a l r e v o l u t i o n o f 1 8 3 5 , and although Chadwick's 1847 report on the Health of the Metropolis l e d to t h e i m m e d i a t e s e t t i n g u p o f t h e M e t r o p o l i t a n C o m m i s s i o n o f S e w e r s , y e t d i s c r e d i t q u i c k l y f o l l o w e d after t h e m i s h a n d l i n g o f t h e 1848 cholera epidemic. E v e n w h e n the Metropolitan Board of W o r k s w a s s e t u p in 1 8 5 5 , C h a d w i c k c o m p l a i n e d t h a t P a r l i a m e n t h a d i g n o r e d ' T h e e x p e r i e n c e o f evils a r i s i n g f r o m t h e w a n t o f u n i t y i n t h e m e t r o p o ­ lis.'

7 9

Instead, the Metropolitan M a n a g e m e n t Act w a s said to repre­

sent the 'definitive t r i u m p h of the vestry m o v e m e n t ' .

8 0

Nevertheless,

t h e glorification o f L o n d o n ' s l o c a l l e a d e r s w a s i n c o m p l e t e - at l e a s t o u t s i d e t h e C i t y a n d its C o r p o r a t i o n , v e s t r y m e n c o u l d n o t c l a i m politi­ cal p a r i t y w i t h p r o v i n c i a l t o w n s . F u r t h e r m o r e , a s t h e M e t r o p o l i t a n B o a r d o f W o r k s s t e a d i l y e x p a n d e d its activities, t h e m u l t i - f a c e t e d f u n c ­ t i o n a l u n i t o f t h e m e t r o p o l i s w a s u n d e r l i n e d . A f o c u s for m e t r o p o l i t a n consciousness w a s being created, stimulating visions a n d images of a future L o n d o n w h i c h s e e m e d b o t h p o e t i c a n d p r a c t i c a l .

in

'THE N E W URBAN

HOME

COUNTIES

REGION':

LONDON

AND

THE

1870-1918

Forget six counties overhung with smoke, Forget the snorting steam and piston stroke, Forget the spreading of the hideous town; Think rather of the pack-horse on the down, And dream of London, small, and white and clean, The clear Thames bordered by its gardens green. William Morris, The Wanderer T h e e n d of the n i n e t e e n t h century clearly represented a turning point i n L o n d o n ' s d e v e l o p m e n t - b y 1 8 9 1 , it h a d g r o w n t o b e t h e l a r g e s t

78

79

80

The Times, 20 March 1855. E . Chadwick, 'London Centralised', Contemporary Review, 45 (1884), p. 794.

S. E. Finer, The Life and Times of Sir Edwin Chadwick (1952), p. 484.

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508

P. L . G A R S I D E

city t h e w o r l d h a d e v e r k n o w n . W i t h a p o p u l a t i o n o f m o r e t h a n 5 . 5 m i l l i o n , L o n d o n w a s five t i m e s m o r e p o p u l o u s t h a n e i t h e r o f its p r o v ­ incial rivals, L i v e r p o o l a n d M a n c h e s t e r , a b s o r b i n g s o m e 2 0 p e r c e n t of t h e p o p u l a t i o n o f E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s . A f t e r 1 8 9 1 , h o w e v e r , t h e p o p u l a t i o n o f L o n d o n ' s c e n t r a l districts b e g a n to fall, a n d e v e n t h e c o n g e s t e d districts o f t h e E a s t E n d b a r e l y r e t a i n e d t h e i r n u m b e r s . B y c o n t r a s t , g r o w t h in t h e a d j o i n i n g c o u n t i e s w a s d r a m a t i c . A s t h e n e w century opened, Essex (36.3 per cent), Surrey (20.5 per cent) a n d K e n t (16.8 per cent) h a d the fastest g r o w t h rates in the c o u n t r y .

8 1

T h e b o u n d a r i e s o f L o n d o n , e v e n in s i m p l e , p h y s i c a l t e r m s h a d b e c o m e o b s c u r e ; m o r e o v e r , m a s s i v e c o m p l e x m o v e m e n t s in g o o d s a n d ser­ v i c e s , a n d i n c r e a s e d p e r s o n a l m o b i l i t y , c h a l l e n g e d t h e n a s c e n t , fragile sense of metropolitan w h o l e n e s s and unity. T h e City of L o n d o n displayed

these paradoxes

most

dramatically -

in 1 8 7 1 , 7 5 0 , 0 0 0

clients a day p o u r e d into the commercial heart of L o n d o n , served by 12 railway stations and 170,000 employees, but fewer than 75,000 residents.

82

T h e scale a n d

intricate i n t e r d e p e n d e n c e

of the ex­

panding metropolis r e a w a k e n e d public concern and u n e a s e and the fifty y e a r s b e t w e e n 1 8 7 0 a n d 1 9 2 0 s a w r e p e a t e d a n d

continually

shifting a t t e m p t s t o c o m p r e h e n d t h e p h e n o m e n a t h a t w a s L o n d o n . The

t a s k w a s n o t o n l y t o a s s e m b l e t h e facts, b u t a l s o to

order

and interpret t h e m - a task which required n e w concepts and termin­ o l o g i e s t o d e s c r i b e w h a t it w a s t h a t w a s h a p p e n i n g t o t h i s ' G r e a t e r L o n d o n ' , itself a t e r m i n v e n t e d for statistical p u r p o s e s i n t h e 1 8 8 1 census.

8 3

The London

phenomenon

A f e w s i m p l e p r o t a g o n i s t s o f L o n d o n c o u l d still b e f o u n d . O n a n i n t e l l e c t u a l p l a n e , its d i v e r s i t y still p r o v i d e d a d a z z l i n g a n d u n e n d i n g spectacle - 'a perennial Nijins N o v g o r o d bazaar, a permanent world's fair'.

84

S u c h a d m i r a t i o n d e r i v e d f r o m L o n d o n ' s r o l e as a w o r l d city,

the commercial a n d cultural h u b of a vast, expanding a n d unrivalled overseas Empire. L o n d o n , D y o s has written, was ' T h e B a b y l o n ' of 81 82

83 84

S. J. Low, 'The Rise of the Suburbs', Contemporary Review, 60 (1891), p. 546. M. Drake, 'The Census 1801-1901', in E. A. Wrigley, Nineteenth-Century Society: Essays in the Use of Quantitative Methods for the Study of Social Data (Cambridge, 1972), p. 19. Dyos, 'Greater and Greater London', p. 46. Quoted in A. Lees, 'The Metropolis and the Intellectual', in A. Sutcliffe, ed., Metropo­ lis 1890-1940 (1984), p. 88.

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the Victorians, displaying a range of both ordinary and extraordinary e v e n t s t h a t w e r e at o n c e w o n d e r f u l a n d t e r r i b l e . A c c o u n t s o f L o n d o n ' s pleasures readily s h a d e d into catalogues of L o n d o n ' s sins, calling u p v i s i o n s o f i n c i p i e n t d i s a s t e r . Jefferies offered o n e s u c h a p o c a l y p t i c v i s i o n i n After London: Or Wild England

( 1 8 8 5 ) . S u b m e r g e d in its o w n

filth as a r e s u l t o f s o m e u n e x p l a i n e d c a t a s t r o p h e , t h e r u i n s o f L o n d o n h a d b e c o m e a s w a m p 'which no m a n dare enter, since death would be his inevitable f a t e ' .

8 5

T h o s e w h o s u r v i v e d t h e d e l u g e are p o r t r a y e d

n o t as n o b l e s a v a g e s i n t h e i r n e w , p r i m i t i v e h a b i t a t , b u t as c o r r u p t e n s l a v e r s . O n e m a n , F e l i x , k e e p s alive t h e h o p e o f a n e w c i v i l i s a t i o n a n d a n e w n o b i l i t y , as h e sails t h e p o l l u t e d w a t e r s a l o n e . O t h e r w r i t e r s , w h i l e s h a r i n g J e f f e r i e s ' s fear o f d i s a s t e r , offered a g r e a t e r h o p e o f r e d e m p t i o n t h r o u g h r e c o n s t r u c t i o n , b o t h p h y s i c a l a n d m o r a l . All w e r e s e e k i n g to g r a s p a n d e x p r e s s t h e totality o f t h e m o d e r n city, e x e m p l i ­ fied i n L o n d o n . H . G . W e l l s p u t h i s faith i n t h e p o w e r o f s c i e n c e to t r a n s f o r m u r b a n life i n t o a g l a s s - d o m e d city s u p p o r t e d b y a n d w h o l l y d e p e n d e n t o n n e w t e c h n o l o g i e s in b u i l d i n g a n d e n e r g y s u p ­ ply.

8 6

To Ebenezer Howard and William Morris, however, the n e w

t e c h n o l o g i e s , e s p e c i a l l y in t r a n s p o r t , s e e m e d to offer a different k i n d of t r a n s f o r m a t i o n - for t h e m , t h e h o p e o f d e c e n t r a l i s i n g a n d b r e a k i n g u p l a r g e cities, e s p e c i a l l y L o n d o n , f o u n d e x p r e s s i o n in G a r d e n C i t y i d e a s w h i c h w e r e first e l a b o r a t e d in t h e 1 8 9 0 s . B y s u c h r e f o r m a t i o n , L o n d o n might yet emerge 'small, and white and clean'. Through reconstruction, the n e w London would embody a n e w 'Social City' b a s e d o n social co-operation a n d social c o h e s i o n . In t h e first d e c a d e s o f t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y , t h e s e i d e a s w e r e e l a b o r ­ ated a n d developed b y t o w n planners w h o s e sights r e m a i n e d set a b o v e all o n L o n d o n a n d its p r o b l e m s . A r t h u r C r o w ' s ' c i t i e s o f h e a l t h ' , G e o r g e Pepler and R a y m o n d U n w i n ' s 'green girdle' and C. B . Purd o m ' s ' n e w t o w n s ' all f o c u s s e d o n L o n d o n - t h e i r u n d e r l y i n g m e s s a g e b e i n g t h a t t h e g i a n t a n d s p r a w l i n g city m u s t a n d s h o u l d b e s t r u c t u r e d a n d c o n t r o l l e d , its s o c i a l a n d e c o n o m i c p r o c e s s e s d i r e c t e d a n d m a n i ­ p u l a t e d , s o t h a t d i s a s t e r c o u l d b e a v e r t e d . T h e i r o n y is t h a t t h e p r o c e s s of L o n d o n ' s g r o w t h c o n t i n u a l l y o u t r a n t h e c o n c e p t s a n d

structures

e v o l v e d to m a n a g e it.

E. Thomas, Richard Jefferies (1977), p. 234. H. G. Wells, When the Sleeper Wakes (1899), revised as The Sleeper Wakes (1910).

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P. L. G A R S I D E

The 'residuum',

revolution and reform

In the 1880s and 1890s, the introduction of n e w m e a n s of c o m m u n i c a ­ t i o n a n d e l e c t r i c p o w e r e n a b l e d L o n d o n t o b e g i n s h e d d i n g its p o p u l a ­ tion and industry,

yet concern was increasingly focussed on the

p r o b l e m s o f t h e c e n t r e - o v e r c r o w d i n g a n d c o n g e s t i o n , ' t h e r a w facts of p o v e r t y , p o o r h o u s i n g a n d s o c i a l m a l a i s e ' .

8 7

Despite the growth

of s u b u r b a n l o w - d e n s i t y , s i n g l e - f a m i l y d w e l l i n g s , t h e u r g e n t d e b a t e s about L o n d o n living a n d w o r k i n g conditions obsessively revolved around the sub-standard and overcrowded h o m e s of the centre and the East End. A g a i n s t a b a c k g r o u n d o f i n c r e a s i n g s o c i a l t u r m o i l a n d fears o f politi­ cal u p h e a v a l a n d a c t u a l r e v o l u t i o n , t w o v e r y different

approaches

t o L o n d o n ' s p r o b l e m s w e r e p r o p o s e d in t h e c l o s i n g d e c a d e s o f t h e nineteenth century. There was, on the one hand, an international s o l u t i o n a n d , o n t h e o t h e r , a l o c a l s o l u t i o n - n o t a b l e b y its a b s e n c e was any solution which acknowledged the regional interdependence of L o n d o n w i t h t h e H o m e C o u n t i e s . A s an intellectual centre, L o n d o n harboured m a n y C o m m u n i s t and a n a r c h i s t t h e o r i s t s . M a n y o f t h e m f o u n d a c t u a l a n d spiritual h o m e s in t h e E a s t E n d , t h e r e b y c e m e n t i n g i n m a n y m i n d s t h e a s s o c i a t i o n b e t w e e n p o v e r t y a n d r e v o l u t i o n . L o n d o n ' s c a s u a l w o r k e r s , suffering m i s e r a b l y f r o m t h e effects o f d e c l i n i n g profits a n d r i s i n g u n e m p l o y ­ m e n t b e t w e e n 1 8 8 3 a n d 1 8 8 7 , s e e m e d a b o u t to fall u n d e r t h e s w a y of socialist o r a t o r s l i k e B u r n s a n d M a n n : e v e n E n g e l s h i m s e l f felt t h a t the great D o c k Strike of 1889 h e r a l d e d the creation of a truly revol­ u t i o n a r y w o r k e r s ' p a r t y in t h e E a s t E n d . ' H o w g l a d I a m to h a v e l i v e d to s e e t h i s d a y ' , h e w r o t e . t h e 1 8 8 0 s , t h e future

8 8

M a s t e r m a n later recalled that in

t h a t all h a d f o r e t o l d w a s o n e o f c l a s s w a r .

N e v e r t h e l e s s , fears o f i n s u r r e c t i o n f a d e d r a p i d l y o n c e t h e d e p r e s s i o n lifted a n d L o n d o n failed to l e a d t h e ' s o c i a l r e v o l u t i o n ' a s H y n d m a n h a d p r e d i c t e d . T h e D o c k S t r i k e o f f e r e d at b e s t a p y r r h i c v i c t o r y to t h o s e w h o s u p p o r t e d it, a s e m p l o y e r s w e e d e d o u t t h e unfit, w h i l e e x p a n d i n g a n d s e c u r i n g t h e w o r k a v a i l a b l e for ' f i t t e r ' l a b o u r e r s . S o c i a l i s m m a i n t a i n e d s o m e o f its a p p e a l o n l y in t h e o u t l y i n g , m o r e i n d u s t r i a l districts o f B o w , W e s t H a m a n d W o o l w i c h , a n d t h e r a d i c a l 87

88

P. Hall, 'Metropolis 1890-1940: Challenge and Response', in Sutcliffe, ed., Metropo­ lis, p. 19. Letter from Engels to Bernstein, 22 August 1889, quoted in G. Stedman Jones,

Outcast London: A Study in the Relationship between Classes in Victorian Society (1976 edn), p. 346.

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initiative p a s s e d to t h e n o w s o b e r , c o - o p e r a t i v e a n d n o n c o n f o r m i s t p r o v i n c e s . N e i t h e r t h e S D F n o r its s u c c e s s o r t h e B S P e v e r p o s s e s s e d m o r e t h a n 3,000 m e m b e r s out of L o n d o n ' s population of 5.5 million. The

s o l u t i o n offered b y i n t e r n a t i o n a l C o m m u n i s m m a d e n o l a s t i n g

i m p r e s s i o n o n t h e L o n d o n l a b o u r m o v e m e n t n o r a n y , b y default, o n the wider British scene. In

contrast

to

the

broad

horizons

of revolutionary

socialists,

r e f o r m e r s as d i v e r s e as C h a r l e s B o o t h , O c t a v i a Hill a n d t h e e a r l y e u g e n i s t s s o u g h t t o t r e a t L o n d o n as a l o c a l i s e d , s e l f - c o n t a i n e d u n i t , t o which independent remedies could be applied. U n d i s m a y e d by his findings

t h a t i n m o s t o f i n n e r L o n d o n 4 0 p e r c e n t o f families w e r e

in poverty, B o o t h argued that r e m o v i n g the lowest socio-economic groups to labour colonies b e y o n d the built-up area would enable the s e l f - r e g u l a t i n g L o n d o n e c o n o m y to r e c o v e r its e q u i l i b r i u m a n d r e s t o r e a d e q u a t e w a g e s a n d e m p l o y m e n t l e v e l s to all t h o s e w h o r e m a i n e d behind.

8 9

B o o t h ' s p r o p o s i t i o n is a c l e a r e x a m p l e o f a s o l u t i o n w h i c h

t o o k n o a c c o u n t o f L o n d o n ' s i n t e r d e p e n d e n c e at t h e r e g i o n a l s c a l e , still l e s s at t h e n a t i o n a l a n d i n t e r n a t i o n a l s c a l e . F u n d a m e n t a l l y s i m i l a r in t h i s r e s p e c t w e r e t h e e u g e n i s t s ' p l a n s for e n f o r c e d d e t e n t i o n o f t h e ' f e e b l e m i n d e d ' a n d t h e p a u p e r , a n d for c o n t r o l l e d r e p r o d u c t i o n of L o n d o n ' s g e n e t i c a l l y ' u n f i t ' .

90

At a distinctly smaller but certainly

m o r e h u m a n e l e v e l , O c t a v i a Hill d i r e c t e d t h e efforts o f h e r w o m e n h o u s e property managers towards training the L o n d o n poor: by their r e g u l a r v i s i t i n g a n d d i s c i p l i n e , h o u s i n g m a n a g e r s w e r e to r a i s e s t a n ­ d a r d s o f h o u s e k e e p i n g a n d b e h a v i o u r s o as t o fit s l u m - d w e l l e r s for l i v i n g in L o n d o n ' s c o n g e s t e d c e n t r e . D e s p i t e w i d e s p r e a d fears t h a t L o n d o n ' s p o v e r t y ,

unemployment

a n d overcrowding might lead to revolution, the e c o n o m i c and imperial bases of these p r o b l e m s w e r e ignored and they c a m e to b e presented a s local, e n v i r o n m e n t a l , social i s s u e s . T h e s o l u t i o n s e n v i s a g e d w e r e p r i m a r i l y p h y s i c a l , p a r o c h i a l a n d p e r s o n a l a n d c e n t r e d a b o v e all o n r e m e d y i n g t h e d o m e s t i c c o n d i t i o n s w h i c h p r e v a i l e d in L o n d o n s l u m s . The

H o m e C o u n t i e s w e r e n o t r e g a r d e d as p a r t o f t h e p r o b l e m , n o r

w e r e t h e y s e e n as t h e u n i t w i t h i n

which a solution should

be

s o u g h t . E v e n to B o o t h , t h e H o m e C o u n t i e s a p p e a r e d s i m p l y as a n

89

90

E. P. Hennock, 'Poverty and Social Theory in England: The Experience of the 1880s', Social History, 1 (1976), pp. 67-92. P. M. H. Mazumdar, 'The Eugenists and the Residuum: The Problem of the Urban Poor', Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 54 (1980), pp. 204-15.

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undeveloped hinterland which could provide the physical separation n e c e s s a r y for t h e d i s p e r s i o n a n d i s o l a t i o n of ' u n f i t s ' .

Metropolitan

management

T h e events of the 1880s and the reformulation of the L o n d o n problem w h i c h e n s u e d p l a c e d t h e q u e s t i o n o f m e t r o p o l i t a n m a n a g e m e n t in a n e w c o n t e x t . I n t h e a f t e r m a t h o f t h e D o c k S t r i k e , t h e capital n o l o n g e r s e e m e d at risk f r o m d e s t r u c t i o n b y a n o v e r w h e l m i n g c a t a s ­ t r o p h e . S u c h fears c o u l d b e d i s m i s s e d as ' a fantastic m y t h ' . T h e v a s t a n d u n c o n t r o l l a b l e m a s s o f L o n d o n ' s E a s t E n d w a s n o w s e e n as a h i g h l y differentiated g r o u p , w i t h l a r g e n u m b e r s o f r e s p e c t a b l e w o r k ­ ing-class p e o p l e q u i t e s e p a r a t e f r o m t h e f e c k l e s s , h o p e l e s s r e m n a n t of t h e ' r e s i d u u m ' . T h i s unfit r u m p w a s n o l o n g e r p e r c e i v e d as a politi­ cal t h r e a t : t h e y c o u l d b e r e g a r d e d as a n u r g e n t b u t l i m i t e d social p r o b ­ lem

-

'a

nuisance

civilization'.

91

to

administrators

rather

than

a

threat

to

Revolutionary d e m a n d s h a d b e e n turned aside, and

r e c o g n i t i o n c o u l d b e e x t e n d e d to t h e l e g i t i m a t e g r i e v a n c e s o f L o n d o n ' s respectable working class. In this n e w , m o r e relaxed a t m o s p h e r e , the role o f t h e state n e e d e d to b e r e d e f i n e d , a n d t h e f u n c t i o n s o f local a n d c e n t r a l g o v e r n m e n t e v a l u a t e d afresh. N o w t h a t L o n d o n h a d b e e n m a d e safe f r o m r e v o l u t i o n , t h e n a t i o n a l g o v e r n m e n t ' s dislike o f g i v i n g t h e capital its o w n e l e c t e d a u t h o r i t y diminished. T h e reform of L o n d o n g o v e r n m e n t along the lines already a p p l i e d to p r o v i n c i a l cities w a s n o l o n g e r u n t h i n k a b l e - p o s i t i v e a c t i o n in P a r l i a m e n t , h o w e v e r , r e q u i r e d t h e p o l i t i c i a n s t o g i v e priority to t h e i s s u e . T h e g r o w i n g r e c o g n i t i o n o f t h e n e e d for a c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t y in L o n d o n c o u l d b e j e o p a r d i s e d at n a t i o n a l l e v e l b y c a l c u l a t i o n s o f p a r t y a d v a n t a g e , a n d at local l e v e l b y p o w e r f u l i n t e r e s t s in t h e C i t y a n d t h e v e s t r i e s . N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e u n i t y o f L o n d o n for p r a c t i c a l p u r ­ poses which h a d b e e n exemplified b y the Metropolitan Board of W o r k s a n d t h e L o n d o n S c h o o l B o a r d b e c a m e a c e n t r a l t e n e t o f L o n d o n radi­ cals, as w e l l as o f s o m e k e y p r o f e s s i o n s s u c h as p u b l i c h e a l t h officials, statisticians a n d e n g i n e e r s . Major obstacles to the reform of L o n d o n g o v e r n m e n t nevertheless r e m a i n e d . B o t h p a r o c h i a l a n d n a t i o n a l a u t h o r i t i e s f e a r e d that t h e y w o u l d h a v e to c e d e p o w e r b e f o r e a c e n t r a l L o n d o n a u t h o r i t y c o u l d be established. Dismantling not only the p o w e r of the City Corpor­ ation, b u t also p o s s i b l y g o v e r n m e n t c o n t r o l o f t h e M e t r o p o l i t a n P o l i c e 91

Stedman Jones, Outcast London, p. 320.

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w e r e p a r t i c u l a r l y c o n t e n t i o u s i s s u e s . It w a s t h e i n t e n s e d e b a t e s a b o u t h o u s i n g a n d t h e c a s u a l p o o r i n t h e late 1 8 8 0 s w h i c h r e n e w e d p r e s s u r e o n t h e c a b i n e t , a n d u l t i m a t e l y o v e r c a m e m i n i s t e r s ' r e l u c t a n c e to c o n ­ front t h e r e s u r g e n c e o f L o n d o n l o c a l i s m w h i c h h a d d e f e a t e d t h e L o n ­ d o n M u n i c i p a l Bill o f 1 8 8 4 . A directly e l e c t e d L o n d o n C o u n t y C o u n c i l w a s finally c r e a t e d in 1 8 8 8 , a l m o s t as a n a f t e r t h o u g h t in a g e n e r a l r e f o r m o f E n g l i s h local g o v e r n m e n t . B o u n d a r y c h a n g e s after t h e T h i r d R e f o r m Bill offered t h e p r o s p e c t of L o n d o n as a T o r y s t r o n g h o l d , y e t v i c t o r y in t h e 1 8 8 9 L C C e l e c t i o n s w e n t to t h e P r o g r e s s i v e s . L o r d S a l i s b u r y r e m a i n e d s a n g u i n e , confi­ d e n t t h a t L o n d o n ' s b a s i c c o n s e r v a t i s m w o u l d a s s e r t itself: T r a t h e r l o o k to t h e n e w L o n d o n C o u n t y C o u n c i l t o p l a y t h e d r u n k e n h e l o t for o u r b e n e f i t . S u c h a b o d y at t h e o u t s e t m u s t m a k e s o m e p o r t e n t o u s b l u n d e r s : a n d I a m n o t s o r r y t h a t , as l u c k will h a v e it, t h e y will b e carried to the account of the R a d i c a l s . '

9 2

A l t h o u g h the issue of L o n d o n g o v e r n m e n t h a d b e c o m e a party ques­ tion, discussion did not polarise along party lines. T h o u g h Conserva­ tive p o l i t i c i a n s m o s t often f a v o u r e d l o c a l i s m a n d t h e d e c e n t r a l i s a t i o n of p o w e r in L o n d o n g o v e r n m e n t , a n d L i b e r a l s s u p p o r t e d a c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t y for t h e m e t r o p o l i s , y e t t h e p a r t i e s w e r e t h e m s e l v e s d i v i d e d . Political allies f o u n d t h e m s e l v e s t a k i n g u p o p p o s i n g p o s i t i o n s o n t h e i s s u e , d e p e n d i n g o n t h e i r different v a n t a g e p o i n t s as v e s t r y m e n , p r o v ­ incial M P s o r L o n d o n M P s . T h e L C C itself w a s e s t a b l i s h e d as a n a d d i t i o n a l a r e n a for p a r t y c o n ­ flict f r o m t h e first e l e c t i o n s : w i t h i n a f e w y e a r s , t h e m e c h a n i s m s for p a r t y c o n t r o l o v e r its b u s i n e s s h a d b e e n e s t a b l i s h e d . T h e radical plat­ f o r m a d o p t e d b y t h e P r o g r e s s i v e s did, as S a l i s b u r y h a d p r e d i c t e d , engender organised opposition especially from L o n d o n ' s

property

i n t e r e s t s . T h e L o n d o n M u n i c i p a l S o c i e t y w a s f o r m e d in 1 8 9 4 t o o p p o s e t h e ' s p e n d t h r i f t s ' of C o u n t y H a l l , a n d t o r e v i v e p r e s s u r e for t h e d e c e n ­ t r a l i s a t i o n o f p o w e r f r o m t h e L C C to n e w m e t r o p o l i t a n b o r o u g h c o u n ­ cils. S o m e P r o g r e s s i v e s w e l c o m e d t h i s in p r i n c i p l e , b u t b a u l k e d at the links b e i n g d r a w n b e t w e e n the establishment of b o r o u g h councils, and the preservation of the City Corporation. Criticism of the L C C m o u n t e d , n o t o n l y b e c a u s e its p o l i c i e s w e r e r a d i c a l in t o n e , b u t also b e c a u s e its size p r e v e n t e d it f r o m d e a l i n g a d e q u a t e l y w i t h L o n d o n ' s problems. Efficient m a n a g e m e n t o f t h e m e t r o p o l i s , L o r d S a l i s b u r y a r g u e d , 92

R. Taylor, Lord Salisbury (1975), p. 126.

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r e q u i r e d a n ' a g g r e g a t e o f m u n i c i p a l i t i e s ' to b e e s t a b l i s h e d

within

L o n d o n : such a structure would r e m e d y the overconcentration of p o w e r i n t h e L C C , a n d r e c o g n i s e t h e s t a t u s a n d w e a l t h of m a n y of L o n d o n ' s i n d i v i d u a l districts. S o m e L i b e r a l M P s w e r e p e r s u a d e d of t h e n e e d to i n c r e a s e t h e efficiency a n d r e p r e s e n t a t i v e n e s s o f L o n d o n g o v e r n m e n t b y d e v o l v i n g p o w e r to m e t r o p o l i t a n b o r o u g h c o u n c i l s a n d t h e y s u p p o r t e d t h e p r i n c i p l e o f t h e L o n d o n G o v e r n m e n t Bill w h i c h e s t a b l i s h e d t h e m in 1 8 9 9 . L o n d o n L i b e r a l s , h o w e v e r , b i t t e r l y a t t a c k e d t h e Bill w i t h its ' c o n g l o m e r a t e o f s h a m m u n i c i p a l i t i e s ' , fear­ i n g for t h e ' u n i t y , s i m p l i c i t y a n d e q u a l i t y o f t r e a t m e n t w h i c h a r e t h e cardinal principles of the reformation of L o n d o n ' .

9 3

In p r a c t i c e , t h e n e w s t r u c t u r e did n o t d i m i n i s h t h e p o w e r o f t h e LCC.

I n d e e d , it c o u l d b e a r g u e d t h a t t h e L C C ' s b r o a d e r v i s i o n w a s

s t r e n g t h e n e d . W i t h t h e m e t r o p o l i t a n b o r o u g h c o u n c i l s offering a f o c u s for p a r o c h i a l p r i d e , t h e L C C c o u l d m o r e e a s i l y i n s u l a t e itself f r o m local i n t e r e s t s , p r o j e c t i n g a n d d e v e l o p i n g a L o n d o n - w i d e b a s e as a f r a m e w o r k for p o l i c y a n d d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g . T h e L C C c o u l d a v o i d t h e p r e s s u r e s o f ' w a r d p o l i t i e s ' , e n c o u r a g i n g its m e m b e r s to r e g a r d t h e m ­ s e l v e s as r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f t h e C o u n t y of L o n d o n , n o m a t t e r w h i c h area had elected t h e m . This broad approach was a hallmark of m a n y of t h e L C C ' s activities in t h e e a r l y t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y , m o s t n o t a b l y in education and housing.

Slums and housing

policy

In t h e 1 8 8 0 s a n d 1 8 9 0 s , L o n d o n ' s h o u s i n g p r o b l e m s h a d

emerged

a s the m o s t i m p o r t a n t social a n d political i s s u e for g o v e r n m e n t . T h e persistence of L o n d o n ' s slums, their poverty, their extent - above all, t h e i r l o c a t i o n at t h e ' H e a r t o f t h e E m p i r e ' s e e m e d to t h r e a t e n t h e stability o f m e t r o p o l i s , n a t i o n a n d c o l o n i e s a l i k e . T o a c k n o w l e d g e that

neither

London's

magnitude

nor

London's

slums

could

be

m a t c h e d b y a n y o t h e r g r e a t city w a s to c o n f r o n t t h e real p a r a d o x of B r i t a i n ' s i m p e r i a l s t a t u s a n d p o w e r . The centre of imperialism, as Lord Rosebery is never tired of reiterating, rests in London. With the perpetual lowering of the Imperial Race in the great cities of the kingdom through overcrowding in room and area, no

93

Quoted in K. Young and P.L. Garside, Metropolitan London: Politics and Urban Change 1837-1981 (1982), p. 101.

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amount of hectic, feverish activity on the confines of the Empire will be able to arrest the inevitable decline. 94

The

severity of L o n d o n ' s problems h a d b e e n exposed, not least

by the Royal C o m m i s s i o n o n the Housing of the Working Classes ( 1 8 8 4 - 5 ) - t h e r e m e d i e s r e q u i r e d , h o w e v e r , h a d still t o b e i d e n t i f i e d . The

making of policies and p r o g r a m m e s required the development

of c o n c e p t s t o f o r m u l a t e a n d d e f i n e t h e n a t u r e o f t h e h o u s i n g p r o b l e m in L o n d o n . T h e matter w a s also d e p e n d e n t o n e c o n o m i c circumstances a n d political w i l l . M o s t s i g n i f i c a n t o f all w a s t o b e t h e i n t e r a c t i o n o f L o n d o n ' s ' p r i n c i p a l i t i e s a n d p o w e r s ' - n o t o n l y conflict b e t w e e n t h e v a r i o u s political a r e n a s , b u t a l s o w i t h i n t h e m , a s d i f f e r e n c e s w i d e n e d a n d d e e p e n e d . A s t h e L C C b e g a n to f o r m u l a t e a b r o a d l y b a s e d a n d L o n d o n - w i d e a p p r o a c h t o m e t r o p o l i t a n p r o b l e m s , it w a s m a t c h e d b y opposition in kind. T h e language of debate w a s derived n o t f r o m e c o n o m i c o r p e r s o n a l i n t e r e s t , b u t f r o m political p r i n c i p l e . This high level of politicisation w a s a distinguishing feature of L o n d o n a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , affecting t h e i n i t i a t i o n , i m p l e m e n t a t i o n a n d o u t c o m e of p o l i c y i n a d i r e c t b u t o f t e n c o m p l e x m a n n e r . T h e first s t e p a l o n g t h i s r o a d w a s a s e m a n t i c shift i n t h e t e r m ' s l u m ' w h i c h h a d a p r o f o u n d effect o n t h e r e m e d i e s p r o p o s e d . T h i s shift occurred b e t w e e n the Cross Act of 1875, a n d the H o u s i n g Act of 1890. T h e C r o s s A c t w a s d i s t i n g u i s h e d b y its e m p h a s i s o n t h e p h y s i c a l a n d social i s o l a t i o n o f s l u m s , t h o s e ' p l a g u e s p o t s w h e r e all t h e s e evils flourish a n d w h e n c e t h e y s p r e a d a r e m a p p e d o u t . . . as c l e a r l y a s t h e m o u n t a i n s o f t h e m o o n a r e , b y t h e a i d o f scientific d i s c o v e r y ' .

9 5

This typihcation set the s l u m apart from the normal workings of L o n d o n society, removing such places from any general, economic framework, a n d p r e s e n t i n g t h e m as insanitary a n d i m m o r a l ' p o c k e t s ' clearly d e m a r c a t e d in extent, a n d distinguished b y their grim bleak­ ness from the 'normal' world outside. S u c h a formulation suggested remedies w h i c h w o u l d erase these alien p h e n o m e n a a n d normalise t h e m through rebuilding with sanitary dwellings. T h e problem and t h e r e m e d y w a s t h u s p h y s i c a l a n d finite. B o t h B o o t h ' s L o n d o n s u r v e y a n d t h e R o y a l C o m m i s s i o n o f 1 8 8 4 - 5 , h o w e v e r , u n d e r m i n e d t h e clar­ ity o f t h i s a p p r o a c h . A b o v e all, t h e s e i n v e s t i g a t i o n s h e l p e d t o b r e a k d o w n t h e w a y i n w h i c h t h e s l u m s h a d b e e n s e p a r a t e d off f r o m t h e rest of society. Their findings s h o w e d overcrowding a n d poor housing t o b e a g e n e r a l p r o b l e m w h i c h affected a w i d e s p e c t r u m o f t h e w o r k i n g 94

C. F. G. Masterman, ed., The Heart ofEmpire (1901).

95

R. Cross, Homes of the London Poor in the Nineteenth Century (1882), p. 231.

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class, a n d w h o l e areas of inner L o n d o n . T h e solution that w a s required c a m e to b e s e e n as s o m e t h i n g different f r o m i s o l a t e d s l u m c l e a r a n c e s c h e m e s . ' W h a t is w a n t e d is m o r e - m u c h m o r e - h o m e a c c o m m o ­ dation.'

96

I n effect, t h i s m e a n t h a r n e s s i n g a n d p r o m o t i n g t h e g e n e r a l

d e v e l o p m e n t p r o c e s s e s at w o r k i n L o n d o n , a n d e s p e c i a l l y t h e g r o w t h of t h e s u b u r b s . H o u s i n g p o l i c y t h u s b e c a m e l i n k e d to i s s u e s o f r e g i o n a l d e v e l o p m e n t , a n d in p a r t i c u l a r t h e p r o v i s i o n o f t r a n s p o r t . B y 1 9 0 0 , an American expert on municipal government, Albert S h a w , was no­ t i n g t h a t L o n d o n ' s g o v e r n o r s w e r e i n v e s t i n g m u c h m o r e in s u r f a c e a n d u n d e r g r o u n d t r a n s p o r t t o d e c a n t p o p u l a t i o n t h a n in h e a l t h a n d housing directly.

97

Indeed, slum clearance and rehousing schemes

of t h e C r o s s t y p e w e r e n o w t h e m s e l v e s b e i n g d e p i c t e d as a n interfer­ e n c e in t h e n a t u r a l d e v e l o p m e n t o f L o n d o n .

9 8

T h o u g h t h e d i a g n o s i s a n d t h e r e m e d y for L o n d o n ' s h o u s i n g p r o b ­ l e m s h a d c h a n g e d , t h e v a r i o u s a g e n c i e s i n v o l v e d in t h e i m p l e m e n ­ t a t i o n o f p o l i c y w e r e c o n f r o n t e d w i t h e x t r e m e l y difficult e c o n o m i c a n d political r e a l i t i e s . T h e v e r y scale a n d i n t e n s i t y o f t h e L o n d o n h o u s ­ i n g p r o b l e m , h i g h l a n d p r i c e s a n d r i s i n g r e s i d e n t i a l r e n t s all affected t h e ability o f local a u t h o r i t i e s to r e s p o n d . T h o u g h L o n d o n p r o p e r t y p r i c e s s l u m p e d at t h e e n d o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , t h e y r e m a i n e d higher than comparable prices elsewhere, and rents remained high t h r o u g h o u t . It h a s b e e n e s t i m a t e d t h a t in 1 9 0 1 , a b u i l t - u p a c r e in t h e C i t y o f L o n d o n r e n t e d o n a n a v e r a g e for a b o u t f o u r

thousand

t i m e s as m u c h as a n a c r e o f f a r m l a n d . I n 1 9 0 5 , a p l o t o f l a n d n e a r t h e B a n k o f E n g l a n d w a s s o l d for t h e e q u i v a l e n t o f £ 3 . 2 5 m i l l i o n a n a c r e , ' a b o u t o n e - t e n t h o f t h e b u l l i o n in t h e v a u l t s ' .

9 9

House

rents

r e m a i n e d s t a b l e at h i g h l e v e l s , w i t h p a r t i c u l a r l y s t e e p i n c r e a s e s in t h e e x p a n d i n g n o r t h - w e s t s u b u r b s , a n d in t h e E a s t E n d - r e n t s i n W e s t H a m r o s e b y 15 p e r c e n t , a n d in S t e p n e y b y 2 5 p e r c e n t o v e r t h e p e r i o d 1 8 9 0 to 1 9 1 2 . R e s i d e n t i a l r e d e v e l o p m e n t in t h e c e n t r a l a r e a c o u l d s c a r c e l y b e c o n t e m p l a t e d e x c e p t in s p e c i a l c i r c u m s t a n c e s , a n d e v e n t h e s u b u r b a n s o l u t i o n w a s p u t in j e o p a r d y as p o t e n t i a l sites 96

97

98

99

RC on Alien Immigration, PP 1903, IX, evidence of Sanitary Officer for Bethnal Green, q. 6719. This shift in attitudes to slums clearly follows shifts in attitude towards the poor, see above, pp. 510-11. Quoted in P. J. Waller, Town, City and Nation, England 1850-1914 (Oxford, 1983), p. 30. The change from inner area clearance to suburban estate-building is clearly indicated by maps locating LCC housing sites in Young and Garside, Metropolitan London, Figures 6.3 and 6.4, pp. 164-5. A. Offer, Property and Politics 1870-1914: Landownership, Law, Ideology and Urban Development in England (Cambridge, 1981), p. 255.

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r e c e d e d further a n d further f r o m t h e c e n t r e . ' Y e s t e r d a y ' , o n e c o m ­ m e n t a t o r w r o t e in 1 9 0 1 , ' [ t h e s o l u t i o n ] l a y in W e s t H a m , in S t r e a t h a m , H a c k n e y a n d T o t t e n h a m : t o d a y it lies in E a s t H a m , in C r o y d o n a n d in H a r r o w : t o m o r r o w it will b e t h e b e l t o f c o u n t r y l y i n g b e y o n d . '

1 0 0

E c o n o m i c v a r i a b l e s , h o w e v e r , s h o u l d n o t b e s e e n as e x e r c i s i n g a w h o l l y i n d e p e n d e n t effect o n h o u s i n g p o l i c y - t h e w o r k of Offer a n d E n g l a n d e r h a s s h o w n t h a t t h e r e w a s a political d i m e n s i o n at w o r k w h i c h o p e r a t e d m o s t directly o n p r o p e r t y v a l u e s t h r o u g h t h e i n s t r u ­ m e n t of t h e r a t e s .

1 0 1

T h e first d e c a d e o f t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y s a w

o v e r c r o w d i n g o n c e m o r e o n t h e i n c r e a s e in L o n d o n d e s p i t e t h e col­ l a p s e i n t h e r e s i d e n t i a l p r o p e r t y m a r k e t a n d t h e a b u n d a n c e of e m p t y p r o p e r t y . Offer h a s a r g u e d t h a t t h i s s i t u a t i o n w a s n o t t h e r e s u l t o f m a r k e t e c o n o m i c s a l o n e , b u t is to b e e x p l a i n e d b y r e f e r e n c e to political s t r u g g l e s . T h e e l e m e n t t h a t g a i n e d m o s t f r o m p o l i t i c s , it s e e m s , w a s t h a t o f r i s i n g r a t e s . Offer h a s e s t i m a t e d t h a t i n c r e a s e s in t h i s local t a x a t i o n c o u l d a c c o u n t for a b o u t o n e q u a r t e r o f t h e d e c l i n e o f p r o p e r t y v a l u e s in L o n d o n . T h e i m p a c t o f this, h o w e v e r , w a s m a g n i f i e d in i n v e s t o r s ' m i n d s b y n a t i o n a l C o n s e r v a t i v e p r o p a g a n d a after 1 9 0 5 , a n d m o r e i m m e d i a t e l y b y t h e m o b i l i s a t i o n of r a t e p a y e r s i n t o m u n i c i p a l , and

especially London,

politics b y b o d i e s

such

O w n e r s ' Protection Association. Furthermore,

as t h e

Property

t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of

l a n d v a l u e t a x e s in L l o y d G e o r g e ' s ' P e o p l e ' s B u d g e t ' of 1 9 0 9 o n l y i n c r e a s e d t h e financial i n s e c u r i t y a n d political a w a r e n e s s of i n v e s t o r s in h o u s i n g .

1 0 2

T h e effect o n L o n d o n politics w a s d r a m a t i c . F r o m t h e e a r l y 1 9 0 0 s , m e t r o p o l i t a n c o n s e r v a t i s m b e g a n to c o n s t r u c t a n e w p o p u l i s t p l a t f o r m u n d e r t h e b a n n e r of a ' n o n - p o l i t i c a l ' ' M u n i c i p a l R e f o r m S o c i e t y ' . T h e r a l l y i n g c r y o f t h e m o v e m e n t , b a s e d in r e j u v e n a t e d r a t e p a y e r s ' a s s o c i ­ a t i o n s w a s o p p o s i t i o n to ' m u n i c i p a l s o c i a l i s m ' a n d civic e x p e n d i t u r e . T h e c a m p a i g n fell o n w i l l i n g e a r s - L o n d o n ' s s h o p k e e p e r s , c l e r k s a n d p r o f e s s i o n a l s w e r e b e i n g s e v e r e l y affected b y t h e c o m b i n a t i o n of e c o n o m i c s t a g n a t i o n a n d r i s i n g r a t e s . A g a i n s t t h e tide of n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c s , t h e r a t e p a y e r r e v o l t b r o u g h t d e f e a t to P r o g r e s s i v e s at t h e m e t r o p o l i t a n b o r o u g h e l e c t i o n s in 1 9 0 6 , a n d at t h e L C C e l e c t i o n s i n 1907. After these Conservative victories, b o t h L C C rates a n d municipal d e b t l e v e l l e d off. F. W. Lawrence, 'The Housing Problem', in Masterman, Heart of Empire. D. Englander, 'Landlord and Tenant in Urban Britain: The Politics of Housing Reform 1838-1924' (unpublished PhD thesis, University of Warwick, 1979). Offer, Property and Politics, pp. 308-11.

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T h i s i n t e r p l a y b e t w e e n c o n c e p t s , e c o n o m i c s a n d politics p r e v e n t e d a n y u n i l i n e a r d e v e l o p m e n t t o w a r d s m u n i c i p a l h o u s i n g p r o v i s i o n in L o n d o n . W h i l e P r o g r e s s i v e s w e r e f o r c e d to t a k e a c c o u n t o f m a r k e t p r e s s u r e s a n d o f t h e activities o f o t h e r a g e n c i e s , M u n i c i p a l R e f o r m e r s r e m a i n e d r e c e p t i v e to a r g u m e n t s a b o u t t h e n e e d for h o u s i n g r e f o r m in t h e i n t e r e s t s o f t h e N a t i o n , t h e R a c e a n d t h e E m p i r e .

1 0 3

For the

Progressives o n the L C C , the dilemma hinged o n their c o m m i t m e n t t o b u i l d in t h e p o o r e s t p a r t s o f e a s t a n d s o u t h - e a s t L o n d o n , w h i l e at t h e s a m e t i m e t h e y r e q u i r e d h i g h - q u a l i t y c o n s t r u c t i o n , e c o n o m i c rents a n d responsible tenants. This led t h e m eventually to prefer lower-cost suburban sites, a n d socially superior tenants. M a n y of t h e e a r l y L C C e s t a t e s built o n c e n t r a l sites r e s u l t e d n o t f r o m direct p o l i c y , b u t w e r e t h e r e s u l t o f o t h e r p u b l i c c o n s t r u c t i o n s u c h as t h e R o t h e r h i t h e a n d B l a c k w a l l t u n n e l s , a n d E a s t E n d B o a r d S c h o o l s . After M u n i c i p a l R e f o r m e r s g a i n e d p o w e r in 1 9 0 7 , t h e e m p h a s i s o n p u b l i c housing diminished: the slum clearance programme was w o u n d down and the Works Department was abolished. S o m e building continued o n s u b u r b a n e s t a t e s at O l d O a k a n d T o t t e r d o w n F i e l d s , b u t u n d e v e ­ loped parts of Norbury and W h i t e Hart L a n e were sold. O v e r a l l , t h e h o u s i n g p o l i c y o f t h e L C C reflects t h e o u t c o m e o f politi­ cal conflicts at b o t h c e n t r a l a n d l o c a l l e v e l c e n t r i n g o n t h e i s s u e o f r a t e s : o v e r l a y i n g this w a s a n u n r e s o l v e d t e n s i o n b e t w e e n a c o m m i t ­ m e n t to s o m e public h o u s i n g provision, a n d building a n d m a n a g e ­ m e n t s t r a t e g i e s w h i c h w e r e e n m e s h e d in t h e e c o n o m i c s o f t h e p r i v a t e s e c t o r . T h e L C C w a s free f r o m t h e direct i n f l u e n c e o f s l u m l a n d l o r d s w h o h a d d o m i n a t e d t h e v e s t r i e s , b u t its m e m b e r s c o u l d n o t i g n o r e t h e c h a n g i n g c h a r a c t e r o f i n v e s t o r s in h o u s e p r o p e r t y w h i c h its o w n interventionist policies h a d brought about. Moreover, though the L C C c o n s c i o u s l y p r o j e c t e d a L o n d o n v i s i o n , it r e m a i n e d c o n s t r a i n e d b y market forces a n d b y the Balkanisation of p o w e r s a n d spheres of i n f l u e n c e , s o m e o f w h i c h a g a i n w e r e o f its o w n m a k i n g .

Metropolitan

man

The L C C ' s early struggles to determine w h a t L o n d o n might b e were m a t c h e d b y t h e efforts o f social c o m m e n t a t o r s t o e s t a b l i s h w h a t L o n d o n was - in particular, t o define t h e c h a r a c t e r a n d p e r s o n a l i t y 103

S. Lawrence, T h e Politics of Housing: Ratepayers and Municipal Reformers in Hackney 1880-1914' (paper presented to Urban History Group Conference, April 1986).

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519

of L o n d o n e r s , a n d t o d i s c o v e r t h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e n e w ' m e t r o ­ politan m a n ' . M a n y reporters were simply o v e r w h e l m e d b y the sheer range of characters they encountered, not least those w h o

sought

to identify s o m e standard metropolitan type. F o r historians, t h e s e a t t e m p t s to d o c u m e n t L o n d o n ' s p e o p l e a r e a s i g n i f i c a n t e v e n t s i n c e t h e y reflect r e n e w e d i n t e r e s t i n L o n d o n ' s c h a r a c t e r , a n d i n its p o t e n t i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e a s a social f o r c e , c a p a b l e o f m o u l d i n g a t t i t u d e s a n d v a l u e s over an ever-widening area. H e n r y M a y h e w and Charles Booth were the most indefatigable of L o n d o n ' s explorers. M a y h e w , in particular,

demonstrated

in his

'cyclopaedia' an endless curiosity about L o n d o n labour, and especially its s t r e e t - f o l k , ' c o m p r i s i n g s t r e e t s e l l e r s , s t r e e t b u y e r s , s t r e e t f i n d e r s , street performers, street artisans [and] street l a b o u r e r s ' .

1 0 4

Limited

t h o u g h its s c o p e w a s , M a y h e w w a s r i g h t l y p r o u d o f h i s w o r k ' a s b e i n g t h e first c o m m i s s i o n o f i n q u i r y i n t o t h e s t a t e o f t h e p e o p l e , undertaken b y a private individual.' Booth, b y contrast, sought a wider canvas a n d a m o r e analytical a p p r o a c h .

1 0 5

B o o t h i n c l u d e d statis­

tics o f p o v e r t y , a n d c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s a n d d e s c r i p t i o n s o f s t r e e t s , t r a d e s , institutions a n d groups, s u c h as m o d e l dwellings, c o m m o n lodgingh o u s e s a n d h o m e l e s s m e n . T h o u g h in the beginning B o o t h claimed that T h a d n o p r e c o n c e i v e d ideas, n o theory to w o r k u p to, n o pet s c h e m e i n t o a g r e e m e n t w i t h w h i c h t h e facts c o l l e c t e d w e r e t o b e twisted or to w h i c h t h e y w o u l d h a v e to b e squared', yet ' A t t h e s a m e time the consideration and h o p e of r e m e d y have never b e e n out of m y m i n d . ' F o r s e v e n t e e n years B o o t h ' s 'spirit of e n q u i r y ' w a s abroad i n L o n d o n . O v e r w h e l m e d b y h i s o w n a p p e t i t e for f a c t s , B o o t h c o n ­ f e s s e d t h a t T h a v e at t i m e s d o u b t e d w h e t h e r t h e p r o l o n g a t i o n o f t h i s w o r k h a s h a d a n y other basis t h a n an inability o n m y part to c o m e to a c o n c l u s i o n . ' Nevertheless, later c o m m e n t a t o r s h a v e detected a conceptual framework

underpinning Booth's gargantuan

diet o f

observations which enabled h i m to present his optimistic view of Lon­ d o n p o v e r t y , a n d h i s s i m p l e r e m e d y for its e r a d i c a t i o n .

106

Alongside the m a m m o t h investigations of Booth and M a y h e w , other i n d i v i d u a l r e v e l a t i o n s o f life i n L o n d o n ' s w o r k h o u s e s a n d r o o k e r i e s c a u s e d a s e n s a t i o n at t h e t i m e a s ' t h e h o l e s a n d c o r n e r s ' o f L o n d o n society were revealed. Their horrors were c o m p a r e d with those of 104

105

106

H. Mayhew, London Labour and the London Poor, 4 vols. (1861-2).

C. Booth, ed., Life and Labour of the People in London, 1st ser., Poverty, 4 vols. (188991). See above, pp. 511-12.

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'distant tribes' and 'the middle passage of s o m e slave ship', while alongside and interdependent with t h e m lay the 'unrestricted luxury and worse than useless extravagance that characterise the wealthy neighbouring districts'.

107

S t o r i e s a n d n o v e l s also p r o v i d e d

outstand­

i n g s o c i a l r e p o r t a g e in t h e f o r m o f fiction. A r t h u r M o r r i s o n ' s p o r t r a y a l of E a s t E n d life w a s v i o l e n t a n d p e s s i m i s t i c - e v e n t h e L C C s B o u n d a r y Street clearance s c h e m e could not clear a w a y the foulness of an area like t h e J a g o . I n t h e p r e f a c e to t h e t h i r d e d i t i o n o f A Child of the Jago, M o r r i s o n w r o t e : ' T h e J a g o as m e r e b r i c k s a n d m o r t a r is g o n e . B u t t h e J a g o in flesh a n d b l o o d still l i v e s , a n d is c r o w d i n g i n t o n e i g h b o u r ­ hoods already densely p o p u l a t e d . '

1 0 8

T o G e o r g e G i s s i n g , t h e flesh

and blood of metropolitan m a n w a s unremittingly drab and desolate - not only the slum-dweller, but the better paid also. To walk about a neighbourhood such as this [the Wilton Square district of Islington] is the dreariest exercise to which a man can betake himself: the heart is crushed by uniformity of decent squalor; one remembers that each of the dead-faced houses, often each separate blind window represents a 'home , and the associations of the word whisper blank despair. 7

109

M e t r o p o l i t a n life r e p r e s e n t e d to G i s s i n g t h e d e f e a t o f h u m a n i t y , dreadful,

damned and nightmare experience 'beyond the

a

outmost

limits of d r e a d ' . W a l t e r B e s a n t p o r t r a y e d L o n d o n life o u t s i d e t h e C i t y a n d t h e W e s t End

as a t r a v e s t y of u r b a n c i v i l i s a t i o n .

110

W h a t e v e r identity e m e r g e d

f r o m t h i s v a c u i t y , it a p p e a r e d e v e n to t h e m o s t o p t i m i s t i c as m e r e l y 'something more than confusion of casual a c c i d e n t s ' .

1 1 1

More mobile

L o n d o n e r s sought individual identity in the a n o n y m i t y of suburban family life. H e r e t h e m a i n f o c u s o f p u b l i c activity w a s t h e self-effacing a r e n a o f c h u r c h or c h a p e l . I n L o n d o n ' s i n n e r a r e a s , h o w e v e r , w o r k e r s o t h e r t h a n J e w s did n o t l o o k to t h e c h u r c h for spiritual r e f r e s h m e n t . M a n y o f t h e m f o u n d t h a t in t h e n a r r o w c o n f i n e s o f t h e i r h o u s e s a n d y a r d s . B o o t h d r e w a t t e n t i o n to t h e ' s m a l l r o u g h r o o f e d e r e c t i o n s i n t e r s p e r s e d w i t h little g l a s s h o u s e s ' at t h e b a c k s o f t h e

cramped

h o u s e s . ' T h e s e ' , he wrote, 'represent hobbies, pursuits of leisure

A. Sherwell, Life in West London: A Study and a Contrast (1897). A. Morrison, A Child of the Jago, 3rd edn (1897). Also, idem, The Hole in the Wall (1902), and idem, Tales of Mean Streets (1906). Quoted in Waller, Town, City and Nation, p. 43. W. Besant, South London (1899), and idem, East London (1901). Quoted in A. Briggs, Victorian Cities (Harmondsworth, 1968), pp. 348-9.

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h o u r s - p l a n t s , f l o w e r s , f o w l s , p i g e o n s , a n d t h e r e is r o o m to sit out, w h e n t h e w e a t h e r is fine e n o u g h , w i t h f r i e n d a n d p i p e /

1 1 2

The LCC

a n d t h e m e t r o p o l i t a n b o r o u g h c o u n c i l s s o u g h t to e x p a n d t h e r e c r e a ­ t i o n a l r o o m a v a i l a b l e to L o n d o n e r s b y p r o v i d i n g p a r k s a n d

open

spaces. T h e L C C alone controlled 113 parks, gardens and open spaces b y 1 9 1 0 , r e p r e s e n t i n g £ 2 m o f capital e x p e n d i t u r e , £ 1 3 0 , 0 0 0 a n n u a l m a i n t e n a n c e a n d direct e m p l o y m e n t for 1,000 w o r k e r s . B y 1 9 1 4 , s u c h p a r k s p l a y e d t h e i r p a r t in w o r k i n g - c l a s s l e i s u r e a l o n g w i t h m u s i c h a l l s , d a n c e h a l l s , c i n e m a s , football a n d

dog racing.

W h e t h e r these more formalised types of leisure provision should be regarded

as a n

attempt

at

' s o c i a l c o n t r o l ' is o p e n

to

question.

F . M . L . T h o m p s o n h a s d r a w n a t t e n t i o n to t h e d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n ' s o c i a l i s a t i o n ' w h e r e a g r o u p s o c i a l i s e s its m e m b e r s b y i m b u i n g t h e m w i t h its own m o r e s , a n d ' s o c i a l c o n t r o l ' w h e r e t h e p r o c e s s t a k e s p l a c e o n a n inter-class b a s i s .

1 1 3

Whatever intentions there may have been,

S t e d m a n J o n e s h a s c o n c l u d e d t h a t ' B y t h e E d w a r d i a n p e r i o d , it h a d b e c o m e i n e s c a p a b l y c l e a r t h a t m i d d l e c l a s s e v a n g e l i s m h a d failed to c r e a t e a w o r k i n g c l a s s in its o w n i m a g e . T h e g r e a t m a j o r i t y o f L o n d o n w o r k e r s w e r e n o t C h r i s t i a n , p r o v i d e n t , c h a s t e or t e m p e r a t e . '

A new urban

1 1 4

region

T h e r a p i d e x p a n s i o n of L o n d o n s u b u r b s u p t o 1 9 1 4 o v e r t o o k n o t o n l y the recently drawn administrative boundaries, but even the language a v a i l a b l e to d e s c r i b e t h e p r o c e s s . N e w t e r m s h a d o n c e m o r e to b e f o r g e d to l a b e l t h e p h e n o m e n o n t h a t L o n d o n h a d b e c o m e . It w a s G e d d e s w h o offered a n e w , s o c i o l o g i c a l d i m e n s i o n to m e t r o p o l i t a n analysis, a n d w h o c o i n e d the term ' c o n u r b a t i o n ' to articulate such g r o w t h at t h e r e g i o n a l s c a l e .

1 1 5

L o n d o n ' s n e w Edwardian suburbs were predominantly residential in c h a r a c t e r , w i t h f e w i n d u s t r i a l e s t a b l i s h m e n t s , a s b e f i t t e d t h e i r s t a t u s as d w e l l i n g - p l a c e s for L o n d o n ' s m o r e s e n i o r c l e r k s a n d e x e c u t i v e s . W o r k i n g - c l a s s s u b u r b a n i s a t i o n h a d fallen a w a y , t h e v i c t i m of r i s i n g u n e m p l o y m e n t a n d s t a g n a t i o n in t h e s t a n d a r d o f l i v i n g . I n t h e d e c a d e b e f o r e t h e First W o r l d W a r , m o v i n g to t h e s u b u r b s b e c a m e t h e 112 113

114

115

Quoted in Waller, Town, City and Nation, p. 51. F. M. L. Thompson, 'Social Control in Victorian Britain', Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 34 (1981), pp. 189-208. G. Stedman Jones, 'Working-Class Culture and Working-Class Politics in London, 1870-1900: Notes on the Remaking of a Working Class', Journal of Social History, 7(1974), p. 471. G. Cherry, The Evolution of British Town Planning (1974), p. 52.

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preserve of social g r o u p s of the rank of clerk a n d a b o v e .

1 1 6

Their aspi­

rations found a r e s p o n s e in the ideals of the G a r d e n City m o v e m e n t . A s its r e d u c e d h o u s i n g p r o g r a m m e m o v e d o u t w a r d s p h y s i c a l l y a n d u p w a r d s s o c i a l l y , t h e L C C a l s o a d o p t e d G a r d e n C i t y f o r m s i n its suburban estates. T h e O l d O a k estate reflected this m o d e in the pictur­ e s q u e s t y l e o f its h o u s e s , w i t h t h e i r s t e e p l y p i t c h e d r o o f s a n d g a b l e s , a n d i n t h e l a y o u t , w i t h its s e t b a c k s a n d ' v i l l a g e ' g r e e n s . A t L e t c h w o r t h G a r d e n C i t y ( 1 9 0 3 ) a n d at H a m p s t e a d G a r d e n S u b u r b ( 1 9 0 6 ) p r i v a t e capital u n d e r p i n n e d attempts to carry out G a r d e n City ideals, t h o u g h at H a m p s t e a d t h e n e w s u b u r b r e m a i n e d c l o s e l y t i e d to L o n d o n l a b o u r and consumer markets. A s t h e m i d d l e - c l a s s s u b u r b s a r o u n d L o n d o n g r e w , s o did c o m ­ m u t i n g a n d traffic c o n g e s t i o n . T h e p r o b l e m s o f L o n d o n

transport

prompted n e w questions about the form, function and co-ordination of t h e H o m e C o u n t i e s in r e l a t i o n t o L o n d o n .

1 1 7

S o m e planners sought solutions derived from the American City Beautiful m o v e m e n t , advocating 'radial m o t o r w a y s ' and

parkway

r i n g r o a d s t o o r g a n i s e a n d d e l i v e r a r o a d s y s t e m for L o n d o n .

1 1 8

In

1 9 0 3 , t h e R o y a l C o m m i s s i o n o n L o n d o n Traffic w a s s e t u p ' t o e n q u i r e into the m e a n s of l o c o m o t i o n a n d transport in L o n d o n ' . W h i l e recog­ nising the appeal of suburban ringroads, the Commission favoured t a c k l i n g L o n d o n ' s p r o b l e m at t h e c e n t r e - p a r t l y b y r e s t r i c t i n g p a r k i n g but chiefly b y constructing t w o c r o s s - L o n d o n double-deck a v e n u e s intersecting near the British M u s e u m .

1 1 9

S u c h a drastic s c h e m e can

o n l y b e e x p l a i n e d b y t h e v e r y r e a l fears t h a t L o n d o n m i g h t ' s u f f o c a t e ' if traffic w a s n o t d e a l t w i t h . N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e B o a r d o f T r a d e ' s L o n d o n Traffic B r a n c h w h i c h s u c c e e d e d t h e R o y a l C o m m i s s i o n in 1 9 0 7 p u t its faith i n s u b u r b a n b y - p a s s e s - a s o l u t i o n w h i c h r e s t o r e d t h e q u e s t i o n of t h e L o n d o n ' r e g i o n ' t o t h e political a g e n d a . T h e R o y a l C o m m i s s i o n h a d f o u n d t h a t L o n d o n traffic s u f f e r e d fun­ damentally from a want of co-ordination and planning and recom­ mended

a

London

Traffic

Board, but

the

suggestion

was

not

implemented. Although the tramways, railways and bus services were being brought under single ownership b y Albert Stanley's Under­ g r o u n d g r o u p , t h e m a i n l i n e r a i l w a y s r e m a i n e d o u t s i d e its c o n t r o l . 116

117

P. L. Garside, 'West End, East End: London 1890-1940', in Sutcliffe, ed., Metropolis, p. 238. P. L. Garside, 'London 1919-1950: Metropolitan Development and Planning', Plan­

ning History Bulletin, 6 (1984). 118

119

H. W. Wilson, 'Will London be Suffocated?', National Review, 37(1902), pp. 598-609. Garside, 'West End, East End', p. 238.

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Counties

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M o r e o v e r , r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for r o a d s r e m a i n e d d i v i d e d b e t w e e n t h e local a u t h o r i t i e s o f L o n d o n a n d t h e H o m e C o u n t i e s w h o b r i d l e d at relin­ quishing authority to a n y central b o d y . T h e question w a s dealt with at a s e r i e s o f c o n f e r e n c e s - t h e G r e a t e r L o n d o n A r t e r i a l R o a d s C o n f e r ­ e n c e s 1 9 1 3 - 1 6 - w h i c h split L o n d o n i n t o s e v e n s e c t i o n s w i t h t h e c o n s t i ­ tuent

local

authorities

working

under

a

central

government

department - the Local G o v e r n m e n t Board. This solution displayed m a n y o f t h e f e a t u r e s w h i c h w e r e to typify s o l u t i o n s to L o n d o n ' s r e g i o n a l p r o b l e m s - t h e ad hoc s i n g l e - p u r p o s e b o d y , t h e a v o i d a n c e of local a u t h o r i t y r e f o r m , a r e l i a n c e o n p r i v a t e e n t e r p r i s e , t h e s h e l v i n g of t h e p r o b l e m s o f c e n t r a l L o n d o n , a n d a c o n c e n t r a t i o n o n m a n a g i n g g r o w t h at t h e p e r i p h e r y . I m p r o v i n g t r a n s p o r t l i n k s w i t h t h e s u b u r b s , it w a s a c k n o w l e d g e d , w o u l d inevitably generate further suburban d e v e l o p m e n t .

Charles

B o o t h h a d a s s u m e d t h a t o n e effect o f t h i s w o u l d b e a n i n c r e a s e i n ' l o c a l life' s o t h a t t h e r e w o u l d b e n o n e e d to fear t h a t ' b e t t e r a n d more rapid communication would . . . increase centralisation'.

120

H.

G. Wells, h o w e v e r , maintained that this process of 'délocalisation' w a s irreversibly u n d e r w a y in L o n d o n , b r o u g h t about b y improve­ m e n t s in c o m m u n i c a t i o n : ' e v e r y t r a m w a y ,

every twopenny

tube,

e v e r y i m p r o v e m e n t i n y o u r o m n i b u s s e r v i c e s , in y o u r t e l e p h o n e ser­ v i c e s , in y o u r o r g a n i s a t i o n o f c r e d i t i n c r e a s e s t h e p r o p o r t i o n o f y o u r delocalised class, and sucks the ebbing blood from your old c o m m u n i ­ ties i n t o t h e v e i n s o f t h e n e w ' .

1 2 1

T h e a n s w e r to t h i s d é l o c a l i s a t i o n ,

Wells argued, was n e w ' m a m m o t h municipalities' delimited by the n a t u r a l w a t e r s h e d s o f e c o n o m i c activity a n d m o v e m e n t . I n L o n d o n , h e envisaged an area m u c h larger than the Administrative County, i n c l u d i n g w i t h i n it ' T h e w h o l e s y s t e m o f w h a t I m i g h t call t h e L o n d o n centred population.' Wells's proposals found favour with the Fabians and L C C Progress­ i v e s b u t w e r e o p p o s e d in C o n s e r v a t i v e circles as ' c e n t r a l i s a t i o n g o n e mad'.

Suburban

authorities,

whatever

t h e i r political

persuasion,

o p p o s e d the idea of 'annexation'. T h e onset of war, h o w e v e r , brought LCC

Progressives and Municipal Reformers into agreement on the

n e e d t o c o n s o l i d a t e g o v e r n m e n t in t h e L o n d o n r e g i o n . B u i l d i n g o n t h e n e w 'scientific u n d e r s t a n d i n g ' o f g e o g r a p h e r s , s o c i o l o g i s t s a n d 120

C. Booth, Improved Means of Locomotion as a First Step towards the Cure of the Housing Difficulties of London (1901).

121

H. G. Wells, 'The Question of Scientific Administrative Areas', published as an appendix to Mankind in the Making (1903).

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political s c i e n t i s t s , t h e p o l i t i c i a n s h o p e d p e a c e w o u l d b r i n g ' a n e w e r a in L o n d o n g o v e r n m e n t ' b a s e d o n a r e c o g n i t i o n o f t h e c o m p l e x and nebulous structure that L o n d o n n o w possessed. In 1919, the L C C called o n the g o v e r n m e n t to institute an enquiry to determine The particular services which should be brought under a single administration throughout Greater London; the area of Greater London which should be unified in respect of the administration of those services; the authority to which should be entrusted the administration of those services; and the rela­ tion of that authority to other local committees in the a r e a . 122

T h e clear m e s s a g e w a s that L o n d o n could n o longer b e regarded as c o t e r m i n o u s w i t h its b u i l t - u p a r e a - r a t h e r it h a d t o b e r e c o g n i s e d t h a t ' i n a m a n n e r , all s o u t h - e a s t E n g l a n d is a s i n g l e u r b a n c o m m u n i t y , for s t e a m a n d e l e c t r i c i t y a r e c h a n g i n g o u r g e o g r a p h i c a l c o n c e p t i o n s ' .

1 2 3

In 1919, the prophets of the n e w age could delineate the L o n d o n r e g i o n w i t h t h e i r i n n o v a t i v e statistical a n d g r a p h i c a l t e c h n i q u e s . I n m a n y respects, the truth of the image they drew could not b e denied. T h e c o m m e r c i a l p u l l o f L o n d o n for w o r k , for s e r v i c e s a n d for l e i s u r e w a s u n m i s t a k a b l e . S u b u r b a n i s a t i o n s e e m e d t o f e e d o n itself m o u l d i n g rural i m m i g r a n t s f r o m t h e d e p r e s s e d a n d c o n s e r v a t i v e H o m e C o u n t i e s and the ex-urbanites into one huge c o n s u m e r market. O n e section of L o n d o n , h o w e v e r , still s t o o d a p a r t - t h e c a s u a l p o o r o f L o n d o n ' s E a s t E n d . A s r e n t s a n d p r i c e s r o s e after 1 9 0 0 , a s w a g e s s t a g n a t e d a n d u n e m p l o y m e n t featured p r o m i n e n t l y in their lives, t h e s e L o n ­ doners remained stranded ' b e t w e e n a small w o r k s h o p s y s t e m that r e f u s e d t o die a n d a s y s t e m o f f a c t o r y p r o d u c t i o n w h i c h h a d s c a r c e l y b e g u n to d e v e l o p ' .

1 2 4

T h e y w e r e still r e c o g n i s a b l e a n d s t i g m a t i s e d

as ' u n f i t ' , ' l o a f e r s ' , ' u n e m p l o y a b l e s ' a n d ' d e g e n e r a t e s ' . T h e a n x i e t i e s generated by L o n d o n ' s casual labourers remained widely shared by p o l i t i c i a n s a c r o s s t h e political s p e c t r u m - v e r m i n o u s a n d f o u l - s m e l l ­ ing, t h e i r m e m o r y l i n g e r e d p o w e r f u l l y a n d l o n g w h e r e v e r t h e y w e r e e n c o u n t e r e d , e v e n as far afield a s t h e h o p f i e l d s o f K e n t .

1 2 5

Their prob­

lems, and the problem they presented, however, temporarily evapor­ a t e d w i t h t h e First W o r l d W a r a s all s u r p l u s l a b o u r w a s a b s o r b e d b y t h e n e e d s o f w a r . D e s p i t e t h e i m m e d i a t e p o s t w a r crisis, a t t e n t i o n switched e l s e w h e r e as the world depression of the 1930s u n d e r m i n e d 122

123

124

125

LCC, Minutes of Proceedings, 28 October 1919. H. J. Mackinder, Britain and the British Seas (Oxford, 1907), p. 258. Stedman Jones, 'Working-Class Culture', p. 489. T. C. Barker and J. Whyman, Life in Kent before 1914, SSRC Final Report, HR 2830 (1977), pp. 5 1 - 4 .

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525

t h e s t a p l e i n d u s t r i e s o f t h e p r o v i n c i a l cities l e a v i n g a m i l l i o n u n e m ­ ployed. T h e nature of Britain's regional p r o b l e m c a m e to b e fundamen­ tally r e d e f i n e d - L o n d o n w a s n o l o n g e r at its c e n t r e , b u t r e p r e s e n t e d a n enclave of success a n d prosperity aloof from but nevertheless per­ h a p s r e s p o n s i b l e for t h e p a i n f u l d e c a y o f t h e p r o v i n c e s .

IV

THE 'WALL-LESS

WORLD'

OF LONDON

1918-50

No place is safe: no place at peace. There is no place where a woman and her daughter can hide and be at peace. The war comes through the air, bombs drop in the night. Quiet people go out in the morning and see air-fleets passing overhead - dripping death - dripping death. H. G . Wells, War in the Air (1908) The

d e c a d e s s p a n n i n g t h e t w o w o r l d w a r s h e i g h t e n e d t h e n e e d to

analyse the 'wall-less w o r l d ' that L o n d o n h a d b e c o m e a n d to evaluate its a c t u a l a n d s y m b o l i c s i g n i f i c a n c e . R e p o r t s o f e n q u i r i e s , i n v e s t i ­ g a t i o n s a n d a n a l y s e s a p p e a r e d r e g u l a r l y a s t h e effort t o c o m p r e h e n d , assess a n d m a n a g e the capital continued. T o s o m e , like L e w i s M u m f o r d , it s e e m e d t h a t t h e familiar m e t r o p o l i t a n p r o b l e m s o f o v e r g r o w t h a n d disintegration w e r e simply intensifying. ' T h e Parasitopolis of the late n i n e t e e n t h century h a s already b e c o m e the spectral Necropolis of the mid-twentieth c e n t u r y ' , M u m f o r d w r o t e .

1 2 6

B y 1 9 3 9 , it w a s

being said that L o n d o n w a s n o longer simply a p r o b l e m 'sui generis', b u t h a d b e c o m e a t h r e a t to n a t i o n a l life as a w h o l e . I n t h e 1 9 2 0 s , t h e p r o b l e m s o f m e t r o p o l i t a n e x p a n s i o n w e r e i d e n t i f i e d as i n t e r n a l c o n g e s t i o n a n d co-ordination but in the 1930s opinion shifted. Within the capital, L o n d o n ' s L a b o u r politicians raised the issues of equity a n d the distribution of r e s o u r c e s . At the s a m e time, national politicians a n d experts w e r e p r e s e n t i n g t h o s e s a m e issues as a p r o b l e m of L o n d o n ' s relationship with the provinces. F r o m the national perspec­ tive, L o n d o n ' s o v e r g r o w t h a n d the depression suffered in the regions w e r e but t w o aspects of the s a m e problem. B y 1939, the L o n d o n ques­ t i o n h a d b e c o m e a n a t i o n a l , i n t r a - r e g i o n a l i s s u e a s t h e i n e x o r a b l e 'drift to the south-east' c o n t i n u e d . The u r g e n c y of the p r o b l e m w a s increased as L o n d o n ' s continued p h y s i c a l e x p a n s i o n a n d its g r o w i n g e c o n o m i c i m p o r t a n c e a p p e a r e d vulnerable as n e v e r before. T h e experience of total w a r b e q u e a t h e d n e w s o c i a l t e n s i o n s a n d f o r e b o d i n g s o f u n p r e c e d e n t e d h o r r o r still 126

L. Mumford, 'The Plan for London', in City Development: Studies in Disintegration and Renewal (1947), p. 184.

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to c o m e f r o m aerial b o m b a r d m e n t . T h e m e t r o p o l i s h a d l o n g s e e m e d d a n g e r o u s ; in 1 9 1 9 a n d e v e n m o r e in 1 9 3 9 , it s e e m e d s i m p l y d i s a s ­ trous. Despite the wealth of contemporary material and c o m m e n t , the his­ t o r y o f i n t e r w a r a n d w a r t i m e L o n d o n is n e v e r t h e l e s s l a r g e l y u n w r i t ­ t e n . H o u s i n g a n d politics are t h e m a j o r e x c e p t i o n s to t h i s . F o r t h e m o s t p a r t , w h i l e c o n t e m p o r a r y a c c o u n t s p r o v i d e a w e a l t h o f detail o n L o n d o n ' s p h y s i c a l , e c o n o m i c a n d s o c i a l fabric, w e l a c k t h e n e c e s s ­ a r y s y n t h e s i s . M u c h o f t h e s e c o n d a r y d a t a s u c h as t h e c e n s u s r e m a i n u n e x p l o r e d . T h e r e are n o a n a l y s e s o f L o n d o n ' s o v e r a l l s t r u c t u r e , a n d o n l y a v e r y f e w i n t e n s i v e s t u d i e s o f t h e q u a l i t y o f m e t r o p o l i t a n life. T h i s final s e c t i o n , t h e r e f o r e , is i n e v i t a b l y m o r e i m p r e s s i o n i s t i c a n d s p e c u l a t i v e t h a n t h o s e t h a t h a v e g o n e b e f o r e . T h e m a j o r t h e m e s are the nature of metropolitan growth a n d politics a n d their impact on e n v i r o n m e n t a l m a n a g e m e n t , e s p e c i a l l y in t e r m s o f h o u s i n g a n d p l a n ­ ning policy.

The Armistice,

peace and urban order

T h e A r m i s t i c e o f N o v e m b e r 1918 b r o u g h t relief f r o m h o s t i l i t i e s a b r o a d a n d f r o m Z e p p e l i n s o v e r L o n d o n , b u t at t h e s a m e t i m e it b r o u g h t t h e t h r e a t o f b i t t e r conflict at h o m e . E v i d e n c e f r o m c a b i n e t p a p e r s s t r o n g l y s u g g e s t s a g r o w i n g fear o f i n s u r r e c t i o n a s t h e t r o o p s r e t u r n e d . T h e i r d i s c i p l i n e a n d t r a i n i n g a c q u i r e d for w a r , it w a s f e a r e d , w o u l d p r o v e d a n g e r o u s a s s e t s in a d i s a f f e c t e d w o r k i n g c l a s s w i t h t h e e x a m p l e of r e c e n t B o l s h e v i k u p r i s i n g s in E u r o p e a n c a p i t a l s a n d i n R u s s i a b e f o r e t h e m . T h e p r o s p e c t o f civil u n r e s t , e s p e c i a l l y i n L o n d o n , h a d a g a i n b e c o m e a r e a l a n d a l a r m i n g p o s s i b i l i t y . L l o y d G e o r g e ' s ' H o m e s for H e r o e s ' c a m p a i g n w a s tactically i n s t i g a t e d a s a m e a n s o f d e f u s i n g potential revolution through the promise of a massive housing pro­ g r a m m e w h o s e every aspect w a s i m b u e d with the social a n d architec­ tural values of order, balance a n d h a r m o n y .

1 2 7

T h i s v i s i o n of s o c i a l h a r m o n y w a s e s p e c i a l l y difficult t o a c h i e v e in L o n d o n . Rustic housing estates planned o n G a r d e n City lines and separated from existing built-up areas w e r e the ideal, but p r o b l e m s arose b e c a u s e of L o n d o n ' s existing size (the 1921 c e n s u s recorded a p o p u l a t i o n o f 7 . 5 m i l l i o n for G r e a t e r L o n d o n ) a n d b e c a u s e o f its 127

M. Swenarton, Homes Fit for Heroes: The Politics and Architecture of Early State Housing in Britain (1981).

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fragmented governmental structure. H. de R. Walker, Progressive Chairman of the L C C ' s Housing of the Working Classes Committee l a m e n t e d this fragmentation a n d e x p r e s s e d a p p r e h e n s i o n that c h a o s m i g h t e n s u e in a n y attempt to m o u n t an ambitious h o u s i n g pro­ g r a m m e in the region. T m a y a d d ' , h e c o n t i n u e d enviously,

'that

s u c h a p r o b l e m w o u l d n o t a r i s e i n t h o s e o f t h e g r e a t p r o v i n c i a l cities which, having extended their borders, have the whole matter within t h e i r s u r v e y , a n d a r e a b l e t o s o l v e it w i t h i n t h e l i m i t s o f t h e i r o w n municipal area.'

1 2 8

T h e urgency of the immediate situation m e a n t that

efforts t o r e f o r m L o n d o n g o v e r n m e n t h a d to b e s h e l v e d a n d p o l i c y ­ m a k i n g in L o n d o n b e c a m e increasingly d e p e n d e n t o n bargainings, compromises, action and counteraction b e t w e e n the parties c o n c e r n e d at n a t i o n a l , r e g i o n a l a n d local l e v e l . T h e effect w a s t o a t t e n u a t e t h e links b e t w e e n L o n d o n ' s problems and the objectives and outcomes of p o l i c y . The postwar debate about L o n d o n ' s housing, the 'Greater London H o u s i n g C a m p a i g n ' a n d the reform of local g o v e r n m e n t revolved a r o u n d t h e future o f t h e L C C . I n 1 9 1 9 , P r o g r e s s i v e a n d M u n i c i p a l R e f o r m l e a d e r s at C o u n t y H a l l a n d t h e M i n i s t e r o f H e a l t h all s e e m e d to agree that L o n d o n g o v e r n m e n t s h o u l d b e reviewed, a n d that in the m e a n t i m e the L C C s h o u l d 'take the l e a d ' in m e e t i n g h o u s i n g needs throughout the Conurbation. T h e reaction of the outer areas was,

h o w e v e r , b o t h h o s t i l e a n d w e l l o r g a n i s e d . S u b u r b a n fears o f

invasion a n d annexation p r o v o k e d powerful resistance to the L C C - a 'wolf o n the p r o w l ' stalking defenceless rural ' c h i c k e n s ' to provide sites for v a s t w o r k i n g - c l a s s h o u s i n g e s t a t e s . I n 1 9 2 0 , t h e M i n i s t r y o f Health's Committee on Unhealthy Areas had

c a l l e d for

London

g o v e r n m e n t to b e unified, but b y 1923 a Royal C o m m i s s i o n o n L o n d o n G o v e r n m e n t o p p o s e d a n y c h a n g e , r e c o g n i s i n g t h a t a n y a t t e m p t to extend the authority of the L C C would provoke such extensive oppo­ s i t i o n a s t o r e n d e r p r o p o s a l s futile. M u n i c i p a l R e f o r m e r s a l s o r e v e r t e d to opposition - their misgivings w e r e partly b a s e d on the g r o u n d s o f efficiency, b u t t o a g r e a t e x t e n t t h e y f e a r e d t h e t h r e a t t h a t a G r e a t e r L o n d o n a u t h o r i t y w o u l d p o s e t o n a t i o n a l g o v e r n m e n t b e c a u s e o f its scale, and b e c a u s e such aggrandisement represented 'a part of the p l a n for t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f S o c i a l i s m ' . F e w s u p p o r t e r s o f a G r e a t e r L o n d o n authority remained, and throughout the interwar period the

Quoted in Young and Garside, Metropolitan London, p. 148.

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528

P. L. G A R S ID E

L C C faced a defensive alliance of suburban authorities a n d a 'delicate, d i p l o m a t i c s i t u a t i o n ' in d e a l i n g w i t h t h e m .

1 2 9

T h e ' H o m e s for H e r o e s ' c a m p a i g n n e v e r t h e l e s s p l a c e d a m a j o r h o u s ­ ing responsibility on the L C C , and the President of the Local G o v e r n ­ m e n t B o a r d , H a y e s F i s h e r , specifically e n j o i n e d t h e L C C to g i v e ' a c e r t a i n a m o u n t o f l e a d i n g light a n d g u i d a n c e ' o v e r t h e w h o l e m e t r o p o ­ litan a r e a . S u b u r b a n o p p o s i t i o n , h o w e v e r , s h a p e d t h e L C C ' s activi­ ties, c o n f i n i n g its e s t a t e s t o a r e a s o f l o w social s t a t u s a n d c o m p l i a n t local c o u n c i l s m a i n l y to t h e s o u t h a n d e a s t o f L o n d o n . T h e s c a l e o f L C C housing operations where conditions proved favourable only s e r v e d to s t r e n g t h e n o p p o s i t i o n e l s e w h e r e . T h e v i s u a l a n d social i m p a c t o f B e c o n t r e e , set d o w n in t h e E s s e x m a r s h e s , c o u l d o n l y rein­ force t h e m i s g i v i n g s o f s u b u r b a n

authorities. Absolute resistance

s e e m e d t h e o n l y v i a b l e s t r a t e g y . W h e r e c h i n k s a p p e a r e d in s u b u r b a n defences, the L C C poured through, building more than 17,000 houses in t h e H o m e C o u n t i e s b e t w e e n 1 9 1 9 a n d 1 9 2 9 , 1 3 , 0 0 0 o f t h e m at B e c o n ­ tree.

Social polarisation and the 'unhealthy

areas'

It w a s q u i c k l y a p p a r e n t at t h e t i m e , a n d h a s g e n e r a l l y b e e n a g r e e d s i n c e , t h a t t h e s u b u r b a n e s t a t e s c r e a t e d i n t h e 1 9 2 0 s d i d little t o m e e t t h e g e n e r a l n e e d s of L o n d o n ' s s l u m - d w e l l e r s a n d still l e s s t o s o l v e the problem of the ' r e s i d u u m ' .

T h e 1921 census s h o w e d that the

c o l l a p s e of t h e p r i v a t e h o u s i n g m a r k e t w a s t r a p p i n g a w i d e social r a n g e of n e w l y f o r m e d h o u s e h o l d s in L o n d o n ' s i n n e r a r e a s . M a j o r H a r r y B a r n e s , a l e a d i n g L a b o u r m e m b e r o f t h e L C C w r o t e in 1 9 2 5 t h a t ' O v e r c r o w d i n g in L o n d o n is d e v e l o p i n g a n e w a n d s i n i s t e r a s p e c t . . . It is s p r e a d i n g a n d r a p i d l y m a k i n g i n n e r L o n d o n i n t o o n e v a s t s l u m . H a r d w o r k i n g , s e l f - r e s p e c t i n g p e o p l e . . . are n o w living in h i d ­ d e n d e n s t h a t are n o t fit t o h o u s e t h e m o s t d e g r a d e d o f h u m a n beings.'

1 3 0

It w a s t h e s e n e w l y a n d ' u n j u s t i f i a b l y ' o v e r c r o w d e d p e o p l e

t h a t t h e ' H o m e s for H e r o e s ' c a m p a i g n a i m e d t o h e l p - e s t a b l i s h i n g a n e w definition o f t h e d e s e r v i n g a n d t h e u n d e s e r v i n g w h i c h c o u l d c o m m a n d immediate and wide support. T h e problem of the old-estab­ l i s h e d s l u m s w a s c o n s c i o u s l y a n d d e l i b e r a t e l y s h e l v e d b y civil s e r v a n t s

Ibid., 126-39. Major H. Barnes, T h e Slum Problem', Journal of the Town Planning Institute, 13 (1926-7), p. 148.

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and ministers w h o recognised the extent of 'unhealthy areas' but could see n o m e a n s of confronting t h e m p u b l i c l y . The

131

r a d i c a l p r o p o s a l s o f t h e U n h e a l t h y A r e a s C o m m i t t e e for a

r e g i o n a l g o v e r n m e n t w i t h w i d e p l a n n i n g p o w e r s for L o n d o n d e r i v e d f r o m its o r i g i n a l b r i e f ' t o e x p l o r e f u r t h e r s o m e o f t h e v e r y difficult questions relating to s l u m a r e a s ' in t h e capital. T h e scale a n d costliness of t h e r e p l a n n i n g a n d t h e d e v e l o p m e n t p r o p o s e d a l a r m e d M i n i s t r y of H e a l t h officials: e v e n t h o u g h t h e M i n i s t r y a c k n o w l e d g e d t h a t c o n ­ ditions in L o n d o n slums w e r e 'atrocious' t h e y w e r e unwilling to inves­ tigate

or

discuss

this

publicly because

of the

effect

on

public

expectations. T h e true extent of the 'lamentable conditions'

that

existed h a d to remain hidden, slum clearance s c h e m e s were delibera­ t e l y a l l o w e d t o ' p r o c e e d s l o w l y ' t h r o u g h W h i t e h a l l , a n d official p o l i c y r e s t e d o n l i m i t e d , t o k e n activity - ' p a t c h r e p a i r s ' o f unfit h o u s e s , a n d m a n a g e m e n t o f t h e w o r s t p r o p e r t y o n O c t a v i a Hill l i n e s to s e c u r e ' a s little d e t e r i o r a t i o n a s p o s s i b l e ' . It w a s , at b e s t , a c o s m e t i c h o l d i n g operation, a gesture that something was being done. During the 1920s, t h e calls o f e u g e n i s t s t h a t p u b l i c h e a l t h r e q u i r e d t h e c o n t r o l l e d b r e e d ­ ing of p e o p l e living in slums w a s h e a r d with r e n e w e d insistence as conditions there worsened and the policy v a c u u m persisted. In t h e l a t e 1 9 2 0 s , it c o u l d n o l o n g e r b e d e n i e d t h a t s o m e n e w g r o u n d h a d t o b e d e f i n e d o n w h i c h to b a s e future h o u s i n g p o l i c y . P o l i t i c a l a n d social m i s g i v i n g s a b o u t t h e w i s d o m o f t h e L C C ' s s u b u r b a n e s t a t e building programme and the consequent neglect of the slums were reinforced b y the c o n s e q u e n c e s of a private sector house-building revi­ val,

o n l y briefly i n t e r r u p t e d b y t h e 1 9 2 9 - 3 1 s l u m p . C o m p e t i t i o n for

scarce sites in outer L o n d o n intensified a n d the opposition of s u b u r b a n local a u t h o r i t i e s to t h e L C C i n c r e a s e d . T h e h o u s i n g r e c o r d o f t h e Municipal Reform party b e c a m e a prominent election issue. By the e n d of 1933, only 118 dwellings h a d b e e n c o m p l e t e d out of a target of 2 , 0 0 0 . H e r b e r t M o r r i s o n ' s L a b o u r m e m b e r s o n t h e L C C c o m m i t t e d t h e m s e l v e s to replacing this 'as a n d w h e n ' h o u s i n g policy with 'plan and drive', ending the slums with 'a vigorous rehousing The

drive'.

1 3 2

e m p h a s i s c h a n g e d from suburban cottage estates to building

dwellings in or near the centre of L o n d o n . T h e h u g e dormitory cottage estates w e r e c o n d e m n e d as 'depressingly uniform', a n d ' o f n o practi­ cal u s e t o m o s t f a m i l i e s l i v i n g i n s l u m h o u s e s o r in o v e r c r o w d e d 131

132

P. L . Garside, '"Unhealthy Areas": Town Planning and the Slums', Planning Perspectives, 2 (1987). H. Morrison, 'Plans for London', Geographical Magazine, 8 (1938), p. 83.

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530

P. L . G A R S I D E

conditions'.

1 3 3

After L a b o u r ' s victory in the L C C elections of 1934,

policy shifted t o w a r d s clearance a n d r e d e v e l o p m e n t in

'unhealthy

areas' and the pace of building quickened considerably. Nevertheless, if s i t e s c l o s e t o t h e p e r i p h e r y o f L o n d o n b e c a m e a v a i l a b l e a t t e m p t s c o n t i n u e d to b e m a d e to secure t h e m . Despite the c h a n g e of e m p h a s i s , a n o p p o r t u n i s t i c h o u s i n g p o l i c y c o n t i n u e d to b e p u r s u e d . I n E s s e x , a f u r t h e r 1 , 0 0 0 a c r e s at F a i r l o p P l a i n w a s a c q u i r e d b y t h e L C C in 1 9 3 5 d e s p i t e t h e o p p o s i t i o n o f Ilford C o u n c i l . W i t h i n t h e A d m i n i s t r a ­ t i v e C o u n t y itself, f o u r b o r o u g h s r e c e i v e d h a l f o f t h e L C C ' s e n t i r e building programme Wandsworth

in the late 1930s - C a m b e r w e l l , L e w i s h a m ,

a n d L a m b e t h , whilst in others the L C C w a s totally

excluded. T h e correlation of housing stress with L C C house-building in L o n d o n w a s p o o r , a n d t h e l o c a t i o n o f flats w a s d e t e r m i n e d n o t b y h o u s i n g n e e d , b u t b y t h e political c o m p l e x i o n o f t h e l o c a l b o r o u g h c o u n c i l a n d t h e availability o f s i t e s . M o r r i s o n a n d t h e L o n d o n L a b o u r party a c c e p t e d this c o n t a i n m e n t as the price of low-profile politics a n d m i n i m u m c o s t p o l i c i e s d e s i g n e d t o r e s t o r e a b o v e all L a b o u r ' s fitness t o g o v e r n after t h e d e b a c l e o f 1 9 3 1 . I n t h e p r o c e s s , t h e face of l a r g e p a r t s o f L o n d o n w a s t r a n s f o r m e d b y r a n k s o f f i v e - s t o r e y h i g h d e n s i t y flats. G r e e n w o o d c o m m e n t e d t h a t ' L o n d o n h a s i n d e e d s u c ­ c u m b e d t o t h e " f l a t " m e t h o d o f a c c o m m o d a t i o n to a g r e a t e r d e g r e e than any other part of the c o u n t r y .

, 1 3 4

L e s s s a n g u i n e in h i s a t t i t u d e w a s F r e d e r i c O s b o r n , o n e o f t h e o r i g i n a l and most vociferous advocates of Garden Cities. O s b o r n derided the options o p e n to L o n d o n e r s of a centrally located t e n e m e n t or a subur­ b a n h o u s e a n d garden. ' T h u s the L o n d o n e r has to c h o o s e b e t w e e n b e i n g a rat i n a d r a i n o r a s q u i r r e l i n a c a g e ' , h e r a g e d . N e i t h e r d e c e n t r a ­ lisation into G a r d e n Cities, n o r large-scale r e d e v e l o p m e n t of L o n d o n ' s c o n g e s t e d a r e a s c o u l d find m u c h s u p p o r t a m o n g p o l i c y - m a k e r s b e f o r e the e n d of the 1930s. T h e n e e d to p r o m o t e e c o n o m i c growth

and

enterprise a n d the pursuit of self-interest b y politicians, property o w n e r s a n d s p e c u l a t o r s alike stifled a t t e m p t s to l e g i s l a t e for a b r o a d e r approach.

1 3 5

S u c h limitations e n a b l e d b a c k w a t e r s such as C a m p b e l l

B u n k in N o r t h Islington to survive, stigmatising t h o u s a n d s of L o n ­ d o n ' s Tumpenproletariat' simply b y virtue of their address,

while

p r o v i d i n g t h e m w i t h t h e n e c e s s a r y a r e n a for t h e ' w h i r l w i n d o f m o t i o n ' 133

134

135

London Labour party, A Housing Policy for London (1934). Introduction to H. Bingham Ashworth, Flats: Design and Equipment (1936). Garside, '"Unhealthy A r e a s ' " , and P. L . Garside, 'Town Planning in London 1930-1961: A Study of Pressures, Interests and Influences Affecting the Formation of Policy' (unpublished PhD thesis, University of London, 1979).

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London and the Home

Counties

531

t h a t w a s t h e life o f t h e c a s u a l l y s e l f - e m p l o y e d . I n s u c h p l a c e s , ' t h e v e r y p o o r h e l p e d the v e r y p o o r within the c o n s t r a i n e d limits of their p o v e r t y ' b u t s u p p o r t v i e d w i t h c o m p e t i t i o n a n d at t i m e s t h e p e o p l e of C a m p b e l l B u n k f o u g h t a m o n g t h e m s e l v e s for t h e little t h a t w a s a v a i l a b l e i n a ' d o g - e a t - d o g ' affair. T h e s e p a r a t e n e s s o f e n c l a v e s like C a m p b e l l B u n k w a s e n s u r e d b y t h e i r v e r y life s t y l e - t h e fights, t h e s l a n g , t h e g a n g a c t i v i t i e s . C a m p b e l l B u n k is a v i v i d e x a m p l e o f a s u b c u l t u r a l z o n e t h a t r e m a i n e d u n a s s i m i l a t e d i n t o L o n d o n life u n t i l after 1950. T h e contrast with the n e w working-class ' n o r m ' of tenement b l o c k s w a s s t r o n g , b u t t h a t w i t h t h e n e w l y built s u b u r b s w a s e x t r e m e . In their healthiness, orderliness and quietness, the suburbs presented a w h o l l y different s c e n e , w h e r e life c e n t r e d o n h o m e a n d f a m i l y , a n d i n t e r e s t s r e v o l v e d a r o u n d ' c r i c k e t a n d football r e s u l t s , b o o k - t a l k , l o v e m a k i n g , c r o q u e t a n d t e n n i s p a r t i e s for y o u n g m e n a n d

women'.

1 3 6

T h e r e a l i t i e s o f life i n L o n d o n s l u m s m u s t i n d e e d h a v e s e e m e d r e m o t e a n d b e y o n d imagining. A s L o r d M o y n e c o m m e n t e d in 1934, ' M a n y i n t e r e s t s w e r e c o m b i n i n g t o c a u s e t h e w e l l - t o - d o a n d t h e p o o r to live apart in separate territories.'

Semi-detached

137

London

T o a considerable extent, the social polarisation of L o n d o n , the rise of L a b o u r to p o w e r , a n d t h e L C C ' s r e t r e a t f r o m o u t - c o u n t y e s t a t e s , all d e r i v e d f r o m t h e s a m e s e t o f c i r c u m s t a n c e s - t h e r e s u r g e n c e o f L o n d o n ' s growth and the continued exodus of people from the County of L o n d o n . W h i l e the inner L o n d o n population c o n t i n u e d to decline, the surrounding areas grew by more than a million b e t w e e n 1921 a n d 1 9 3 1 . A s C h a m b e r l a i n g r a p h i c a l l y p o i n t e d o u t in 1 9 2 7 , ' a city the size of M a n c h e s t e r h a s b e e n a d d e d to L o n d o n since the W a r ' .

1 3 8

M i g r a t i o n f r o m a r e a s as far a w a y as N o r t h u m b e r l a n d a n d G l a m o r g a n made

a

significant contribution

to

London's

suburban

growth,

a c c o u n t i n g for two-fifths o f t h e t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e - t h e r e s t being supplied b y natural growth of the existing population.

139

The

m a j o r Contibutor t o s u b u r b a n e x p a n s i o n w a s t h e p r i v a t e b u i l d e r w h o

J. White, 'Campbell Bunk: A Lumpen Community in London between the Wars',

History Workshop Journal, 8 (1979), pp. 2-42. The Times, 23 March 1934. Young and Garside, Metropolitan London, pp. 2 0 0 - 1 . D. Friedlander and R. J. Roshier, 'A Study of Internal Migration in England and Wales: Part V, Population Studies, 19 (1965-6), p. 264.

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532

P. L. G A R S I D E

c o n t r i b u t e d 8 0 p e r c e n t o f all t h e h o u s e s b u i l t in t h e C o n u r b a t i o n b e t w e e n the wars. T h e c o n n e c t i o n s b e t w e e n s u b u r b a n living, o w n e r o c c u p a t i o n a n d r i s i n g social s t a t u s w e r e b e i n g f o r g e d a n d r e i n f o r c e d in the H o m e C o u n t i e s especially in the area b e t w e e n the Administra­ tive C o u n t y a n d the C o n u r b a t i o n b o u n d a r i e s . N e v e r t h e l e s s , m a n y o f t h e o u t e r districts i n t h e C o n u r b a t i o n w e r e only loosely tied to L o n d o n as a w h o l e a n d m a n y r e m a i n e d ' b e y o n d t h e daily s p h e r e o f i n f l u e n c e ' o f t h e m e t r o p o l i s . P l a c e s s u c h as O r p ­ i n g t o n , B e x l e y , C h i s l e h u r s t a n d S i d c u p in K e n t , B e n s t e a d , E p s o m a n d E s h e r i n S u r r e y , a n d o t h e r s in H e r t f o r d s h i r e , M i d d l e s e x a n d E s s e x s a w l e s s t h a n 15 p e r c e n t o f t h e i r o c c u p i e d ' n i g h t p o p u l a t i o n ' t a k i n g t h e m o r n i n g t r a i n to L o n d o n . G e n e r a l l y , j o u r n e y s to w o r k t h r o u g h o u t t h e C o n u r b a t i o n w e r e local, w i t h i n t h e i m m e d i a t e or n e i g h b o u r i n g districts f r o m t h e h o m e . O n l y t h e c e n t r e o f L o n d o n e x e r c i s e d a n y l o n g - d i s t a n c e a t t r a c t i o n for e m p l o y m e n t - o n e t h i r d o f its w o r k e r s j o u r n e y e d from h o m e s b e y o n d the C o u n t y , t h o u g h only o n e sixth c a m e from the outer fringes of the C o n u r b a t i o n . com- muters were male. M a n y suburban

1 4 0

A l m o s t all o f t h e s e

a r e a s w e r e l a r g e l y self-

contained economically, especially w h e r e unskilled or semi-skilled j o b s offered e m p l o y m e n t for a r e s i d e n t w o r k i n g - c l a s s

population.

B e t w e e n 1 9 3 2 a n d 1 9 3 6 , a l m o s t h a l f o f all n e w f a c t o r i e s e m p l o y i n g m o r e t h a n twenty-three p e r s o n s w h i c h o p e n e d in G r e a t e r L o n d o n w e r e l o c a t e d in t h e o u t e r s u b u r b s . T h e w e s t e r n a p p r o a c h e s o f t h e A 4 0 to the Midlands, a n d the U p p e r L e a valley suburbs of Enfield a n d E d m o n t o n w e r e particularly favoured, a n d the m o d e r n functional a r c h i t e c t u r e o f t h e n e w f a c t o r i e s o f H o o v e r a n d F i r e s t o n e in H o u n s l o w symbolised the n e w industrial order. E v e n m i d d l e - c l a s s s u b u r b s w e r e c o m i n g to offer a n i n c r e a s i n g r a n g e of e m p l o y m e n t , m o r e e s p e c i a l l y for m e n , t h o u g h l e s s s o for w o m e n . T h e expansion of shops, transport, education and other services pro­ v i d e d v a r i e d a n d r e l a t i v e l y s e c u r e , if n o t a l w a y s h i g h l y p a i d , e m p l o y ­ m e n t . T h e suburbs provided their o w n rich recreational mix of clubs and societies, cinemas and music halls, and the roads were a h a v e n for t h e m o t o r i s t a n d cyclist. M a n y h a n d s w e r e n e e d e d to c a t e r for t h e s e eclectic l e i s u r e o u t l e t s . F o r m a n y , L o n d o n r e m a i n e d s i m p l y ' t h e s m o k e ' t o b e v i s i t e d , if at all, o n l y for c e r e m o n i a l o c c a s i o n s a n d s p e c i a l ­ ist s e r v i c e s . D e v e l o p e r s m i g h t r e s o r t to ' h a r d - s e l l ' t e c h n i q u e s

140

to

J. H. Westergaard, 'The Structure of Greater London', in Ruth Glass, ed., London:

Aspects of Change (1964), p. 105.

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London and the Home

Counties

capture individual buyers, but the general appeal of suburban was unmistakable by the 1930s.

533 life

1 4 1

T h e a p p a r e n t l y e n d l e s s flood o f L o n d o n ' s s u b u r b s i n t h e i n t e r w a r period raised continually and insistently the dual problem of compre­ h e n s i o n a n d a p p r o p r i a t e a c t i o n . It s e e m e d i m p o s s i b l e for L o n d o n e r s a n y l o n g e r to h a v e a d i s t i n c t i m a g e o f t h e m e t r o p o l i s in its e n t i r e t y . E v e n t h e efforts o f c a r t o g r a p h e r s w h i c h h a d e n a b l e d n i n e t e e n t h - c e n ­ t u r y r e s i d e n t s a n d v i s i t o r s to m a p t h e city n o l o n g e r p r o v i d e d a u s a b l e g u i d e . L o n d o n c a m e t o b e r e p r e s e n t e d n o t b y its a c t u a l s h a p e , b u t by a series of abstract diagrams, each a specialised representation of L o n d o n for s o m e specific o r p a r t i c u l a r p u r p o s e . T h e m o s t s t r i k i n g e x a m p l e o f t h e c h a n g e is t h e r e a l i g n m e n t o f L o n d o n ' s u n d e r g r o u n d s y s t e m b y F r a n k P i c k . A b a n d o n i n g l i n k s w i t h t h e real w o r l d a b o v e , Pick's 'tube m a p ' recast the Underground

into a rationalised but

unrealistic diagram of suburban and subterranean l i n e s .

1 4 2

A whole

r a n g e o f s u c h ' u r b a n e x p e r t s ' c a m e to t h e fore in t h e 1 9 3 0 s , e a c h p r e s e n t i n g t h e i r o w n s t y l i s e d v e r s i o n o f L o n d o n . Traffic e n g i n e e r s a n d t o w n p l a n n e r s w e r e at t h e c e n t r e o f t h i s k i n d o f activity as t h e y s o u g h t to d e v i s e w a y s o f b r i n g i n g o r d e r f r o m d i s o r d e r ,

and

control from c h a o s . B y s u p e r i m p o s i n g a simplified plan onto the un­ c o o r d i n a t e d a n d a n a r c h i c m i x t u r e o f L o n d o n life, t h e m e d i u m c a m e to b e i d e n t i f i e d w i t h t h e m e s s a g e - t h e p r o c e s s o f p l a n - m a k i n g a n d t h e a c h i e v e m e n t o f o r d e r e d u r b a n m a n a g e m e n t w e r e p r e s e n t e d as essentially the s a m e thing. T h e c l a i m o f p l a n n e r s to k n o w L o n d o n i n a n e w a n d a u t h o r i t a t i v e w a y did not, h o w e v e r , carry the day until the very e n d of the 1930s. T h e demise of the Greater L o n d o n Regional Planning C o m m i t t e e , the 'butchering' of the 1932 T o w n and Country Planning Act, the narrow c o m p a s s of the L C C ' s t o w n planning s c h e m e s , and the piece­ m e a l i m p l e m e n t a t i o n o f t h e L o n d o n G r e e n B e l t all illustrate t h e p r e ­ vailing p o w e r of the status q u o - not only in terms of e c o n o m i c a n d i n d u s t r i a l i n t e r e s t s , b u t a l s o in t e r m s o f e x i s t i n g political a n d a d m i n i s ­ t r a t i v e s t r u c t u r e s a n d p r e v a i l i n g political n o r m s . A b o v e all, t h e ' b u r ­ eaucratic m a c h i n e politics' of Herbert M o r r i s o n ' s L o n d o n Labour party reinforced rather than challenged those norms and i n p l a n n i n g , as i n h o u s i n g . 141

142

143

structures

1 4 3

A. A. Jackson, Semi-Detached London: Suburban Development, Life and Transport, 190039 (1973). Garside, 'West End, East End', p. 252. G. W. Jones and B. Donoughue, Herbert Morrison: Portrait of a Politician (1973).

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534

P. L . G A R S I D E

Neither central L o n d o n n o r the L o n d o n region w a s recast in the 1 9 3 0 s . T h e d e s i r e to d e a l w i t h L o n d o n ' s g r o w t h i n a c o m p r e h e n s i v e m a n n e r , a n d at a s c a l e d i c t a t e d b y ' n a t u r a l ' b o u n d a r i e s f a l t e r e d l a r g e l y b e c a u s e o f t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n a l a n d political q u e s t i o n s t h a t w e r e i n e v i ­ t a b l y r a i s e d . A s t h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r a p p r o a c h e d , it w a s t h e r e a l i t y of

London

rather

than any planner's

s c h e m e that

demanded

a

r e s p o n s e . I n a s e r i e s o f articles p u b l i s h e d i n 1 9 3 8 a n d 1 9 3 9 , The Econom­ ist a n d t h e Spectator a s k e d ' C a n W e S c r a p L o n d o n ? ' a n d ' W h y L o n ­ d o n ? ' . L l e w e l l y n S m i t h h a d c o n c l u d e d h i s n i n e - v o l u m e Survey of London Life and Labour w i t h a n affirmation o f h o p e i n L o n d o n ' s vitality d e s p i t e t h e dire p o v e r t y

o f h a l f a m i l l i o n o f its p e o p l e .

Clough

Williams-Ellis recognised that the fashion w a s 'to deplore the size of L o n d o n ' , b u t t h e e d i t o r o f The Economist c o n c l u d e d t h a t i n e c o n o m i c t e r m s t h e c o n t i n u e d g r o w t h o f L o n d o n h a d b e e n a c l e a r g a i n for t h e nation.

1 4 4

Not even the Royal Commission on the Distribution of the

Industrial Population appointed in 1937 could d e n y t h e e c o n o m i c con­ t r i b u t i o n of L o n d o n , w h a t e v e r its w i d e r s o c i a l effects.

War and the re-evaluation of London W a r , it s e e m e d , w a s t h e o n e f a c t o r t h a t c o u l d shift t h e b a l a n c e o f opinion. W h e n he announced the appointment of the Barlow C o m m i s ­ s i o n , E r n e s t B r o w n , M i n i s t e r o f L a b o u r , h a d r e f e r r e d specifically t o strategic considerations. ' T h e e x t e n s i o n of industry in G r e a t e r L o n ­ d o n ' , h e s a i d , ' g i v e s rise t o g r a v e p r o b l e m s , n o t m e r e l y o f i n d u s t r y , but of h e a l t h , communications, and vulnerability from the air.' M a n y people shared Bertrand Russell's view that 'an avalanche of terror' w o u l d follow an outbreak of w a r as L o n d o n w a s 'levelled to the ground'.

1 4 5

For 'the clean sheet' that L o n d o n w o u l d then

present,

a c h o i c e o f p l a n s w a s at h a n d - t h e r e m i g h t b e t h e G a r d e n C i t y m o d e l of total d i s p e r s a l , o r G a r d e n S u b u r b s a r o u n d a c e n t r a l city, o r t h e e c o n o m i c / f u n c t i o n a l m o d e l s e t o u t b y t h e M A R S g r o u p , o r t h e arterial/ architectural m o d e of Bressey and the Royal A c a d e m y .

1 4 6

W h e n war

finally c a m e , t h e ' B l i t z ' b r o u g h t f e a r s o m e , b u t far f r o m total, d e v a s ­ t a t i o n t o L o n d o n . N e i t h e r t h e p h y s i c a l fabric n o r t h e

institutional

f r a m e w o r k w a s s w e p t a w a y . D e s p i t e t h e swift p r e p a r a t i o n 144

145

146

of the

C. Williams-Ellis, 'Can W e Scrap London?', Spectator, 11 November 1938; idem, 'Why London?', The Economist, 18 February 1939. B. Russell, Which Way to Peace? (1936), p.37.

D. Foley, Controlling London's Growth: Planning the Great Wen 1940-1960 and Los Angeles, 1963), pp. 46-50.

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(London

London and the Home Counties

535

County of L o n d o n and Greater L o n d o n Plans - those pinnacles of diagrammatic blueprint p l a n n i n g - the reality c o n t i n u e d to b e that o f ad hoc, i n c r e m e n t a l a d j u s t m e n t . T h e e m p h a s i s s h i f t e d f r o m p h y s i c a l reconstruction to e c o n o m i c revival a n d Sir G w i l y m G i b b o n , retired Director of the Local G o v e r n m e n t Division of the Ministry of Health w a s q u i c k to u r g e all c o n c e r n e d t h a t r e c o n s t r u c t i o n m u s t t a k e t h e f o r m o f 'filling i n g a p s , s o m e b i g , s o m e s m a l l , n o t o f p r o v i d i n g a w h o l e plate'. 'Resourceful o p p o r t u n i s m ' h a d b e e n , a n d w a s to remain, the mainstay of redevelopment in L o n d o n .

1 4 7

A s t h e w a r d r e w to a c l o s e , t h e b e l i e f t h a t ' L o n d o n m u s t a n d s h a l l remain London' gained ground.

1 4 8

Lord Latham, Labour leader of

t h e L C C d e c l a r e d , ' L o n d o n is L o n d o n . It is i m m e n s e , m a y b e t o o i m m e n s e , b u t it is h e r e , a l i v i n g , vital h u m a n fact, a n d a n y u n r e a s o n ­ a b l e a t t e m p t f o r c i b l y t o r e d u c e it c o u l d d o i n c a l c u l a b l e h a r m s o c i a l l y a n d e c o n o m i c a l l y . ' W a r h a d i n fact d e m o n s t r a t e d n o t t h e m o n s t r o u s folly o f L o n d o n , b u t r a t h e r its s t r e n g t h a n d r e s i l i e n c e .

149

London's

p r i d e i n its ability t o s o l v e its o w n p r o b l e m s , f o s t e r e d b y M o r r i s o n in the 1930s, h a d b e e n reinforced. T h e p o w e r of L o n d o n ' s institutions to resist, ignore or modify the v i e w s of experts w a s secured. T h e r e a l i s a t i o n o f A b e r c r o m b i e ' s p o s t w a r v i s i o n for L o n d o n d e p e n d e d o n g o v e r n m e n t intervention in the structure of landownership and mar­ ket values, in t h e e x t e n s i o n of planning p o w e r s a n d in the institutions of local, r e g i o n a l a n d n a t i o n a l g o v e r n m e n t . T h e p o s t w a r

distortion

of t h e d r e a m w a s i n e v i t a b l e b e c a u s e t h e s e m a t t e r s p r o v e d t o o c o n t e n ­ t i o u s a n d difficult to r e s o l v e , e x i s t i n g e c o n o m i c a n d political s t r u c t u r e s remained powers

unaltered, reasserted

and

London's

their

influence.

entrenched Most

principalities

important,

and

Morrison's

L o n d o n L a b o u r p a r t y c o n t i n u e d t o d o m i n a t e t h e p o s t w a r political s c e n e , a d v i s e d b y a v i r t u a l l y u n c h a n g e d g r o u p o f L C C officials.

Postwar

reconstruction

I n t h e p o s t w a r d e c a d e , t h e g o v e r n m e n t ' s p r i o r i t i e s w e r e to r e v i v e the British e c o n o m y in a world u n d e r g o i n g fundamental trading rea­ lignments, a n d to create a c o m p r e h e n s i v e welfare state. At the e n d of t h e F i r s t W o r l d W a r , b y c o n t r a s t , a n y s u c h e c o n o m i c a n d s o c i a l objectives had b e e n subsumed 147

148

149

in the physical p r o g r a m m e

of the

Young and Garside, Metropolitan London, pp. 231-2. W. H. Ansell, 'The London of the Future', Journal of the Royal Society of Arts, 18 April 1941, p. 317. Young and Garside, Metropolitan London, pp. 232-4.

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536

P. L . G A R S I D E

' H o m e s for H e r o e s ' c a m p a i g n . I n 1 9 4 5 , h o u s i n g a n d t o w n p l a n n i n g w a s o n l y o n e e l e m e n t i n t h e n e w L a b o u r g o v e r n m e n t ' s b r o a d social programme,

and

in

many

respects

physical reconstruction

was

r e g a r d e d as a s u b s i d i a r y a i m . L o n d o n ' s c e n t r a l e c o n o m i c i m p o r t a n c e e n s u r e d its c o n t i n u e d d o m i n a n c e a n d e x p a n s i o n w h a t e v e r m i s g i v i n g s from a physical and aesthetic viewpoint there might b e . W i t h so m a n y social boundaries b e i n g r e d r a w n , c o m p r o m i s e o n physical objectives s e e m e d b o t h reasonable a n d practical. Excessive i n s i s t e n c e o n i d e a l s c h e m e s s u c h as t h e G r e a t e r L o n d o n P l a n w a s s e e n as c o u n t e r - p r o d u c t i v e s i n c e it w o u l d ' p a r a l y s e t h e c o l l a b o r a t i o n b e t w e e n central a n d local authorities, a n d private interests o n w h i c h p o s t w a r d e v e l o p m e n t w o u l d d e p e n d ' . The Economist

took up

the

t h e m e t h a t ' H o u s e s will h a v e t o b e e r e c t e d at o n c e w h e n t h e w a r is o v e r , a n d as t h e y c a n n o t b e p u t w h e r e t h e y o u g h t t o g o , t h e y will g o w h e r e t h e y c a n . '

1 5 0

T h e general conclusion w a s that

'only

b y a c o l d a s s e s s m e n t of t h e realities c a n t h e b e s t p o s s i b l e r e s u l t s b e a c h i e v e d ' . A r e t r e a t f r o m t h e i d e a l i s m o f t h e w a r t i m e p l a n s for L o n d o n w a s w e l c o m e d , n o t o n l y b y p o l i t i c i a n s a n d officials o f t h e L C C , b u t a l s o b y t h o s e in t h e H o m e C o u n t i e s a n d e s p e c i a l l y in M i d d l e s e x . T h e r e was general agreement that 'the planners have very properly

had

their vision', but that actual reconstruction w o u l d proceed on less ambitious lines.

1 5 1

J o h n Hare, o n e of the leading Conservatives on

the L C C , s u m m e d up the situation: The LCC had paid lip-service to Abercrombie, but its actions had belied that lip-service . . . Instead, there has been a policy of grabbing land wherever it can be found, irrespective of the interests of its neighbours and of the Green Belt, and irrespective even of the health and interests of those people who are in fact going to be rehoused in those sites. 152

N o t s u r p r i s i n g l y , t h e r e f o r e , p o s t w a r L o n d o n t o o k o n t h e f o r m familiar from the interwar years, with a well-defined centre, the inner suburbs c o n t a i n e d within a roughly circular G r e e n Belt, but with rapid e c o n ­ o m i c g r o w t h o n t h e f r i n g e s o n l y p a r t l y o r g a n i s e d i n t o specific c e n t r e s . The re-establishment of old patterns, and especially the L C C ' s 'landg r a b ' t a c t i c s , briefly r e v i v e d calls for t h e r e f o r m o f L o n d o n g o v e r n ­ m e n t . Y e t a g a i n , h o w e v e r , t h e t i m e did n o t a p p e a r p r o p i t i o u s - like planning, reform of local g o v e r n m e n t took s e c o n d place to the govern­ m e n t ' s social a n d welfare p r o g r a m m e s . L e w i s Silkin, ex-chairman of 150

Ibid., p. 249.

151

Garside, 'Town Planning in London', pp. 289-90, 318-19.

152

House of Commons Debates, 5th ser., vol. 427, 21 October 1946, col. 1375.

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London and the Home Counties

537

the L C C ' s T o w n Planning Committee, and the Labour government's Minister of T o w n and Country Planning wrestled with the intercon­ nected problems of government, e m p l o y m e n t and redevelopment that L o n d o n p r e s e n t e d in 1 9 4 5 .

1 5 3

D e s p e r a t e to a v o i d a f u r t h e r r o u n d o f

L C C overspill estates, Silkin severed the G o r d i a n knot b y foisting a 'brazen start' to the N e w T o w n p r o g r a m m e o n an unwilling a n d unenthusiastic cabinet. In L a b o u r circles, the N e w T o w n ideal w a s far f r o m b e i n g a c c e p t e d as ' a m a t t e r o f c o n v e n t i o n a l

wisdom'.

Silkin, b a c k e d b y the Reith C o m m i t t e e report that h e himself

1 5 4

had

i n s t i g a t e d , w a s a b l e to w i n h i s c o l l e a g u e s o v e r for t w o m a i n r e a s o n s . First, b e c a u s e t h e p r o g r a m m e e n a b l e d t h e m t o p o s t p o n e t h e m o r e contentious issues of c o m p e n s a t i o n and betterment that w e r e bedevil­ l i n g t h e drafting o f a n e w P l a n n i n g Bill, a n d s e c o n d l y , b e c a u s e t h e establishment of N e w T o w n Corporations gave the government a direct t o o l t o p r o m o t e d e c e n t r a l i s a t i o n i n d e p e n d e n t o f L o n d o n ' s exist­ ing local authorities. By the end of 1949, eight N e w T o w n s had b e e n designated around London. T h e very existence of the programme

e n a b l e d S i l k i n to

achieve his aim of containing the L C C housing m a c h i n e and insulating t h e G r e e n B e l t f r o m its ' l a r g e s t d e v e l o p e r ' . I n 1 9 5 0 , A n e u r i n B e v a n , the Minister of Health a n n o u n c e d that h e w o u l d not approve

any

f u r t h e r a c q u i s i t i o n s o f h o u s i n g sites b y t h e L C C o u t s i d e t h e C o u n t y area. Furthermore, the creation of the N e w T o w n D e v e l o p m e n t Cor­ porations kept the reform of L o n d o n government on the ministerial shelf, s i n c e t h e y p r o v i d e d t h e m e a n s for h a n d l i n g o v e r s p i l l a n d d e c e n ­ tralisation without interference with the existing structure of govern­ m e n t in t h e south-east. London in the mid-twentieth

century

The mid-twentieth century saw London poised on the brink of a n e w a g e , b u t still a n x i o u s t o reaffirm its l i n k s w i t h t h e p a s t . T h e 1 9 5 1 F e s t i ­ val of Britain w a s the physical manifestation of a L o n d o n

poised

b e t w e e n old a n d n e w . D e s i g n e d partly to celebrate the h u n d r e t h anni­ v e r s a r y o f t h e G r e a t E x h i b i t i o n , it w a s a l s o a n affirmation o f faith i n t h e f u t u r e . S y m b o l i c a l l y , t h e site for t h e F e s t i v a l h a d b e e n r e c l a i m e d f r o m t h e T h a m e s a l o n g s i d e C o u n t y H a l l , a n d t h e familiar l a n d m a r k of a s h o t t o w e r h a d b e e n d e s t r o y e d t o m a k e w a y for t h e futuristic P. L . Garside, 'Shaping London's Future: The Role of the New Towns', in Von Karl Schwarz, ed., Die Zukunft der Metropolen (Berlin, 1984), pp. 184-9.

Cherry, Evolution of British Town Planning, p. 140.

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P. L. G A R S I D E

a r c h i t e c t u r e o f t h e R o y a l F e s t i v a l H a l l , a n d for t h e fragile a n d d e l i c a t e frame of the ' S k y l o n ' . Significantly, the Festival bore the hallmarks of H e r b e r t M o r r i s o n - b o t h t h e S o u t h B a n k site a n d t h e L C C s h o w p i e c e e s t a t e in P o p l a r ' s L a n s b u r y n e i g h b o u r h o o d h a d f o r m e d p a r t o f h i s p r e w a r priorities for r e d e v e l o p m e n t . R e d r e s s i n g t h e b a l a n c e b e t w e e n s o u t h a n d n o r t h , a n d b e t w e e n e a s t a n d w e s t in L o n d o n , M o r r i s o n ' s a i m w a s to r e m o v e t h e s t i g m a t h a t w a s still a t t a c h e d t o t h o s e a r e a s , a n d to r e n d e r t h e m at last ' a m e r e g e o g r a p h i c a l e x p r e s s i o n ' . N e v e r t h e l e s s , in 1 9 5 1 , m a n y n e w d i v i s i o n s w e r e e m e r g i n g s u p e r i m ­ p o s e d o n m a n y o f t h e o l d d i s t i n c t i o n s . Different p a r t s o f t h e C o n u r b a ­ t i o n d i s p l a y e d distinct i d e n t i t i e s . A n a n a l y s i s o f t h e 1 9 5 1 c e n s u s r e v e a l e d a c l e a r p a t t e r n o f ' n a t u r a l a r e a s ' - t h e c e n t r e itself, t h e i n n e r working-class areas, a group of middle a n d outer z o n e s of relatively l o w social s t a t u s , a h o m o g e n e o u s a r e a o f i n t e r m e d i a t e s t a t u s s o u t h of t h e T h a m e s , a w e s t e r n e n c l a v e o f v e r y m i x e d social c h a r a c t e r w h e r e h i g h - c l a s s r e s i d e n t i a l s t r e e t s in K e n s i n g t o n , C h e l s e a a n d H a m p s t e a d mingled with poor lodging-houses, and an outer suburban ring with r e l a t i v e l y u n i f o r m h i g h social s t a t u s . S i n c e 1 9 2 1 , c e n t r a l L o n d o n , t h e E a s t E n d a n d t h e s o u t h d o c k s i d e b o r o u g h s h a d lost h a l f o f t h e i r p o p u ­ lation, y e t t h e e x p a n s i o n o f t h e C o n u r b a t i o n c o n t i n u e d , w i t h p o p u l a ­ t i o n g r o w t h n o w c o n c e n t r a t e d in districts 3 0 - 4 0 m i l e s f r o m t h e c e n t r e . W h i l e t h e c e n t r a l a r e a p r o v i d e d 2 9 p e r c e n t o f j o b s in t h e C o n u r b a t i o n , other subsidiary e m p l o y m e n t centres c o n t i n u e d to expand, especially in M i d d l e s e x . M o s t l o n g - d i s t a n c e c o m m u t i n g still f o c u s s e d o n c e n t r a l L o n d o n , w h i c h provided ' T h e c o m m o n link without w h i c h Greater L o n d o n w o u l d b e r a t h e r like a c o n g l o m e r a t i o n o f i n d e p e n d e n t t o w n s and villages'.

155

T h e p i c t u r e w a s still o n e o f i n t e r d e p e n d e n c e ,

but

m e t r o p o l i t a n i n t e g r a t i o n s e e m e d as far a w a y as e v e r . S u p e r i m p o s e d o n t h e o l d c l e a v a g e s w a s a w e b o f n e w e r d i v i s i o n s , w h i c h w e r e as yet hardly recognised.

CONCLUSIONS

D e s p i t e n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y t h r e a t s o f r e v o l u t i o n , d e s p i t e t h e political upheavals and economic depression of the 1930s, despite the traumas of t w o w o r l d w a r s , t h e m o s t s t r i k i n g f e a t u r e o f L o n d o n in 1 9 5 0 w a s its c o n t i n u i t y . T h e d y n a m i s m o f t h e c o n s u m e r e c o n o m y b a s e d o n L o n d o n a n d the H o m e Counties h a d absorbed these crises a n d h a d e m e r g e d w i t h t h e m o m e n t u m o f m e t r o p o l i t a n g r o w t h b a r e l y affected. 155

Westergaard, 'Structure of Greater London', p. 109.

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Counties

539

P o i s e d b e t w e e n o l d a n d n e w , t h e 1 9 5 0 s w e r e to b r i n g c h a l l e n g e s for London which demanded

change. T h e return of a Conservative

g o v e r n m e n t in 1 9 5 1 b r o u g h t a n e v e n m o r e d e t e r m i n e d a t t e m p t t o c o n f i n e t h e L C C to i n n e r L o n d o n h o u s i n g , e n d i n g its efforts t o o p e n u p ' m i l l i o n a i r e s ' r o w s ' in R o e h a m p t o n a n d D u l w i c h w i t h t o w e r b l o c k s of flats, albeit c l o t h e d i n d r a m a t i c a r c h i t e c t u r a l f o r m s .

1 5 6

traffic c o n g e s t i o n f o r c e d t h e L C C t o f o r m u l a t e a r o a d s

Worsening programme,

r e q u i r i n g p o l i t i c i a n s a n d officials alike to r e a c h o u t t o m e t r o p o l i t a n b o r o u g h c o u n c i l s t h a t h a d h i t h e r t o lain o u t s i d e t h e L C C ' s s p h e r e o f o p e r a t i o n s . T h e c o n t i n u i n g n e g l e c t o f h o u s i n g c o n d i t i o n s in t h e ' t w i ­ light z o n e s ' o f K e n s i n g t o n a n d P a d d i n g t o n w a s a b o u t t o b e t h r u s t into the public eye b y the concentration there of W e s t Indian immi­ grants. A s the structure of L o n d o n b e c a m e increasingly fragmented, t h e v a r i e d e l e m e n t s s o u g h t t o a s s e r t t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l i d e n t i t y a n d sig­ n i f i c a n c e . T h e L C C political m a c h i n e t h a t h a d s u r v i v e d b y a b s o r b i n g a n d d e f u s i n g p o t e n t i a l l y radical d e m a n d s w a s w e a k e n i n g : t h e gulfs b e t w e e n i n n e r a n d o u t e r L o n d o n w e r e w i d e n i n g socially, racially a n d e c o n o m i c a l l y . L o n d o n w a s c o m i n g t o d i s p l a y t h e f e a t u r e s o f political d i s i n t e g r a t i o n , social p o l a r i s a t i o n a n d e c o n o m i c u p h e a v a l t y p i c a l o f a post-industrial metropolis. I n 1 8 0 0 , L o n d o n h a d b e e n o n e o f t h e w o r l d ' s g r e a t cities d o m i n a t i n g l o n g - d i s t a n c e t r a d e a n d c o m m e r c e a n d w i t h a n a p p a r e n t l y i n b u i l t abi­ lity to c o m b i n e t u r b u l e n c e w i t h f u n d a m e n t a l o r d e r l i n e s s . B y t h e late nineteenth century, London and the H o m e Counties were being f o r g e d i n t o t h e w o r l d ' s first d y n a m i c c o n s u m e r e c o n o m y

which

neither national nor local politicians w e r e able to challenge or modify for l o n g . B y 1 9 5 0 , h o w e v e r , t h e t e n s i o n s , conflicts a n d

disparities

w i t h i n t h e m e t r o p o l i t a n r e g i o n w e r e c o m i n g t o t h e fore - L o n d o n w a s b e g i n n i n g t o b e a b s o r b e d i n t o a n e w g l o b a l e c o n o m y t h a t it n o l o n g e r d o m i n a t e d politically o r c o m m e r c i a l l y . N e i t h e r t h e e c o n o m i c , social o r political s t r u c t u r e s t h a t h a d s e r v e d L o n d o n for s o l o n g w e r e to survive intact.

P. L . Garside, 'Intergovernmental Relations and Housing Policy in London 19191970, with Special Reference to the Density and Location of Council Housing', London Journal, 9 (1983).

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