The Beginnings of the Muʿtazila Reconsidered

ISM

n, 1990

THE BEGINNINGS OF THE MU'TAZILA RECONSIDERED' Sarah Stroumsa

On several occasions the zaydi scholar Ibn al-Murtada (d, 840 H) says, introducing the genealogy of the Mu'tazila, that "the tradition from which the Mu'tazilite school is derived is brighter than daylight".' For us, unfortunately, this daylight is somewhat eclipsed. Not only are early sources on (he Mu'tazila scarce and inadequate. but the information they yield is often tendentious and contradictory. As a result. the attempts of modern scholars to portray Mu'tazilite history are, at best, speculative reconstructions. The aim of the present study is to survey the available evidence relating to the early Mu'tazila for the purpose of sifting firm fact from mere conjecture. Our chief concern in the following pages will be to elucidate the name "Mu'tazila". to survey the emergence of the Mu'tazila as a movement, and to examine its links with Mu'13zilite Kalam.

This papcr was rirst prcscnted at the third conrcrcncc From JiJhll'yya to Islam, lind benerited rrom com men Is made by Ihc participants. III particular, I wish to thank Prof. E. Kohlberg ror his helprul suggeslions, and Dr, B. Abrahamov ror his critical remarks, I also wish to lhank ProL Frank Stewart ror his userul commcnts on an earlicr drart or this paper. "Wa-sanad al-mu'/arila fj-madhhabjhim awl/a!) min at-falaq", fabaqiil al-Mu',ozila, cd. S. Diwald-Wilzer (Wicsbaden. 1961), p. 1:1; Kitiib al-Munyo Wa'l-amal f; Shorb al-Ir1ilal Wa'I-nibal, ed, Mubammad Jawwad Mashkur (Ilcirul, 1919), p, 125:11. TM Arnold, A/-Mu'uuUa (Leip.dg. 19(2) (hcnceforward Munya, quoted according to Arnold's edilion). p. 5:14. The claim that (he isniid or the Mu'taiila is beller than any Olhcr is mcnttoned already by 'Abd al-Jaboor (d. 1025). The Qadi, however, rcgards Ihis son of proof as laqlid, and prden 10 eSlablish the case of Ihe Mu'laz.ila on superior decisivc proors W-odilla aI-qon"a), see Fa41 a/-t,jzol wa-fabaqiu a/-Mu',ozila, cd. Fu'ad S3yyid (Tun;" 1974), ~ 164:25-21.

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All the repons about the beginning of the Mu'tazila as we know it revolve around the persons of W~il b. 'Atii' and 'Amr b. ·Ub.lyd. It is. therefore, natural 10 start our research with these two key figures. Wasil b. 'Ala', also known as Abu l:Iudhayfa, was born in al-Madilla in the ye.lf 80 or 81 H, and died in 131 H? The precision

with which these dates are recorded is unusual for his generation.) Wa.sil, however, was an unusual individual, and the gossi~ of his time noted and recorded about him characteristics which do not usually occur in standard biographical works, while the more common details about his life remain unclear. For example, it is uncertain whether he

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other hand, is carefully noted. He was an odd-looking person,' with a remarkably long and twisted neck.' At limes he kept silent to the point of being considered dumb,' and when he did speak up, his pronunciation of the consonant ril was painfully ugly.' All in all, he made a unprepossessing first impression.1o A better acquaintance with him, however, altered this impression dramatically for the better. Our sources vividly convey the surprise, embarrassment and admiration 1l people felt on finding out what lay behind his dumsy, silent eltterioT: Despite his speech defect, he was an eloquent orator, second to none In his time,12 and his skill in avoiding the problematic rii' became legendaryP

was a client (maw/a) of the BanG Oabba, of the BanG Mal)ziim, or of the BanG Hiishim.4 He was nicknamed "the spinner' (a!-ghazziil), and

although the sources are unanimous in maintaining that he was not a spinner, they fail both to explain why he was given this designation and to specify his real profession.) I-lis physical appearance, on the

2 Ibn al-N3dim, AJ-Fi1vist (Beirut. ltd.), Takmifa, l 3 Cr. J. Van Ess. "Vne lecture a rebours de I'hiSlOirc du mu'tm~ilisrnc", Revue des Eludes Isfamiqrces 47 (979). p.4l 4 Ibn KhalJikiin, WafaylJt af-A'yon, cd. lI.lsnn 'Abbas (Beirut In.d.]). vol. VI, P. 73-4; al-Murlaoa, AmOli, p. 113:3; Ibn al-Murtad5, "'unya, p. 18:5. 5 AI-JalJi;r. af-Bayan .....a·/-Tabyin. cd. 'AbeI aI-Salam Harun (Cairo, 19(8). vol. I. pp. 32:21 - 34:1; Abu HiliilllJ-'Askari. Kitab a/-A.....a'il. cd. Muoammad lll-Misri and Walid Qassab (Damascus. 1975). vol. 11. pp. 137:9 - 138:1. Van Ess hali suggcsted that Wasil was indeed a spinner, but that the Mu'ta7jla attempted 10 cover Ihis up, since it was considered a base profession ("Locture", p. 42). lliis low esteem, however, was accorded to the weaver Cha'i1c). not 10 the spinner (shalzot). The lauer, indeed. was considered a praiseworthy occupalion for women, and there is no evidence that it was considered a shameful one for men. (R. Drunschvig, "Metiers viis en Islam". Studio Isl(Unica 16 (1962). pp. 41--60. and esp. p. 45). The verses referred to by Van Ess (ibid. p. 45) as a proof of Wasil's being "un marchand de draps". are, in fact, rhetorical qucstions the point of which is to emphasi7.e that Wasil could not have been a merchant. See aJ-'Askari. Awa·;l. p. 138:5, 13-11. It should be noted that a verse of Bashshiir b. Burd appears at lea.~ in one source wilh reference to the 'Aua/, not Ghazlal. One could conjecture that. through a scribal error. an additionnl diacrilical point turned an 'aua' (in the sense of 3 Mu't3zilite) inlO a ghazlaf, a spinner. In this case. the words of al-Mubarrad (a/-Kam;/, cd. W. Wright. Leipzig. 1864. vol. J, p.546): "IVa-kana nultazifiyyan wa-/am yakun ghauii/an" could be understood as corrocting Ihe

reading in Ihis way. The bulk of manuscript evidence. however, renders this conjecture unlikely. H is perhaps worlh mentioning that the rOOl 'zl in Syriac relales also to spinning. O. Payne Smilh, A Compendiou.s Syr;ac Dictionary, Oxford, 1961, p. 4(9). If lhe lenn MU'IOlita was originally connected to spinning. then we could assume a connection between Wasil and Syriac-speaking Christianity. 1 was. however, unable to find any special rolc played by spinning in the life of Syriac Christians in general or of SyrillC monks in particular. 6 "Mut/(arjb aJ-khalq". see al-'Askllri, AwlJ';/. p. 001. 7 JiiOi h Bayan, I. p. 22;9 and AbU al-Faraj aHsfahiini, Kilab al-Aghiini (Cairo. 1929). vol. 111, p. 145:13-14 (quoting verses by Bashshiir b. Burd); al-'Askari. Awa'il, II. p. 130:6-1; al-Shllrif al-Murta(jii, Churar al-fawa'id wo-durar a/-qalo'id ('" Amam, cd MuI,lammad AbU al-Fadl Ibrahim (1954). I, p. 165:Jl 8 AI-'Askari. ibid. II. 134:4-5; 'Abd al-Jaboor, Fadl. p.2345-6; Ibn al-Murla<,la. hlunya, p. 18:15. and see It 11 below. 9 AI-'Askori, A.....lj'if. II, P. OOU 10 Sec the contemptuous remark of 'Amr b. 'Ubayd, AI-'Askari, ibid. p.I30:6; al-Murlae,Hi. Aman. I. p. 165:11. It AI-'Askari, ibid~ p. 130:12; 'Abd al-Jabbiir, Fadl, pp. 234;7-11, 235:4-9; Ibn al-Murta(,lii. Munya, p. 18:16-20. 12 'Abd al-Jabbar, Fad/, pp. 235:11-12. 238:14-15; al-Khalib al-Baghdiidi. Ta'r'i1ch &ghdiid (Cairo-Baghdad, 1931). vol XII, p. 175. 13 Jii1)i~ 8ayim, I, p. 241; al-'Askari, Awa·jJ. II, pp. I322l; al-Murta<J5,., AmQli, I. p. 163:11-12; Abu al-Qiisim al-Balkhi, "Biib dhi1cr al-/1lu'wz;la min maqiJJiu al-islamiyyin", Fadl, pp. 65:2 - 66:5; Mubarrad. Komi/, I. p. 547; Ibn Khallikan, Wafayot a1-a'yiin, vol. VI, p. &19-20; and sec Wiisil's famous KhUlba in 'Abd ai-Salam Harun, Nawodir al-Ma1chlilfat (Cairo, 1951), vol. II, pp. 134-136; H.

ron -

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S.:mlh Stroumsa This laboriously acquired eloquence was not used for artistic or literary ends: Wasil was no aesthete. His main interest was religion, in the broad sense of the word. Personally he was a puritan, always piously on guard against temptations. Although he was married, he lived a life of continence.14 He is known to have shunned money.u The money which he inherited or received as a prize was distributed for charity,!' and, as mentioned above., he practiced prolonged silence. All these restrictions were common among the early nussak,ll and indeed Wasil constantly strove to be counted among those known for their religious observance (aJI! a/-dln).l' His piety, however, was not that of lhe solitary, and he never missed an opportunity to admonishl ' Thus, when on their first meeting 'Aror made a condescending rcm.., rk concerning Wa:>il's neck, Wasil retorted by reproving 'Amr for finding fault with God's creation.20 On another occasion, when 'Alnr lost his temper, Wa:>il sternly warned him against the "devilry lurking in an angry utlerance".21 Yet despite his sternness he also knew how to win people over, allowing them to feel his equals.21 This combination of piety with a didactic bent was probably the driving force behind Wasil's public activity. What set him apart

14 IS

16

17

18 19 20 21

Daiber, lVu,Jil ibn 'Ara' a's Prf!digf!r und Thf!oIogt (Leiden: Brill, 1988), pp. 23-36. 'Abd al-Jaboor, Foell, p. 2359-10, where WiiSil i... quoted :is S::tying: ~Lay.fa Ii Ii aJ-nisa' QiJja". Both Wasil and 'Amr were childless, see Fa4I, p. 234:11 See his eulogy by al-Asbfil b, Wasil al-Shnybiini: "wala sarra dinaran wallJ masso dirhnman~, Awa'ir, p.I38:4; lbn al-Murlada, Munyo, p. 18:9; 'Abd al-bboor, Fa41, p. 238:8-11 Fadl, P. 239:19-22; Awa'il, p. 131:1-10. See Tor Andrae, "Zuhd und MOnchtum, zur Frage von den Beziehungen zwischen Christentum und lsbm-, U Mondf! OritnJo/ 25 (931), pp. 296-327. I. Goldziher, "De I'ascelisme aUJI premiers lemps de I'lslam", RII R 37 (898). pp. 3t9-328. rp. Gf!Sammtllf! Sdvif,tn IV, p. 164-167 (on silence). Soc also Ibn Qutaybo, 'Uyiin oJ-akJobiir (Ca;", I928X ~ KilM oJ-,rJod. p. 35l See Ibn al-Murtadi. MlUIya, p. 2lI2: and see al-D.1lkhi, MaqOJilJ, p. 56:20. On the e:trly Zu1lhiid and lheir social involvement see L Kinberg, "Wh;lt is meant by ZotKr, Studio Islamica 61
22 Sec 'Abd al-Jabbiir, FalJl, p. 241:20-22.

from other preachers was the fact that both his intelleaual curiosity in all religious matters and his feelings of rcsponsibilily knew no hounds. He was careful to give alms only to the piousP When Basra's water supply required improvement, Wasil offered the honorarium due to him for a khurba (which he would not touch anyway) for that purpose.24 For a while he used to meet wilh intellectuals of various religious backgrounds, among them a Manicllaean and a Buddhist,2) He is remembered as the first to have grappled seriously wilh the Buddhist challenge,26 and Ihe first to have wriuen against the various Muslim sects as well as against other religions.21 It is said that he used to spend the night in prayer, Slopping frequently to jot down arguments in an imaginary dispute.21 Composed and pious, learned and full of religious fervor, Wasil was admired by many. Little wonder that 'Amr was also CJptivaled by Wii.$:il's measured eloquence.

• • • Abii 'Ulhman 'Amr b. 'Ubayd b. Bab (d. 144 Ii) was al fi"" a c1ienl of Ranii 'Uqayl. Ihen of 'Unida. a clan of Ihe Yarbii' b. Malik. His grandfather had been a captive from Sind; his father belonged to the despised sluu(Q in Ba.sra.29 'Amr himself was a student of al-l:Iasan al-Rasri (d. 110 Ii). and ahhough Ihe same claim is sometimes made for Wasil, it is evident that 'Amr was much closer to aI-Hasan and much more involved in his "circle" of lraditionalists and~ "Qadarites';Yo

23 Ibn al-Murtadii, MlU1ya, Po 18;6-7. 24 25 26 27 28 29 30

AI-'Askari, AwO'jl, p. 136:7-1Q. Both religions of rn::trked ascelK: ch:tractcr. See aI-AghiVti, III, pp. 146:12 - 147'2. Ibn al-MUrt3<J,i, MlUIya, Po 21:5-10. Ibid.. P. latl-l~ al-'Askari, AwO'i/, Po 129'1-5Ibn al-MUrt343. MlUIya. p. 19'14-16.. See, for exampk., Ibn Kh:lllikall, WafayiJJ, 111. p. 460. As noted already by Wilferd Madelung, Du lnUJm aJ-Qluim ibn IbriJhim lUId dit GlaubtnJlthrt der Zaidittn (Berlin, 1965), p.7. See al-Balkhi, Maqiilol, p. 68S: 'Va-huwa (j.e. 'Amr) min jiUm asblW o/-l)asan (Nashwan aH:Hmyari, al-l)u.r al-'in, cd. Kamal Mustafa, Cairo, 1948, p.1II:12 reads m in jubl(Jl"), 8

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Al-I:lasan apparently thought very highly of 'Amr, and called him "the best among the youth of Basra'~ )1 some of the slOries about ai-Hasan are also lold about
and

31

32 33 34

35

36

compared 10 Tabaqat, p.65:2: ·'ntaqata Wasil i/ti al-Basrn, {a-(azima aJ-/Jcuan", See also To'rii/J Baghdad, p. 166:12 and al-Murtac.ta. Amiin, p. 165& where 'Amr is the one who is described as ~min osbiib al-l,Iasan l'>oq-taiiimidhilu", whereas Wasil is the outsider who pulls 'Ann out or lhe circle. AI-I}ur ai-'in, p. 11:11-12. See also Ibn Khallikart, Walayiit, Ill, p. 460Jo-13. The version which adds: ".. , provided he does not lransmil badith~ (Ta'rikh BaghdOd, XII, pp. 170, 181:13) is clearly a Ialer orthodox oorrcclion. Sec also 'AtxI al-Jaboor, Fo4l, p. 245:10 (where 'Amr is called: ~la'im asbiW ai-~/as(JJl1. See 1-1, Riner, ~SlUdien lur Geschichte der islamischen FrOmmigkeit", Dtr Islam 2\ (1933), pp. 1-.56, aod sec below. See ror inst.1nce AI-B.1Ikhi, Maqaliit, p. 68:11; 'AW aI-Jabb5r, Fat/I, p.2412-3, and sec Q. 48:2&. AI-Balkhi, Maqldal, p.68:IO: 'Atxl aHabb5r. Fat/I, p.243:2; Ibn al-Murtada, MunJa. p.22."9-IO. On Ihi.. ascelic practice see Gold7jhcr. "AscCtisme", p. 318, (. Gesanulleite SdlTillen. p. 163). AI-Balkhi. MaqallJJ. p.69;1o-l2; Ibn al-Murta¢i. Mun)'a. p. 22:5-7; and sec Ibn QutayOO, 'U)'iin, pp. 351; 355:l7 - 356:2 (on aH;lasan al-Basri). Dhahabi, Milan a/-ilidiiJ Ii noqd a/-ri;iU (Egypt, 1325 H), vol. 11. pp. 294-297; Ibn Khallikal\ WalayOi, III, p.44Ck Ta'rilUr Baghdad, XII, p, 166: al-D:iraqulni, AJchbiJr 'Amr b, 'Uoo)'d, cd, J, Van E..~ (TradilionaliJli.u:k Po/tmit gegen 'Amr b. 'Ubaid, lU einem Tut des 'Ali b. 'Umar ad-[)ijraqulfIi, Deirul-Wicsbaden. 1(67). pp. ~16. But see Ta'rilth Baghdad, XII, pp. 174, 179, 182-183. which implies

lhat 'Ann ""':IS morc inlerested in dcb:uing than in prayer. 37 Ibn Khallikan, 1Valayot, 111, p. 460:11-13: 'Abd al-Jabb3r, Fat/I, pp.246:8-9, 24rJ9-20, 247:25 - 24&1. 38 Contrary 10 Van ~ "Lecture~, p. 51. Soc al-Mas'ooi, Muru;, VI, pp. 2lll rr~ 212; 'Abd al-Jabb:ir, Fot/I, p. 247:7-15.

27t

had numerous followersJ' who trusted him blindly; they were called "Mu'taziJa",40 Later orthodox sources endeavor to depict 'Amr as a mere lacrymose epigone of W~il41 Mu'tazilite sources. however, do not share this view, They depict 'Amr as a leader in his own right, and since Mu'lazilite writers had no interest in underplaying Wisil's role, there is no reason to doubt their evaluation of 'Amr's pooition in the early Mu'tazila. In an important but oddly neglected passage in the Maqaril al-TOJibiyyin. Abu ai-Fa raj aHsfahiini (d. 967~ says: "Amr b. 'Ubayd's posilion among the Mu'taziJa was such that he had their full obedience.: if he took off his shoe, thiny thousand (,mu',azilis) look off Lheirs.'·41 There can be very little doubt as to the meaning of the name Mu'taziJa whcn applied to 'Amr's disciples. The verb i'wzaJa meaRS ''to withdraw", and in its most common use. as given in the dictionaries and attested in f/aditlt literature. it denotes some sort of a~tinence: from sexual activity, from worldly pleasures. or, more generally, from sin.41 'Amr taught his followers to be "the party which a~tains"
39 Which explains 'Abd al-Jabb3r's cardul distinction betwcc.n thotic who are ~min tJ$/:tiib Wiisir and those who arc "min a$b(Jb 'AmI'. Sec, for instance, Fat/I, I' 252Jl-IO. 40 See al-Mas'ooi, Muru;, VI, p, 21, which describes 'Ann as ~shaykh al-mu'larifa Ii wtJqlihi wg'l-awwaJ IjhiJ". 41 See. for installce, aHlagdikli, al-Farq bayn aJ-firaq (Oeirul, 1977). p.98:11-12 42 Maqalil a/-TaJibiyy"in, cd. A1.Jmad Saqr (Cairo, 1949), p. 209-.3-4. On the shoe as un instrument which may legilimalcly be used in administering mild correction to erring Muslims, see "I-Malali, al-Tanbih wu'l-radd 'alii ahl al-ahwa' wo'l-bjdd, cd. S. Dcdcring (Isw.nbu~ 1936). p. 29:22 - 3O.L 43 Ibn Man~r, Lisan aI-'Arab, s.v. 'zl: Wensinck., Concordallce tt indicts de to tradition musulfl'lll,M, voL IV, p. 207. 44 See Ibn al-Murta(ja.. Tabaqiit, p. 2:6-14. and al-Murta(ja., Munya, p.29 - 3:.l where it is said lhal 'Amr was lhe first to encourage his followers to call themselves "Mu'la1.ila~ ·'i-anllObm tlazallllln a/-~ulma". The meaning of this tlitill is explaillCd by a btu/ith which 'Amr used 10 quote: "my umma will split into more lhan seventy scets, and Ihe most pious aod God-rearing among them is the one which abstains" (abarruhil wa-arqahil a/-lirqa a/-nw'lazila). See also 'Abd aHabb5r, F04/, I' I~tl

213

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S:lr:ah Slroumsa

characteristic. They were given the name "MU'13zila" in reference 10

their pious asceticism, and they were content with this name.'"

• • • The interpretation of the name Mu'tuila as "ascetics" is not new. It was already suggested-by Goldziher, who assembled many examples of the use of "Mu',azilitc" in this sense'" and pointed out the ascetic charncter of Wasil and 'Amr..n The evidence marshalled by GoJdziher is compelling. and his explan:uion of the name "Mu'tazila", which has since gone out of fashion, deserves to be re-instated. To his intcrprcl
among the Jews and the anachoretes among the Christians. early Muslim ascetics derived their name from their "withdrawal". The question of whether this parallel usage points to some generic relationship between the Mu'tazila and non-Muslim (probably eastern Christian) ascetic trends would require a separate study.41 At any rate, by the first quarter of the second Islamic cenlury ascetics, or even loosely organized group; of ascetics, were called mu'tazila. II follows that Wi$il. 'Arnr and their early followers were "Mu'tazilitcs" before the existence of a Mu'tazila as we know it, and that it was only later, through a process of diversification, that this word the proper name of a movement, while other words became the technical temlS for asceticism4' Furthermore, since it was 'Arne who belonged to al-I.lasan's circle and whose ascetic traits were more pronounced than Wasil's, it is possible that it was 'Amr who brought with him his supporters and the name nulrazila when he decided to pin hands with Wasil The following pages will seek to demonstrate thai this hypothesis enables us to gain a better understanding of the various

recame

45 Sec 'Abd al-Jabbir. F(J(jJ, pp. 165:19-24, 166:l-2; al-'Askari. Awii'i/. pp. I~J4 -

002. 46 J. Gold7.iher, -Arabische Synonymik der Ask~-, Du {slam 8 (1917), pp. 207 ft rp. Gesammdte Schrifttlt V. p.410 fr.; idem, Vorlesungelt fiber den {slam (Heidelberg, 19252), pp. 94 fr.; see also idem, -Islamische Pok:mik gegen Ahl al-Kit3b-, ZDMG 32 (1878>. p. 353. note :\ rp. Gesantmdle Sdtriften II. p. U Goldziher eoncenlffitcd on expressiort'i such as ·riihib mU'lazitl' when ll'iC(1 as a synonym of -rahib munqa(t-. Other examples, nol. mentioned by Gold7.ihcr, arc Jud:lh ha-LeYi, al-kitiib al-Khnzari, cd. D.Z. D:lnelh and H. Den-Shammai <Jerusalem, 19TI>, p. 1m ("man jtoUJ!a wa-tazaModo"), p. 171:16, C"a/-iliziU wa'1 inqifii' itii 'Alfiih-); and also al-Malali, Tanbih, p. 28:16. where those who separated (l,ozalii) from al-l;la53n b. 'Ali after his abduction in faYOtJr or Mu'awiya explain their conduct by saying: we shall deY'Ole ourselves to study and worship. therefore they were called -Mu'ta7ila- (,rashraghilii btl-'i{m wa'Fibiida, fo-SUII1II1U bidhiiHka mu'lazilal 47 Gokbjhcr. VorlwUlgell, p. 95. It is remarkable thai many modem scholars were aware of the asceticism or the founders of the Mu'tarila, and yet saw no conoection between this 3SCtticiw and the name -Mu'tazila-. See, for instance. R Nyberg. Enqdoptdia of {slam. $.Y. "Mu'la7jta~ idem, ... Amr ibn 'Ubayd et ibn al-Rawendi, deux reprouYCs-, in R. Brunschvig and G.E. von Grunebaum, C{assicisme el dedin culturel dan.t fhisloirt de f1.f1am (Paris. 1977), pp. 125-130; Fu'iid S:lyyid in the introduction to his edition of Fadl aJ-jriziil. p. 12; Van &>, "Lecture-, pp. 45-46, S6, 62.

48 See, however, note 5. above, and note 128 below. On the PhrHisees, sec Encydop«dia JwJaico <Jerusalem. 1971}, vol 13, Sov.; on lhe Al'I3choretcs. see. for example, Hans Litunann. A llislory of ,h~ Early CJuuch (English trans.; London, 1960, vol IV, pp. 124-ln 49 See al-Shaykh al-Mund, Awiiil a/-maqaliU Ii al-madhilhib a/-mJd.hllulJl, cd. 'Abaslcali (Tabriz, 1371 '-0, p.6:1-:\ for whom the Slatemcnt that there was: 00 tti,ld prior to Wa~il ami 'Amr means that it was not a design'llion for any specific sect (wa-Iam yahll qabla dh1JJika yu'ralu aJ-l',jziil wa-llJ JdJlla 'lI!al/ltJlI 'ala foriq min a/-ttlu). See also Sayyid's introduction to Fadl, p. 26, and sec al-Balkhi, Maqaliit, p. 115:13-14. It should nevcrthel~ be noted th:u. as a rule, the epilhcl "a/-mu'tozdi- is reserved ror people who were idemified with lhe Mu'taz.ilite movement proper. AI-I.lasan aHla$fi. for example, is not called a mu'uuili. although al-Khawari7Jlli (MafOli~ oJ-'Ulimt, ed. G. Van Vlotcn, Leiden 1895, p.24). counts the basolliyya .• , al-munlasibiin ... al-ljasan al-Ba.sri as the first among the Mu'wila. The verb fuuaJa. on the other hand. is more freely used (see note .53 below). S. Pines has pointed to the s::ame ~ of diversification in the use of the term la/am, which, before it came to mean only -theology-, was also ll'iCd in a political contexl Sec "A Note on an Early Usc of fie Term MUlakoJ/int, in G. Haer. ed~ The 'Vlama' alld Problems 01 Religion ;11 11k: "Jus/im World OClusalcm. \971, in Hebrew), pp. 18-29,

il"

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Sarah Stroumsa

available items of infonnation about the Mu'tazila, and to develop a

more coherent"account of its early history.

• • • It should first of all be noted that at the time of 'Amr's Mu'tazila,

other meaningo;; of the verb i'tazala are also auested. It can mean any of several kinds of withdrawa~ and it l1l3y refer to various historical incidents. Refusal to pay the zaklu to Abii Bakr,JO neutrality at the Battlc of the Camel, or at Sirrin, refusal to be involved in political activity altogether, or, on the contrary, active political dissent - all

these arc referred 10 as flizill. J1 The temptation to find a way to connect this fliza/ with the Mu'tazililc movement is great. Already al-Mas'udi (d. 956) identifies the supporters of Yazid h al-Walid (d. 126 II) with the Mu'tazila of his own days. attributing to them_ in a flagrant anachronism, the full-nedged "five Mu'ta.z.ilite principlcs".n Another attempt to reconcile the different pieces of evidence is made by al-Nawbokhti, who suggests that the Mu'tazila we know descends from "the first Mu'tazila", the followers of S.'d b. Abi Waqqas and of 'Usama b. layd, who had adopted a neutral paiition in the civil war.))

50 See al-Nawbakhti. Firaq ai-Shill, ed. Mubammad Sadiq (aI-Najar. 1959). p. 25:2-4, nnd compare al-Nashi ai-Akbar, UsiJ aI-niiJa/. in H. Van Ess. F,u/U! mu'tazj(jtisw lliirtsiographit (Bcirul, 1971), Po 14:14-16. 51 AI-Niishi', Usu/. p. 16:15, 17 (Ihe ttiziil of aM al-~adi,h) and p. 18:4. 8 (the tliziil of Ihe perplexed), bOlh relate 10 the civil war, although the first stems from pious reluclance 10 be involved in real politics. UsiJ, p. 19:13 applies the term tfiWllo the acl of lhe Khawa,ij, 3S does also Abu MUli al-Nasafi, who speaks of the Mmu'laziliyya min a{-lja,uriyyaM : see M. Bcrnand, "u litiib aI-rodd 'ala l-bido' d' Abu Ml4t Ma~ oJ-Na.rofi", Annalts IslamologiqutJ 16 (980), p. 77. This last source can not serve as a proof of the potilioo-religiOtlS origins of the Mu'tazila (rompare Bcmand, p. 48), but only as evidence of the flexible use of the verb. 52 Muruj, VI. pp. 20. 31. On lhe attitude of the Mu'ta7jla 10 Yazid see Muriij. VI, p. 32:5-6 and the somewhat oh9cure fXlS"3ge in 'AtxI al-Jaboor, Fad/~ p. 250.8-9; aJ-Balkhi. MaqDJOi. p. 117:7-11. 53 Firaq, p. 2S16. AI-Nashi, UsUJ, pp. 16:15 - 11'.1 also uses the tenn Mt'awlii' about this group, bul he docs not ~Ie them with lhe MU'I4l7jla.

2.75

The author of the Ki,lJb a/-usfJ attributed to Nashr ai-Akbar (d. 293 H) lakes a similar course, but for him il is people like Abu Mlisii al-Ash'ari and al-A~naf b. Qays al-Tamimi who "were given the name Mu'tazila in those days", because they were unable to decide which of Ihe twO parties was right AI-Nashl remarks in this context that Wisil and 'Amr hold the same view, and that they are the leadelS of the Mu'tazila, but he stops short of explicitly connecting the Mu'tazi]a of Wasil with that of AbU Miis3." At the same time. Muslim authors are aware that during the first few Islamic decades the name Mu'tazila applied to many different groups, and they endeavour 10 distinguish between a qualified Mu'tuzila and the Mu'tazila rou: court. This is noticeable in al-Nawbakhti's "first Mu'tazila", which another Shi'ite source calls "those who sepanned from both JXlflies" (aJ-rrut'tazi/a 'an aJ-tariqaYlli)." AI-Nawbakhti also mentions, alongside "the first Mu'tazila", the i'tiziil of al-A~naf b. Qays al-Tamimi, who, according to him, withdrew "not in the sense of adhering to the doctrine of i'lizlJl (JlJ 'alii al-tadayyun bi'/-""izii./) but in the sense of seeking safety from killing and from the loss of property (in war), and he said to his people: Keep away (fwzi/id from d~nsion, (for) it is beller for yoU'?6 The evidence therefore shows that before the appearance of the Mu'tazilite movement the verb i'lazala had not yet acquired a single technical meaning. The ascetics, the zuhhiid and nusslJk of the time, were referred 10 as "Ihe MU'lazila",S1 but Ihe verb was also employed for olher forms of withdrawal. It should also be nOled that later writers, including Mu'tazilites, could no longer determine where the

54 UsiJ,

~

11;4-10.

55 AI-Shaykh al-Mul1lj, KitQb al-Jan" (aI-Najar, 1368 II), ~ 5:7-8. 1 am indchtcd 10 Prof. E. Kohlbcrg for referring me to this source. 56 Fir'!!!. p. 26:4. The same prudenl ttiziJI is auributed by al-Dinawari 10 'Amr b. al-'A$ (aJ-AJ
The beginnings of the Mu'tazila

276

277

Sarah Slroumsa

Mu'tazila got its name.S1 The etymologies they give should be regarded

as not more than informed guesses..

• • • The turning point in the history of the MU'13zila is undoubtedly the encounter of W.i.Sil and 'AmT. As Madelung has noted. Wasil recorded the event for the benefit of (uture generations in his book "On what came to pass between him and 'Amt'." Unfonunately the book is lost It is usually assumed that "what came to pass" between the two refers to their fil1it meeting, in which 'Arne was won over to W~irs stand

concerning the religious stale of the Muslim sinner. The heresiographical reports are of varying length and precision,60 but the following outline can be extracted from them: 'AmT presented lhe view of al-ijasan al-&$ri, that the Muslim sinner is a hypocrite (mulIllfiq). By means of a series of syllogisms W:i$il convinced him that this view was untenable. and advanced his own theory of the intennediary state (al-manzila bayna al-manzilalayn). The Muslim sinner is just that a sinner (jiJsiq), and does not deserve the title either of a believer C3s the Murji'a claimed) or of an infidel (as the Khawarij would have it). 'Amr graciously admitted his defeat, the two eslablished their own school, and as a happy end Wiisil married 'Amr's sister. We are also told that Ihe Mu'tarila derived their name from this incident, but as to exactly why the heresiogrnphical literature offers more than one explanation:6 1 I. AI-Hasan sealed lhe ruplure by announcing: 'Wa,il seceded from us (i'tatala 'anna)". H.s. Nyberg suggested that this story was an orthodox slander. designed "to rehabilitate al-I:lasan and brand the 58 See Van Ess, "Lccturcft , p. 6S. 59 Madelung, Va Imam, p.12. n. 20. See Ibn al-Nadim. Fihris'. ibid.; Ibn Khallikin, Wa!aylu. VI, Po IU(Hl 60 Sec 'Abel al-JabOOr, Fa41. pp. 234:12, 235~10; al-Murutlja, A.maH, PI'. 165-166; Ibn al-Murtada, Mwnya, pp. 22:18 - lll6, and compare al-Khayyiil. Ki,lJb al-l nlisOr, cd. HS. Nyberg (Cairo, 1925), pp. 164:14 - 167:9. 61 For a brief summary of the most common interpretations sec G. MonnOl. P~nuurs

musufmans ~t rdigions irani~nnts, 'Abd al-Jabbar ~, us 1974), pp. 6-12. 1 do not Wldemand the etymology orfered by Massignon (Th~ Passion o! al-llaflaj, trad. H. Masson. Princeton, 1982). 111, P. ln, n. 33: "a volunt.1ry solitude of the heart" which the sinner acquires.

d~vancicrs (Paris,

Mu'tazilis as heretics".62 At first sight the faa that the anecdote appears in Mu'tazilite as well as orthodox sources would seem to lend it some credence and 10 invalidate Nyberg's suggestion.6) But there are flaws in the story. In order to "secede" from al-I:lasan's circle, W~il would have had to have belonged to il in the first place. BUl as we have already seen, it is unlikely that this was the case.64 The one who belonged to the circle was 'Amr, and indeed in the version given by Ibn Qutayba (d. 889 H) WaSil is not mentioned, and it is 'Amr's secession that al-l:Iasan deplores.u But even in this version the story is at variance with what we know of the relations of al-ijasan and 'Amr. 'Amr, for one, never thought of himself as having broken off with al-l:Iasan; he continued to regard himself as a disciple of al-l:Iasan who was transmilling his leaching." Yet another version is given by Ibn Durayd (d. 321 Hl, who says of 'Arnie b. 'Abd Qays: "II is he who separaled from al-l:Iasan, so that they were named MU'lazililes".61 'Amir, like Wiisil and 'Amr, was known for his ascetic behaviour as well as for his interest in theology.6I But it is unlikely that his standing was such as to enable him to launch a new movement by his "separation". The fact that the story is told about him too makes its apocryphal char~cter more trallSparenl" Nyberg's suggestion should therefore be accepted, with the

62 E1,. s.v. "MIl'tazila-, p.787. See also W. Montgomery Walt. "The Political Altitudes of me Mu'La2.ila", J RAS (1963), p. S6. 63 AI-Shahrastani, al-Milat wu'l ni1)o1. cd. W. Cureton (London. 1842), p. 33; 11>0 al-MunarJa, Tabaqa" p.3:12-13; MUlahhar b. Tahir al-Maqdisi, Kifiib aI-Bad' waFfa'rikh, cd Huart (Paris. l899-l919), p. 142:5. 64 See above, note 30 and Lhc corresponding texL 65 Ma'Ori!, p. 243:19; see also 'Abd al-Jaboor, Fa4I. p. 166:14-15. 66 AI-Balkhi. MaqlJJ&, P. 69:8-9. See also M~gnon, Essai, pp. 200-20l 67 AJ-lslrliqlJq, 1, pp. 213-214. quoted by Sayyid, in his introdoct.ion to Fa41 P. 16. 68 See Sayyid, ibid. P. 16. ' fJ) It should also be noted that Cor all practical purpa5Ci there was little difference bet ween W··1 as- and a1-l:lasan, and therefore no apparent reason for the breach: al-I;fasan adopted a neutral position conceming the !ifna (Massignon, Essai, p. 174; Van Ess, ftlccture~, p. 56), and as to the hereafter, Wlisil like al-ijas:J.n, acknowledged tile existence of only lwo abodes (al-Shahrast.5ni Mila! p. 33:16; Ibn al-MurlarJa. rabaq&, p. 4:5-6). ' ,

11lC beginnings or the Mu'tazila Sarah Stroumsa

278

additional assumption that in 1:ller gener.lIions the story lost its venom, and beC3me so widespread that even the Mu'tazilites considered it authentic. 2. According to other sources it is not at-I~asan but Qatada who coined the name Mu'tazila when, on seeing 'Arne's group, he

asked contemptuously: 'What is that Mu'tazila up

lOr"' This anecdote

rings truer than the first one. in the sense that there was indeed some rivalry between Qatada and 'Ame?1 It also allows for 'Amr, and not Wasil, as the leading representative of the MU'I3zila's break with orthodoxy. Nevenheless, this story cannol be accepted at face value. Qatiida could not have been the onc to coin the term Mu'tazila.. He

may, however. have been one of those who used this word in a derogatory manner, thus helping to establish the somewhat general tenn as the name of a specific group.71 3. Some writers. in addition to reporting the above anecdotes, try to derive the name Mu'tazila rrom the dogma or at-manzi/a ooyna at-manzi/acayn itself. This dogma, says al-Mas'Udi, is the oore or the i'riza/.1J The exact way in which the term is explained depends, of course, on the speaker. The orthodox say th.::tt the Mu'tazilites got their name because in adopting Wasil's posilion "they contradicted Ihe consensus".14 The Mu'tazilitcs, on the olher hand, claim Ihat their posilion is the one agreed upon by the consensus of the umma. thai all other posilions are innovations. and Ihat they took the name Mu'taloila "because Ihey avoided all innovations",1) or because they avoided "both

70 'AM al-Jaboo.r, Faql, p. 166:14-16; Ibn Khallikan, lValayllf, IV, pp.85-86; Ibn al-MurtarJa. TabaqiiJ, p. 4:11-14; al-Murtada. AmiJ/i, p. 167n 71 cr. Van &i. "Lcclurc-, p. 51 and notc l n Sec al-B::alkhi. Maqafiit, p. 11513-t5; 'Abd al-Jabb:ir, Fatj/. p. 166:11 14-16, and esp. p. 166:21-28: -Fa-Iammii sammawhum bi-dhiJlika wo-ktJINUtJ. sara /aqaban 'ofii mit dhakarnil'. 13 MIUUi, VI, p. 21.9; al-Balkhi, 1.1.01, p. IU:H2; see also of-/.Iiu ai-in. p. 204. 74 ·!.AmmO Un/alu a/-iimii' Ii dhQ/jka swnmu a/-mu"ali/o", Ibn al-Murt3da, Taboqiit, p. 5:1; idem. MU1lytJ. p. 4:11; 'Abd al-Q:ihir aHl:Jghdadi, aJ-Farq bayno al-liraq (Beirut, 19TI). p. 98:11 and see al,!;() p. 18:11 f'al-Qadariyya al-r,w'uui/o

'." ai-1J
279

exaggeration and laxity'?' 4. Some scholars read political implications into Wasil's theory of the intermediary Slate. They believe that it relates to the status or the parties in the first civil war, and that it indicates W5.$il·s (X)litical stance with regard to the events or his own time. According to al-Khayyiil (d. circa 200 H) Wasil claimed that in the war between 'Ali, Taiba and al-Zubayr, and also in the war between 'Ali and Mu'awiya. only one of Ihe panics oould have been in the right It follows that the other pany was in the wrong, and since: it committed a grave sin (kabfra) it should be considered to be in the state of /isq. Since, however, all the wilnesses to this war are biased. we have no way or telling which of the partics was right and which was wrong?' The i'riziJ/. according to this interpretation, is lhe refusal both 10 br.Uld one or other of the panics as infidels, and to j.Jstiry the conduct or one or other. This interpretation is in line with one we have already encountered. As mentioned above, some of the meanings or the verb i'cazala may have had political connotations. The inronnation given by al-KhaY)'3l puts this line or Ihought on finner ground: here we have not ani)' a use or the word, but also see Wasil himself subscribing to this use. But the evidence demands carerul examination. It stands to reason that WaSil held some position concerning the civil war: he was not someone who would have no opinion on such a major issue. II is also probable lhat he discussed the mailer wilh 'Ann, and thai Ihe latter was convinced by his arguments: 'Amr admired Wasil,1I and since he was much less ellgage than WaSil, he is likely to have let Wasil decide in such worldly matters. It is also possible that the position Wasil adopted was the one described by al-Khayyal although ShIite (and even MU'laz.ilite ShIite) writers fiercely deny this:

76 -AI-mu'ltJlila hum a/-muqtasida.!a-itazo/QJ oJ-ilrlll wa'l-Iaqsir", 'Abd al-Jaboor {quoling Muf)ammad b. Yaziliidh at-~bahini, d. 230 1-0, Fa4I, p. 165:25. See also .I-Dalkhi, MaqQlGi. P. 115:S-u n AI-Nishi ai-Akbar, U.fiU, pp. 53-.54; Ohahabi, MitiJn., Ill, pp. '1h1 H. 78 'Abd .H.l>bar, F04/, p. 61J5-2J; ai-I./;;' ai-',n, pp. 2al:2O - 11».7.

280

28t

Sarah Slroumsa

The beginnings or the Mu'tazila

accord.ing to lhem Wiisil was whole-heattedly pro-'Ali." BUl we have no indication whatsoever that Wisil ever identified his position as ;'liz&.IO There afC no grounds for believing that Wisil enooumged hl" followers to be mu'taziJim in this sense, or that 'Amr and his followers added this meaning to their name "Mu'lazila".ll The writers who connect the name Mu'tazila with Wasil's view of the civil wars wrote at least lWO hundred years afler the latter's death. They clearly had no idea of where the name came from, and so they proceeded to associate wilh it all they knew about the early movement

champion".n The j'lizal was, according to this view, Wasil's creation; it was decidedly political and 'Amr's role in it was seoondary" Nyberg's political interpretation of the Mu'tazila has been widely aceepted,u although his specific applicllion or this interpretation was sometimes subjected to rerinements. Thus W, Madelung, W. Montgomery Watt and 1. Van Ess rejected Nyberg's identiJication of the Mu'tazila with the 'Abbasid da'wa. Wasil's du'iJJ, as we know from a poem of the Muftazilite Safwan ai-Ansari, were much too conspicuous to have been part or an underground movement." But Watt and Van Ess also read into the term i'lizal some political meaning. For them, the i'rizOl did not represent an active involvement in JXJlitical dissent but rnther political neutrality, which "the Mu'tazilites have practiced for the rirst time at a time when, in the sJXlSms of a dying empire, almost everybody took sides in one way or another."" And still morc categonC4lly than Nyberg, Van Ess argues that "Wiisil is the only founder of the MU'lazila: 'Amr b, 'Uboyd kepl his distanc"" for a long time, until the moment when, after al-~las..1n al-B:l$ris death and before the advenl of the 'Abbosids, he joined the movement" U Both Nyberg's original theory and its modiried versions err in ascribing to the whole Mu1laZiia the ideas (or the temperament) of only pan of it. Wiisil was politically aClive (although, as we shall presently see, not necessarily in the service or the 'Abbasids}, 'Amr was not, and he did not become politiC:llly active even after meeting Wasil" 'Amr

• • • The so-called political Mu'taziJa deserves further scrutiny. Nyberg, who was the first to insist on the political meaning of mu'tazila (both the mmlC and the movement), argued Ih:1I "lhe teaching of Wa.$i1 on a/-mamila can only be perfectly understood i£ we see in it the theoretical crystallisation of the political programme or the IAbbasids berOTe their accession to power.un Some or our sources speak of Wiisil's dll'at, and Nyberg identified lhem with the bearers of lhe 'Abbasid da'wa. According to him. when IAmr and his "section or the Qadaris of the aliI aJ-!llJdith joined the MUlazila", lhey "reinforeed lhe more politically inclined Qadariyya or which Wasil was the

79 A/-l;liu 01-';'1. p. 205:7-12; al-B.1gh<J5di. Farq. p. 10012-13; Nyberg. £1, p. 789. 80 'Abd al-Jabbar, Fadf, p.142:8 (relying on Abij 'Ali al-Jubbai) (d. 915 H) seems 10 sec no connection between lhe debates over lhe stalus of lhe

re.

participanls in lhe civil wars and the name Mu'tazila. Neilher docs al-Sh..1hrwni, Milal, pp. 33-34, who clearly distinguishes between the dogma or the intermediary state and aUitlKb to the civil wars. 81 There is. in fact., no mention in our D1rccs of Wasil ever having used the terms ttiw/ or mu',azila. As to 'Amr, lhere is ooly one anccdole in which it is implied that he encouraged his disciples to call lhcmselvcs af-{irqa ol-mu',azilo (see above, n. 44). Madelung (Oer Imam. p. 30), who sees the badith mentioned in this anecdote as stemming from the earliest. polilical MU'la7jla, a.~mcs that Wasil look the name ;tizm hom lhis !Jadi,h and gave it a new meaning. Our sources, however, place this had;'h not in polilical, but ralher in ascetie cireles (Surya" al-Thawri), and il is always connected wilh 'Amr, never wilh Wasil 82 Nyberg. £1, p- 789.

83 Loc. dl-

ci,.-

84 Nyberg. Ioc. idem. "'Amr ibn 'Uooyd", pp. 126-12&. &5 See, ror example C Pellat. u milieu ooJriett et 10 {ormaJiOfl de Ca1)i; (Paris, 1953). p. 175: L. Gardcl and M.M. Anawati, Introduction 10 thiologie musul~ (Paris, 1981), p. 4686 Van Ess. "Lecture", pp. 29, 46: and see Madelung. Oer lmivn, p. 30. and below, p. 281-&

a

87 Van Ess. "Lecture". p. 65; W. Montgomery Watt, Ihc Polilical AttitlKles or the Mu'tazilah", Journal of ,~ Royal Asiatic Society (1963), pp. 55-56. Sec also H. L:loost, us schisf71£s dalU tlslam (Paris, 1965), p. 53. and Madelung. Der lmiim, note 77, and sec now Daibcr (above. n. 13), pp. 15-16. 88 Van E"" "Lccture~, p. 56. 89 Sec below. pp. 284-5.

Sarah Stroumsa

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The beginninp uf the MU'lazila

can be regarded as politically neutral; 90 W:lsil cannol, and he certainly could not have been the sole founder of a movement which had neutrality as its cornerstone.'· And, as we have already seen, the description of 'Arne as a secondary figure who joined an already existing Woi$ili Mu'tazila is not corroborated by our sources. n A p:1ragraph in the ShIite work Maqali/ al-TlJlibiyyill, which has hitherto attracted lillie attention, helps elucidate the role of political activity in the (ommtion of the Mu'taz.ila Wasil b. 'Ala' and 'Amr b. 'Uooyd mel al the house of 'Uthm5n b. 'Abd al-Rabman al-Mal)ziimi. of the people of Basra. and they took counsel concerning injustice.. 'Amr said, "Who, Ihcn, will take OYer Ihis rommisUon (i.e. the Caliphate), of lhose who are tntitk:d LO it and who deserve itT n W~I said, "Dy God. he who has become the best of this umma," Mul].ammad b. 'Abdalliih b. al-l:Iasan, he will undertake il" 'Amr b. 'Ubayd said, , do not think we should pledge allegiance to. and engage in revolt 00 behalf of, a m:m whom

we have not tested and whose conduct we do I10t know:

283

Both the position of W~il and of 'Amr can be easily explained. ".<,'1 we are told was brought up and educated by AbU Hiishim, i.e., \

'y • ...., " " I Sh-' 'Abdallah b. Mu~ammad b. al-l:Ianafiyya. An over-zca ous lite tradition even presents him as havin~ ~n brought ~p by .MUI)a~lm.~~ b. al-l:Ianafiyya himself, although thIS 15 chronolog lC::t,lIy .lm~lble. At any rate, Wisil had a clear sympathy for the ~It.ds, In t~e argument as to whether only the best of the ununa (a1-Ia,N) ca." be lIS leader or whether someone who is less than the best (,naf4ul) may also be given the task, Wasil advocated im~mQl al-ma.'Q,r;/: t~is allowed him to accept the legitimacy of the ftm three cahphs while regarding the fourth caliph, 'Ali, as the best of the umma." 'Anu's hesitant answer is also typical: his position was that only the best Muslim (al-I04j1) deserves the baY..loo In olher words, he had 110 'Alid sympathies. nnd. as the paragraph from the Maqaril al-Talibiyyin testifies, he had no inclination to make practical

Wiisil responded vehemently, trying to demonstrate that there was none better than Mul)ammad b. 'Alx1allalt"

90

91

92 93 94 95

Allhough it would be a mistake to picture his neutrality as a sort of non-alignment. 'Amr's neutralilY was non-involvement, which is hurdly a ~jlive political staOl1. but ('.tlher a lack thercof. Sec Mizan. III, p. 296. See below, pp.283-4. Scholars who adopted the polilical intcrprclation conccrning thc rise of thc MU'\.l17jla and its namc also admiucd u\a! there was a political differcncc belween Wasil lind 'Amr (Sce Nyberg, EI, p. 787; idem, ,- Amr ibn 'Ubayd~, pp. 126-1'28; Van ~ ~Lccture", pp. *65: Massignon, Passion, III, p. 152) wilhout trying 10 rcconc:ile the two faclS. See above, pp. '270-1. "Fa-mtJlI yaqUnw bi-hlJdha a/-amr mi"u11lU1 yast(Jwjibulul wa-huwtJ taJw ahJ?' "KlJayr hiJdluhi a!-UI1UIlQ." Maqluil, p. 293:4-14. On Mu!)ammad "aI-Mfs a/-zakiyyo·, who was known for his zuhd and nisk (al-Mas'udi, Muruj, VI, pp. 189-192) see F. Buhl, Encyclopedia of Islam, s.v. "Mul)3mmad b. 'Abdallah", and J. Lassner, The Shaping of 'AbbiJSid Rule (Prince lon, 1980), pp.69-74. The Maqiuil al-fiilibiyyin is undoubtedly tendentious, and il would be iocautious 10 cooclude on the oosis of this passage ak>oc that the cooference described here actually look place, or that Wasil tried to organize a revoh in favor of

Mubammad b. 'Abdalliih. AI-Taftanini's doubls concerning lhe chronological soundness of the Maqatil are, therefore, quilc in place. But one can. on the basis of this passnge, draw an outline of the impression IMt the pcr.;on.11ities of Wasil and 'Amr lefl on nHsfiihanis sourett Hcnce, Taftaninis rejcclion of the Maqa/ifs (radition, on the assumption that Wasil and 'Amr shared the same political view, is difficult to accepl; sec Abu 'I-Wafa 31-Tafta7iini, ·Wasil b. 'Ata'," in U. Amin, ed.. Etudes philo.fOphique.f offertes au Dr. Ibrahim Madkour (Cairo, 1974), pp. 49-50. For the reference to al-Tafta7.:i.nis study I am indebted to Prof. J, Van Ess. 96 AI-Balkhi, Maqru1JJ, p. 6&3-4; 'Abd al-Jabbiir, F(J(jI, p. 164:17-18 300 p. 215:1-2 On Abii Hashim's i'lizal see M. Sha.ron, Black Banners from the Easl (Jerusalem-Leiden, 1983), p. 112, n.43, and compare al-Dinawari, oJ-AkhbOr oJ-TiwOJ. P. 274. 97 As noted already by al-Murtada. AmiJn, p. 165:2-1 See 'Abd al-Jaboor, Fat/I, p. 234:4-5; AI-'Asknri, Awa'il, p. 130".3-4; Ibn al-Murtad5, Munya, p. 11:7. See also Sh.1hrastani, Milal, p. 31, and Madelung. fN.r Imlun, p. 34. 98 But not ror the line revered by the Imamiyya. they were too worldly for Wasil's taslC; see 'Abd al-JabOOr, Fa4l, p. 239:16; Ibn al-Murtad5. Tabaqat, p. 33; Nlem, M""Y". PI' 2(}-2l 99 AI-Nastli' ai-Akbar, UIW, pp. 51-52:3; Malali, Tanbilt. p. 17:12 ff.. and csp. p. 28:.0, 22; oJ-l)iT oJ-7.. p. 205. 100 AI-N5shi ai-Akbar, Ulw, pp. 54:6-7,521J-20.

284

Sarah Siroumsa The beginnings or the Mu'tazila

285

con~ions.

and no desire to be involved in politics.L01 We are not lold whether at that meeting 'Arne was convinced. What we arc told is thal at some point "a group of the inhabil3ms of Basra, from among the Mu't3zita, amongst them W<4il b. 'Ata' and 'Arne b. 'Ubayd and others" went [0 Suwaiqa. seeking an interview with Muhammad b. 'Abdalliih. They were nOI received by Muhammad, but only by his brother Ibrahim, yet this was enough to induce the whole group 10 pledge allegiance 10 Mui)ammad b. 'Abdalliih.102 In another instance al-Isfahani tells us lhal Abu Ja'far al-Mall$ur himself was in this group, and we can therefore infer that the meeting took place some lime before ai-Mansur could openly claim the Caliphate.Lo1 Al-Tabari's report of the same meeting confirms the presence of al-Manl$ur and of a mu'tQzifa, but does not mention either 'Amr or W:ll$iLlo4 In fact, it is veey doubtful whether 'Ame participated in this plot, and even if he did, his involvement was short-lived. 'Amr respected Mubammad b. 'Abd Allah for his piety, but he did not regard him as the mahdi.lo~ Years laler, after Wfi$i1's death and when

101

102

103 104

105

See al-Tabari, Ta'rikh al-RusuJ wa' I-Muria, ed. de GOOF (Lciden, 1%4), serl vol. I. p. 149:5, where 'Amr is reported to have said: "By God, if the umma were to entrust me wilh ilS affairs, I would not know where to put them" (i.e.. 10 whom to entfUSllhcm). In another illSUlocc al-Tabari reports that 'Amr was rcsib'llCd to seeing his din dwindle awolY, because he did 1101 trust anyone Obid. p. 7). This resignation WOn him the title of "3 coward", but even this did not change 'Amr's preference for "the shade and cool water" over the lreachery of politics. See 'Abel al-Jabbar, Fa41, pp. 250:5-8, 14-19,246:11-11 Maqiilil, pp.206, 214, 293: Madelung's contemion (Der Imam, p.37, n. 165), that Maqiilif fails to mentiOn lhe presence of any Mu'tazilite in this mccting, is incorrect. On Ibdihim b. 'Abd Allah sec L. Veccia Vaglieri, rIP, s.v., and Lassncr,op. cil. pp. 71-87. Maqiilil, pp. 200-209. Ta'rikh. 3, I, pp.143, 152. Madelung, Du Imam. p.37, following Nallino. identifies this Mu'tuzila as lhe political (as opposed to theological) MU'Ulzila. But the participation of "real" Mo'tazililcs like Bashir al-Ral)l}51 in lhe revolt of Ibrahim b. 'Abd-Allah (145 H, see below, note 105), indicates that the mu'tazj/a who came 10 the mccting was practicing jtizlJJ on more than one level Sec 'Abd aHabb.1r, Fa4/, p. 226;16.

al-Man$iir was already Cc11iph, 'Abdallah b. al-(~asan wrote to 'Amr to 106 ask his support against al-Man$ur, 'Amr excused himself. When Muhammad's brother, IbrahIm, was preparing his revolt, some of the Mu'~azila joined him, but 'Amr neither supported him nor turned him over to al-Mal1$ur.101 AI-Man$ur had great respect for 'Amr; 'Amr, for 10. · his part, preferred 10 keep aloof f rom h1m too, .. . The picture of 'Amr's political (or rather, apohtlcal) behaVIOur as it emerges from these anecdotes is fairly consistent The anca:lote quoted above about the consultation at the house of 'Uthman al-Mahzuml can therefore be taken as a fair example of the dynamics of political relations between Wiisil and 'Amr. Despite his admiration for Wa$il and his closeness to him, 'Amr did not adopt Wiisil's political views.IM What brought them together was not a political understanding. Nor was it political cooperation that kept the movement as a whole logether. 10 fact, any attempt to find a political classification that would fit the whole early Mu'tazila is bound to encounter serious problems. We have seen the Shiite, particularly Zaydite, e.1gerness to claim the Mu'tazila as its own. But al-Mas'ud! dryly infonns us that according to the Mu'tazila anyone can be an imam, i.e., the imam need not necessarily be a QurayshitellO (let alone a descendant of 'Ali). AI-Mas'udi's information ties in well with the attempt of some scholars Lo show the existence of a certain affinity between the early Mu'tazila

106 Maqmil, p. 209'3. Sec also Ta'rikh BaghdOd, XII, pp. 168-169; 'Abd al-Jabb:ir, Fa4/. 1,241XH, 107 'Abd al-Jabb.1r, loco cil.; Maqiilil, p. 209'3-4; Ibn Khallikan, Wa!ayat, III, pp. 461:21-462: 4, Ibnihim's revolt broke out a year after 'Amr's de3th, and ai-Mansur is reported to have said, 'The Mu'ta1.ila did not revolt against me until 'Amr b. 'Ubaid had died" ('Abd al-Jaboor, Fadl, p. 228:121 Among the rebels were some Mu't37.i1ites, although their number was probably insignificanl, so thaI sympalhetic writers prcscnlthcm as "wujUh aJ-MU'lQzila". Among them was lhe militant ascelK: Bashir al-Ra~I:l3I, who fought wearing his izlu of suI (al-Balkhi, MaqlJ1iiJ, p. 117; 'Abd al-Jaboor, Fa4/, p. 226). IU! See Din.1wari, al-AkhhQr al-Tiwi"Jl, p. 380-.8 fC.; Ibn Qutayba. 'Uyiut, I, p. 209; Ibn al-Murllldii, Munya, p. 24:5; 'Abd al-Jaboor, Fa4I, pp. 242:7-11 249'5-20. 109 As acknowledged even by Nyberg and hili "sthoor, sec above. n. 9L lIO MlUuj, VI, p. 24; and sec also al-Niishi ai-Akbar, Usid, pp. 63:12-64: 1

286

Sarah Stroumsa The beginnings or the MU'lazila

and the Khawarij.1II There are, however, some equally important indications of affinities between the early Mu'tazjla and the Murj.'all2 And although the Mu'tazila as a whole accepted the dogma of "the intermediary state", its interpretation by the various Mu'razjlites reveals a wide range of politico-religious views.1Il The political plur:llism of the Mu't3zila is epitomized in the question of imiltnat al-!a4il wa'l-malt/lll,lI. In his repon on the Mu't3zila, al-Nashi' ai-Akbar distinguishes two groups: those who believe Ihal the Muslim communily should always have an jmorn, and those who regard "the imam as dispensable-II) This last group al-Niishi identifies as the Silliyyat a/-Mu'lazi/a. The figures listed in this group are nOt very well known:·' They are described as purilans who objected to the accumulation of personal propeny,1I1 and who aspired to a pious Muslim community, different from all other earlhly communities. Their view on the imama reOects a refusal to deal with

til

112

113

U4

tIS

116 U7

See Jal)q, Boyan, I, p.23, and COOlpafC al-Mubarrad, Kamil, I, pp. 546. 547, and esp. p. 446; Nyberg. EI, p. 189; Bem:md, art. ciJ.. above, note 51); Van Ess. -Lecture-, p. 47, sees a ccruin resemblance of lhc MU'uWla 10 the lbadiY3- His atlempt 10 see in W4il's mll'iJr04a 10 'Amr -a kharijle lCndency", (ibid.. p. 53) is, however, mislaken; Wisil's argumentalion is presenled as an illam., an argumenl ad absurdum. and does llOl reflect W4iI's own opinm AI-Khayyiil, In/isar, p. 97:13; Ibn al-Muna4a, Mllnya, pp. 11:20-21. 15.:17-21; 'AM al-Jabbiir, Fadl, pp.229 rr. (concerning the connection willi Ghaylan}, al-Ash'ari, MaqlJllu al-lsllJmiyyin wo-iH/Uaf al-musaJlin, ed. H. Riner OSUlnbul, 1929), pp. 132-139, and compare al-Shahrastfini, MUa/, p. 33:12 (about raith as a complex or Ihe -qualities or good~); al-Niishi' al-Akoor, UsiJ, pp. 63:4-64: 3 (aoolll their common view cooccming lhc immnn). See, ror inslance, al-Nashi' ai-Akbar, ibid~ pp.49-61; Malali, Tanbih, pp.30:6-14, 32:13 - 3116; al-Mufid, ai-Jamal, pp. &:17 - 11"2. AHblkhi was apparently aware of this political pluralism, and he fidgets in an aucmpt to reconcile it wilh the theory lllat the name MU'laziia originaled rrom lhe qoestion or oJ-manzila bayna a/-manzilatayni (MaqiiJiJJ, p. 11S:l3-tS). Although, as noled by Van ~ (Frw nw'uuiJiliscM llfuuiog,aphie, p. 44), il ~ not figure in Muslim hercsiograptly Ilf1'lOOg lhe Slllpk: Mu'tazilite dogmas. UsiiJ, pp. 49-50; see alJo Mas'lidi, Murili, VI, p.lli-7. See Van Ess. ibid~ pp. 43-44. On ta1),im al-tnakiuib by later Mu't.azilites see, ror example, al-Khayyat, I nlisiir, pp. 55:17, 69.8-10. 77:4, and see me rollowing note.

287

politics allogether. We may assume that this gro~p incl~ded the old hard core of the Mlltazila. those who had remamed faithful to the Mu'ta.z.ila's original character. Their pious, ascetic characteristics now led them to be referred to as Sufis. but in fact, using the archaic terminology they would have been called "Mu'tazilat al-Mu'tazild',1II The other group. which believed in the necessity of the i mama. included both 'Amr (who was committed to imamat al-fatJ,ifY I9 and WaSil (who was willing to accept a maftJ,liJ),12o As noted above,12l their difference of opinion in this matter could not have provided a solid ground for political union, But the union was not meant to be political. Like the sr'fiy)'aI al-Mu'wzila. WaSil and 'Amr were first of all Mu'tazilites. Even Ihe less austere Wasil pT3eticed the tabrim al-makasib, and since this ;'tizol, this pious asceticism, is the only common denominator of the two figures., it must be assumed that it was al the TOOt of their alliance. as well as of their name. In order to discover the meaning of this alliance between W:i$il and 'Amr we have to turn to its product, the early Mu'tuilite movement. Its most notable activity was that of the du'at, the missionaries.l12 Safwan al-All$3ri, who describes them in his poem, says that they had a typical outfie a turlxll't.l2l a trimmed gannent.124 and

118

119 120 12.

122

I2J

124

On Ihe beginnings or thc Suri movcmcnl see J. Spencer Trimingham, The Sufi Orders in {slam (Odord, 1970, pp. 4-5. Van Ess has argued Ihat ascetic tcndcncies became morc pronounced in the MU'137.ila only lalcr, aher Ihc revolt of Mu~ammad al-Nafs aJ-ZiiJciyya (-Leclurc-, p.66) or rrom lhc time or Abu MUs5 al-Murdar (Fruk nlJirazilitischt J1[uesjograplU~, pp. 114-115'> As I have lried to demonstrate in this JXIper, however, all our sources draw a picture an or ascetK; early MU'lazila, or which al-Murdar would be merely a natural descendant UsUl, p. 51 Ibid. PI' 51-52. Pp. 283-5. See al-Balkhi, Maqala" p. 99:8; al-Ja!)i~ Sayan, I, p.25:6; 'Abd aHa boor, Farll, p.237:4; Ibn al-Murtad5, TabaqlJt, p.32:4; Miltlya. pp. 19:8 - 20::5; al-'Askari. "'wO'il, p. 138:7-12 "Imnut, which is compared 10 birds hovering O'o'er their heads, see aHa!)i~ Ba}lin, I, P. 2(d0; 'Abd al-Ja1>OOr, Fa41, p. 242:15. "Qa" IwddQb", J'~i" ibid. p Uill

288

Sarah Siroumsa The beginnings of the Mu'ta'l.i1a

wide rimmed sandals made of two slrips.I'U Their lower lip was shaven,l26 and their moustache closely CUI.I21 It was .1101 Wasil who had

fashioned Ihis uniform: there are indications that at least SOffie of these peculiarities were commonly recognized as Ihe signs of asceticism and piety.11I We are told that the du'iit's mission kept them away from their families, a trail which. though not necessarily implying continence. is cenainly meant to bring to mind lhe ascetic 'uzla.'2' Safwan also praises the du'llt for their nightly vigils, and says lhal their foreheads were marked by constant prostration. We recognize here. the old Mu'13zila, 'Amc's people.no But the organizer, the one who launched the movement, was Wasil. The du'llr were his exclusive concern; he was Ihe one who gave them their instructiol'lSt and they showed him total and unswerving obedience.111

125 "Li-na'lihi qiOOJiini Ii ,udn raJ,ib aJ-khawasir", ibid~ p. 26H. The two strips of the sandal were considered SU./1na, see a/-J(Jnu' aJ-Sal)iJ; ... ltI-BukhiJri, cd. M. Rudolph Krehl-Th.W. Juynboll (Leiden, 1!Xl6), vol IV, pp. 88-89; Wen'iinck, ConcorddnL;e, s:v. "n't ". 126 .. Anfaqa fntl.flilma", J5t,i1. ibid~ P. 26:14. 127 "IMii sMrib", ibjd~ p. 26:11 128 AI-Tirmidhi (Nawadi, a/-u~iil fi ma'rifal ahadi,h al-rasw lal-Madinal p. 9:19) enumerates a few characterislics of Quistian monks, for whom real seclusion ('uzla, 1.18 or tliWl, 1.l6) was tOO demanding, and who substituled for it false, superficial worldly zuM (11, 22-23). Among these characteristics are Ihe lurban (al-';mma al-ma'(ula, cpo n. 123 above), lhe Irimmed garmem ("tashmj, al-thiylJb", ep. Il 124 above), and lhe Irimmed mOUSlaehe ("half al-shl1rib", ep. n. 127 above). Whatever other implicalions this passage may have, il is clear from il that these exlemal peculiarilies were recognizable in Ihe ninlh cenlury as signs of zuhd, and may have been associated with ChriSlian asceticism. For Ihe reference 10 this importalll text 1 am indebted to Dr. S. Sviri. It may be wOrlh noting lilal Ihe Mu'lazilite saw no harm in their resemblance 10 monks (al-Khayyat, InJislu, pp. 69.11,18 -702), 129 AI-'Askarj, Awa'U, p. t38:lo. 130 See al-Jabi1. Baylvt, p. 26:11-12, and note 34 above. 131 AHal:li1. jbid~ p. 25:7; 'Alxl al-Jabb5.r, Fat/I; jbid~ p. 237:14-16 (where 'Ullun5n ai-Tawil is qUOted as saying: "As long as Wasil lived. until he died. ....'C did not consider ourselves as having any dominion over ourselves. For he would S:ly 10 one of us. "Sct OUl 10 a certain coumry", aoo it was impa;sible 10 refuse him"

289

According to Abu Hilal aI-'Askari (d. af'er 400 H) Wii;il was the first to be called nl/llQzi/LI31 It is very difficult to accept thIS statement literally: as we have seen, the assumption that around Was~l's time there were other people called mlllazila is more consonant With the available evidence. But certainly one could claim that W5..$il W3S the fimt mU'lazi!i in the sense that Wasil turned the mfllazila into a movemenl Before Wasil "the Mu'tazila" was a term applied, without much precision, to various kinds of ascetics. 11 is only after Wasil had appeared on the scene (and probably not irnm~.iatc1y thereafter), t~1t the name Mu'laZila came to designate onc specthc movement, holdmg specific doctrines. Yet we should not think that Wasil's only contribution to the Mu'tazila was his practical talent. He was the one who gave the pious, ascetic Mu'tazila an intellectual twist. 'Amr too was interested in theological questions. such as free will or God's unity,m But it is to Wiisil that all the records JX>int as the initiator of kalamic discourse. This is perhaps not the right place to offer a comprehensive analysis of Wasil's k.alam. We should at least note, however, that in this maller, the cryptic reports to hand corroborate one another, and appear to be authentic. They hardly ever attempt to attribute to him such later developments as "the five principles". Wasil developed .his own terminology, which appears in vario~ unrelated texts, and testifies 10 W:isil's systematic thought. By way of an example of this systematic thought we can mention the concept of the criteria of knowledge (aw;lIlJ aJ-'ilm), AI-Ja~i?- mentions four such criteria as Wasil's test for the truth'?4 According to 'Abd al-Jabtxi.r Wasil prcx:1uccd the concept

'Uthmiin knew this from his own experience (Fa4/. P. 241:1-13), 132 Awa'i/, p. 129;13, and compare Mizan, II. p. 295133 Mas'ooi, Mluuj, VI. p. 212; VI. pp. 234-236, 134 Quoted by al-'Askari, Awii'if, p.129:6-7. Wasil's trulh docs not rcl:lle to lhe correctness or otherwise of legal rutings, as suggested by Madelung (Du Imam, p. 15) following S. Pines, Beitrage zur islamischen AJom~nldtre (Berlin, 1936), p. 126, n. 3, although Wasil's erudition included also fiqh, see 'Abd al-Jabb5r, FaLjl, p. 236:16. Nor is he l3lking about the authenlicilY or otherwise of hadi,h, as suggcsled by Van Ess ("L'autoritc de la tradition prophClique dans la theologic mu'tazilile", La notion d'aufhorilt au Moyen Age: Islam, Byzance. OccidenJ (Paris., 1980), p. 213}, Rather, Wasil is above all cooccmed

290

Sarah Siroumsa

of the criteria for knowledge in a dispute between Jahm b. Safwan and the BUddhis~ On this occasion Wiisil ~ned thai onc way (wajll) (0 know God IS by means of the proof by deduction (da/m.m Wasil's pre~~pation with epistemology is confimloo by the list of his works, which mcludes Ihe title "a book concerning Ihe way 10 the knowledge of Truth".J36 It is probably in Ihis book Ihal he developed his concept of "criteria", Another example is Wasil's inrerest in logical treatment of exegetical problems. We hear that he wrote a book on "ma'ani at-Qur'iJn",m and indeed, according to another report. Wiisil was the first to establish such exegetical rules as the distinction between general llI and ~~fic VCJSeS. And, of course, his idea of the intemlcdiary slale, a bnlliant kalamic solUlion 10 a delicate problem, should also be mentio~ed in this context: both his book on the manzila bayna al-mQl~zllaIaYfl and his kitab a/-lawba probably dealt wilh it~)' Wasil's theoreucal, theological interest. in this question appears to be undeniable. These concepts and topics characterizing Wasil's thinking are often mentioned in passing in our sources. The first two examples cann~t b~ regarded as conscious inventions, since they are only m~rglnal In the context in which they appear, no special atlention being drawn to them. All three are examples of lopics peripheral to later kalamic, Mu'tazilite thought, and they consequently cannot be suspected of being projections of later problems. We must therefore assume that what we are told of Wasil's preoccuJXuion with theological matters is authentic. Van Ess has suggested that "the inclination rowards systematic

The

beginnings of the Mu'tazila

291

theology, which... marked the physiognomy of the school, was not due to Wasil, and certainly not to 'Amr, but to 0ir;ir".140 According to this interpretation, Oicir b. 'Alllf (ca. 190 1-1) went out of favour in the movement, so that his teaching was attribuled to Wasil. In the same line, an anecdote according to which Abu al-Hudhayl had received from Wiisil's widow two ooxes of books containing her lale husband's manuscripts, would be for Van Ess a transparent attempt to bolster Abu al-liudhayl's authority by inventing for him an acceptable master.14 \ On closer examination, however, the wording of this last anecdote is not exactly flattering to AbU al-Hudhayl: he is depicted not as the faithful student of the great master, but rather as someone who had no knowledge of his own.I42. It should also be mentioned thai according to another repon by the same widow, W:i.$i1 was a prolific writer,l43 so that the report of two boxes full of his writings is quite plausible. FunhemlOre, Wiisil's theological activity is altcstoo in a way which speaks for its authenticity. We thus have every reason to believe that Wisil was indeed the originator of the Mu'tazilite Kalam. Equally genuine was WaSil's interest in other religions. His theOlogical system was shaped by the challenge of meeting with adversaries,'44 and his emissaries were encouraged to seek dio;;putations and instructed on how 10 argue in them.14S They were C':l.lIing to "the Truth",146 or "to God's religion",14' not only to convert infidels, bUI alo;o

140 Van Ess. "Lecture", p. 66. W. Monlgomery Walt (Islamic Philosophy and 1'Ileology, Edinburgh, 1979, p. 60) also argued that "there is nothing to suggest

ill 136

137 138 139

wilh lrue as opposed 10 f;Jlse religion, see below, notes 146-141 and lhe corresponding text, and see S. Stroumsa, 'The Signs of Prophecy: The E~lergence and Early Development of a Theme in Arabic Theological Llleralure", Harvard Theological Review, 18 (1985) J)p. 101-114. 'Abd aHabbiir. Faljl, p. 240:18; Ibn al-Murt.a(j5., fabaqlu, p. 34. "K. a/-,rabil ila rna'rifal al-J,.aqtf, Ibn al-Nadim, Fihri,r/, lakmila I; Ibn Khallikal\ Wafaylu, I. p. 11; Ibn al-Murt.a!ja. MUIl)lQ, p. 21.:5-10. Ibn al-Nadim. loc. cit. AI-'Askari, A~'iJ, p. 1299-ll Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat, lV, p. 1l; Dhahabi, Milan. III, pp. 267 ff. On the relevance of the tawba to the intermedil:lry statc see, for cXilmple, Mas'Udi Muruj, VI. p. 22. '

141

142

~hal ~iisil or 'Arm had any interest in Greek philosophical conceptions", ImplYlllg that they wcre f10t really interested in theology. In ,mother conlext, nnd without referring spccificnlly to the beginning of theological discourse, Walt suggested Ihal Dishr b. al-Mu'tnmir invclllcd his relationship to Wasil in order 10 cleanse hinlSClf from the nccao;;alion of being n Jahmite (il"IC Political AlLilodcs", f1. 53), Van E.~ ~Leclure". p. 39. "F~-'a,ra an yakiin jull kafamihi min dha/ika", 'Abd al-Jnbb5.r, Fo{j{, p. ~41.18-19; Ibn al-Murlad5., Taboqiil, p. 35; Munya. p.2llJ-15. Ahd al-1:lboor, Fatlf. pp. 165:11-12, 234:14. See 'Abd al-Jabb5r. FfJi/l, f1. 235..6 -1 and notes 25-26 above. AI-Ilalkhi, /lfaqiJiOl. P. 67-JH3; oJ-IIUr aI-'in, p. n

143 144 145 146 AI-Balkhi,loc. cu. 147 iJ-mi.r aI-'in, p. n'6.

.

292

Sarah Stroumsa

to establish belief in Islam on a sound theoreliClI fooling.

The beginnings of the Mu·taz.i1a

293

We have only vague information about the ways in which Ihe

Mu'laZilite da'wQ functioned. Nevenhele&li it seems clear that it was lhe kernel (rom which Mu'tazilite Kalam grew. It appears. Ihen, Ihat what drew Wasil and 'Arne togelher was Ihe desire 10 stan a movement of religious and intellectual renov31iorl The movement had a strong pietistic colouring, introduced by 'Ann

and his group of early MU'lazililCS, who also brought with them the nam~ Mu'tazil~ Th~ movement also had a strong inlerest in theology, and Il sent em1SS3r1es to propagalc its theological ideas by means of religious disputation.

• • • If Ihe picture presented above is accurate. Ihen some current views on early religious development in Islam must be modified. l. The nOlion, already common among the Muslim heresiographers, that the various religious movements of matllre Islam were already distinct and sepanlle in the early Islamic period, appears to be fa1se.1• 1 Theology and asceticism, Kalam and Sufism, all emerged from Ihe same milieu.'·' The terms used to describe this milieu, 2llhhad, flussak, mu'tazila, and even qadariyya, were vague and were lo~sely applied to a varielY of allitudcs.lSo Only later, as specific alUtudes became clearly definGd and differentiated, did the various

terms become proper names of specific groups and religious movemenlS. , . 2 The political interpretations of the rise of .the Mu ~la are indeed very appealing. They fit the preval.ent basl~ assumption of modern research (as well as of many Muslim h~r~~i1ographers). ~hat every religious development in Islam had ortglnally ~ P~lltt~ me3.ning.'~1 A political interpretation of Ihe rise of the Mu taz1 a 3. makes it easier to account for the Mu'tazilite fervour of the 'Abbaslds during the miJIIIlL ,. . But a political understanding of the rise of the M~ taDla fads to account for the Mu't3zila itself. It provides no explanation for the transition from a supposedly politically centered movement to Mu'tazilite Kalam There is moreover no one political platfor",l on which all early Mu'tazilites were united. In faet. one could almost ~e in the early Mu'tazila a miniature replica of JX>litical disagreement In Islam. We are therefore bound to reject the JX>litical approach to the problem of the Mu'tazila. As the name of the movement indicates. it grew on ascetic, not on political ground. The Mu'tazilite movement Slarted indeed with Wasil and 'Aror. and it W1S a movement of Kalam

148 That Muslim Iradilional hercsiography lends to view the heresies as dislioct from Ihe beginning needs hardly 10 be demonSlralcd. As for modcrn scholarship, sec, for example, P. Crone :md M. Cook, lIagaristrl (CambrKlgc, 1980), p. 95. which, while admiuing th:u "there is no intrinsic inromp:uibilily between Sufism and Iheology", presenlS Ihe Iwo as emerging from differem backgrounds. 149 This was already noccd by S. Pines" who suggested thai Mu'l3zilite Kalam and 3 dominant Sufi Iradilion stem from the same school. Ih:l.l 0( Uasan al-Bavi. See TM Cambridge lIislOry 01 Is/am.. Vol IL P. 788. 00 The most conspicuous cX3mpie of the usc of terms in a vague way is the usc of Ihc term qadariyya: $Cc. for cxample. 'Ab
As is implied. for cx:\mrle. b)'

n.

Lewis,. ~Politics and War" in J. Schacht and

C£ Boswonh. cds.. TM Legacy of Islam {seccnd edition. Oxfocd. 1979). p. 158.

•