Sui-Tang Chang'an A Study in the Urban History of
Medieval China
Victor Cunrui Xiong
CENfER FOR CHINESE STUDIES THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN ANNARBOR
~~
MICHIGAN MONOGRAPHS IN CHINESE STUDIES ISSN 1081-9053 SERIES ESTABLISHED 1968 VOLUME 85 Published by Center for Chinese Studies The University of Michigan Ann Arbor, Michigan 48109-1290 First Edition
Contents List of Illustrations Foreword Acknowledgments Explanatory Notes
xi-xii xiii-xvi xv-xliv
~ps
© 2000 Regents of the University of Michigan
All rights reserved Printed and made in the United States of America ooThe paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information SciencesPermanence of Paper for Publications and Documents in Libraries and Archives ANSIINISO/Z39.48-1992.
Introduction Chapter 1
Xiong, Victor Cunrui. Sui-Tang Chang' an : a study in the urban history of medieval China / Victor Cunrui Xiong. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-89264-137-1 (alk. paper) 1. Xi'an (Shaanxi Sheng, China}-History. 2. China---Capital and capitol-History. I. Title.
1
Chang'an Before the Sui
7
Han Chang'an: Former Han-Xin, 8 Later- and Post-Han, 14
Chapter 2
The Morphological Genesis of Daxingcheng-Chang'an
31
Diffusionist Hypotheses, 32 The Edict of 582, 35 The Builders ofDaxingcheng, 37 Divinatory and Numerological Influences, 39 The Canonical Paradigm: The Kaogongji, 40 The Geomantic Paradigm, 43
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Chapter 3
The Palace City
55
The Taiji Palace, 58 The Eastern Palace, 69 The Yeting Palace, 73
Chapter 4 DS796.S55 X56 951' .43-dc21
V
IX
2000 99-058182
The Darning and Xingqing Palaces
79
The Darning Palace, 80 The Xingqing Palace, 97
ClP
Chapter 5
Central and Capital Administrations The Imperial City and Central Government, 108 Local Government Offices, 115
iii
107
iv / Sui-TangChang'an
Chapter 6
Ritual Centers
129
Urban Ritual Centers, 134 Suburban Ritual Centers, 146 Procedure for the Principal Round Mound Ceremony, 153 Ritual Practices of Tang Sovereigns in Chang'an, 159
Chapter 7
The Marketplaces
Illustrations Maps 165
An Overview of Sui-Tang Chang'an's Markets, 166 The Eastern and Western Markets and Their AdMinistration, 169 Market Organization, 174 Businesses Within the Primary Markets, 179 Businesses Outside the Marketplaces, 183
Chapter 8
Residential Quarters
195
Population, 196 Street and Canal Networks, 201 Residential Wards, 208 Chang'an's Six Residential Areas, 217
Chapter 9
Monastic Communities
235
Zoroastrianism, Manichaeism, and Nestorianism, 236 Daoism,242 Buddhism, 252
1.1.
Chang'an and China
1.2.
Archaeological sites in the Guanzhong area
2.1.
Plan of Sui-Tang Chang'an
xix
2.2.
Key features of Sui-Tang Chang'an
xxii
2.3.
Topography of Chang' an
xxiii
3.1.
The Tang Palace City
xxiv
4.1.
Archaeological map of Daming Palace
4.2.
Schematic map ofDaming Palace
xxvii
4.3.
1958 Archaeological map of Xingqing Palace
xxix
4.4.
1959 Archaeological map of Xingqing Palace
xxx
4.5.
Lti Dafang's map ofXingqing Palace
xxxi
4.6.
Xu Song's map ofXingqing Palace
xxxii
5.1.
The Imperial City
xxxiv
5.2.
Capital prefecture and urban counties
xxxvi
6.1.
Ritual centers of Sui-Tang Chang'an
xxxvii xxxviii
xvii
Chapter 10
Epilogue
277
7.1.
Overview of waterways in Chang'an area
Appendix 1 Appendix 2 Appendix 3 Appendix 4
Chronologies Daoist Institutions Buddhist Institutions English Glosses for Major Structures and Place Names
287 297 303
7.2.
Businesses in nonmarket areas before the An Lushan Rebellion
References Index
321 327 345
xviii
xxvi
xxxix
Businesses in nonmarket areas after the An Lushan Rebellion
xl
8.1.
Canal system of Chang' an
xli
8.2.
Functional areas of Chang' an (eighth to ninth centuries)
xlii
9.1.
Distribution of religious establishments in Chang'an
xliii
7.3.
v
vii / Illustrations
vi / Sui-Tang Chang'an
Figures 2.1.
Diagram of the Posterior Heavens (Luoshu)
2.2.
Inscription rubbing from the tomb ofMa Zhi and his wife, c.600
2.3.
49 49
8.9.
West Central Chang'an
230
8.10.
Southwest Chang'an
232
9.1.
Daoist institutions in Chang'an
244
9.2.
Buddhist institutions in Chang'an
255
9.3.
Dayan Pagoda, Tang dynasty
261
Daxingcheng-Chang'an and the eight trigrams of the Luoshu diagram
49
9.4.
Xiaoyan Pagoda, Tang dynasty
266
3.1.
Huaqing Palace, modem reconstruction
56
9.5.
Qinglong Monastery, modem reconstruction
268
3.2.
Gargoyle of tricolor glazed pottery, Huaqing Palace, Tang dynasty
56
3.3.
Bathing pool at Huaqing Palace, Tang dynasty
56
3.4.
Reconstruction of Mingde Gate
60
1.1
Dynastic capitals in the Chang'an area
4.1.
Reconstruction of Hanyuan Basilica, Daming Palace
84
5.1.
Sui and Tang ranking systems
117
4.2.
Surface remains of Hanyuan Basilica
85
6.1.
Ranking of Tang si sacrifices
131
4.3.
Reconstruction of Linde Basilica, Daming Palace
92
6.2.
Tang imperial rituals in Da Tang Kanyuan Ii (eighth
4.4.
Hua'e Loft-building at Xingqing Palace, modem reconstruction
100
5.1.
Sui government agencies
111
5.2.
Tang government agencies
112
6.1.
Altars of State
139
6.2.
Set-up for the winter solstice rite at Round Mound Altar
155
7.1.
Official marketplaces
168
8.1.
Zhuque Gate, Ming dynasty
204
8.2.
Measurements of the wards
209
8.3.
Structure of a Chang' an ward
210
8.4.
Residential areas of Chang' an
216
8.5.
Northeast Chang'an
217
8.6.
East Central Chang'an
220
8.7.
Southeast Chang'an
225
8.8.
Northwest Chang'an
227
Tables
century) 8.1.
City streets in Chang'an
9
133 202
Foreword At the height of its glory in the mid-eighth century, Chang'an was the most populous, cosmopolitan, and civilized city in the world. Merchants, missionaries, buccaneers, and adventurers from Persia, India, and Samarkand, singly or in groups, braved the terrifying hazards of vast and unknown deserts in quest of its fabled attractions. Many of the fmest examples of Tang literature and art were created within its walls or in its outlying suburbs. They depict scenes and situations that can be fully appreciated only in relation to their setting within the tumultuous and effervescent life of its crowded streets and marketplaces, or in the demimonde of its pleasure quarters. Weighty matters of state and the dark conspiracies hatched within the halls and spacious gardens of the palace enclosure, the colorful rites performed in the city's imposing temples, and the profound meditations of the monkish scholars in its monastic establishments are all made more accessible by their specific association with certain parts of the city. All the separate and interlocking aspects of life in Chang' an, from its early florescence in the late sixth century to its apocalyptic destruction at the close of the ninth and final demise at the beginning of the tenth, are laid out in all their glory or degradation in this painstakingly documented study. Separate accounts of various aspects of the story have been more or less available in a variety of secondary studies in both Asian and European languages, but they have been comprehensively and vividly brought together here. Art historians, social and economic historians, and students of literature, phjJosophy, and religion will all find fascinating material in this account of the Chinese capital. Curious general readers will also find much to enjoy. What sets this study apart from earlier treatments is its comprehensive coverage of all aspects of historical Chang'an-spatial, temporal, political, economic, intellectual, and artistic. Beyond that, the detailed primary documentation presented here makes the places and people of this great city come alive for the reader. Richard B. Mather St. Paul, Minnesota December 1999
ix
Acknowledgments As this monograph goes to press, it is fitting for me to express my heartfelt thanks to those who have helped me at various stages of my career. From 1973 to 1975 when I was struggling to learn English by myself in Beijing, timely help was provided by Li Miao, who offered me weekly tutoring sessions at his home. Around that time, Yang Xianyi and Gladys Yang kindly allowed me access to their excellent collection of modem English books and Chen Hansheng helped me to improve my writing skills. Brigid Keogh taught me English and American literature at Peking University in the late 1970s, and her dedication to students has been an inspiring example ever since. In the late 1970s and early 1980s during my stay at Peking University, first as an undergraduate, later as a guest student from the Institute of Archaeology, the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, I benefited tremendously from my friendship with a number of fellow students. Gong Jisui, now of Seattle, helped me solve many textual problems in my study of classical Chinese, and Lothar von Falkenhausen, now at UCLA, was a most helpful tutor of French and German. Among my Japanese teachers, I would first of all like to thank Hosaka Yoshlnari of Western Michigan University for his generous assistance in improving my spoken Japanese. During my 1996 stay in Hikone, Japan, I received much-needed help from numerouS Japanese friends, particularly Sawada KenzO and his wife, Sawada Kazuko, ofNagahama; Shimizu Mieko and Hayashi Yoshio, both ofHikone; Kiyama Masako of Otsu; and Nimura Kieko of Omihachiman. My interest in Sui-Tang Chang'an goes back to 1979 when I was pursuing a master's degree in Sui-Tang archaeology at the Institute of Archaeology. Although my research was primarily directed by Xia Nai and Lu Zhaoyin, I regularly sat in on classes in archaeology at Peking University offered by Yu Weichao, Su Bai, Zou Heng, Gao Ming, Yan Wenming, and others. To these scholars lowe a permanent debt of gratitude. At the Institute of Archaeology I benefited significantly from the collegial support of my fellow students in the class of 1982, especially Zhao Chao, now at the Institute of Archaeology, and Li Ling, now at Peking University. In. 1985 I began to study for a Ph.D. in Asian History at the Australian National University. During my stay in Canberra, the scholar most dedicated to the direction of my dissertation on Sui-TangChang'an was Ken Gardiner.
xi
xii /Sui-Tang Chang'an Before his departure for the University of Hong Kong, Wang Gungwu, in his capacity as my dissertation adviser, offered invaluable overall guidance. W.J.F. Jenner, also my adviser, helped me with the structure of the dissertation, and both Liu Ts'un-yan of Canberra and Timothy Barrett of London made useful suggestions on the first draft. Although loosely based on my dissertation, this monograph was completely rewritten in the 1990s at Western Michigan University in Kalamazoo. Without the active support of my university, particularly the History Department and the College of Arts and Sciences, the completion of this book would have been impossible. I would also like to express my thanks for the financial support I received from the Western Michigan University Research and Creative Activities Support Fund, which allowed me to revisit Xi'an and pay my first visit to the Famen Monastery in Fufeng, Shaanxi. I am indebted to the four reviewers of the original manuscript, whose candid criticisms and unreserved encouragement helped define the present shape of the monograph. I am particularly thankful to Richard Mather of the University of Minnesota for his insightful sinological suggestions. I am also grateful to David Rolston of the University of Michigan for his consistent support and to Terre Fisher and her assistants Paula Miller, Julia Brooks, Nida Krailas, and Joseph Mooney for guiding this monograph through production. Lastly, I would like to thank my parents for their tolerance, understanding, and encouragement, and my wife, Li Xiaoqing, for her unwavering support. Victor Cunrui Xiong Kalamazoo, Michigan June 2000
Explanatory Notes Key Architectural and Topographical Terms chi dian
~*
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pond basilica, a large palatial structure often rendered as "hall." I reserve "hall" for the gloss of a smaller structure known as a tang. ward pavilion, a multilevel, roofed structure with verandas; often used for viewing scenery or sheltering book collections palace 1. abbey (Daoist); 2. belvedere bazaar river bay; the space between two crossbeams in premodern times. In Tang times, it was approximately five meters. street army 1. commandery; 2. prefecture 1. same as fang; 2. rural ward; 3. a unit of distance, approximately 540 meters in Tang times loft-building, typically a tall multistoried structure gate Buddhist convent Daoist convent watchtower. Some que were made entirely of stone and served as memorial monuments like steles. mountain river 1. monastery (Buddhist, Persian, etc.); 2. court (government agency) pagoda estrade, a spacious structure built on a raised surface hall
xiii
xiv / Sui-Tang Chang'an
Key Architectural and Topographical Terms, continued wei xian yuan yuan yuan zhou
ftj ~
III ~ ~
9'' '
guard (garrison) county garden courtyard park prefecture
Calendar, Dates, Official Titles, and Age Under the Han emperor Wudi, China adopted the reign-title system to designate years. In this book a reign year enclosed in parentheses follows its Gregorian calendar equivalent. An example is 742 (Tianbao 1); that is, A.D. 742, or the first year of the Tianbao period. Readers may also refer to the table of reign periods in Appendix I. However, where I use a Chinese (lunar) date as the primary reference, the citation follows the " ... th day of the .. ,th month" format; for example, "the seventh day of the third month." I have noted instances of .slippage between the Chinese and Western dating systems. For reign periods, Chinese dates, and their conversion, I rely on Ershi shi shuorun biao (Chen Yuan 1962) and Zhongguo shi Uri he zhongxi liri duizhao biao (Fang Shiming and Fang Xiaofen 1987). For years of birth and death of non-Buddhist figures, I depend mainly on Lidai renwu nianli beizhuan zongbiao (Jiang Liangfu 1965). For personages not contained in Jiang's work, I have tried to provide dates from other sources. For years of birth and death of Buddhist figures, I use Shishi yinian lu (Chen Yuan 1965). For the most part I use A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China (Hucker 1985) for the translation of Chinese titles. Traditional Chinese calculation of age begins at conception and considers a baby to be one year old at birth. Documentary sources invariably adhere to this method, which this book uses as well.
A Note on Citations Primary and other premodern sources are cited by their abbreviated titles. Abbreviations are formed by selecting the first letter of each romanized monomial or polynomial expression in a title. Full citations of all such sources will be found in the first section of the reference list.
Maps
Russia
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1.1. Chang'an and China
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archaeological site
o modemcity
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Sui-Tang Chang'an MingdeOate
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1.2, Archaeological sites in the Guanzhong area, After Xu 1987,39
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Dubui Marlcet $~ (Eastern Market) Dunhua Ward lIkftJ:Ji 12J Dunyi Ward iJcfWj lIC Eastern Market *$ 5-{;1 EastemPaiace *'8' 1-2G Fang1in Gate ~'" IC Feng'an Ward ft~J:Ji liD Fengle Ward ~ 7E Fengyi Ward 1l~J:Ji SA
Furong Garden Q= 13J FuxingWard fiRJWj 2C Guang'en Ward /If,f§.J:Ji (Cbangsbou Ward) Guangde' Ward :l'f;flJ:Ji 6C Guangdeb Ward JJffflJ:Ji 10J Guangfu Ward :l'f;mJ:Ji SF Guanghua Ward JJfftJ:Ji (Anxing Ward) Guangbua Gate IA Guangxing Ward :l'f;ffJ:}j 12E Guangyun Gate 2E Guangzhai Ward :l'f;m 1H Guiyi Ward Sj!JWj 12B Hanguang Gate ~~ 4D Hanguang Basilica ~ N. Suburbs Hanyuan Basilica ~ N. Suburb, Heping Ward mJ:Ji 12A Hongde Ward 5.l.:f!j:Jj (Cbongde Ward) Honghua Ward 5.l.1tJ:Ji (Cllonghua Ward) Huaide Ward 1!l1!VJj 6A Huaixian Ward BJ:Ji (Huaizhen Ward) Huaiyuan Ward 1li!lIJ:Ji 7B Huaizheo Ward 1JI.a:J:Ji 9D Imperia! City, also Huangdleng £~ 3-4D-G Jiafu Gate Ini'" 2G Jiahui Ward .~ 9B Jinehang Ward tf~J:Ji IIH Jinebeng Ward tE~ 3B Jing'an Ward !I1F5i:J:Ji 9G Iingfeng Gate iltl\l'~ 4G Jinggong Ward jjIJ$I1j 7J Jingshan Ward ~tiJ:Ji 9F Jinguang Gate 5A Tmgyao Gate :llHI'" IB Jude Ward gfflJ:}j 4A Kaihua Ward IlIHtJ:Ji 6F Kaiming Ward DIlIl§J:}j lIF Kaiyuan Gate 1lIl1lr, 2A Laiting Ward *RJ:Ji 2H Lan1ing Ward ftJ:Ji 10F Linde Basilica . . N. Suburbs Liquan Ward UJ:Ji 4B Liren Market flJ.A$ (Western Market) Lizbeng Ward jzJ!;j.}j IIJ Longqing Ward ~3!J:Ji (Xingqing Palace) Mingde Gate Il§flI" BE Pa1ace City '8'~ 1-2E-F Pingkang Ward ij!1iJ:Ji SH Puning Ward *'¥J:Ji 2A Qinglong Ward jfftJ;jj 121 Qinren Ward mtJ:J5 7H Qixia Gate n"~ 13G Qucbi Ward i!!J$l:Ji I3I Qujiang Pond i!!JiI7I!! 13J Qunxian Ward ~1Wi 5A Sbanbe Ward l!Jm 5E Shengdao Ward 1tmJ:Ji 9J
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Shiliuwang Residence
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Shunyi Gate ~N' 4D Taiji Palace ;;tU (palace City) Taiping Ward ;;tij!J;jj 5D Tonggui Ward 3iMfI.J:}j lIB Tonghua Ward iiiftJ:Ji 6E Tonghua Gate 2J Tongji Ward lMj;!fJ:Ji BH Tongshan Ward lMl!JJ:Ji 12H Tongyi Ward iiifWj 6D Western Market i19$ 5-{jB Wuben Ward ~ 5G Xianxing Ward IlJifj:f:Jj (Zhaoxing Ward) Xiguang Ward l!!lJ'(;J:Ji (Yining Ward) Xinchang Ward #Ji~J:Ji 8J Xinei Parle i19f1<J9i! N. Suburbs Xing'an Gate Jf~r' IG Xingdao Ward JfmJ:Ji SF Xinghua Ward JfftJ:Ji 7D Xinguing Ward ~J:Ji 2J Xingqing Palace Jf!l'8' 3-4J XiudeWard ~:f!j:Jj IC Xiuhua Ward ~ (Xiuxing Ward) Xiuxiang Ward i*#J:Ji 2B Xiuxing Ward ~DJ:Ji 101 Xiuzhen Ward ~!IWi IA XiuzhengWard ~ 11I
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2.2. Key features of Sui-Tang Chang'an 2.3. Topography of Chang'an. After Su, 1978, 412
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Anli Gate ~, IF Amen Basilica ~ IE Baifu Basilica EHi~ 2E Chancellery 2F Changle Gate ~~r' 2F Cheng'en Basilica ~ IG Chengqing Basilica ~ IE Chengtian Gate ~:7G" 2E-F Chengxiang Basilica ~~ lE-F Chongjiao Basilica ~~ 2G Chongming Gate mHfJr'j 2G Chongren Basilica ~-tJlt lG Chongwen Basilica ~JtJ!!t lG Chongxuan Gate ~, IE-F Daji Basilica ;k~ 2F Daxing Basilica ;kq (faiji Basilica) Daxing Gate ;k!l@l" (faiji Gate) Daxing Palace ;kJrg (faiji Palace) Dingwu Gate 59tr, (Xuanwu Gate) Eastern Palace :liR;g 1-2G FenghuangGate ~r' (fongxunGate) Ganlu Basilica ttRJfi IE-F Gongchen Pavilion W!'2.M IF Guangtian Basilica ~ IG (Chengtian Gate) Guangyang Gate Guangyun Gate !Wilt', 2G Guiren Gate ittI', 2F Guizhen Belvedere Hft IE Hongwen Academy 5J,.)l:j"fl 2F Inner Office p;j:l;Jj I G Jiade Basilica ~ 2G Jiade Gate ~, 2G (fongxun Gate) Jianchun Gate Jiayou Gate ~, 10 Liangyi Basilica iiRM IE-F Lingyan Pavilion ~ IF Lizheng Basilica ~ 2F Lizheng Basilica IIiB!It I G M"mgfu Courtyard ~ IG Ningyin Basilica B~ IF Office of Historiography j!jg 2F Secretariat "flH 2E Shenlong Basilica ~ IF Shujing Basilica ~Ji'Hl~ IE Shuntian Gate ~:7G" (Chengtian Gate) Spring Office of the Left ;!;:~:J;Ij 2G Spring Office of the Right t:i~:J;Ij 2G Taiji Basilica 2E-F Taiji Gate ::tctlir, 2E-F
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4.1 Archaeological map of Darning Palace. Sources: Ma 1982, 643; Xin 1991, 106-7; 112-23; 126-27
4.2. Schematic map of Darning Palace. After TL]CFK "Xijing Darning gong tu"
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Key to Map 9.1 A. Buddbist monasteries
Bao'an4A Bao'en8D Baocba4H Baoji llD Baosheng8G Baeshou IHE BaowangS,A Baoyi 9B Baoying 5J BianeaiSA Biancai6A Changfa6C Chanlin41 Chengdao7D Chengjue3C Chongfu2B Chongji 10H Chongjing Convent 9G Chongsheng 8D Chongye Convent 8C OIongyi SD OIuguo IIH Cibei 6C Ciren Convent 8C Da'anguo II Oaci'en IIH Dafa8D Dajianfu6F Dajue 8C
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Jidu Convent 8E Jifa4C liguo9C Jiogfa 7C Jiogjue 131 Tmpe Convent 7A Tmgxing7A tmgying6E Jingyu6H TmgzhullH Ttshan Convent 3A Dakaiye7E Jiudu4D Daojue4C Kaishan Convent 3B Oaxingshan 9F Dayunjing 7B Kongguan7D Oazhong baosheng 2J Leshan Convent 3D Ung'an9B Oazhuangyan 12A E Lioggan 7G Dazongchi 12A W Deye Convent, Palace City Unghua2A Liquan4B DingshuiSD Longhua Convent 9J Fabao7B Longxing3C Fahai4C Fajie Convent 7E Luohan6A Miaosheng Convent 4B Fajue Convent 11 C Miogde, Daming Palace Faming Convent 8C Miogfa4C FashenSA MingjueSH FashouSD Miogjue Convent 4C Fashou Convent 6F Fayun Convent 81 Min&fun 7C Ningguan4A Fazhong3B Puji4A Feng'en4A Puti [BodhiJ 5H Fengci6H Puyao 121 Foguang, Palace City Qianfu \B Fotang Courtyard, Qingchan2J Eastern Palace, Palace Qinglong 81 City Renfa2H Fu1in IB Riyanl21 Futian IIC Rongjue8C Ganlu Convent 41
Ruisheng3B Shanguo 3H Shanguo4C Shengguang 6C Shengjiog SF Shengye41 Shentong9C Shifan 3B Taiyuan 3H Tongfa 101 Wanshan Convent 2B WenguoSD Wuliangshou 3J Xianghai IOH Xianjue 8C Xiansheng tianwang 3C Xiantian4A Ximing7C Xindu9C XingfuIC Xingsheng Convent 60 Xingtang 21 Xiuci Convent 41 Xuanci SI Xuanfa 71 Xuanhua Convent lOB Xuanhua Convent lID Yanghua5H Yide5C Yifa4A Yingfa 10D Yongshou 8G Yongtai SB Yuanjue 8C Yuanli8B Yunhua61 Zhangjiog 2-3J Zhaocheng Convent 2B Zhaefu6G Zhaojinggong 6J Zhengguo Convent 80 Zhenglrong Convent 3C Zhenguo 4-SJ Zhenguo cIabore 4C Zhenhna Convent SA Zhenxin Convent SA Zhenyuan puji \3J Zijing Convent 8G Zishan Convent 8E Zisheng4H Zisheng, Eastern Market Zoughna31 B. Daoist abbeys
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Guangtian5G Haotian 12F Huafeng2J Huiyuan7H Guizhen. Palace City Jiayou 5H Jinxian 2C Jiuhua6D Kaiyuan liE Linggan7G Liogying9H Longxing7A Longxing9H Qianyuan7G Qingdu3H Qingdu 8G Qingxu SA Sandong Convent 4B Sanqing Basilica, Darning Palace Sanqing Basilica, Palace City Taipiog Convent II G Taiqiog3B Taiqing Palace 21 Taizhen Convent 71 Tangcbang SE Tianchang 9A Wan'anSH Wutong IB Xianyi Convent 7H Xinchang II G X'mchang9E Xingtang II Xuandu9E Xuanyuan huangdi Temple, Oaming Palace Xuanzhen4H Yantang2B Yuzhen2C YIIZbi 9C Zhaocheng 3C Zhide Convent SF Z0ngda09H C. Nestorian structure 3ANE O. ZoroastriaD structures 2ANW 4DSE 4BSW 4CSW 7A 7JSW
Introduction ui-Tang Chang'an 1liF;f~~, or Daxingcheng-Chang' an *~~~, I was a historic city located in the present-day Xi'an area of Shaanxi Province. Founded by the first Sui sovereign, Wendi, as Daxingcheng in 583 (Kaihuang 3), it was renamed Chang'an in 653 (Yonghui 4) by the third Tang sovereign Gaozong. 2 Chang'an was eventually abandoned in 904 (Tianfu 4) by the penultimate Tang sovereign Zhaozong. During its existence Chang'an was the most spacious and often the most populous urban center in the world. Laid out as the terrestrial abode of the Son of Heaven, the axis mundi from which he sought and received divine sanction from Heaven, Earth, ancestral spirits, and other gods, Sui-Tang Chang'an was the medieval Chinese city at its most spectacular. Its symmetrical plan was executed to perfection, following an ancient urban cosmology, and its gridiron framework included over a hundred orthogonally designed mini-cities-the consummation of a centuries-old urban ward system. Over time Chang'an evolved into the most cultivated metropolis in medieval China, dominated by a sophisticated secular culture, yet penneated with the spirit of monastic religion. Although governed by officials schooled in an anti-mercantile tradition, Chang'an played host to a dynamic and thriving business community. Offering diversity, tolerance, and above all, civilization, Chang'an attracted travelers, merchants, pilgrims, and scholars from all over China and Asia. While still in its printe, Sui-Tang Chang'an was already the subject of scholarly research. In 722 the Tang scholar Wei Shu ~jz!t, who served at the court of Xuanzong, completed a work on Chang'an and Luoyang entitled the Liangjing xinji ~Jjtff~c (LJXJ), which laid the groundwork for Sui-Tang Chang'an studies. 3 Prominent among later works is the Chang'an zhi ~~® (cAZj by Song Minqiu *~, a leading Song scholar whose greatest
S
1 Also known as Jingcheng ~l:)£ (Metropolitan City), Xijing gs~ (Western Metropolis, from 742),. Zhongjing q:r~ (Middle Metropolis, 757-61), and Shangdu J::W (Superior Capital, from 762). XTS places the name change to Shangdu in the first year of Suzong (756). It should be in 762 (Baoying 1) under Suzong. See Zizhi tongjian ~¥fj~ (ZZTJ) 222.7119; XTS 37.961. 2 3
Leibian Chang 'an zhi ~~~ (LBCAZ) 2.44. Of the original five chapters, only chapter 3 has survived. See Fukuyama 1953, 30-66;
Cen 1990, 710-11.
1
2 / Sui-Tang Chang'an contribution lies in his personal investigation of the city's structural remains. At the time of its publication, his work was said to be at least ten times as detailed 4 as the Liangjing xinji. Traditional scholarship on Chang'an culminates in the volume by the Qing scholar Xu Song f*~, entitled the Tang /iangjing chengfang kao m~*J;fttjj:?t (TLJCFK).s Xu draws upon over 400 sources, including the standard histories, epigraphic inscriptions, and anthologies of literary pieces. Wherever appropriate, Xu checks the details in the Chang'an zhi against other evidence. 6 To this day his volume remains the most significant source of primary information on the city.' Traditional works on urban history, which emphasize veritable details, constitute the cornerstone of premodern Chinese urban studies, but despite their occasionally pithy observations, their information is in general unsystematic, anecdotal, and descriptive. The investigative accounts and drawings that these works rely on lack precision and are often preserved in fragmented condition. Moreover, traditional scholars tended to focus on palace structures, walls, gates, and wards with royal and official inhabitants, rather than seeking to understand how the many institutions and communities that lay at the heart of the city evolved. Modem archaeology is the most reliable way to verify documentary records and rectify some of the problems of the traditional works. In this regard, Sui-Tang Chang' an has been relatively fortunate. Interest in the investigation of Chang'an was revived at the tum of the twentieth century by the Japanese scholars Sekino Tadashi, Kuwabara Jitsuzo, and especially, Adachi Kiroku, author of Choan shiseki no lrenkyU ~~~O)et~ (Investigation of the Remains ofChang'an).B Chinese archaeologists began to survey the overall plan of Sui-Tang Chang'an systematically in the 1950s. They conducted intensive excavations at two of the three palace complexes and investigated city streets, walls, city and palace gates, the markets, and selected residential wards and Buddhist monasteries. 9 Because of its disciplinary limitations, however, archaeFor basic textual information on the Chang'an zhi, see Si!cu quanshu zongmu tiyao [9J!l[~.*!§m~ (SKIT) 70.619-20. For an evaluation of the work, see Hiraoka 1956, Texts Volume, 7-9. For the texts, see CAZ, 73-238; CAZHi, 91-121. S More than two-thirds of the volume is devoted to Chang'an. It was recently republished in China in an edition rigorously researched and punctuated by Fang Yan. It was also translated into Japanese with detailed annotation by Otagi HlYime. 6 TI.JCFK, "Dianjiao shuoming" ~~,,§, 1-3; Hiraoka 1956, Texts Volume, 6-7. 7 Traditional scholarship on Tang city planning is reviewed by Needham (1971, 87-88) in the context of the evolution of architectural literature in premodern China. s Okazaki 1987,26. 9 For general reports on the entire city see Hang et al. 1958; Ziliaoshi 1961; Ma 1963; Ma 1987. Ma (1963) supersedes both Hang and Ziliaosh~ but it underestimates the area of the Eastern Palace. This error was later corrected (see Ma and Yang 1978). Also see Ma 1987 for a follow-up report. 4
Introduction /
3
ology is prone to overemphasizing the stylistic, material, and technical aspects of a civilization. It is ill-equipped to deal with the social, intellectual, and institutional transfonnation of an urban center as complex as that of Sui-Tang JO Chang'an. Moreover, the presence of modern surface structures often hampers excavation efforts, and this is frequently the case with Chang'an. Nevertheless, archaeology provides the much-needed impetus to interdisciplinary research. Even before modern archaeological accounts began to appear in China, Hiraoka Takeo amassed a number of key traditional sources on SuiTang Chang'an and Luoyang for publication in 1956 in a now indispensable volume, Choan to Rakuyo ~~t~ (Chang'an and Luoyang), together with two extremely valuable companion volumes, one of maps, the other of indexes. In recent years, a number of comprehensive accounts of Sui-Tang Chang' an have appeared; they draw on both primary literature and modem archaeology, and some of them give extensive coverage of its predecessor, Han Chang'an. ll These include works by Wu Bo1un (1979) and Zhang Yonglu (1987) in China, Song Suyi (1983) in Taiwan, and Sato Taketoshi (1971) and Muronaga Yoshizo (1982) in Japan. The most impressive individual research on Chang'an has been carried out by Seo Tatsuhiko, who writes copiously on various aspects of the city. Ono Katsutoshi (1989), well known for his annotation of the diary of the ninth-century Japanese monk Ennin IJJ1=, has crowned a lifetime of academic achievement with a most exhaustive account of Chang'an's Buddhist monasteries. Xin Deyong (1991) has successfully corrected a number offactua1 errors in Xu Song's Tang liangjing chengfang kao. Western scholars have shown an active interest in the city, but their contributions have been more limited. No booklength study of the city existed in any Western language until 1997 when the first volume (Die Stadtanlage) of Thomas ThiIo's two-volume book Chang'an:
Of the three palace complexes, the Darning Palace (:jcll,,§g) has been subjected to the most intensive excavation. The frrst report was published in 1959 (Ma 1959a), followed by a book-length study published the same year under the title Tang Chang 'an Darning gong m~~*l!IJg (1959b). A follow-up account was published in 1961 (Ma 1961). Excavations were revived in the 19805 and 1990s (Xi'an 1988 and 1997). Ma also published a report on the Xingqing Palace ~mg) in 1959 (1959c). On the residential area, see Shaanxisheng and Wenguanhui 1972b (Xinghua Ward, !!!HlJ:jj), and Ma 1989b (Anding Ward, ~~:l;fj). On Buddhist monasteries, see Li 1988 (Shiji Monastery, .~~); Lu 1964; Xi'an 1974b; Ma 1989a (Qinglong Monastery, Wft~); and An 1990 (Ximing Monastery, gt3a,,§~). On the Mingde Gate Il,,§.~, the city's main southern entrance, see Xi'an 1974a. On the Western Market, see Zhuang 1961. 10 For a critical assessment of archaeology and its role in the study of Chinese urbanism, see Wheatley 1971,79-80. II For a bibliography of Sui-Tang Chang'an studies with a focus on Japanese and Chinese sources, see Seo 1984b.
4 /
Sui-Tang Chang'an
Metropole Ostasiens und Weltstad! des Mittelalters 583-904 was published. 12 Nor have the key primary sources been translated. Even the monographs in Chinese and Japanese are often narrowly focused on the physical and royal aspects of the city, unable to transcend the framework provided by Xu Song and his predecessors and by archaeological research. In an effort to redress this imbalance I reexamine Chang'an in tenns of its urban and socioeconomic development. Adopting a historical approach in order to present a more complete picture of the city, I have based my study primarily on key traditional sources on Chang'an, while paying close attention to the standard histories, the unofficial histories, encyclopedias, compendiums, anthologies, and miscellaneous accounts.13 I have also delved into sources previously neglected by traditional scholars, such as those of Buddhist and Daoist origins. While reaIizing the limitations of the archaeological material, I have tried to make full use of it. In addressing various historical, institutional, ritual, and monastic issues, I am greatly indebted to secondary studies by modem scholars, both Eastern and Western. This book begins with a concise history of Han Chang'an, a city that predated Sui-Tang Chang'an by more than 700 years. Situated within the same general locality, the old Chang'an had many physical links and intangible ties to its Sui-Tang successor. While much research has focused on the Former Han phase of the city, I have tried to reconstruct its continued saga in the Later Han and post-Han periods. In 583, as Han Chang'an was being abandoned, a much larger city to its immediate southeast, Sui-Tang Chang'an, was receiving its fIrst residents. To put the 321-year history of Sui-Tang Chang'an into proper perspective, we need to adopt a periodization schema. In Tang studies the most widely accepted periodization in literary circles is a four-phase schema fIrst created by the Ming literary critic Gao Bing f.Uf* in his Tang shi pinhui P6b?$; (TSPH). Gao
12 In this volume, Thilo does an excellent job of gathering and critically reviewing archaeological infonnation. Most of the book is devoted to a ward-by-ward study of the city within the same framework adopted by traditional scholars such as Song Minqiu and Xu Song. It is in his second volume, which is not available at this writing, that ThUo plans to explore the social and cultural aspects of the city. See Thilo 1997, Vorwort: XIII. Also see Thilo 1990. Those who have published articles in English on the city include Arthur Wright (1965; 1977), Edward Schafer (1963b), Nancy Steinhardt (1991), Saehyang P. Chung (1990; 1991; 1996), and this author (1987; 1988; 1996). Paul Wheatley (1971) and Nancy Steinhardt (1990) have devoted substantial parts of their monographs on Chinese premodern urbanism to Chang'an 13 For full information on these works, see References.
Introduction /
5
identifIes four phases: Early Tang (the Wude through Kaiyuan reign periods), High Tang (Kaiyuan to Dali), Middle Tang (Dali through Yuanhe), and Late Tang (Kaicheng to the Five Dynasties). I have adapted Gao's model to create a five-phase periodization for the city, which includes the Sui dynasty as the first phase, slightly modifIes the four Tang phases, and leaves out the Five Dynasties: Phase 1: Sui (582-618)14 Phase 2: Early Tang (618-712) Phase 3: High Tang (712-756) Phase 4: Middle Tang (75~20) Phase 5: Late Tang (820--904)15 The fIrst issue about Sui-Tang Chang'an that I address is the muchdiscussed topic of its morphological genesis. Refuting the diffusionist theories put forward by Naba Toshisada and Chen Yinke in the 1930s and 1940s, I see in the city's layout two different yet associated traditions: the canonical and the geomantic. While canonical considerations are apparent in the placement of certain functional areas and the city gates, and in the layout of the road network, Yuwen Kai, the city's chief architect, chose to ignore certain canonical principles because of his preoccupation with geomancy. For example, he did not place the markets north of the palace, and he situated the Palace City in a geomatically propitious yet low-lying and uncomfortable location. This led to the eventual construction of the second urban palace and a permanent shift of power out of the Palace City. Cosmological concerns were conspicuous in the axiality of the city's major structures, yet by the time a third urban palace was constructed, axiality had been replaced by a more unconventional approach to palace layout. I reaffirm the traditional assertion that the Imperial City to the south of the Palace City was an innovative feature of Sui-Tang Chang'an. But I also argue that this central government area excluded not only common residential houses, but also the offices of local administrations, such as the capital prefecture and urban counties, a fact that points to their relative insignificance in the overall scheme of the capital. In studying the ritual aspect of the city, which traditional scholars largely ignored, I show that, due to canonical and conventional influences, only two ritual centers of relatively low rank were located in the heart of the city. Ceremonies of paramount importance took place in the suburbs, where the ritual centers were spatially identified with their objects of worship. To give an 14 This phase starts with the planning and building of the capital, not the beginning of the dynasty. IS This phase ends with the destruction of the capital, not the fall of the dynasty.
6 / Sui-TangChang'an example, the supreme deity in the state pantheon, Lord on High, always identified with the south, was worshiped at the Round Mound Altar in the southern suburbs. The extraordinary development of the business sector within the city is certainly one of the most fascinating but least understood aspects of Chang' an's history. Here I have tried to differentiate between two broad categories of business, those operating inside and outside the marketplace. Each was governed by a different set of rules. The residential wards, a key component of the city that took up most of its actual space, have received much scholarly attention. Traditional scholars have amassed a staggering amount of information concerning both the wards and their residents. Based on a model set up by Seo Tatsuhiko, I have divided the wards into six areas and examine each in spatial, temporal, and functional terms. The monastic communities, predominantly Buddhist for most of this period, were noted for their variety and conspicuous presence in the residential areas. I have studied their rise and fall, growth and maturation, with a focus on royal patronage. I devote the epilogue of the book to the collapse of the city, and the abandonment of the Chang' an area as a viable site for the imperial capital.
1
Chang'an Before the Sui To the east it relies on the barriers of Han Valley and the Two Yao, With the peaks Taihua and Zhongnan as its landmarks. To the west it is bordered by the defiles of Baoye and Longshou, And is girdled by the rivers He, Jing, and Wei. With its pubescent growth of flowers and fruits, It has the highest fertility of the Nine Provinces. With its barriers of defense and resistance, It is the safest refuge of the empire. -Ban Gu
IH ~
(A.D. 32-92)1
P"f11e geographical area Ban Gu describes in his "Western Capital Rhapsody" is 1 known historically as Guanzhong 1Hl~ ("Inside the Passes"i in present-day southern Shaanxi. In the heartland of Guanzhong the Jing River a~*), flowing eastward from central Gansu, merges into the Wei River O~* [?-a]]). South of the confluence of these two rivers, in a stretch of fertile land, lie the ruins of Han Chang'an, and the modern city of Xi'an, built over the northern part of the historic city of Sui-Tang Chang'an (see Maps 1.1 and 1.2).3 A major landmark in east Guanzhong is Mount Taihua *¥ (¥L.lJ), one of the great mountains in Chinese history.4 Further to the east are the strategic Han Valley and the mountain barrier of the Two Yao ~, both in Henan Province. 6 To the south, Guanzhong is bounded by the Zhongnan Mountains (~l¥iL.lJ) with their Ziwu
@9-ai
1 From "Western Capital Rhapsody" ("Xidu fu" it9~l!it), Wen xuan )(~ (WX) 1.22b. Translation by Knechtges (1982,99, 101). Z The Guanzhong area was never strictly defined. It refers primarily to the home territory of the state of Qin in the drainage area of the Wei River. See ZZTJ 8.282, commentary. 3 Knechtges 1982,98, note on line 16. 4 Mount Taihua is in present-day Huayin County, Shaanxi. Tan 1982, 2:42-43. S The Han Valley or Han Vale is in present-day Xin'an County, Henan. Du shi fangyu
jiyao .~jJ.*c~ (DSFYJY) 52.2254-55. 6 The Two Yao formation is in present-day Luoning County, Henan. Tan 1982, 2:42-43;
5:40--41.
7
8 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
Chang'an Before the Sui /
Valley (Tq:.~), noted for its difficulty of access.' To the southwest is Baoye Corridor (~~), a strategic valley in the Qinling ~ mountain range, 8 which links Shaanxi with Sichuan in the southwest To the west, in the Shaanxi-Gansu border area, lies Mount Longshou mlfE1, the highest peak of the Longshan miLl! 9 range. Due to its strategic, economic, and political importance, the Guanzhong area played host to thirteen dynastic capitals (Table 1.1). The first major urban centers built in Guanzhong were Feng II and Hao ~, the proto-Zhou and Western Zhou capitals. 10 North of present-day Xi'an was the site of ancient Xianyang ~ (Map 1.2),11 which served as the capital of the state ofQin from 350 B.C. It was from here that Prince Ying Zheng Nla, the last sovereign of Qin in the Warring States period and the founder of the Qin dynasty, set out to conquer China and to rule as the First Emperor.
Table 1.1. Dynastic capitals in the Chang'an area Dynasty
The ZiWlJ Valley runs southwest from the southern suburbs of Chang'an. DSFYJY 52.2254-55; Tan 1982,5:40-41.
7
8
Feng-Hao ~~ Yueyang ~~. Xianyang ~ Yueyang Former Han , Han Chang'an Han Chang'an Xin Han Chang'an WestemJin Han Chang'an Former Zhao Han Chang'an FormerQin Han Chang' an Later Qin Han Chang'an NorthemWei Han Chang'an WestemWei Northern Zhou Han Chang'an Han Chang'an Sui Daxingcheng Tang
*m£
Tang Chang' an
Dates
Years a/Occupancy
11th c. B.C.-771 B.C. 383-350 350-206 202-200 200 B.C.-A.D. 8 A.D. 9-23 313-316 319-329 351-383 384-417 Sept 4, 534-Feb. 3, 535 535-557 557-581 581-583 583-618
200--300 33 144 2 207 14 3 32 33 5 months 22 24 2 35
618-904
286
to
Source: Zhang 1987, 12-13, with some amendments *In Lintong, Shaanxi.
To understand the legacy of Han Chang' an, and to compare and contrast it with its Sui-Tang successor in terms of the evolving tradition of Chinese city planning, I would like to begin by considering the rise and fall of the Han city. The development of Han Chang'an, from its founding in 202 B.C. to its destruction in A.D. 583, consists of two periods: 1) the Former Han-Xin period, and 2) the Later- and post-Han period. The history of Han Chang'an in the first period may be divided into four stages.
Stage 1 (202-195 B.C.) At the founding of the Han dynasty, Gaozu ~tli (Liu Bang ~Jf~, r. 206-
Tan 1982,2:42-43.
Mount Longshou is northwest of present-day Long County. The Longshan mountain range is also known as Longdi RlIi~ (Knechtges 1982,98, note on line 15). See also Tan 1982,5:40-41; YHJX1Z2.45. 10 Both Feng and Hao wer.e founded before the rise of the Western Zhou dynasty. Under King Wu JEtE, Hao was chosen in preference to Feng, which remained the site of royal temples. Se.e Hsu and Linduff1988, 289-311. 11 Ancient Xianyang lay east of present-day Xianyang. 9
NamJ!
WestemZhou Qin
Han Chang'an: Former Han-Xin After the fall of the Qin dynasty in the late third century B.C., two entirely different cities bearing the name Chang'an were to rise in the Guanzhong area. The first, founded in the early Han dynasty south of the Qin capital Xianyang, is referred to in history as Han Chang'an; the second, Sui-Tang Chang'an, is the principal focus of this study. Han Chang'an, however, also bears close examination. Its political, economic, and strategic advantages are well documented in Han sources and these advantages generally held true for Sui-Tang Chang'an because of its close proximity to its Han predecessor. At the time when Sui-Tang Chang'an was planned, the urban prototype with which planners were most familiar was Han Chang' an, the city where they lived. Although Sui Wendi, the founder of Sui-Tang Chang'an, disparaged Han Chang'an, it was unavoidable that he use it as a key point of reference for the new city.
9
195 B.C.) initially chose Luoyang for his capital. A garrison soldier named Lou
.-§l!:
Jing (later awarded the royal surname Liu ~J) argued in favor of the Qin (Guanzhong) area because of its defensibility (gu ~) and the necessity of distinguishing the Han from the Eastern Zhou, which had been based in Luoyang. 12
12
Han shu~. (HS) l.xia.58; Shiji !£~c (SJ) 8.381.
10/ Sui-Tang Chang'an The Han adviser Zhang Liang M lent his support, pointing out that the Guanzhong area was protected by natural barriers "like metal walls of a thousand Ii" (jincheng qianli ~:fl£Tm). Referring to its wealth, Zhang Liang called the area a "heavenly kingdom" (tianfo zhi guo :7CJffz~). Gaozu immediately ordered the construction of Han Chang'an, the first great city in Chinese history, in 202-200 B.C. 13 The city was sited on an elevated area known as Mount Longshou (ft§', dragon's head) or Longshou Plain (ft§'ffiD, so named because the stretch of raised land resembled a dragon.14 Its head pointed north toward the Wei River, and its tail stretched southeastward to dip into the Fan Vale ~) II), about seventeen kilometers southeast of modern-day Xi'an. IS The earliest structure was the Changle Palace (~~'8), which was converted in 202-200 B.C. from an existing Qin suburban structure, the Xingle Palace (!m~'8).16 To its west the Weiyang Palace (*"*'8), built at great expense by Chief Minister Xiao He lffiiJ in 200 B.C., was to become the main seat of the COurt l7 During the reign of Han Gaozu, the precincts of Chang' an, composed mainly of these two palaces, were not enclosed. IB
Stage 2 (I95-141 B.C.) Gaozu's successor Huidi ~W (Liu Ying IIJ~ r. 195-188 B.C.) contributed significantly to the shape of the city by erecting a city wall. In the spring of the
13 SJ 55.2044. On the strategic importance and richness of the Guanzhong area, see Zhang 1987, 1-5,8-10. On the archaeological investigation of the city plan, see Wang 1982,6; 1984,3-5. For a concise accOimt of the planning of Former Han Chang'an and its main architectural structures, see Steinhardt 1990, 54-68. The most sophisticated study of Han Chang'an in a Western language is Wu 1995, 143-87. Recent archaeological research has made some of the earlier studies, e.g., Wheatley 1971, Hotaling 1978, and Koga 1972, seem dated. Little attention, however, has been given to Han Chang'an of the Later Han to the Northern Zhou. The Qing scholar Gu Yanwu ~ gathered some useful but sketchy information on the. topic in his book on capital cities in Chinese history; see Lidai zhaijingji Iflft45;'T-~C (LDZlJ) 5.90-92. 14 Not to be confused with Mount Longshou (ULlJ) to the west. IS Shuijing zhu shu ~?3:iQlt (SJZ) 19.1595 (SJZ commentary by Li Daoyuan ~ [Northern Wei dynasty]; sub commentary by Yang Shoujing ~ and Xiong Huizhen ~tl~ [Qing dynasty]). On the Fan Vale, see Zhang 1987, 185-86. 16 The project started in the ninth month of the fifth year of Gaozu (202 B.C.), and was completed in the seventh year of Gaozu (200 B.C.). See ZZTJ 3.364, text and commentary; 3.374. Also see HS l.xia.58 and SJ 8.385. The Han calendar initially followed the Qin tradition, with the tenth month as the beginning of the year. See ZZTJ9.296, commentary. 17 HS l.xia.64. . 18 SFHT 1.18.
Chang'an Before the Sui /
11
third year of his reign (192 B.C.), 146,000 laborers within a 600 lil9 radius of Chang'an were mobilized for thirty days to erect one side of the wall. In the sixth month of the same year 20,000 slaves from various princedoms and marquisates were employed to continue the project, and in the spring of the fifth year (190 B.C.), Huidi employed 145,000 male and female laborers for another thirty days to complete it.20 In the sixth year (189 B.C.), Chang'an's Western Market (Xishi 5m-) was set up.21 Under Huidi's two successors, Wendi (Liu Heng !ilJt:~[, r. 180-157 B.C.) and Jingdi ~W (Liu Qi IIJ~, r. 157-141 B.C.), large-scale construction at Chang'an ground to a halt. According to the histories, both of these emperors condemned extravagance and led exemplary lives of frugality and simplicity.
xW
Stage 3 (141 B.C.-A.D. 4) This stage was dominated by Wudi jtW (Liu Che II., r. 141-87 B.c.), who went on a construction spree, adding the Mingguang Palace (13)3:7\:;'8) to the north of the Changle Palace, and the Cinnamon (fi'8) and North Palaces (~t'8) to the north of the Weiyang Palace. Wudi's most ambitious project was the construction of the suburban Imperial Park Ct.**~), which had a circumference of 300 Ii. Of all the palace complexes Wudi built in and around Chang'an, however, the Jianzhang Palace ~:;:'8) in the western suburbs was the most spectacu1ar.22 Wudi had transformed Chang'an into a city of palaces, with little room for nonroyal residential quarters inside the walled area. Business activity was concentrated in the Western and Eastern Markets in the northwestern corner of the city, where there was easy access to the Wei River.23
Stage 4 (A.D. 4-24) The last stage in which Han Chang'an was the national capital began in dynasty, Wang Mang .:E.~ (r. A.D. A.D. 4, the year the founder of the Xin
mr
One Former Han Ii = 415 meters. See Twitchett and Loewe 1986, xxxviii. Both SJ and HS record the project See HS 2.89-91; SJ9.398, "[They] started walling the city in the third year; it was halfway done in the fourth year, and completed in the fifth and sixth years." 21 HS2.91. 22 SFHT2.40-46; 3.66; 4.83-87. 23 The river that traces the northwestern comer of Han Chang'an is known as the Bi River ?I1!W, which is the lower reach of the Jue River i1l* flowing from south of Han Chang'an. It merges with the Wei River to the north. The name Bi River is not recorded in Han-Tang sources. To its immediate northwest flows the Wei River. Wu 1979, 25; Wang 1982, 6; 1984,3-4. Also seeSFHT2.29. 19
20
12/ Sui-Tang Chang'an
Chang'an Before the Sui /
9-23), set up three key suburban ritual structures. They were the Hall of Brilliance (Mingtang a~~), the Biyong M~, both allegedly modeled on Western Zhou prototypes, and the Numina Estrade (Lingtai fllE), the state ritual center for astronomical-astrological observation. 24 This stage ended with . the city's destruction in A.D. 24. Few structures of traditional ritual architecture have generated such controversy as the Hall of Brilliance. The arguments touch on technical specifications, but focus mostly on its location and function. First, the synthesist theory of the Later Han scholar Cai Yong ~~ and his supporters views the Hall of Brilliance as a synthesis of classical ritual structures, a symbol of the universe, and a guide to rulership.25 Cai's argument is based on the Da Dai Liji *~m~c (DDLJ), a Former Han commentary on the Liji m~c (Record of Ritual), which describes a Hall of Brilliance surrounded by a Biyong.26 For Cai Yong the Hall of Brilliance was a multifunctional structure that served simultaneously as Ancestral Temple (Zongmiao *lV, Grand Academy (Taixue :;t\:~), and Biyong. That is, the Hall of Brilliance was identified with these other structures in location and function?? The opposite argument, what we might call the "separatist" theory, had Zheng Xuan ~~, the great Later Han Confucian exegete, as its most prominent advocate. A contemporary of Cai Yong, Zheng cast doubt on the legitimacy of the Da Dai Liji passage, and insisted on the physical separation and functional 28 also distinction of these structures. The Western Jin scholar Yuan Zhun
:a*
24 ZZTJ36.1146; Wang 1984, 13-14; Wu 1995, 179-81; Bielenstein 1986,494. It is believed that Wudi had a Hall of Brilliance built on Mount Tai ~tlJ. Wang Mang built the first Hall of Brilliance in Chang'an itself. However, SFHT quotes a Han shu ~.J: (HS) passage on Wudi's structure in Chang'an's southern suburbs, on which the Later Han scholw Ying Shao M comments: "Han Wudi created the Hall of Brilliance, and Wang Mang had it renovated and augmented." The same passage is quoted by Gu Yanwu in his Lidai zhaijing ji. The passage and its comment are not available in the Zhonghua shuju edition of the Han shu. Another Han shu passage, however, indicates that Wudi failed to build a Hall of Brilliance in Chang'an. I am inclined to doubt the authenticity of the Han shu passage quoted in Sanfo huangtu as well as the comment by Ying Shao. See HS 25.shang.1215; SJ 12.452. For the alleged Han shu passage and Ying Shao's comment, see SFHT 5.113; see also LDZlJ 5.83. The question of whether Wudi set up a Hall of Brilliance in Chang'an requires more documentary research. See SFHT 5.114. 25 Wu 1995, 178. 26 DDU 8. 142.
2? Quan Shanggu Sandai Qin-Han Sanguo ~iuchao wen ~.l:ii"= ft~~:=.l!.!!ln~;x: (QSG) 80.902-3. For a partial translation ofCai Yong's essay on the Hall of Bnlhance WIth a detailed analysis, see Wu 1995, 178-80. 28 The most valuable infonnation on the Cai-Zheng controversy has been preserved in the Liji zhengyi :m~ciEf!t (IJ) completed by the Sui-Tang scholar Kong Yingda tLfii~. See
13
systematically challenged Cai Yong's theory, which, Yuan argued, drew deductive inferences from problematic classiCal texts. Yuan faulted Cai and his followers for conflating such fundamental yet distinct Confucian ritual institutions as the Hall of Brilliance, the Ancestral Temple, and the Grand Academy.29 The Sanfo huangtu =.6111 (SFH1), a work of possibly Cao-Wei vintage (220-265) with later, especially Tang, interpolations, states: "The Hall of Brilliance is the hall of the way of Heaven where, in compliance with the progress of the four seasons, the twelve monthly ordinances are carried out, ancestral rites are conducted for early sage-kings, and sacrifices are offered to the Five Emperors. Hence the name 'Hall of Brilliance.' The Biyong is circular, shaped like a jade disk, and surrounded by water. Different in name, yet identical in function, [these structures are] in essence the same.,,30 This source seems to lend support to Cai Yong's synthesist theory in terms of the Structures' combined functions and location. However, although both the Hall of Brilliance and the Biyong were said to be the same distance south of Chang 'an, there is no solid documentary evidence that these structures occupied the same 10cation.31 In the Song source Chang'an zhi, Song Minqiu identifies three Han structural remains in Puning Ward (ll:t~:ljj, see Map 2.1, 2A) of Sui-Tang Chang'an. in what had been the southern suburbs of Han Chang'an. They were, from west to east, the Grand Academy, the Biyong, and the Hall of Brilliance. The site of the Numina Estrade was found in the Xiuzhen Ward (Mf~, IA) slightly to the north. Song's records, reaffirmed by the Qing scholar Xu Song in his Tang liangjing chengfang /rao, should be considered at least prima facie evidence of the separate locations of these ritual structures. 32 Wang Mang built a hpst of other ritual structures as well, including the Nine Temples in the southern suburbs. 33 His edict on the Nine Temples indicated that only his legendary "ancestors" such as Huangdi (JiW) and Yudi U 31.259c, Zheng Xuan's commentary, esp. Kong's subcommentary: ~IH~'P)'~~J!:~ (Zheng [Xuan] must have believed that they [the ritual structures] are all different). 29 U31.259c, Yuan Zhun's commentary.
30 Quoted in Chuxue ji tn~~c (CX/) 13.327. This passage is missing in the current edition of SFHT 5.112-14. On the origins of the Sanfo huangtu, see SFHT, "Jiaozheng xuyan" ~i§, 1-3. In SFHT (5.111) the passage that places the Biyong seven Ii northwest of Chang'an is obviously of Tang origin and the Chang'an here should be SuiTang Chang'an. Elsewhere (5.113) the passage that places the Hall of Brilliance seven Ii southwest of Chang'an is of pre-Sui origin, and the Chang'an it refers to is the old Chang'an of the Han. "Southwest" is probably a corruption of "south." 31 The archaeological discovery of a ritual complex south of Han Chang'an convinces Yang Hongxun (1987a) that Wang Mang's Hall of Brilliance was indeed combined with the Biyong. Huang Zhanyue (1960) identifies this complex with the Biyong only. 32 CAZHi 10.8; TUCFK 4.122. 33 Wang 1984, 14.
14/ Sui-TangChang'an ~1W were worshiped in the Hall of Brilliance.34 The separatist theory maintaining that the Hall of Brilliance and the Biyong were distinct structures appears to have triumphed in the Later Han, for both documentary evidence and archaeological research confinn the separate locations of these structures in Luoyang.3s In A.D. 24, one year after Wang's violent death at the hands of his mutinous troops, the Red Eyebrows (Chimei ?ffiJ§) rebels under Fan Chong's ~~ leadership sacked the city of Chang'an and started a conflagration that engulfed the palaces, residential areas, and markets. They looted all but two of the Han imperial tomb parks. A widespread famine followed, with the death toll estimated in the hundreds of thousands. Emptied of its residents, Han Chang' an was reduced to ruinS?6
The Later- and Post-Han Periods37 Han Chang'an lost its status as the national capital during the second period. The numerous dynasties later based in this city were at best regional regimes. For these reasons, primary sources on this period are much more scattered, and there is little modern scholarship dealing with the subject. However, it is undeniable that under the Later Han, Chang'an was revived as a regional urban center, and in fact, survived the collapse of that dynasty in A.D. 220. It continued to exist for another 363 years as a major urban center.
Later Han
Chang'an Before the Sui /
15
Chang'an, thereby reestablishing the city as the capital.39 Dong Zhuo was 40 assassinated by rivals in 192. At this time the metropolitaiJ. Chang'an area (Sanfu =filJ) once again had a population numbering in the hundreds of thousands. In 195, however, fighting broke out between Dong's associates Li Jue :<$fm and Guo Si ~?'8. After pillaging the imperial storehouse, Li Jue set the palaces and official quarters ablaze, killing all of the residents.41 This carnage almost completely depopulated the city again. Those too weak to leave resorted to cannibalism. For two or three years Chang'an was in a state of dereliction.42 By 199 (Jian'an 4), the city seems to have come back to life. When Wei Ji ~ was appointed governor of the Guanzhong area by Cao Cao V~, more than 100,000 Chang'an refugee households that had taken shelter in Jingzhou ~J1+1 (approximately present-day Hubei and southern Henan) were returning to Chang'an.43
Western and EasternJin In 220 Cao Cao's successor Wendi X1W (Cao Pi V;r::, r. 220-226) deposed the last sovereign of the Later Han dynasty and founded the Cao-Wei dynasty. With this, the era of the Three Kingdoms began. Under the Cao-Wei dynasty a nominal five-capital system was in place, which also included Han Chang'an. But the de jure capital was Luoyang,44 and although Chang'an survived the turbulent years of the Three Kingdoms, it was grossly neglected under the Western Jin, also based in Luoyang. Pan Vue 1I-ffi, magistrate of Chang'an County, records the condition of the city in 292 in his "Rhapsody on a Westward Journey" ("Xizheng fu" ~H.iEfIjt): Street wards are deserted and desolate; Town dwellings are sparsely scattered. The buildings and offices, stations and bureaus, Shops and markets, official storehouses, Are now concentrated on a single comer of the wallOf a hundred, barely one survives.
With the founding of the Later Han dynasty in A.D. 25, the capital was moved east to Luoyang, but the location of the Former Han imperial tombs near Chang'an obliged the Later Han emperors to pay homage there periodically. Consequently, both the imperial tomb parks and palace complexes were repaired.38 Chang'an remained merely a regional city until 190 when the warlord Dong Zhuo I-'¥. forcibly moved Xiandi It'1U (Liu Xie ~M, r. 189-220) to
39 ZZTJ59.1912.
HS99.zhong.4106. 35 On these structures, built in A.D. 56 in Later Han Luoyang, and their specifications, see Hou Han shu f&~ii (lUfS) l.xia.84 n. I, especially a quote from the now lost source Hanguan ge shu r/fgMll. Also see Wang 1982, 38-40; 1984, 17-18. 36 HS l.shang.28; 99.xia.4191, 4193. 37 Luo Tianxiang 6~ and Gu Yanwu devote less than three pages to Later Han and post-Han Chang'an (LBCAZ2.56-59; LDZlJ5.90-92). Wu Bolun (1979, 132-38) gives a longer but still spotty account 38 HHS 1.shang.39; l.xia.72. 34
40
HHS72.2331.
On the population of the Chang'an area, see HHS 72.2341. HHS (72.2327) also records that several million people from Luoyang were resettled in Chang'an. Here "several million" (shubaiwan 1lc8~ is probably a scribal error for "several tens of thousands" (shuwan Jg(~. On Dong's death, see HHS 72.2336-37. 42 HHS72.2341. 43 Sanguozhi :::.~~ (SGZ) 21.610; ZZTJ63.20l7. 44 On the five-capital system ofCao-Wei, see CXJ8.169, commentary for wudu 1itlfl. On Luoyang as Cao-Wei's main capital, seeJS 14.shang.415. 41
16/ Sui-TangChang'an
Chang'an Before the Sui /
Golden pheasants shriek on terraces and ponds; Foxes and hares burrow beside the halls. How lush and luxuriant the millet sprouts! How tangled and twisted my thoughts! Great bells have fallen in the ruined temple; Bellframes have collapsed and suspend no more. The forbidden chancellery has turned to thick grass; 45 Bronze statues have been transported to Ba Stream. It was during this period that Buddhism began to take root in Chang'an. The earliest mention of a Buddhist term in the writing of the literati occurs in a Hanft M (prose-poem) entitled "Western Metropolis Rhapsody" ("Xijing fu" gg~M) by Zhang Heng ~. He completed this famous piece about Han Chang'an in the early second century A.D. In the poem, the Chinese expression sangmen ~r~ (the same as shamen m~) is identified as a transliteration for the Sanskrit term sramCl1Ja (monk).46 However, serious Chinese translations of Buddhist satras did not appear until the late third century. The pioneering translator at that time was the Yuezhi J'lf£;47 monk Dharmarak$a (Zhu Fahu ~1$~),48 who, with a following of several thousand,49 set up a Buddhist 50 monastery outside the Green Gate (Qingmen Wr~) in the eastern suburbs. Under his guidance, the Buddhist community at Chang'an emerged as the most significant in the north. 51 His contemporary, the monk Bo Yuan ~~, built another Buddhist monastery in Chang'an, where he lectured to over a thousand 52 students, including Wang Yong~, the governor of Guanzhong. In the early fourth century the Xiongnu f!Ii]I& state of Former Zhao grew in power on the Central Plain.53 Under their sovereign Liu Cong ~JlI! (r.
mnlli
WX 10.154b-55a. Translation by Knechtges (1987, 211, 213). For Zhang Heng's mention of sramaJ]Q see Knechtges 1982, 1:236-37; Wright 1971, 21. For the original text, see WX 2.49b. On the approximate completion date of the "Rhapsody," see Knechtges 1982,481. 47 Some scholars read Rouzhi ~.s;; for Yuezhi. See Li 1981,41. 48 On the significance of Dharmarak$a , see Tang 1955, 157-64; Wright 1971, 35-36. 49 In You/u ~ (The Record of Sengyou), the number was "one thousand and more." See Gaoseng zhuan jl§1jftf$ (GSZ) 1.23-24, and 25 n. 18. 50 It was known as the Bacheng Gate .~~ in Han times. See Ye 1986, 2:30. 51 Zilrcher 1959,65--66. 45
46
52
GSZ1.26.
From 304 to 318 this state was known as the Han known as Former Zhao. 53
i:l dynasty; from 318 to 329 it was
17
310-318), the Xiongnu became a serious threat to the authority of the Jin court at Luoyang. In 311 a Xiongnu leader, tiu Yao, laid siege to Luoyang, and captured the Jin sovereign Huaidi 1fl~ (Sima Chi ~,Ii!fr~, r. 306-313) as he was planning to evacuate to Chang'an. Liu Cong lost no time in dispatching his generals, including his son tiu Can ~J~, to sack Chang'an, driving more than 4,000 households from the city.54 After the fall of the Jin capital Luoyang, remnants of the Jin court focused their attention on the prince of Qin, Sima Ye ~ ,~JB, as a possible successor to the throne. The Chang'an area was his home territory and following Huaidi's death in captivity in 313, Sima Ye was inaugurated as the new sovereign (Mindi ~1W, r. 313-316) of Jin. He held court in Chang'an until his capitulation to the Xiongnu in 316, which marked the close of the Western Jin dynasty. Chang'an was then reduced to a ghost town with fewer than a hundred households. Walls and structures collapsed, overgrown with wormwood. 55 During the tumultuous last years of the Western Jin, when Luoyang was under constant threat from the Xiongnu, the court did not hesitate to move to Chang'an. Although Chang'an had been out of favor since the fall of the Xin dynasty, its perceived strategic location and historical associations continued to make it a viable alternative capital.
Former Zhao In 318 Liu Yao ~JII! (r. 318-329), newly enthroned as sovereign of the Xiongnu, assumed the dynastic name of Zhao (Former Zhao miMD and moved the court to Chang'an in 319.56 tiu Yao's settlement in Han Chang'an initiated its renaissance, which lasted almost a century. Under the Former Zhao the city underwent renovation and construction on a scale not seen since the end of the Xin dynasty in A.D. 23. History records that Liu Yao set up two palatial structures, the Guangshi Basilica (J'(;t!t~) in the south and the Ziguang Basilica (~~) in the north. He restored the essential structures of the capital-the Ancestral Temple, the Altars of State (Sheji *±~), and the southern and northern suburban altars-so that the city was able to fulfill its function as the ritual center of the state. 57 Following the Han tradition, Liu Yao founded a Grand Academy east of the Changle Palace, and an Academy of Classical 58 Studies (Xiaoxue IJ\~) west of the Weiyang Palace. He also relocated more 5.123; ZZTJ 87.2767. 5.125-26, 130-32. 56 ZZTJ90.2862; 91.2868. 57 JS 103.2684--85.
S4 JS
55 JS
58
JS 103.2688. It is not clear when the Han ChangJe and Weiyang Palaces were re-
constructed
18 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
Chang'an Before the Sui /
than 200,000 Di-Qiang J;;:n people he had subjugated from Shangjun l:~ to 59 the city of Chang'an. The addition of new palace structures, the revival of urban ritual centers, the establishment of "Confucian" institutions at court, and the expansion of the population through forced immigration all bear testimony to Liu Yao's ambition to convert Chang'an into a legitimate dynastic capital.
Later Zhao In this era of political fragmentation that he helped to create, Liu Yao faced immediate challenges to his legitimacy on the battlefield. Numerous regional powers with dynastic pretensions scrambled for domination in the north, while the Eastern Jin in the south was biding its time, hopmg to recover lost territory. Nine years after establishing his capital at Chang'an, Liu was captured and murdered by his rivals in Luoyang in early 329.60 His conquerors, the Jie ~, founded the state of Later Zhao t~, based in Ye ~ (near present-day Linzhang, Hebei). Although the rulers of Later Zhao did not make Chang' an their capital, they granted it special status and lavished much wealth on it. In approximately 342,.the third sovereign, Shi Hu:fire (Shi Jilong :fi*~, r. 334349), ordered 400,000 laborers to renovate the palace complexes in both Chang'an 61 and Luoyang. And in 345 Shi Bao :fil!'Z, the newly appointed govemor of Chang'an, mobilized 160,000 laborers to wall Chang'an's Weiyang Palace. 62
FormerQin
~~IDi~).64 In 354 he built the State Guesthouse (Laibin guan *~i§) at the Pingshuo Gate (ijZ-9lJjr~),65 and a Numina Estrade at the Du Gate (ttr~).66 When the Eastern Jin general Huan Wen t][~ launched an offensive against Chang'an, Fu Jian is said to have offered a tenacious resistance in its Lesser City (Xiaocheng 'J\~, which was probably in the northern part of the city, since we know that his son Fu Chang ~N commanded troops in the southern part. 67 When Fu Yonggu ~7.kt?il (r. 357-385),68 the nephew ofFu Jian, ascended the throne, he continued to revive the city of Chang'an. He set up a Hall of Brilliance and renovated the suburban ritual centers to the capital's north and 69 south. It appears that the Anterior Basilica (iWlt short for Taiji Anterior Basilica) continued to fimction as the key structure where Fu entertained his ministers. 70 At the Western Hall (Xitang iffl~) he gave audience to foreign dignitaries. While on a state visit, the kings of Jushi Qianbu ]/[WiW$ and Shanshan ~ in the Western Regions were much impressed with the spectacular palatial structures in Former Qin Chang'an. 7l The Jianzbang Palace, first built under Wudi of the Former Han, was still in use.72 There is also mention of a Mingguang Basilica (I3JJm)73 in the Jin shu ifif (JS), which was probably the main structure of the Mingguang Palace originally built by Han Wudi. To mark the death of Chief Minister Wang Meng ~, Fu Yonggu set up the Tingsong Belvedere (Ji!l~Il) south of the Weiyang Palace.74 From here the emperor could watch for the sign of grievances among his people--a pall of smoke raised over the It is not clear when the first Taiji Basilica was built in Chang'an. But the tradition of setting up such a basilica as the main palatial structure began with the Cao-Wei dynasty in Luoyang. This convention was followed at various capitals in the Six Dynasties period. The location of the Former Qin's Taiji Basilica is unknown. See CX!24.4.570; Ye 1986, 64
The Later Zhao lost dominion over Chang'an when its generals succumbed to attacks launched by Fu Jian H (r. 351-355) of the Di J;;: in 350.63 In 351 Fu appointed himself King of Heaven (tianwang in Chang'an. As the sovereign of what came to be known as the Former Qin IDi~ dynasty, Fu Jian took measures normally required at the founding of a capital: granting pardons to those under death sentences, repairing the Ancestral Temple and the Altars of State, and setting up various official positions in Chang'an.1n 352 he declared himself emperor and ascended the tbrone at the Taiji Anterior Basilica
*.:D
2:97-99,102.
Pingshuo was the eastern gate in the northern wall. See Ye 1986, 2:30. The Numina Estrade was different from· its Han counterpart built by Wang Mang in the southern suburbs. The Du Gate, which has not been archaeologically identified, was located in the north city wall east of the Luo Gate (~r~). See Ye 1986,2:31; cf. 1:43. 67 For a record of the above-mentioned events and structures, see JS 112.2868-71. .. Fu Yonggu is also known by the nanJe Fu Jian 1'ff~, and should be distinguished from his uncle. 6S
66
69 JS S9
'60
JS 103.2687.
The event took place in early 329 (the twelfth month of Xianhe ~ 3). See ZZTJ
94.2964-65 .. 61 JS 106.2772; ZZTJ 97.305 1. Note that SinIa Guang i'i]~7't in ZZTJ places the event at the end of 342, but in fact, there is no known date for the event, and 342 is just an estimate. 62
63
ZZTJ97.3062; JS 106.2777. ZZTJ98.3096, 3101, 3107, 3109-10.
19
70 JS
113.2886. 114.2909.
71 JS 114.2911. Jushi Qianbu is in present-day Turfan p±~. in northern Xinjiang, while Shanshan is in present-day Ruoqiang fin in southern Xinjiang. Both regions had regular diplomatic relations with the Former Qin.
72 JS 73
114.2914. JS 113.2897.
74 Since the Weiyang Palace was adjacent to the southern city Wall, the belvedere was probably on the city wall itself. See Wang 1984,4.
20 /
Sui~Tang Chang'an
northern part of the city. The belvedere's construction symbolized Fu's commitment to good government 75 Fu Yonggu left an indelible mark with his revival of Confucianism. His interest was not merely limited to participating in Confucian ritual as he had done at the beginning of his rule. He demonstrated the depth of his commitment by paying personal visits to the Grand Academy three times a month. 76 On his orders, Confucian learning was disseminated among his guards and a select number of eunuchs and court bondwomen. Such Daoist works as the Laozi ~r and Zhuangzi lffr were banned, as were works on spirit writs (tuchen [lJ1t).77 Prior to Fu Yonggu's embrace of Confucianism, some merchants had been appointed to high government posts, but under Confucian influence he reversed this practice and even prohibited merchants, artisans, bondmen, and women . from wearing clothes of gold and silver brocade. 78 Eventually, as the Former Qin evolved into a hegemonic power in the north and moved toward the reunification of China, Chang' an became a thriving economic center. Traders set up shop along the tree-lined avenues leading to the city.79 Equipped with the necessary ritual paraphernalia and a Confucian bureaucracy, Chang'an was again ready to become the capital of a united empire. Fu Yonggu's imperial dreams were shattered, however, when his expedi80 tionary army was defeated at the Fei River (}Je[?lfJ*) in 383. Two years later, Fu was strangled by his former subordinate Yao Chang in a Buddhist monastery at Xinping ff3f (in present-day Bin County, Shaanxi).81
Later Qin Yao Chang M~ (r. 384-393) of the Qiang ft, the founding sovereign of the Later Qin t&~ dynasty, became the new overlord of Chang'an. Having declared himself King of Qin in 384, he announced a nationwide pardon, ascended the imperial throne in 386, and changed the city's name from "Enduring Peace" (~~) to "Constant Peace" (m-~). He resettled 5,000 households in the city from Anding ~JE (near present-day Jingchuan, in eastern Gansu)12 and set up the Altars ofState.83 After several years on the throne, Yao 7S.IS 76.1S
113.2897; 114.2928. 113.2888.
77 .IS 113.2897. 78 JS 113.2888-89. 79 JS 113.2895. 80 JS 114.2918--19. 81 .IS 114.2928--29. 82.1S 116.2967; Tan 1982, 4:7-8.
Chang'an Before the Sui / 21 Chang had a bizarre dream in which he encountered Fu Yonggu, who had come back from the dead with hundreds of celestial emissaries and ghost soldiers. In the dream, a courtier came to Yao's aid, but stabbed him in the genitals by mistake. When the spear was pulled out, Yao lost gallons of blood. Upon waking, Yao discovered he was suffering from swollen genitals. They were punctured by a doctor and Yao bled profusely, dying soon after. 84 Crown Prince Yao Xing ~M" (Yao Zilue M~, r. 394-416) kept his father's death a secret. as He did not hold Yao Chang's funeral until well into 86 394, when he officially ascended the throne. He eliminated the last ruler of the Former Qin dynasty, Yao Deng !&~:¥!, and resettled 30,000 households from Yinmi ~~ (north of present-day Baoji)B7 in Chang'an. B8 Yao Xing was every bit as enthusiastic about Confucianism as Fu Yonggu had been. Chang'an played host to a number of aged Confucian scholars, who taught Confucian learning to more than 10,000 students. Yao Xing often invited these masters to the Eastern Hall (Dongtang *1it) of his palace to give lectures and hold discussions.89 Among the Later Qin structures documented in extant sources, the Taiji Basilica and the Numina Estrade were probably inherited from the Former Qin dynasty.90 The East Imperial Park (Dongyuan *:ffl), which had been Fu Yonggu's pleasure ground, was preserved.91 In addition, the West Imperial Park (Xiyuan ~92 and the Wenwu Imperial Park Cx:iEt:ffl) are both on record for Later Qin times. The latter was located in the northern suburbs and was linked to the city through Pingshuo Gate, the northernmost east gate. 93 Buddhism had continued to make advances in Chang'an under the Former Qin sovereign Fu Yonggu and even more so under the Later Qin ruler Yao Xing, who was known for his unsurpassed devotion to it. 94 It was during his reign that .IS 116.2968. JS 116.2972-73. 85 Yao Xing took over in early 394 (the twelfth month of Taiyuan :::t\:5f:; 18). See ZZTJ 108.3411. 86 ZZTJl08.3414; JS 117.2975-76. 87 JS 117.2976; Tan 1982, 4:7-8. 88.1S 117.2976; ZZTJl08.3415. 89 JS 117.2979; JS 117.2981. 9O.IS 118.3002. 91 JS 114.2913; 117.2982. 92 JS 118.2992. 93 JS 118.2994; Ye 1986,2:30. 94 On Buddhism in Chang'an from the Western Jin to the Later Qin, see Tang 1955, 29091. 83
84
22/ Sui-TangChang'an Faxian ~M, the great Buddhist pilgrim, set out from Chang'an on his journey 9S to India. At the time, the famed Indian Buddhist scholar Kumllrajrva (Jiumoluoshi /Ii.llft) was held in custody by Lit Long g~ (r. 401-403), the last sovereign of the Later Liang f&t~ in present-day Gansu and Xinjiang. Access to Kumllrajrva was jealously guarded to keep him from using his magic powers to aid others. Yao Xing went to war against LU to gain control over KumllrajIva, who was brought into Chang'an in 402. 96 Kumllrajrva led a team of 800 monks in translating Buddhist stltras at the Xiaoyao Garden (:l:ruirlm) and Ximing Pavilion (g§"~OO) and lectured on the newly translated sutras at the Grand 97 Monastery (Dasi Yao Xing attended Kumllrajrva's lectures at Chengxuan Hall (:7ft~~r and through Kumlirajrva's proselytizing became a confinned Buddhist. More than 5,000 monks flocked to Chang'an. A statue of the Buddha was erected in Yonggui Ward UkitlID, and a Prajtlll Estrade (Bore tai ?El;Ef.) was buih inside the palace, where often more than a thousand monks practiced the art of meditation. It was reported that in the prefectures and commanderies under Yao's control, ninety percent of the residents worshiped the BUddha.99 When Yao Xing became seriously ill, Crown Prince Yao Hong ¥JI:.?5,!' stationed his troops by the Donghua Gate (*~r~) and cared for his father in Counsel Hall (Ziyi tang li§ilft~).100 His brother Yao Yin ~~ttif then staged a coup. The coup failed, but in the process the Duan Gate (jffijr~) was burned down. 101 Yao Hong ascended the throne in 416 after his father's death, but in 417 the advancing army of the Eastern Jin under General Liu Yu ~j:m swept into Chang'an, at that time a populous city with more than 60,000 households. 102 Liu Yu's conquest not only vanquished the Later Qin dynasty, but also brought to an end the first renaissance of Han Chang'an. It was not to function as a capital of North China for more than a hundred years.
*m.
GSZ 3.87; Wei shu • • (w.s) 114.3031. Faxian's account of his journey is recorded in his Foguo ji _~c. This work has been translated into Western languages by such scholars as Abel R6musat, Samuel Beal, Lionel Giles, and James Legge. Legge's edition, A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms, contains the most detailed annotation (see Legge 1886). 96 KumBrajIva arrived on February 8, 402 (the twentieth day of the twelfth month, Hongshi ~fJ.f3 3). 97 GSZ2.51-52; WS 114.3031.
Chang'an Before the Sui /
Northern Wei Chang'an fell only briefly under the ju.":.sdiction of the Eastern jin. in 446 under Taiwudi ~W (Tuoba Tao f,fij!j(M!, r. 423-452), the Xianbei ~ state of the Northern Wei ;ftR (386--534), which was based in northern Shanxi, occupied the city to crush a local rebellion led by Ge Wu ~. 103 Suspecting that the Chang'an Buddhist community had a secret liaison with Ge Wu, Taiwudi started a major anti-Buddhist campaign, exterminating Buddhist monks and destroying monasteries in Chang'an. He carried out similar measures throughout the entire Northern Wei territory.104 In his fmal years Taiwudi regretted his action, and under the patronage of his successor Wenchengdi XJJX;W (Tuoba Jun f,fiM, r. 452-465), Buddhism was soon on its way to recovery. lOS Once again a regional city, Chang'an did not enjoy political prominence until 534, when Chudi tfHw (Yuan Xiu 5CMf, r. 532-534) arrived there after fleeing from Chief Minister Gao Huan r.ult During his time there, he converted the Yongzhou ~,H administration complex into an imperial palace. 106 This was most likely intended as a temporary solution, and there is no record of any official attempt to establish Chang'an as the permanent capital of the Northern Wei. However, the Minor City of Chang'an (Zicheng T1;!£), also known as the Lesser City,l07 was walled under Northern Wei auspices, during the Yanhe ~D period (432-434). Meanwhile Gao Huan set up Xiaojingdi ~i¥W (Yuan Shanjian 5C~~, r. 534-550), as sovereign ofa rival court in Luoyang, an act that marked the beginning of the Eastern Wei dynasty. lOS Early the following year the newly appointed chief minister Yuwen Tai *X~ poisoned the twenty-five-year-old emperor Chudi at a banquet held in the Xiaoyao Garden that had once housed Kumllrajlva and his team of translators. 109 With Chudi's death, the Northern Wei dynasty came to an end.
*R
9S
98
Tenns like xiaoyao and chengxuan indicate Daoist associations.
JS 117.2984-85. Probably a place where the sovereign consulted with his ministers. 101 JS 118.3003; ZZTJ 117.3685. The convention of building a Duan (End) Gate in the southernmost part of the palace enclosure probably began in Later Han Luoyang. See Ye 1986,2:87-88. 102 JS 119.3008, 3017; ZZTJ 118.3708-9. 99
100
23
103
For the pronunciation of ge jl\i as a surname, see Li 1981,269.
104
WS 114.3033-34; ZZTJ 124.3921-24; Tang 1955,494-96; Ch'en 1964, 147-51.
ii1li*
Wenchengdi (posthumous title) is also known as Gaozong (temple name). For his biography, see WS 5.111-24. On his attempt to revive Buddhism, see ZZTJ 126.3983. On the revival of Buddhism generally, see also Ch'en 1964, 151-53. 105
'06 Yongzhou was originally one of the Nine Provinces of the "Yugong" chapter ("Tribute of Yu") in Shangshu (Book of Documents). In both Han and Sui-Tang times, Yongzhou referred to the greater metropolitan area of Chang' an. 107 It is not clear which part of the city "Zicheng" refers to. A zicheng or xiaocheng generally refers to a walled urban area within a larger city enclosure. See ZZTJ 241.7764, text and commentary; Steinhardt 1990, 89-90. 108 ZZTJ 156.4855.
res.
Chudi is also known as Xiaowudi ~jt~. On his death, see ZZTJ 156.4853,4858; WS 11.291-92. According to WS (11.292), Chudi died on the fIfteenth (guisi ?RB) of the intercalary twelfth month, or February 3, 535. See Fang and Fang 1987, 372. Chudi's 109
24/ Sui-Tang Chang'an Wes~rn
Chang'an Before the Sui /
Wei
Northern Zhou
gsa
The founding of the Western Wei dynasty began with the coronation ofWendi:>em (Yuan Baoju ftW€, r. 535-551).11° The coronation took place in west Chang'an after a ritual to Heaven had been perfonned, a practice considered barbaric by critics because traditionally coronations were carried out l11 in the Anterior Basilica. Wendi also conducted the ritual to Heaven in the Qinghui Chamber (_~, a practice that was to become routitle for emperors. 112 Documents attest to a number of new palatial structures constructed by the Western Wei, for example, the Yuanji ~~, Xuanguang 1Ift, and Qinghui Basilicas. lI3 The Yaohua Basilica ~¥~) housed Wendi's empress Dao f!j[ when she became pregnant. She died there after a difficult labor.114 Wendi is recorded to have breathed his last in the Qian'an Basilica (~~~).115 In 546 the population of the city was enlarged by 6,000 households that were resettled there from Liangzhou ~,H when it was conquered by General
mf#.({
DuguXin~f~.116
The creation of the Western Wei prolonged the nominal rule of the Yuan family in the Guanzhong area, but the real power broker was Chief Minister Yuwen Tai ~:>c~, who enthroned lind removed sovereigns at will.ll7 Dissatisfied with Han and Cao-Wei Confucian orthodoxy, Yuwen Tai aspired to revive the archaic traditions of the Zhou and introduced sweeping refonns based on the Zhou Ii (Rites of Zhou). He died before he was able to officially assume power, but the legacy ofhis political archaism contitlued to dominate the state ideology, redefining the function of the capital. I IS
ft
mIm
murderer Yuwen Tai is also known as Yuwen Heita
*:>to. See BS 5.174; WS
11.292.
The Western Wei ceased to exist after Gongdi abdicated in favor of Yuwen Jue in early 557 (the twelflh month ofTaiping;till I). See ZZl'J 166.5156; Fang and Fang 1987, 110
378. 111 The precise location of Wendi's coronation is not given in the sources, nor is the reason for his break with convention. See ZZTJ157.4860; BS 5.175. 112 BS5.177. \13
Wang 1980, 7-8.
114 BS
13.507.
BS 5.181. 116 Zhou shu mif (ZS) 2.30. \IS
117
The Tuoba
m
royal house of the Northern Wei was renamed Yuan in 496 (Taihe as part of his effort to sinit)r the Xianbei ethnic group.
~ 20) under Xiaowendi ~)(~
See WS7.179; ZZl'J140.4393. ZS 2.36-37. Chinese history records four major attempts to overhaul state institutions according to the Western Zhou system recorded in the Zhou Ii: those of Wang Mang (Xin 118
25
With the accession ofYuwen Iue ~:>CJf (Duke of Zhou
mI0, Xiaomindi
~~, r. 557) as King of Heaven, the Zhou dynasty (known in history
as
Northern Zhou ~tffl)) replaced the Western Wei in Chang'an. The endeavor to revive ancient institutions initiated by Yuwen Tai continued. Yuwen Iue on coming to power presided over a number of state rituals at the capital. First, the chailiao ~1!Jf ritual was perfonned, in which bumt offerings infonned Heaven that a new sovereign had \leen enthroned. Elaborate ceremonies, allegedly Western Zhou ritual practices, were carried out at the Round Mound in the southern suburbs, the Square Mound in the northern suburbs, the southern and northern suburban altars, the Hall of Brilliance, the Altars of State, and at the Ancestral Temple.l19 The magnitude of the ceremonies clearly recalled the practices of Wang Mang, whose legitimacy had also been predicated on the Western Zhou ritual legacy. The Northern Zhou sovereign took up residence in the Palace City (Gongcheng g:l;1£),120 while the crown prince was housed in the Eastern Palace (Donggong *g). The Palace City had five outer gates, including the Chongyang Gate (~~r5) in the east, the Suzhang Gate <mif~r~) in the west, the Xuanwu Gate C~JFtr~) in the north, and the Ying Gate (.~r5) in the south. At the center of the royal palace was the court system. The main structure, the Dew Court (Luqin Jl@), was bounded on the south by the Dew (Grand) Gate (Lumen .[~]r5), 121 a palatial structure often referred to as the Outer dynasty), Yuwen Tai (Western Wei, also known as Wendi of the Northern Zhou), Wu Zetian iitjlU7i: (Tang and Wu-Zhou dynasties), and Shenzong t$* (Northern Song). Of these, only Yuwen's reform achieved some degree of respectability. See Chen 1977, 90. 119 According to the Later Han Confucian Zheng Xuan, the Northern Zhou temple system had used five chambers for the worship of ancestors. The Ancestral Temple was on the right (west), and the Altars of State on the left (east), the opposite of established practice in the Later Han. See ZZl'J 167.5157-59, text and commentary; Tong dian Jm~ (TD) 42.1180.
120 Wang Zhongluo (1980, 13) refers to the royal residential area of the Northern Zhou as the "Royal City" (Huangcheng ~:\I£). Wang bases his judgment on a passage in the Tang liudian that mentions the "five gates of the Royal City" (huangcheng wumen ~:\I£1ir~). However, in the authoritative edition of Konoe Iehiro. k'f1tf*ml, Huangcheng is indicated as a possible scribal error for Gongcheng ';3:1)£, or "Palace City." The Zhonghua edition agrees. See TLD 8.249, 265 n. 90. On the Northern Zhou Gongcheng, see ZZTJ174.54 I 1. 121 Lu meaning "grand" was later replaced by /u it meaning "dew." Wang Zhongluo (1980, 9, 13) identifies the Dew Gate as one of the five gates of the Palace City. However, according to extant sources, the Dew Gate was bounded on the south by the Ying Gate, the southern terminus of the Palace City, which suggests that the Dew Gate could not have been an outer gate of the palace.
m
26/ Sui-TangChang'an
Chang'an Before the Sui /
Court (Waichao 1f.WJ).I22 To mark the occasion of his coronation, Yuwen Jue gave audience to government officials at the Dew Gate. 123 On either side of the Dew Gate were the quarters of the Dew Gate Academy (Lumen xue .r~*). South of the Dew Gate was the Ying Gate. Here the intention to borrow from what was believed to have been the Western Zhou prototype was very clear. The palace of the Western Zhou allegedly possessed its own five palace gates, which included a Ying Gate and a Grand Gate as well. 124 To the immediate west of the Dew Court was the Court of the Right (Youqin ~1lI); north of the Dew Court was the Qian'an Basilica. Other palatial structures included a number of basilicas: Yanshou ~a, Linzhi Milt, Ziji ;W~, Wenchang )(~, Taiji ~, Chongxin ~m, Mingde !lJ.J~, Zhengwu .lE1E.t, Dade *~, Hanren Huiyi l1t~, Yunhe ~fO, Siqi ,~,~, Tiande *~, Linguang ~*, Guande IIH!, and Lianzhu J&~. There was also a Yunhe Loft-building (~fDfI). A Danei (Gre".t Compound), is also mentioned in primary sources on the Northern Zhou capital. Since this was later used as an alternate name for the Palace City in Tang Chang'an, it may also refer to the Northern Zhou's royal residence. Located in the Danei was Yong Alley (7k~), . III a Chang'an place name that dates back to the Former Han. In addition, the Chang'an area included the Chongyi ~~ and Hongsheng 5J,.~ Palaces, and the suburban Tianxing Palace (7C:~'8).126 A number of suburban parks and gardens existed for royal amusement, such as Daohui Park (l1!Wln), originally named Wuyou Park (iEtW'i3iB);127 the Fanglin Garden (7'5**/jD south of Chang'an in the Zhongnan Mountains, previously known as the ShangIin Garden Ct.**~);128 and the Hualin Garden <¥**~). It appears that in Northern Zhou times, a number of the twelve city gates of Han origin were still in use, often under different names. The Xuanren Gate
*1=,
*pg
122 ZZTJ 167.5157, text and commentary; Wang 1980, 8-9. This court system was different from that of the Western Zhou, which the Northem Zhou court had set out to emulate. According to the Zhou Ii, the Son of Heaven employed a triple-court system composed of a Court of Repose (yanchao ~, a Governing Cpurt (zhichao ¥tJf}J), and the Outer Court. 123 ZZTJ167.5156. 124 Wang 1980, 9. III Y ong (Eternal) Alley was the nanIe of a palace for court ladies, so named because of its long alleyway. See SJ 9.397, text and n. I. On the Danei and the basilicas, see Wang 1980,10-12. 126 The location of the Hongsheng Palace is not clear. See Wang 1980, 12. 127 The renanIing of the park was probably associated with Daoist activities. Xuandi once held a Daoist cosmodrama (;iao lil) ceremony in the park. See ZS' 7.121. 128 Wang 1980, 13-14. The Shanglin Garden here should not be confused with the Shanglin Imperial Park Ct~ of the Han dynasty.
27
Cf[f=r~), also known as the Dongdu Gate O~11mr~), was probably the same as the Xuanping Gate Cf[.>:fZr~), which had been the northernmost east gate in Han funes. The Green Gate, known as Bacheng Gate (.i)£r~) in Han times, was the southernmost east gate. One west gate was known as the Yangwu Gate ~.itr~). The westernmost north gate continued to be known by its Former Han name, Hengmen .r~.129 Northern Zhou Chang'an seems to have maintained the urban framework first constructed under the Former Han. However, Northern Zhou Chang'an also differed significantly from its Former Han predecessor in its atavistic attempt to re-create an ancient palace plan with a triple-court system based on an idealized Western Zhou model. This practice continued in Sui-Tang Chang'an, where under the Tang a triple-court system was set up twice, first in the Palace City, and then in the Daming Palace in the northern suburbs. 130 Names of key palace structures of Northern Zhou Chang'an-the Palace City, the Eastern Palace, the Taiji Basilica, and the Xuanwu Gate-reappeared in Sui-Tang Chang'an. And in both the Northern Zhou and Sui-Tang eras, planners located these structures according to similar architectural principles. The evidence suggests that the institutional transformation that took place under the Northern Zhou in Han Chang' an had a clear impact on the urban structure of Sui-Tang Chang'an. By the second half of the sixth century, the Buddhist community of Chang'an-having survived the first major proscription against Buddhism initiated in 446 under the Northern Wei---enjoyed growth and prosperity. It suffered a serious setback, however, under the Northern Zhou sovereign Wudi iEtW (Yuwen Yong ~)(m., r. 560-578), who clearly favored Confucianism. He deliberately encouraged polemic debates between Buddhist monks and Daoist masters and then used their rancorous exchanges as a rationale to proscribe both religions in 574, in what is now known as the SeCond major anti-Buddhist campaign in Chinese history.13I Xuandi '§W (Yuwen Yun ~)(., r. 578-579) lifted the ban on Buddhism and Daoism, probably under the influence of Chief Minister Yang Jian ~~ (the future Sui Wendi, founder of the Sui dynasty), who had kept his Buddhist faith during those turbulent years. 132 However, the Buddhist community of Chang'an had already lost a number of eminent Buddhists, some of whom had fled south. 133 With the founding of the Western Wei in 535, Chang'an experienced a second renaissance that climaxed in the Northern Zhou dynasty. Primary
129 130
Wang 1980, 15; SFHT 1.21-28. See chapters 3 and 4.
Ch'en 1%4,190-94. ZS'7.121; 5.85; Tang 1955, 544-45; Ch'en 1964, 196-99. 133 Tang 1955, 538-45; Ch'en 1954, 61-73. 131
132
28/ Sui-TangChang'an
Chang'an Before the Sui /
infonnation on palatial and other major structures of Chang'an under the Northern Zhou has been comparatively well preserved. 134 It testifies to the significant contributions of the Northern Zhou to Chang'an's continued urban revival and growth. The Northern Zhou set up the archaiC court system, resurrected the ancient rituals, and expanded the palace complex. The city, although more than 700 years old, showed no signs of imminent collapse. But a sudden dynastic change in 581 was to spell doom for Han Chang'an.
*
*
*
*
*
When Han Gaozu built Han Chang'an, he was concerned about the consolidation of his power. The capital began not as one urban center but as two adjacent complexes, the Changle and the Weiyang Palaces. Chief Minister Xiao He justified the extravagance of the Weiyang Palace by stressing, "Grandeur is the only thing that can establish authority.,,135 Under Huidi, the walls of Chang'an expanded the capital's size and defmed its outer contour. Twelve city gates were constructed. The irregular, yet roughly squarish walled area and the even distribution of three gates on a side (though they rarely matched the gates of the opposite side) suggest that the builders sought to confonn to a symmetrical plan that followed numerological symbolism. 136 With the entrenchment of the ruling house of Liu, the Han sovereign shifted the focus of the capital from its political and residential functions to its macrocosmic significance in order to provide divine sanction for continued government. 137 Wudi, the last Han ruler to significantly transfonn the landscape of Han Chang'an, built palace complexes in both the city and the suburban Imperial Park. In pursuit of immortality, he also set up the fabulous suburban Jianzhang Palace as a heavenly court on earth. 138 Before he replaced the Fonner Han with his Xin dynasty, Wang Mang added a religious dimension to the capital by creating a host of ritual structures in the southern suburbs. Of these, the Hall of Brilliance proved to be the most controversial, for it gave concrete expression to Wang's claim to be the
134
Wang Zhongluo (1980,8-15) provides the most complete infonnation on the city.
135
HS l.xia.64.
136 Traditionally, Han Chang'an was also referred to as Doucheng 4JJ£ (Dipper City) on the grounds that its layout corresponded to the constellations Ursa Minor and Ursa Major. It is difficult to detennine whether such correspondence was initially intended by the city's planners or was ascribed to it later by scholars. See SFllT 1.18-19. Also see Wheatley 1971,443; Wu 1995, 157-58. 137 Wu 1995, 157-59. 138
On Wudi's construction of the Jianzhang Palace and its rationale, see Wu 1995, 173-76.
29
reincarnation of the Duke of ZhOU. 139 The intense ritual activities Wang carried out at this and other ritual centers testify to his desire to acquire supernal and supernatural sanction. They may well reflect his anxiety as usurper of the Han empire who had come to power through palace intrigue and regicide. Although destroyed in A.D. 24, Han Chang'an rose again. From the Western Jin to the early Sui, the city served as capital for eight more dynasties. Most sovereigns who came to dominate Chang'an were of northern, non-Han extraction: Xiongnu (Fonner Zhao), Jie (Later Zhao), Di (Fonner Qin), Qiang (Later Qin), and Xianbei (Northern Wei, Western Wei, and Northern Zhou). With the exception of the Later Zhao, which controlled Chang'an through a local governor, these non-Han regimes all established their capitals at Chang'an. Rivaled by capital cities elsewhere, such as Luoyang, Jiankang, and Ye, Chang'an in this period never functioned as the national capital of a united China. As political fragmentation continued, post-Han Chang'an became marginalized and was often neglected. However, this did not prevent its rulers from having imperial pretensions. They set up the ritual centers typical of a Chinese capital, the Ancestral Temple and the Altars of State, and sponsored state Confucianism. The Xiongnu leader Liu Yao, having destroyed the Western Jin dynasty and trampled Luoyang and Chang'an, turned around and built a Grand Academy and an Academy of Classical Studies once he had settled in as sovereign of the Fonner Zhao dynasty. The Fonner Qin emperor Fu Yonggu frequented the Grand Academy in an attempt to actively promote Confucianism. Under the Later Qin emperor Yao Xing, Chang'an attracted many Confucian scholars. The restoration of Confucian rituals harking back to Western Zhou times, first initiated in Chang'an by Wang Mang under the Xin dynasty, was carried to new heights by Yuwen Tai under the Western Wei dynasty. The Northern Zhou court revived a whole range of Confucian state rituals, including those associated with the Hall of Brilliance. The landscape of Chang'an was transfonned by the creation of a Western Zhou-style palace complex. Such archaist practices were to help shape Sui-tang Chang'an. Buddhism in Chang'an had also made great advances by the 400s. The presence of eminent Buddhist scholars such as Kumarajlva and Faxian no doubt enhanced the city's reputation as a major Buddhist center for clergy and laYman alike. However, the Buddhist community suffered immensely during two antiBuddhist campaigns carried out first by Northern Wei Taiwudi in 446 and then by Northern Zhou Wudi in 574. In 574, Daoism, traditionally Buddhism's archrival, was suppressed as well. But these devastating interludes proved to be only temporary setbacks. From A.D. 24 until its official abandonment by Sui Wendi in 583, Han Chang'an maintained its Fonner Han layout. It appears that Fonner Han 139
Wu 1995, 185-87.
30/ Sui-Tang Chang'an complexes such as the Weiyang Palace and some city gates were in use throughout the entire 559-year period: 40 At the same time, post-Han Chang'an was susceptible to architectural trends elsewhere in China. The practice of building a Taiji Basilica, believed to have been pioneered by the Cao-Wei in Luoyang, had carried over to Chang'an by 352. By identifying the central palace structure with Taiji-the Grand Culmen, the heavenly abode of the Celestial Emperor-this convention added a supernal dimension to the earthly residence of his terrestrial doppelganger, the Son of Heaven. Sovereigns of succeeding dynasties continued this convention for the remainder of Han Chang'an's lifespan, and it was eventually adopted in the successor city Sui-Tang Chang'an. From the beginning of the first century to the early fourth century, three end-of-dynasty upheaVals devastated city buildings and depleted the urban population: the Red Eyebrows Rebellion, which led to the burning of the city in and Guo Si WrB in 195 on the eve of A.D. 24; the contlict between Li lue the collapse of the Later Han; and the conquest of Chang' an by the Xiongnu in 316, which precipitated the fall of the Western lin dynasty. Yet, after every major calamity, Chang'an always came back to life. In 582, however, one year after he had replaced the Northern Zhou dynasty with his Sui dynasty, Wendi decided that it was time to start anew. Upon the completion in 583 of a new capital named Daxingcheng *~, located southeast of Han Chang'an, Wendi abandoned the old city and had its royal palaces submerged under water. 141
z The Morphological Genesis of Daxingcheng-Chang'an The streams of Ch'in lend grandeur to the imperial residence; Han Vale lends might to the august dwelling. Ornate halls rise a thousand yards, Touring palaces, a hundred spans and more. Interlocking tiles distantly touch the Han on high; Soaring belvederes remotely pierce the void. Clouds and sun are hidden in the storied gatetowers; Wind and mist emerge from the figured tracery.
*ft
140 The Han palaces may have been rebuilt on their original premises. 141 Wang 1980, 8. The Weiyang Palace, however, seems to have survived into Tang times. Taizong is said to have entertained his father there in early 634 (the day of wuwu Jj(;qo. of the twelfth month, Zbenguan 7). See ZZTJI94.6103.
-Li Shimin :$:t!!:.!§':; (Tang Taizong)1 hese lines, written by the second emperor of the Tang, descnbe a Chang'an that lay southeast of the Han city. The new capital, Daxingcheng-Chang'an (see Maps 1.2,2.1), commissioned in 582-583 by Sui Wendi, was beyond doubt the grandest city in medieval China. Its symmetrical design, orthogonal layout, closed ward structure, and overall scale have attracted much scholarly attention. The morphology of cities, especially capital cities, is one of the few aspects of premodern urban China that is well documented both in texts and archaeologically. As a result, it has been a broadly discussed issue in premodern Chinese urbanism. Comparing the layout of a Chinese city with those of its predecessors and with contemporary urban centers elsewhere may shed light on the origins of the city and possible non-Han influences in its design. The location of various functional quarters-the palace, markets, and residential and religious areas-;>oint to the ritual, political, and socioeconomic concerns of its planners. Descriptions of Daxingcheng-Chang' an are found in a number of contemporary sources, including the Sui shu 1lJi:§ (SuS), Tang liudian nlft>::!14 (TLD), and Liangjing xinji. Maps drawn by Song scholars have survived into modem
T
1 This is the first often poems entitled "On the Imperial Capital" ("Dijing pian" 'o1'J?:m by Li Shimin (Quan Tang sm ~ [QTh11.1). Translation by Wilhelm and Knechtges 1987, 16-17. An alternative translation appears in Owen 1977, 55-56.
31
32 / Sui-Tang Chang'an times. In the early nineteenth century when the Qing scholar Xu Song wrote his monumental work on Tang Chang'an and Luoyang, he relied heavily on a Song map (Chang'an tu ~III) by Cheng Dachang ~~ and Li Haowen *Hr",~ for morphological information on the city. In the early twentieth century modem scholars began to reexamine the morphology of Sui-Tang Chang'an in terms of cultural diffusion. This endeavor was pioneered by two great historians of SuiTang China, Naba Toshisada of Japan, and Chen Yinke ofChina. 2
Diffusionist Hypotheses Naba Toshisada and Chen Yinke pin their proposed diffusionist theories on the origins of Daxingcheng-Chang'an.3 More than half a century has passed since they advanced their hypotheses, yet the theory of Chen Yinke, arguably the most influential twentieth-century scholar of Sui-Tang history, continues to carry great weight in Sui-Tang studies.4 Because Chen's theory is founded in part on Naba's hypothesis, it will be useful to begin with a brief examination of Naba's argument regarding "northern influence." Naba maintains that the layout of Daxingcheng-Chang'an varied in many ways from the prescriptions of the Kaogong ji :?tI~c (Book ofArtificers), the accepted canonical work on architecture. Naba is at ·pains to link the northern non-Han ethnic origins of Daxingcheng-Chang'an's planners with their unconventional approach to city planning. In a sweeping survey of capital cities from the 1bree Kingdoms period to the Northern Dynasties, Naba identifies two categories of urban centers: l) conventional cities planned according to the prescriptions of the Kaogong ji, such as the Northern City of Ye (Yebeicheng lI~tJ:JilG) and Wei-Jin Luoyang, both built by Han Chinese when the Central Plain was still under their control; and 2) unconventional cities such as Northern Wei Luoyang and the Southern City of Ye (Yenancheng ~lW:I)£), built by northern non-Han planners.s The key prescriptions that Naba cites in examining
Naba 1930,1248-54; Chen 1977,62-81. On the theory of secondary diffilsion and its relevance to ancient China, see Wheatley 1971, 6-8. On the importance of diffilsionist theories in twentieth-century archaeology, see Daniel 1981, 113-15. 4 On Chen Yinke's contributions to Sui-Tang studies, see Twitchett 1979, 10-11. Chen's theory is often accepted uncritically. See Okazaki 1987,41; Song 1983,36-37; Wright 1979, 78-79. Cen Zhongmian, another great scholar of Sui-Tang history, refutes Chen's theory in his Sui Tang shi. But his critique is brief, impressionistic, and unpersuasive (see Cen 1982,30). S Located in present-day Linzhang, Hebei, the historic city of Ye had two parts, northem and southern. The Northern City was enclosed under the Cao-Wei. In the early sixth 2
3
Morphological Genesis /
33
these cities are contained in the passage, "The Ancestral Temple should be on the left [east] and the Altars of State on the right [west]. The court should be in front [south], and the market in the rear [north]" (zuo zu you she mian chao hou shi tc*.H~±ffii~J.H&rjJ).6 According to Naba, the frrst group of cities conformed to these standards, while the second ignored them. The unorthodox practice of positioning the market south of the court (palace) persisted in Daxingcheng-Chang'an, which Naba ascribes to the "pragmatism" of the northern non-Han people. 7 Naba deserves much credit for pioneering the diffusionist theory on the building of Daxingcheng-Chang'an, but his work lacks archaeological data and is flawed by his limited documentary research. A more thorough investigation shows that the four cities he chose do not fit his two categories. 8 Another major problem concerns the origins of the Kaogong ji itself. A work of possible Warring States vintage, it was substituted for the lost chapter "Dongguan" ~'§ ("Winter Officers") in the Zhou Ii during the late Former Han dynasty.9 Because the Kaogong ji was clearly an interpolation, it is possible that for the Han and immediately following dynasties, the key passage quoted above was not considered the locus classicus it was to become in later ages. Chen Yinke agrees with Naba that the layout of Daxingcheng-Chang'an showed much outside influence. However, Chen is convinced that Naba is wrong to seek the source of that influence in the north. For Chen, it emanated from the northwest with its close cultural links to Central Asia. The linchpin ofChen 's theory is his identifying an otherwise little-known city, Guzang ~~, as the prototype for Daxingcheng-Chang'an. 10 Chen's theory proceeds as follows: Li Gao *~ (r. 400-417) ruled the Western Liang gs ~ dynasty (400-421), which was based in Dunhuang ~, near Guzang. The market in Guzang was located in the south-an unconventional practice according to the standards of the Kaogongji. This practice was brought to the Central Plain by the main architect of Northern Wei Luoyang, Li Chong *r~ (450-498), the great-grandson ofLi Gao. 1I The legacy of Guzang
century, an extension was added to its south, which came to be known as the Southern City. 6 Translated in accordance with Zheng Xuan's interpretation. See Zhou Ii zhushu J'liltl
?3:i6If (ZL) 41.289. 7
Naba 1930, 1248-54. "Pragmatism" is a translation of the Japanese tenn jikk6sei
. $ , which suggests an emphasis on practice over theory. critical review of Nab a's theory, see Xiong 1987, 137-45. Karlgren 1931, 2-8. 10 The site of Guzang is located in present-day Wuwei, Gansu.
8 For a 9
11
Chen 1977,68-70.
34 / Sui-Tang Chang'an then passed from Northern Wei Luoyang to Daxingcheng-Chang'an via Yuwen Kai ~:>c~, He Chou Wffflj, and Yan Pi Mm./t, three great civil engineers of nonHan descent who added exotic touches to the plan ofthe Sui city. 12 Chen's theory, sophisticated as it is, is marred by a number of factual errors. Guzang, the alleged prototype for Luoyang and Daxingcheng-Chang'an, had never been under Li Gao's control. Moreover, Chen's hypothesis on the southern location of the market is based on his misreading of a passage from the Shuijing zhu **,1tl: (River Classic Commentary) and thus is not credible.13 Li Chong, the great-grandson ofLi Gao, was raised in the Central Plain area. When he died in 498 the three market districts all lay outside the inner city. They were not enclosed within the city until the construction of the outer walls in 501. Obviously, the city Li Chong helped to create was Luoyang's inner city, and the placement of the suburban markets was probably irrelevant to its design.14 As to the three great civil engineers, there is no evidence that either Yan Pi or He Chou was of non-Han descent Yuwen Kai did descend from a Xianbei family, but his forebears had been active only in the northern and northeastern parts of China, and he and his father were fairly sinified. There is no substantial evidence linking him with the northwest.!; I am not suggesting the complete absence of outside influence on the planning of Daxingcheng-Chang' an, but I am not convinced by the evidence
12 Chen 1977, 79-80. 13 The Shuijing zhu passage reads: "The seat of Liang Prefecture [Guzang] is shaped like a dragon and this eams it the name 'City of the Sleeping Dragon.' Seven Ii north-south by 3 Ii east-west, it was originally built by the Xiongnu and was inhabited by the Zhang lineage for generations. Four more sectors in the suburbs were then incorporated into it; each was 1,000 bu in length. In the east sector fruit trees were planted; it was called the 'Jiangwu tract' (~~). In the north sector fruit trees were [also] planted; it was called the 'Xuanwu seedbeds' (~JEtIilD). In all of them stood palace structures. The central sector had four seasonal palaces, which [the sovereign] visited in turn according to the season. In all, there were five sectors, including the original city (ftif~~1i)." Chen believes that the measurements 7 by 3 Ii were those of the city after the enlargement. Because of the narrow width of the enlarged city, he concludes that there was room for a marketplace only in the south. However, since I Ii equaled 300 bu, and 1,000 bu (the length of each added sector) was more than 3 Ii, the Shuijing zhu count of 7 by 3 Ii can only refer to the city before the expansion. Consequently, the enlarged city may have grown to as much as 13 Ii north-south and 9 Ii east-west, offering ample space for markets in any quarter. See SJZ 40.3355. Translation based on Xiong 1987, 145-46. On the Ii !! and bu ?l7 measurements, see Wu 1937, 19; cf. Chen 1977,69-70. 14 Bei shi ~I:!£ (BS) 100.3329-33; Ye 1986, 2:105; Wang 1982, 38, and Fig. 37. Note that Fig. 37 is a map of Northern Wei Luoyang, not a "Plan of the Eastern Han City of Luoyang," as it is labeled. I; Xiong 1987, 145-57; Tanaka 1978, 123-26.
Morphological Genesis /
35
Naba and Chen present. As a consequence, I seek the morphological genesis of the Sui capital elsewhere, in the planning of the city.
The Edict of 582 On July 29,582 (the 23rd [bingshen P9'$] of the sixth month, Kaihuang 2) Sui Wendi promulgated an edict from Han Chang'an that offers a rare glimpse into the decision-making process concerning a change of capitals: I, the emperor, having received [the mandate] of Heaven, reign over the world. Witnessing the devastation of the people,16 I reside in the palace of previous dynasties. [I have] always believed that those who build [a capital] toil hard, while those who inhabit it live in comfort. Thus I have never had the courage to contemplate the matter of change and reconstruction. Yet, in their memorials, the princes, dukes, and ministers all say that from Xi • [Fwd {j(.] and Nong • [Shennong =MI.] to Ji [of the Zhou] and Liu ~J [of the Han], the capital was moved, even within the same dynasty, and no dynastic change ever took place without a change of capitals. [Yet,] since Cao V!f [the Cao-Wei dynasty] and Ma,~ [Sima j§J,~, i.e., the Western Jin], [the use of the same capital, Han Chang'an] has continued. This typifies the complacent mediocrity of a last sovereign rather than the greatness of a sage-king of old. This city has been in disrepair long since the Han dynasty. On numerous occasions it has been used as a battlefield. For a prolonged period of time it has been plagued by devastating turmoil. 17 Its existing palaces were mostly built as temporary expedients. No divinations were conducted either by way of yarrow sticks or oracle bones. Astrology was not consulted, nor was the sun's movement measured. Thus it is unworthy of being an imperial city and a gathering place of the masses. [My princes and ministers] have discussed the matter of change for both secret and obvious reasons. Their petitions have been persistent, and their words and feelings profound. Still, the capital is the seat of all officialdom and the center of the four seas, and I claim no sole ownership of it. If [the proposed move] will benefit all creatures, how can [it] be ignored? Moreover, on each of the five occasions when the Yin ~ [Shang il'ti] court moved the capital for fear its people would die out, [it] referred to (divinatory predictions on] propitious and ominous areas to take control of its destiny. [My] planning to replace the old with the new is comparable to a farmer looking forward to the autumn harvest. Our toil now is for the purpose of
*
16 For Ji51:.AzlIIt the Bei shi reads .1:..zl/l5(. Shengren 1:.A generally means "human beings," while shengling 1:.11 may cover a much wider range to mean "all sentient beings including humans." The character zhu JIiI is short for zhumu 115 El meaning "to witness." See SuS 1.17-18; BS 11.407; CFYG 13.151-52. 17 ~iL. Jiu Wis a variant ofjiu :;.., meaning "of long duration."
36 / Sui-Tang Chang'an peaceful existence in the future. Today, the country is at peace, and yin and yang are in right order. [We will] move the capital in a time of peace, so that [the people] will not complain. is The Longshou Mountain area, with its picturesque rivers and plains, is rich in trees and flowers. Having divined the area's productivity and surveyed the land by geomancy [xiangtu :fI3±], [We] consider the site appropriate for the new capital. [Here] the capital's foundation l9 will remain firm, and here will our accomplishment stand forever. 2o As far as private and government quarters are concerned, such matters as scale, size, and expenses should be reported item by item to the emperor as they arise.21 From this we can see that Wendi justified his new construction project on the following key bases: 1. There were historical precedents for moving the capital. 2. The continued use of Han Chang'an as capital after the Han signified the complacency of previous regimes, from which Wendi wished to distance himself. . 3. The existing capital was inadequate in architectural terms. The site was also poorly chosen because its builders failed to conduct geomantic and astrological divinations. 4. In view of the inadequacy of the old capital, the princes and ministers suggested that a !lew one be built. 5. An appropriate site had been found for the new capital. The histories suggest at least two additional reasons why Wendi wanted to relocate. First, the psychological burden of continuing to reside in the same city where he had committed regicide must have been great. When Wendi (then Yang Jian) forced the Northern Zhou child-emperor Jingdi ~* to abdicate and
18 This is an allusion to the last move of the capital under the Shang dynasty. Between the reigns of Tang ~ and Pan'geng ~, the Shang court moved five times. When Pan'geng was about to move the capital to Yin, his people complained strongly against it. Nevertheless, the move was carried out and a period of renaissance followed. Here Wendi implies that his move can be accomplished without even disturbing the people. See Shangshu zhengyi f.!;jffiE~ (SS) 9.56b; SJ 3.1 02. 19 mz~. Literally it means ''the foundation on which the tripods rest." Here the allusion is to the legendary Nine Tripods of antiquity, which were synonymous with dynastic power. See Wu 1995,72. 20 Thilo (1997, 2) translates this sentence as: ein Werk ohne Ende liegt hier beschlossen (here is contained an endless work). 21 SUS 1.17-18. Also see CFYG 13.152. The last phrase is 1Ill$~~, for which the.Bei shi reads I\\I$H, meaning: "should be repaired as they arise," which does not seem to make much sense. Cf. BS 11.407.
Morphological Genesis /
37
ascended the throne in the second month in 581, he had already ordered the extermination of the princes and dukes of the Northern Zhou Yuwen clan and their offspring. He then moved quietly to have the former emperor murdered. 22 Second, the 700-year-old city had become too small and overcrowded for a capital, and its water source had turned brackish over time. After Wendi was sickened one night by a nightmare in which the city was flooded, Su Wei ?!i*~, one of Wendi's most trusted ministers, approached the emperor with a proposal for building a new capital.2J Thus we can discern that Wendi had three levels of concern: historical, pragmatic, and cosmomagical. Citing the memorials by his ministers and courtiers, Wendi demonstrates that building a new capital was part of the natural process of dynastic change. His reference to the dilapidated state of the Han capital and its unsavory water builds a pragmatic case for the move. But all of this is overshadowed by Wendi's greater concern about the cosmomagical aspect of city planning. Cosmomagical guidelines were to playa critical role in shaping the new capital project.
The Builders of Daxingcheng Upon issuing the edict on building the new capital, the emperor appointed a group of high-ranking officials to supervise its planning. Headed by Chief Minister Gao Jiong t'l'IJ~, the group included Liu Long !itl~, president of the Court for Construction (jiangzuo dajiang ~~H'F*fl!J; Helou Zigan ~~-:f~, the commandery duke of Julu (Julu jungong ~~0), who was to become president of the Board of Construction (gongbu shangshu I$M6~); and Gao Longcha r'i'U'ftx, vice-president of the Court of the Treasury (taifu shaoqing *lffo/WlJ).24 As director-general of new capital construction, Gao Jiong was credited with founding the city.25 Then Yuwen Kai, a controversial figure of multiple talents, appeared on the scene as vice director-general of the project. His duties ranged from plotting the various functional areas to architectural design. In view of the unique role Yuwen played in creating the new capital, it is appropriate to give a brief account of his life and achievements.
ZZTJ 174.5415, 5420, 5429; 175.5433, 5436, 5441. On Wendi's nightmare, see ZZTJ IS2.5695; Sl'JH 1.3. On the condition of the city and Su Wei's proposal, see ZZTJ 175.5457.
22
±l
24 SuS
l.lS. Apart from this passage, documentary and epigraphic evidence elsewhere indicates the appointment of other high-ranking officials to the group of directors, including Li Xun *~, Yu Chuze ~~~U, and Zhang Jiong ~~. See Xin 1991, 1-3. 25 SuS 4l.l180; TLD 7.216, commentary.
38 /
Sui-Tang Chang'an
Ethnically, Yuwen Kai belonged to the Xianbei, originally a nomadic nonHan people that settled in and came to dominate North China. 26 His surname was identical with that of the royal family of the Northern Zhou dynasty, but his blood ties with that dynastic line must have been distant. This would explain why he escaped the eradication of the Yuwen family ordered by Wendi. 27 According to his biography in the Bei shi ~t~(BS), Yuwen Kai's father, Yuwen Gui ¥:>cJt, studied Confucian learning with a mentor when he was young. But he would often drop his books and sigh, "A real man should, sword in hand, fight his way on horseback to a dukedom or marquisate. How can he expect to be a doctor [in Chinese classics]?" Yuwen Gui failed to distinguish himself in classical scholarship, but he succeeded in achieving rank and fame on the battlefield. By the time he died in 567, he had already been awarded the highest rank of distinction, the grand guardian (taibao *i~O, one of the three titles known collectively as the three dukes (sangong '='0), reserved for the three most respected people in the nation. 28 Thre.e of his sons are mentioned in the Sui shu. Yuwen Shan ¥:>c~ and Yuwen Xin ¥:>ctff were both well known for their military skills. This was in keeping with family tradition, since the Yuwens descended from a long line of generals.29 However, the third son, Yuwen Kai, was different. Unlike his brothers who excelled in horsemanship and archery, he studied and read extensively.30 Although Q.fXianbei descent, Yuwen Gui, the father; already demonstrated . a fair degree of sinification. Judging from accounts of his early training, it is safe to say that he must have retained some knowledge of Confucian learning. But because he and Yuwen Kai's brothers all pursued military careers, it is possible that Kai did not enjoy full family support in his pursuit of scholarship. Nonetheless, he managed to become an accomplished scholar, well versed in Confucian classics and familiar with textual criticism, an art unusual even among his Han peers. 3! While Yuwen Kai was absent from early discussions on the new ~pital, he played a crucial part in its construction. According to the Sui shu, "Although
Xiong 1987, 15~. 27 SUS 68.1587.
26
BS60.2137-39; Wang 1979,8-10. SUS 40.1165-67. 30 SUS 68.1587. For a modem account ofYuwen Kai's life and career, see Tanaka 1978, 223-25. In this otherwise excellent study, Tanaka uncritically follows the flawed theories advanced by NaiJa Toshisada and Chen Yinke. 3! Xiong 1987, 155-56.
28
29
Morphological Genesis /
39
Gao Jiong was in charge of the overall project, all the actual planning emanated from Yuwen Kai."32
Divinatoty and Numerological Influences The emperor may have decided to move the capital for a number of reasons, but the activities that set the whole project in motion were much more focused. They were part of a centuries-old cosmomagical tradition. 33 In studying the origin of the city, one is struck by the importance of divination, especially in the initial planning stages. One night in 582 (the sixth month of Kaibuang 2), the emperor discussed his project for a new capital with his two chief ministers, Gao Jiong and Su Wei. 34 According to the histories, the next day, knowing nothing of the emperor's desires, the diviner Yu Jicai ~*:t35 presented a memorial: "I have observed astrological signs in Heaven and spirit writs on earth. 36 Oracle bone divinations have produced propitious results: The capital will be moved." He went on to entreat the emperor to act, "I sincerely hope that Your Majesty will act on the wish of Heaven and man and plan to move the capital." Marveling at Yu's magical powers, the emperor accepted the proposal and awarded him 300 duan ~7 of silk, two horses, and the title of duke. The emperor then said, "From now on, I, the emperor, am convinced of the existence of the way ofHeaven.,,38 To assure the prosperity of the city for generations to come, divinations were conducted to locate a geomantically favorable site. 39 The layout of the city when built exemplified par excellence the long-standing cosmological tradition in Chinese city-planning. The concepts of axiality and symmetry were carried out to perfection. The city was divided into two identical halves by an axis that originated in the Palace City in the northernmost part of the city and ran south through the Imperial City and along Zhuquemen Street (*,*r'j{jj) into the 32 Of course there were limitations imposed from above. See the edict of 582 above. SUS 68.1587; Chen 1977, 74-76. 33 For an excellent in-depth discussion of the cosmomagical element in premodern Chinese urbanism, see Wheatley 1971,411-51. 34 Although the event is not dated in SUS, it is placed in the sixth month of 582 in the Zizhi tongjian (ZZT.I). See SUS 78.1766; ZZTJ175.5457. 5 3 The Sui shu (Zhonghua edition) reads Geng /j! for Yu ~ in the subtitle of his biography. See SUS 78.1764. 36 m~~~. Here tulu III~ is the same as hifi lII~c. Cf. HHS 82.shang.2713. 37 One duanis onehalfofapi ~(bolt). 38 SuS 78.1766. 39 SUS 78.1764. On the irnportance of the Yijingto geomancy, see Feuchtwang 1974,72-95.
40 / Sui-Tang Chang'an southern suburbs. The planners divided the city's residential quarters into 109 wards (Ii !I! or fang :J;1j) at the outset, following a pattern of obvious numerological significance.4o Each column in the eastern (Map 2.l, H-J) and western (A-C) parts of the city was composed of thirteen wards from north to south. (The irregularity of 1-2H, and 3-4J is due to later alterations.) The niagical number thirteen symbolized twelve months plus an intercalary month in the lunar-solar calendar year. The four columns south of the Imperial City (5130-0) were a reference to the four seasons, while the nine rows ranged from north to south in the same area recalled the nine-chariot-track span (jiukui M) prescribed for each major avenue in the Kaogong ji. 41 The numerological symbolism, then, indicated the spatial and temporal centrality ofthe city, which was proper to an imperial capital. 42
The Canonical Paradigm: The Kaogong ji In their arguments, diffusionists like Naba and Chen see outside influences at work in the layout of Daxingcbeng-Chang'an and propose that Yuwen Kai disregarded certain prescriptions for capital-building laid down in the Kaogong ji. Given other problems in their work, these scholars may have exaggerated the sacrosanct nature of the Kaogong ji as a canon of architecture. It is true that this work is the most venerable source on the ancient architectural tradition,43 but in their eagerness to prove their theories, Naba and Chen focus on the text's prescriptions for palace and market location to the exclusion of everything else. To do justice to the layout of Daxingcheng-Chang'an requires a multifaceted approach. In Sui times, two cosmomagical paradigms were at work in city planning. The first was the canonical paradigm presented in the Kaogong ji. The second was the geomantic paradigm, which sought to maximize luck and avoid misfortune. This was achieved by positioning houses or graves on the basis of divined topographical signs. Although fundamentally different, both the
40 On the exact number of the wards, see chapter 8. 41 I follow Xu Song's interpretation. See rUCFK 2.34. The terrnjiukui (nine tracks) also refers to "the nine thoroughfares of the city." 420tagi 1994,70 n. 7. 43 See Jia Gongyan's Jf0g comment on the Han scholar Liu Xin ~JllX, who substituted the Kaogong ji for the lost "Dongguan" chapter. ZL, "Xu Zhou Ii feixing"
ffmlU!Il.4.
Morphological Genesis / 41 Kaogong ji and geomancy are based on cosmological concepts and contain magical elements. 44 The entire Kaogongji passage on capital building reads: When the capital city is planned by the architect, it should measure nine Itl5 by nine, with three gates on each side. Inside the city nine longitudinal streets are crossed by nine latitudinal streets. Each of them should have nine chariot tracks. The Ancestral Temple should be oil the left [east] and the Altars of State on the right [west]. The coUrt should be in front [south], and the market in the rear [north].46 Cosmomagical concepts give power to these fundamental prescriptions for the capital. The nine-li-by-nine measurement was traditionally interpreted as the standard for the capital of a dukedom.47 The square shape and the number nine (or twelve according to some scholars) symbolized royal spatial dominance. Twelve city gates (three on each side), the prescribed standard for a residence of the Son of Heaven, were believed to correspond to the earthly branches of the duodecimal cycle.48 The branches, which are the basis for numerous magical formulae, indicated temporal control. The desirability of locating the Ancestral Temple to the east was a tradition attributed by the scholars Zheng Xuan and Kong Yingda to the Zhou dynasty, which honored left above right. 49 The Kaogongji provides prescriptions for the shape of the city, the number and location of its gates, the road network, and the location of ritual centers, palaces, and markets. I will briefly reassess these prescriptions and examine how and whether they were applied in Daxingcheng-Chang'an.5o
By quoting the French scholar L. Bezacier, Feuchtwang seems to identifY the Zhou Ii, which contains the Kaogong ji, with the geomantic tradition, although he gives no reasons for doing so. Arthur Wright regards the two as belonging to two different traditions. I agree with Wright. See Wright 1977, 54, 56. Cf. Feuchtwang 1974,228-29. 45 One Ii equaled 414 m in late Eastern Zhou times. There were 1,800 chi in a Zhou fi (Wu 1937,96-97), and I chi was approximately 0.23 m (Liang 1980, 540). 46 This translation is based on Xiong 1988, with some modifications. It follows Zheng Xuan's interpretation. See ZL 41.289a. 47 ~j;;: ~*~:tI£jj, :Z}Z~M. SeeZL 41.289b, subcommentary. 48 7CT+=~~Jm+-T. See ZL 41.289b-c, commentary by Zheng Xuan. The duodecimal cycle is usually used in designating the twelve time divisions of the day, or is matched with the twelve animal signs. It also forms part of the sexagenary cycle, typically used for designating years. 49 LJ 48.373b, commentary. 50 For more detailed infonnation on the study, see Xiong 1988.
44
Morphological Genesis / 43
42 / Sui-TangChang'an The Ideal Shape The Kaogong ji calIs for a nine-li-by-nine square shape for the capital. Builders of capitals had basically ignored this principle from Han times, because it was difficult to implement. Capital cities were often organic cities, urban centers that evolved over time, which could not be enclosed in a perfect square. Even with planned cities, practical and geomantic considerations often made it impossible to realize this ideal urban shape. Daxingcheng-Chang' an, which measured 8,651.7 meters (north-south) by 9,721 meters (east-west),51 came closer to the ideal shape than any other major historical city.
Gates According to the Kaogongji, gates should be linked east-west and-northsouth by a network of main streets. When Daxingcheng was built, three gates were planned for each of the four city waIls. The three east-west avenues linked the three east gates with their counterparts in the west. But the Imperial City, the Palace City, and Xinei Park beyond blocked symmetrical placement of the three northern gates (Guanghua :>'t1t to the west, Jingyao _ in the middle, and Fanglin 7S'f* to the east). The city planners placed these in the western section of the northern wall, and only the Fanglin Gate (Hualin Gate ~f*r~ in Sui times)52 was linked by a thoroughfare to a southern entrance, the Anhua Gate (3i.'1tr~).53 The Xing' an Gate (Jl.3i.'r~) was added to the eastern section of the northern city wall in 583. With regard to gates, then, the planners seem to have tried to follow the Kaogong ji. Only the location of the Palace City prevented complete compliance.
The Road Network The Sui capital had a total of fourteen east-¥Vest streets and eleven northsouth streets. Since what the Kaogong ji refers to as city streets are only those that penetrate into the city proper, the four streets that ran alongside the city walls can be excluded. That would leave twelve east-west avenues and nine north-south thoroughfares. 54 Here again, the planners ofDaxingcheng-Chang'an
51 Su 1978,409-12. 52 Primary sources usually refer to Sui-Tang structures by their Tang names, sometimes followed by their Sui names. Information on Sui names is incomplete, and so for many Sui-Tang structures, only their Tang names survive. S3
54
TUCFK 2.33-34. TUCFK 2.34; Su 1978,412.
only partially followed the canonical prescription that demands that nine eastwest roads be crossed with nine north-south roads.
Ritual Centers In placing the Ancestral Temple in the east and the Altars of State in the west, the planners no doubt worked within the canonical paradigm. The same principle is found in the Liji as well. 55
Palace and Market The Kaogongji clearly places the imperial court (palace) in the south and the market in the north. 56 It is here that the planners obviously violated the ideal capital layout in Daxingcheng-Chang'an, where the palace area was located in the northernmost part of the city, while the two market areas lay to its south. But in fact, from the end of the Former Han, when the Kaogong ji was incorporated into the Zhou Ii corpus, to the early Sui, no imperial city planners had ever subscribed to the principle it laid down concerning the placement of the court and market. Thus, Daxingcheng's deviation should not be considered a sign of outside influence or even a major departure from standard practice. I believe that the rationale for this deviation from the canonical lies, in part, in the other paradigmatic consideration in capital building: geomancy.
The Geomantic Paradigm Because it is customary in the West to classify the ancient Chinese divinatory technique known asfengshui J1\.7J~ as a form of geomancy, I will use "geomancy" in dealing with thefengshui aspects of Sui-Tang Chang'an. However, typical geomantic technique involves divination by examining signs that take shape from scattering a small amount of loose earth on the ground. This is somewhat different fromfengshui, which is closer to a branch of geomancy little known outside East Asia, namely, topomancy. Fengshui is a reading of the topographical and architectural elements in a landscape; its primary function is to prognosticate the future course of events based on the terrain of sites for graves, houses, or towns. The fengshui master or geomancer analyzes and interprets topographical and architectural data according to a complicated system of cosmological symbols, which includes such key elements as the flow of qi ~
S5 S6
U 48.373b. SU 1978,412.
44 / Sui-Tang Chang'an (pneuma) and its impact on the "earth dragon," the five phases, the yin-yang cosmic forces, and the eight trigrams of the Yijing ~~ (Book o/Changes).S7 Geomancy can be traced back at least to the end of the Fonner Han dynasty. The first widely recognized geomancer was Guo Pu n~ of the Western lin, who is considered by many to be the progenitor of this practice. But the real founder of geomancy as we know it today was its great synthesizer, Yang Yunsong ~~~ of the Late Tang. Yang's work represented a watershed in geomantic history. Before him the practice was still in its fonnative phase, but after him it entered a period of maturation and branched into two major schools: the liangxi ("fonn" or luanti mR) school, with its emphasis on dragon symbolism, and the Fujian ("compass" or liqi lO!Il.*") school, with its focus on the eight trigrams of the Yijing and their cosmological significance. 58 In Sui times, a synthesized and highly theorized geomancy like that of Yang Yunsong and the schools that followed him had not yet developed, but the fundamental concepts of the practice must have already been in place. The importance of the geomantic paradigm for the building of the new capital of the Sui is already manifest in Wendi's edict: "Having divined the area's productivity and surveyed the land by geomancy [xiangtu],S9 [We] consider the site appropriate for the new capital." There is also ample evidence of the use ofgeomancy in the planning of Daxingcheng.
Morphological Genesis / 45 The basis of Yijing divination lies with the eight primary trigrams, from which the sixty-four hexagrams derive. When Yuwen detected six ridges that ran from northeast to southwest in the new capital area, he matched them with qian ~, the only hexagram composed of six solid lines, or two qian trigrams. No other trigram is as fraught with royal symbolism as qian, the quintessential graph of Heaven. Thanks to its celestial signification, qian came to be closely identified with the court and its sovereign, and also with the "superior man" or junzi ~ -=f , a figure held up as the paragon ofvirtue. 61 Yuwen Kai distributed the various functional areas of the city by following the symbolism of this hexagram; his general scheme can be seen on the topographical map of Daxingcheng-Chang'an (Map 2.3). The northernmost line or ridge, identified with the lowermost line of the hexagram, runs from northeast to southwest in an area immediately to the north of the northern city wall. 62 The text for this line reads: "Nine at beginning means: Hidden dragon. Do not act" The commentary points out that the line "symbolizes a great man who· is still unrecognized."63 At the bottom of the hexagram, this line is symbolic of the lowest position. 64 No living quarters were planned there; instead it became part of the imperial park area. 6S The second line or ridge runs through the northernmost part of the city. Its text reads: "Nine in the second place means: Dragon appearing in the field. It is advantageous to see the great man."66 Here "the great man makes his appearance
Geomancy and the Planning of Daxingcheng Examining the terrain of the prospective site· for the city, Yuwen Kai attempted to interpret some of its topographical features in tenus of the Yijing. 60
S7 On Chinese geomancy, see Feuchtwang 1974, 5, 224-25, 236-37. On its application to capital planning, with a focus on Beijing (peking), see Meyer 1978. S8 Yu 1991, 30-40; Feuchtwang 1974, 16-18. S9 SUS 1.17-18. Xiangtu, also known asxiangdi;f§!t!!. is a key term in Chinese geomancy. See, for example, Rumen chongli zhezhong kanyu wanxiao lu ~r~~~~~5G~~ (KYWXL) 3.583b--c. Thilo. (1997, 2) translates xiangtu as nach den Vorhersagen uber Eignung des Bodens (following the prediction of the suitability ofthe soil). 60 Cary Baynes's 'English rendering of Richard Wilhelm's German Yijing translation remains the most authoritative version in the WeSt. The German is based on the Zhou yi zhezhong fflJ~1JT1=f:! (An Eclectic Interpretation of the Zhou ylj published in 1715 (Kangxi 54) under the scrutiny of Emperor Kangxi (r. 1661-1722) himself. The standard, officially endorsed interpretation of the Yijing, it includes a number of historical commentaries. When they were translated into German, and then into English, these commentaries were merged into one. This makes it impossible to trace their textual ancestry, which is essential for understanding Yijing scholarship in Sui-Tang times. See Wilhelm and Baynes 1967, lxi; SKTY6.34b--35a
.!ffi
To make up for this deficiency in an otherwise superb English edition, I sometimes refer to a work by the Sui-Tang scholar Kong Yingda, entitled Zhou yi zhengyi fflJ ~ IE. (Zy), and a work by Gao Heng, the foremost Yijing scholar in China, entitled Zhou yi dazhuanjinzhu fflJ~*_~7j: (A Modern Commentary on the Classical Commentary to the Zhou yi). The Classical Commentary to the Zhou yi, which forms the main text of Gao Heng's book, is the most ancient Yijing commentary. It dates back to the Warring States period, and lays the groundwork for subsequent commentaries. 61 Gao 1979, 16-17,25. 62 Consistent with the ancient concept that equates Earth with the north and Heaven with the south, the north is identified with the bottom and the south with the top. Thus the lowermost or fIrSt line is in the northernmost part. To its south run the second line, the third line, and so on, until the uppermost or sixth line in the southernmost part. 63 Wilhelm and Baynes 1967,7, text and commentary. Here "nine" refers to one of the six unbroken lines. I use the term "commentary" to refer to later commentaries on the classical text. They should be distinguished from the classical commentary, known as ihuan or dazhuan, which is included in Book III of the Willielm and Baynes translation. 64 Gao 1979,45. . 65 The Darning Palace was planned in this location more than 50 years later in 634 (Zhenguan 8) by the Tang emperor Taizong. The project was discontinued until Gaozong completed it in 662-663. See ZZTJl 94.61 06-7, 200.6329. 66 Based on Wilhelm and Baynes 1967, 8; modified after the original Chinese.
46 / Sui-Tang Chang'an in his chosen field of activity." There was a wiclely accepted perception that the second place is essentially that of Earth and the subject, even though "such a man is destined to gain great influenCe and to set the world in order.,,67 Yet of all the six lines of the hexagram, only the text for the second and fifth lines explicitly mentions "the great man." While the fifth place is unmistakably a celestial and royal position, the second place, according to Wang Bi ::E~ (226-249), although not exactly royal, is the place of royal virtue. 68 It was here that Yuwen Kai placed the most important structure of Daxingcheng, the Palace City, which would accommodate the emperor and his court. South of the palace is the third line or ridge, which has as its text: "Nine in the third place means: All day long the superior man is diligently active. At nightfall his mind is still beset with cares. Danger. No blame.,,69 The third place concerns the human world and does not possess any royal value, implicit or explicit. The text regards the junzi as a knight or a nobleman. The classical commentary views him as a man of all-around virtue, regardless of rank or status. 70 The Imperial City (Huangcheng £iJ£) waS placed at this mark to house the central government. South of the Imperial City, the fourth line or ridge is interpreted as: "Nine in the fourth place ... Wavering flight over the depths. No blame." Like the third place, the fourth place is a human position. The omitted subject is "the dragon," which, according to the classical commentary, represents the junzi. In this nonroyal yet favorable location, living quarters and markets were built. Further to the south, the fifth line or ridge has as its classical text: ''Nine in the fifth place means: Flying dragon in the heavens. It is advantageous to see the great man.'>71 As one of the two places in the hexagram where the great man makes his appearance, this area symbolizes Heaven, and by inference, the sovereign.72 According to both the Y'ljing text and its classical commentary, this location would have been ideal for the royal residence. In addition, such placement would have complied with the canonical requirement that the market be north of the palace. Why did Yuwen Kai decide not to build the palace here? First of all, to its south was the sixth ridge, which, although celestial in symbolism, suggested arrogance and a sense of alienation from subjects, making 67 Gao 1979, 34; Wilhelm and Baynes 1967, 8. ZY 1.1 b, commentary. 69 Wilhelm and Baynes 1967,8, modified. Note that the original translation of qianqian ~ as "creative" is inaccurate. I render it as "diligent." See zy I.Ic; Gao 1979, 57. 7°Gao 1979, 57-58. 71 Wilhelm and Baynes 1967, 9, modified. Yuanhe junxian tuzhi j(;fl]W",*III~ (YHJXTZ) 1.1-2; zy 1.1-5. 72 Gao 1979,33,43. 68
Morphological Genesis /
47
it an unfit location for any essential quarter of the city.7J This area was better left unsettled or outside the city. That would leave the fifth ridge at the periphery. The Kaogong ji, as understood by scholars at that time, prescribes placing the palace at the center, not on the extreme southern edge, of the city. Of course, it could be argued that the area "in the second place" was peripheral too. Why choose it over the fifth ridge for the palace? The answer probably lies in the contemporary conventions of capital building. After the Former Han the palaces of most dynastic capitals were located in their northern sector; this was true of Jiankang in South China, the Northern City of Ye, Northern Wei Luoyang and the Southern City ofYe. 74 Since the palace site had already been decided upon, the area "in the fifth place," being far removed from it, became an impractical location for royal residences. Yet its obvious association with royal symbolism caused Yuwen Kai to treat it with great caution. Two monasteries, one Daoist and one Buddhist, were built on each side of the main north-south thoroughfare. 7s By invoking the magical and protective powers of these religious institutions, Yuwen Kai attempted to counteract the potential power of the place to produce a contender for the throne. The sixth ridge or line, which runs through the extreme south of the city, has as its classical text: ''Nine at the top means: Arrogant dragon will have cause to repent.,,76 Because this was not a particularly good omen,77 and because the area was far from the essential northern part of the capital, it remained only sparsely populated and differed little from the rural suburbs south of the city. 78
Yuwen Kai and the Geomancy Question Yuwen Kai's effort to interpret earth ridges according to the Yijing text and classical commentary links the planning ofDaxingcheng-Chang'an to one of the most fundamental elements in geomancy, namely, the earth dragon. This is. not the mythical animal revered as the imperial symbol. rather it is the very animation of the landscape. It is through the dragon that the earth's qi flows. As described by Feuchtwang: "Mountain ridges, in fact any line of raised 7J Gao 1979,33,59. 74 Ye 1986,2:104, 123, 127. 7S
rLJCFK 2.38; 4.95.
76 Wilhelm and Baynes 1967,9. 77 Gao 1979, 59. 78 Naba Toshisada dismisses the whole concept as absurd, a view accepted by some scholars. Cf. Naba 1930, 126~9; Wright 1977, 56, 686 n. 74; Thilo 1997, 326. For a different view, see Ma 1983; Seo 1992, 9-10; Xiong 1987, 149-52.
48 / Sui-Tang Chang'an topographical formation, are called the dragon's veins or pulse, with ch'i [qi] being dragon's blood.,,79 Yuwen Kai's approach reflected his macrocosmic concern, but it differs from accepted standards of geomancy. A conventional geomantic approach would require matching the city layout not with a single hexagram or trigrani, but with the eight trigrams as arranged on the ancient diagram of the Posterior Heavens (houtian t&*), also known as the Luoshu m~ (see Fig. 2.1). Epigraphic evidence from the reign of Sui Wendi suggests that the symbolic system associated with conventional geomancy was already well known. The epitaph stone from the joint burial of General Ma Zhi ,w,~ and his wife, dating to A.D. 600, features a ring of eight trigrams around the central inscription (Fig. 2.2). The eight trigrams are arranged just as they are in the Luoshu diagram. They are encircled by an outer ring of geomantic graphs: the twelve earthly branches, eight (out of the usual ten) heavenly stems, and the characters-for the four comer trigrams (qian, kun, xun, and gen). These symbols constitute the main components of the compass used in conventional geomancy to the present day; further, each of the eight trigrams and the outer graphs on this stone appear in the exact positions they occupy on the geomantic compass. 80 The Ma Zhi epitaph stone, like the geomantic compass, shows kan :tX in the "primary position" (lower central), which normally corresponds to the north. Ming-Qing Beijing, laid out to accord with the Luoshu diagram, had kan as its primary position, and so did Daxingcheng-Chang'an. For the latter, kan corresponded to the location of the Palace City (see Fig. 2.3).81 While Yuwen Kai did not rely on a conventional approach in his geomantic analysis of DaxingCheng's terrain, other powerful residents of the city in SuiTang times seem to have applied certain conventional principles in their own projects. For example, it is probably no coincidence that the two largest Buddhist institutions in the city, the Chanding ~;iE and Dachanding *trJ;iE Monasteries, buih by Wendi and Yangdi,respectively, in 603 and 605, were located in the southwest comer of the city (see Map 2.2).82 This accords with the principle that for a kan complex facing south. the most dangerous position is that of kun J$ in the southwest comer. The southwest portends death for the main inhabitant of the complex. 83 By far the most common location for Buddhist
Morphological Genesis / 49 and Daoist structures was in the southwest quadrant of a ward. It was standard practice in Sui-Tang Chang'an to locate religious institutions in probiem areas to suppress their evil influences, and the southwestern locations of important religious institutions indicate the widespread awareness of geomantic theory among patrons. 84
Ii
1 N
Fig. 2.1. Diagram of the Posterior Heavens (Luoshu). Source: Yu 1991,111
Zhao 1995, IS>
qUm
118
kDn
...... ~il
po
- EEil a.,.
0
Feuchtwang 1974, 141. 80 See Zhao 1995, 183. On the fonnation of these symbols on the compass see Yu 1991,
U I
l-Fn
Fig. 2.3. Daxingcheng-Chang'an as it corresponds to the positions of the eight trigrams in the Luoshu diagram. Drawn by the author.
122-23.
For a geomantic analysis of Beijing in view of the Luoshu diagram, see Meyer 1978,
143-50. 82 TL.JCFK 4.127. 83 Yu 1991, 170.
P-,
N
1
cttr
79
81
Fig. 2.2. Inscription rubbing from the tomb ofMa Zhi and his wife, c. A.D. 600. Source:
84
For more on patronage of religious institutions, see chapter 9.
50 / Sui-Tang Chan$'an
Morphological Genesis /
Yuwen Kai's geomantic interpretation of the terrain of the capital is well geographical survey of documented in Tang sources, such as Li Jifu's Tang China, the Yuanhe junxian tuzhi ftfDW~II!;tr; (YHJX'lZ), completed in 813 (Yuanhe 8):
*sffi
Initially, when the Sui people built the capital, Yuwen Kai regarded the six [horizontal] ridges along Zhuque Street *~m from north to south as symbolic of the qian hexagram. He consequently placed the imperial residence at "nine in the second place," and the administrative quarters at ''nine in the third place" in response to the numerological significance of the superior man. ''Nine in the fifth place" is a royal position, and [yuwen], unwilling to settle ordinary people there, located the Xuandu Abbey ~ilJ)1l and Xingshan Monastery !Il~~ [in that place] to subdue it. 85 The perception that this area posed a potential threat persisted during the Tang. It is key in an account from the reign of Jingzong (824-827): In 826 (BaoIi 2) Pei Du ~fjt (765-839) served as chief minister. He was rivaled by Li Fengji's faction at court. One of Li's followers, Zhang Quanyu ~f.fl~, in an attempt to implicate Pei, pointed to the latter's mansion in Pingle Ward (Sf~.m.; or Yongle Ward *~jjj, 8G). This mansion sat astride the fifth ridge, the place of "the flying dragon in the heavens" and its location was criticized as an indication ofPei's ambition for power. 86 The ridges that Yuwen Kai matched with the qian hexagram run roughly from northeast to southwest through the city. However, canonical considerations obliged planners to layout the city in accordance with the cardinal directions. When Yuwen Kai divided the city from north to south (the second through the sixth places) into five geomantically important sections, he focused primarily on the area along the north-south central axis, which inchides the Palace City, the Imperial City, and Zhuque(men) Street. Arthur Wright argues that geomancy was not a factor in the construction of Daxingcheng-Chang'an because by placing the city between the Wei River to the north and Zhongnan Mountains to the south, Yuwen Kai violated a foremost principle in dwelling geomancy: to position living quarters north of a river and
*jis
85 YHJXlZ "Qianyan" Su~, 1 and 1.1-2. The Yuanhejunxian tuzhi is the earliest extant primary source recording this phenomenon. The same passage is also preserved in the Tang huiyao ~(1HY), compiled in the Song dynasty. For information con<:erning the Early to Middle Tang periods, however, the author of the Tang huiyaocopied the Huiyao ~J! by Su Mian **:£, which appeared during the reign of FntpeTOr Dezong (779-805). See THY50.876; CAZHi9.7. 86 ZZTJ243:7847-48, text and commentary.
51
south of a mountain.87 But I would argue that the Wei River and the Zhongnan Mountains are too far from the capital to be geomantically significant. Geomancy is concerned with immediate environs. In geomancy, the most ideally located living quarters are bounded by a river on the east, symbolic of the Cerulean Dragon (Qinglong 1iW); a road on the west, symbolic of the White Tiger (Bailiu rft); a pond to the south, symbolic of the Vermilion Bird (Zhuque *~); and a hill or ridge to the north, symbolic of the Dark Warrior (Xuanwu ~Jtt).88 Naming the main northern palace entrance Xuanwu Gate, and a southeast ward (121) Qinglong Ward, and in 711 renaming a major monastery in one of the easternmost wards (81) Qinglong Monastery all had obvious geomant~c significance. The absence of a gate in the central part of the northern wallmeant to deflect evil influence from the north-was a long-standing custom, clearly influenced by geomancy. In this Daxingcheng-Chang'an was no exception. Its Xuanwu Gate, the main northern entrance to the palace district, was bounded by Xinei Park on the north and sat slightly west of the main central axis, although most sources record it as the northern terminus of the axis. 89
a
The "Treatise on Geography" in the Xin Tang shu ~~~ (XTS) describes the environs of Daxingcheng-Chang'an as follows: In the south [the city] faces the Ziwu Valley; in the north it is supported by Mount Longshou; to the east it overlooks the banks of the Ba River (~~); and to the west it reaches out to the Feng River 017]<).90 The site of Daxingcheng-Chang'an had at least two key geomantically favorable aspects: the elevation of Longshou Mountain, symbolic of the Dark Warrior, to its north;91 and the Ba River to its east, symbolic of the Cerulean Dragon. In fact, to the east, Daxingcheng-Chang'an was closer to another river, the Chan
87 Cf. Wright 1977, 56. In an earlier article, Wright acknowledged the presence of geomantic influences in the planning of the city. See Wright 1965, 669-70. On the importance of the southern location of a river to dwellings, see Feuchtwang 1974, 134. 88 Yu 1991, 157. 89 This may be compared with Beijing. See Meyer 1978, 141. For more on the location of the Xuanwu Gate, see chapter 3. 90 Xin Tang shu.'it (X7S) 37.961; Yuhai:lil'fij (YH) 174.3185; TLJCFK 2.33. A similar passage is found in the Chang 'an zhi by Song Minqiu. Song notes two rivers to the east. He also erroneously locates the Longshou Plain (Mountain) to the west. Cf. CAZHi 6.1. 91 I would like to point out that due to ground-leveling activities in modem times, Longshou Mountain as an elevated topographical landmark has virtually disappeared. Only occasional vestiges survive. One notable example is the foundation of the Hanyuan Basilica, Darning Palace. See Xi'an Tangcheng Gongzuodui 1997,343-44.
52 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
Morphological Genesis /
a~7./<). Both the Ba and Chan Rivers run from south to north.92 The hill (or ridge) and river are the two main topographical elements in Chinese geomancv: The hill generates the flow of qi, and the river captures it to bring go~d fo~e to the residents in between. It is not known whether a north-south road existed to the west of the city. The Bi, an extension of the Jue River (nrD7./<) from the south, runs parallel to the westemboundary of Sui-Tang Chang' an. To the south of the city, the presence of the Ziwu Valley did not exactly accord with good geomancy. However, like the Zhongnan Mountains, the valley was too distant to have much geomantic impact. In the southeastern corner of the city, Yuwen Kai created a lake,93 which was in line with the geomantic requirement of a pond "in front" or to the south (Maps 1.2,2.1). In sum, the siting and development of Daxingcheng demonstrates at least partial compliance with some of the major geomantic principles.
*
*
*
*
*
The morphological genesis of Daxingcheng-Chang'an can be traced to a long-standing cosmomagical tradition. This tradition was central to the decision to initiate construction of the city and helped shape its overall layout. It was an indigenous tradition that evolved over a span of more than a thousand years, little influenced by cultural diffusion. 94 Planning of the city developed under divinatory, astrological, and numerological guidance. Most importantly, the shape of the new capital was indebted to two paradigms that dominated Chinese city-planning theory in Sui times: the canonical and the geomantic. The canonical paradigm was crystallized in a single work, the Kaogongji. More than any other early capital, Daxingcheng-Chang'an fulfilled canonical prescriptions that informed the spatiotemporal, symbolic, axial, symmetrical, and numerological aspects of city planning. The application of these canonical principles by Yuwen Kai and his associates was intended to achieve a cosmological pattern through which the capital functioned as an axis mundi, a pivot of communication between heaven and earth. As to the geomantic paradigm, Wendi realized its importance in his initiating edict. Subsequently, Yuwen Kai and his associates applied geomantic principles to the planning of the city at two levels-in the overall siting of the city and in the distribution of functional areas. Yuwen Kai interpreted the six ridges discerned iti. the terrain according to the hexagram qian in the Yijing. The
53
location of an elevated area to the north, two rivers to the east, and a pond in the southea...o:t was largely in accord with the geomantic principles for all optimal site. Occasionally, Yuwen Kai and his associates faced a paradigmatic conflict. 9S The Kaogong ji and traditional city-pIanning conventions dictated that the capital should be oriented according to the cardinal directions, and that the city layout should follow a rigidly orthogonal gridiron pattern. But the geomantically important ridges (dragon's veins) that Yuwen had detected ran from northeast to southwest. Geomancy emphasizes the importance of fitting structures into the tOpography, making changes only when absolutely necessary. Hence, in laying out the city canonically, Yuwen Kai had no choice but to ignore one of the most important geomantic principles and give serious geomantic consideration only to the key area along the central north-south thoroughfare. In addition, the canonical principle of locating the palace in the center of the city was all but impossible to fulfill if the city and the court were to thrive according to geomantic interpretations of the terrain. The third and fourth lines of the qian hexagram lay at the center of the five areas that covered the city site; neither was in any way associated with toyal symbolism. Only the northernmost area "in the second place" and the southern area "in the fifth place" were appropriate for the imperial residence. In view of the established practice in the Six Dynasties period of placing the palace to the north, Yuwen Kai chose the area of the second ridge as the site for the Palace City, while placing two major religious structures on the fifth ridge to counteract the royal symbolism of the area, which might support the rise of a challenger to the emperor's power. Despite their intention to create a canonically correct city, Yuwen Kai and his associates placed the palace north of the markets, taking their cue from the text and classical commentary of the Yijing, and from the prevailing conventions of capital-city planning. Like city planners before them, they were able to comply only to a point with the prescriptions of the Kaogongji.
92 Zhang 1981, 16. 93 Yong lu ~~ (YL) 6.29-30. There may well have been similarities in the cosmomagical traditions of Asian countries. Examples are given in Wheatley 1971,431-36.
94
Meyer (1978, 139-41) notes the conflict between canonical principles and the requirements ofJengshui in the major capital cities in Chinese history.
95
3
The Palace City Long corridors, broad verandahs, And interlocking galleries stretched like clouds. Walled courtyards, most strange and unusual, A thousand gates, ten thousand doors, Double portals, secluded entryways, Continuously crossed and intersected. -Zhang Heng ~~ (A.D. 78-139)1 The Guanzhong area, home territory of the Sui and Tang sovereigns, contained 1 a number of palaces? Suburban complexes supposed to function as secondary residences for the sovereign were built within a period of 140 years after the founding of Sui-Tang Chang'an. Some of them, such as the Huaqing Palace (Figs. 3.1, 3.2, 3.3), built under Tang Xuanzong, received special architecturaI treatment. Their remnants are some of the most important architectural artifacts to survive from this period. At the center of this network, however, was the Palace City 'g:fJ£, located inside the walled area of Sui-Tang Chang' an. At the city's founding it was the only urban and official residence for the sovereign and served as home for the court. The Sui Palace City stood unrivaled until the completion of the Darning Palace of the Tang in 663 .
. 1 From
"Western Metropolis Rhapsody," WX2.4Ib. Translation by Knecbtges 1982, 199. To the immediate west of Chang' an was the Hongyi Palace 5.l.(7.£:).8', also known as the Da[fai]'an Palace j;:1jIj3i:8'; to the far west were the Qingshan Palace JJt!f8' (later the Wugong Palace JEtrJ18) in present-day Wugong County, and the Rensbou Palace Ci\8' (later the Jiucbeng Palace 1tJ!l(:8') in present-day Linyou 1'WI'f; to the ~uth was the Taihe Palace ic;f'08' (renamed the Cuiwei Palace ~~) in the Zhongnan Mountains; to the east was the Huaqing Palace ¥fr'j8' (later the Wenquan Palace t\'b~m at the foot of Mount Li IIIw; and to the north was the Yuhua Palace .:E¥8' near Tongchuan jjJJ II. These palaces were built in Tang times, with the exception of the Renshou Palace, built by Sui Wendi. See THY 30.549-59. For a preliminary study of the three summer palaces, Jiucbeng, Cuiwei, and Yuhua, see Li 1987. 2
55
56 /
Sui-Tang Chang'an
The Palace City /
J
Fig 3.1. Huaqing Palace, modern reconstruction. Source: Author's photograph
57
Finding the optimal location for the Palace City was of central importance to the Sui planners. The Palace City, with an area of 4.2 square kilometers, about
5 percent of the entire capital, was the very flTst structure to be erected, followed by the Imperial City to its south. Only after these two critical complexes had . been completed was the rest of the city constructed. 3 The Palace City was composed of three parts: the Yeting Palace (6'8) for court ladies to the west, the Eastern Palace <*'8) for the crown prince to the east, and the central imperial palace (see Map 3.1).4 The central part of the Palace City was initially named the Daxing Palace Ck!m'8) after Sui Wendi's pre dynastic title, duke of Daxing. In Sui times this name was applied to the new capital as a whole, and to a host of places in and around the city.s For example, the main structure of the Palace City, and probably the first building raised, was the Daxing Basilica (*!mBfi); the northern imperial park was called Daxing Park (*!m~);6 and the gate south of the Daxing Basilica was named the Daxing Gate The extensive use of this name demonstrates Wendi's personal identification with the city and its key places. It was not until 705 (Sheniong 1) that the central complex of the Palace City was renamed the Taiji Palace (j;:ti'8), the name by which it is now most commonly known and the one by which I will refer to it hereafter.! The Palace City was flanked by two residential wards on each side: Yishan ~~ (1H) and Yongchang :ik§ (2H) on the east, and Xiude fl1l~ (lC) and Fuxing (2C) on the west. 9 To the north was theXinei Park (fffii*Jn), also known as the North Imperial Park <~t~).l0 Still further north was the much larger Daxing Pw:k, also known as the Forbidden Park (Jinyuan #:9B), which covered twenty-seven Ii from east to west and thirty-three Ii from north to
<*!mr,).7
m!m
Fig. 3.2. Gargoyle of tricolor glazed pottery, Huaqing Palace, Tang dynasty. Source: Author's photograph
TLJCFK 1.1, commentary. TLJCFK 1.1. S Talping yulan jl;:3:jZfllIJljl (TPYL) 156.759b. 6 YH 174.3185b; TPYL 156.759. Another explanation holds that Daxingcheng was named after Daxing Village <*J.M
4
7
Fig. 3.3. Bathing pool at Huaqing Palace, Tang dynasty. Source: Author's photograph
TLD7.217.
Hollow CAZHi 6.1 andXTS27.961. Cf. TLfCFK 1.1, commentary, which records 710 (Jingyun 1). 9 After completion of the Daming Palace in 663, the Yishan Ward was split into eastern and western halves. The eastern half was no longer in contact with the Palace City but retained the original name of Yishan. The western half, which now bordered on the Palace City, was given a new name, Guangzhai :J'G1;. See TLJCFK 3.50-51; and chapter 8. 10 TLJCFK 1.28. I
58 /
Sui-Tang Chang'an
south. II South of the Palace City, and of similar size and shape, lay the Imperial City where key central government agencies were concentrated. The Palace City now lies under downtown Xi'an, making archaeological excavation all but impossible. For the location and description of major structures we have to rely largely on premodern scholarship. According to estimates in extant sources, the Palace City measured four Ii (2,160 meters) east-west and two Ii 270 bu (1,485 meters) north-southP According to archaeologists, the Palace City measured 2,820.3 meters (east-west) by 1,492.1 meters (northsouth).13 ~ In the following pages, I will explore the main structures of the Palace City. Since the Sui Palace City survived the dynastic change in 618 and resumed its function as the royal residence of the Tang, my discussion should ideally review the Sui structures first and then their Tang successors. However, the key primary sources on Sui-Tang Chang' an palace structures overwhelmingly concentrate on the Tang period, almost completely neglecting the Sui, and I have little choice but to focus on Tang structures, niaking reference to their Sui predecessors where possible.
The Taiji Palace The Taiji Palace can be broadly defined to refer to the entire Palace City, which included the Eastern and the Yeting Palaces. But it can also be used to refer specifically to the central palace enclosure. To avoid confusion, I will use Taiji Palace in its narrow sense. The Taiji Palace measured 1,285 meters (east-west) by 1,492.1 meters (north-south),14 with key structures centered along its north-south axis (see Map 3.1). At the southern terminus stood the Chengtian Gate, bounded on the north by the Taiji Basilica, which was flanked by the two top government agencies, the Secretariat (zhongshusheng '*'~~!) on the west, and the Chancellery (menxiasheng r~""f1!!n on the east (see also chapter 5). The Chancellery housed the leading imperial academic institution known as the Hongwen Academy. North of the Chancellery was the Office of Historiography (shiguan .9:::tB). II One Tang Ii .m = 540 meters. On Tang measurements and their approximate metric equivalents, see Liang 1980, 541-46. I follow CAZHi 6.4 and LBCAZ 3.79 for measurements on the Forbidden Park. Different measurements are recorded in other sources: 27 Ii (east-west) by 30 (north-south) in JIS 38.1395; 27li by 20 in YH 171.3134; and 27li by 23 in TLfCFK 1.29. 12 TLfCFK I. I. One bu ~ = 1.5 meters. 13 Ma 1963, 597; Su 1978,411. 14 For its modified width, see Ma and Yang 1978,64. For its north-south length, see Ma 1963,597.
The Palace City /
59
North of the Taiji Basilica on the central axis lay the Liangyi Basilica, the second key structure of the palace; further north was the Ganlu Basilica, the third key structure. The central axis ended at the north wall of the palace. 15 Starting from the southern terminus of the central axis, we travel north, east, and west to explore a number of important palace buildings. Numerous structures have been recorded in extant sources, but most of them are mentioned only by name. I will examine the better documented main structures that played an important role in the operation of the Palace City, with a focus on their origins, functions, cosmological significance, and historical associations.
Major Structures The Cheng/ian Gate Built under the Sui in 582, this gate was first designated the Guangyang Gate ~~r~), but it subsequently went through a number or-name changes: In 601 it became the Zhaoyang Gate (BB~r~), in 618 the Shuntian Gate (R~~F~), until fmally in 705 it received its longest-lasting designation, the Chengtian Gate (~*r~). This gate was the main entrance to the central imperial palace, and the southernmost axial structure. A multistoried gatehouse (lou ;fI) topped it, and eastern and western audience halls (chaotang lji;§~) stood to its south. To the east of the gate stood the "red stone" or "grievance stone" lfeishi /iifi::fl), and to its west the remonstrator's drum (dengwen gu ~M~). Both served as channels for communication between the court and its subjects. According to the Zhou li, the grievance stone was set up to protect the vulnerable from government abuse. Its color was symbolic of the heart, a metonym for loyalty. A plaintiff would sit on the stone while airing his complaint to court officials. It was hoped that out of loyalty to the court, he would not make libelous complaints. 16 The remonstrator's drum was said to date back to the legendary sage king Yao. It could be used either by civilians or officials. A remonstrator would beat .the drum while voicing his criticisms or suggestions. 17 Doubling as the central north entrance of the Imperial City, the Chengtian Gate functioned symbolically as the - court's gateway to the outside world. J8
IS 16
TLfCFK 1.5; CAZHi 6.1-7. ZL 34.233a, text and commentary.
17 CX! 16.399, text and commentary. Also see JS 3.59 for a record of how the drum was used during the Western Jin dynasty. 18 TLD 7.217; TLlCFK 1.2; LBCAZ 2.59. Based on what is known of structure of the Hanyuan Basilica, which was modeled on the Chengtian Gate, the gate should have two audience halls, one to either side. See chapter 4 and TLD 7.218, commentary. Fu Xinian believes that the Chengtian Gate had two watchtowers (que @JJ) as well; see Fu 1973, 46.
60 /
Sui-TangChang'an
The surface structures of the gate have vanished, but the subterranean remains have been found to measure 41.7 meters wide from east to west. The original measurement may have been much greater, but structures of a modem park have effectively destroyed the remnants of the gate's eastern section. Three archways remain, however.!9 We can compare the Chengtian Gate to a reconstruction of the city's central southern entrance, the Mingde Gate (~ttr~, Fig. 3.4), which was systemically excavated in 1972-1973.20 That gate, the main portal to the city, would have been similar to the Chengtian Gate in scale.2! The archaeological record shows that Mingde Gate had five archways and was 55.5 meters wide. From this we can hypothesize that the Chengtian Gate was at least as wide, with the same number of archways.
The Palace City /
61
The Taiji Basilica In Sui times, moving northward along the central axis, and crossing the Daxing Gate (*!ltr~), one arrived at the Daxing Basilica. These structures were renamed during the Early Tang: The gate. became Taiji Gate (*~r~) in 634, while the basilica was renamed the Taiji Basilica (*~) in the fifth month of 618 when the Tang dynasty replaced the Sui. The central structure of both the Palace City and the entire capital, this basilica was where the emperor held court on the first and fifteenth days of each month.24 After the completion of the Darning Palace (or Dongnei) in the northeastern suburbs, the Taiji Basilica and the Taiji Palace both experienced some neglect, although the basilica was still a key venue for the most important occasions. Some emperors such as Dezong, Shunzong, and Muzong ascended the throne there. Moreover, the basilica continued to be the locus for funeral ceremonies for deceased emperors such as Daizong and Dezong. 25
The Hongwen Academy
Fig. 3.4. Reconstruction ofMingde Gate. Source: Fu Xinian 1977a
In terms of official functions, the Guangyang or Chengtian Gate was the most important gate of the Palace City in Sui and Early Tang times. The emperor held court at the gatehouse on occasions such as the New Year and winter-solstice ceremonies, state banquets, celestially inspired amnesties,22 and receptions for foreign tributaries or guests.23
Located inside the Chancellery east of the Taiji Basilica was tlIe Hongwen Academy (5.l,X~). Founded in 621 as the Xiuwen Academy (~X~), it was renamed Hongwen in 626?6 This top-tier royal academy was charged with editorial and archival work and textual research for the court. Using its excellent library collections, the academy also trained its own students in Confucian learning. In view of the privileged status of the students, who were sons of close imperial relatives and the highest-ranking officials, graduation examinations were made easier than those held at the National Academy (Guozi xue ~~)?7
The Liangyi Basilica Behind the Taiji Basilica on the central axis stood the Liangyi Basilica (~~~). Known as the Zhonghua Basilica (r:p¥~) during the Sui dynasty, it ZZTJ192.6031, commentary; TLlCFK 1.1; TLD 7.217, text and commentary; YL 3.13. The ZZTJ quotes Cheng Dachang ~*~ at length in explaining the functions of the Taiji Basilica. 25 TLlCFK 1.3; YL 3.13. On accessions, see JTS 12.319 (Dezong); JTS 14.405; Shunzong shilu ~*U (SZSL) 1.1; Solomon 1955, 2 (Shunzong); JTS 16.475 (Muzong). On funerals, see JTS 1I.315 (Daizong); JTS 13.400 (Dezong). 26 The Hongwen Academy was to go through a number of name changes and was eventually relocated to the Darning Palace. In 705 it became the Zhaowen Academy (B?:l:itfi'g), and in 706 the name Xiuwen was. readopted. In 711 its name again reverted to Zhaowen. In 719 the name Hongwen was restored. See THY 64.1114; YH 165.3033-34; 24
19 Ma 1963, 598. 20 Xi'an Gongzuodui 1974a; Fu 1977b. 21 The Chengtian Gate and the Mingde Gate sat at the north and south ends, respectively, of an axial street that was about the same width at either end. See TLlCFK 1.1-2, 10; 2.33-34. 22 The text of Tang liudian refers to the consequences of a comet appearing in the sky. "Comet" in Chinese is huixing ~£ or "broomstick star," so named because of its long tail, which "sweeps away the old to make way for the new" (chujiu buxin ~'H5~). See Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhengyi ~tk:ti:.IE~ (CQZZ) 48.382b (Zhaogong 17). 23
TLD 7.217.
TLD 8.254-55. TLD 8.254-55. On relaxed examination standards for Hongwen Academy students, see TLD 4.110.
27
62 / Sui-Tang Chang'an was renamed Liangyi in 631 during the reign of Taizong. An imperial edict issued by Wenzong in 828 (Taihe 2) called for the renovation of a total of 172 bays in the Liangyi and Ganlu Basilicas.28 This points to the enonnous size of these structures, since one bay in Tang times was about 5 meters wide with a variable depth. If the Liangyi Ba~ilica had only one half the area recorded here, or 86 bays, its combined bay-width would run 430 meters. Apart from its twostory structure, extant sources offer little information about the physical shape of this building.29 Here the emperor conducted day-to-day state affairs. After the completion of the Daming Palace, it became the preferred venue for state funeral 30 ceremonies for emperors or empresses.
The Ganlu Basilica North of the Liangyi Basilica stood the Ganlu Basilica (i:I1'i~). Its courtyard was accessible from the east and west through two passageways known as East and West Yong Alleys C*gs7k~).31 This basilica was flanked on the east by the East Heng and Rihua B ¥ Gates, and on the west by the West Heng gstfi and the Yuehua f3¥ Gates. Although it was the third axial structure inside the palace, it was excluded from the triple court system that involved the Chengtian Gate and the Taiji and Liangyi Basilicas. Ganlu is not mentioned in sources dealing with the Sui period and is only poorly documented in sources on the Tang. We know from a poem by Chief Minister Li Qiao ~, that this structure served as a venue for sumptuous banquets the emperor held to entertain his ministers in the Jinglong period (707-710).32 It is best known, however, for its association with Xuanzong. After his return from exile in 760, Xuanzong was forced to reside there as honorary emperor. The name of the structure, ganlu, means "sweet dew," which was regarded as a highly propitious omen from Heaven; its sighting had been recorded by court historians as early as the Han dynasty?3
*f1i
The Wude Basilica Leaving the central axis and moving eastward from the Liangyi Basilica, we find the Wude Basilica 0it~). Named in the Sui dynasty in accordance CFYG 14.161a; THY30.563. 29 TPYL 175.854a. . 30 TLD 7.217; TLJCFK 1.4. 28
The mention here of "Yong Alleys," traditionally associated with the inner court or women's quarters, may suggest that a large number of court ladies were housed on the basilica premises. On Yong Alley, also see the section on the Yeting Palace below. 32 See QTS 58.692 for the poem on Ganlu Basilica by Li Qiao. 33 The most detailed record of the basilica is found in LBCAZ 2.60. On the meaning of ganlu and its recorded occurrences, see YH 195.3575-76. 31
The Palace City /
63
with a time-honored tradition,34 this basilica continued to be known by the same name under the Tang. It was located on the east side of the Taiji Basilica and overlooked the Eastern Palace, the residence of the crown prince. Although not an axial structure, the Wude Basilica acquired a special significance of its own. In 600 (Kaihuang 20), it was the basilica in which Sui Wendi chose to depose Crown Prince Yang Yong ~~?S During the reign of Tang Gaozu (618-626), Gaozu's fourth son, Li Yuanji *5Gi5, inhabited the rear section of the basilica. Its proximity to the Eastern Palace enabled him to form a close liaison with Crown Prince Li Jiancheng *~. 36 Both men, however, perished in a confrontation with Li Shimin (the future Taizong). After his accession to power the prince of in 626, Taizong considered settling his favorite son, Li Tai Wei .3:'., in the Wude Basilica, but Wei Zheng ttilc, Taizong's close advisor and confidant, remonstrated against it on the grounds that its luxury and proximity to the Taiji Palace would only bring harm to Li Tai?' After the Palace City fell out of favor, Tang sovereigns resided either in the Daming Palace or in Luoyang, which was named "the Eastern Capital" in 657. When they did return to the Taiji Palace, Wude was often their residence of choice. In 712 when Xuanzong succeeded his father Ruizong, Ruizong stayed on as honorary 38 emperor in the Taiji Basilica, while Xuanzong held court in the Wude Basilica. Xizong, on his return from exile in Fengxiang It~, held court in this basilica 40 and died'there in 888. 39 His successor Zhaozong held court there as well.
*,
The Lingyan Pavilion North of the Wude Basilica stood the Lingyan Pavilion (~1~OO). In 643 when it was converted into a memorial honoring the generals and ministers who had been instrumental in founding and consolidating the Tang empire, the pavilion hall was divided by a partition. Within the partition, facing north, were images of meritorious ministers and generals, and facing south were paintings of meritorious princes. Outside the partition, portraits of worthy personages of lesser fame had been painted.41 In all, about twenty-four figures were enshrined The concept of wude ~~ (martial virtue) was articulated as early as the Spring and Autumn period in the Guoyu mtffi, a work attributed to Zuoqiu Ming :tcJifl)3, See GY
34
15.491. 3S
ZZTJl 79.558 I.
36 JTS
64.2416. JTS76.2655; Quan Tang wen ~Il!f::x: (QTW) 141.1426b. 38 JTS 7.16().-{j2. 39 JTS 19.xia.729-30. 40 JTS20.shang.737, 739. 41 NBXS 1.1.
37
.
64 / Sui-Tang Chang'an there. The number twenty-four matches the twenty-four divisions of the year and symbolizes the prosperity of nature. 42 Moved by the towering height of the pavilion and its awe-inspiring paintings, the Tang poet Liu Gongyu ;tl0~ composed a poem entitled "Viewing the Lingyan Pavilion" ("Wang Lingyan ge" ~~~IiJ):
65
grown to thirty-seven. By that time all of the twenty-four original heroes had 47 been replaced.
The Xuanwu Gate Returning to the central axis, and proceeding north through the Ganlu and Basilicas, we reach the Xuanwu Gate (~JEtr~). Xuanwu, the Chengxiang symbol of the north, took the form of a snake twined about a tortoise. It derives from traditional Chinese astrology,which groups twenty-eight stellar lodges (xiu into four celestial precincts known as the "four palaces," after the four 48 symbolic animals representing the cardinal directions. A major structure of Chang'an, the Xuanwu Gate has attracted much attention from modern historians and archaeologists, but because modem buildings have been constructed on its site, attempts to determine its exact structure and dimensions have been frustrated. Although extant primary sources place this gate at the northern terminus of the Palace City's central axis, archaeological research has located it off the axis slightly to the west.49 As the main northern entrance to the Palace City and to the greater city of Chang'an, it was the key to the safety of the imperial residence. When the Daming Palace was built in the northeastern suburbs, its central north gate was given the same name. Documentary evidence shows the vital role this gate played In the political life of the dynasty and the palace. To its north stretched the Xinei Park from where a number of coups d'etat, known in history as "Xuanwu Gate Incidents," were launched. In 626 (Wude 9), Li Shimin (Taizong) staged the first coup, killing his rival, Crown Prince Li Jiancheng, in a struggle for the throne. In addition to having crack troOps and the best generals at his command, Li Shimin was also able to win over Chang He ~fiiJ, commander of the Xuanwu Gate, who had been a key supporter of Li Jiancheng. Emerging from these events as the legitimate successor to the throne, Li Shimin soon forced his father to abdicate. 5o In 707 (Jinglong 1) during Zhongzong's reign, Crown Prince Jiemin ~p~ (Li Chongjun *~f~) initiated another Xuanwu Gate Incident in which he attempted to purge the court of the remaining members of the Wu family and Empress Wei Etffi. Jiemin succeeded in killing Wu Sansi JEt ~, and his
*l}
This paVilion of paintings rises up in the void, Seen from afar, it sits amidst the nine heavens. Its red pillars stand tall in splendor, Its plain walls are painted with heroes. Misty and obscure the primordial pneuma floats, Skyward the auspicious smoke issues forth. Up close one perceives a hundred officers attending court, Bowing from a distance, one beholds a vision of many immortals. The paintings are suspended on blue clouds, The rituals there depicted unfold before the Forbidden Palace. Staring into the rain-washed sky, I lift my gaze to it again and again.43 Among the twenty-four great heroes represented at the pavilion were some of the best-known comrades-in-arms of Tang Gaozu and Taizong: Zhangsun Wuji ~1*~,g, Du Ruhui f±:tlD~, Li Jing *~, Yuchi Jingde ~j~~tfi, Xiao 44 Yu Li Ji *IJJ, and others. After the An Lushan Rebellion, the number portrayed continued to grow. In 763 Daizong added three generals, Guo Ziyi ~-T., Li Guangbi **~, and Pugu Huai'en ~~~~ to the pavilion. General Li Sheng *~ was added by Dezong in 789 (Zhenyuan 5).45 These paintings represented the political iconography of the Tang court, for they were intended to eulogize loyalty to the court and to inspire political adhesion. Heroes who deviated from the exemplary were later excluded. After two of the earliest portrayed, Zhang Liang ~Tt; and Hou Junji 1U~, were executed for alleged conspiracy against the court, their images were obliterated. 46 By 848 (Dazhong 2), when Xuanzong ordered the Lingyan heroes repainted, the number had
n,
1§'*
42
The Palace City /
Wenyuanyinghua Jt;7B:!R:¥ (WITH) 776.4090.
Translation by the author from QTS 781.8829. Note that in this source the poet's name is misprinted as Liu,Gongxing ~Y,L}Jm. See Fu et al. 1982,645 n. 6.
nD
=
43
44
ZZTJ196.618~6; THY45.801.
4S
YH 163.3003areads Zhenyuan 3. I follow THY 45.808.
During the'Dezong-Xianzong period (779-820), Lil Wen 1571l, a well-known prose writer of the time, wrote a eulogy for each of the original Lingyan Pavilion heroes except Zhang and Hou. On Lil Wen, see JI'S 137.3796. For the eulogies, see QTW 629.6343-48; WYYH 776.4090-95. On the biographies of Hou Junji and Zhang Liang, see JI'S 46
69.2509-14, 2514-16;XTS94.3825-28, 3828-29.
47 48
YH 163.3003; THY 45.808-9,812. SJ 27.1308; Schafer I 977b, 75. Thilo attributes a later name. change-to Yuanwu
5f;j.t-to avoidance of the temple name ofLi Longji, Xuanzong. In reality, temple names were never considered tabu. Rather, the character yuan was adopted to avoid Qing emperor Kangxi's personal name Xuanye ~f.f. Cf. Thilo 1997, 44 n. 16. 49 Ma 1963, 598. so ZZTJ 191.6010-12. Chang He's role in this incident is recorded in his epitaph. See Chen 1982,55. For an English summary of the incident, see Wechsler I 979a, 185-87.
66 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
The Palace City /
brother Wu Chongxun ~,*wll, two powerful relatives ofWu Zetian ~JlU*, but Empress Wei managed to drag the emperor into the Xuanwu gatehouse and held it against the crown prince's a.rmy. With the crown prince's failure to storm the gate, the coup miscarried and instead led to his death. 51 In 710 (Jingyun I), upon the death of Zhongzong, Li Longji (the future Xuanzong) initiated the third Xuanwu Gate Incident. After storming the gate, he was able to proceed easily to the Taiji Basilica. Empress Wei, the target of the coup, escaped to the Barracks of Flying Cavalrymen (Feiqi ying ~if).52 But there the cavalrymen decapitated her'and presented her head to Li Longji. On the strength of his victory, Longji became the heir apparent and ascended the throne two years later. 53 Control of the Xuanwu Gate, or the lack thereof, could be critical to the political fortunes of ambitious imperial relatives.
m£
Reigning Emperors in the Palace City The Palace City was the official imperial domicile during the Sui-Early Tang period, with the emperor its principal resident. The following section presents each emperor's period of official residence there, in essence outlining the major events that impinged on this crucial sector of Chang'an. In my reckoning, the physical absence of the sovereign from the Palace City is not considered an interruption of his residence, but if an emperor abdicates, his official residence will be considered interrupted even if he continues to live there. In calculating the actual' years and months of each period of imperial residence, I have taken into consideration all intercalary months that occurred. Sui Dynasty Wendi. Third month of 583 to the seventh month of 604 (twenty-one years and five months).54 Wendi, the founder of Daxingcheng-Chang'an. seems to have lost interest in the Palace City in his last years. He often stayed in the suburban Renshou Palace (f=~'8) to the west, where he eventually died. 5s Yangdi. Eighth month of 604 to the third month of 618 (thirteen years and seven months). 56 Officially ruling from the Palace City of Daxingcheng, Yangdi
actually divided his time between three cities: Daxingcheng, Luoyang, and Jiangdu iIW in the south. His neglect of the main capital became more obvious toward the end of his life, but the official status of the Palace City as the imperial court was never abandoned. He seriously considered returning to Daxingcheng as late as the ninth month of 615, although he evidently did not make the trip.57 He was killed in 618 while residing in Jiangdu. 58 Gongdi. Eleventh month of 617 to the fifth month of 618 (six months). Gongdi was set up on the throne in the Daxing Basilica by Li Yuan (the future Tang Gaozu). For most of this period, Yangdi was still considered the sovereign of China, until his death in the third month of618. 59 Tang Dynasty Gaozu. Fifth month of 618 to the eighth month of 626 (eight years and three months). Gaozu ascended the throne in the newly named Taiji Basilica (formerly the Daxing Basilica) in the Palace City at the founding of the Tang dynasty.60 In 626 he was forced to abdicate in favor of Li Shimin, who had staged a coup to eliminate Crown Prince Li Jiancheng. Gaozu continued to reside in the Palace City as honorary emperor (Taishanghuang :*..t£, also translated as "retired emperor") until he relocated to the Da'an Palace (*9:'8) in 629. 61 Taizong. Eighth month of 626 to the fifth month of 649 (twenty-two years and nine months). After his father, Gaozu, abdicated in his favor, Taizong and Gaozu coexisted in the Palace City. Taizong ascended the throne in the Xiande Basilica (i'i~JJtIi) of the Eastern Palace. He did not move into the central building, the Taiji Basilica, until his father relocated to the Da'an Palace in the fourth month of 629. 62 Gaozong. Sixth month of 649 to the fourth month of 663 (thirteen years and eleven months).63 Gaozong ascended the throne in the sixth month of 649.64 In the fourth month of 663 he officially moved court to the newly founded Daming Palace (initially known as the Penglai ~Wi Palace). From then on the
ZZTJl82.5699. SUS 85.1889-90. 59 Sus 5.99-102. 60 XTS 1.6; JI'S 1.6; ZZTJ 185.5791. 61 In JI'S, Gaozu's relocation took place in 626. Here I follow the account in XTS 1.19 and ZZTJl93.6064. Cf. JI'S 1.17. 62 ZZTJ 193.6064; XTS2.30. 63 The year 649 (Zbenguan 23) had an intercalary month after the twelfth month. 64 XTS3.51; JTS 4.66; ZZTJl99.6268. 57
ZZTJ208.661 1. 52 The Flying CavatrYmen were part of the Northern Command. Hucker 1985, 210. 53 ZZTJ209.6644-50. For another account of these events, see Chen 1982,53-59. 54 An intercalary month was added after the third month of 583 (Kaihuang 3), so that year had thirteen rather than twelve months. 55 SUS 1.18-19, 2.52. On his visit to the Renshou Palace, see SUS 2. 56 Yangdi ascended the throne in the Renshou Palace and returned to the capital in the eighth month. SUS 3.60. 51
67
58
68 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
The Palace City /
Taiji Palace was called "Xinei" (the Western Compound).65 If Gaozong's sojourns to Luoyang are excluded, his residence in the Palace City was . approximately nine years. 66 Zhongzong. Tenth month of 706 to the sixth month of710 (three years and eight months). Zhongzong was first raised to the throne in Luoyang, the Eastern Capital, by his mother Wu Zetian upon his father's death in 683. Wu replaced him with his younger brother Ruizong in 684, then took over herself in the same year. Restored to power in 705, Zhongzong returned from Luoyang to the Palace City in Chang'an in the tenth month of 706, after his mother's death. 67 He continued to hold court in the Palace City until he was poisoned by Empress Wei in the sixth month of 710. 68 Shaodi. Shaodi was placed on the throne at age sixteen by Empress Wei on the seventh day (dinghai T~) of the sixth month, Jingyun 1 (July 8, 710). After only seventeen days he abdicated in favor of his uncle Ruizong on the twenty-fourth (jiachen lfI JJ!k.) of the sixth month (July 25) in the same year. 69 Ruizong. Sixth month of 710 to the eighth mOnth of 712 (two years and two months). Enthroned bv his mother Wu Zetian in 684 to replace his elder brother Zho~gzong, Ruizo~g was soon removed from the throne. He reclaimed it at the Chengtian Gate in the sixth month of 710, after Zhongzong's untimely death and Shaodi's abdication. 7o Although Ruizong was to abdicate in favor of Li Longji (Xuanzong) in the eighth month of 712, he continued to hold court every five days as honorary emperor in the Taiji Basilica, while Xuanzong held court in the Wude Basilica.71 Ruizong died in the sixth month of 716 in the Baifu Basilica (8t1~), located west of the Liangyi BasiIica.72 Xuanzong. Eighth month of 712 to the sixth month of 714 (one year and eleven months).73 The third son of Ruizong, Xuanzong succeeded his father in the eighth month of 712 when Ruizong stepped down, allegedly in response to an astrological prediction of disaster. 74 Xuanzong moved his court to the Darning Palace in the sixth month of 714.75 In the seventh month of 760, the 65
eunuch officer Li Fuguo ~1iI, whom Xuanzong despised, contrived to have him involuntarily settled in the Ganlu Basilica of the Palace City. Xuanzong died in the fourth month of 762 in the Shenlong Basilica (*$ft~).76 Xizong. Second to the third month of 888. On returning from Fengxiang where he had taken refuge, Xizong held court at the Chengtian Gate. He died oile month later in the Wude Basilica. 77 Zhaozong. Third month of 888 to the first month of 904 (fifteen years and ten months). When Xizong died in 888, Zhaozong at age twenty-two became emperor before Xizong's coffin. 78 During his time in Chang 'an, Zhaozong resided primarily in the Palace City, although he was also held in custody in the Darning Palace and forced into exile during his reign. In the first month of 904, the warlord Zhu Quanzhong forced him to finally abandon Chang'an. 79
The Eastern Palace The Eastern Palace (Donggong *'8), the residence of the crown prince, was located just east of the Taiji Palace in the Palace City. The Tang source Liangjing xinji records that it had nine basilicas. sO Xu Song identifies them from southto north as: Jiade D, Chongjiao ~~, Lizheng !fIE,SI Chongwen~::st (to the west), Chongren ~e (to the east), Guangtian (or Guangda Cheng'en *,~, Bafeng Am, and She i1.82 Like the Taiji Palace, the remains of the Eastern Palace are buried under modem structures, making systematic excavation impossible. Some archaeological investigation has taken place, but the results are sketchy. Ma Dezhi first reported it to be 1,492.1 meters (north-south) by ISO (east-west), but he later revised the east-west width to 832.8 meters. This revision was based on the assumption that the central axis of the Taiji Palace should be nearly equidistant to its east and west walls. The initial, smaller east-west width estimated for the
*'*
*'*),
ZZTJ201.6335.
Zhang 1987,78. 67 JTS7.l35, 142; XTh'4.109; ZZTJ208.6606. 66
ZZTJ209.6641-42. 69 ZZTJ209.6643, 6649; JTS 86.2839. 70 JTS 7.153-54; XTS 5.1 16; ZZTJ209.6649. 71 ZZTJ2IO.6674. 72 JTS7.160-62; ZZTJ211.6718. 73 The year 714 (Kaiyuan 2) had an intercalary month after the second month. 74 ZZTJ210.6674;JTS8.168. 75 XTh' 5.123.
68
69
.'
ZZTJ221.7094, 222.7123; JTS 9.235. 77 According to ZZTJ (257.8376), Xizong died in the Lingfu Basilica follow the dynastic histories. See JTS 19.xia.729-30; XTh' 9.281}-81. 78 JTS20.shang.735. 79 JTS 20.shang.778; ZZTJ264.8626. 80 Liangjing xi'1ii ~!iF-fJf~G (LJXJHi), 201 a.
76
(fl11'»fst).
Here I
81 The Chongjiao Basilica was originally named Hongjiao. It was changed to "Chongjiao" to avoid the tabu name, "hong," of Crown Prince Li Hong **(~). THY 67.1169. The character z}umg IE of the Lizheng Basilica is probably used as a substitute for zheng
1&. TLlCFK 1.8. 82
TLlCFK l. 7-8.
70 / Sui-Tang Chang'an Eastern Palace would mean that the eastern half of the Taiji Palace was much wider than its western half. 83 Due to its unique location in the Palace City, the Eastern Palace couid become a breeding ground for conspiracy. When Sui Wendi grew suspicious of his son, Crown Prince Yang Yong ~~, he kept a closer watch on the Eastern Palace, reinforcing the imperial garrison at the Xuanwu Gate, as well as at the northern entrance of the Eastern Palace, the Zhide Gate (~~r~), which was renamed Xuande C~~r~) under the Tang. He also placed the Eastern Palace Guard officers under the command of the palace garrison. Those who looked brave and well built were removed from their positions. 84 After the founding of the Tang dynasty, Li liancheng, Gaozu's first crown prince, moyed into the Eastern Palace where he built up an anny of more than 2,000 men, stout warriors from Chang'an and elsewhere. Since they were stationed at the Left and Right Gates of Changlin (:tc:tl~.ffr~), these troops became known as the Artily of Changlin.85 The crown prince also recruited 300 Turkish troops from Youzhou IflgJHI. He intended to counteract the increasing threat from Li Shimin, his younger brother, and it was with these troops that Li Jiancheng attempted to eliminate Li Shimin and his followers, but instead lost his own life in the first Xuanwu Gate Incident. 86 Taizong's eldest son Li Chengqian **~ became crown prince after Taizong came to power. But his behavior at the Eastern Palace was often considered inappropriate, especially his affair with a handsome male entertainer called Chenxin ~c.,. After Taizong ordered Chenxin's death, Li Chengqian had a tumulus built for him in the Eastern Palace. Li Chengqian called upon his underlings to imitate the Turks in speech, dress, and other customs. He also hired professional killers in an attempt to get rid of his brother Li Tai U, who was a serious contender for the Eastern Palace. In 643 when the prince of Qi, Li You started a rebellion, Li Chengqian remarked to Hegan Chengji *Z:T*~, one of the killers in his employ, "I am living [in the Eastern Palace] only twenty or so bu away from the Danei. If I were to stage a rebellion with you, how could the prince of Qi be compared with [us]?" When a collaborator
*1ti,
The Palace City /
71
exposed his plot to usurp power, Taizong had him deposed and reduced to commoner statuS. 87 From a Sui-Tang sovereign's point of view, the Eastern Palace was of utmost geopolitical significance. Its proximity to the imperial residence made it absolutely essential to the security of the court. The position of heir apparent, the chief resident of the Eastern Palace, was arguably the most important in the nation next to the throne itself. Having a separately enclosed palace for the crown prince adjacent to the imperial palace was intended to help groom him for his future duties and guarantee the smooth transfer of the mandate of Heaven after the emperor died. But all too often the crown prince was tempted to win his inheritance early or to eliminate competitors. Well aware of the potential threat the Eastern Palace posed to the throne, Xuanzong, who himself had come to power by a palace coup, resettled the crown prince inside the imperial palace under close scrutiny and surveillance. 88
Major Structures TheJiade Basilica Created as the main structure of the Eastern Palace in Sui times, the liade Basilica ~~~) underwent at least two name changes in Tang times: It was renamed "Apparent Virtue" (Xiande M~) in the Early Tang and "Manifest Virtue" (Mingde aJ3~) during Zhongzong's reign (705-710) to avoid the emperor's given name, Xian M.B9 After the Xuanwu Gate Incident of 626, Li Shimin (Taizong) became crown prince and inhabited the Eastern Palace. He seems to have had a special attachment to the liade Basilica (at that point called Xiande), for not only did he hold his coronation ceremony there in 626, he also led the palace cavalrymen in daily archery practice in its courtyard to prepare them for war against the Thrks ~~), the major military threat from the north 9O at that time. Functionally, the liade Basilica resembled the Taiji Basilica in .the Taiji Palace, and it served as the venue for the most significant crown prince ceremonies. Moreover, liade had its own audience halls. On New Year's Day and the day of the winter solstice, the crown prince gave audience there to visiting government ministers and other high-ranking officials, eunuch officers,
83 Maand Yang 1978,61-64. Cf. Ma 1963, 597. For a detailed discussion in English of this issue in favor ofMa and Yang, see Chung 1996, 5-17.
ZZTJ 179.5577. ZZTJ 19I.S985-86, text and commentary. These gates were located in the Eastern Palace, but their exact position is unknown. rLJCFK 1.8. 86 XIS 79.3542--44; JTS 64.2416-19; ZZTJ 191.6009-12. Scholars have given much attention to these events. A most accessible account in English is found in Wechsler 84 85
1979a, 182-87.
87 ZZTJ 196.6191-92, 197.6193; XTS 80.3563-65; JTS 76.2648-49. These events are sufficiently covered by secondary sources. See Wechsler 1979b, 236-38. 88 YH 129.2380a 89
CAZHi 6.4.
90 JTS
2.30-31.
72 /
The Palace City /
Sui-TangChang'an
and provincial envoys (chaojishi WJ~ft). He also greeted the three masters 91 (sanshi ':='W) and the three junior masters (sanshao y) in this venue.
=
The Spring Offices The Jiade Basilica was flanked on each side by the quarters of the Spring Offices (chunfang ~), which had charge of the crown prince's affairs. In Sui times the office on the east had been known as the Secretariat Office (menxiafang r~r:l;O) and that on the west as the Archive Office (dianshufang ~W:l;O)· This arrangement was modeled on the Taiji Basilica, which was flanked by the Secretariat and the Chancellery. In 662 the Secretariat Office was renamed the Spring Office of the Left (zuochunfang ;tc~:l;O), and the Archive Office, the Spring Office of the Right (youchunfang ;fi~:l;O). 92 It is obvious that the Spring Office was derived from "Spring Palace" (~g), an alternate name for the Eastern Palace.93 The officers in charge were known as left and right mentors (zuoyou shuzi tr.;fiffl;r). The two left mentors had the rank of 4a and were responsible for the most important affairs, such as managing the crown prince's retinue, dealing with etiquette and rituals, correcting memorials, and granting certificates of accolade. The two right mentors, also ranked 4a, were in charge of the crown prince's retinue, tributes and memorials, as well as the announcement of decrees when the crown prince served as regent (jianguo ~m).94 The Chongwen Academr Located inside the Spring Office of the Left, this academic institution was 96 often paired with the Hongwen Academy (51.:>tl'ro in the Taiji Palace. However, the Chongwen Academy (~:x:iID, unlike its counterpart, was under the authority of the crown prince.97 The academy was charged with the same TD 128.3269-79. Sanshi and sanshao are collective designations of the six highest posts in the central government, namely, grand preceptor (taishi *flili), grand mentor (taifu :;t~), and grand guardian (taibao ;;ti:~); and junior preceptor (shaoshi :}1i!i), junior mentor (shaofo :}~), and junior guardian (shaobao :}'1*). Huclq:r 1985,401. 91
TD 30.171. The original names were restored in 670. Later the names of the Spring Ofti,ces of the Left (in 711) and the Right (in 707) were permanently adopted. See THY 67.1168-71. .
92
93CXl24.3.568. . 94 TLD 26.663~4, 670-71. 9S At its founding in 639 (Zhenguan 13) by Taizong, it was called the Chongxian Academy (~NftID. In 675 (Shangyuan 2) it was renamed "Chongwen" to avoid a tabu character (xian Jf) in Crown Prince Zhanghuai's ~. given name. XTS 44.1163; THY 64.1117; 96 XTS44.1160. 97 TLJCFK 1.8; YH 165.3038; Zhang 1987, 63.
73
functions as the Hongwen institution: textual research, maintaining library collections, and training of close relatives of the royal family and high-ranking officials. The students, ranging in number from twenty in 656 (Xianqing 1) to fifteen in 792 (Zhenyuan 8), went through training in Confucian learning similar to that of their counterparts at the National Academy. The academicians, who varied in number, were responsible for teaching the students, using materials in the Eastern Palace collections. At the beginning of the Qianyuan period (758760), this academy was headed by a chief minister, and in 792 it was placed directly under the Spring Office of the Left.98
The Mingfu Courtyard North of the Spring Office of the Left was the Chongren Basilica (~C~). Behind it lay the Mingfu Courtyard (lifJ~II1G).99 The tradition of mingfu or "appointed women" is traceable to the pre-Qin period. 100 In his interpretation of the Zhou Ii, the Han dynasty Confucian Zheng Xuan comments that the "inner appointed women" (neimingfu r*JlifJllW) refer to the nine royal consorts, and the "outer appointed women" (waimingfu jj-fff:l~w) t.o t.he wives of lords and ministers (qing daifo ~*X). Wives of knights or scholar-officials (shi ±) were also called appointed women.1OI In the Tang period the mingfu continued to be an honorary ranking system. Titles and ranks were bestowed upon female royal relatives----the emperor's sisters, paternal aunts, daughters, and grand. daughters-as well as the mothers and wives of high-ranking officers. 102
The Yeting Palace 103 The institution of the Yeting Palace Cli~J@'8), where court ladies resided, is an ancient one. In the Shijing ~~ (Book of Poetry) the eunuch officer in charge of court ladies was known as the alley master (xiangbo ~fB) on account of the alleyway along which the harem was located. 104 In Qin times, following the earlier tradition, court ladies were housed in a place called "Yong (Eternal) Alley." In Former Han Chang'an, Yong Alley was part of the Rear Palace (Hougong 1&.'8, or harem) and came to be known as Yeting under Wudi.IOS In 98
XTS 49.shang.1294. Also seeJTS 44.1908; YH 165.3038; TLD 26.665.
TLJCFK 1.8. Mingfo is translated by Rotours (1947, 46) asfemme litree. 101 ZL 7.47b, text and commentary. .
99
100
102
103
104 lOS
JTS 43.1821. For an overview of harem politics under the Tang, see Tsukiyama 1971,197-218.
M~oshi zhengyi =B~~IE~ (MSZY) 12.3.188a. TLD 12.358; HS97.xia.3974.
74 I Sui-Tang Chang'an
The Palace City /
Tang times both Chang'an and Luoyang had their Yeting Palaces.106 During both the Sui and the Tang dynasties the Yeting Bureau (:tHi~Jiij) under the Department of Palace Affairs (neishisheng i*Jl~!§) had charge of the Yeting lo7 Palace and its court ladies. Of the three palace complexes in the Palace City, the Yeting Palace was the least important, serving simply as an annex to the Taiji Palace. Little information aboutit has been preserved in extant sources. The Qing scholar Xu Song was only able to identify the Zhongyi Estrade G*~a) in the north and the Department of Palace Affairs in the southwest 108 Archaeological research on the Yeting Palace has proved as disappointing as that on the Eastern Palace and has provided little new information apart from its precise location west of the Taiji Palace and its measurements of 1,492.1 meters (north-south) by 702.5 meters (east-west). 109
*
*
*
*
*
The Palace City layout came to include three main palace complexes, the central imperial palace, the Yeting Palace to the west and the Eastern Palace. While both side palaces played their parts in court life, the Eastern Palace had particular geopolitical significance because of its occupant and its proximity to the throne. But it was the central palace, which encompassed both the official . royal residence and the court, that had the greatest significance. On a practical level, determining a strategic location for the Daxing (later Taiji) Palace was a top priority with the planners of Daxingcheng. Bounded by palatial compounds on the east and west, and sandwiched between the heavily guarded Daxing (Xinei) Park to the north and the Imperial City to the south, this palace was arguably the most secure royal quarters in Chinese history to that time. Guarded by the Northern Command, the Xuanwu Gate served as the palace's rearguard. Its loss could and did lead to the overthrow of emperors, and its control permitted dominance over the palace and the entire city. A key concept in the cosmology of a Chinese capital city-axiality-is conspicuously present in the Palace City. The most prominent position on the north-south central axis. is reserved for the main court building. This practice harks back to the Western Zhou dynasty, when, it is believed, the Grand Court served as the main axial structure. In Han times, the principal hall in both
106 107
On the Luoyang Yeting, see THY 3.28. TLD 12.358, text and commentary.
TLfCFK 1.9. There is no record in Chang 'an zhi and Leibian Chang 'an ihi of these structures inside the palace. See CAZHi 6.2-3; LBCAZ 2.62. 109 Ma 1963,597.
108
75
Chang'an and Luoyang was known as the Anterior Basilica (Qiandian illi~).IIO By erecting the Daxing Basilica in the primary axial location, the planners of Daxingcheng clearly meant to comply with the tradition of symmetry. According to canonical prescriptions, three axial structures were of primary importance within the central palace. At the city's inception, these were the central Daxing Basilica, the Guangyang Gate to the south, and the Zhonghua Basilica to the north. These three structures functioned as the Sui outer court, central court, and inner court, respectively (see Map 3.1 ).111 In 618 when Li Yuan came to power as the founder of the Tang dynasty, he inherited the Sui triple-court system. 1I2 But Tang sovereigns were to introduce a number of name changes that carried various types of significance. To publicly proclaim his assumption of the mandate of Heaven, Taizu changed the name of Zhaoyang (formerly Guangtian) Gate, the southern terminus of the central axis, to Shuntian (Obedience to Heaven). After his death, that gate was renamed Chengtian (Receiving [the Mandate of] Heaven). Both of these names underscore celestial sanction. Gaozu renamed the Daxing Basilica Taiji, and its adjacent northern structure, the Zhonghua Basilica, Liangyi.113 Here the references are obviously to the Appended Commentary (xici ~f!$) section of the Yijing: "Therefore, there is in the Changes (yi ~) the grand culmen (taijl). This generates the two primary forces (/iangyl). The two primary forces generate the four images. The four images generate the eight trigrarns.,,114 Gaozu, who embraced Daoism as the royal religion, was doubtless aware of the term taiji's Daoist implications. The Sui-Tang scholar Kong Yingda identifies taiji with the taichu j;cW (grand beginning) and taiyi j;c- (grand monad) in the Laozi ~r, and the two forces, i.e., yin and yang, with heaven and earth.115 The Daoist Maoshan ;r;W school also incorporated taiji into its five-level system of celestial existence. It was regarded as a place in the northern planisphere where the celestial palaces of the "Perfected" (zhen !W) were located. 1I6
YH 159.2909. TLD 6.217. As recently as the Northern Zhou dynasty, the triple-court system had been adopted at the capital; see chapter 1. Note that the system recorded in the Liji is slightly different from that cited above from the Zhou Ii. It includes an hmer Court (neichao) as the main court, a Grand Court (luqin), and a Lesser Court (xiaoqin) or Court of Repose (yanqin). There is no clear indication of an Outer Court. See Lf 29.246a-b. 112 For a modem account of the Tang triple-court system, see SaiO 1976, 232-41. 113 However, the central compound of the Palace City, the Daxing Palace, was renamed Taiji Palace much later, in 705 (CAZHi 6.1), or 710 (YL 3.11). 114 ZY7.70a-b; translation based on Wilhelm and Baynes 1967, 318. l1S ZY7.70a-b. Also see Laozi daodejing ~~~ (LZ) 42.26-27. 116 Strickmann 1979, 17~0. 110
111
76 I Sui-Tang Chang'an The association of the imperial residence with taiji was no doubt influenced by Chinese astronomy, which is in fact closer to "uranography." Uranography focuses on the delineation of celestial regions and the abode of the gods. In the Later Han, Chinese uranographers began to take an increasing interest in the Northern Dipper and other circumpolar· stars. 117 The north celestial pole was identified with taiji, which was at the center of the Ziwei Palace (-m{ilt8), where the Celestial Emperor resided. 118 In keeping with this theory, from the time of Mingdi aJ.l~ (r. 226-239) of the Cae-Wei dynasty, the main court building in Luoyang had been named the Taiji Basilica, and this continued under the Western lin dynasty. The subsequent five regimes of the Southern Dynasties, based in Jiankang U (Nanjing), adopted the same name for their key court buildings. 1I9 Sui Wendi was perhaps innovative in naming his main court building the Daxing Basilica, but for him articulating a symbolic association with his predynastic title was of greater significance thail. other traditions of palace naming. 120 It was uranographical theory and its implementation in historical precedents, however,·that inspired Gaozu to rename the main palace· structure the Taiji Basilica prior to his enthronement as the Tang's founding sovereign.12I In Sui times, Yuwen Kai positioned the Palace City according to his geomantic analysis of the terrain based on the Yijing interpretation for the hexagram qian. l22 The geomantically propitious siting of the palace was not without its drawbacks, however. Since the area of Chang' an rises gradually from the northwest to the southeast (see Map 22), the Palace City was placed at the lowest point in the terrain, where it suffered from a humid and stuffy environment. None of the five Sui-Tang sovereigns who spent a substantial amount of time in the Palace City seem to have felt entirely at home there. Toward the end of his life, Sui Wendi spent his summers in the suburban Renshou Palace (e*'8), and Yangdi obviously favored Luoyang to the east and Jiangdu in the south over the Palace City.l23
The Palace City I 77 In his last years Tang Gaozu was adversely affected by the summer heat in the Palace City. This prompted his son Taizong to begin construction of a suburban palace named Yong'an Palace 7J<~~'8 (the future Daming Palace), which was not finished because of Gaozu's death. Toward the end of his own life, Taizong suffered from apoplexy and began to complain about the insufferable heat of the capital. Not only did he build the Cuiwei Palace ~~'8 at the site of the defunct Taihe Palace (i\:;fO'8) erected by Gaozu as a summer resort in the Zhongnan Mountains, he also set up the Yuhua Palace a_'8) near Tongchuan jjUJ) II north of the capital. l24 It was in the suburban Cuiwei Palace 125 that he spent his last days in 649. The rheumatic Gaozong,. who never liked the environment of the Palace City, relocated to the Daming Palace as soon as it was completed in 663. From then on Daming largely replaced the Palace City as the official imperial residence. 126
On the identification of these stars, see Needham 1959, 238. SUS 19.529-30; Schafer 1977b, 47; Xiong 19%, 286. For a summary of recent Japanese scholarship on the subject, see Seo 1990aand 1992. 119 YH 159.2916-19; CXl24.570; Yiwen leiju !$U~ (YWLJ) 62.1126. All southern regimes did not necessarily use the same structure. For example, Liang Wudi ~ff;t* (r. 502-549) tore down the Song Taiji Palace to build a Hall of Brilliance. See SUS 68.1 593. 120 TLD 7.217; THY 30.549; Jl'S 1.6. 117 118
ZZTJ 185.5791; JTS 1.6; Da Tang chuangye qijuzhu ~U~~ff (DTCY) 3.57. zy 1.1-2, text and commentary; Wilhelm and Baynes 1967, 5-9. For a fuller analysis, see chapter 2. 123 Xiong 1993. 121
122
124 ZZTJl98.6246, 6253. On the TaihePalace, see THY 30.550-51. 125 126
ZZTJ 199.6267; Jl'S 3.62; XTS 2.48. YL 1.28.
4
The Darning and Xingqing Palaces They erected ornate watchtowers piercing the sky, Lavishly built vermilion halls crowning the peaks. Using the rarest materials, the most wondrous artistry, They hoisted rainbow beams shaped like winged dragons, Aligned purl ins and rafters to place the eaves, Shouldered long and short ridgepoles, which soared on high. They carved jade pedestals to set the columns, Cut golden discs to adorn the finials. -Ban Gu lHl~F ry"tle complexes known as the Daming *13)3 and Xingqing Jut Palaces were 1 the Tang sovereigns' major contribution to the city of Chang'an. The Daming Palace, alternately known as the Dongnei *1*1 (Eastern Compound) or the Beinei ~tl*J (Northern Compound), was constructed to be a second urban palace northeast of the Palace City in 662-663. 2 I have classified it as urban because it was more an extension of the city proper than a suburban palace, and because it was intended to function in place of the Palace City as the main imperial residence. After compl!ltion of the Darning Palace, the once unrivaled Danei *1*1 or Great Compound of the Palace City became known as Xinei ~1*1 (Western Compound) and was relegated to a secondary position. In 714, Xuimzong added a third urban palace, known as the Xingqing Palace or Nailnei i¥i1*1 (Southern Compound). Erected southeast of the Palace City in what had been known as Xingqing Ward (J!.!f:l:jj), it completed the triple-palace system of Chang' an, which was to remain in service until the destruction of the city. 3
From "Western Capital Rhapsody." WX1.25a. Translation by Knechtges (1982, 119). THY 30.553; ZZTJ 201.6363, 218.6970. Thilo (1997, 28) believes that th.e term "northern" was never used to designate a palace compound because the north was considered unlucky. 3 Xingqing was also known as Longqing 1Ii!f. ZZTJ211.6703; XTS 5.123; Jju Tang shu 1
2
lfr.!f. (JTS) 8.173.
79
80 /
Sui-Tang Chang'an
The Darning Palace
In the early 630s Tang Taizong began to drift away from his earlier policies of economy and frugality, and built or renovated a number of palace complexes. 5 Taizong had advised his father Gaozu to avoid the summer heat of the Palace City and take up residence in the Jiucheng Palace (jtlVt'§, formerly the Sui Renshou Palace) to the west of the capital. But Gaozu disliked its association with Wendi's death and so did not make the move. In the tenth month of 634 (Zhenguan 8), therefore, Taizong began construction of a new summer palace for Gaozu. Initially known as the Yong'an Palace/ it was renamed Daming in 635 (see Maps 4.1, 4.2).7 The project was given up halfway when (Jaozu became ill and died. 8 It was not until 662 (Longshuo 2) that Taizong's successor Gaozong revived the project, renaming it the Penglai Palace ~'§). He moved in the next year. 9 In 670 the name was changed again, this time to Hanyuan Palace (~jf;'§) after its principal basilica. 10 But in 701 (the eleventh month of Chang'an 1), its old name, Daming, was restored. 11 Planned and built by Liang Xiaoren m~c, the deputy director of the Court of Imperial Granaries (sinong shaoqing J::ijJtP~J) under Gaozong, the Daming Palace was bounded by a rising plain on the north. On a fine day, looking southward from its main structure, the Hanyuan Basilica, one commanded a clear view of the entire city as well as the Zhongnan Mountains in the far distance. 12 The ruins of the Daming Palace are better preserved than most areas of the Tang city, for they have been the least disturbed by later structures. Although surface remains are no longer clearly distinguishable, the substructures lie beneath Archaeological excavations of the Daming Palace were directed by Ma Dezhi (1959, 1961). For an Englishdiscussion of the palace and excavations of it, see Chung 1990. 5 Wechsler 1979b, 192. . 6 ZZTJ200.6294-95, commentary. 7 Map 4.1 is an archaeological map of the palace (Ma 1982) and Map 4.2 by Xu Song is based on traditional sources. 4
8
9
ZZTJ 194.6106-7: THY 30.553. Also see ZZTJ 200.6329, text and commentary; 201.6335, 6363. JTS
records that Gaozong moved into the Daming Palace in 662 (the fourth month of Longshuo 2), but this must be an error, since the palace was not completed until a year later. 10 ZZTJ 20 1.6363. 11 12
ZZTJ207.6557. CAZHi 6.6, text and commentary; Ma 1982, 644.
The Darning and Xingqing Palaces / 81 open country (see Fig. 4.2). It has thus been possible to subject them to more intensive archaeological study than other parts of the city. The palace area was roughly trapezoidal in shape, with the north side measuring 1,135 meters and the south side 1,674 meters. The north-south length was 2,256 meters. Situated in the northeastern suburbs, the palace shared its south wall with the city proper.13 The main southern entrance was the Danfeng Gate, at the southern terminus of the palace's north-south axis. Here, as in the Palace City, we find the major structures arranged along the central axis. Immediately north of the gate stood the key Hanyuan Basilica, followed by a series of other basilicas-Xuanzheng ]1D&, Zichen ~~, Penglai li~, and Hanliang ~~~-further to the north. The Taiye Pond, famous for its beautiful scenery, lay at the center of the palace compound. 14 Extant sources record three major royal transportation routes, referred to as concealed passageways ifudao ~), all connected with the Daming Palace. IS Protected by a double wall (jiacheng ~~), these raised passageways were intended to shield from view the movement of the emperor and his entourage. Without them, numerous ritual and safety considerations for the imperial passage would have made it impossible for the emperor to move at will outside the palace areas. The passageways gave the emperor the freedom to move between key quarters of the city with only minimum security. The first route was built in 726 (Kaiyuan 14). It began on the east side of the palace, proceeding south along the east city wall to the Xingqing Palace via the Tonghua Gate (jiftr~), the northernmost east city gate (see Map 2.1, 2J).16 In 732 (Kaiyuan 20), a second route was built, which continued south from the fIrst route along the city wall to IiIik both the Darning and Xingqing Palaces with the Furong Garden (5ig?9~) in the southeast comer of the city.17 Archaeological excavations have revealed the foundation of a long double wall (7,970 meters) that provided a physical connection between the two northern palaces and the leisure area in the southeast. IS The third route was built much later, under orders from Xianzong in 817 (Yuanhe 12). It was the work of the
13 Ma 1959a, 296. CAZHi 6.6-8; TLD 7.218; Kaiyuan Tianbao yishi OO:7f;*JljJt* (KYTBYS) xia.96. IS These were the major passageways; there were minor ones as well. See Chronology of Sui-Tang Chang'an in Appendix 1. . 16 TW 7.219, commentary. 17 YH 158.2893; XI'S 37.961. The date recorded in THY (30.559) is 736. The garden was originally named the Qujiang Garden (IIIl?I~) after the Qujiang Pond. Wendi disliked the association with "crookedness" (qu), and changed the name tofurong (hibiscus). See 14
SUi-Tangjiahua ~1St.~ (ST.JH) shang.2. IB Hang et al. 1958,83-84.
82 /
Shence Anny of the Right (:t=i:fIj!~1![), with a labor force of 2,000. This concealed passageway started westward from the Yunshao Gate (~fmr~), then turned south into the city proper through the Fanglin Gate (%'**r~), and ended at the Xingfu Monastery (!'MM~) in the northwest quadrant of Xiude Ward (f~ttt}j; Map 2.1, 1C).19
Major Structures According to the Tang liudian, the Daming Palace had eleven gates. There were five in the south: the Danfeng ftil. Gate commanded the center, the Wangxian ~fUJ and Yanzheng ~ Gates flanked it on the east, and the Jianfu ~m and Xing'an!J!ij.~ Gates stood to its west. The two west palace gates were, from south to north, the Right Yintai Gate (:t=i~.r~) and the Jiuxian Gate (jdUJr~). The eastern portal was called Left Yintai Gate (:tc~.r~). The north central gate was the Xuanwu Gate c:t~r~), and it played as important a role as its namesake at the Palace City in safeguarding the imperial residence. 2o It was flanked by the Yinhan Gate (~~r~) on the east and the Lingxiao Gate ('~"r~) on the west. 21 A recent archaeological map shows nine of the eleven gates recorded in the Tang liudian (Map 4.1).22 The Dan/eng Gate Briefly renamed Mingfeng ~iI. in 758 (Zhide 3), the Danfeng Gate was the central southern entrance to the palace, holding a comparable position to that of the Chengtian Gate in the Palace City.23 Leading south from the Danfeng Gate into the city proper was a spacious thoroughfare, Danfengmen Street
THY 30.562. The Yunshao Gate led to the Yunshao Basilica, which is located by the Chang 'an zhi inside the Darning Palace. Its exact location is unclear, but it was probably in the southwest comer of the palace, close to the west palace wall and the north city wall. See CAZHi 6.9b. 20 For a study on the reconstruction of the Xuanwu Gate and its outer gate to the north, called Chongxuan, see Fu 1977a, 131-57. 21 TLD 7.218-19; TUCFK1.l9. Its alternate name Qingxiao if. (or Qingyun 1f~) is believed to be an error. See Xin 1991, 106-7. 22 See Map 4.1 and Ma 1982, 643, map 2. The two gates that have not been positively identified are the Wangxian and Yanzheng Gates; both are enclosed in parentheses. . Earlier only eight gates had been identified. Cf. Ma 1959b, 15. CAZHi (6.7) lists additional outer gates: Riying B1i on the west and Taihe :*fD on the east (see Map 4. 2). These are noted by Xu Song in TUCFK (1.18). Note that in TLlCFK's attached map "Riying" Bff is mislabeled "Rican" B.. See TUCFK, "Xijing Daming gong hi" 19
gs**SJ3'8I11. 23
The Darning and Xingqing Palaces /
Sui-Tang Chang'an
YH 170.15, commentary; TUCFK 1.18.
83
(ftil.r~m), which was created after the founding of the palace by cutting through the two wards to its immediate south, Yishan ~~ and Yongchang 7J'(~ (Map 2.1, lH, 2H). This split consequently created two additional wards, Guangzhai:7't~ and Laiting *Il!, respectively. Measuring 130 bu (195 meters) in width, the thoroughfare led to Yongxing Ward (ik~, 3H) at its southern terminus. Once the Tang emperors took up residence in the Daming Palace, this gate fulfilled an increasingly significant function. Here Xuanzong entertained Central Asian envoys of the nine clans (jiuxing fL~),24 as well as Turkish envoys.2S Later emperors often mounted this gate to hold court, to inaugurate new eras, and to grant general amnesties. 26
The Hanyuan Basilica The central structure of the palace, the Hanyuan Basilica (1f:7C~) was located on the north-south axis, north of the Danfeng Gate. 27 It was first built in 662-663 and destroyed either in or sometime after 886 (Guangqi 2).28 Excavations were conducted in 1959-1960 and in 1995-1996, and attempts have been made to reconstruct the basilica in accordance with documentary sources and archaeological finds (see Fig. 4.1).29 Measuring 75.9 meters by
Jiuxing is Toquz-oghuz in Turkish. On the nine clans, see Xiang 1957, 12-24; Dalby 1979, 608-9. 2S YH 164.3020. The same passage in Yuhai also records envoys from Sulu fM';;ff (Sula), an island country that is now part of Indonesia If the passage is true, this record is probably the earliest on Sulu in Chinese sources; see also Daoyi zhilue ~~~ (DfZL),178-80. 26 On the Danfeng Gate, and Danfengmen Street, see CAZHi 6.7; TUCFK 1.18. On the axial structures, see ZZTJ 201.6335; QTW 314.3186, Li Hua, "Hanyuan dian fu" 1?jf;~. On various state ceremonies, see YH 164.3020-21; and the basic annals (ji of Tang emperors in JTS . 27 For reconstructions of the basilica and its associated structures, see Guo 1963, 567-72; Fu 1973. 28 No year of destruction has been established. I follow Fu Xinian's (1973, 31) view that the basilica was destroyed in 886 or later. Also see Xi'an Tangcheng Gongzuodui 1997, 343,398. 29 The 1959-1960 excavations, directed by Ma Dezhi, systematically explored the foundations of the basilica and its two side pavilions (see Ma 1961). Also see Guo 1963, 567-72. During the 1995-1996 excavations, which were sponsored jointly by UNESCO, China, and Japan, An Iiayao and her associates were able to carry out more extensive investigations. Their main contributions are in four areas: 1) They refute the assumption that the Hanyuan Basilica was rebuilt on the foundation of the Sui or Early Tang Guande Basilica (i!l~~) and offer archaeological evidence that the Hanyuan Basilica was built from scratch; 2) their excavations unearthed twenty-one brick kilns on the premises of the basilica; 3) they discovered evidence of renovation of the basilica; and 4) they found 24
.*c.)
84 / Sui-Tang Chang'an 41.3, the basilica was an imposing edifice. It was flanked by the Xiangluan Pavilion (mltliD on the east and the Qifeng Pavilion (_lUi!) on the west; all three structures sat on a platform 15 meters high.30
The Darning and Xingqing Palaces / 85 The Hanyuan Basilica in many ways resembled the Chengtian Gate in the Palace City. Both had two audience halls, a red (or grievance) stone on the east, and a remonstrator's drum on the west. 33 Both were centered on a north-south axis and served as the outer court. The site of the Hanyuan Basilica was a hillock or vantage point, which had been leveled to make a platform with a height of 15.6 meters (see Fig 4.2).34 This was the foundation of the palace structure. Although tradition required the outer court to be located in a gate structure as was the case with the Chengtian Gate, at the Daming Palace it was located in a basilica because of the extreme difficulty of cutting a gate through the hillock. 35 In function the Hanyuan Basilica resembled the Chengtian Gate as well. It was the venue for such major state ceremonies as New Year celebrations, semimonthly audiences, and receptions in honor of successful candidates in the state examinations. 36
Fig. 4.1. Reconstruction of Hanyuan Basilica, Daming Palace. Source: Yang 1987b According to Li Hua ~, a celebrated writer of prose-poetry active during Xuanzong's reign, a divination ceremony was carried out before ground was broken at the site of the basilica. The two characters of its name were chosen from the Yijing: han ~, from the phrase han hong guang do ~51.;jf:;*, which means, "It (kun) embraces everything in its breadth and illumines everything in its greatness";31 and yuan ft, from the phrase yuan heng Ii zhen ft~flJ~, which means "sublimity, potentiality of success, power to further, perseverance.'>32 The first phrase was taken from the classical commentary on the hexagram kun. The second phrase is the judgment for the hexagram qian. Fig. 4.2. Surface remains of Hanyuan Basilica Source: Author's photograph possible evidence of the Longwei Paths (~~3!t), which probably provided access to the basilica on its east and west sides. In addition, they also investigated Hanyuan's eastern audience hall C*~~) immediately south of the Xiangluan Pavilion, and the Hanyuandian Courtyard (~J,l!:liI) south of the basilica See Xi'an Tangcheng <Jongzuodui 1997,347-65,395-99. 30 Su 1978, 414. According to Fu Xinian (1973, 38, 43), the measurements of the Hanyuan Basilica are 67.33 meters by 29.2. 31 zy U8a Translation by Wilhelm and Baynes (1967,386--87). 32 For the original text and commentary, see ZY 1.1; 1.19b; translation by Wilhelm and Baynes (1967, 4). Note that in the translated text, the p~ .is rendered: "The c!eative works sublime success, Furthering through perseverance. It IS translated more htera1ly in the commentary, which is what I have quoted. For Li Hua's interpretations, see QTW 314.3185.
The Xuanzheng Basilica Proceeding north along the axis, about 300 meters beyond the Hanyuan Basilica, one entered the Xuanzheng Gate (~iJij(r~), the entrance to the spacious courtyard of the Xuanzheng Basilica ~M).37The basilica itself measured 70
33 On the grievance stone and remonstrator's drum, see chapter 3. 34 Su 1978,414. According to Fu Xinian (1973,46) the height is 11 meters. 35 Here I follow Fu Xinian's (1973, 46) interpretation. 36 Yinhua lu ~~~ (YHL) 1.74; SZSL 1.2; QTW 482.4922. 37 Ma 1959a, 297.
The Darning and Xingqing Palaces / 87
86 / Sui-TangChang'an 8
meters east-west by about 40 meters north-south.l The fact that the Xuanzheng Basilica, the second major axial structure of the palace, was also referred to as the "formal court" (zhengqin JEll) and the "anterior basilica" (qiandian iW~) no doubt indicates its preeminent position. 39 However, these designations were not used exclusively for this structure. Both the Hanyuan and Zichen Basilicas were referred to as "formal basilicas" (zhengdian B) or the "grand court" (/uqin ~1Il), while the Zichen Basilica was also known as. the ante~or basilica.40 What is unique about the Xuanzheng Basilica was Its alternative name, ''the basilica of the formal office" (zhengyadian JE1ti~).41 The term "office" (ya) refers to the emperor's office, and signifies the key official function of this basilica. It was no coincidence that its courtyard was flanked by the offices of the two top branches of the central bureaucracy, the Secretariat on the west and the Chancellery on the east. Their close proximity provided the top 42 leadership with easy access to the reigning emperor. . The counterpart of the Taiji Basilica in the Palace City, the Xuanzheng Basilica housed the central court (zhongchao ~~) of the triple-court system. It was here that the emperor formally met with his officials on the first and fifteenth days of the month, a practice established by Xuanzong and contin~ed for the remainder of the Tang. Holding court was a solemn event that reqUIred the Ceremonial Guard (zhangwei ft'1¥.f) and civil and military officials of rank 4 and below to stand in waiting in the basilica's courtyard. After the leading bureaucrat, the president of the Chancellery (shizhong ~~), declared that the surrounding area had been cordoned off, the emperor made his entry on ~oot through the Xishangge Gate to the west of the basilica. At the end of the seSSIOn, the emperor would disappear through the Dongshangge Gate to the east before 43 the attending officials were dismissed.
38 Ma 1959b, 30. 39 YH 159.2926a; JTS 190.shang.4985; XTS201.5728. 40 YH 159.2924a, 2925a. Although both the Hanyuan and Zichen Basilicas were c~~ed the ''regular basilica," they were distinguished by their qualifiers. The Hanyuan B~lhca was known as the "regular basilica inside the Danfeng Gale" (f}.!ilr~I*J~), whlie the Zichen Basilica as the "inner court regular basilica" (I*J~~. TW 7.218. It seems to me that the reference to the Zieben Basilica as an "anterior basilica" is.a misnomer. Properly speaking, only the Xuanzheng Basilica could have fulfilled thiS function in the Daming Palace. See ZZTJ 141.7783, commentarY. 41 YH 159.2925b; LBCAZ 2.63. 42 TLD 7.218; CAZHi 6.7. 43 THY 24.463. This information is contained in a memorial by Xi~ Song chief author of the Kaiyuan Ii fm5f:;tl and leading ritual scholar in the Kal?'llan perIod (713741). In the memorial, Xiao refers to the emperor's appearance In the xu~e~g Basilica through the Xishangge Gate as "exiting" and his departure from the basilica
I!'*,
t
I I
A memorial submitted to Gaozong's court by Yuan Lizhen :afIJffi[, an erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices (taichang boshi :::t'm'1W±), underscored. the central role of the basilica in the palace and the city. In 681 (yonglong 2), on the occasion of the appointinent of a new crown prince, the emperor granted an audience to court officials arid appointed women, and invited professional entertainers to perform at the Xuanzheng Basilica. Yuan argued against these plans on the grounds of the basilica's sanctity. As the main court of the palace, Xuanzheng was not an appropriate a venue for frolicking with women or for stage performances by lowly entertainers. It was on his advice that Gaozong relocated the festivities to the Linde Basilica, a much less formallocation. 44 In addition to being the venue for regular court business, the Xuanzheng Basilica was also the site where the emperor personally examined top candidates for the civil service, and held investiture ceremonies for himself, the crown prince, the empress dowager, and even foreign leaders.4s Two Middle and Late Tang emperors, Xianzong and Wenzong, ascended the throne in this basilica as well. 46 When Dezong was seriously ill, he formally issued his testament there before relocating to another building where he breathed his last. 47 The rebel leader Zhu Ci *~ also officially announced his short-lived usurpation there. 48 Traditionally, the Danfeng Gate served as the locale for announcing amnesties. But towards the end of the Tang dynasty, under Yizong and Xizong, the Xuanzheng Basilica was used for that purpose as well.49 The famous litterateur through the Dongshangge Gate as "entering." The use of these terms indicates that the adjacent Zichen Basilica and its courtyard to the north were the emperor's backstage area, from which he "exited" to arrive in the Xuanzheng Basilica for his official duty, and which he then "entered" after his duty was completed. . Note that this passage refers to the two side gates of the basilica as xuximen Jfl!Br~ and dongxumen Mr~, which are probably errors for xishanggemen and dongshanggemen. See LBCAZ 2.63; CAZHi 6.7. Also see THY24.468; YH 159.2926b. 44 On Yuan Lizhen and his memorial, see THY 30.553-54, JTS 190.shang.9485, XTS 201.5726. Also see YH 159.2925b-2926a. Note in YH, Yuan Lizhen is miswritten as Yuan Lizheng Rf'JIE. 45 On imperial examinations of civil service candidates, see JTS 10.256, 11.297, 13.380, 17.shang.528. On imperial investiture ceremonies, see JTS 14.409, 14.424, 15.469, 16.490, 17.shang.514, 18.shang.590, 18.xia.619, 18 xia.626; on investiture ceremonies for others, see 16.501, 17.xia.551 (both for the crown prince), 52.2196 (for the empress dowager), and 195.5200 and 195.5204 (both for Uighur leaders). 46 On the inauguration ceremonies of Xianzong and Wenzong, see JTS 14.409, 14.411, 17.shang.523. JTS 13.400.
47
48 49
JTS 200.xia.5388; XTS 150.zhong.6444. JTS 19.shang.661 , 19 xia. 704, 19.xia.720-21.
88 / Sui-TangChang'an Han Yu ~iH:, in his 819 memorial against the court's display of the Buddha's finger bone,50 provides further evidence that the Xuanzheng Basilica was the 51 main venue for major state events: Ifhe [the Buddha] were alive today and on a state mission to visit the court in the capital, and if Your Majesty [Xianzong] were to generously receive him, 52 [Your Majesty] would only grant him audience in the Xuanzheng Basilica.
The Zichen Basilica One gained access to the area of the Zichen Basilica (~1ll[~), the third major axial structure, through the two gates on the east and west sides of the Xuanzheng Basilica. 53 These were known as the Dongshangge *-.tOO and Xishangge gg-.too Gates, and were named after the structures of which they were a part the Dongshang and Xishang Pavilions. The emperor, his court officials, and the palace guard normally passed through these "pavilion-gates" from the Xuanzheng Basilica to enter the Zichen Basilica area to the north, where the emperor granted audiences. The expression "to enter the pavilion" (ruge A~) became accepted as a metonym for "to enter the Zichen Basilica." Located at the center of the palace, the Zichen Basilica was the third and last structure of the triple court and the equivalent of the Liangyi Basilica in the Palace City. Known as the "regular basilica of the inner court" (neichao zhengdian 1*J')liE~), Zichen was the locale for routine court activities. The emperor held semi-official court here daily to consult with key ministers. ~d used it as a backstage area from which he proceeded to the Xuanzheng Basilica for formal state events. Thanks to its less official nature, the Zichen Basilica was appropriately dubbed the "informal basilica" (biandian f£~).S4 50 This relic came to Chang'an from the Famen Monastery l$;r~~ in present-day Fufeng, Shaanxi, about 110 kilometers west of Xi' an. 51 After the destruction of Chang'an in 904, a Xuanzheng Basilica continued to exist in Luoyang. But this nostalgic reference to a glorious past was brought to an end in 905 (Tianyou 2) when all Luoyang palace structures with names borrowed from Chang'an were changed to avoid a catastrophe predicted for the Chang'an ~a. Presumably, Chang'an names would oilly bring bad luck. So the Xuanzheng BasilIca was renamed Zhenguan ~•. See Cefuyuangui H/JJf,fftS (CFYG) 14.161i>-162a. 52 See QTW 548:5552i>-53b, Han Yu, "Lun Fogu biao" ~~~~. Also see JI'S 160:4198-200; XTSI76:5259--60; THY 47:838-40.
53 The Zichen structure was situated 95 meters north of the Xuanzheng Basilica. Poorly preserved, its east-west measurement could not be discerned, but its north-south span was revealed to be close to 50 meters. Ma 1959b, 32. 54 The most illuminating piece oOnformation is found in ZZTJ 241.7783, commentary by the Song scholars Ouyang Xiu Ifx~~ and Cheng Dachang m~. Also see TLD 7.218; LBCAZ2.63; CAZHi 6.Th.
The Darning and Xingqing Palaces / 89
•
The Zichen Basilica must have been planned in the initial stages of the Daming Palace project. As soon as Gaozong moved permanently from the Palace City to the Daming Palace in 663, he began to hold court there. 55 As the preferred venue for conducting informal court business, Zichen Basilica was seldom associated with major historical events. The one exception is the infamous Sweet Dew Incident (ganlu zhi bian i::tRz.~) of 835, an aborted coup d'etat engineered by disgruntled scholar-officials against the court eunuchs. 56 It turned into a bloodbath, involving all three axial basilicas and spreading throughout the Daming Palace, with serious repercussions for the entire city. But the main theater was no doubt the Zichen Basilica. To better understand the structure of the basilica and its relation to the rest of the palace, let us briefly examine the course of this tragic event. On the morning of the twenty-first day of the eleventh month in 835 (Dahe 9) Wenzong was holding court at the Zichen Basilica when General Han Vue ~~ reported sighting sweet dew on a pomegranate tree in the Left Jinwu Honor Guard Courtyard. The appearance of sweet dew was regarded as a sign of Heaven's approval of the sovereign and an extremely propitious omen. It was an occasion for great joy and celebration. The mastermind of the coup, Zheng Zhu ~ff:, and his associate Shu Yuanyu ~ftJ'! both urged the emperor to view it in person. During the chen ~ hours (about 7 to 9 a.m.), Wenzong arrived at the southernmost Hanyuan Basilica, just north of the Honor Guard Courtyard He then dispatched his chief ministers and other court officials to the spot where the dew had allegedly appeared. After a While, Zheng Zhu came to report that the so-called sweet dew must have been a hoax. Wenzorig sent the eunuch general Qiu Shiliang f:tL±~ and other eunuch officers who were the target of the coup, to the Honor Guard Courtyard to verify. Qiu became suspicious when he saw the pale and sweating face of General Han Vue, and rushed back to the Hanyuan Basilica to catch the emperor and alert his fellow eunuchs. As the eunuchs hurriedly carried the emperor away on a palanquin, they shouted, ~'Your Majesty, please return to the palace!" The Jinwu warriors under the command of the conspirators now overran the Hanyuan Basilica, attempting to eliminate every eunuch in sight. The emperor and his eunuch entourage narrowly escaped through the Xuanzheng Gate, and then entered the inner palace area through the Dongshang Pavilion (see Map 4.2) with the conspirators' troops in hot pursuit. Once the Dongshangge Gate was shut with conspirators left outside, the eunuch officers inside the palace all cheered. General Qiu Shiliang ordered a coordinated attack on the conspirators by the palace guards led by the Left and Right Shence Armies,
5S
ZZTJ201.6335; 11fY30.553; YH 159.2924a.
56
See ZZTJ245.7910-19. See also Jay 1989,39-51.
90 / Sui-Tang Chang'an crack palace guard units under the direct control of the eunuch generals. The heavily armed Shence guardsmen exited the pavilion to initiate the indiscriminate killing of the conspirators and bystan<Jers. The conspiracy ended in disaster. 57 The unfolding of this incident as recorded in the histories lends much credence to the record that the Zichen Basilica was the center of daily court activities. The emperor ascended his throne on the day of the coup as he would on a typical day. When the .attack on the eunuch officers started at the Hanyuan Basilica. they made a desperate attempt to "return [the emperor] to the palace" (huon gong ~'§).58 This expression may seem confusing, because the Hanyuan Basilica was already in the palace grounds, and the sources do not explicitly identify "the palace." A contextual analysis, however, can help identify the Zichen Basilica as the mentioned "palace." The Xin Tang shu records that the emperor and his retinue reached their destination after they entered the Dongshang Pavilion, and they were cheered by those "inside the palace" (gongzhong '8$).59 As mentioned above; "to enter the pavilion" means "to enter the Zichen Basilica area." and the pavilion is without doubt the Dongshang or Xishang Pavilion, located on either side of the Xuanzheng Basilica. When the eunuch-dominated Shence forces charged out to attack the conspirators, they apparently headed south from the Zichen Basilica area through the two pavilions into the southern part of the palace grounds. The archaeological map of the Daming Palace (Map 4.1) indicates that three east-west bulwarks ran across the entire width of the southern part of the palace enceinte. The Xuanzheng Basilica sat at the midpoint of the third bulwark. From this we can establish that the Darning Palace was actually divided by the third bulwark into two sections, the "outer" or southern area and the "inner" or northern: area. To the emperor and his entourage, the heavily guarded northern area was "the palace," and the focus of court activity was no doubt the Zichen Basilica. This division clearly underscores the strategic significance of the Zichen Basilica. where the emperor was heavily protected and closely watched by the eunuch officers and the Shence forces under their command.
The Daming and Xingqing Palaces /
j
I I
I I ~!
91
The Yanying Basilica To the west of the Zichen Basilica stood the Yanying Basilica (~~~), which during the Qianfu period (847-879) under Xizong was renamed the Lingzhi Basilica (IIm).60 The Yanying Basilica dates to Gaozong's reign (649-683), but it took on special significance under Daizong. Daizong showed special favor to one of his most respected ministers, the aging Miao Jinqing Ei3ttUW, by meeting him in this basilica instead of in the formal court. This established a new practice: The emperor began to hold irregular and informal meetings here with his ministers and generals.61 In effect, this basilica became a special audience hall where a great number of well-known political, literary, and military figures were granted imperial audiences. They included Yuan Zhen 5f:;fj;, a celebrated Middle Tang poet; Wu YUanheng ilt5f:;~, chief ministei undei Xianzong; Guo Ziyi ~r~, me famed general who had helped crush the An Lushan Rebellion; and Li Jifu *~m, the author of the Yuanhe junxian tuzhi 5f:;~W,,*III~ (YHJX1Z).62 The Linde Basilica Northwest of the Yanying Basilica stood the Linde Basilica (Is\H~~, Fig. 4.3). This and the Hanyuan Basilica are the two major palatial structures that have been thoroughly examined in archaeological studies. Also referred to as the Sandian (=~) and the Sanyuan ('=:'IIJC), Linde was composed of three adjacent basilicas: anterior (south), middle, and rear (north). These sat on a raised platform 5.7 meters high and encompassed an area 130.41 meters (northsouth) by 77.55 (east-west). The south basilica was 58 meters wide and 4 bays or about 20 meters deep; the middle basilica, which was separated from the south basilica by a pathway 6.2 meters wide, was of the same width (58 meters), and 5 bays deep; the rear basilica was of the same width, but only 3 bays deep.63 Best remembered as a banquet hall, the Linde Basilica was a favorite site for the emperor to entertain his ministers. The greatest feast on record at this basilica took place in 768 (Dali 3) when Daizong hosted a banquet for 3,500 Shence Army officers and soldiers who came from Jiannan ~i¥i (SichuanYunnan) and the Chen ~ and Zheng ~ areas (present-day Huaiyang and
The event is mainly recorded in three sources: ZZTJ, XTS, and.fl'S. The ZZTJ record, which is the most detailed, is corroborated by the XTS record. The.fl'S record, which is the shortest; offers a somewhat different account That morning, according to JTS, the emperor first held court in the Xuanzheng Basilica, instead of the Zichen Basilica I follow ZZTJandXI'S. See ZZTJ245.7911-13;XI'S 179.5311-13. Cf. JTS 184.4770-71.
60 There are two contradictory accounts of its location. According to the Tang liudian and the Tang huiyao, it stood west of the Zichen Basilica, but the Chang 'an zhi locates it east of that structure. Wang Yinglin UIl, the author of the Yuhai, proves that the first version is correct. See TLD 7.218; TLJCFK 1.23; YH 160.2933. Cf. CAZHi 6.7b. 61 JTS 113.3352; ZZTJ225.7227, text and commentary.
ZZTJ245.7912. 59 XTS 17.9.5312.
62 YH 160.2933-36. 63 Su 1978,414.
57
58
92 /
Sui-Tang Chang'an
The Darning and Xingqing Palaces /
Zhengzhou, Henan).64 Occasionally, it served as the site of reception ceremonies for appointed women. 6S
south, and 150 meters east-west. A canal linked the two. Curiously, the eastern pool, which extended all the way to the east palace wall, is never mentioned in primary sources. 69 The Taiye Pond was known for its breathtaking scenery. In the fall, Xuanzong, accompanied by close relatives, would go there to enjoy the sight of white lotuses in full bloom/a He would spend the night of the Midautumn Festival by the pond, watching the full moon with his favorite consort, Yang Guifei ~~C. A "moon-watch platform" was set up for the occasion on the west bank. 71 The Early Tang poet Shangguan Yi J:'S. captures the look and sound of the pond in early spring in his "Awaiting an Audience in Early Spring at the Guilin Basilica": The imperial palanquin emerges from Pixiang72 The clear sound of singing floats over Taiye Pond. Moming trees teem with warbling orioles, Spring slopes burgeon with fragrant plants. Breezes in the broad light ripple dew's traceries, Blossom-flakes of snow rise into the azure sky. Butterflies float by in endless succession, Light on the mountains dims toward evening. 73
Fig. 4.3. Reconstruction of Linde Basilica, Darning Palace. Source: Yang 1987b, 242-43, fig.?
In Dezong's time, when a Uighur king sent his envoy to the Tang court seeking a marriage alliance (heqin ~om), the envoy's initial meeting with the 66 Tang princess Xian'an fit.!i occurred in this basilica. It was ~o used for Buddhist devotional actiVities. In 761 (Shangyuan 2), on Suzong's birthday (the third day of the ninth month), which was celebrated nationwide as the Festival of Heavenly Accomplishment and Earthly Peace (tiancheng diping jie the emperor turned the basilica into a Buddhist chapel. Court ladies dressed as bodhisattvas, the warriors as divine guardian kings (jingang shenwang ~iJU:flll'±', Vajrap~), and ministers and courtiers pro~ated th~m selves to perform the ceremonies. 67 After the An Lushan Rebellion, foreIgn emissaries from Nanzhao i¥i~, the Uighur empire, Tibet, and Bohai i'JJJ~ 68 (Parhae) were often invited to this basilica to take part in festivities.
:ltSJZ-rn
In the southeast section of the palace was Dongnei Park C*r*J~), in which lay the much smaller Longshou Pond (~§?tB). Later destruction of the site makes it hard to confirm this pond's exact location. 74 The Longshou Canal (~§~) emptied into the pond from the east, providing a constant inflow of fresh water.7S
*?Jt
The Taiye Pond . At the heart of the Daming Palace lay the two pools of the Tatye Pond (:;{c$i~@. According to archaeological surveys, the we,stern pool ran 500 meters east-west, and 320 meters north-south. The eastern pool was 220 meters north-
69 Ma 1959b, 48-49. The lack of documentation on the eastern pool in extant ~ources suggests that it was relatively insignificant in palace life.
1 j ij ij 11
CFGY llQ.1312b; Xu 1982,647. 6S THY 30.554, Yonglong 7j(1\i 2. 66 YH 162.3930b. 67 ZZTJ222.7115-16; Ma 1959b, 40; Guo 1961,619. 68 YH 160.2930-31.
64
93
,1 ,. ·,:1,
70
71
KYTBYS xia.96. KYTBYSxia.107.
72 "Pixiang" H is short for Pixiang Basilica (H~), which is mentioned in both JTS (75.2629) and XIS (103.3990). It appears in the biography of Su Shichang ~t!t*, who was a grand master of remonstrance (jianyi daifu H:kx) under Tang Gaozu. This extravagant basilica was built by Gaozu, who died before the Darning Palace was completed. This basilica was either situated in the vicinity of that palace, or had been built in its precincts prior to its completion. 73 QTS 40.505. Translation by author, loosely based on Owen (1977,73-74). The Guilin Basilica (fi1*~), which cannot be positively identified, was probably part of the Darning Palace. 74 Ma 1959b, 49; 1978,643. 7S ZZTJ240.7748.
94 /
Sui-Tang Chang'an
Reigning Tang Emperors in the Darning Palace
The Daming and Xingqing Palaces /
95
77
the Taiji Basilica of the Palace City. In the sixth month he began to hold court at the Danfeng Gate in the Darning Palace. He died in Darning Palace in the first month of 805.82 Shunzong. Second to the eighth month of 805 (six months). Shunzong ascended the throne in the first month of 805 in the Taiji Basilica upon his father's death. In the second month of the sarne year he began to hold court at the Danfeng Gate in the Darning Palace. Six months later he abdicated and was settled in the Xingqing Palace until his death in the first month of 806.83 Xianzong. Eighth month of 805 to the first month of 820 (fourteen years and five months). Upon his father's abdication in the eighth month of 805, Xianzong mounted the throne in the Darning Palace, where he reigned until his death in the first month of 820.84 Muzong. First month of 8208S to the fIrSt month of 824 (four years). Upon his father'S death, Muzong ascended the throne in the east wing of the Taiji Basilica in the Palace City. In the sarne month he began to hold court in the Zichen Basilica of the Darning Palace, where he reigned until his death in the first month of 824.86 Jingzong. Second month of 824 to the twelfth month of Baoli 2 (827) (two years and ten months)." Upon his father's death, Jingzong established his court in the Darning Palace in Changqing 4. He was killed by eunuch officers in the twelfth month of Baoli 2.88 Wenzong. Twelfth month of Baoli 2 (827) to the first month of 840 (thirteen years and one month). Wenzong ascended the throne in the twelfth month of Baoli 2 in the Darning Palace and died there in the first month of Kaicheng 5.89 Wuzong. Second month of 840 to the third month of 846 (six years and one month). The beginning of Wuzong's reign in the Darning Palace is not well documented. According to the Jiu Tang shu lf~~ (JTS), he held court in the "regular basilica" (zhengdian) in the second month of 840. 90 The Tang iiwiian
ZZTJ225. 7256.
82 JI'S 12.319, 321; 13.400. ZZTJ236.7606-7. 83.ITS 14.405--6, 409-10. On his retirement in the Xingqing Palace, see ZZTJ 236.7619; 237.7625. 84 JI'S 14.411; 15.471-72. 8S An intercalary month occurred between the first and the second months of 820. 86 JI'S 16.475-76, 504; ZZTJ243.7830-31. 87 The twelfth month ofBaoli 2 corresponds to early 827. 88.ITS 17.shang.507, 522; ZZTJ243.7851-52. 89.ITS 17.shang.523; xla.579. 90 JTS 18.shang.584. Wuzong began his reign in the first month of 840.
Gaozong. Fourth month of 663 to the fourth month of 682 (nineteen years and one month).76 Gaozong established the court in the Darning Palace immediately after its completion. During his reign, Gaozong frequently visited Luoyang and other palaces even though he officially resided and continued to hold court in this palace. In the fourth month of 682, he left the Darning Palace 77 for the last time, heading for Luoyang where he died in 683. Xuanzong. Sixth month of714 to the first month of 728 (thirteen years and seven months). Xuanzong moved the court from the Palace City to the Darning Palace in the sixth month of714; in 728 he moved the court again to the newly completed Xingqing Palace. 78 During his period of residence at the Darning Palace, Xuanzong was often away visiting Luoyang and other palaces. Suzong. Tenth month of 757 to the fourth month of 762 (four years 'and six months). After ascending the throne in exile, Suzong was able to return to the capital in the tenth month of 757. He reigned froin the Darning Palace until his death in its Changsheng Basilica (~~) in the fourth month of 762.79 Daizong. Fifth month of 762 to the fifth month of 779 (seventeen years).80 Following his father's death in the Darning Palace, Daizong was enthroned in the Palace City in the fourth month of 762. He began to hold court in the Darning Palace in the fifth month. Although forced out of Chang'an briefly by the Tibetans (the tenth to twelfth months, 763), Daizong generally remained in 81 this palace, where he died in the fifth month of779. Dezong. Sixth month of 779 to the first month of 805 (twenty-five years and seven months). Following his father's death, Dezong mounted the throne in
76 The year 663 had an intercalary month after the seventh month. ZZTJ201.6335, 203.6409; JTS 4.83,5.109-12. In 684 Wu Zetian began to hold court in Luoyang, where she duplicated the entire central government. See ZZTJ 203.6419, 6421. 78 YH 157.2878a, 158.2894a; XTS 5.123; JT.S 8.192. 79 ZZTJ 220.7042, 222.7124; JT.S 10.248, 10.248. In 761-762, attempts were made to rearrange the order of the' months. This resulted in great calendrical confusion. In the ninth month of 761, zi T was declared the initial month. However, in the standard calendar yin ~ was the initial month, falling some two months later than zi. In 762 y~n was restored as the initial month. Suzong died in the month of si B, the fourth month In the standard system. SeeZZTJ222.71 18, 7123-24. 80 In 779 an'intercalary month occurred after the fifth month. 81 The occupation by the Tibetans lasted for only twelve days in the tenth month, but Daizong did not return to Chang'an until the twelfth month. See ZZTJ223.7151, 715758. On Daizong's accession, see JT.S 11.268--69; ZZTJ 222.7124-25. On his death see
96 /
The Daming and Xingqing Palaces /
Sui-Tang Chang'an
identifies the Zichen Basilica as the regular basilica of the inner court (neichao zhengdian I*J ~~) and I suspect that the "regular basilica" recorded in the Jiu Tang shu is the same as the Zichen Basilica.91 In the first month of 841 Wuzong ascended the Danfeng Gate to inaugurate the new era Huichang .~ and to grant an amnesty.92 He died in the third month of 846 in the Daming Palace.93 Xuanzong 1l*. Third month of 846 to the eighth month of 859 (thirteen years and five months). Xuanzong ascended the throne in the presence of his father's coffin in the Damirig Palace. He himself died there in the eighth month of 859.94 Yizong. Eighth month of 859 to the seventh month of 873 (thirteen years and eleven months). Yizong ascended the throne upon his father's death. He began to hold court in the regular (Zichen) basilica. He died in the Daming . Palace in the seventh month of 873. 9S Xizong. Eighth month of 873 to the third month of 888 (fourteen years and seven months). Xizong's last recorded court appearance was in the third month of 888 in the Zichen Basilica. He died soon after in the Wude Basilica of the Taiji Palace. During his reign at the Daming Palace, he was forced to escape from Chang'an twice. From the twelfth month of 881 (Guangming 1) to the third month of 885 at the time of the Huang Chao rebellion, Xizong took refuge in Xingyuan !!l!j{;, Chengdu, and Fengxiang.96 In the twelfth month of 886 (Guangqi 1),97 he was forced by eunuch officers to escape again to avoid attack by the Shatuo ~ Turks. During that exile the emperor stayed mainly in 98 Fengxiang. He returned to Chang'an in the second month of 888. Zhaozong. Zhaozong's was an era of end-of-dynasty turmoil and warlordism, and despite his personal ambitions, Zhaozong was often at the mercy of the eunuchs and warlords. In late 900, he was temporarily dethroned and kept in
97
custody in the Daming Palace until the fIrst month of 90 1.99 Zhaozong sometimes held court in the Yanying Basilica of the Daming Palace. lOO
The Xingqing Palace Layout Located in the northeast quadrant of Chang'an, the Xingqing Palace southeast of the Palace City and south of the Daming Palace, it was also known as the Nannei (Southern Compound). This complex was created in a residential ward called Longqing ~~:l:jj; Map 2.1, 4J) in 714, not long after Xuanzong came to power. The name of the palace was changed from Longqing to Xingqing to avoid the middle character of Xuanzong's personal name. lol Immediately this palace became Xuanzong's favorite place. In 726 its grounds went through a: major expansion; they were merged with the southern half of Yongjia Ward (7.kB:l:jj, 3J) to the north. This expansion has been confIrmed by archaeological study. 102 Extant sources also record a number of other expansions. In 726 the palace grounds were extended west, taking up half of Shengye Ward (Mj~;I:jj, 41). In 732 the southwestern section of the palace enclosure was expanded to permit enlargement of the front courtyard of the Hua'e Loft-building (:fE~; see below). In the process, both the northeast comer of Eastern Market, and the northwest comer of Daozheng Ward (~, 5J) were subsumed. l03 Archaeological investigations, however, have failed to uncover evidence in support of these records. Without such corroboration it is difficult to confIrm the Xingqing
(!!l!m'S) was the city's third and last urban palace area. Because it was
. 99 ZZTJ records in detail Zhaozong's forced abdication and subsequent restoration. His
new residence is referred to as the Shaoyang Courtyard
(1-~i!3t)
in the Eastern Palace i.e., the Daming Palace. The Shaoyang Courtyard was associated with the Dongnei. Indeed, JTS records its locale as the Wen'an Palace r,,'~8" in the Dongnei. Moreover, according to ZZTJ, the so-called Wen'an Palace was a new name for the Shaoyang Courtyard. See ZZTJ 262.8538-44; JTS 20.shang.770-71. 100 JTS 20.shang.758-64, 773-75. On Zhaozong's appearance in the Yanying Basilica in the tenth month of901, see ZZTJ262.8559.
<*:8"). I suspect that "Donggong" *8" is an error for "Dongnei" *r*J,
On zhengaum, see TLD 7.218. See also the section on the Zicheng Basilica in this chapter, pp. 86, 88-90. 92 JTS 18.shang.586.
91
93
XTS 8.245.
94 JTS 18.xia.613, 616, 645; XTS 8.252; ZZTJ248.8022. 95 JTS 19.shang.649-50, 684; ZZTJ252.8166-67. 96 Note that the twelfth month of Guangming 1 actually fell in 881. 97 The twelfth month of Guangqi 1 was in 886. 98 On his enthronement, rule in the Darning Palace, and death, see fl'S 19.xia.689-92, 729; on his periods of exile from Chang'an, seefl'S 19.xia.709, 720, 722, 726,729.
101
YL 4.25.
On the archaeological excavation of the Xingqing Palru;e, see Ma 1959c; Hang et al. 1958,85-87. For an English discussion of the same topic, see Chung 1991. 103 Ma 1959c, 558; LBCAZ 2.65. Cf. CAZHi 9.2. Note that CAZ records the date of the fIrSt expansion project as "the fortieth year of Kaiyuan," but it should have read ''the fourteenth year," namely 726. 102
98 / Sui-Tang Chang'an Palace expansion into Shengye Ward asserted in the sources. On the other hand, it is entirely possible that the extensions into the Eastern Market and Daozheng Ward were too minor to be revealed by archaeology (see Maps 4.3, 4.4).104 The archaeological investigations of the Xingqing Palace site were carried out in the 1950s by the Shaanxi Cultural Relics Administration and the Institute of Archaeology at Academia Sinica. lOS Efforts were also made to reconstruct the entire palace enclosure from a Song epigraphic map by LU Dafang g *~jj in the collection of the Shaanxi Provincial Museum in conjunction with archaeological evidence (Map 4.5).106 Measuring 1,075 meters (east-west) by 1,250 (north-south), the palace was bounded by Yongjia Ward on the north, Anxing Ward (~.Jtt..O, 3D and Shengye Ward on the west, Daozheng Ward on the south, and the east city wall on the east. To its southwest lay the Eastern Market. Its main entrance, the Xingqing Gate (!mJJ!r~), faced west. To its south stood the Jinming Gate (~Il~r~). Two gates opened the south palace wall, the Tongyang Gate (Mr~) to the west and the Mingyi Gate (fY3;tr~) to the east. Excavations have revealed that the south side of the palace was bounded by a double wall. l07 The eastern entrance was known as Chuyang Gate (m~r~), and the northern entrance, the Yuelong Gate (ilIftr~).I08 The Qing scholar Xu Song attempted to draw a map of the Xingqing Palace based on the "Geben Xingqing gong tu" OO~llIg[IJ ("Map of the Xingqing Palace in the Collection of the Imperial Archives") contained in the Yongle dadian 7k~*~ (Encyclopedia of the Yongle Period). Xu's map shows major differences from the Lii Dafang map. Of the three northern palace gates Xu identifies, the two on the side, the and Fangyuan Gates, were located inside the palace grounds Liyuan on the Song map. Moreover, Xu omits the east gate altogether (Map 4.6).109
!in
nn
The Darning and Xingqing Palaces / 99 The ~ost famous structures in the palace were two multistoried buildings called the Hua'e and Qingzheng Loft-buildings.
Major Structures The Hua'e Loft-building One of the two mlijor structures of the Xingqing Palace, the Hua'e Loftbuilding GE~fI)lIO was of primary interest to the archaeologists carrying out systematic excavations of the palace area in the late 1950s. In 1958, Hang Dezhou and his team published a brief report on Chang'an, which included a map of the Xingqing Palace (Map 4.3). Hang locates the Hua'e Loft-building in the southernmost part of the west palace wall, the same location given in the Song map (Map 4.5). However, Hang's study was no more than a preliminary survey. He and his colleagues only carried out test digs in the area and their identification of the Hua' e Loft-building remains problematic.ll1 Ma Dezhi meticulously carried out follow-up excavations that focused on the southwest comer of the palace and published his findings in 1959. Ma and his associates dispute Hang's identification of the Hua'e Loft-building. Among the seventeen building sites investigated, "number 17" (see Map 4.4) seemed the best candidate, according to Ma, the chief excavator. He locates it in the southwest comer of the palace well inside the wall, facing west. 112 But the precise location of this structure has yet to be confirmed. The name of the loft-building-hua'e or flower calyxes-is an allusion to a poem in the Shijing: The flowers of the cherry tree Are their calyxes not gorgeously displayed?
104 For a premodern urban site like that of Chang'an, the most telling archaeological evidence indicating major construction activities are pillar foundations and rammed earth formations. Their presence is necessary to determine the size and layout of a structure. The expansion in question perhaps did not result in additional palace structures that would leave sufficient evidence behind. That may be why no archaeological fmds related to the expansion have yet been discovered. lOS In the 1970s, the Division of Philosophy and Social Sciences to which the Institute of Archaeology belonged became the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. 106 A rubbing of it is reproduced in Hiraoka 1956, Map Volume, plate 23 (2). 107 Ma 1959c, 550-51. On the significance of double walls, see my discussion on p. 83. 108 Hang et aI. 1958, 85. 109 Another geben (Imperial Archives) map of the Xingqing Palace is contained in the Yong/u _ (YL 4.21). It too differs from Xu's map. For a recent assessment of these maps, see Thilo 1997,21; on the epigraphic map of Song, see Hang et aI. 1958,85-86; cf. TLJCFK, "Xijing Xingqing gong tu" g§*J!t~'8fil, and 1.26.
Of all the men in the world None are equal to brothers. 113 Here, the beauty of flowers in full show figures the bond of loyalty among brothers. Xuanzong's attachment to his brothers was well known. In 701, while still a prince, Xuanzong and his four brothers were each given a mansion in Longqing Ward; they were known collectively as the Five Princes' Mansions (Wuwang zhai .li.3:.'=iS). When Longqing Ward was converted into the Xingqing Palace, Xuanzong's brothers moved into the two neighboring wards to its west-Anxing and Shengye. As emperor, Xuanzong and his brothers remained 110 Also known as the Hua' e xianghui lou ft~ffi~m. III Hang et al. 1958,85-87. 112 Ma 1959c, 555, 558. 113 Translation based on Legge 1960, pt. II, bk. I, Ode IV, 250-51. See also MSZf9. 2:3.
100 / Sui-TangChang'an very close. His elder brother Li Chengqi, the eldest son of Ruizong, could have been the legitimate successor through primogeniture, and there were rumors that he might challenge Xuanzong. Xuanzong responded by showering favors upon him and was extremely grieved and shaken at his death. He granted Chengqi a posthumous, imperial title, ''the modest emperor" (rang huangdi ~li!~).114
Fig. 4.4. Hua'e Loft-building at Xingqing Palace, modem reconstruction. Source: Author's photograph
Xuanzong adopted the term "flower calyx" for this loft-building to encourage brotherliness, and it was here that he kept company with his brothers. According to one source, hardly a day went by without his descending upon the loft-building to share his brothers' company, discussing with them Confucian classics, ethics, and philosophy, playing gambling games and polo, composing poetry, and indulging in food and wine amidst jokes and laughter. 1l5 In the words of Zhang Fu ~m, a Tang scholar, "Leaning on the balustrade [of the Hua'e Loft-building] one can see far beyond the suburbs and city walls of the heavenly capital [Le., Chang' an]. [Here one looks out] over vermilion phoenixes, and towers above white cranes.,,116 We may infer from this that the Hua'e building was of unusual height. In springtime, looking south, one could enjoy a picturesque view of the city filled with green willow trees and flowers in full blossom. The delightful chirping of orioles was often heard after
The Darning and Xingqing Palaces /
a spring rain.117 Not coincidentally, this building also commanded an excellent view of neighboring Anxing and Shengye Wards, where Xuanzong's brothers lived. When Xuanzong caught the sound of music coming from his brothers' residences, he would invite them to ascend the loft-building for companionship.11I Thus the loft-building served as a sort of link between Xuanzong's palace and his brothers' mansions. The Qinzheng Loft-building. 19 As the other major structure of the palace, this building was also located in the southwest comer of the palace compound, but it faced south. Built in 720, it remained one of Xuanzong's favorite buildings. 12o In a preliminary excavation undertaken in the 1950s, Hang Dezhou and his colleagues identified this site as an elongated structure sandwiched between two parallel walls in the westernmost section of the south palace wall (Map 4.3).121 Ma Dezhi reexcavated the same site, and identified the loft-building with an area he refers to as "locality number 1" (Map 4.4).122 Measuring 26.5 meters (east-west) by 19 meters (northsouth) at the base, it was built inside the inner south palace wall. The west side of the building was 125 meters from the west palace waIl. 12l Contrary to what its name qinzheng or "industrious govemmenf' suggests, the Qinzheng Loft-building (flJJ&tI) was Xuanzong's preferred venue for entertainment. It was here that he treated heads of foreign states and tribal chieftains to sumptuous banquets and to acrobatic, circus, and athletic performances. Accounts survive of hundreds of court ladies decorated with jade and pearls and dressed in embroidered silk dancing to the tune of "Smashing the Enemy Lines" (pozhen yue li8i:~~). Elephants and rhinoceroses were also trained to dance to music for performances here. One of the most popular annual events in the city was the lantern festival celebrated on the fifteenth day of the first month at the Qinzheng building. l24 Sometimes the festivities, which could last up to five days, were open to the public, and on those occasions the building swarmed with a multitude of city residents. 12S After Xuanzong's birthday, the
117
QT.S291.3307, poem by Yang Ling m~.
lIS JTS 95.301 1.
119 114 JTS 95.3010--12. According to the Rules of Posthumous Titles (Shifa ~i*), Chengqi was given the title rang because it means "to decline claims to merits and to advocate kindness" and "to be endowed with a magnanimous and gentle character." See JTS 95.3012. 115 Kaitian chuanxinji ~:7CWm~G (KTCXJ) 49-50: 116 QTW 395.403 1.
101
Also known as the Qinzheng wuben lou ilJi&$J~. 205b.
120 UXlHi
Hang Dezhou et aI. 1958, 85. Ma Dezhi 19S9c, 551-52. 123 Ma 1959c, 551, 555. Cf. Hang et aI. 1958,85. 124 Minghuangzalu B)Hj!ft~ (MHZL) "Buyi," 34-35. 125 JTS 186.xia.4857; Taiping guangji :icS¥"~G (TPGJ) 164.1193. 121
122
102 /
Sui-Tang Chang'an
The Darning and Xingqing Palaces /
fifth of the eighth month, was declared a national holiday in 729, it was celebrated annually at this venue with pomp and circumstance as the Festival of One Thousand Autumns (qianqiu jie T~n).126 Xuanzong kept a special team of dancing horses for his birthday celebrations, which were held without fail until the An Lushan Rebellion of 755. In 756 when the emperor was forced to retreat to Shu JU (present-day Sichuan), the dancing horses disappeared permanently from the court. 127
The Xingqing Pond 128 The oval Xingqing Pond (~.itH) dominated the landscape of the palace. Hang Dezhou's archaeological report of 1958, though flawed in its identification of the tWo key palace structures, remains valuable in providing crucial information about the size and shape of the pond. Extending from east to westsouthwest for 915 meters, it had a span of214 meters north-south (see Milp 4.3). Archaeologists estimate its area to have been 182,000 meters square (45 acres).129 The pond was a favorite summer spot ofXuanzong's.130 Su Ting ~mi, who served under Zhongzong and Xuanzong, refers to it as the jianghe chi ~.?* (the pond where cranes descend), where one could catch glimpses of "glittering mountains and green forests" in the distance.l3l As one of the few landmarks that predated the palace, lore grew up around the pond, claiming it to have had a mysterious origin. In fact, the legend of its formation is said to have inspired the idea of converting the area into a palace complex. The site of the pond was originally a residential area. During Wu Zetian's J1tJ!U7C reign (684-705), a well at one Wang Chun's L1'1iI! house reportedly began to overflow, eventually creating a small pool. To its north stood the residences of the five princes-Li Chengqi *1iX:~, Li Chengyi *1iX:~, Li Longfan *lIife, Li Longye m~, and Li Longji *1Ii~ (the future Xuanzong}-all Ruizong's sons. An aeromancer (wangqizhe ~") discerned the aura of a. Son of Heaven around the pond. 132 Zhongzong visited it several times, once ordering boats to be set afloat on it to subdue the aura. According to the account in the Tang liudian, the pool was once enshrouded in 126
ZZTJ213.6786.
127 MHZL "Buyi," 34-35. On the dancing horses, see Kroll 1981. 128 Also known as Longqing Pond ~!l7tl! or Long (Dragon) Pond 'ft7tl!. 129 Hang et al. 1958,85-86. 130
KYTBYS xia. 88.
l3l QTS 73.805. 132 ZZTJ209.6640. YL (4.23-24) gives a different account of the pond's creation. It was originally a tract of levelland, but in Wu Zetian's reign, rain puddles created a stream that was later linked with the Longshou Canal (ft'§!fi).
.f
103
fog, and after an appearance by a yellow dragon, its waters merged with surrounding swamps to form a much larger pond. Zhongzong also came to the pond in a festive spirit, to enjoy singing, dancing, and wine.133 Popularly known as the Pond of the Five Princes (Wuwangzi chi 1ix-r-itH), it became a center for royal entertainment even before Xuanzong, who was most closely identified with it, ascended the throne. Initially named the LongqIng Pond (1Iif,f$) after the original ward, it was renamed the Dragon Pond (ft$) when the palace was buiIt. 134 In a liturgical poem composed for a ceremony to be held on the pond, Shen Quanqi mf~M, a poet of Early and High Tang, stressed the significance of the pond's dragon:13S The leaping dragon of the Dragon Pond has flown; Its virtue--precognition ofHeaven 136-prevents Heaven from acting against it. 137 The pond reveals the Milky Way, discerns the Yellow Course, The dragon heads to Heaven's gates, and enters the Ziwei Palace. 138 Lodges, mansions, terraces, and towers are permeated with colorful auras, The sovereign's ducks and wild geese gleam with the brilliant light. Now that we have made offerings to the world's hundred rivers,139 Descend upon this very spot, do not return to the east! 140 This poem depicts the dragon as the quintessential royal symbol. First and foremost he is the divine alter ego of Emperor Xuanzong, who under celestial inspiration named his first reign period xianlian (precognition of Heaven) to
133 STJH xia.41. 134 TLD 7.219; THY30.558; TLJCFK 1.25-26. 135 The poem is subtitled "Tang Music for Making Offerings to the Dragon Pond, Tune Three." Owen (1977, 342) regards it as a court poem on an imperial theme. He does not translate the subtitle, which, I believe, holds the key to understanding its significance. See QTW96.1041-42 136 Owen translates xiantian 1t7i: as "foreknew Heaven." 137 ft~7i:7i:~~. Hete the metaphor alludes to the Yijing. The commentary on the fifth line of the qian hexagram says: "When he acts in advance of heaven, heaven does not contradict him" 1t7i:flij7i:~j1 (ZY 1.I7b; Wilhelm and Baynes 1967, 382-83). Owen translates tian bu wei 7i:::f~ as "Heaven does not err." 138 Ziwei ~~ is short for the Ziwei Palace. 139 Here baichuan shui B) 11* refers to the Dragon Pond and points to the presence of a sage king (Xuanzong himself). For example, Shuo yuan il$t~ (SY 1.5) says: "[The sage kings] embrace everything including rivers and seas, and thus have long remained the masters of the hundred rivers" ~xiI#j~~~iiJl:~~B) IIZ.:J:::. 140 Translation loosely based on Owen (1977, 342). The last line is addressed to the dragon. Owen's interpretation is different.
104 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
The Darning and Xingqing Palaces /
properly align himself with Heaven's will. From its earthly dwelling place, the pond, the dragon strikes out toward the heavenly abode of the celestial emperor, the Ziwei Palace in the Milky Way. Offerings are made tQ the Dragon Pond, the master of the hundred rivers and the symbol of the terrestrial imperial throne, for the purpose of attracting the dragon back from Heaven.
Reigning Emperor in the Xingqing Palace l41 Xuanzong ~*. First month of 728 to the sixth month of 756 (twentyeight years and five months). Xuanzong held court here until he was forced into exile in the sixth month of756 in the face of An Lushan's attacks.142
*
*
*
*
*
The addition of the Darning Palace in the northeast suburbs of Chang'an came about for obvious practical rather than ritual or canonical reasons. When Taizong initiated the project, he intended to accommodate his ailing father Gaozu by housing him in an elevated place, relatively free from the oppressive humidity of the Palace City. When Gaozong, who was chronically ill with rheumatism, finally completed the complex in 663, he made it his permanent domicile in Chang'an. The triple-court system was duplicated there, and the political center of the city shifted permanently from the north central sector of the city to this new compound. As the second "urban" palace, the Daming complex significantly changed the landscape of the city. It upset the symmetrical layout initially executed in accord with the concept of axiality and rooted in a long-standing urban cosmology. Nor was much consideration given to local symmetry in the irregularly shaped palace. A semblance of axiality was maintained by positioning a few major structures along a north-south central axis, but the axis was effectively broken by the presence ofthe Taiye Pond. The third and last urban palace, the Xingqing Palace, was even more lavish than its two predecessors. 143 It owed its conception to a pond that had inexplicably. formed near Xuanzong's residence before his rise to power. In response to imperial portents associated with the pond, Xuanzong converted the area into a palace and renamed the pool Dragon Pond. In traditional sources the
141 Shunzong settled in retirement into the Xingqing Palace (805-806), but that is not germane here, since I am concerned with active reigns. See ZZTJ236.7619; 237.7625. 142 Returning to Chang'an in 757, Xuanzong continued to live in the Xingqing Palace until he was forcibly resett1edin the Palace City in 760. However, that period is not recorded here because he had already abdicated. JTS 8.192; 9.232, 235. 143 Kaogu Yanjiuso 1984,576.
105
life of a sovereign prior to enthronement is metaphorically referred to as a "dragon in hiding" (/ongqian ~M), 144 and the renaming of this pond affIrmed its prophesy of the rise of a dragon. The fact that an aeromancer was summoned to identify the aura suggests that the founding of this palace may have been geomantically inspired, but it is difficult to conclude that the palace was favorably placed. We do know, however, that its builders, in contrast to the builders of the two earlier complexes, paid only scant attention to canonical and cosmological considerations. Its main entrance, the Xingqing Gate, faced west instead of south, as convention required, and there was no evidence of axial organization in the complex. While the pond that cut east-west across the area made the implementation of canonical principles difficult, alignment of major buildings along a north-south axis was possible, and symbolically signifIcant, if this compound were to serve as the official imperial residence and the court. Despite its noncompliance with canonical tradition and conventional practice, the Xingqing Palace, the brainchild of Xuanzong, was to remain his official residence. After his death, however, it faded from prominence, and Tang sovereigns once again took up residence in the Daming Palace.
144 See, for example, qianlong wuyong m~mffl in the Yijing (ZY 1.13). It is translated as "Hidden dragon. Do not act" (Wilhelm and Baynes 1967,7).
5
Central and Capital Administrations To the left and right within the court and audience haIl, There are the posts of the court officers. Xiao, Cao, Wei, and Bing, I Mulled over plans at the top of the hall. With their aid in obtaining the mandate, the Han perpetuated its rule. With their assistance in governing, it perfected its moral influence. They spread great Han's joy and ease, And extracted the poisonous sting of the faIlen Qin. -Ban Gu lllEl1!iI
2
fter the Palace City was completed, the planners of Daxingcheng shifted their attention to the Imperial City to its south, an enclosed area that would serve as the central administrative district. The Imperial City (Huangcheng £:1:)£) was an enclosed space similar in size and shape to the Palace City; it played host to the head offices of key central government agencies. Its siting was based on obvious geomantic considerations. The Imperial City sat on the capital's so-called third ridge (see Map 2.3), which corresponded to the third line of the qian hexagram. The text for this line in the Yijing reads: "All day long the superior man is diligently active. At nightfall his mind is still beset with cares. Danger. No blame."3 This signifies competent government, evoking the image of a hard-working administrator. It applied, of course, only to the central government. Local administrations-the government of the capital prefecture
A
I Xiao He P, Cao Shen l!JfiJ;, Wei Xiang .ffi, and Bing Ii ~a were chief ministers under the Former Han. 2 From "Western Capital Rhapsody." JfX 1.26a. Translation by Knechtges (1982, 12527). 3zy 1.13. Translation by Wilhelm and Baynes (1967, 8), modified.
107
108 / Sui-Tang Chang'an and the offices of the two urban counties under its jurisdiction-were positioned in less critical locations within residential wards. 4
The Imperial City and Central Government Measuring 2,820.3 meters by 1,843.6, the Imperial City, also known as the Minor City (Zicheng -rf)£), was bisected by its central north-south axis, Chengtianmen Street (**r~r!i), which linked the Chengtian Gate to the north with the Zhuque Gate (*~r~) to the south (see Map 5.1).5 Nicknamed the Locust Office (huaiya ;j;lffiT) for the tall locust trees that grew along both sides, Chengtianmen Street functioned as a conduit to the Palace City in the north and the residential areas in the south. 6 Parallel to it were two other main north-south streets: on the west was Hanguangmen Street (~:1tr~r!i) and on the east was Anshangmen Street (3( J:r~r!i). These three thoroughfares were crossed by seven major east-west streets. Of these, Heng Street (1fir!i), which ran beside the northern wall of the Imperial City, was the widest. The other six were numbered from north to south-Second Heng Street, Third Heng Street to Seventh Heng Street. Heng Street, estimated at 300 bu (450 meters) wide, was by far the widest street in the entire city. Judging from its size, this "street" probably functioned more like a long plaza separating the Palace and Imperial Cities. 7 In the late 1950s and early 1960s attempts were made to excavate the Imperial City, but the results were disappointing. Archaeologists carried out preliminary investigations at the sites of the Zhuque Gate, Hanguang Gate, and Anshang Gate in its south wall, and additional work was undertaken in the areas of the Anfu 3(tlii, and Shunyi ~~ Gates in the west wall, as well as in Heng 4 A hierarchy of locations in Daxingcheng began to emerge with the growth of the capital city. Its planning and construction were prioritized as follows: the Palace City was first and held the. highest prestige, next came the Imperial City to its south, and lastly, the residential wards (LBCAZ 2.44; TLJCFK 1.1, commentary). The later addition of two palace compounds in the northeastern suburbs and the eastern part of the city complicated the orderliness of the capital's original plan. The three palace complexes and the Imperial City topped the hierarchy of regions within the city and constituted its core areas. The residential wards lay outside the core areas and commanded less status.
s Mal%3, 598. TLlCFK 1.10. Chengtianrnen Street was also known as Tianmen Street and Tian Street The latter two designations should be distinguished from· their duplicates in Luoyang, where they were alternate names for the north-south thoroughfare Dingdingmen Street (UrJ.r~tti).TLJCFK 5.147. For a fuller treatment ofChengtianrnen Street, see chapter 8. On the Locust Office, see Zhongchao gushi iflfJ.Ittc$ (ZCGS),42. 7 CAZHi 7.1-5; TLJCFK 1.10--17; Ma 1963, 598-99.
6
Central and Capital Administrations /
109
Street and Anshangmen Street. None of the gates surveyed yielded clear information on their original dimensions. Of the two streets investigated, only the width of Anshangmen Street-94 meters-could be determined. The two east gates, the Yanxi }jflf and Jingfeng iltJ!\ Gates, like most of the main streets and office compounds, lie beneath modem structures. 8 Since archaeologists have not been able to excavate the office compounds of the Imperial City, our information concerning their location must come . primarily from the works of Song and later traditional scholars. Map 5.1 reflects the distribution of government offices in Tang times. It is not known how the Tang layout differed from that of the Sui period. The Tang Imperial City was apparently divided from west to east into three sectors: west of Hanguangmen Street, from Hanguangmen Street to Anshangmen Street, and east of Anshangmen Street.
The Central Sector The top-echelon government agencies were ranged all along Chengtianmen Street, the axial thoroughfare. The "outer" offices of the Secretariat (zhongshusheng $if~)9 stood on the west and those of the Chancellery (menxiasheng r~""F~) on the east of the section that ran from the Chengtian Gate to Second Heng Street. IO Both agencies had their head ("inner") offices in the imperial palace. The Department of State Affairs was situated further south, between Third and Fourth Heng Streets, on the east side of Chengtianmen Street. II These three government agencies, collectively known as "the three departments" (sansheng .:::~), were the highest-ranking government· organs in the
8 Ma
1963, 598-99. In the period of division, the Secretariat had traditionally been known as zhongshu sheng until Sui Yangdi changed it to neishusheng pg.~ in 616 (Daye 12). It was renamed neishisheng pg.se~ under Tang Gaozu, before it was restored to zhongshusheng in 620 (Wude 3). It remained so for the rest of the Tang except for the following periods: 662-670 (Longshuo 2 to Xianheng 1), when it became identified as the Western Estrade (Xitai ~~); 685-705 (Guangzhai 2 to Shenlong 1), when it was changed to Phoenix Pavilion (Fengge .11.111); and 713-717 (Kaiyuan 1-5), when it was called the Department ofPW"ple Tenuity (ziweisheng ~fJl:t~). 10 Rotours 1947, 174-204, 143-74. These and other official organizations and titles are dealt with in such Western sources as the Cambridge History o/China, vol. 3 (Twitchett 1979a). However, the work by Rotours (1947) is by far the most exhaustive. Translations of titles and offices are generally based on Hucker 1985. II Rotours 1947,21-32.
9
110 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
Central and Capital Administrations /
Tang empire. 12 Both the Secretariat and the Chancellery were the highest decision-making bodies, providing overall direction to central government offices. While the Secretariat was nominally responsible for issuing policy directives on matters of state security, the Chancellery advised the sovereign regarding proposals submitted through the Secretariat. 13 The top leaders of these three departments held joint meetings in the Hall for Administrative Affairs (Zhengshi tang i&~¥:), located first in the Chancellery, then at the Secretariat. In 723 Chief Minister Zhang Yue ~~ renamed this gathering the "SecretariatChancellery" (zhongshu mimxia ~.r~r). From then on, the functions of these two top government agencies became increaSingly indistinguishable. 14 The leaders of both the Secretariat and Chancellery were ex officio chief ministers of the Tang. Their importance was reflected in the location of their offices. Initially they were headquartered in the Palace City on either side of the Taiji Basilica. After the court moved to the Daming Palace, they were relocated there on: either side of the Xuanzheng Basilica. They maintained "outer" offices in the Imperial City to better coordinate with other government agencies. In the Sui and Early Tang periods, the Department of State Affairs (shangshusheng M6~1!fI) had served as an all-embracing executive body. Its chief wielded more real power than anyone save the emperor himself. At one time during the Sui dynasty Yang Su one of the most powerful nonroyal figures at court, had been the president of the department (shangshuling M6~~). At the beginning of the Tang, Li Shimin (the future Tang Taizong) headed this department before his enthronement. After his tenure, the position was deliberately left vacant in his honor until after the An Lushan Rebellion, when it was awarded to the all-powerful general Guo Ziyi ~-Tft'i. Meanwhile, the department's two vice-presidents (puye ~!}j) served as its de facto joint chiefs and joined the presidents of the Secretariat and Chancellery as chief ministers. IS The Chang'an zhi describes this important agency in the early eighth century.16 At its entrance, calligraphy by Wei Hna ~~, right mentor of the crown prince, graced the wooden nameplate. 17 Its main office (dutang 11m¥:) had
m*,
12 On the functions of these government offices, see Sun 1960, 19--120; Hucker 1985, 28-29.
!JOn·the Secretariat, see TLD 9.272-73; SUS 28.774; TD 21.124-25; THY 54.925; Rotours 1947, 174-204; Hucker 1985, 194. On the Chancellery, see Rotours 1947, 14374; TLD 8.240--42; Hucker 1985, 329. 14 Rotours 1947, 11-13; Hucker 1985, 193; Thilo 1997,45-46. 15 TD 22.593-94,597; Rotours 1947,21-32; Hucker 1985, 394-95. 16
CAZHi7.2a
Four Directorates
Five Departments (wushengn'i!i)
(sijianl19\iii)
Nine Courts
111
Three Surveillance Agencies (salllai :::: §)
(jiusift~)
sas! (Iiubu "'$)
Branch Departments of State Affairs
---1----- Frontier Commands
(xingtaisheng IT IH')
(zhen iiJ
Yongzbou j l 1+11 Capital Prefecture (Jingzllaojun :;jf~Is.W)
oLing;kJf, Wannian lit:9'Counties
PrefectureslCommandenes (zhou HI!jun W)
I
Counties (xian ~)
Fig. 5.1. Sui government agencies. Based on Hucker 1985, 24. been the president's office (tingshi .Il~) in Early Tang times and sat at the center of the department compound. On the east side of the main office there were the Boards of Personnel (libu ~$), Revenue (hubu p$), and Rites (libu tI$>. On the west stood the Boards of War (bingbu A$), Justice (xingbu lftl$), and Works (gongbu I$>. The office of the deputy-director of the Bureau of Evalnation (kaogong yuanwai lang :1tI~7H!~) was decorated with a painting of cranes by Xue Ji Bf~, and a mounted panegyric by Song Zhiwen *z.r,,~.18 Another painting by Xue Ji graced the office of the director of the Board of Works. Before the office of the department's assistant president of the right (youcheng ::6'!Is) stood an ancient tumulus, mistakenly identified as that of Shuli Zi ~.m.-T.19 To the west of the Department of State Affairs, across Chengtianmen Street, stood the Court of Imperial Granaries (sinongsi "j'j]Jjg¥), whose principal 17 At an earlier date, Tang Ruizong's calligraphy had hung in the same spot. 18 Xue Ii, active during Ruizong's reign, was a famed calligrapher, especially noted for his clerical style (lishu ~.). JTS 73.2591; XTS 98.3893. Song Zhiwen was a poet famous for five-syllable poetry and active during the reigns Gaozong and Xuanzong. JTS 190.zhong.5025;XTS202.5750; Owen 1977,39. 19 This Qin chief minister of the Warring States period was well known for his wisdom and the prediction that his tomb would be flankecl. by two palaces, later identified as the Changle and Weiyang Palaces. His wisdom became proverbial with the saying, "As clever as Shuli Zi." SJ71.2310.
112 / Sui-TangChang'an
Central and Capital Administrations /
Secretariat.
Deportment of
Oumcellel)'
(z~lru.rheng
State Affairs
(metaia.slrellg
'I'.'Ii)
(~
rn-1IO)
Six Boards (liubu "'!IS)
(sijimrl!!l!!<)
+-1
I
I
Ac:ademicians (%lie"'; !l!±)
Nine Courts (jius;iLm Area Commaads
(dudr4u liI\1ffi)
CensonIte lyushita; OO~~
Four Dircctoralcs
Circuits (daoll!)
Capitall'Jefe
~
Capital Counties
(jingldan
*"" )
Metropolitan Counties
(ji:danM>
Pref""""" ~h"" fH)
I
Rural Counties
.1
imperial relatives; and the Censorate (yushitai fiP~1E), a central oversight agency in charge of surveillance over and discipline enforcement among government officials. East of the street, the Court of Imperial Carriages (taipusi =*~~) maintained the horses and vehicles of the central government, especially those used by the imperial household. Here also the Court of the Treasury (taifusi jsj{f~) was quartered, which complemented the function of the Court of Imperial Granaries by collecting nongrain revenues. Between Sixth and Seventh Heng Streets on the west side of Chengtianmen Street stood the Court of Diplomatic Receptions (honglusi ~. .~), which hosted foreign dignitaries and envoys, and handled state mourning ceremonies under the Tang. On the east was the Court of Imperial Sacrifices (taichangsi =*')g~), responsible for conducting major state rites. 22 These courts were among the nine second-tier specialized central government agencies known collectively as the Nine Courts (jiusi fL~).23 They operated in cooperation with and under the direction of the Six Boards of the Department of State Affairs.
The Western Sector
("... ..>
Fig 5.2. Tang government agencies. Based on Hucker 1985, 28. responsibilities were to collect all grain revenues and promote agriculture. To its south, between Fourth and Fifth Heng Streets, stood the quarters of the Department of the Imperial Library (mishusheng M~~'), which was responsible for collecting court documents and compiling histories based on those documents. Its "inner" branch (mishu neisheng fl)~pg~) resided in the Palace City and was charged with compiling histories of five earlier dynasties. 2o The Office of Appointments (xuanyuan ~), under the Board of Personnel and the southern section of the Board of Rites, both of which answered to the Department of State Affairs, was housed east of the Imperial Library department. 21 Between Fifth and Sixth Heng Streets on the west side of Chengtianmen Street stood the quarters of the Court of the Imperial Clan (zongzhengsi *iE~), which maintained the imperial genealogy and monitored activities of
The Imperial City precincts west of Hanguangmen Street included offices of the Directorate of Construction (jiangzuojian JI~H'F~), the Court of Iudicial Review (dalisi *J:!I!~), the Court of the Imperial Regalia (weiweisi VIi~t~), and the Altars of State (called dashe *U or taishe;tctJ: in Tang times) on the west side of Hanguangmen Street from north to south. The Directorate of Construction was subordinate to the Board of WorkS and was once headed by Yuwen Kai, the chief architect of Daxingcheng. This agency was charged with construction and renovation of palace structures, imperial tomb parks, and central government. office buildings. The Court of Iudicial Review was one of three central judicial offices and handled court proceedings. In Sui times the Court of the Imperial Regalia was charged with defense of the palace; in Tang times it controlled weaponry and maintained the imperial armories. Finally, the
On the Court of the Imperial Clan, see TLD 16.465-75; Rotours 1947, 370; Hucker 1985, 530. On the Censorate, see TLD 13.377-88; Rotours 1947, 281-314; Hucker 1985,593-94. On the Court of Imperial Carriages, see TLD 17.476-99; Rotours 1947, 390-404; Hucker 1985, 481. On the Court of the Treaswy, see TLD 20.538-54; Rotours 1947, 434-42; Hucker 1985, 477. On the Court of Diplomatic Receptions, see TLD 18.504-18; Rotours 1947, 408-17; Hucker 1985, 264. On the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, see TLD 14.389-440; Rotours 1947,315-55; Hucker 1985, 476. 23 Hucker 1985, 31. 22
The inner: branch was closed in 636 when this project was completed. 21 On the Court ofImperial Granaries, see TLD 19.519-37; Rotours 1947, 418-34. On the Department of the Imperial Library and its inner branch, see TLD 10.294-319; Rotours 1947, 204-217; Hucker 1985, 377-78; Twitchett 1992, 20-22. Note that Rotours, Hucker, and Twitchett read pi (hi) for mi M$. On the Office of Appointments, see TLD 2.36; Rotours 1947, 32-71. On the Board of Rites, see TLD 4.108-84; Rotours 20
1947, 79-96.
113
Central and Capital Administrations /
114 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
Local Government Offices27
Altars of State comprised one of the two urban ritual centers planned at the founding of the city in compliance with prescriptions in the Kaogong ji.24
The Eastern Sector In the northern part of the area between Anshangmen Street and the east wall stood offices affiliated with the Eastern Palace. These included the "outer" branches of the Spring Offices of the Left and Right, high-level agencies in charge of affairs of the crown prince. Also located in these quarters were the Provision Office (jialingsi *4t~), in charge of domestic affairs of the crown prince; the Livery Office of the Eastern Palace (donggong pusi *'§~~), also known as the Livery Office of the Crown Prince (taizi pusi :t::~~), in charge of the horses, stables, and carriages of the Eastern Palace; the Ceremony Office (lugeng si $j!~), often prefIxed with taizi (crown prince), in charge of the etiquette and punishments in the household of the heir apparent; and the Household Administration of the Eastern Palace (zhanshiju ~$J&), an agency in charge of the crown prince's overall affairs. 2S Further to the south stood the Directorate of Arms (junqijian 1f;!:~~), in charge of the manufacture of weapons and their storage; the Directorate of Navigation (dushuijian m7.l<'ii~:), in charge of operating irrigation and water transportation systems; the Court of Imperial Entertainments (guanglusi :7'6W<~), in charge of banquets and culinary services for the imperial household; and the Directorate of Imperial Manufactories (shaofojian j}J&~), a central supervisory agency in charge of overseeing production of various manufactured goods for palace use. The Tang Ancestral Temple (taimiao :t::1fA), the second of the urban ritual centers, stood in the southeast comer of the Imperial City.26
On the Directorate General of Construction, see TLD 23.589-98; Rotours 1947, 47687. On the Court of Judicial Review, see TLD 18.500-18; Rotours 1947,404-8. On the Court of the Imperial Regalia, see TLD 16.457--65; Rotours 1947,362-70; Hucker 1985, 565. On the Altars of State, see chapter 6 and Rotours 1947,337. 2S On the Spring Offices of the Right and Left, see TLD 26.670-72; Rotours 1947,577, 594. On the Provision Office, see TLD 27.696-97; Rotours 1974, 568. On the Livery Office of the Eastern Palace, see TLD 27.701-3; Rotours 1947, 606--8. On the Ceremony Office, see TLD 27.699-701. Note that Rotours (1947,603--6) reads "lei" for Iii $. On the Household Administration of the Eastern Palace, see TLD 26.662--63; Rotours 1947,
24
574--77.
26 On the Directorate of Anns, see XIS 48.1275; Rotours 1947,487; Hucker 1985, 200. According to the Tang liudian, it was moved to Taiyuan (Beidu :lt1!lfl) in 728. See TLD 22.577. On the Directorate of Navigation, see TLD 23.598--609; Rotours 1947,490-99. On the Court of Imperial Entertainments, see TLD 15.441-56; Rotours 1947, 355--61;
115
The Capital Prefecture The government of the capital prefecture (jingzhaofo 5i1:Jtffl was the highest local administration in terms of the ranks of its officers and the size of its bureaucracy. Although deeply rooted in history and tradition, the administrative structure of the capital prefecture underwent a number of major changes in Sui-Tang Chang'an. When Wendi founded the Sui dynasty, he inherited a cumbersome administrative system from the Northern Zhou. It included 211 prefectures (zhou 1+1) governing 508 commanderies (jun m). Wendi abolished the commanderies in 583.28 In 607 Sui Yangdi replaced the prefectures with 190 commanderies. At the founding of the Tang, commanderies were again replaced by prefectures, and this arrangement continued for the rest of the dynasty, save the period 742 through 758 when commanderies temporarily replaced prefectures,29 Under the Tang, the capital prefecture was referred to as a fo J& or "superior prefecture," which distinguished it from provincial prefectures and commanderies. 3o This distinction was not merely nominal. The capital prefecture always commanded a bureaucracy substantially larger than its provincial counterparts. There were 524 officers for the capital prefecture in Sui times, known then as Yongzhou ~1+1. By contrast, a provincial prefecture of the highest order (shangshang J:J:) had only 323. This held equally true for the commandery system of Sui Yangdi, where the total number of officers for the capital commandery (jingzhaojun 5i1:~lsm) was 244, compared to 146 in the largest provincial commanderies. 31
XIS 48.1276. On the Directorate of Imperial Manufactories, see TLD 22.567-77; Rotours 1947,458--62. On the Ancestral Temple, see TLJCFK9.17; also see chapter 6. 27 For a summary account of administrations at the capital prefecture and urban county levels in Chang'an, see Thilo 1990, 155-57.
28
SUS 29.807-8.
29 .n:5'24.1917, 30
commentary.
./TS24.1915, commentary; Zhang 1986, 3--6 . ./TS indicates that theft designation was
in general circulation as early as the Northern Zhou and the Sui. But I have yet to find other primary evidence to corroborate this claim. In Tang times there were three superior prefectures: Chang' an, Luoyang, and Taiyuan~. 31 These figures come from SuS 28.782-83. On the composition of the capital administrations under the Tang, see TLD 30.740-41; XTS 49.xia.1311; Rotours 1947, 553,687.
116 / Sui-Tang Chang'an The territorial jurisdiction of the capital prefecture extended over the entire Guanzhong area and covered eighteen to twenty-three counties.32 Primary sources on the Tang classify these counties according to a two- or three-tier scheme. Under the two-tier system, there were two "capital counties" (jingxian :gtm), with the rest considered metropolitan counties (jixian ~lI!*).33 Under the three-tier system, the capital counties were known as "red," or urban, counties (chixian !1F~). The remaining counties were subdivided into suburban (cichixian *!1F~) and metropolitan counties. 34 It is not clear exactly what factors distinguished a "suburban" from a "metropolitan" county under the second system, but distance from the capital was apparently not one of them. What is significant for both systems is the fact that only the two capital or urban counties, Wannian ;i;i'f and Chang'an ~~, had their offices consistently located within the capital city. As will be shown below, these two counties clearly stood out from the surrounding areas in the hierarchy of locations. 35 The main office of the capital prefectural administration was located in the southeast corner of Guangdea Ward 0\:;~t}j; see Map 5.2).36 With the Western Market to its west and the Imperial City to its northeast, this ward commanded easy access both to important commercial establishments and central government offices. The layout and structures of this office area date back to Sui times. Within the compound were two Sections of Works (shicao ±W).37 The Eastern Section was housed in the Nianzhu (Rosary) Hall (~~.), so named because the cases it had to deal with were countless, like the beads of a rosary. The Western Section was housed in the Sha (Sedge) Hall (§>.), so named for the
Central and Capital Adml.nistrations /
sedge that grew in its courtyard. 38 During the An Lushan Rebellion, the rebel leader appointed Tian Qianzhen EE~JJi capital prefect. Tian took over the lavish mansion of the Duchess of Guoguo (~~xA), Yang Guifei's sister, in Xuanyang Ward (j§"[W;t}j, 6H) and converted it into the capital prefectural office. 39 Thanks to its proximity to the Xingqing and Daming Palaces, the latter of which became the center of court activity in place of the Palace City, Xuanyang Ward came to be inhabited by some of the most powerful urban residents. Its location was clearly considered superior to that of its counterpart in the western sector of the capital, Guangdea Ward. Table 5.1. Sui and Tang ranking systems Tan.
Sui
£ £
la Ib 2b
£ lib -lib
3b
£
2a
3.
I!!l£
4.
I.
2b
~ 1£
3b
ItE
41>-
S.
I f.t 17 ab i"F":t\£
~£L
6b
t-\ &r""f
: -t:
7.
'+:
7a-
I f.l' t:,Il,
' , t:
7b 7b-
iFJ\£
8a
S. 8a-
32 In SUS (29.808) the number was twenty-two. According to JTS (38.1396), the capital prefecture initially governed eighteen counties, but these grew to twenty-three counties during the Tianbao period. In TD (173.915) the figure is also twenty-three. The number recorded inXTS (37.961) is twenty for 742 (Tianbao I). See also Twitchett 1992,224-25 on relevant dates in the "DiH zhi" of the Jiu Tang shu.
8b
nIf
\.e.
8b 81>-
~.e.
9a
9a
9,.. 9b
t:nl:
~
9b
~J:
libr .\1,1:
~.iJr
A.\1,1: A£r I .\1, ~ ItEA£l' iF1t.£1: iF;It. £r ltE1l.lib1:
91>-
f.l'
n.£ r
Sources: SUS 28, 784-89;.m 42.591791-1803 Note: la is the highest rank.
JTS 44.1920.
34 YHJXlZ 1-2.3-33; ZZTJ 237.7651, commentary; XTS 37.962-{j4. Note that XTS (Zhonghua' shuju edition) marks Yunyang ~~ County as chi (urban) and omits the prefix ci- (sub-) in error.. 35 After more than a century of growth and development during the Sui and Early Tang periods, the wards themselves came to be distinguished into variously graded locales. This hierarchical system played a crucial part in the location of administrative quarters in the Imperial City and in residential wards. 36 CAZHilO.3. 37 Shicao, usually found under the administration of a superior prefecture (jU), was in charge oflocal construction. TLD 30.742; Rotours 1947,699.
1idb"""F1\ 61..t 1\ 8bT
61>-
iF+£
7a
1: r
~£r ~c--.t
6.
I~~£
1:
1i
5b
6,..
6b
~
if
4b
51>6a
£
iE
4a
505b
~-~ ~
1E
3.
f.f:r!9~
iFli,ll,
Sa
~
IE Ib
2a
4,.. 4b
7b
33
117
The capital prefect (jingzhaoyin :g~Is¥,) was the highest local administrator in the capital.40 When Daxingcheng was founded, it became the seat of the capital prefecture Yongzhou and its governor held the title "governor" (mu 1)(, TUCFK 4.107. Youyang zazu ~~ffE*.Il (fYZZ) "Xuji," 6.256 40 For a comprehensive, chronological account of capital prefects under the Tang, see Yu 1987, vol. 1:12-62.
38
39
118 / Sui-Tang Chang'an rank 2b). In 607 (Kaihuang 3), when the commandery system was introduced, the capital prefecture was renamed Jingzhao Commandery C~~IsW). Its governor was then titled "capital prefect" (yin ;fl', rank 3a).41 In Early Tang times, when the name Yongzhou was restored to the capital prefecture, its chief officer was redesignated a mu. However, under the Tang system, the mu or governor was an honorary position-it was either filled by a prince or remained vacant. It was the prince's lieutenant (biejia .8~~ or "mounted escort"), who functioned as the capital prefect. The official title "mounted escort" was changed to "chief administrator" (zhangshi ~~) in 627.42 In 713 during Xuanzong's reign, Yongzhou was renamed Jingzhaofu *~IsJ&, but the honorary position of governor remained unchanged. However, the title of "chief administrator" was changed to capital prefect (yin, now 4l Jingzhao yin) after the tradition of earlier dynasties. Seconded by his deputies (shaoyin o/~), the capital prefect was charged with overall governmental duties, including assessment of official performance, agriculture, law enforcement, and conscription.44 These were nominally the responsibilities of the governor of the capital district, but in reality the prefect was in charge. The Bureaus of Personnel (gongcao rJJfl), Granaries (cangcao ~fl), Revenue (hucao pfl), War (bingcao #fl), Law ifacao $;W), and Works (shicao ±W) were placed under the capital prefecture to deal with routine administration. They were obviously modeled, with slight variations, on 45 the Six Boards in the Department of State Affairs. Sui practice had recommended rotating appointments to chief admini46 strative positions at the prefectural and county levels about every three years. In Tang times the average appointment to the capital prefect position was much shorter. Yu Xianhao, in his 1987 work, Tang cishi leao (A Study of Tang Prefects), lists 183 capital prefects, including reappointments, for the period of
41 SuS 28.802.
xrs (49.xia.1317) dates this event to 627 (Wude 10). However, there were only nine Wude years. Wude 10 should be Zhenguan 1. JTS (44:1915-16) dates the sam~ ~~ent to the early Zhenguan period. THY (67.1186) states that m 649 (Zbenguan 23)~ blejla was changed to zhangshi. This change should be attributed to Gaozong; xrs 49.xUl.1317. 43 xrs 49.xia. 13 11; TD 32.888, 33.902; TLD 30.740-41. Also see Yu 1987, "Fanlie" }!;WtJ, .14. 44 For a study ofprefectura1 officials below the rank of prefect, see Yan 1969b, 105-15. The law-enforcement role played by the prefect at the capital was at most auxiliary. Policing was handled mainly by centrally controlled police and garrison forces. 45 TW 30.741-42, 748-50; Thilo 1990, 155-57.
42
46
TD 32.888.
Central and Capital Administrations /
119
191 years between 713, the first year when the title yin was introduced to replace zhangshi, and 904, the year when the city was destroyed. On average, a new appointment was made every year. Sometimes, the emperor dismissed the capital prefect as punishment for insubordination, but on other occasions, the prefect was promoted to a higher court position. 47 However, the frequent rotation of important job holders at the capital probably points to the central government's desire to keep local officials from building a power base. Apart from maintaining city functions, the capital prefect was also responsible for crisis management within the city. Urban stability seems to have been one of his top priorities. In 784 (Xingyuan 1 of Dezong's reign), immediately after the recovery of Chang' an from the hands of rebels, Capital Prefect Li Qiyun *~ii was sent out to calm residents and restore order. 48 In 798 (Zhenyuan 14), Capital Prefect Han Gao ~~ was ousted after Chang'an suffered severe depopUlation due to summer droughts and inflation in grain prices: 49 In 815 (Yuanhe 10), during Xianzong's reign, when Chief Minister Wu Yuanheng JE!:;jGiJ was assassinated in Jing'an Ward (~~:fjj, Map 2.1, 9G), Capital Prefect Pei Wu ~JE!:; himself participated in interrogating suspects. 50 In 838 (Kaicheng 3 of Wenzong's reign), Capital Prefect Cui Gong ~Wi had his wages cut for failing to capture terrorists who had tried to assassinate Chief in Qinren Ward ~e1E, 7H).51 Minister Li Shi The capital prefect's efforts at maintaining peace and dispensing justice were often challenged by privileged groups. After the recovery of Chang' an from Zhu Ci's rebellious forces in 784, the eunuch-dominated Shence Army consistently evaded the control of Chang'an's local authorities. Nevertheless, sometimes a capital prefect was able to successfully confront such a challenge by sheer force of character and courage. In 809 (Yuanhe 4), Capital Prefect Xu Mengrong W'F~~ personally intervened to settle the case of a bad loan incurred by a Shence Army officer, Li Yu *jil, who had borrowed 8,000 strings of cash then deferred repayment to his rich moneylender for three years. When Xu ordered Li's arrest, high-level officers in the Shence Army persuaded the emperor (Xianzong) to pressure Xu to release the offender. In spite of the
*ti
Yu's study is the most exhaustive so far. Still, there is no guarantee that he has covered all the appointments to the yin position. Even so, 183 appointments in 191 years are enough to convince me that this important position at the capital was basically a one-year position. Yu 1987,1:12-60. 48 ZZTJ23 1.7436. 49 THY 86.1187. so ZZTJ239.7714; Thilo 1990, 168-69. 51 THY 67. 1188; Thilo 1990,171. 47
Central and Capital Administrations /
120 / Sui-Tang Chang'an 52
imperial intervention, Xu retained Li in custody until he paid his debt. During Jingzong's reign (824-826), Capital Prefect Liu Qichu !jIJ~~ had to deal with a number of local gangsters and corrupt merchants, who, having bought their way into league with the eunuch-controlled palace armies, were able to lord it over the ordinary residents of the city. Whenever they got into trouble, they would take shelter in the palace army barracks. Thanks to Liu's relentless prosecution, serious criminal offenses in the marketplaces and residential wards began to decline.53 Liu Gongchuo Wp~ (763-830), the elder brother of the great calligrapher Liu Gongquan m0t-1, became capital prefect ~ 816. One day his cavalcade was detained by a minor Shence Army officer. LIU prom~tly had him flogged to death. In spite of Xianzong's anger, Liu escaped punlshment. 54 When Liu Gongchuo's son Liu Zhongying milftW was promoted to capital prefect in 845 (Huichang 5), backed by the powerful chief minister Li Deyu *~, he became even more defiant of the palace army officers. Before receiving imperial permission to do so, he ordered an officer clubbed to death for having battered his own mother. When another officer violated city rules for weights and measures at the market, Liu had him executed and exposed the corpse in a public place. 55 Usually, however, the capital prefecture authorities had limited power in dealing with the eunuchs and their proteges. In 838 (Kaicheng 3) assassins from the eunuch-controlled palace armies were able to avoid arrest by Capital Prefect Cui Gong by taking shelter in the barracks after their plot to murder the chief minister was discovered. 56 Even gangsters could be protected from the prosecution if they had connections in the palace armies. This is illustrated by a memorial ftled in 843 (Huichang 3) by the capital prefecture administration, requesting permission from the emperor to arrest gangsters known by a special tattoo, who. typically operated in the markets. The memorial clearly indicates that if the offenders belonged to various agencies under a palace army or 57 commissioner, the case would have to be reported to the court. • Although the aggressive involvement of the prefect could make a difference, there was only so much he could do. And he could find himself in THY 67. 1187. YHL 2.79. For Liu Qichu's biography, seeJTS 154.4106. 54 YHL 2.81;XT.S' 163.5021-23. Liu Gongchuo is referred to as Liu Yuangong W1J:5Y~ in the Yinhua lu ~~~. XT.S' (163.5022) records his posthumous title as Yuan JG and JTS (165.4304) records it as Cheng /lX. 55 XTS 163.5023; JTS 165.4305-6; Yu 1987, vol. 1:50. 56 THY67.1188; Thilo 1990, 171. 57 THY 67. 1188.
121
serious trouble if he ran afoul of the eunuchs. Even tough Prefect Liu Gongchuo was eventually stripped of his post after repeatedly incurring the wrath of eunuch officers. 58 His son, Liu Zhongying, suffered a similar fate. The eunuchs engineered the younger Liu's removal after losing two palace army officers on his watch. 59 The most telling piece of evidence concerning difficulties faced by the capital prefecture government in its efforts to exercise jurisdiction is a memorial ftled by Deputy Capital Prefect Cui Yuanlue ~5t;om in the first month of 818 (Yuanhe 13), several months before his promotion to capital prefect: Various [central government] departments, palace armies, and commissioners' offices are known to have hunted down and arrested residents of the capital prefecture and the urban counties, including city officials (suoyou PffEf3)60 and civilians. As a rule, those who do government business in the precincts of the capital prefecture and the urban counties must obtain an official warrant, except for cases of burglary and robbery. In most cases of late no official warrants have been obtained. [The officers in question] recklessly make arrests, incarcerating and shackling [residents] before the prefectural and county authorities are notified. Surely among the city officials in custody there must be deceitful villains. However, lack of evidence leads to blatant injustice. Self-defense becomes most difficult. Civilians are hunted down and arrested. Some of them have even escaped and gone into hiding. It is hoped that an imperial edict be issued whereby from this day forward, except in cases of burglary and robbery, no palace armies and offices of commissioners will be allowed to arrest city officials and civilians of the capital prefecture and the urban counties without obtaining proper warrants. This will avert mutual interference between government agencies. 61 The established convention Cui cites allowed central government agencies to detain city officials and residents with a warrant from the municipal government. What Cui requests is an end to the wanton disregard of this formality. Even though the emperor Xianzong eventually approved this memorial, the fact of its submission points to the limited power of the capital prefecture government in matters of civil order. 62
52
58 XT.S'
53
59
163.5021.
JTS 165.4306.
Suoyou normally refers to city officials working for the capital prefecture or urban counties as opposed to central government or court officials. See ZZTJ 243.7848, commentary. 61 THY 67.1187. 62 See Cui's biographies in JTS 163.4260-62; XTS 160.4973-74. Note that information on the authority of the capital prefect is limited to the Middle and Late Tang periods.
60
122 / Sui-TangChang'an
Central and Capital Administrations /
Urban Counties In Sui times the city of Daxingcheng consisted of two urban countiesDaxing County (*JJlII*) in the east and Chang'an County (~~'*) in the west. 63 The name of Daxing was changed to Wannian ~if at the beginning of the Tang dynasty and remained so throughout the Tang period, except for the years 748-758 when it was temporarily named Xianning ~$ (see Map 5.2).64 65 was created out of In 619 (Wude 2), a new county named Zhiyang Wannian County, and it continued to exist until 624 (Wude 7). In 666 (Qianfeng 1), another county named Mingtang 13J11t was carved out of Wannian County, but it was abolished in 703. Chang'an County retained its original name during the entire Sui-Tang period. In 668 it spun off Qianfeng ~±j County, which lasted until 703 (Chang'an 3)." During most of the Sui-Tang period, 'Vannian (or Daxing) and Chang'an were the two counties that constituted the city pro~r; officially they were the only urban counties. Their jurisdiction covered tbeimmediate city area as well as the forty-five townships (xiong ~~) under Wannian County and fifty-nine townships under Chang'an County.67 The Wannian County office was located in the southeast comer of Xuanyang Ward (Map 5.2), immediately west of the Eastern Market. The design of its main gate, with its elaborate ornamentation, was attributed to Yuwen Kai, the city's chief architect. 68 Xuanyang Ward was symmetrical to its western
m
63
\
I ! I
SUS 29.808.
64 Note that in Sui tinJes Wannian was a suburban county. In Tang times, that suburban county was renamed Yueyang _ and the name Wannian was applied to Daxing County . .JTS 38.1395; SUS 29.808-9; XTS 37.962. 65 CAZ 11.1. 66 Based on YHJXTZ 1.3; CAZHi 7.11, 9.10. In XTS (37.962), the dates are 668-702. In the "Treatise on Geography" in the Jiu Tang shu (38.1396), the founding date for the two new counties is 666 (Qianfeng 1), while in the annals of the same source (.JTS 5.91) it is 668 (Zongzliang 1). It is also recorded that a Yongchang 7k~ County was created under Wu Zetian in Daode Ward iiit-t:J;1J (llE), and abolished in 705 (CAZHi 9.8; TL.!CFK 4.96). This record is missing in L.JXJ (I81a), and is not corroborated by the standard histories. See also Cen 1990. 67 YHJXTZ 1.3-7; Wu 1963a, 157; 1963b, 98. 68 Princess·Taiping ~ijV~'±', a favorite daughter of Empress Wu Zetian and Gaozon~, held her wedding ceremony in the Wannian County office compound. When the mam gate was too narrow for her processional carriages" she requ~ed its destructi~n. Gaozong rejected her request on account of the gate s extraordmary craftsmanshIp.
123
counterpart Guangde" Ward across the axial Zhuquemen Street, which housed the capital prefecture government. Xuanyang Ward was home to some of the most powerful figures of the Tang dynasty and the head office of the capital prefecture was moved there during the occupation of Chang' an by An Lushan's ~~Ll.J generals. 69 Obviously, the Wannian County office, which had charge of the most vital part of the city, occupied one of the best locations outside the palace areas. This fact speaks to the relative importance of the county itself. The Chang'an County office, with jurisdiction over the commoner quarters of the city, was seated in the southwest comer of Changshou Ward (~.±jj; Map 5.2), two wards south of the Western Market. Further removed from the palace and central government areas than the Wannian County office, and closer to the more sparsely populated southern part of the city. Changshou Ward was without doubt inferior to Xuanyang Ward. For that matter, the entire western sector of the city under Chang'an County jurisdiction was less prestigious and affluent than the eastern sector under Wannian County.70 For their short tenure the head offices of Mingtang County (666-703) and Qianfeng County (668-703) were situated in the Yongle 7.J'<.~ and Huaizhen 1!!~ Wards, respectively.71 These administrative units came into existence under Gaozong, when Wu Zetian was in her ascendancy. Wu introduced numerous changes to key offices and posts in the 660s, and after her appointment as empress, Gaozong changed his reign title at least thirteen times at her instigation. 72 The creation of the new counties can no doubt be associated with their obsession with symbolism and nomenclature. Qianfeng (the supernal feng sacrifice) was apparently borrowed from the reign title Gaozong adopted after his trip to Mt. Tai to conduct the feng OW and shan ~ rites. 73 The name of the second county, mingtong (as in Hall of Brilliance), was probably adopted to Taiping ordered part of the compound wall nearby demolished to make way for her procession. CAZHi 8.5; XTS 83.3650. 69 Among the powerful who built their mansions there were the Duchess of Guo, Yang Guifei's sister; Yang Guozhong ~~Ji!J" the most powerful member of the Yang family in the officialdom, who served as chief minister until his death; Gao Xianzhi r'ill1U1.;t, the high-ranking Chinese general of Korean descent, best known for his misadventure in Central Asia; and Zhang Yichao ~ttll, who reclaimed vast territory in the northwest from the Tibetans during Xuanzong's ~* reign (8~59). See CAZHi 8.4-5, text and commentary. On the capital prefectural office under An Lushan, see CAZHi 8.5-6.
CAZHi 10.7; TL.!CFK7.119. Qianfeng County was briefly located in the southeast corner of Y anfu Ward (Map 2.1, 9C) to the west ofHuaizhen Ward. 72 Twitchett and Wechsler 1979,258-59. 73 .JTS 5.89.
70 71
o-
r
~
.
1 =····.···..
}
(}ifffii:J;1J)
124 / Sui-Tang Chang'an celebrate the completion of a new scheme for the Hall of Brilliance subsequently erected in Luoyang. 74 Here again, the county office in the west (Qianfeng County) was farther south than its counterpart Mingtang in the east, and at a greater distance from the palace areas and Imperial City.7s Further, this indicates that the -eastern part of the city was favored over the western part. The magistrate (ling ~) of an urban county enjoyed much higher official status than his counterpart in a provincial county.76 In Sui times he ranked Sb, on par with the prefect of a medium commandery (zhongjun taishou 9=JW *9').77 In Tang times an urban county was headed by a magistrate with a rank of Sa, which was virtually six grades higher than the magistrate (6b) of the highest provincial county (shangxian ...t~).78 The urban county magistrate was often named by imperial edict. Chief Ministers Li Jiao ~ under Wu Zetian and Zhongzong, Su Ting ~m! under Xuanzong, and Chang Gun m'l{ under Daizong, all drafted such edicts. 79 The magistrate had under him two vice magistrates (cheng ~), two assistants (zhubu ±'~),two office managers (lushi ~~) and two vice office managers (zuo f~). Six county defenders (wei W) had charge of public security.80 Like the capital prefecture, the urban county bureaucracy also had six executive sections, but they were on a much smaller scale. 81 Little has been written about urban county magistrates, their style of government, their relationship to superiors and subordinates, or their personal lives. Extant sources suggest that they were often transferred from key positions in the central government. Examples can be found in the appointment 74
Central and Capital Administrations /
announcements of Zhao Shengqing Mf¥1-DW, Wei Tan • •, and Xu Van ~iW, among others.82 At the time of their appointment as magistrate these men served as intermediate-level officers in such key agencies as the Board of Revenue and Board of Works. Sometimes, provincial officers such as cishi *U~ (prefects) and zhangshi ~~ (deputy-prefects) were transferred to the post of urban county magistrate by way of promotion, after they had demonstrated their ability to administer effectively. S3
*
80 TW 30.751. 81 TW 30.750-51; Thilo 1990, 157.
*
*
*
From the Han ... to the Chen dynasties, residential areas were always found among the palace compounds. Sui Wendi considered [this] an inconvenience to the people. In consequence, the Imperial City was created to contain only government offices and exclude the residences and the regular presence of all and sundry. Both public and private alike benefited from this, and an orderly atmosphere prevailed. Indeed this was Wendi's innovation. S4 This view is shared by another Song scholar, LU Dafang
15;kJlJ5:
Although they failed to follow to the letter conventions laid down by the sovereigns of antiquity, the Sui ruling house created a new capital with a chessboard layout and precisely aligned alleyways. Every ward had its walls, and all ward walls had their gates. There was no place for criminals to attempt to escape justice. Moreover, the court, government offices, residential areas, and the marketplace were no longer mingled together. This can also be regarded as an excellent system for an entire generation. 85
m5.91.
(SXJSZ) 12.11.
*
The Song scholar Song Minqiu comments thus on the organization of the Imperial City in his Chang 'an zhi:
7SCAZHt7.1l,9.10.
76 For an account of Tang county magistrates in general, see Wang 1972, 177-94. Also see Tonarni 1974, 79-105 for a study of wei 1M (defenders) at the county level under the Tang. 77 SUS 28.786. 78 JTS 44.1920-21. In the Tang official ranking system, starting with rank 4, there were four grades within a rank (4a, 4a-, 4b, 4b-, Sa), while in the Sui system, there were only two grades in a rank (4a, 4b, 5a, and so on). See Table 5.1. 79 QTW 242.2450a, 253.2553b, 413.4228. Imperial edicts for magistrate promotions at the suburban and noncapital county levels are also documented. Xuanzong was particularly fond of making personal selections of county magistrates. He is reputed to have appointed 163 of them at the beginning of his reign. Shaanxijinshi zhi ~g!h'fiti;TI;
125
In Chinese capitals prior to Sui-Tang Chang'an, it was customary to distribute central government agencies in a number of different places. In Northern Wei Luoyang, for example, they were scattered across a wide area south of the
QTW253.2553a, 413.4228b. For instance, Zheng Xianke ~lJlJ!i§: from Dingzhou WfI.;lH, Qin Shouyi ~;:r- from Chuzhou ~;IH (QTW 242.2450a; 253.2553a), and Li Yuanhong *:TG~ from Runzhou ~"I'I (m 98.3073). For a study of the career moves of urban county magistrates, see Zhang 1993. 84 CAZHi 7.1, commentary. A slightly different version is found in LBCAZ2.41. 85 Quoted in LBCAZ 2.40. 82
83
126 / Sui-Tang Chang'an palace. 86 Sui-Tang Chang'an was the first Chinese capital to concentrate the central administrative area and imperial residence in one geographical location as two adjacent complexes partitioned by a central east-west wall. Both were well insulated from the rest of the city by surroun~g walls. It is interesting to note that Chang'an was the model for a similar palace-government arrangement in Sui-Tang Luoyang.s7 The location of the Imperial City, one of the unique characteristics of Sui-Tang Chang'an, reflects the geomantic concerns of its planners, and, what is more important, their hierarchical view of city planning: The central government was protected from the city's populace and served as a buffer zone to ward off civil threats to the throne. It is striking that, despite the accolades of Song dynasty scholars for this practice, it was never adopted in the Song capitals; neither Kaifeng Imtt nor Lin'an ~~ (Hangmou) included a walled central government area. 8S Moving southward from the Palace City into the Imperial City, there is a noticeable symbolic shift. The Palace City, the sacred abode of the Son of Heaven, was clearly dominated by a central aXis· of great cosmological and astronomical significance. This north-south line was the locus of the imperial quarters and a series of critical palace structures. In the Imperial City this inner central axis was transformed into a thoroughfare that divided the two symmetrical halves of the city and provided an access to the central palace gate. The cosmic forces generated within the Palace City from the string of royal structures dominating the central axis were channeled into the Imperial City along Chengtian-Zhuquemen Street all the way to the southern main entrance of the city, the Mingde Gate. By extension of the central axis into the suburbs, these forces reached the Round Mound (see chapter 6), the principal imperial ritual center. Here services were offered to the most revered celestial divinity, the Lord on High. on whose sanction the Son of Heaven and the empire depended. The flow of these cosmic forces was of such significance that no architecture could stand astride the central axis outside the Palace City. Rather,
Central and Capital Administrations /
government compounds, residential quarters, and other functional areas, had to be positioned along the central thoroughfare. 89 The Imperial City was clearly divided from west to east into three areas. Concentrated around the central axis were those government agencies that wielded the greatest policy-making and executive power, the Secretariat and the Chancellery, both of which had their head offices in the Taiji and Darning Palaces, and the Department of State Affairs with its six affiliated boards. Other top government agencies were also positioned in this central sector, with six of the Nine Courts located along the axis further south. At greater distance from the central axis, in the western and eastern sectors, were located the remaining three courts and government agencies ofless power and status (Map 5.1). When the local government agencies in Chang'an-tbe capital prefecture and the two urban counties--were set up, care was taken to locate them away not onlY from the Imperial City, but also from the columns (Map 2.1,5-130-0) of residential wards on either side of the city's central axis. 90 The deliberate location of the local administrations in more peripheral residential wards underscored the necessity of close contact with city residents, while their exclusion from the Imperial City and the columns of urban residences to its south indicates the sacrosanct nature of the axis and the relative insignificance of the local administrations. 91 89 With the construction of the Darning Palace, the power center shifted to the northeastern suburbs. The ritual significance of the Taiji Basilica was somewhat diminished, and a new axis was created for ritual purposes, beginning at the Xuanzheng Basilica in the Darning Palace, moving south through the Hanyuan Basilica and the Danfeng Gate into Danfengmen Street to its south. However, the old central axis continued to play a key role in traditional state rituals. See Seo 1992,22-23. 90 The creation of the two short-lived urban counties of Qianfeng and Mingtang showed some disregard for this principle. Both county offices were situated only one ward away . from the axis.
The sacred symbolism of the Chinese city is described in a classic study by Paul Wheatley, who identifies its various modes: as imitation of a suprarnundane archetype; as vehicle of center-periphery and cardinal orientation; as omphalos, the point of ontological transition where supernatural power enters the world; and as "parallelism of the macrocosmos and microcosmos." The city, and for that matter the palace, functioned as a kind of axis mundi about which the kingdom revolved. See Wheatley 1971, 436-51, especially 450-51. On the cosmological significance of Chang' an's axial thoroughfare in state rituals, see Seo 1992,3-19. The Tang perception of the sacrality of the central axis is suggested in a Late Tang memorial by Chief Minister Li Deyu *~: "From this day forward, the construction of private temples should not be permitted in the six rows of wards south of the Imperial City. Zhuque Street (the axial thoroughfare) is the emperor's road to sacrifices at the Southern Suburban Altar. [Moreover, no private temples] should be constructed in the wards [along this axis] as far as the Mingde Gate [the southern
91
86 Jenner 1981, 147-48. For a comparative perspective, see sections on various capitals prior to the Sui in Steinhardt 1990,60,69,75-77,81-82,83,89; Ye 1986, vol. 2:32-33,
89, 104-5, 122-23, 130-34. TUCFK 5.131-39.
87
**]i;:Q
Dongjing menghua lu (DJMHL) 2.52-64; Gernet 1962, 29; Ye 1986, vol. 3:6-8; 26-28; Steinhardt 1990, 138-42. Note that Steinhardt indicates the location of the "Imperial City" in figures 122, 124, 125. The "Imperial City" there refers to quecheng IMJJ£ or the "old city" and is different from the Imperial City (Huangcheng) of Chang'an (DJMHL 1.26, note I; 1.32, note I). In Song sources huangcheng is an alternate term for the Palace City (Ye 1986, vol. 3: 16). 88
127
128 / Sui-Tang Chang'an Administratively, the capital prefecture, with its jurisdiction over eighteen to twenty-three counties, governed the capital city. Its head office was in Guangde" Ward, between the Western Market and the Imperial City. The capital prefect had charge of six bureaus that were responsible for routine city administration. The two urban counties directly under the capital prefecture, Wannian and Chang'an, were each headed by a magistrate. The office of Wannian County seems to have been given greater priority, for it occupied part of strategically important Xuanyang Ward, while the office of Chang' an County was consigned to Changshou Ward, further south and closer to the most sparsely populated area of the city. Judging by their bureaucratic structure and official functions, the local administrations in both the capital prefecture and urban counties were no different from their counterparts in the provinces, except that their staff was much larger and their executive officers held higher rank. Their operations, however, were complicated by the presence of the court and the central government, whose powerful members were virtually a law unto themselves. The capital prefecture administration of Chang' an, like its two subordinate urban county governments, did not enjoy exclusive jurisdiction in the city. Over such crucial functions as market administration, defense, and policing, the central government exercised direct control. 92 Anecdotal evidence further suggests that the local governments in Chang'an did not possess true municipal authority, let alone administrative independence. This fits a universal pattern in premodern China's urban history: Chinese cities, as Joseph Needham points out, ''were not the creation of burghers, and never achieved any degree of autonomy with regard to the State. They existed for the sake of the country, and not vice versa.,,93
terminus of the city], or in the vicinity of the Qujiang Park." See QTW 706.724Sb; also see chapter 8, pag~s 204-205. 92 As I have noted, the capital prefecture government was nominally charged with law enforcement, but had no control over the police and garrison forces. To see how this played out, refer to the section on "The Eastern and Western Markets and their Administration" in chapter 7 (pages 169-174), and the section on "Law and Order in the Wards and City Streets" in chapter 8 (pages 211-214). 93 Needham 1971,71.
6
Ritual Centers When the emperor is about to make Heavenly sacrifice in the suburbs, To offer recompense for "earth's achievements," And pray for blessings from the Upper Dark, He thinks only of a means to express his piety. The ceremony, solemn and serious, is consummately performed; The rites, majestic and stately, are fully observed. -Zhang Heng ~ij (A.D. 78-139Y ui-Tang Chang'an was the stage for a whole spectrum of state ceremonies performed at various ritual locations on both cyclical and noncyclical occasions.2 These ceremonies were grouped by function into five categories: those for auspicious events (jili am), receiving guests (binli 1!tm), military
S
1 From "Eastern Metropolis Rhapsody" ("Dongjing fu" *ilflftit). WX 3.58a. Translation by Knechtges 1982,269. 2 On Sui-Tang ritual practices in Chang'an, three extant sources are the most important: The Da Tang Kaiyuan Ii ~llfrmJt;tI, also known as Kaiyuan Ii (DTKYL), Tong dian Jm!14 (TD), and Da Tangjiaosi lu ~Ilf'Ai~ (DTJSL). The Kaiyuan Ii was completed by Xiao Song .~ et aI. in 732. It has since become the basic primary source for studies of Tang rites. The Tong dian was compiled by Du You tift, who completed the ambitious project in 801 after more than thirty years of hard work. Du You's book surveys Chinese institutions from ancient times through the late eighth century. He devoted most of his chapters to ritual. Not only does he trace the history of ritual practices down to the Tang dynasty, he also records Tang rites in a most comprehensive way. His work on Tang rites entitled Kaiyuan Ii zuanki rmJt;:m.~ (Rites of the Kaiyuan Period Classified) has been incorporated into the Tong dian. Traditionally, Du's Kaiyuan Ii zuanlei was considered less valuable than the original Kaiyuan Ii. In spite of the fact that Du's work contains only 35 chapters compared with Xiao's i50 chapters, it is almost the same length as Xiao's. Du's chapters on Tang rites, though based on the Kaiyuan Ii, extend the scope of coverage to include post-732 ritual practices as well. Although by and large Du You follows the format established by Xiao Song, he does attempt to revise Xiao's work when necessary. I believe that Du's work is more valuable overall because of its long-
129
130 /
Sui-Tang Chang'an
Ritual Centers /
.:m),
occasions (junIi congratulatory occasions (jia/i Btl) and for times of misfortune (xiongli 1tIt1). The linchpin of Confucian ritual was a category of sacrifices known as si ij8. The Tang court classified these sacrifices according to their importance as major, middle, and minor. Tang scholars also classified the same rites according to their objects of worship: (1) celestial deities, such as Heaven; (2) terrestrial deities, such as the Earth God; (3) ancestral spirits; and (4) sage kings and Confucian patriarchs. Of these, the last two were essentially of the same general type-related to human beirigs. All the groups were well represented in the state rites conducted at the capital (see Table 6.1 V Ritual practices in and around the city did not remain constant. A controversy between two rival schools of ritual scholarship that had been raging for more than 300 years profoundly impacted Sui-Tang ritual scholarship in the areas of ancestral and heavenly worship. One school was that founded by Zheng Xuan ~:t of the Later Han dynasty, and the other by Zheng's most serious critic, Wang Su £mw, who was active in the early to middle third century. The most significant changes in practice, however, were introduced by Xuanzong (r. 712-756). He not only promoted and demoted a whole range of rites, he also codified the cult of Laozi at the Taiqing Palace ttm'8) and the Gods of the Nine Palaces (Jiugong guishen it.'8ittl!l) as recurrent major rites. 4 He then initiated the practice of conducting three key rites-those held for Laozi at the Taiqing Palace, for imperial ancestors at the Ancestral Temple, and for the Lord on High (Haotian shangdi ~*J:~) at the Southern Suburban Altar and Round
term perspective and because of its improvement over the former. In examining Sui-Tang Chang'an's ritual centers, I rely more on the Tong dian than the Kaiyuan li. The Da Tangjiaosi lu (DTJSL) was compiled in 793 (Zhenyuan 9) by Wang Jing £~, a famous Middle Tang ritual scholar. Completed more than sixty years after the Kaiyuan Ii, it focuses more narrowly on suburban sacrifices. Dn Kaiyuan Ii, see 11.309, ZZTJ 213.6798-99. A typical critical assessment favoring the J)a Tang Kaiyuan Ii over the Kaiyuan Ii zuanlei in the Tong dian can ~e found in a remark by Ii Yun *GW9, chief editor of the Siku quanshu Im~~., and his associates (SKTY82.701-2). Dn Du You's revision of the Kaiyuan Ii, see TD 106.2761. For recent studies on the ritual centers of Daxingcheng-Chang'an, see Seo 1992. O'n the royal suburban sacrifices, see Kaneko 1992a; 1992b; 1996. Dn the three primary sources discussed above, see Xiong 19%, 259-60. On the classification of Tang rituals, see Kaneko 1976; McMullen 1987. For a concise account of suburban ritual activities and their origins, see Wechsler 1985, 107-22. 3 TLD 4.120; Niida 1989, 60-{)3; TD 41.1121-22; Wechsler 1985, 49-50; DTKYL 1.1; Xiong 1996, 261-63. 4Xiong 1996.
xrs
13 I
Table 6.1. Ranking of Tang si sacrifices
~ Major
Do Tong Kaiyuan Ii ;kJl!f8ll:7tm (732) Lord 011 High (~7C.t'IU) Five Gods of the CardioaI Directions
Do Tang Jiaosi lu
(M
.t'IU)
Earth God
Sun
Moon Five Planets (D) She and Ji (gods of soil and harvest at the Altars of State) . Early Sovereigns (5tft'IU.:E) Five Peaks (Ii.) Four Mountains in the Four Quarters (l19a) Four Seas (119\'IU:) Four Rivers (i1QiI) Imperial Altar ('1UU> or FIfSt Agriculturist
um
($CA)
First Sericulturist (5tX) Confucius (Kongxuanfu :rL~:X:) Grand DUke of Qi ~;t:0) Temple of the Crown Prince C*'TlIiJ) Minor
Star of the Center (Il]tp) Star of Destiny (1l]f,J) Wind Master M) Rain Master (mOOi) Numiaa Star (U) Deity of Mountains and Woods (LlJf*) Deity of Rivers and Lakes () 11$) Five Dragon Cult (Ii~
;k~ilEn'
(793)
Lord on High Five Gods of the Cardinal Directions Gods of the Nine Palaces (11.:gjt:!$) Earth God Divine Land Taiqing Palaee C*MS') Ancestral Temple
Sun Moon She and Ji Imperial Altar or First Agriculturist Early Sovereigns FiveP~
Four Mountains in the Four Quarters Four Seas Four Rivers First Sericulturist Confucius (Prince Wenxuan tl.:E) Prince Wucheng (~, Grand Duke of Qi) Temple of Crown Prince WmdMaster Rain Master Star of the Center Star of Destiny Star of the People (Il]A or 1l]Ei';) Star of Merit (Il]~) NuminaStar Various Stars (~£) Deity of Mountains and Woods Deity of Rivers and Lakes Five Dragon Cult
Sources: Sea 1992, 12, Table 1; XIOng 1996,262, Table 1
Mound-on consecutive days. S Prior to this, these rites had been held on separate key dates in the imperial ritual calendar. 6 Xuanzong's innovation
S The objects of these rites each had a different significance for the Tang. Laozi, the legendary progenitor of the Li house, lent legitimacy to the court and offered guardianship to his royal descendants; the traditional ancestral spirits offered their usual protection of offspring; and Lord on High, Heaven incarnate, by his celestial authority conferred the power to rule upon the Son of Heaven. Through these three deities, the emperor could maximize the effect of his sacrificial pursuit of divine sanction. 6 The ceremonies held at the Ancestral Temple and the Southern Suburban Altar had traditionally been observed at different times. The Taiqing Palace rite for Laozi was introduced and then codified by Xuanzong. Kaneko 1996,324.
132 /
Sui-Tang Chang'an
virtually redefined the spatiotemporal significance of these now "triple rites" and became standard practice at court after 751. By grouping them together, Xuanzong bypassed the traditionally required procedure of selecting auspicious days for these key sacrifices.7 This disregard for the selection of dates also became accepted practice. Further, the consecutive observance of the triple rites offered the practical advantage of cutting short preparation and travel time. These factors may account for the relatively frequent personal participation of Tang sovereigns in the triple rites sequence. The ritual centers where these elaborateceremoilies were performed were an essential part of the imperial capital city in premodern China. The Confucian canonical work on architecture and city planning, the Kaogongji, specifies two ritual centers: the Ancestral Temple and the Altars of State. These, together with the court (palace), market, and residential areas, make up the key components of a capital city.s The emphasis on the Ancestral Temple is supported by even earlier Confucian classics such as the Zuo zhuan ic1$, completed in the late Spring and Autumn or early Warring States period. It defines the capital as a city where the royal Ancestral Temple, a paramount ritual center, is located.9 The presence of the imperial ancestral temple distinguished a de jure capital city from nominal capitals or ordinary cities. Sui-Tang Chang' an was planned with the Ancestral Temple and the Altars of State occupying two canonically prescribed locations. But it was also home to other urban ritual centers, such as the Taiqing Palace, and was surrounded by a number of suburban altars, which included the Round Mound. To participants in the ceremonies, ritual structures such as the suburban Round Mound or the urban Ancestral Temple were of permanent spatiotemporal
Ritual Centers / Table 6.2. Tang imperial rituals in Da Tang Kaiyuan Ii (eighth century) Venue
Round MOWld
Des~atioo I OllLed RoUDd Mound sacrifice I Lord on High Harvest prayer I Lord on High Invocation for rain I Lord on
Tune I Occasion Winter solstice
Istxm day of 1st month 1st month of summer
Hall of
Brilliance Eastern Suburban Altar Southern Suburban Altar Western Suburban Altar Northero Suburban Altar Square
Mound Altars of State
7
Five Tombs
First Agri. culturist Altar
Rank
Type
Major
Ji
..
.
"
"
Gao rite at Round MOWld I
Emperor's iospection tour
..
Lord 00 High Gao rite to Lord 00 High
Emperor'sjeng-shan :I1tf
High
Ancestral Temple
Tang ritual statutes stipulate, "For all sacrifices, auspicious dates should be selected by divination." That Xuanzong instituted deviation from this principle is made clear in a conversation between the'later emperor Muzong and a ritual official: Muzong asked the ritualist, "Is it necessary to divine an auspicious date for the Southern Suburban rite?" The ritual officer responded, "According to the statutes, auspicious dates should be selected by divination for all sacrifices. [But] since the Tianbao period, whenever a suburban sacrifice is to take place [the sovereign] will first pay homage at the Taiqing Palace, the next day make offerings at the Ancestral Temple, and the day after offer sacrifice at the Southern Suburban Altar. This practice has been followed to the present; no divination for dates is necessary." The emperor approved. SeeJTS21.845; CFYG 591.7069b; Niida 1989,63. 8 ZL 41.24-25. 9 Quoted in TPYL 155.753.
133 Juan 4
6 8
"
.. ..
sacrifices Emperor-led expedition Last mooth of fall
" nla
Jun Ji
81 10
12th month 1st day ofSJlrin~ Vernal equinox
Ma'or Minor
Jia Ji "
100 12 24
Sacrifice to Red Emperor Sacrifice to Yellow Emperor Zha sacrifice to hWldred gods Sacrifice to White Emperor Evening moon sacrifice
1st day of summer Last month of summer Last month of winter 15t day of fall Autumnal equinox
Maor " nla " Minor
Sacrifice to Blade Etnperor Sacrifice to Divine Land
1st dav of winter 1st mooth of winter
Major
Sacrifice at Square MOWld
Summer solstice
Sacrifice at Altars of State I Land Gods :tt!l1$ Gao rite at Altars of State Yi rite at Altars of State Cyclical offerings at Ancestnl Temple Qia ?@ offerings at Ancestral Temple Di ft1l offerings at Ancestral TCDlPle Gao rite at Ancestral Temple Gao rite at Ancestral Temple Worship at Five Tombs I Gaozu, Taizong, Gaozong, Zbonl!ZOll2, Ruizong Offerings at First Agriculturist rite I Sheonong
1st wu tt day of a mid-spring or mid-autumn month Etnperor's inspection tour Emperor-led eXDedition 1st month of each season and 12th month I st month of winter, once every 3
Lei rite to Lord on High Gnnd Offering at the HaIl of Brilliance I Lord on High ~ of the YuelinlrJ~~_ Sacrifice to Cerulean Emperor Morning sun sacrifice
..
1st hoi J{ day of 1st month of
63
"
14 16 22 18 26
"
" "
20 31
"
"
29
Minor " " "
Major
vears
1st month of summer, once every 5 years Emperor's inspection tour Emperor·led exoedition
. .
56
" " " nla
Minor
"
"
.. .. Jun Ji
. . .
33 58 82 37 39 41 60
Jun Ji
83 45
.
46
spring
Source: Seo 1992, 13, Table 2, modified. Boldface indicates the main rite at a locale.
significance. They were sacred places where cyclical rites were observed on key dates in the ritual calendar, such as the New Year, the vernal and autumnal equinoxes, and the summer and winter solstices. Occasional rites were also held
134 / Sui-Tang Chang'an here on an ad hoc basis. Other secular structures, such as the Taiji Basilica, could temporarily become sacred places for the duration of a ceremony.
Urban Ritual Centers The Ancestral Temple The erection of an Ancestral Temple tt,lg) was imperative at the establishment of a new capital or dynasty. The temple was a permanent holy place that existed exclusively for ritual activities. Ancestral worship (jili category) was arguably the most important religious institution in ancient China. The Confucians rationalized the need for it in terms of "expressing gratitude toward the originators and recalling the beginnings." A key reason why Confucians fully sanctioned the cult was because it helped inculcate such fundamental values as filial piety, loyalty to famiJy, and the perpetuation of the family line, thereby providing a foundation for the Confucian system of social organization. 10 But the religious underpinning of the ancestral cult was its supernatural element, the ancient concept of the human soul. The Sui-Tang scholar Kong Yingda offers a detailed explanation of the matter of souls and spirits in his commentary to the Zuo zhuan: At birth, the human being is transformed into form (xing ~). Form has its soul (ling 11) called po AJl!, [earthly soul]. When the po comes into being, it carries [pneuma]. The spirit (shen fiji) of the pneuma is called the within it yang qi hun ;t [heavenly soul]. The names hun, po, shen, and ling derive from form and pneuma. Form and pneuma are different, and so are heavenly and earthly souls ... "Jiaote sheng" ~~tt [in the Lijl] says, "Heavenly soul and pneuma return to heaven, while form and earthly soul return to earth ...." The sage kings served the dead in memory of their lives and formulated rules for their sacrificial services. Since life and death are different, [the sage kings] created a new set of names, changing the hun ofHfe to shen [spirit] and the po oflife to gui [ghost].11
*"
Yang 1970,44-53. CQZZ 44.348a--b, subcommentary. On the fundamental concept of hun and p~, see Shuowenjiezi zhu ~)(WPF7.i (SW) 9.shang.435a, text and ~mmentary. On the nse of ancestor worship, see LJ 47.367b-c, text and commentary; BIlsky 1975, vol. 1, 34-38, 162~3. For an account of hun, po, gui, and shen, see Granet 1975, 81-82. On the development of Ancestral Temple services in Tang times, see Wechsler 1985, 123-41. 10
II
Ritual Centers /
135
Since Kong was a leading Confucian scholar in his time, his view may typify the Sui-Tang intellectual's conception of the soul. This idea of the soul made sacrifices to ancestors a compelling practice for people, since those sacrifices encouraged hopes for supernatural aid and assuaged fears of ancestral retribution. 12 On the relevance of the Ancestral Temple and the Altars of State to the city of Tang Chang'an, Xue Yuanshang 8$5(;:1:, who was president of the Board of Works under Wuzong (r. 840-846), made the following remark: According to the "Jiyi" ~ft [definition of sacrificial rites] chapter in the Li [LVI]: "When setting out the spirit tablets for the gods at the founding of the caPital, the Altars of State should be on the right [west], and the Ancestral Temple on the left [east).,,13 The Liji says: "The gentleman should build the Ancestral Temple before the palace." Thus we know that a sovereign, when establishing a state or a capital, must set up the Ancestral Temple and the Altars of State first. 14 Ancestor worship primarily involved seasonal rites. Sui ancestral rites were conducted four times a year in the frrst month of each season. This practice continued during the Tang period; however, according to the Kaiyuan Ii, an additional service was conducted in the twelfth month of the year. IS Sacrifices were offered to the spirits of the imperial ancestors in an attempt to appease them and to seek their protection. I6 Upon founding Daxingcheng, Sui Wendi ordered the sacrificial tablets of his ancestors moved to the capital where he had just set up the Ancestral Temple and the Altars of State. These sites were located in the southeastern and southwestern comers of the Imperial City, respectively, in keeping with the Kaogong ji prescription. 17 Their location also represents an intentional attempt to "correct" the precedent set by the Northern Zhou dynasty, in which the position of these critical sacrificial venues had been reversed.I8 The 12
Bilsky 1975, vol. I: 37-39; Yang 1970,253-55.
LJ 48.373b. 14 JTS 26.985. 15 SUS 7.136; TD 47.1312,114.2919; DTKYL 37.1. 16 Lun heng ~m (Lll) states, "People who perform sacrifices believe that those who sacrifice will enjoy happiness, and those who don't will reap disaster." See LH "Jiyi pian," 1445. The Liji says, "Reverence for ghosts and gods is for the sake of the common 13
people. This law inspires awe among the masses and keeps the people in submission." SeeLJ47.367c. 17 SUS 7.136. 18 TD 47.1310--11.
136 / Sui-Tang Chang'an founding of the Tang was either preceded or immediately followed by the establislunent of the Ancestral Temple in the location of its Sui predecessor.19 In Sui-Tang times, the actual practices of ancestral worship differed from one ruler to another. Sui Wendi set up four chambers in the Ancestral Temple; then Yangdi had the temple restructured into seven chambers. In Tang times, the number of chambers varied from four, to six, to seven, to nine. Two main temple systems had developed since Later Han: the Zheng Xuan and Wang Su systems. These became the subject of controversy in the Sui-Tang era. Zheng Xuan's interpretation of the Western Zhou seven-chamber system called for the frrst chamber to be devoted to the founding father of the clan, who would enjoy services in perpetuity, while the second and third, known as tiao fjE, were for the dynastic founders, King Wen and King Wu. The remaining four chambers housed the four most recent ancestors. Since the 000 chambers were set up for dynastic rather than clan founders, they were subject to future abolition·. In the Wang Su system, which began to gain popularity in the Jin dynasty, the first chamber was devoted to the founding father of the dynasty and the remaining six chambers honored the six most recent sovereigns (sanzhao sanmu .:=.IIB .:=.~VO Under Tang Xuanzong, a nine-chamber system was developed for the Ancestral Temple, which included four predynastic ancestors and all of the five deceased emperors of the Tang. 21 Ideally, the Ancestral Temple was to be carefully maintained for the duration of the dynasty. When it fell into disrepair or was destroyed, the emperor was supposed to conduct a grieving ceremony to atone for his negligence. The collapse of four temple chambers in 717 caused Xuanzong to quit court, dress in plain clothes for three days, and vacate the Taiji Basilica out of repentance for the four "wronged" tablets from those damaged chambers. Before his departure for Luoyang, Xuanzong paid special homage to these tablets to pacify their spirits. By the same token, forces rebelling against the dynastic rulers would destroy the temple if they could, to terminate assistance from the emperor's ancestral spirits. Both the An Lushan and Huang Chao rebels destroyed the Tang temple, and both Suzong and Xizong, upon their . •• • 22 return to the. capital, were required to carry out the proper gnevmg ceremomes.
Ritual Centers /
Historically, rituals carried out at the Ancestral Temple were ranked as the iowest of the major state rites, below those performed for the Lord on High, the Five Gods of the Cardinal Directions (Wufang shangdi lin..t 1W), the Earth God (Huangdiqi li!t:I3tff:), and the Divine Land (Shenzhou 1E/lJ+I). In Sui times even rituals held at the Altars of State were ranked higher. However, at the beginning of the Tang dynasty, the Ancestral Temple enjoyed the highest level of ritual prestige, with the largest number of vessels (twelve baskets and twelve stem-cups) on display during its services. Even sacrifices to Heaven, which officially ranked the highest, were accorded only nine vessels of each type. According to a memorial submitted in the seventh month of 657 (Xianqing 2) by Xu Jingzong ff-ijJ[*, one of the compilers of the official ritual code Xianqing Ii mi!ftl (Rites of the Xianqing Period), all major rites were to use the same number of vessels as those of the Ancestral Temple?3 Wechsler regards this as a turning point in Tang ritual, because "in this way the previous superiority in the material realm enjoyed by the ancestral temple rites was officially ended.,,24 To my mind, he overstates the significance of this memorial, which seems only to have corrected what had been an abnormality. It resulted in no substantive change of the status of Ancestral Temple rites, which remained at the bottom of the list of major rituals throughout the Tang dynasty. 25 With the establislunent of the consecutive "triple rites," which included sacrifice at the Ancestral Temple, as key imperial rites under Xuanzong and later sovereigns, the prestige of the Ancestral Temple was enhanced.26
Gao Ceremony Gunli category) On occasion, certain nonrecurrent rites, such as the gao 1:!:r ceremony, were conducted at the temple as well. Here gao means "to report, announce, inform, or notify." A gao ceremony could be performed to Heaven (gaotian 1:!:r7i::), or to the ancestral spirits (gaomiao 1:!:rJWj).27 The emperor would personally hold this ceremony at the temple prior to an imperial military expedition. The highlight of the ceremony was the presentation and incineration
23
19 On the founding of the Tang, see ZZTJ 185.5791. Historical sources differ on the exact date of the establishment of the Tang Ancestral Temple. The THY account puts the date at the sixth day of the sixth month (12.292), but in JTS two dates are given: the third month (1.5) and the fifth month (25.941). 20 TD 47.1299; SUS7.!37. 21 TD 47.1311-15; XT.S 13.340. 22
XTS 13.341-42.
137
JTS21.825; THY9.shang.147.
24 Wechsler 1985, 116. 25 One notable exception is the "Liyue zhi" :m~iE\ (Treatise on Ritual and Music) of the Xin Tang shu which ranks the Five Gods of the Cardinal Directions below the ancestral spirits. See XT.S 11.310. 26 See also pages 130-32. 27 For example, the ceremony held in Han Chang'an in 312. See ZZTJ 88.2784, text and commentary.
*m-.,
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Sui-TangChang'an
of sacrificial offerings before the ancestral tablets. The gao was usually concluded in the Taiji Basilica.28
The Altars of State Rated in Sui times as a penultimate major rite, just above ancestral worship, sacrifices to the gods of soil and grains (or harvest), known as Sheji worship (jili category), were relegated to a lesser place as a middle rite under the Tang.29 Such practices may reach back to a prehistoric shamanist belief in the existence of numerous nature gods and the necessity to serve them. Customarily She t± and Ii ~ were singled out for special treatment, and the Altars of State C*:t±) were erected for their ceremonies. She and Ii are paired with various legendary figures from antiquity. In the Tang period their identification with ancient divinities was not always consistent, but there was consensus about their general character. She, the designation for the god of the five soiIs-mountains and forests, rivers and lakes, hilly land, depressions, and plains-was also the name of its place of worship. Each of the five soils was honored for its particular produce. The plains were the main producer of the five grains, and since these were considered basic to the livelihood of the empire, special sacrifices were created to Ii, the god of grains. In Sui-Tang Chang'an the Altars of State occupied the southwest comer of the Imperial City. These altars faced the north, symbolic of yin and the realm governed by the Earth God. Enclosed by the four walls, the She altar, which was east of the Ii altar, displayed five colors of soil, representing the five directions: blue for east, red for south, white for west, black for north, and yellow for the center (see Fig. 6.1),10 Traditionally, the Sheji ceremonies were classified as middle sacrifices, that is, they were considered less important than those held at the Round Mound, the Square Mound, or the Ancestral Temple.3l Lei Ceremony (junIi category) The Altars of State also served as the main venue for the lei ~ ceremony. The term lei was used in the sense of "thematically consistent." The lei rite was a TD 132.3385-87. SUS 6.117; Xiong 1996, 262. 30 On Sheji ceremonies in general, see TD 45.1264. 28
29-
In 744 XUanZong took steps to have the Sheji ceremonies elevated to the level of the major sacrifices. They were again demoted by Daizong in 771 (DaJi 6), only to be reelevated to the major status in 789 (Zhenyuan 5) by Dezong. For an account of the Sheji altars and related structures, see TD 45.1271-72, Also see DTKYL juan 33-34; Niida 1989,90.
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ceremony for special occasions, modeled on and conducted in imitation of a more established cyclical rite. 32 In Tang times, the lei was usually the military ceremony performed before imperial expeditions. In this respect, it is similar to the gao ceremony held at the Ancestral Temple. The major difference is that in a lei ceremony the Lord on High was worshipped, rather than ancestral spirits. Prior to the ceremony the emperor would purify himself through abstinence at the Taiji Basilica. When the right moment arrived, he proceeded to the Altars of State to conduct the lei, which included offering jade and silk, and wine and animal sacrifices to the Lord on High.33 This ceremony closely followed the procedure of its ritual prototype, the main rite performed at the Round Mound. Located in the southern suburbs, the Round Mound was the designated place of worship for the Lord on High.34 The Altars of State were consecrated to serve as a surrogate Round Mound in the city on the occasion of a iei ceremony.
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Fig. 6.1. Altars of State. Based on TD 45.1264
The Taiji Basilica Despite the symbolic, cosmological, and astronomical significance attached to this basilica, it was designed primarily for nonreligious functions at
31
32
ZL 19.130b, text and commentary.
33 TD 132.3383, commentary. Here the Altars of State are referred to as shegong U15. 34
TD 131.3381-84; DTKYLjuan 81.
140 / Sui-Tang Chang'an the center of the Palace City.35 However, the Tong dian and other primary sources do record its use for a number of state rituals, such as accessions, the emperor's coming-of-age, marriage ceremonies of the emperor and the crown prince, the lei rite to the Lord on High, and the gao rite to ancestral spirits. When a ritual was to take place, the basilica was sacralized for the occasion. The part the Taiji Basilica played in the Round Mound ritual to the Lord on High was of particular symbolic significance. It was in this basilica that the emperor underwent the preparatory processes of abstinence for this major state rite. The terrestrial double of the abode of the celestial emperor, the Taiji Basilica occupied the northern end of the city's central axis. It was along this axis, Chengtian-Zhuquemen Street (**-*,*r~r!J), that the cosmic force generated in the basilica traveled through the city and beyond. This was the road traveled by the emperor on his ritual journey to the Round Mound, where his communion with Heaven was consummated. 36 Accession Ceremonl7 A rite of passage for the incoming emperor, the accession was an epochmaking event for the capital and the whole nation. Its observance transformed the participant from subject to sovereign and confirmed his status among the celestial gods as the Son of Heaven. Howard Wechsler defines two kinds of accession ceremonies in traditional China: 1) accession. at the beginning of a dynasty; and 2) accession at the start of a new reign within the same dynasty. Because the first category involved the transfer of power from one royal house to another, and laid the foundation for the creation of a dynasty, it was of greater significance. The second category dealt with the transfer of power within the same ruling family after the departure of the former emperor either through abdication or death.38 The ceremony, whether it marked the founding of the dynasty or the beginning of a new reign period, usually contained two ritual components: the accession proper and communication with Heaven. At the founding of the Tang dynasty, Gaozu's accession occurred in the newly renamed Taiji Basilica (Daxing Basilica under the Sui), but communication with Heaven was. carried out at an altar in the southern suburbs specially built for the
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occasion. There a burning sacrifice was made. 39 Although the Taiji Basilica lost its political centrality with the completion of the Daming Palace, it remained the venue for the accession ceremonies of a number of emperors, including Dezong, Shunzong, and Muzong. 40 Coming-ol-age Ceremony for the Emperor Giali category) A typical rite of passage from an anthropological point of view, this ceremony sought divine sanction and blessings from Heaven and ancestral spirits as the emperor entered official adulthood. It was of major political significance as well: The emperor at this time bid farewell to tutelage or regency and assumed full responsibility for the state. Known as the capping ceremony (guanli 7Cf1l) in the Western Zhou dynasty, it was renamed the "first robing" ceremony (jia yuanfu 1J05f;g~) in the Former Han. In Tang times, this ceremony was preceded by sacrifices at the Round Mound and the Ancestral Temple. On an auspicious day, the robing ceremony, in which the emperor was the main participant, was performed in the Taiji Basilica of the Palace City. The emperor proceeded to pay homage to the empress dowager and the Ancestral Temple, and then granted a ceremonial audience with government and court officials. 41 Marriage of the Emperor Giali category) According to the Liji, marriage served two main purposes: to honor [the ancestral spirits at] the family temple, and to continue the family line. 42 This principle applied to emperor and commoner alike. The marriage rite was therefore essential not only to the sovereign himself but to the capital and nation as well. With ancestral blessings, the designated empress would bring up the heir apparent to continue the dynastic line. In the pre-Qin works there were two different views on royal marriages. The Zuo zhuan claims that the Son of Heaven, who enjoys the highest respect, is not obliged to personally come out to greet his consort. Du Yu t±m (also known as Du Yuankai t±5f;Wl), a thirdcentury commentator on this work, endorsed this view. In the Tang dynasty, however, Du You tift, whose view may have been typical of Tang officials, challenged this position with quotations from the Liji, the Analects, and the DTCY 3.57. According to Wechsler (1985, 100-101), this time-honored tradition became less important starting with Sui Wend~ who sent proxies to perform the chailiao. See also Wenxian tongkao 3tlitJm:i!f (WXTK) 89.811.
35 For discussion of the primary, secular functions of the Taiji Basilica under the Tang, see chapter 3. 36 On the ritual significance of this spatial continuum, see Seo 1992,6-9. No classification of this ceremony exists in traditional sources on the Sui and Tang dynasties. 38 Wechsler 1985, 80-106.
37
4.
TD 56.1571-73, 122.3104-13. The official age of maturity varied. In pre-Qin times, a
8m ±
completed his coming-of-age ceremony at twenty. For a state sovereign, such ceremonies were held when he turned fifteen. See TD 56.1580; DTKYL 93-94.111. 42 Quoted in TD 58.1633.
142 /
Sui-Tang Chang'an
Ritual Centers /
Gongyang zhuan i}$f$.43 Thus in Tang times, an elaborate ceremony was performed. The choice of a propitious date by divination was followed by sacrifices at the Round Mound in the southern suburbs (see Map 6.1) and the Square Pond on the grounds of the Square Mound. Official announcement of the marriage was made to the accompaniment of ritual music in the Taiji Basilica in the presence of the emperor, while high-ranking civilian and military officers stood at attention all the way from inside the basilica to the south side of Heng Street. The ceremony culminated in a joint sacrifice (tong/ao fm$) offered by the emperor and empress iIi the imperial residence. 44 Marriage ofthe Crown Prince (jiali category) During the Tang period, the marriage ceremony for a crown prince resembled that of the emperor, though on a smaller scale. The Taiji Basilica again served as the key venue. However, the marriage of a crown prince did not call for visits to the altars· where Heaven, the Earth God, and other divinities were worshipped. The ceremony closed with aD. imperial audience, at which court officials congratulated the emperor on the successful conclusion of the marriage. 45 Appointment ofthe Empress (jiali category) Under normal circumstances this rite was the most prestigious ceremony held in honor of a woman. An empress was different from other consorts in that she was the legitimate principal spouse of the emperor. Although she might be in danger of losing her title and status if she was found to practice witchcraft,46 the empress was in a position to rule behind the scenes if her son was a minor when he ascended the throne. Her appointment ceremony followed the normal procedures of a state rite. Ritual officials would visit the Round Mound, the Square Mound, and the Ancestral Temple to make sacrifices to Heaven, Earth,
TD 58.1633-34. At the close of the ceremony, the emperor and his consort would partake of the offerings, which symbolized the union of two families and formalized the marriage. See LJ 61.452c; TD 122.3113-36. 45 The evolution of the crown prince's marriage ceremony before the Tang is not well documented. See TD 127.3247-62. 46 One of the best-known cases of court witchcraft involved Empress Yin ~J§ (Hedi f~, r. 88-105) of the Later Han. On charges of practicing witchcraft in the palace, she was placed imder arrest and died in custody. A number of her close relatives also lost their lives. See HHS 1O.shang.4 17. In Tang times, Empress Wang :E (Gaozong) was deposed on witchcraft charges, which paved the way for Wu Zetian's rise. See 76.3473.
43
143
and the ancestral spirits of the imperial family. The main ceremony took place at the Taiji Basilica and culminated in the bestowal upon the empress, in the presence of the emperor, of her appointment document, a ritual jade tube (cong fJ.jD, a ribbon, and a seal.47
Appointment ofthe Crown Prince (jiali category) Like the appointment of an empress, the appointment of a crown prince was accompanied by a full range of ceremonial activities at different sites, including the Round Mound, the Square Mound in the northern suburbs (see Map 6.1), and the Ancestral Temple. However, the main theater of the ceremony was again the Taiji Basilica. The difference between this and a similar ceremony held at the Eastern Palace was the presence and full participation of the emperor.48 The crown prince could be appointed either at the Taiji Basiiica or in the Eastern Palace. When the theater of the ceremony was the Eastern Palace, the emperor's involvement was limited.
The Eastern Palace The Eastern Palace, located in the Palace City, was the living and office quarters of the crown prince. When a crown prince was appointed, he underwent a ceremony that marked the official confirmation of his status as heir apparent. He would then settle in the Eastern Palace, to be groomed as the future Son of Heaven. An heir apparent who proved unworthy was subject to removal. When the ceremony for the appointment of the crown prince was held in the EasteQl Palace, it was attended by civilian and military officers, who stood in formation inside and outside the main basilica. Upon receiving his appointment, the newly created crown prince proceeded to the imperial residence for an audience with the emperor and the empress. This was followed by a visit to the Ancestral Temple and various congratulatory ceremonies. 49
Temples for the Patrons of Education
44
xrs
In the Zhou dynasty a special ceremony, the shidian ~~, commemorating patrons of education was created to celebrate the opening of school. In the Sui dynasty such ceremonies were held in the quarters of the Court of Education (guozisi ~-1-~). In 619 the Tang government set up two temples at the TD 125.3192-98; DTKYLjuan 105. TD 125.3198-205. 49 TD 125.3205-7; DTKYLjuan 106-7.
47 48
144 / Sui-Tang Chang'an National University, one for the Duke of Zhou, and the other for Confucius. 50 Sacrificial offerings were made to these patron figures every season. While Gaozu himself participated in the ceremony, Taizong is said to have been present as an observer. Often the crown prince served as host at the ceremony.51
The Temple of the Sage Kings The practice of the state-sanctioned worship of legendary and historic sovereigns (jili category) goes back to at least the Former Han dynasty. The purpose of these rites was to stabilize the state and stave off disasters. In the Sui, sacrifices were conducted in honor of the legendary kings, Yao, Shun and Yu, as well as the founder of the Shang dynasty, King Tang. These ceremonies took place away from the capital, in areas where the objects of worship were believed to have been active when they were alive. The Zhou kings Wen and Wu were worshipped in the Feng and Wei river valleys, and Han Gaozu in the Changling Tomb Park where he was buried. The Sui ceremOliies in honor of these powerful figures were ad hoc in nature, but in the Early Tang period efforts were made to institutionalize them. It was on Xu Jingzong's suggestion that the ceremonies began to be held in mid-spring triennially. In 747 (Tianbao 6), an imperial edict was issued to set up two temples for the legendary sage kings, the Three Sovereigns and the Five Emperors. The following year another temple was erected in Chang'an for worshipping even earlier legendary sovereigns. 52
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x'r.54
In 742 Xuanzong conducted sacrifices (jili category) at the newly founded Laozi temple, known as the Xuanyuan Temple (1.;jf;~), in which the Xuanyuan emperor (Laozi) was elevated to the position of a superior holy man (shangsheng L~). Later in the same year, the Xuanyuan temples in both capitals were given a lavish new name: Taishang Xuanyuan Emperor Palace ~L1.;:7t£W'8). In 743 their designations changed again: they became the Taiqing Palace (~'8) in Chang'an and the Taiwei Palace (*~g-) in Luoyang. 55 Under Xuanzong, the principal Taiqing Palace sacrifice to Laozi was elevated to a major recurrent rite, higher than those dedicated to other Tang ancestors. This sacrifice was to take place on Laozi's birthday in the second month of each year. 56 The Taiqing Palace was located in northeastern Chang'an, in the southwest comer of Daning Ward (*~:J1j; Map 2.1, 21), in the vicinity of all three imperial palace areas. Its courtyard waS planted with pine trees and bamboo, symbolic of hermitage; its main basilica was about 12 bays from east to west. Sacrifices were held there every season. The centerpiece of the main basilica was a white stone statue of Laozi, accompanied by a statue of Xuanzong. S7 Beside Xuanzong stood the statues of Li Linfu and Chen Xilie IllMff1.!{, two powerful court politicians. Li's statue was later removed when he fell into disgrace and was replaced by a statue ofXuanzong's favorite chief minister, Yang Guozhong m~!t',. These statues were destroyed after the deaths of Chen and Yang. 58
*#m
The Taiqing Palace53 It was in the interest of the Tang state to promote the worship of Laozi the legendary founder of Daoism, and the alleged progenitor of the royal Li family. In 741 an imperial edict was issued fora Laozi temple to be founded in the two national capitals and in the prefectural capitals. Meanwhile, Chongxuan Academies (~1.;~) were founded in the two capitals to train degree candidates in Daoist studies with a curriculum that included the study of such Daoist classics as the Daode jing Ui1!!*l, Zhuangzi JEEr, Liezi ~Ur, and Wenzi ~r,
50 The location of tlte National University in Sui Daxingcheng is not clear. In 662 it had eighty students; its Luoyang campus had fifteen. See XTS 48.1266.
51 TD 53.1474-75; DTKYLjuan 54; XTS 15.373-76. TD 53.1477; DTKYLjuan 50. Temples for the Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors were located in Chang'an as well, according to JTS 9.221.
52
53
For a recent study of the Taiqing Palace under Xuanzong, see Xiong 1996.
Chongxuan students were selected based on classical studies (mingjing aJ3~) student standards. Xuanzong eventually ordained that each of the Chongxuan Academies should have its own erudite (boshi fW±) and instructor (zhujiao WJ~) and a quota of one hundred students. Clearly Xuanzong was shaping these Daoist academies after the prestigious National University. See JTS 24.925-26; THY 50.886. 55 In traditional Chinese astronomy Taiwei is a constellation composed of parts of the constellations Leo and Virgo. It was considered an imperial constellation. 56 THY 50.868, Huichang 1; 50.819, Kaiyuan 25. TD 53.1479 notes, according to the statutes of 754 (Tainbao 13), that from then on, in the first month of each season (mengyue ~jj) incense-burning ceremonies would be held at the Taiqing Palace. But in THY 50.867, the prescribed date was the "spring day" (chunri ~B).
54
57
Statues of Suzong and Dezong were later added.
5&
This ceremony is not recorded in the DTKYL. See TD 53.1478-79; TUCFK 3.71.
146 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
Suburban Ritual Centers The Round Mound The Zheng Xuan and Wang Su schools of thought had struggled to shape the Chinese concept of Heaven from Han times into the Tang. The Zheng school equated Heaven with six gods or the Six Heavens, while Wang Su insisted that the Lord on High was the single supreme deity. In the last half of the seventh century Wang's theory ofa single god gained the upper hand. In consequence, the Round Mound (Yuanqiu lllli), the sacred place dedicated to the Lord on High, assumed greater importance than before. S9 Under the Sui, the Round Mound was located south of the capital, two Ii east of the central thoroughfare that went south from the Taiyang Gate (~r~) into the southern suburbs. 6O Sources record its location under the Tang in the southern suburbs two Ii east of the gate now known as the Mingde Gate. Since the Ii was almost the same length under Sui Wendias under the Tang, the Tang court must have continued to use the Sui Round Mound site. According to textual sources, the Round Mound had a four-tiered altar with a diameter of twenty zhang (59 meters) at the base. The Tang altar measured 9.9 meters in height and 60 meters in diameter at the base. 61 Symbolic of Heaven, this was by far the most important suburban ritual center. Recent archaeological work has revealed a ritual site about 950 meters east of the ruins of the Mingde Gate that has been identified as the Sui-Tang Round Mound. A four-level altar with a diameter of 54 meters at the base has been excavated; its height is about 8 meters. This more or less confirms the documentary records on this altar. Additionally, each level is divided into sections by twelve flights of stairs,
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symbolic of the twelve earthly branches. 62 The sacrifices conducted there were a key component in a number of occasional state ceremonies, for instance those held on the occasion of imperial inspection trips, the emperor's coming-of-age, the emperor's marriage, and the official appointment of the crown prince or the empress. However, it primarily functioned as the venue for a number of recurrent sacrifices, such as the winter solstice rite, the late autumnal grand offerings, the early summer sacrifice to ensure rainfall, and the cultivation ceremony on the frrstxin day of the first month.63
*
Suburban Celestial Sacrifice Oili category) The suburban celestial sacrifice (~*), held on the day of the winter solstice, was the highest-ranked of the major state rites. Under the Northern Zhou dynasty this sacrifice to Heaven had taken place every year; under Sui Wendi it took place biennially, with Wendi conducting the ceremony in person on behalf of the state. 64 In Tang times the rite was held on an annual basis. 6s This critical Round Mound ritual served as the model for other sacrificial activities. 66 Hall ofBrilliance Ceremonies It is believed that the Yellow Emperor initiated the convention of conducting rites at the holy structure called the Hall of Brilliance (Mingtang aA1it). The Western Zhou, Han, and Jin dynasties, and each of the Six Dynasties constructed their own Halls. 67 However, no such structure was built under the Sui, and the only building of this name erected in Tang times was located in the Eastern Capital, Luoyang. It was constructed in 688 (Chuigong 4) under Wu Zetian on the foundation of the main audience hall of the Qianyuan Basilica (~j{;~).68 Although plans to duplicate this venerable ritual center in An Jiayao 1999, 1. The Yuan source Leibian Chang'an zhi ~Jj~3i:'*, (LBCAZ) records that the Tang Round Mound site was 1 Ii southeast of the Mingde Gate. The altar had three stories, for a height of 120 chi and a circumference of 360 bu. It had twelve divisions. See LBCAZ 3.73. 63 TD 106.2761; Niida 1989, 63-71. 64 SUS 6.115-19. Note that under the Northern Zhou the sacrifice was made on the first xin day of the first month. 6S TD 42.1180,43.1192-93. 66 JTS 21.820. For later developments regarding this rite, see pages 159-61, "Ritual Practices of Tang Sovereigns in Chang'an." 67 TD 44.1214-20 62
S9
Wechsler 1985, 46, 116.
60 I have not been able to positively identity the Taiyang Gate in Sui-Tang Chang' an. The referenc.es in the primary sources I have found point to an east gate of the Palace City at Luoyang (ZZl'J 185.8502; XTS 85.3691). Here I agree with Xin Deyong that in Sui-Tang Chang'an Taiyang was either an early or an alternative designation for the Mingde Gate. See Xin 1991,8. The Tang meaSurements were slightly different from those of the Sui. One Sui zhang :X: equals 2.95 meters, one Sui Ii 531 meters. In the Kaihuang period (581-600), the basic length measurement chi was approximately 0.295 meters. There were 6 chi in abu, and 300 buin a Ii. Note the difference from Tang times when one Ii equals 540 meters (1 Ii equals 360 bu, 1 bu equals 5 chi, and 1 chi equals 0.3 meters). On length measurements of the Sui and Tang, see Liang 1980, 541-44; SuS 6.116. On the Sui Round Mound, see TD 42.1180. On the measurements of the altar, see THY9.shang.141; DTKYLjuan 4-10.
6.
68 TD 44.1227. On the excavation of the Mingtang in Luoyang, see Luoyang Tangchengdui 1988.
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Sui-TangChang'an
accordance with canonical prescriptions were seriously discussed in Sui-Tang Chang'an, they were never acted upon because of canonical disagreements. Instead, rites traditionally associated with this structure were conducted at the Round Mound during the Tang. 69 The principal Hall of Brilliance rite was the late autumnal grand offering (jiqiu daxiang ~*.!j:.,jili category), a major seasonal sacrifice conducted by the sovereign himself. Offerings were made to the Five Emperors of the Cardinal Directions, accompanied by various combinations of ancillary gods. In Sui times the rite was carried out at the yu (rain) altar in Daxingcheng. At the beginning of the Tang dynasty the Wude ling .lft~-9t (Statutes of the Wude Period) ordained that the late autumnal offerings be performed to the Five Emperors at the Hall of Brilliance.70 However, since no such structure was ever built in Chang'an, this ritual was performed at the Round Mound. 7 •
Invocation for Rain A rainmaking ritual known as the yu ~ was performed at the major ritual centers in the area of the capital. The Later Han scholar Zheng Xuan argued that yu was the alternate name for Heaven, so the yu ceremony should be carried out at the Round Mound. However, a Tang official, Wang Zhongqiu .I:9=Jfk held that since the practice of invoking rain through the intercession of the Five Emperors had long been customary, both should be allowed to continue.72 In the Zhenguan period (627~49), the yu ceremony took place at the Southern Suburban Altar early each summer with the Lord on High as the main god, and the Five Emperors of the Cardinal Directions, the Five Human Emperors (Wurendi IiA ~), and the Gods of the Five Phases (Wuguan Ii 'ED as ancillary gods. Starting in the Xianqing period (65~61), the ceremony was primarily conducted at the Round Mound, in compliance with the Wude period statutes. Surviving anecdotal accounts indicate that the ritual was not performed gratuitously. Little or no rainfall was considered a sign of celestial displeasure with the conduct of state affairs and required immediate remedial measures. In 723 (Kaiyuan 11), in response to an early summer drought, serious efforts were made to correct unjust verdicts, to provide relief to the poor and needy, and to bury exposed corpses to pacify their ghosts as part of an empirewide campaign launched to invoke rain.· The yu ceremony was performed in the mountains and TD 44.1221-29; WXTK 73.671; DTKYL juan 10-11. For an anthropological interpretation of the Mingtang's significance, see Wechsler 1985, 202--4. 70 Niida 1989, 74-79.
69
71
TD44.1231-37.
n TD43.1206.
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on rivers, at the Altars of State and at the Ancestral Temple. Reputed rainmakers were also summoned to the Northern Suburban Altar to make sacrifice in hopes of inducing rain.n
Ritual Centers for the Directional Gods Apart from the Round Mound, there were a host of other ritual centers in the suburbs-the altars of the. east, west, north, and south, as well as the Square Mound, which lay to the north of the city (Map 6.1). These served as locales for other seasonal sacrifices. At these altars rituals for the Five Gods of the Cardinal Directions, or the Five Heavenly Emperors (Wutiandi Ii'R~), were held regularly at the suburban altars. In Sui times the altar for the Cerulean Emperor (Qingdi W~) stood eight Ii east of the Palace City, on the north side of the street that extended eastward from the Chunming Gate (~I3J3r~), the central east city gate. 74 The altar for the Red Emperor (Chidi ~~) was thirteen Ii south of the Palace City, to the west of the central axis that extended southward from the Mingde Gate, the main southern entrance to the city. The altar for the Yellow Emperor (Huangdi jf~) stood west of the street that extended southward from the Anhua Gate (~ftr~), the westernmost south gate. The altar for the White Emperor (Baidi 8~) was south of the street that ran west from the Kaiyuan Gate <Ml~r~), the northernmost west city gate. The altar for the Black Emperor (Heidi ~~) was located eleven Ii north of the Palace City. The creation of these directional suburban altars and the continuance of their services indicate the strong influence of Zheng Xuan's ideas on the Six Heavens during the Sui. 7S At the founding of the Tang dynasty, these rites were continued. Except for that honoring the Yellow Emperor, they all took place on the frrst day of a season. The spring sacrifice was made to the Cerulean Emperor at the Eastern Suburban Altar (Dongjiao *~), the summer sacrifice to the Red Emperor at the Southern Suburban Altar (Nanjiao the autumn sacrifice to the White Emperor at the Western Suburban Altar (Xijiao gs~), and the winter sacrifice to the Black Emperor at the Northern Suburban Altar (Beijiao ~t~).76 Sacrifice to the Yellow Emperor took place at the end of summer at the southern altar. On each of these occasions a ehai ~ or liao W altar, with a base of about one
mm,
73 TD 43.1206; DTKYLjuan 9. In Sui times the ceremony had been conducted at its own altar south of the Qixia Gate. See also p. 152. 74 One Sui Ii = 531 meters. 75 On Sui suburban altars, see SuS 7.130. 76
TD 110.2852-57.
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150 / Sui-Tang Chang'an zhang square (9 square meters) and a height of one zhang two chi (3.6 meters), was built to serve as the center of the ceremony.n While the Sui maintained separate southern altars for the Red Emperor and Yellow Emperor, under the Tang they were combined into one-the Southern Suburban Altar, or Nanjiao. As the Zheng Xuan Six Heavens formulation, which regards the Lord on High and the five directional gods as the supreme celestial deities, came increasingly under fire in the Early Tang period, seasonal suburban sacrifices at the directional altars were called into question.78 The most damaging criticism was made in 651 (Yonghui 2) by Zhangsun Wuji *f'*'~,g, the most authoritative, high-ranking official on ritual, and his supporters. They argued that the so-called Five Heavenly Emperors in Zheng Xuan's system were actually the five imperial stars in the celestial Taiwei Palace (Xl1JJ(g), symbolic of the emperor on earth. They faulted Zheng for equating these astral deities with the five directional gods, a conjunction based on weishu ~~ texts that were considered apocryphal. Basing their position instead on Wang Su's single Heaven system, they memorialized the throne: '''Make sacrifices for the five Taiwei emperors at the four suburban altars to receive the pneuma of nature; discontinue the Six Heavens formula in the [Southern] Suburban Altar and Hall of Brilliance services and make [those] sacrifices to the Lord on High only.,,79 Apparently the emperor gave his approval to this proposal, which redefined th.e significance of the five directional gods. But this does not suggest that therr altars or sacrifices to them were abandoned. The war against practices harking back to Zheng Xuan was far from over. Xu Jingzong, who was a major opponent of the Six Heavens formulation, reiterated the need to discredit it in 657 (Xianqing 2). Xu's aim was not so much to demote the Five Heavenly Emperors as to promote the Lord on High as the supreme all-embracing deity. One notable result was that the Lord on High replaced the deity known as the Gan Emperor as the object of worship at the n JfXTK78.718-19. 73 In the early years of Gaozong's reign, the Six Heavens rituals were attacke~ mainly on two occasions. After comparing various sources, I have come to the conclUSIOn that the first attack was launched in a memorial by Zhangsun Wuji et al. in 651 (Yonghui 2); and the second by Xu Iingzong in 657 (Xianqing 2). The memorial of 651 is found in XTS 198.5654' and a fuller version in TD 43.1193-94 and THY 9.shang.145-46. The same text is interpolated into fI'S 21.823-24 and is mislabeled as Xu's memorial of 657. In reality, Xu's comment of 657 (XTS 13.334), or the second attack, is contextually and textually different from the 651 memorial. 79 Wechsler, who accepts 657 as the correct date for ~e memorial of 651, claims that it resulted in the discontinuation of "sacrifices to the Five Heavenly Emperors at most of the suburban altars with which they had traditionally been associated." He obviously misunderstands the issue in question. Wechsler 1985, 115-16.
151
spring harvest-prayer rite held at the southern altar. 80 The suburban altars and their associated rites were recodified in the Katyuan Ii (732), recorded in the Tong dian (801), and seem to have survived into the ninth century.SI One of the best-known ceremonies at the southern altar was the zha M' winter sacrifice Oili category). Originally a cultivation sacrifice, this ceremony was conducted in the fIrst month of winter (the tenth month of the year) in the early Sui. In 584 it was moved to the twelfth month, the period when it had been observed in Zhou times, and remained there under the Tang. 82 Mid-season sacrifices to the sun and moon also took place in the suburbs. The sacrifice to the Lord on High at the Round Mound on the winter solstice was no doubt the most important mid-seasonal ritual event. Its counterpart, the sacrifice to the Earth God, took place at the Square Mound in the northern suburbs on the summer solstice. In Sui times a morning sun ceremony was conducted at a suburban altar east of the Chunming Gate on the vernal equinox. The evening moon ceremony was conducted at a suburban altar west of the Kaiyuan Gate on the autumnal equinox. The Tang court inherited basically the same practice. While it is not clear whether the Sui court set up the altars exclusively for the sun and moon ceremonies, it is well documented that the Tang court conducted the sun and moon ceremonies at the eastern and western altars respectively. B3
The Altar of the Nine Palaces To the east of the Eastern Suburban Altar was a special ritual structure erected in 745 (Tianbao 4). It was dedicated to sacrifices offered to the gods of the Nine Palaces. These deities were nine astral gods in the divinatory or astrological system known as the jiugong (nine palaces). They were positioned in a diagram shaped like a tick-tack-toe board. The nine gods, each with special divinatory attributes such as numbers, phase (of the five phases), and colors, rotated according to three cycles: daily, monthly, and yearly. Ajiugong diviner told the future by matching the attributes of these gods with particular dates. Xuanzong, as he was creating an altar for the gods, also codified their services as a recurrent major rite and accorded it a ritual status second only to that of the
13.334. On the harvest-prayer rite, see page 159. Xiong 1996,262. For lack of evidence, I am not sure how observant Tang sovereigns were of these rites.
10 XTS
81
82
83
TD 44.1239-40; DTKYLjuan 22. TD 44.1232-33, 111.2875-86; DTKYLjuan 12-21.
152 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
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Lord on High. This rite took place in the fIrst month of every season. After Xuanzong's death the Nine Palace rite was demoted to middle rank. 84
153
The Sacred Field In Sui times the ceremonial cultivation of the Sacred Field (Titian .E8,jili category) was carried out fourteen Ii south of the Qixia Gate in the southern suburbs of the capital. There a sacred fIeld of 1,000 mu was set aside, and an altar set Up.90 In Tang times, contrary to tradition, Taizong conducted his sacredfield ceremonies in the eastern suburbs, which corresponded with spring prosperity. Under Wu Zetian, the altar for this ceremony was named First Agriculturist Altar (Xiannong tan UfI) and later it was renamed the "Imperial Altar to God of the Soil" (Dishe tan ~Ht!I). Xuanzong considered the altar area too restricted, so he relocated it from outside the Chunming Gate to east of the Chan River.91 One of the most important agricultural rites, this ceremony emphasized the agrarian nature of the Tang economy and encouraged farming. It was conducted by the emperor, who personally tilled a portion of the field.
The YuAltar The Yu Altar (~i:I) was erected thirteen Ii south of the Qixia Gate It was dedicated to rain sacrifices (jili category), which took place in the fIrst summer month after a dragon apparition had been sighted. Its objects of worship were the Five Gods of the Cardinal Directions. Yu ceremonies were also conducted whenever a summer drought occurred in the capital area. In Tang times, the yu was at fIrst offered to the Lord on High annually, in the fIrst summer month at the Round Mound. Later in the Zhenguan period (626-649) the ceremony was moved to the Southern Suburban Altar, but in the Xianqing period (656--661) it returned to the Round Mound. Apparently the Sui Yu Altar was no longer in use. 8S (@=~J~, the easternmost south city gate) during the Sui dynasty.
The First Sericulturist Altar The Square Mound Altar A counterpart of the Sacred Field ceremony, the xiancan 7tH ceremony was held by the imperial consort in late spring at the First Sericulturist Altar (Xiancan tan 7tKOO. In the Sui dynasty, this altar was erected three Ii north of the Palace City in the Forbidden Park. The empress presided over the ceremony in the company of noblewomen (shifu t!t~) under the Sui, or of appointed women (mingfo $~ under the Tang. The Tang altar was also set up in the Forbidden Park. It had a height of four chi (1.2 meters) and a circumference of thirty bu (45 meters).92 The ceremony promoted weaving, the principal female occupation in the agrarian economy.
Located about fourteen Ii north of the Palace City, the Square Mound Altar (Fangqiu tan jJliOO had two levels. The fIrst had a base of ten zhang by ten (30 meters by 30) and the second, an area of fIve zhang by fIve. It served as the altar for jili category sacrifices to the Earth God, the Divine Land, and several 86 minor deities, including those governing mountains, forests, and seas. The 87 ceremony to the Earth God took place on the summer solstice. The Square Pool (Fangze jJff:), which played a role in ritual similar to the Square Mound, was probably located near the Square Mound.88 Wu Zetian initiated the practice of combining the rites to the Lord on High with those to the Earth God in 695 (Tiance Wansui 1), and this was institutionalized under Xuanzong in 742 (Tianbao 1).89
Xiong 1996, 273-79, 302-3. IS TD 43.1205--6; DTKYLjuan 9. 86 TD 45.1261-62.. 87 .ITS 2l.820; THY 10.shang.214; DTKYLjuan 29-30. sa Information on the Square Pool is not clear. A passage in TD (45.1258-59) indicates that it had been located at the Square Mound since the reign ofWudi of the Western lin (265-290). .. XTS 13.336-37; THY9.xia.184-85.
Procedures for the Principal Round Mound Ceremon~3 The following is a brief description of what is probably the archetypal Tang ritual, the winter solstice rite (dongzhi ~.¥.) at the Round Mound, as it unfolded. Although each ceremony had its own characteristics and functions,
14
j I
l
J 1
.~
90 In Tang times, one mu ~ was 240 square bu (I square bu = 2.25 square meters) or 540 square meters (0.133 acre). See TLD 3.74; Liang 1980,541-46. 91 .ITS 24.912-13; THY 10.xia.243-48; TD 46.1287. 92 TD 46.1290--91; THY 1O.xia.260--70; DTKYLjuan 46-49. 93 TD 109.2821 ff;XTS 11.311-20; Niida 1989, 63-70; DTKYLjuan 4 .
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certain recurring elements varied little from one ritual to another. The Tang winter solstice rite is recorded in full detail in sources such as the Tong dian and Kaiyuan li. 94
W
Sacnfi
155
Northern Path
i
Nortb Middle waU
Abstinence The key ritual participant (theoretically the emperor) had to be prepared for communication with the supernatural. This was achieved through purification practices (zhaijie 1ff!\G).95 Seven days before the main ceremony, ritual abstinence (zhai ~) began. Traditionally there were two main types of zhai. The first, sanzhai ~jf, required the participant to refrain from carriage rides, enjoying music, and taking part in funeral rites; the second, zhizhai .¥., required the participant to concentrate on the abode, smile, voice, wishes, pleasures, and interests of the rite's object. The participant observed the frrst type of abstinence over four days in a side basilica of the palace, and the· second type for three days-two days at the Taiji Basilica, and one day at a "touring palace" (xinggong fi'8). A touring palace was· ordinarily located outside the precincts of the imperial palace and dedicated to providing the emperor a place to rest briefly before performing an important ceremony. For the winter solstice ritual, it was set up near the Round Mound. 96 Setting Up The first preparatory stage of the ritual involved setting out (chenshe ~R) the ritual paraphernalia, and assigning the positions of ritual participants and the seats of the objects of worship in accordance with ritual regulations (see Fig. 6.2).97 Three days before the main ceremony, a great tent (dad *'/1\.) was erected facing south, on the north side of the eastern path between the eastern middle and outer gates. 98 The imperial seat was set up at the tent. Then posts were assigned to and prepared for officials and foreign visitors who would attend to the emperor while he performed the ritual. To the south of the tent, civilian and military officers were arranged north to south, facing each other, civilians on the This is particularly true of sacrificial rites classified as jili. Ceremonies that did not involve sacrifices varied in their ritual procedures. For a simpler account of the same process, see Wechsler 1985, 118-20. 95 TD 109.2821-22;XTS 11.311-12. 96 On sanzhai and zhizhai, see U 47.364c. Wechsler (1985, 118) renders them impressioni.stically as "relaxed seclusion" and "strict seclusion" respectively. On xinggong, see TD 109.2827. 97 TD 109.2822-26;XTS 11.312-16 98 TD 109.2822-26;XT.S' 11.312-16. 94
Eaot Middle Wall
Eu.
Foreign
guests West Outer W.II
ofE &.S
WHt MiddJco Wall
Eastern PaIh
Fig. 6.2. Set-up for the winter solstice rite at Round Mound Altar. Based on TD 109.2822; An 1999, I
east, and the military on the west. Ritual officials (siguan iiiB'§'") were posted along the south side of the eastern path outside the east outer wall. Attending civilian ritual officials (congsi wenguan :f:tiilB)('§'") were ranged east of the ritual officials. Further to the east were the provincial envoys (chaojishi ¥Jj~~) and the foreign guests from countries east and south. The dukes of Jie 11' and Xi ~, military officers, and provincial envoys and foreign guests from countries west and north were posted along the south side of the western path, west of the outer wall. 99 Two days before the main ceremony, musical instruments, including bells and stone chimes, were set up outside the southern inner wall of 99 The dukes of Jie and Xi were honorific titles conferred on the descendants of the Northern Zhou and Sui dynasties respectively (THY24.461).
156 /
Sui-Tang Chang'an
the altar. Firewood was gathered into a pile measuring one zhang (3 meters) square and one zhang and two chi (3.6 meters) high on the liao 11l altar. On the day before the main ceremony, another seat was set up for the emperor southeast of the altar, facing west. An observation post was set up north of the chai ~ altar, facing south. Ritual officials and ministers were to take their places along the south side of the eastern path between the middle and inner gates. To their south were ranged ritual assistants (zhishi ~$), attendant civilian officials, and provincial envoys and foreign guests from the east and south. The dukes of Jie and Xi were posted to the south of the western path inside the west gate. loo South of the dukes stood military officers, and provincial envoys and foreign guests from countries to the west and north. Outside the eastern outer wall, tablets for sacrificial animals were arranged at the gate, facing west. Those in dark blue and azure stood to the north. Those in red, yellow, white, and black stood to the south. Wine jars were set out for the Lord on High and various celestial deities and immortals. Late in the afternoon before the main sacrifice, a sacred tablet was set up in the north part of the altar for the Lord on High. It was accompanied by the tablets of Gaozu, the Five Gods of the Cardinal Directions, the sun and moon gods, and various ancillary deities of stars and constellations. Inspection ofSacrificial Animals and Vessels Official examination of victims and implements (xing shengqi 1I1ltt~)101 was critical to the successful performance of the sacrifice. The sacrificial animals were inspected on the afternoon before the main ceremony. After the altar area was cordoned off, the animals were brought into the positions previously marked by their tablets. They were carefully examined for flaws, as were various sacrificial instruments, including tripods (ding lffi.) and cauldrons (huo Ji). The slaughter took place before dawn on the day of the main sacrifice. After sacrificial blood was collected in lidded stem cups (dou !a.), the animals were cooked as offerings. Departure ofthe Imperial Cortege from the Palace Three days before the emperor's departure from the palace proper (luanjia chugong ~.l±rg), 102 a: touring palace was created east of the Round Mound
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altar, facing south. Civilian ritual officials of rank 5 and above were housed in the east and west audience halls outside the Chengtian Gate. Two days before the departure, palace chimes (gongxuan '8M) were set up in the courtyard of the Taiji Basilica. On three occasions early in the morning of the main sacrifice, calls were issued to tighten security. Various civilian ritual officials and military officers lined up before the east and west audience halls, while the imperial guards took their places in the courtyard of the Taiji Basilica. The president of the Secretariat (zhongshuling ~~~) and the president of the Chancellery (shizhong ffl:~) led the court officials in greeting the emperor on the west steps of the basilica. Escorted by the imperial guards and dressed in ceremonial regalia, the emperor stepped into his carriage, to travel from the Chengtian Gate to the touring palace at the Round Mound. Offerings ofJade and Silk Preparations for the offerings of jade and silk (dian yubo ~:EfF.,)I03 were underway before dawn on the day of sacrifice. Ritual officials filled wine jars with sacrificial wine, then placed sacrificial jade and silk (bi ~) in baskets (lei til, and put sacrificial food (zhuan If) in various bamboo containers, before setting them up outside the east inner gate. Meanwhile the emperor arrived at the gate to the great tent, where he stepped out of the carriage into a palanquin, which would convey him to the tent. The emperor now changed into his black fur regalia (daqiu ::k~) and, guided by the president of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices (taichangqing ;tc-mW!IJ), he headed toward the east gate of the middle wall. 104 Attaching the great jade (dagui ::kJi) to his waist and carrying the weighty jade (zhengui ~, the emperor took up a position next to the president of the Board of Rites (libu shangshu tlOOf;!6 ~). lOS The emperor made two obeisances (bai 1f.), and the officials present did likewise. Accompanied by ritual music the emperor mounted the altar from the south steps to make the offering of jade and silk to the sacred tablet of the Lord on High. This he did on his knees. He then prostrated himself, rose, and proceeded next to make an offering of silk to the sacred tablet of Tang Gaozu. Earlier, his proxies had made jade and silk offerings to the sacred tablets of the ancillary deities. TD 109.2829-33;XT.S 11.316-19. On the Tang regalia system, see Xiong 1996, 267. Of the six categories of regalia, only the blaek fur regalia was exclusively imperial and worn on the most solemn occasions. lOS Both dagui and zl/£ngui are ritual jades executed exclusively for the Son of Heaven. At a ritual ceremony, he wears the dagui, which is about three chi long, on his person, and carries the zhengui, which is about one chi and two cun long, in his hands. See ZL .20.138c. 103
104
100 The dukes of Jie and Xi and the officers to the south of them would be assigned two positions eae... During the course of the rite, they probably proceeded from outside the west outer wall to inside the west middle wall. 101 TD 109.2826-27;XTS 11.316. 102 TD 109.2827-29.
157
158 / Sui-TangChang'an Food Offerings As the emperor mounted the steps to make the jade and silk offering, the chief provisioner (taiguanling ~'B%) of the Court of Imperial Entertainments (guanglusi ~~y06 led a group of food offerers in placing sacrificial food (jinshou ~1t.\) before the tablets of various deities. 107 After going through a hand-washing ritual, the emperor was again led to the tablet of the Lord on High. Kneeling down, he made an offering of wine in a jue !ii cup while facing north. He was next led to the tablet of Gaozu to repeat the process. He then returned to the tablet of the Lord on High to make another wine sacrifice. A zu ~ll platter was brought up. An officiant cut off a portion of the meat sacrifice in front of the Lord on High and placed it on the platter. The emperor passed the platter around among attending officials. Following the emperor's actions, the grand marshal (taiwei ::tdM)I08 and later the director of the Court of Imperial Entertainments (guangluqing itfjfMW) repeated the wine-offering ceremony to the Lord on High. The emperor was now led to his observation post (wangliaowei ~:J~f}[) to watch the burning ceremony. Officiants collected the offerings, including jade, silk, food, and a pmyer board (zhuban fJm&) and placed them on top of the firewood piled on the chai altar. Six people on the east and six on the west then initiated the burning ritual by lighting the firewood with torches. Return ofthe Imperial Cortege to the Palace lO9 The emperor now returned to the great tent and put on the "cap of celestial connection" (tongtian guan Jm:7(j(jf) and a gauze robe of dark purple. Outside the'tent the civilian officials and military officers gathered to greet him. The emperor entered his palanquin and was carried out of the tent. He then departed in his carriage for the palace (luanjia huangong W~~g), followed by his entourage. After stopping briefly in front of the Chengtian Gate, to the accompaniment of ritual music, the carriage proceeded through the Jiade Gate to the Taiji Gate, the main entmnce to the Taiji Basilica. WIth the cessation of the music, the ceremony came to a close.
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Ritual Practices of Tang Sovereigns in Chang'an Tang ritual codes provide detailed information about the emperor's roles and duties in the recurrent rites. Recent research by Kaneko SMyichi, however, points out that the observances of Tang sovereigns as recorded in historical sources were at best ad hoc.lIO That is, they were not actually conducted in accordance with the codes. On dates of ritual significance, the sovereign often requested that ritual officers perform the recurrent rites on his behalf. I I I While the observance of the winter solstice rite appears only rarely in the standard histories, I have found in the Cefu yuangui 1JI}1ff5C~ (CFYG) a number of records that clearly indicate imperial participation in this rite in the early and middle periods of the Tang. 1I2 A preliminary study of the Tang huiyao ~(1m) reveals that the Tang . sovereign frequently performed sacrifices at the southern altar to the Lord on High on the frrst xin :$ day of the first month of the year.1I3 Traditionally, the ritual held on that particular date was the harvest-pmyer (qigu *~) rite, of which the Gan Emperor (Gandi ~1W, or Ganshengdi ~1:1W, the Life-giving Emperor) was the chief object. In fact, Early Tang statutes in the Wude ling stipulated in unequivocal terms that "on the xin day in the frrst month of spring, the harvest-prayer ceremony should be held to worship the Gan Emperor at the Southern Suburban Altar.'>114 It was only following the 657 (Xianqing 2) reforms initiated by Xu Jingzong that the Lord on High replaced the Gan Emperor as the object of this ceremony. This resulted in two significant changes in the rites dedicated to the Lord on High. Although tmditionally the winter solstice rite at the Round Mound was considered the principal sacrifice to this deity, from 657 forward, the xin day of the frrst month of spring became the set date for offering major sacrifice, and at 110
107
On taiguan ling, see TLD 15.444. TD 109.2833-38.
108 Taiwei was the highest military title and one of the Three Dukes. It was rarely granted in Tang times. See Rotours 1947, 2~21. 109 TD 109.2838-40.
Kaneko 1996,352-53.
For example, during the reign of Daizong (762-779), on the winter solstice o~ 770 (Dati 5), 773 (Dali 8), and 776 (Dali 11), ritual officers were asked to perform the rite to the Lord on High at the Nanjiao on behalf of the emperor. CFYG 34.368a. 112 Examples include, on the winter solstice of the eleventh month, ~O (Zh~guan 14), service at the Nanjiao i¥i~ (CFYG 33.356b); on the nanzhi i¥i~ (wmter solstice) of the eleventh month, 785 (Zhenyuan 1), service at the Round Mound (CFYG 34.368b); on the nanzhi (winter solstice) of the eleventh month, 790 (Zhenyuan 6), service to the Lord on High at the Nanjiao (CFYG 34.369a); and, on the winter solstice, 707 (Iingyun 1), service at the Round Mound (YH 93 .1699a). 113 THY IO.shang.201-4. 114 THY to.shang.201, Gaozu Wude. On the gloss of Ganshengdi. see Wechsler 1985, 111. III
106
159
160 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
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were referred to as jiaoqiu 3mli (Suburb and Mound) and entailed visiting one center after the other. liS Following the completion of the Daming Palace in 663 and the codification of Laozi temple rites in 741, Tang Chang'an underwent a major shift in ritual focus. With the worship of the legendary progenitor of Daoism firmly established as an important state observance, Xuanzong boldly added two elements-Taiqing Palace (Laozi) rites and Ancestral Temple rites-to the traditional major state sacrifices to the Lord on High, pulling these ritual events into one consecutive temporal sequence. During the rite to the Lord on High, whether held at the Round Mound or the Southern Suburban Altar, the sovereign followed' a set route that went from the Taiji Basilica in the Palace City south along the central axis to southern suburbs and back to the palace. With the newly established "triple rites," however, the route led from the Daming Palace in the northern suburbs to the Taiqing Palace in Daning Ward, to the Ancestral Temple in the Imperial City, and eventually to the Round Mound or the southern altar where services to the Lord on High completed the sequence. The timing of these rites was determined by the ritual calendar of the Lord on High. Usually, it took place in the eleventh month around the time of the winter solstice or in the frrst month around the fIrst xinday of the year. This sequence became a convention in Tang ritual practice and was followed until the end of the dynasty. 119
a different venue. liS The conversion of the first xin day rite to a Lord on High rite complicated the ritual calendar of services to the supreme celestial deity, while creating an important rival event to the winter solstice rite. This development challenged the dominant position of Round Mound institutions. The prestige of the Round Mound as the nation's main venue for worshipping Lord on High began to erode, despite the fact that it continued to be ranked as the premier ritual center in such officially sanctioned works as the Kaiyuan Ii and Tong dian. In fact, Tang sovereigns were much more compliant with the cyclical performance of the xin day rite than with that of the winter solstice ritual at the Round Mound. The most significant consequence of the 657 reforms was a redefinition of the role of the Southern Suburban Altar in the Tang ritual system. While the establishment of an altar for the Yellow and Red Emperors to the west of the central axis and one to the east of that axis for the Lord on High had been established practice, with the changes instituted in 657 both sites became closely identified with this celestial deity. With the paSsage of time, the distinction between the services offered at these two ritual centers seems to have blurred. Services to the Lord on High at the suburban altar were not limited to the harvest-prayer rite; even the winter solstice sacrifices were occasionally performed there. The Round Mound in turn was sometimes used for the harvestprayer ritual.1I6 Still, a distinction between the two locations was at least nominally maintained.1l7 Sometimes combined activities also took place. These
* lIS See THY lO.shang.201, Ganzong Xianqing 2. Commenting on this refonn effort, Wechsler (1985, 115) says: ''The major change in the suburban sacrifices at this time was the discontinuation of the sacrifice dedicated to Kan-sheng ti [Ganshengdi, Gandi] and the amalgamation of the southern altar rites and those at the round altar [Round Mound] into a single sacrifice dedicated to Hao-t'ien shang-ti [Lord on High], who was worshiped, as before, at the time of the winter solstice." Notwithstanding my great admiration for Wechsler's profound insights into the major ritual issues of the Tang dynasty, here he misunderstands the original text. There is no indication that the winter solstice rite was combined with the harvest prayer rite. 11' For example, see THY IO.shang.202, under "Wang Zhongqiu zhuan" ,3:JIjl.mlf$, and
Kaiyuan20. In the Early Tang period, the distinction between the Round Mound and the Nanjiao in Chang'an is clearly defined by Zhangsun Wuji ftf'iM!\Ii,8,. See the memorial by Zhangsun eta!. in THY9.shang.146. 117 See for example, THY 10.shang.203, under Changqing yuannian (821), zhengyue jihai
ftmjf;ipiEJja*. Here the emperor visited the Southern Suburban Altar before he proceeded to the Round Mound.
161
i
*
*
*
*
In ancient China cities were dominated by their ceremonial centers, which may well have constituted what Paul Wheatley calls "a functional and developmental stage in the evolution of city life."I20 Sui-Tang Chang'an inherited a rich tradition that was manifest in the prominent location of ritual structures in and around the walled area of the city, the frequency of ritual activities, and the central roles these rituals played at court and in ~ovemment, where the terms of political debate were often ritual ones. Through communion with the gods, the sacrificer sought divine sanction for the purpose of enhancing authority, securing happiness, and staving off misfortunes. Nonetheless, the city of SuiTang Chang'an cannot be defined as a "holy city." Unlike Jerusalem or Mecca, which command religious veneration in themselves, Sui-Tang Chang'an was
118
For example, THY 1O.shang.203, Yuanhe ernian [807], zhengyue jichou jf;~-=if.
iE,El aB:o 119
120
Kaneko 1992a; 1996,350-53; Seo 1992,22-23. Wheatley 1971, 328.
162 / Sui-Tang Chang'an created primarily as a royal and administrative city, to house the court and central bureaucracy with their supporting population. Ritual was, however, given serious consideration, as it was in all premodern Chinese capitals. Among the urban ritual structures in Chang'an, the most important-the Ancestral Temple and the Altars of State-were laid out in the city's initial planning stages. They were not only functional ritual centers but also permanent sacred places. Other urban locations for ritual activities like the Taiji Basilica and the Eastern Palace were different; they were venues of temporary sacredness, consecrated specially for each ritual occasion.121 Among these, the Taiji Basilica stands out as a key component in a number of major ceremonies. It may have been so involved because of its potent symbolic location at the northern end of the axial continuum that led to the all-important suburban ritual center, the Round Mound. The suburban ritual structures were without exception places of permanent sacredness. The location of these key centers outside the city proper was determined by convention and directional symbolism. Conducting suburban sacrifices at the capital had been the established practice at least as far back as the Han dynasty. The sovereigns of both the Sui and the Tang saw no reason to deviate from this convention. Moreover, the deities worshipped at suburban ritual centers were understood to possess particular spatiotemporal identities, and their altars were expected to correspond to those identities and meet the prescriptions of the ritual classics. l22 As a consequence, the Round Mound, where sacrifices were held for the Lord on High-the supreme deity of Heaven-was located to the south, the direction that symbolized Heaven. The Square Mound, where saCrifices to the Earth God and Divine Land were conducted, was situated in the northern suburbs, a position that symbolized Earth. The four suburban directional altars were spatially identified with the directional gods, whose sacrifices were conducted on days of special significance. The hierarchical ranking of gods in the state pantheon convinces me that in Chang' an the suburban sacrifices were of the greatest significance. l23 All the suburban ritual activities discussed above were major rites in the official ranking system. Of these, the Round Mound in the southern suburbs was the holiest III A singular exception was the Taiqing Palace, which was as much a state ritual center as a Oaoist holy place. 122 On the evolution of various suburban sacrifices, see TD 42-46.1161-78. Most major sacrifices recorded by the Tang scholar Ou You are traced back to the age of the sage kings. Ou's account becomes more detailed as he moves towards Han and later times. 123 On the hierarchical ranking of the gods in the Confucian pantheon in Tang times, see Xiong 1996, 262.
Ritual Centers /
163
place at the capital and in the empire, by virtue of its symbolic association with the Lord on High. The Son of Heaven received celestial sanction from this highest of state deities and the Round Mound functioned as the portal for communion with Heaven. In the course of the Tang dynasty, documentary evidence suggests that the Tang sovereign did not visit the Round Mound for the winter solstice rite as dutifully as was required by the ritual codes. Sometimes a surrogate performed the service on his behalf. More often the emperor came to the Round Mound on short notice, for an ad hoc event. However, the Round Mound continued to be regarded as the leading ritual center and key venue for services to the Lord on High in the ritual sources. But beginning in the Early Tang period, services to this deity were offered at the Southern Suburban Altar as well. Initially only the har,rest-prayer ceremony was observed there in the first month of spring, but later other ceremonies were held there as well. Tang sovereigns visited this center on many occasions of ritual significance. The main urban ritual center, the Ancestral Temple, was the site of sacrifices to imperial progenitors. These rites were rated as major observances under both the Sui and the Tang, although they were consistently placed at the bottom of that category. Rites to the gods of the five soils and grains were performed at the other urban center, the Altars of State. These were the penultimate major rites under the Sui, ranking just above the Ancestral Temple rites. In Tang times, however, they were demoted to a position lower than the Ancestral Temple rites; they were usually rated as middle-level observances. 124 How did these two relatively unimportant ritual centers come to be placed in the most accessible urban locations? When the planners of Daxingcheng laid out the new capital, they were working with a centuries-old ritual tradition-that based on the Kaogong ji, the Liji, and conventions established in earlier capitals. The Kaogong ji specifies the Ancestral Temple and Altars of State as the two key components of ritual life in a capital and lays down rules for their relative locations. Although the Liji and the Zhou Ii differ on numerous issues, they agree on these points, a fact that underlines the central position of these ritual centers. 125 Indeed, the Ancestral Temple had long been identified as the sine qua non of a national capital. However, this concept did not necessarily detract from the value of other ritual structures. On the contrary, within the same tradition, suburban centers such as the Round Mound, the Square Mound, and the directional altars, removed though they were from the city and imperial residences, came to be of greater
124
125
SuS 6.117 and Xiong 1996,262. LJ 48.373b; ZL 41.289c.
164 / Sui -Tang Chang'an significance because they were identified with what were the most revered gods in Sui-Tang times, gods whose goodwill and protection were deemed critical to the welfare of the dynasty and the state.
7
The Marketplaces In the nine markets they set up bazaars, Their wares separated by type, their shop rows distinctly divided. There was no room for people to turn their heads, Or for chariots to wheel about People crammed into the city, spilled into the suburbs, Everywhere streaming into the hundreds of shops. -Ban Gu mU!lJ 1
n commenting on the nature o{ the traditional Chinese cit-f, Joseph Needham notes, "The Chinese town . . . was not a spontaneous accumulation of population, nor of capital or facilities of production, nor was it only or essentially a market-centre; it was above all a political nucleus, a node in the administrative network, and the seat of the bureaucrat, who had replaced the ancient feudal lord.,,2 This statement is perhaps too sweeping. It fails to take into account the rise of commerce and spectacular urban development in such major cities as Kaifeng and Lin'an (Hangzhou) in late imperial China. While focusing on demographics and the rivalry between politics and business, it neglects other decisive factors such as ritual, which played a dominant role in shaping China's ancient cities. But Needham's statement is still true in large measure given how central and municipal authorities prioritized administrative functions over commercial activities, especially during the medieval period. Like other capital cities in ancient China, Sui-Tang Chang' an began primarily as the royal residence and seat of the central government, a place where commerce played a decidedly secondary role. Nevertheless, in anticipation of the trade that a great city must attract, two vast commercial areas, the Eastern and Western Markets, were planned at the outset along with the other functional parts of the city. And goods ranging from daily necessities to luxury
I
I
From "Western Capital Rhapsody," in WX 1.23a Translation by Knechtges (1982,
105). 2 Needham 1971, 71.
165
166 / Sui -Tang Chang'an items did pour in in great quantities. More markets were opened later, but they were either abolished after a short period or limited in their functions. The Eastern and Western Markets remained, until the city's last days, the prime centers of trading activity. The central government directly controlled their administration, imposing restrictive regulations on business hours and transactions. But business also flourished in nonmarket areas beyond the jurisdiction of the market administration. The regulated business of the markets and unregulated business outside them, both essential for the proper operation of the city, contributed to an active, growing, and increasingly diversified urban economy.
An Overview of Sui-Tang Chang'an's Markets When the city of Daxingcheng was planned in 582, it was arbitra.>ily divided into a number of self-contained, enclosed functional areas. This overall design is attributable to the sustained influence of a long-standing tradition, which had begun to take shape in the latter half of the Eastern Zhou dynasty. It centered on a general concern for law and order, and the desire to protect the royal and government quarters.] Notable among the enclosed functional areas were the Eastern and Western Markets. These two commercial centers were situated centrally in the eastern and western sectors of the city and had ready access to the Imperial City. Their convenient location no doubt facilitated business transacted with the central government, but it also greatly benefited the neighboring residential areas. In situating these two markets, the city planners did not lose sight of the big picture. They paid special attention to symmetry, placing them equidistant from the Imperial City, and from the axial north-south thoroughfare, Zhuque Street (*~f!.j), also known as Zhuquemen Street (*,*F5W). Inside each market, four main streets formed a pattern resembling the Chinese ideogram jing # (well). In ancient times markets had.always been located by a water source, hence the expression ''market and well" (shying $#), which is found in such early texts as the "Xiaokuang" IN~ chapter in the Guanzi. The full effect of the macrocosmic, symmetrical scheme of the markets and their archaic symbolism cannot be appreciated unless viewed from above. This suggests that the planners intended the layout to impress not the ordinary residents in the city, but powers of a higher order. 4
On the evolution of the urban tradition of medieval China, see Steinhardt 1990, 29-93; Xiong 1988. About the "closed" nature of Sui-Tang cities, see Yu 1985. For Sui-Tang Chang'an's focus on imperial Safety, see Su 1978. For a classic study of the natural economy of the Six Dynasties and Sui-Tang periods, see Quan 1976. 4 saw 1966,38-40.
3
The Marketplaces /
167
However, perfect symmetry was achieved at a cost. Both the Eastern and Western Markets lay far from the Wei River, which ran from west to east north of the city and was the key transport route for goods coming to the capital. To compensate for this deficiency, the planners had to design a complicated waterway system that linked the river to business, palace, and administrative areas (see Map 7.1). During the reign of Gaozong (649-683), a commercial area known as the Middle Market was created, taking up all of Anshan Ward (~~:f;tj) and half of Daye Ward (*~:f;tj) in the middle-southern part of the city (see Map 7.2).5 Records also mention a Southern Market (Fig. 7.1, Southern I), which remained active until the Chuigong period (685-688). The exact date of its establishment is not documented, nor is its location. 6 The Middle Market was abolished in 701 (Chang'an 1), but was revived as a second Southern Market (Fig. 7.1, Southern II) in 749 (Tianbao 8). That market was located on the premises of the Weiyuan Barracks ~~) in Anshan Ward. 7 At the same time a Northern Market was set up in the Huaqing Palace area in the eastern suburbs.s While the abolition date of the second Southern Market is not clear, its existence is noted in records of the Kaicheng period (836-840).9 Lastly, the New Market located south of the Fanglin Gate was constructed in 817 (Yuanhe 12).10 A glance at Figure 7.1 shows that there were seven markets in allover the entire Sui-Tang period. The Southern Market (II) and the Middle Market were virtually the same, but functioned at two different times, while the Northern Market was not, strictly speaking, a Chang'an market at all because of its suburban location. The Late Tang poet Wen Tingyun 711l1.~ also mentions several large markets in the western half of the city in the Middle Tang period.
5
CAZHi 7.12.
6
TLD 20.543, commentary: *fi!i*f1Sj¥E::'$ .
7
CAZHi 7.12.
Situated almost due east from the capital, its name, ''Northern Market," was somewhat incongruous. See THY 86.1581. , YYZZ "Qianji" 15.147. This text does not specify the city, but it mentions an Eastern Market and a Southern Market together. Although Luoyang had three markets, its "Eastern Market" in Sui times, also known as the Fengdu Market (~fIIl$), was renamed the "Southem Market" under the Tang. Chengdu is also recorded to have had a triple market system in Tang times, including a southern market. I am inclined to believe that when "Eastern Market" appears by itself without any prefix in primary sources, it refers to the best-known Eastern Market in Tang times, that of Chang'an. TLD 20.543, commentary. TLlCFK 5.160. On Chengdu's market system under the Tang, see Kata 1991,310. 10 CFYG 14.l60b. 8
168 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
The Marketplaces /
Of these, only the Western and New Markets have been confirmed by other sources. 11 ~ Years <:ui) ~ang)
Marke~ ~ Eastern Western Southern I Southern II Middle Northern
New
~
~
83
\
I
83
I
:0
I
000 V'I 0 V'I t00 00
!
~04
l \
7~
~04
i
~
7L~1 I I \
1
810.:-7-+--_?
Fig. 7.1. Official marketplaces"
For a considerable length of time more than two markets were simultaneously in operation; sometimes there were four, and possibly five or more in the ninth century. Obviously the later markets were created to facilitate commerce, not to enhance the symmetry of the city. But they were either of a transitional nature or have been only poorly documented. For example, the Middle Market in the southern sector of the capital was created by the government especially to handle the slave and animal trade, but because of its distance from the city's center, it gradually lost businessP Dealers stopped the~e only to show their certificates to the authorities before proceeding to the mam markets to conclude actual transactions. Without question, the main commercial centers at any given time were the two business areas enclosed at the city's founding, the Eastern and Western Markets.
II For Wen Tingyun's account: "fjjj:1gmfj;:* ... ," see TPGJ243.1879, "Dou Yi" JrX. On the authorship Of this piece, see Seo 1990b, 214. On the New Market, see CFYG 14.160b. 12 Based on TLJCFK 3.75 and 4.117-18 (Eastern and Western Markets); TLD 20.543 (Southern Market 1); CAZHi 7.12 (Middle and Southern Market II); THY 86.1581 (Northern Market); CFYG 14.160b (New Market). 13 Here I follow the Hiraoka Takeo edition of the Chang'an zhi, which records the objects for trade as "slaves, horses, cattle and donkeys." The ~iku edition replaces "slaves" with "camels." See CAZHi 7.12; CAZ 7.16-17. Also see Nuda 1989, 648.
169
The Eastern and Western Markets and Their Administration According to archaeologists, the Eastern Market (Map 2.1,5-61) measured approximately 1,000 meters north-south by 924 meters east-west. The four main streets were each approximately 30 meters wide, almost double the width of those in the Western Market. In the northeast corner was an oval-shaped, lowlying area identified as Fangsheng Pond (jb~ng, Pond for Releasing Living Beings), its name obviously inspired by Buddhism. Each of the four outer walls contained two gates that opened onto a city street. 14 Inside, the market walls were lined with warehouse-hostels, where precious and rare commodities from different places were brought. The remains of the Western Market (5-6B), which measure 1,031 meters north-south by 927 meters east-west, are better preserved than those of its eastern counterpart. The two main east-west streets were 16 meters wide and were crossed by two main north-south streets of equal width, thus dividing the market into nine sections. The market precincts were delineated by the four market walls, along which ran four interior streets, each 14 meters wide. The streets surrounding the market were unusually broad: Both the south and north streets were 120 meters wide; the east street was 117 meters wide; and the west street, only partially preserved, was 97 meters wide. Except for the north street, which was the same width as the city street it connected with, the other three were significantly wider than regular city streets. lS This suggests that the city planners anticipated heavy traffic flow to, from, and around the market. Each of the nine sections inside the market was crisscrossed with alleys. A concentration of architectural remains has been discovered along the main streets, and the site of the Capital Market Administration (shishu *~) has been identified in the central area. Taking their cue from extant documentation, archaeologists excavated the area immediately south of the administration site expecting to find a row of overcoat shops. Instead, they unearthed bits of bone combs, hair clasps, and hairpins, as well as pearl, agate, and crystal ornaments.I ' In its northwest sector the Western Market also featured a Fangsheng Pond, reportedly constructed by the Buddhist monk Facheng ;$;JJX:, who channeled water from the Yong'an Canal7.k3C~ into it during the Chang'an period (701-704). Near the TUCFK 3.75. CAZHi (8.11) records one gate for each market wall. The city street connected to the north street of the market delimited the southern boundary of the Imperial City and was one of the broadest in the capital. 16 On archaeological excavations of the two markets and their physical planning, see Ma 1963,605-8. An earlier archaeological report (Zbuang 1961,248-50) on the Western Market contains erroneous measurements. 14 IS
170 /
Sui-TangChang'an
pond stood a Buddha hall. Obviously the creation of the pond itself and the release of aquatic creatures into it were considered meritorious deeds aimed at improving the donor's karma. 17 The Eastern and Western Markets, sitting symmetrically to either side of Zhuque Street, were almost identical in size and shape, but their locations predestined them to different roles and development. By the time ofXuanzong's reign (712-756), the Eastern Market was surrounded by the mansions of the noble and powerful. Chief .Minister Li Linfu's *f*ffi mansion was in the southeast corner of Pingkang Ward (3:fm:l1J; see Map 2.1, 5H), while Yang Guozhong m~~, and the Duchess of Guoguo ~~~A had their mansions in Xuanyang Ward Q[~:l1J, 6R). An Lushan resided in Qinren Ward (mf=:l1J, 7R),18 and just northeast of the Eastern Market lay the newly constructed Xingqing Palace. The Western Market, sitting at a greater distance from the residenCes of high-ranking officers and royal relatives, thronged with vagrants and transients (fuji liuyu 7$~mt~); 19 Less subject to official control and interference, the Western Market seems to have attracted more ordinary business people than did the Eastern Market. 20 The presence of a great number of foreign merchants also gave the Western Market a more exotic and cosmopolitan flavor than its eastern counterpart.21 After the An Lushan Rebellion, however, businesses in the Eastern Market area prospered far more than those around the Western Market.22 The chief administrator of the market was the market director (shiling $1.1). His rank of 6b made him equal to the magistrate of a superior county.23 Two assistant directors (cheng!t) with the rank of Sa served as his lieutenants. Under them worked a staff of subordinate, nonranking functionaries: one managing clerk (lushi ~~), three storekeepers ifu Jt-J}, seven scribes (shi ~), two intendants (dianshi #!!~) and a bookkeeper (zhanggu ~mJ).24
On the Fangsheng Pond in the Western Market, see TLJCFK 4.118. Another source attributes the creation of the pond to Princess Taiping :;t5¥. See STJH xia.46. 18 CAZHi 8.3-6.
17
These were people who ·did not register with the authorities in hopes of evading taxation. 20 CAZHi 8.11; 10.7: 21 Schafer 1963a, 20; Xiang 1957, 34--40. 19
22
Seo 1989, 37-38.
The rank of 6b is cong Iiupin shang ~t\.§b..t. Tang counties were classified as superior, medium, and lower. 24 TLD 20.538; 542-43, commentary. The translation of these official titles follows Twitchett 1966,209. XTS (48.1264) and JTS (44.1889) mention three intendants, which may be incorrect. Of the nonranking employees, the storekeeper was charged with
23
The Marketplaces /
171
The custom of attaching special significance to the market in the capital may be traced back to the Former Han, which placed Chang'an's market directors and assistant directors under the capital prefect. The Liang of the Southern Dynasties subordinated the Capital Market Administration to the Court of the Treasury (taifu si M=!f), a practice that continued under the Chen dynasty. The Northern Qi dynasty, however, allowed the capital governor (sizhoumu ~;+I!JX) to resume direct control over it. At Sui-Tang Chang'an neither the capital prefecture nor the urban county office had jurisdiction over the two capital markets. Rather, it was the central government that managed these economic and commercial centers. Under Sui Wendi, the Capital Market Administration, the government office in charge of the market, was placed under the control of the Court of Imperial Granaries. In 607 (Daye 3), after Yangdi ascended the throne, jurisdiction over the two markets was transferred to the Court of the Treasury.25 The Tang inherited this arrangement and preserved it. 26 Direct central government control over the Eastern and Western Markets in Sui-Tang times curtailed municipal autonomy in regulating commerce?7 Based on the Tang liudian and other sources, the functions of the Capital Market Administration can be summarized as follows: 28 First, it marked the location of shops and monitored their trading activity. Every bazaar was to set up its market sign (hiao ~), on which the bazaar name (hangming fi::g) was written. 29 Oversight stations (hou ~) were built to moni-
managing the government warehouse; the intendant was a lowly position with only vaguely defined management responsibilities.
TLD (20.543, commentary) says ''the third year of Yangdi." I suspect that it actually means the third year of Daye.
2S
26 These were two of the nine specialized central government agencies, collectively known as ''the nine courts" (see chapter 4). The information above is based on TD 26.154; TLD 20.542-43; For an interpretive analysis of the functions of Chang'an markets, see SaUl 1966, 40-48. Z7 Occasionally a top local officer could exercise control over certain functions of the market, as in the case of Lin Zhongying twfljl~, who, in his capacity as capital prefect, enforced his official standard weight and capacity measures at both the markets in 845 (Huichang 5). This, however, is an isolated case, having more to do with Liu's personality and his patronage by the powerful chief minister Li Deyu than with any institutional changes of the Capital Market Administration. See XTS 163.5023; JTS 165.4305--6.
*tm
The following account is based on a passage in TLD (20.543-44) with some additions. Interpretations of these functions rely on Tanglii shuyi /l!fh~ (TLSY 26.497-501). See also Johnson 1997,479-85; Niida 1989,644-49; Twitchett 1966; Sato 1966. 29 Niida (1989, 644) refers to the Tang Liudian and the Japanese Kanshi ryo quoted by the Edo scholar Kariya Ekisai in his reconstructed Tang statutes on markets. It is
28
172 / Sui-Tang Chang'an tor shop transactions. 30 At the bazaar, the grassroots unit of the market, the bazaar headman (hangtou f'Tm'i) was to display its commodities and make sure they were distinctly and correctly labeled. Here attempts were made to comply with the market system laid down in the Zhou Ii, from which the expression chensi bianwu ~£lth was copied verbatim into the Tang liudian?J The official market kiosk, called a ci >.7\: in the Zhou Ii, was no doubt the prototype for the oversight station.32 Second, the Market Administration, again following the Zhou Ii, adopted standard weights and measures to ensure consistency in market transactions (pingshi 5:JZ$).33 Rules were laid down to ensure the proper maintenance of steelyards and the dou if- measure. 34 These instruments, 35 whether owned by the government or by private individuals, were taken in annually for inspection and adjustment at the Treasury Bureau (jinbu ~$) under the Board of Revenue . and the Court of the Treasury. 36 Third, market authorities evaluated the quality of corumodities and regulated their prices (junshi ~$), another function grounded in the text of the Zhou li. 37 Commodities were classified once every ten days, according to quality. They fell into one of three value categories: upper, middle, and lower. These values were not only standard for the market, they were also used for official purposes. For instance, they were the standard for determining the value of corumodities illegally acquired by criminals, providing one basis for their punishmentls The use of this scheme is corroborated in excavated Turfan believed that the Kanshi ryo cites those statutes, '~*, ia.:lz:~, lmD'":g." A point on terminology: In the Zhou Ii, si £It designates a bazaar (a group of shops dealing in similar commodities, not unlike a hang of Tang). In Tang times si most often referred to an individual shop. In the Tang statutes, however, si is used in its ancient sense and is virtually interchangeable with hang. 30 XTS
3'
48.1264.
Display bazaar [goods] in rows, and differentiate them for [transactions). TLD 20.543.
ZL 14.96a. ZL 14.96a. 34 One Tang dou is equal to 5.944 liters. 32
The Marketplaces /
173
o±~* documents of the Tianbao period (742-756), in which corumodities were also classified as having superior, secondary, or lower value (shangzhi, cizhi, xiazhi .b~, >.7\:ill, "fill).39 Fourth, quality control was officially regulated. For weapons like bows, arrows, and long swords, standard models were first created. Utensils were dealt with in the same way. Artisans had to inscribe their names on items to be sold. Sham and shoddy products were confiscated, while those shorter or narrower than the standard were returned to the seller.40 These rules on enforcing vendor and manufacturer compliance with official specifications were based on similar ones recorded in the Liji.4' Fifth, the Market Administration certified certain kinds of sales. Upon verification of goods by the appropriate authorities, the administration provided market certificates for transactions involving bondwomen, cattle, horses, camels, mules, and donkeys. Failure to obtain timely official certification for any such transaction was an offense punishable by flogging. The market certificate served as a primitive warranty as well: If preexisting diseases undetected in the health inspection carried out at the time of certification were discovered within three days of a sale, the buyer was allowed to cancel the sale:2 Sixth, market authorities prevented extortion. Attempts to force a transaction on a seller or to exclude other buyers were banned, as were cartel arrangements to raise prices when selling or to force them down when buying. Such activities were punishable by a flogging of eighty strokes:3 Seventh, market authorities maintained law and order. Here, the main concern was to prevent public mayhem brought on by such disruptions as an intentionally instigated "beast scare," to which the marketplace, the most crowded area of the city, was highly vulnerable. The standard punishment for offenders who caused marketplace disturbances was a flogging of eighty strokes. They were also held liable for any consequent loss of life and property.44 Finally, the Market Administration regulated business hours for the market. Following an age-old convention, the market opened for business at
33
The use of official steelyards and capacity measures at the market has been documented for the Late Tang period. XTS 163.5023; JTS 165.430~; Sata 1966, 28535
86.
Niida 1989,646-48; TLD 20.543; Twitchett 1966,243-44. ZL 14.96a. 38 TLD 20.543; Niida 1989, 644-45; Twitchett 1966, 213. The Tang Iii shuyi gives an example illustrating how the official values were used. When a criminal was captured for having stolen salt that he had already used up, the amount he owed was assessed in highquality silk, based on the middle value for salt.See TLSY 4.91; Johnson 1997, 189.
36
37
SatO 1966, 286-87. TLD 20.543; Niida 1989, 648-49; Twitchett 1966, 245. 41 U 13.116a; Sata 1966,288. 42 TLSY 26.500-1; Johnson 1997, 485; Niida 1989, 648; TLD 20.543; Twitchett 1966, 246. 43 TLD 20.543; TLSY26.S00; Johnson 1997,484; THY 86.1581; Twitchett 1966,247. 44 TLSY27.504; Johnson 1997,486. A "beast scare" refers to the panic started by rumors of wild beasts running loose in a public place. It is akin to shouting "Fire!" in a crowded 39
40
theater.
174 / Sui-TangChang'an midday after a 300-stroke beating of drums. 4S It closed before dusk with a 300stroke beating of gongs. 46 This custom can also be traced to the Zhou Ii, which records three venues for regular business activities: day markets (dashi *$, open at noon), morning markets (zhaoshi WJ$), and night markets (xishi ::$7$ or yeshi ~$). The regular market in Chang'an seems to have been modeled on the day market, which was open to everybody.47 The intentional borrowing of ancient nomenclature and concepts reflects persistent official interest in market activities that reached at least as far back as the Former Han dynasty.4S It is worth pointing out that the capital market system recorded in the Tang liudian (completed in 739) was primarily that of the early eighth century. However, that text's compilers were under instructions from Xuanzong to make their record of current practices conform to those in the Zhou Ii. Since existing Tang institutions were not entirely compatible with those recorded in the Zhou Ii, a compromise had to be worked out. Tang institutions were eventually organized into six "sections" to correspond to the six chapters of the earlier text. Moreover, in the commentary to the Tang liudian, the Zhou Ii is frequently cited to legitimize the Tang system, especially in the section on market administration. 49
Market Organization At the lowest level, shops were organized into hang fT. The closest English translation for the hang of the Sui-Tang period is "bazaar."sO Thanks to its great variety, large number, and distinct functions, the hang as a basic business organization took on special significance in Sui-Tang Chang'an. Since a hang in Chang' an was typically composed of a number of shops (s/) of the same trade, two leading scholars of Chinese economic history, Kata Shigeshi and Quan Hansheng, began in the early 1930s to argue that the hang was a kind of trade association, not unlike the guild in the West. Sl This argument, as I will show below, is not well grounded. In their examination of the hang in Chang'an and elsewhere, neither Kato nor Quan gives any clear definition of the term "guild." Max Weber, however,
4'THY(86.1581) records 200 strokes instead. 46 TLD 20.543-44; Niida 1989, 644; Twitchett 1966,211,247. 47 ZL 14.96a-b, text and commentary. 48 Twitchett 966, 205. 49 See TLD "Jianjie" 1-3. so The translation of hang as "bazaar" follows Schafer 1963a, 20. SI Kato 1991, 377-87; Quan 1934, 37.
i
The Marketplaces /
175
has identified two kinds of merchant guild in China, the Hanseatic League type, known as huiguan ~j'§, and the monopolistic co-hong (gonghang :L}fT). In fact, both of these organizations originated well after the Tang, although Weber implies that the huiguan may have begun as early as the eighth century. Since the co-hong was a specialized semi-official organization created by the Qing government to monopolize foreign trade in Guangzhou, it cannot be of much help in studying the origin of Chinese guilds. Instead, we have to focus on the first type, the huiguan. The crucial functions of the huiguan guild identified by Weber include offering protection against other local merchants; exercising absolute authority over members by means of expulsion, boycott, and lynch justice; and monopolizing the economic transactions of guild members. Less developed features include charity organizations and common religious worship. Weber refers to these guilds as "residues of tribal [clannish] craft organizations and ethnic specialization of crafts."S2 Weber was not a sinologist and perhaps illequipped to investigate the origins of Chinese guilds, but his characterization of huiguan has stood up to later research. S3 How close a match is the Sui-Tang era hang organization to the huiguan? To understand the character of the hang in Sui-Tang Chang'an, and to see whether it began to develop the monopolistic features Weber attributes to Chinese guilds, I would like to reexamine some of the crucial primary evidence Kata and Quan rely on to support their argument. The fIrst piece of datable evidence quoted by Kata is found in the Jiu Tang shu: An imperial edict in the seventh month of 780 (Jianzhong 1) is issued as follows: ''The purpose of the equalizing granary (changping cang !itiJZ*) is to stabilize grain prices, so that they will not fall at the time of a good harvest, nor will they go up at the time of a poor harvest. Even in times of calamity, people should not become pale with hunger. From this moment forward, if rice prices go up precipitously, 100,000 shi £ of official rice and 100,000 shi of wheat should be set aside. Each day 54 the rice and wheat, after being properly weighed, should be distributed to the hangren 1TA (bazaar members) for sale to the public at the lower price (xiajia ril)."55
This passage mandates the establishment of the equalizing granary and stipulates that the bazaar members be given government grain to sell to the public within a specified price range when the market supply of grain is low. The 52
Weber. 1951, 16-19.
For example, Golas 1977. 54 The passage as cited by Katll (1991, 387) reads "each shf' (meishi ~il) rather than "each day" (meiri ~ B). I believe Katll is in error on this point. 55 JTS 49.2124-25; Katll 1991,387. 53
176 / Sui-Tang Chang'an expression "lower price" is in reality a key administrative term referring to the lowest of the three officially set price categories, which were adjusted every ten days. According to this edict, bazaar members would be responsible for disposing of grain at a predetermined price to stabilize the market on behalf of the government. Here they acted more like government agents than members of a trade association. Another example Kato gives concerns use of the expression hangtou fillfi: or bazaar headman. In an edict issued in 809 (Yuanhe 4), certain bazaar headmen were charged to report underweight cash strings: S6
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177
passage, taken from juan 9 of the Jiading Zhenjiang zhi ~JEil?I;E; (Zhenjiang Gazeteer of the Jiading Period) mentions hang members as victims of exorbitant taxation. Neither, however, establishes any clear resemblance between the hang of Sui-Tang China and the merchant guilds of Europe. 61 Kato also quotes a passage from the Taping guangji i';:.if/J{~c (Extensive Gleanings of the Taiping Period) that seems to suggest that the hang was involved in religious activities: The Temple of Wu Taibo Ufs is to the west of the Dongchang Gate [in Suzhou]. In the last month of every spring and autumn, the shopkeepers of the market gather together their groups (~$Jt~), and jointly provide sacrificial animals and wine, and pray for good fortune to the Three Abdicating Kings [Yao ~, Shun ~, and Yu ~]. Many of them also make pictures of fine horses, painted carriages, and beautiful girls, and present these to the shrine. Even in the other months never a day goes by without offerings being given. In the spring of the yichou Z3± year, there was a headman [or headmen] of the gold- and silversmiths' hang who collected his [or their] followers and had painted a silk drawing of a beauty holding a huqin m~ [foreign zither]. 62
*lfiW'
Underweight short cash strings should be outlawed. [But] I am concerned that capturing and imprisoning offenders may result in the abuse of power. [If we want to] make the rules easier to abide by, [we] should refrain from excessive interference. From this day forward, in cases where such cash strings are used in business transactions, only the bazaar headmen (hangtou) concerned, the warehouse masters (juting zhuren ,@w±),.) and brokers (yaren 3fA) should turn in such cash strings, upon detection, to the authorities. If the use of such cash strings is permitted and not reported, the seller or the recipient of the cash is pennitted to file suit. His bazaar headman, the [warehouse] master, andlor the broker will be heavily fined and punished. Capital prefecture and urban county officials ifuxian suoyou mt~mE8) and agents need not intervene. If a pedestrian is carrying such cash strings, so long as he is not engaged in business transactions, he should be left undisturbed. s7 'The imperial demand that bazaar headmen turn in underweight cash strings by no means suggests that they were the leaders of trade associations. In fact, this edict did not single out the bazaar headmen for this special responsibility; it specified that warehouse masters and brokers should do the same. 58 Clearly, the bazaar headman at his bazaar, like the warehouse master at his establishment or the business broker at his, assumed some civic responsibility, but this passage offers no clues to the relationship among hang members or the nature ()f the hang as an organization. Quan Hansheng cites other sources to support the argument for the equivalence of the hang with the guild 59 One passage he quotes from juan 86 of the Tang huiyao records an edict of 707 (Jingl()ng 1) aimed at punishing those from various hang who were trading products of inferior quality.60 Another
56
That is, the rno I!B or "short cash string" of 100 coins.
57
JTS 48.2102; KatO 1991,389-90.
While Kato's intention in quoting this passage is to show the existence of hang activities ()utside Chang'an, Denis Twitchett has called attention to its religious implications. 63 The evidence of sacrificial ceremonies of the gold- and silversmiths' hang may show that members participated in certain religious activities, but it is still not clear whether these could be described as guild activities in the Western sense. Both Kato and Quan seem to suggest that the hang of Tang and Song times prefigured the rise of trade associations in Ming and Qing times. Although Denis Twitchett is interested in this idea, he expresses reservations. 64 In his work
61 Fu Zhufu (1986, 384, 388-89) is among the few modem scholars who challenge the view that the Tang dynasty hang resembles Western European merchant guilds. He contends that the Tang hang was a spontaneous trade organization, different from the European guild, which was a compUlsory association. However, he does not examine the Chinese hang and the European guild in terms of basic functional similarities and differences. Nor does he examine how contemporaries viewed the Sui-Tang hang. 62 TPGJ280.2235-36. Translation by Twitchett (1966, 215-16 n. 78) with modifications. Cf. KaUl 1991,381-82. The event seems to have taken place during the second half of the eighth century or later, because the same account makes reference to the sacking and occupation of Liangzhou Wi,H by the Tibetans, which took place in 764. See Cen 1982,
59
For a discussion of these terms, see Twitchett 1966, 216. Quan 1934,37.
63
60
THY86.1S81.
64
58
286-88.
Twitchett 1966, 215 n. 78. Twitchett 1966, 216.
178 / Sui-Tang Chang'an on Qing guilds, Peter Golas rejects this claim as unfounded, but he does not challenge the identification of hang with guilds.6s By carefully reexamining the passages cited by Kato and Quan, I have found that although they provide key information on the existence and activities of hangren (bazaar members) and hangtou (bazaar headmen), there is no evidence of a guild-like relationship between the hang organization and its members in Tang Chang'an or elsewhere at that time. Furthermore, none of the characteristics identified by Weber with the premodern Chinese guild are clearly evident in the primary information on the hang in Tang times. ThUs the guild argument cannot be supported. So the question remains: How should we define the hang of Sui-Tang Chang'an, if it was not a merchant guild? First, let us examine a passage that records an event in 610 (Daye 6). When "eastern barbarians" asked for permission to trade in the Eastern Capital at Luoyang, Sui Yangdi gave his approval, whereupon the various hang were repaired and decorated, and the warehouse-hostels renovated. 66 Although this passage concerns bazaars in Luoyang, it suggests that when the term hang was used in connection with the market locale itself, it primarily referred to a physical concentration of shops, rather than an association of people in similar kinds of business. A corroborating explanation of the hang in Tang times can be found in the work of Yan Shigu ~f!i!iti (581-645), a famous Confucian scholar who was active in the Sui and Early Tang periods. Commenting. on the phrase zuolie fanmai ~~Ull&. (sitting in rows, peddling goods) from "Shihuo zhi" ~~;:t, ("Treatise on Food and Money") in the Han shu, Yan says, "The lie ~U in the Han shu is just like the hang where goods are sold in the markets of our time.'>67 In other words, hang and lie were similar in meaning in Sui-Tang times. The Tang ling ~~ (Tang Statutes) records, "In each market, every bazaar is to set up its sign, on which the hang name is written [such as "Silk Bazaar," "Cloth Bazaar," etc.].'>68 This indicates that hang in Tang China referred to the spatial location of shops of largely the same business, designated by the predominant trade of the area. As for the bazaar headmen, they may well have been merchants chosen by the authorities to exercise temporary oversight in the bazaars. Jia Gongyan Jf0g, an erudite of the National Academy (taixue boshi *~1W±) in the Yonghui period (650-655) and Tang commentator on the Zhou Ii, understands the headman to 1;le the equivalent of the sizhang ~* or "bazaar director" of
Golas 1971, 555. Xijingji l!9*~c as quoted in TPYL 91.925a. 67 HS 24.shang.1132, text and commentary. 68 Niida 1989, 644.
6S
66
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179
ancient times. 69 The si ~ in Zhou times was the smallest administrative and geographical unit of the market, and the sizhang was the market officer whose duty it was to implement government regulations and ensure fairness between buyer and seller.70 If we accept the contemporary interpretations of Yan and Jia, we must be cautious about assigning hangren and hangshou, as well as the hang, guild-like functions in Sui-Tang Chang' an.
Businesses within the Primary Markets The various bazaar names reflect the types of commodities sold in Chang'an's markets. Those that have survived in extant sources include the butchers' bazaar (rouhang I~H'J), the ironmongers' bazaar (tiehang itf'J), the writing brush bazaar (bihang ~1'J) in the Easiern Market; and the overcoat bazaar (tai'ihang *~1'J), the saddlers' bazaar (qiupei hang W;~1'J), the steelyard bazaar (chenghang flS1'J), the silk bazaar (juanhang ~1'J), the druggists' bazaar (yaohang ~ft), and the wheat bran bazaar (fuhang WEft) in the Western Market. 71 The edict of 780 to bazaar members in the two primary markets to sell wheat and rice may point to the existence of the bazaars for these commodities as well.72 Business conducted in a hang was not necessarily limited to the goods suggested by the hang name. A fortune-telling business was located in the ironmongers' bazaar in the Eastern Market. 73 The Middle Tang merchant Dou Yi IrX was able to set up food shops and a hotel of twenty bays near the steelyard bazaar. 74 Whatever the association of those other businesses to the host bazaar, the original name of the row must have derived from the dominant trade there.
JTS 189.shang.4950. Taixue boshi (erudite) is an official who holds a teaching position. 70 ZL 15.l00b, text and commentary.
69
For various hang names, see KaU! 1991,378-81. Translations basically follow those of Schafer (1963a, 20). For bihang, see Seo 1986, 12, no. 48. For jUhang, see TPGJ 436.3548, Zhang Gao ~~. According to SatO's (1971, 195) research, primary sources refer to around forty types of hang nationwide. In addition to the businesses listed for Chang' an, other bazaars dealt in fruit, rice, wheat, vegetables, dyeing, charcoal, cloth, hats, edible oil, water-mills, boots, groceI)', etc. I believe most of them were also present in Chang' an. For an early study of the marlcet system, see KaU! 1991,309-17. For an English study of the same, see Twitchett 1966. n J['S 49.2124-25. See Seo 1986, 5, no. 3; 1990b, 195, no. 3; 197, no. 20. 73 TPGJ261.2043. 71
I
I
I
I \
14
TPGJ243.1877.
180 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
The Marketplaces /
The total number of bazaars in the Eastern Market was 220, according to the Chang 'an zhi. 7S Although Kato Shigeshi believes that the actual number was closer to 120, his calculation is not accepted by all scholars. 76 Each bazaar was crowded with shops and houses, as attested to by the Japanese monk Ennin in the Late Tang period. Ennin also reports that more than 4,000 units in twelve bazaars were destroyed in a fire, but 4,000 (siqian IZ!Ff) may have been a scribal error for forty (sishi 1ZY+).n Hino KaisaburO offers a different interpretation: The textual corruption does not occur in the number 4,000, but in the omission of a character jiu fL (nine) or bai 13 (one hundred) before "twelve," the number· of bazaars destroyed. The reconstructed text should read: "more than 4,000 units in ninety-two (or 112) bazaars were destroyed" in a fire. Assuming the Eastern Market did have 220 bazaars, Hino estimates its total number of shops and households in the Huichang period (841-846) at 9,000. Of these, there were more than 6,000 shops, 800-900 warehouses and hostels, and more than 2,000 private households. On average each bazaar had about 40 shops and households. 78 These figures, though hypothetical, are based on rigorous documentary research and a comparative study with Luoyang's markets. As such, they give us some indication of the scale of the Eastern Market. Apart from the bazaar names, documentary evidence on the range and variety of Chang'an business is spotty. Of all types of business recorded for the city, the restaurant trade was by far the most common. This is particularly true of the Middle Tang period (756-820). Well-established restaurants were known (Zhangs' Place) in the by their owners' names, such as Zbangjia lou Western Market.79 Dou Yi, before he acquired· fame and riches as a businessman, managed several food shops in the same market, selling flat cakes and dumplings. III Some restaurants in the Eastern Market specialized in Central Asian food such as pilau (biluo _Ii), a kind of Indian-style rice eaten with the
181
hands. S) The widespread presence in the markets of small vendors of soybean milk and cakes were recorded in a statute issued in 779 (Dali 14).82 Wine-dealing was another prosperous business. One could fmd wine dealers as easily in the Eastern and Western Markets as in the residential wards. Chang'an was particularly famous for its production of "Western Market Brew" (xishi qiang il9m~), "Xiamaling Boss's Clear" (Xiamaling langguanqing ~tiB'Bm), and "Granny's Clear" (apoqing llPJ~mV3 Best known among exotic Western varieties were "the three l~' wines (sanlejiang -=-1fiJJ~). Also known as triphalii or "three fruits" in Sanskrit, these wines were made from the fruit of three varieties of myrobalan, a tree indigenous to India. Since these trees were known by their Persian names-halila (helile gor~1fiJJ), balila (pilile m.lt~1fiJJ), and amola (anmole 'ii,,*1fiJJ}-in China they were believed to have come from Persia as well.14 The typical public place for wine consumption was ajiulou (a multistoried pUb)85 or an inn called ajiusi ~~ (wineshop), where one drank wine and found overnight lodging. 86 Wineshops with foreign connections offered the service of huji m~, female drinking companions from Central and West Asia, whose exotic beauty made them highly popular with customers. 87 In the hostel and warehousing business, the most widespread and profitable institutions were the didian $J;!f (warehouse-hostels and taverns). Officially, a di JJ;B was "a place where goods are stored," and a dian r.5 was "a
JIIll.
iti.
5N*.
81 Both the Eastern Market and Changxing Ward (~~; Map 2.1, 7G) had biluo restaurants. See TLfCFK 2.43; Tang liangjing chengfang Iwo jiaobu ji 1l!f~*:\fJ1G:f;1j~ ~c (TLfCFKbu) 3.201. Also see Xiang 1957, 48-50; Seo 1990b, 195, no. 6. 82 THY 86.1582.
Xiamaling, also known as Xiamaling ""f,ili,1il ("dismount tumulus"), was located in Changlea Ward ('iIt~:f;1j, 61). It was so called because a Han emperor had been in the habit of dismounting at this locale on his way to visit Yichun Garden (Furong Garden under Sui Yangdi, LBCAZ 4.125; TLfCFK 3.86). According to legend, it also was the burial place of Dong Zhongshu j[ftjl~. Later it was corrupted into ''toad mound." See Tang guoshi bu Il!fIlj:Hfi (TGSB) .ria.58; TLfCFK 3.86. Langguan is another name for langzhong .e~i:f:r or "chief of a bureau" under one of the six boards. 84 Laufer 1975, 228; Schafer 1963a, 144-46; Xiang 1957, SO-51; TGSB xia.60. (Laufer was translated by Du Zhengshang t.t.lI:M1 as Zhongguo yu Yilang-gudai Yilang yu Zhongguo zhi wenhua jiaoliu i:f:riiJ~WWJ--l5"ftWM~i:f:riiJz)Cft3(mt:. Taipei: Guoli bianyiguan, 1975.) 85 TPGJ64.289; 157.1130. Also see TLfCFKbu 3.208 forjiulou in the saddlers' bazaar. 86 See TLfCFKbu 3.201 for jiusi in the Eastern Market, and see TLfCFKbu 3.208 for the same in the Western Market. See also Seo 1990b, 195-97, nos. 1,8, 10 (Eastern Market); and nos. 13,24,26 (Western Market). 87 Xiang 1957,34-40; Seo 1990b, 196, no. 16. 83
"IS
CAZHi 8.11.
Hino 1968-1970, vol. 1:368-70; cf. Kato 1991, 386. 77 According to QUlm Hansheng, Ennin's record indicates a rapid growth in the number of hang. Kato Shigeshi has doubts about this argument, as does Twitchett. In Ono Katsutoshi's study, "4,000" is changed to "40." See Ru Tang qiufaxunli xingji .AIl!f*1$d§i:m1T~c (RTQFXL) 4.425-26; Kato 1991,380; Twitchett 1966, 209-10. Cf. Quan 1934, 31-32; Schafer 1963b, 165 (July 28,843). RTQFXL appears in Nit-To guhO junrei gyoki no kenkyu .AIl!f*$:3§imD'~c(7)liff~, vols. 1-4, translated, edited, and annotated by Ono Katsutoshi IN!fMjif.. Tokyo: Suzuki gakujutsu zaidan, 1964-69.) 76
Hino 1968-1970, vol. 1:369-70. 791PGJ348.2759. 80 1PGJ343.1877; Seo 1990b, 196, nos. 18-19.
71
182 / Sui-Tang Chang'an place where goods and wine are sold.,,88 In reality the di and dian outgrew these original functions. Di tended to become enterprises that combined both hostel and warehousing businesses, while dian functioned mainly as hostels that served food and drink. Often the boundary between the two was not very clear. A large number of them were concentrated in the Eastern and Western Markets, where they lined the market walls. 89 A well-placed tavern (dian), like Dou Vi's Middle Tang establishment located south of the steelyard bazaar in the Western Market, could bring in much daily profit. 90 That venue remained prosperous and continued to be known as Doujia dian .~J! (Dou Family Tavern) in Late Tang times. 91 The jewelry business in Tang China was often managed by West Asians whose shops were known as "foreign shops" (hudian tiJ3r.!i) or Persian stores (bosi di ~wr~). Both types were found in the Western Market. 92 The Central Asians were reputed to be experts in pearls and jade.93 One Mi Liang *:J~ of Sogdian descent in Middle Tang Chang'an was skilled in "examining jade" (lanyu .33.), especially that of Khotan provenance. He used his skills to help his friend and patron Dou Yi make a fortune.94 A less honorable trade dominated by the Sogdians was moneylending. After the An Lushan Rebellion, Uighurs and Sogdians settled in Chang'an by the th~usands. ~e So~d~~s, often masquerading as Uighurs, lent out money at usunous rates. A prumtlve banking establishment known as guifang fIIt}j began to appear in both the Eastern and Western Markets. Typical customers were merchants who locked away large sums of money at the guifang for safekeeping.96 This development points to the need for large amounts of cash for transactions, an indication of a growing urban economy.
The Marketplaces /
Fine musical instruments of foreign make were also sold. The poet Chen Zi'ang ~T~ (656--695) was involved in the sale of an expensive foreign zither in the Eastern Market. 97 . With the advent of block-printing in the eighth century, markets in Chang'an started to produce printed works. Among the Dunhuang documents are prints produced by three Chang'an publishers; two of them originated in the Eastern Market. The Aurel Stein collection of Dunhuang manuscripts contains a fragment of a calendar from Chang'an (S. 8101) printed by the "House of the Great Sword" (Dadao JOJ) in the Eastern Market. It dates probably to the midninth century. In the Paul Pelliot collection, part of a medical manual was discovered, the Xin jibel jijiu jlng fT$fiIIj;&'~~ (Newly Collected Moxibustion Manual for Emergency Treatment, P. 2675). At its end it bears the inscription "Printed in the Eastern Market by the Li House (*~) of the capital." On the back is copied an occultist work entitled Yinyang shu ~~~ (On Yin and Yang). It has been established that the moxibustion manual, completed in 861 (Xiantong 2), was transcribed from a print. In the same collection a handwritten copy of a poetry collection entitled "Cuishi furen xunntl wen" ~.s;;xAWII::9:)( ("Admonitions by Mrs. Cui to Her Daughters," P. 2633) bears the characters Shangdu Lijia yin L1!IB*~fP ("Printed by the Li House of Shangdu [Chang'an]"). This copy, too, was no doubt transcribed from a printed version. 98 Interest in the occult was reflected in the prosperity of professional diviners. In the ironmongers' bazaar of the Eastern Market, the diviner Fan Sheng m~ specialized in predicting the results of civil service examinations. For each divination he charged a bolt of raw silk (jian *l).99 When Wu Zetian's nephew Wu Youxu tEtf&~ was fourteen, he worked incognito as a diviner in the marketplace. loo During the Kaiyuan period (713-741), a certain Li Lao *~ (Revered Li) earned a reputation as the foremost diviner of the Western Market. 101
88 TLSY 4.92. Johnson (1979, 191) translates di as "warehouses" and dian as "wholesale stores." 89 KatO 1991,412-17. Hino expands on KatO's idea (1968-1970, vol. 1:1-3).
TPGJ (243.1877) records shuqian I\(f "several thousands" as the amount of profit this dian generated on a daily basis. Shuqian should probabl~ be followed by guan . . (strings). One string of cash was composed of one thousand coms. 91 TPGJ243.l877.
90
Xie 1978,222-23. Xie 1978, 229. 94 TPGJ243.1877. 9S Xiang 1957, 34-40. On Uighur patronage of the Sogdians, see Mackerras 1972, 10, 36-37. 96 Kato 1991,438-42.
Businesses Outside the Marketplace Sources show that drumbeats from the southern end of the Palace City regulated the official opening and closing of the Chang'an city gates. The market gates were subject to similar regulations. Tang statutes required that the
92 93
183
TPGJl79.l331;Duyi zhi Jij~~ (DfZ) "Buyi," 83-84; Thilo 1990, 163. Weng 1992, 63-71. 99 TPGJ261.2043. 100 yyzz "Qianji" 2.24. 101 TPGJ216.1656. 97
98
184 / Sui-Tang Chang'an markets open at noon after the sounding of 300 drum-beats, and close before sunset after 300 strokes of the bronze gongs. 102 This information, in combination with the enclosed layout of the major market areas, has suggested to some scholars a rigid citywide market system in which business hours and locations were tightly regulated. An influential theory based on this view of Chang'an's markets claims that this system gradually broke down in the Late Tang period. As I will show below, this theory is flawed. But because of its complexity and influence in the field, it deserves to be critically reexamined. The scholar who pioneered it is Kato Shigesht lOJ Kato focuses on the market curfew system and business restrictions outside the market areas. He cites an imperial edict from the twelfth month of Kaicheng 5 (840-841) banning night markets. This, according to KatO, testifies to the existence of a booming night commerce that pushed the limits of regulations on business hours probably in place since the founding of the Tang. 104 He also cites an instance where a top city officer took an active part in the night life of Chang'an. During Wuzong's reign (840--846) Deputy Prefect Wang Shi x~ encountered a shaman performing sacred music at night on a street in a residential ward. Wang not only watched the performance, but even joined the shaman for a drink afterward, lOS suggesting that this sort of business activity outside the markets was not a particular concern, even at night. The occurrence of night business in Chang'an is no doubt evidence of the decline of the market curfew system, but the question still remains: When did this decline begin? KatO has argued for the Late Tang. Hino Kaisaburo contends that deviation from the market curfew system began much earlier than the Late Tang. He argues that business was conducted at night throughout the Tang period. Of the passages he cites, however, only one from the Chang'an zhi directly refers to night business in the capital prior to the An Lushan Rebellion (755-763). It concerns Chongren Ward (~et}j; Map 2.1, 4H), which was situated between the Imperial City on the west and the Xingqing Palace and the Eastern Market on the east. Chongren was where degree candidates taking the civil service examinations were housed. The popularity of this ward with degree candidates was mainly due to its proximity to the Office
102 Niida 1989, 644; TW 20.543-44. The closing time is documented as "seven ke ~J before sunset." In Tang times, one Ice was approximately a quarter of an hOUT. See Needham 1959, plate 44. 103 Kato 1991,290-91. Also see Twitchett 1966,230-33. 104 THY 86.1583; CFYG 504.6051b. Note that the twelfth month of Kaicheng 5 fell in both 840 and 841. lOS Tang yulin r.!t"mH* (TYL) 2.1 04-5
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185
of Appointments,106 the agency in charge of examinations, which was located inside the Jingfeng Gate (~Jjl.r~), the central east entrance to the Imperial City. The gathering of so many young candidates in Chongren attracted an enormous amount of commercial activity.lo, Lit up by torches at night, this area rivaled the activity levels of the two main markets. lOB With this citation, Hino tries to date night markets to a period well before the An Lushan Rebellion, but he does not corroborate this point with other sources. 109 On the question of geographical restrictions on business, KatO asserts that since shops of primarily the same trade were organized within the official market, in principle they were forbidden to operate in nonmarket areas, particularly - within residential wards. Widespread evidence of business increasing in the residential areas therefore convinces him of the decline of the Tang market system in the Late Tang period. This relaxed official attitude toward commerce would continue into the Song dynasty.I1O Hino questions this aspect of Kato' s hypothesis on two points. First, official restrictions on business conducted outside the principal markets have not been found in extant sources, and second, the primary sources verify a significant number of Tang business operations in residential areas. III More conclusive evidence may be found in the work of Seo Tatsuhiko, who has done the most exhaustive study to date on this subject. His 1986 work gathers 147 cases of business conducted both inside and outside the official Chang'an market areas. ll2 In a 1990 study, based on the same information, he
]06 According to the Tang huiyao the Office of Appointments was not established until 740 (Kaiyuan 28, probably a misprint for Kaiyuan 18 [730). See THY 74.1348). The office, founded under the direction of the Board of Personnel, was transferred to the Board of Rites in 736 (Kaiyuan 24). Yan 1969,29; XTS 44.1164. But even though we can establish that the founding of the office occurred well before the rebellion, we cannot thereby reliably date the nighttime commercial activities in Chongren Ward. 107 Seo dates the appearance of Chongren business activity to 734 (Kaiyuan 22) or later, but without giving a reason. See Seo 1990b, 198, no. 31. 108 CAZHi 8.2. 109 Hino regards the Chang'an zhi as a work that relies on events recorded in the Liangjing xiryi, completed in 722 (Kaiyuan 10), and believes its accounts mainly reflect the Chang'an of that period. In fact, the Chang'an zhi is at least ten times as rich in content as the Liangjing xiryi, and contains much later information. See Fukuyama 1953. Cf. Hino 1968-1970, vol. 1:584-85. 110 See Kata 1991,287-94. Kata also notes earlier nonmarket businesses, but he regards them as exceptions. III Hino 1968-1970, vol. 1:480-98. 112 Seo 1986,4-14. Liu Shufen (1992, 457-59) also points·to the presence of businesses outside the markets of Chang' an and Luoyang prior to the decline of the ward system.
186 / Sui-Tang Chang'an retabulates seventy-two of the business locations in Chang'an. Of those, fortysix (nos. 27-72) were in nonmarket areas. With few exceptions, these businesses were located either in residential areas or on city streets.113 Relying on the same data, I have created two maps (7.2 and 7.3) to show business locations in the periods prior to and after the rebellion. 114 Obviously there is not enough information to yield quantitative results. Still, from Seo's data we can observe certain business trends in the city. First, most of the businesses outside the markets, both before and after the rebellion, were located in the eastern part of the city. Second, the types of business in operation outside the official markets covered a wide range, from restaurants and lodging to retail shops. Third, these businesses seem to increase after the rebellion, but not in a dramatic way. These findings lend support to Hino's criticisms of Kato's theory. Since we can say
IlJ
Seo 1990b, 195-203.
Map 7.2 is based on Seo 1990b, which is an excellent, comprehensive study of Tang businesses. However, some of Seo's business identifications are only hypothetical, and. occasionally there are errors as well. For the period prior to the rebellion, the shisi 1t~ (eatery) outside the Changhe Gate (fiJliJr~; Seo 1990b, 197, no. 27) is placed near the Darning Palace and dated to Wu Zetian's era. However, that palace did not have a Changhe Gate. I suspect that it was actually located south of the Changhe Gate in the ruins of the Han Iianzhang Palace, which lay in the northwestern suburbs of Tang Chang'an. See Knechtges 1982, 130, note to 11. 258-59. For the original passage, see Shipu 1t~ (SF) 4. I exclude Seo's no. 68 (outside the Tonghua Gate) from Maps 7.2 and 7.3 because its timeframe cannot be determined. Seo (1990b, 203) places no. 72 in SF (Shanhe Ward ~fOj:jj) in error. I have moved it to 5E. I have added to Map 7.2 the inn location on Hanguangmen Street (6E). It refers to the Outing yi ~~. recorded in DCES (6.126). On Map 7.3, I have added a number of lodging establishments: I. A hostel (lashe ~~) in Iing'an Ward (~3i::I1.i, 9G), in which Pei Ii f!i~, deputy capital prefect of Henan (Henan shaoyin fJiIJ¥j1?5Et), died in 792 (Zbenyuan 8). On the precise location of this hostel in Chang'an, see TLJCFK 2.47. For Pei Ii's epitaph, see QTW 784.8 I 99. 2. An inn (luguan ~~) in Xuanping Ward (][iJZ.:I1.i, 81). TLJCFK (3.79) records an inn, where Li Minqiu ~ stayed. One piece of evidence for this is the expression luju 1iMS (to live temporarily) in the Qianding lu I'!IJ~ (Record ofPredestinaJion). I have also found in the Hedong ji iiiJ!iltgc (Records of Hedong) a record that refers to Li's temporary residence as a lashe hostel in the Dahe period (827-835). See TPGJ 157.1126. 3. A hostel in Yongle Ward 7"k~:I1.i (8G) during the Yuanhe period (806-820). See Yutang xianhua .3!1itM~ (Chatfrom the Jade Hall) as quoted in TUCFKbu 2.194. 4. An inn in Yongchong Ward 7J<~:I1.i (9H), in which Yuan Jie:7f;t;ff died in 772 (Dali 7). See TUCFK3.66. 5. A hotel (keshe $~) in Daozheng Ward ~i&:I1.i (51), where County Magistrate Cui ~ died in 867 (Xiantong 8). See QTW 897.9368b. In the original text, the ward name is Tongzheng 3mil.&. TLJCFK (3.84) corrects it to Daozheng and refers to the keshe asaluguan.
The Marketplaces /
187
with certainty that a variety of businesses operated outside the official markets prior to the An Lushan Rebellion, the argument for the decline of the market system based on business growth in Late Tang times is no longer acceptable. An integral part of Chang'an's economic structure, businesses outside the city's markets warrant closer examination if we are to understand the functioning of the city's economy. One of the most conspicuous types of business in residential areas and in the suburbs was the warehouse-hostel. Apart from di and dian that were concentrated in great numbers inside the markets, there were other types of accommodation such as yi ~ (way stations) in nonmarket areas. The Duting Way Station (llB~~) near Zhuquemen Street was the best known in Chang'an. Probably located in Tonghua Ward Gm1t:J;1J, 6E) on Hanguangmen Street (the first street west of the central artery), it housed the famous monk Xuanzang :t~ when he returned from his long journey to India in 64S.11S There were also simple hostels known as [ashe 1JK~, IUdi ~~, IUguan ~~g, and keshe ~* (Map 7.3).116 The presence of hostels and inns in the residential
114
lIS This is the earliest mention of this way station. See Xu gaoseng zhuan .f.\lfii-t (XGSZ) 4.454b; DCES 6.126. ZZTJ (260.8470, commentary) gives the most detailed
information on its location. Van Gengwang speculates that there may have been two Outing yi in Chang'an, one located in the ward at 6E, identified by Xu Song as Zhiye Ward OO~:I1.i), and the other located in Dunhua Ward (J5(1t:l1.i, III). Here I follow Xin Deyong's view that the ward at 6E was Tonghua not Zhiye, and there was only one Duting yi. The so-called second Duting yi belonged to Tonghua Ward, not Dunhua Ward. See Xin 1991,77-82. Cf. TLJCFK 3.90; Yan 1969,285-86. 116 On Map 7.3 I have not used the following references found in TUCFK and TUCFKbu to rental properties, which are different from the hotel business per se: I. TUCFK (2.40) records a lashe hostel in Wubeo Ward ~*:I1.i (5G), citing a passage from the Jiegu lu ~~ (Story of the Drum) in which the expressionjiuju ttm (to live in a rented place) is used. However, in the original text no lashe is mentioned, and in the TPGJ (205.1562, under Li Wan *~10 version of the same passage, even the character jiu tt (to reot) is missing. 2. TUCFK (4.113), citing a passage from the Xuanshi zhi ~~Ji!; (Annals of the Gra.nd Chamber), records a ludi hostel at 9C in Yanfu Ward Oi£fIll:l1.i), based on the expressIOn qiaoju {1m (to stay temporarily). See TPGJ370.2940-41. 3. TUCFK (4.105) records a luguan hostel in Buzheng Ward (;(Pil.&:I1.i, 4C), citing "Li Wa zhuan" *~f$: in the Yiwen ji ~OO~ (Collection of Unusual Tales). In the original text, the term luguan does not appear. See TPGJ 484.3985; Dudbridge 1983, 108-9. 4. TLJCFKbu (2.194), quoting the Youyang zazu ~1!J~rHlI. (Assorted Notes from Youyang), records a luguan in Changxing Ward (~$:I1.i, 7G), based only on the expressionjiaju ~m (to live in a rented place). 5. TLJCFKbu (3.196) records Li Boxi *{B~ staying ina luguan hostel in Chongren Ward, which is an error. Li stayed in a rented place (jiaju ~m), not a hostel, and the place of his stay was in Xingdao Ward ($~:I1.i, 5F), not Chongren. See TPGJ343.2722.
188 / Sui-Tang Chang'an areas can be attributed to their indispensability to official and unofficial travelers, especially considering the vastness of Chang'an's walled area. Whether by choice or by necessity, travelers could opt to stay closer to their patrons or friends, rather than at a distant commercial quarter. In 805, for instance, a number of visitors for Wang Shuwen L1&)'c, one of the most influential courtiers at the time, stayed at flat cake shops (bingsi $tit) and taverns (jiulu lI7 iijfJt) in Wang's home ward. The restaurant business was also conspicuous in residential areas outside the two markets. lIs An eatery known as a flat cake stall (yubingshe .Im~) was found in Shengping Ward (~I!Z-:l;fj, 91). The semantics of yubingshe seems to suggest the limited scale of the business. 1I9 In 786 (Zhenyuan 2), a young provincial scholar named Li Jun *f~, while waiting for the ward gate to open in the morning, bought a couple of flat cakes from a stall in the street. 120 This record suggests that despite the curfews for wards and markets, food peddlers were able to operate in the city streets after dark. The food most often documented for sale outside the markets was the "barbarian flat cake" (hubing til31m), a kind of baked or steamed pastry often sprinkled with sesames. 121 Foreign merchants set up stands in the street to sell their exotic snacks. 122 There were also fish stalls along Zhuquemen Street, and restaurants for pilau in the residential wards. 12l A certain "Wonton Lane" (huntun qu ~wlilltn in Banzbeng Ward ($U&:t}j, 3C) west of the Imperial City points to the existence of establishments specializing in wontons as well. 124
6. TUCFKbu 3.204, quoting the Wenqi lu rm~ (Record of Fabulous Tales), records Cheng Van ~ staying in a laguan hostel in Xinchang Ward (iT/§:f;Ij, 81), based only on the expression shuiju f.ltJiS (to live in a rented place). See TPGJ 374.2971. Il7 Thejiulu was a hostel-wineshop with wine cellars made of beaten earth. See ZZTJ 236.7610. Wang's ward is not specified. See ZZTJ236.7610; Seo 1990b, 200, no. 49.
Seo 1990b, 197-202. 119 Seo 1990b, 200, no. 47, yubing she .Im~; TPGJ 452.3693. 1%0 The ward is·not specified. See TPGJ 341.2702. Seo dates the event to 785 (Zbenyuan I) in his 1990b, 201, no. 58. 121 The earliest recorded instance in which such items were sold in nonmarket areas occurred before 744. TPGJ (42.263) records an eyewitness account given by He Zhizhang .~~ (659-744). See Seo I990b, 200, no. 44. On ingredients, see Seo 1990b,200, no. 48;201,no. 55. 122 TPGJ 452.3693; 402.3243. 123 On fish stalls, see TPGJ 156.1125. Note that Seo does not record this passage. On pilau (bi/uo), see TUCFK2.43; TUCFKbu 3.201; Xiang 1957, 48-50. 124 Seo 1990b, 201, no. 56. Note that Banzheng in Seo (1990b) is printed as Songzheng 1t8
~.
The Marketplaces /
189
Wme dealers were also found outside the market. The Middle Tang tavern in Wang Shuwen's home ward seems to have been a place to drink cheap wine as well as spend the night. 12S The kind of wineshops found in the marketplace were also located in residential areas as early as Gaozong's time (649-{)83).126 Wei Yingwu lt~~ of the late eighth century described this kind of enterprise in his poem "The Ballad of the Wineshop" ("Jiusi xing" iij$fj):127 Where rich families sell wine l28 in the lanes of Chang' an, One morning a building one hundred chi high has appeared. 129 Its sparkling emerald latticework is filled with the winds of spring, Its name in silver, with bright-colored pennons, invites the honored guest. Behind, you look out on the Danfeng Watchtower, Ahead, you can see to Leyou Park. 130 The poet's mention of the Danfeng Watchtower (ftIl.M, Daming Palace) to the north and Leyou Park to the south clearly indicates that the wineshop was located in the eastern part of the city. The presence of neighboring wineshops points to the possible existence of a "wineshop street." Drinking was often accompanied by string and flute music, and the business was immensely profitable. l31 Associated with wine and music, the pleasure quarters also thrived in the eastern part of the city. The typical establishment was a house of pleasure (jiguan ~~) where ji ~-female entertainers-engaged male customers with song, conversation, poetry recitation, companionship, and sex. The best-known were located in Pingkang Ward (I!Z-.m:t}j, 5H), between the Imperial City and the Eastern Market. The key primary source on this ward and its entertainers, the Beili zhi ~t.lI!~ (BLZ), was written in the Late Tang period. 132 However,
125
ZZTJ236.7610.
126 The ward location of the wineshop is not specified. See Seo 1990b, 201, no. 57. 121 Xing f.f is a song genre. 128 Owen (1981,306) translates gujiu t!Jlfj as ''to buy wine." ''To sell wine" is the usual meaning. For a typical use of the term in classical Chinese, see Lunyu zhushu mli~ffw.t (Lf) 1O.39b: ~*1JIj :;p~ ([Confucius] never consumed wine or dried meat sold at a shop); and subcommentary: t!JJ(t!! (gu means "to sell"). 129 One hundred chi R is about 30 meters. 130 QTS 194.1999. Translation is based on Owen (1981,306-7). Leyou Park ~U is in Shengping Ward, south of the Eastern Market. See TUCFKbu 3.202. 131 WITH 336.1747; QTS 194.1999. Seo (1986, 7, no. 26; 1990b, 200, no. 45) quotes Wei Jiangzhouji IinI1+!$ as its source of information. The correct title is Wei Suzhouji !t~'H$. 132 BLZ, Preface. On theji of Late Tang Chang'an, see Xiong 1999.
190 / Sui-TangChang'an
The Marketplaces /
Pingkang Ward had earned its reputation as a quagmire of romance much earlier, during the Kaiyuan period (713-741), thanks to the presence of such entertainers. 1J3 Eastern wards such as Changlea m~ (6J), Jinggong ~$ (7J), and Xuanping 'j§'3¥ (81) are known to have been home to such establishments during the reign of Xuanzong (712-756).134 In Shengye Ward (Mj~t}j, 41) immediately west of the Xingqing Palace, a house of pleasure was in business in the Dati period (766-779).13S The popular discovery of tea gave rise to a new type of enterprise in Chang' an, the teahouse. The Tang scholar Feng Van M~ traced the fashion of tea-drinking to the south. In the Kaiyuan period (713-741), a Chan Buddhist master at Mount Tai used tea as a stimulant. From there, it was believed, tea drinking began to spread in the north. In the capital and other cities, a number of teahouses (dianpu r.5&ID were established. Tea had become a favorite drink with both Buddhist clergy and laymen,136 and by High Tang times, tea had beCome a kind of daily necessity.137 In an 821 (Changqing 1) memorial Li Jue says, "Tea is no different from rice and salt. People far and near alike all depend on it."138 The tea tax, fIrSt introduced by Dezong in 780 (Jianzhong 1), brought enormous revenue to the COurt. 139 In Late Tang times, tea establishments (ehage ~liJ) appeared in Chang'an!40 One famous tea business with a confirmed location was the Late Tang tea shop (ehasi~) in Yongchang Ward (7k@!'~, 2H), a residential ward east of the Palace City. It was here that Chief Minister Wang Ya IM was captured during the Sweet Dew Incident of835. 141
*H
KYTBYS 1:10. Seo 1990b, 199-200, nos. 38, 42, 43. On the entertainers in Changle" Ward, see LBCAZ 7.221, "Feicui po" ~~tBf. On entertainers in Iinggong, see YYZZ "Qianji" 12.116-17, no. 487. Here the entertainer was referred to asji and the establishment as jia ~. For entertainers in Xuanping Ward, see LBCAZ 7.220, "Yanzhi po" ~H~. 135 TPGJ 487.4006-7. SeoI990b, 198, no. 33. 136 Fengshi wenjianjiM.E£;lilUe~c (FSWJJ) 6.71. Also see Schafer 1977a, 122-23. 131 Lu Yu I!?lM is believed to have brought tea-drinking into fashion. Lu, active between the Tianbao (742-756) and Zhenyuan (785-805) periods, was a friend of Yan 196.5611-12, 202.5700. In Xuanzong's time, tea was Zhenqing's M!ll~. See already popular enough to cause some controversy. Wu Min $5t, for example, wrote an essay blaming tea for causing feverish diseases and violent death. See TPGJ 113 .1028. J3S THY 84.1546. 139 Twitchett 1970, 62-65; Fu 1960,16. JJ3
134
*,
x:rs
140 XTS 208.5885. Seo (1990b, 195, no. 5; 197, no. 22) places the chage in the two primary markets.
141.ns 169.4404. On the Sweet Dew Incident, see page 89-90. Teahouses located along major roads served as rest areas as well. For a reference to a roadside teahouse in Shouzhou 51+1 (Shouxian ./Nit, Anhui), see TPGJ 341.2704.
191
The best-known funeral service centers, the Eastern and Western Shops (dongsi xisi Ug§"~), were located outside the official market areas. They provided a whole range of mourning services, from sale and rental of funeral appurtenances to professional elegiac singing and music. 142 Fengyi Ward (lfE3t}j, 8A), somewhere between the Western Market and the Yanping Gate (1lf3¥r~), was noted for its business in hearse and funeral-furniture rentals. 143 Since this is the only funeral service center with a precise, documented location, it is very likely to have been the site of the famous Western Shop.l44 That establishment was in business as e.arly as the Wude period (618-626).145 But extant sources give no clue to the location of the Eastern Shop. The best piece of evidence we have of funeral-related business activity in the eastern part of the city comes from the Kaicheng period (836-840): Someone from the Eastern Market was reported to have gone by donkey to purchase a coffm.l46 But this anecdote can hardly be relied upon for establishing the location of the Eastern Shop. The most significant event in the business was the funeral service TPGJ 484.3985-9l. CAZHi 10.10. 144 TLJCFK 4.126. 145 LJXJHi 3.195a; LJXJ, 39-40.
142
143
146 yyzz "Qianji" 15.147. In enumerating the businesses operating in the Eastern and Western Markets, Su Bai includes xiongsi Qg~ (funeral service shops). But the only source he relies on is the "Tale of Li Wa," which, however, makes no clear connection between such shops and the markets. Seo in his study on the "Tale of Li Wa" also locates the xiongsi in the two primary markets, citing, in addition to the "Tale of Li Wa," a Duyi zhi jlj~~ account (TPGJ 260.2030--31). While that piece does mention "100 dirge-singers from the two markets" (liangshi shan xiege zhe bairen ~rP~Hi~:tfB A), it does not indicate the location of the shops (yu xiongqi jia .Qg~*) in question. Xu Pingfang also claims that there is archaeological evidence for xiongsi and other shops in the Western Market: "Archaeological excavations of the Western Market have revealed, among other things, the remains of wine shops, restaurants, and funeral service shops which dealt in iron objects, ceramics, stone sculptures, and specialized in selling tomb furniture." The evidence for this, however, does not lend much support to the xiongsi argument Pottery utensils such as pots and jars were discovered, as were porcelain bowls, basins, pots, jugs, cups, and vessel caps. Iron nails, the remains of some iron objects, and one piece of a stone sculpture were also found. These are among the most common archaeological finds at Tang sites and do not necessarily suggest the location of a wineshop, restaurant, or a funeral service shop. Sancai =~ (tri-color) potsherds were also discovered, which might indicate the presence of funeral objects, since sancai objects were favorite tomb furnishings. However, such fragments were often unearthed in living areas as well. To prove archaeologically the locale of a funeral service shop, one needs more convincing evidence than sancai potsherds. See Zhuang 1961, 250; Ma 1963,606-7. Cf. Su 1978, 417; Seo 1987,479; 500, no. 8; Xu 1982,649.
192 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
The Marketplaces /
competition between the Eastern and Western Shops held in the central northsouth artery of the residential areas. 147
*
*
*
*
*
According to extant primary sources, Sui-Tang Chang'an had at least seven markets over its 321-year history. Apart from the so-called Northern Market, which was actually in the eastern suburbs, all of Chang'an's markets were situated in the walled area of the city. Major business activities were concentrated in, but not limited to, the tWo primary markets (Eastern and Western), located equidistant from the central north-south thoroughfare, Zhuquemen Street. Markets were officially governed by the Capital Market Administration, which was independent of the capital prefectural government and directly responsible to the Court of the TreasUry. The two primary markets inhabited rather different areas. The Eastern Market lay near the residential quarters of the roy'al,noble, and powerful, while the Western Market was surrounded by the common populace. Initially, commerce gravitated to the Western Market, with its high concentration of businesses and numerous foreigner traders. After the An Lushan Rebellion, however, the residential wards neighboring the Eastern Market began to experience obvious business growth. Each market consisted of approximately 220 bazaars, along which clusters of shops were arranged. Each bazaar was named after the predominant business of the area. In spite of some scholars' assertion that the bazaar was a near equivalent of a guild, it actually appears to have been simply a low-level administrative and geographical division within the official marketplace. Although business activity outside the markets seems to have become more pronounced after the An Lushan Rebellion, sources show that even in its early stages, the city had no stringent rules restricting business from residential wards and city streets. In the light of this, I have made an effort to reevaluate Kato Shigeshi's influential theory on the market system, and criticisms of it leveled by Hino Kaisaburo. I essentially side with Hino's critiques. While Kato argues that the appearance of night markets in the Late Tang signified the relaxation of the market curfew, I question the significance of this argument because there is much earlier evidence of curfew violations on record: Kato's second argument,
1~7 TPGJ 484.3985-91. For an authoritative translation with meticulously prepared
annotations of the funeral service competition between the Eastern and Western Shops, see Dudbridge 1983, 140-53. Dudbridge is careful not to locate the Eastern and Western Shops within the two primary markets.
193
that thanks to the decline of the tightly controlled market system, business spilled over into nonmarket areas, is untenable because of the consistent presence ofa variety of businesses outside official markets throughout the Tang. To what extent were the elaborate rules on market business recorded in the Tang liudian and the Tang ling implemented? I would like to offer the following tentative argument on the regulation of Chang'an's market system. There existed two broad categories of business: regulated and unregulated. Regulated businesses included those specified in the Tang market rules, such as retailers of bulk commodities and certain manufactured goods such as weapons and livestock and slave brokers. In principle, the regulated businesses were limited to the market areas only, where the rules seem to have been enforced. Some unregulated businesses were found in the markets, but more significant, unregulated businesses operated in the nonmarket areas. Overwhelmingly these businesses represented the service industry, particularly, food service. This sector included flat cake shops, restaurants, wineshops, teahouses, and warehouse-hostels. Less common unregulated businesses in Chang'an included horse rentals, musical instrument manufacture and repair, transport, retail of colored silk and felt, pawn shops, fabric dyeing operations, hairpin making, carriage repair,jade crafting,jewelry, and funerary services. 148 The An Lushan Rebellion had no impact on the structure of the market system within the city per se. Though business apparently grew in nonmarket areas after the rebellion, that growth fell within the unregulated categories, that is, businesses that would have been allowed in nonmarket areas even before the rebellion. The persistent presence of unregulated businesses can be explained by their primarily service-oriented nature. They were indispensable to the proper functioning of the city and less susceptible to regulation than the sale of measurable products or animals. There is little doubt that the planners of Sui-Tang Chang'an expected to concentrate business in the enclosed markets, after established tradition. 149 But the government was also flexible enough to allow certain types of business to go on outside market quarters. Nonmarket business increased over time, benefiting from the erosion o( the ward system. WIth the disappearance of the physical
148 Seo 1990b, 202-3, nos. 60-71. The timeframe of the musical instrument repair shops was Wenzong's reign (826-840), not Xuanzong's (712-756) as recorded in Seo 1990b. See YuejUzalu ~Jf..fU (YFZL) "Pipa" !E~.26. Cf. Seo 1990b, 202, no. 61. 149 In Northern Wei Luoyang, for example, businessmen were arbitrarily restricted to certain living quarters because of their low social station (Jenner 1981, 116).
194 / Sui-Tang Chang'an confines of the ward, an "open market" that had its roots in Sui-Tang Chang' an would eventually flourish in the Northern and Southern Song capitals.15O
8
Residential Quarters Hundreds of houses, thousands ofhouses,-Iike a chessboard. The twelve streets like a field planted with rows of cabbage. In the distance perceptible, dim, dim-the fire of a torchlight procession; 1 And a single row of stellar lodges lying to the west of the Five Gates.2 -Bai Juyi BJi5~ (772-846)3 part from the palace grounds, the Imperial City, and the two markets, the city was composed primarily of the residential quarters, divided into enclosed rectangular areas known as "wards" (fang f:jj or Ii ~).4 The ward system had been well established at least as early as the Former Han period (206 B.C.-A.D. 8), when the residential quarters of Han Chang'an were carved up into 160 wards. It reached its pinnacle during the Sui and Tang dynasties in the city of Chang'an. The wards encompassed 88.8 percent of the entire city and housed the overwhelming majority of the populace. Orthogonically laid out, Chang'an's wards spread east, west, and south from the Palace City and the Imperial City, defining the capital's territorial limits, an enclosed space of enormous dimensions-in excess of 84 kilometers. These wards fit into a
A
1 Arthur Waley (1919, 234, line 3) translates shangchao huo l:.~* as "the fire of approaching dawn." It actually refers to the torches held by officers coming to court. 2 Waley (line 4) renders xingxiu ("stellar lodges") into "stars," which is inaccurate. Schafer translates xiu as "lunar lodgings" (1977b, 5). The Five Gates are the five south gates of the Daming Palace. 3 Translation by Arthur Waley (1919,234), with modifications. See also QTS 448.5041, "Deng Guanyin tai wang cheng" ~.1§-iE~;IJ£. 4 During the Western Jin (265-316) and Northern Wei dynasties (386-534), the term lang t:}j came to be used interchangeably with Ii. With the establishment of the Sui dynasty lang was officially used in place of Ii. Under Yangdi, Ii was readopted, only to be dropped again in favor offang under the Tang. The official endorsement oflang did not, however, eliminate the use of Ii in literature during the Tang dynasty. See Kata 1991, 276.
£m
ISO Northern Song Kaifeng saw booming business at night (DJMHL 2.71-72), while Southern Song Lin'an saw a proliferation of shops and vigorous commercial growth (Gernet 1962,85-86).
195
196 / Sui-TangChang'an
Residential Quarters /
network of twenty-five streets. Broad and straight, these streets formed the city's grid. Six streets that led to city gates were the main lines of transportation. Thanks to its spacious ward system and the supporting road network, Chang' an never suffered seriously from the classic urban problems of overcrowding and congestion, despite its less-than-perfect infrastructure and often enormous population. The builders of this gigantic, complex city had envisioned a Chang'an for future generations, with almost unlimited opportunities for urban and suburban growth.
Population Chinese governments began to conduct systematic censuses after the founding of the Qin dynasty (221 B.C.-206 B.C.); these have proved an invaluable asset for students of social and economic history. However, premOdern Chinese demographic statistics were defmed by imperial administrative boundaries and emphasized the family as the basic functional unit. This shifted attention away from population per se to the number of households within a given administrative region. Historians have therefore had to extrapolate headcounts for Chang'an from data for a much large administrative area. The question of Sui-Tang Chang'an's population has attracted much scholarly attention. As early as 1947, Toyama Gunji, relying mainly on literary evidence, estimated that it numbered one million at its height. s Hiraoka Takeo, Wu Bolun, and Hino KaisaburO have arrived at more or less the same figure. 6 The earliest available census for the entire metropolitan area of DaxingchengChang'an was conducted for the year 609 (Daye 5) under Sui Yangdi. The capital commandery (jingzhaojun ~~~W)-"capital prefecture" (jingzhaofu Jif~~mf) under the Tang-bad jurisdiction over a total of 308,499 registered households in twenty-two counties. 7 Of these, twenty were suburban and two the urban counties that made up the capital city proper. To calculate the capital's population, we need to know the number of households for the two urban counties, and the average household size. Based on information provided by Liang Fangzhong, I have worked out a formula for reckoning the. size of Sui Daxingcheng. First we need to calculate the suburban population. Liang estimated the average number of households per county at 7,303 empirewide in Sui times.s However, that figure would be too
low for Chang'an's suburban counties, which were much more densely populated. By averaging the estimated county household numbers in five large neighboring commanderies (Fengyi {,~~, Fufeng ~@J., Anding ~5E, Beidi ~1:ttB, and Shang ...t), we get 10,652, which probably comes closer to the average number of households for a suburban county.9 Multiplying that number by 20 (the number of suburban counties) we get 2l3,040. Subtracting this from the total for the capital commandery area (308,499), we are left with 95,459, an approximate total for the two urban counties, namely, the capital city. Multiplying this figure by 5.17, the average household size empirewide, we get 493,523; this may be regarded as the approximate official population of the Sui capital city in 609.\0 This figure does not take into account unreported residents. If we multiply the number of registered households for the entire capital commandery by the average household size, we arrive at 1,594,940 or approximately 1.6 million for the capital's metropolitan area under Sui Yangdi. About forty-seven years later, in 656 (Xianqing 1), the renowned Buddhist master Xuanzang ~~ traveled to the Fanglin Gate (1J#F~) in the north of the city to receive a stele with an inscription in the hand of the reigning emperor Gaozong and escort it back to the Daci'en Monastery. From the Fanglin Gate (north ofC-Dl on Map 2.1) to this monastery in Jinchang Ward (fH§:f1j, 1 HI), a distance of over thirty Ii, more than one million spectators were said to have turned out to witness the event. 11 Undoubtedly this is a rough figure, but in view of the city's population half a century earlier, it is by no means impossible. In 742 (Tianbao 1), at the height of the High Tang period, the Tang government conducted its own empirewide census. The capital prefecture area of Chang'an boasted a total of 362,921 households and a popUlation of 1,960,188 in twenty-three counties. 12 I use the average county household number (7,470) for the three neighboring commanderies of Huayin .~, Fengyi, and Fufeng as the basis for reckoning the total number of households in the twenty-one suburban counties. That figure stands at about 156,870. Subtracting it from the total household number of the entire capital prefectural area, 362,951, leaves 206,081, the estimated household count for the two urban counties. Multiplying it by the average household size nationwide (5.75), we arrive at 1,184,793 as the population of Chang' an's urban counties in 742.
9 S Toyama
1947,26-31.
Hiraoka 1956, Map Volume, 37-39; Wu 1979, 164; Hino 1968-1970, vol. 1:307-9; Hino 1964b.
6
7
Liang 1980, 69, Table 21; SUS 29.808. 1980,73, Table 22.
8 Liang
197
Liang 1980,73, Table 22.
10
On the average household size in 609, see Liang 1980,69, Table 21.
DCES'9.189; Wu 1979, 164. One Tang Ii = 540 meters. The total number of counties in the capital prefecture is twenty-three according to .ITS (38.1396) during the Tianbao period (742-756), a figure corroborated by LBCAZ (1.18) and TD (173.915). The number twenty for 742 (Tianbao I) recorded in XTS (37.961) is very likely erroneous. See Seo 1995,566-67. 11
12
198 / Sui -Tang Chang'an This figure, however, should probably be adjusted due to three factors: First, since 104 xiang W (townships) fell directly under the jurisdiction of the two urban counties, their numbers should be discounted.13 Under the Tang, one xiang was ideally composed of 500 households, making the total household number for the immediate suburban area 52,000. 14 Multiplying this figure by 5.75 for average household size, we get 299,000 as the rural popUlation under the administration of the two urban counties. Subtracting it from 1,184,742, we are left with 885,793. Second, considering the possibility that each suburban county may have included one urban ward (the county seat) of probably 500 households, the twenty-one counties would end up with 10,500 additional households, or 60,375 individuals in those technically suburban county seats. By subtracting this number from 885,793, we arrive at 825,418 for the estimated registered urban population of Chang' an. Third, by High Tang times, the unregistered popUlation must have grown to an enmmous size, for it included royalty, the palace entourage, soldiers, monks, nuns, foreigners, and transients, who normally escaped the census. According to Seo Tatsuhiko's estimate, in the early eighth century the unregistered population fell between 170,000 and 180,000. 15 If we include these figures in our reckoning, Chang'an's urban popUlation comes to just about one million. The only record of the number of city households in Tang Chang'an is found in the Chang'an zhi by the Song scholar Song Minqiu. He notes that "The shops within the [Western] Market are set tW like those in the Eastern Market. Chang'an County has under its jurisdiction more than 40,000 households, which exceed those of Wannian County. There are countless transients and drlfiers.,,16 If we used this number to estimate the city population, we would need to double it and multiply it by the average household size. The estimated official population for the early eighth century would then be over 460,000. This would make the population slightly lower than the Sui population under Yangdi. However, the timeframe of this observation is not well established, and the 13 This figure ·was for the Zhenyuan period (785-805). We may probably assume that whatever variations occurred in the total number of Chang'an's xiang after 742 had little impact on .the urban population. See Wu 1963a, 157; CAZ 11.1; 12.1, text and commentary. Nakamura Jihee draws attention to the importance of the suburban population in calculating the city population of Chang'an, but he seems to go overboard (Nakamura 1966). For Hino;s criticism, seeHino 1968-1970, vol. 1:306-7. 14 Niida 1989, 123-25. Although 500 was the standard official number, the actual average number of households per xiong could be much lower. IS Seo 1995, 576. 16 CAZHi 1O.7a, commentary.
Residential Quarters /
199
population of Chang' an fluctuated significantly over time, so we cannot use this figure to verify other estimates effectively. 17 Moreover, in geographical accounts like the Chang 'an zhi, popUlation figures are normally listed in relevant sections on specific localities. The fact that the Chang'an County figure appears in a section on the Western Market is itself suspect. In all likelihood, it is a later interpolation. A Middle Tang memorial submitted by Han Yu ~J1l! in 803 (Zhenyuan 19) had attracted attention from virtually all scholars dealing with Chang'an's population. The memorial seeks to dissuade the emperor Dezong from suspending the annual national examination at the capital: Your servant believes that for a household of ten, if one or two extra mouths were added, it would hardly increase food expenses. Today the population at the capital is no less than one million, while all the examinees are estimated to be no more than five to seven thousand. Even taking into consideration their young servants, horses, and other draft animals, their population will not be I percent of the capital population.18 Unlike poetry, which routinely employs hyperbole, a memorial to the throne was no place for numerical exaggeration, let alone poetic license, which might result in charges of lese majeste. The figure of one million was probably widely accepted for the capital's population, and it may not have been far from the truth. 19 According to Hino Kaisaburo, the number of urban Chang'an's households during the Kaiyuan period (713-741) reached the 200,000 mark, which is not much different from our figure. Hino then hypothesizes that the sparsely populated southernmost areas of the city left room for subsequent population growth, and that the capital grew to 300,000 households during the Yuanhe (806-820), Changqing (821-824), and Huichang (841-846) periods. In reality, however, the southernmost areas of Chang'an remained underpopulated after the An Lushan Rebellion. Hino also cites High Tang and Middle Tang poems that use the expression baiwan jia S~* (one million households),2° but even he admits that this phrase is a trope indicating the multitudes in the city, and should 17 Although compiled in the Northern Song dynasty, this work contains a variety of records that belong to different timeframes. On the timeframe of Chang 'an zhi records, see chapter 7, p. 185. 18 QTW 549.5559a. 19 Seo calls into question the validity of Han's statement, suggesting that the figure one million was employed to describe the prosperity of the capital, and Han did not really know the population of Chang'an in the early ninth century. See Seo 1995, 586. 20 See Hino 1968-1970, 1:307-9; Hino 1964b; Muronaga 1975, 2.
200 / Sui-TangChang'an not be taken literally. However, Hino also believes that there is some correlation between the population size and the figure cited in poetry. I would argue that in view of the depopulation that followed the An Lushan Rebellion, Hino's estimate of 300,000 urban households (or over 1.5 million people) forChang'an in the Middle and Late Tang periods is probably excessive. Recently some Chinese scholars of Tang history and geography have revised Tang Chang'an's population downward. Inspired by this trend, Seo Tatsuhiko; the leading scholar of Tang Chang'an in Japan, has completed a comprehensive study of the topic that is more thoroughgoing than any previous study I know of. According to Seo's estimate, Chang'an at its height in 742 had a registered population of 500,000 and a total population of 700,000. While I am a great admirer of Seo's encyclopedic knowledge of Chang'an, I have to disagree with him on a number of points. First, the estimate of 10,000 as the average number of households for the suburban counties is too high, and he provides no satisfactory rationale for the methodology used to arrive at this figure. The figui-e arrived at by averaging the households per county in the three large prefectures around Chang'an (7,470) is more realistic. Empirewide, the average county household number at that time was about 5,715.21 Second, Seo cites 141 (sixty-two for Wannian County and seventy-nine for Chang'an County) as the total number of xiang under the jurisdiction of the two urban counties. This figure, which differs significantly from the 104 referred to consistently in the Chang'an zhi, results in the exclusion of a larger number of individuals as rural population. 22 . Third, a major component in his reassessment is the rural administrative unit, the xiang or township. Seo cites 501 as the standard average household number for a xiang in the greater Chang'an area. I believe this is too high. In the Yuanhe period (806-820) the total number of xiang (463), plus the suburban wards (21), assuming they had the same number of households, gives a total of 484. Multiplying it by 501, we get 242,484, which by itself exceeds the total household number (241,202) for the entire capital prefecture, urban and suburban areas combined. According to this fonnula, there could be no registered urban households at all. Fourth, Seo dates ·the undated Chang'an zhi population figure to 721 (Kaiyuan 10; note that it should be 722), on the grounds that the entire passage originally appeared in the Liangjing xinji, a work completed in 722. While Seo is aware that this work contains only the first sentence of the passage, not the figure itself; he argues that contextually the sentences following fit well with it 21 Liang 1980, 86. 22 Seo (1995, 569) does not supply the sources of these figures.
Residential Quarters / 201 and must have been omitted through later scnbal error. I am not convinced. The technique of "contextual collation" is notoriously subjective and unreliable. We need more solid textual evidence to conclusively trace the ancestry of this Chang'an zhi record to the Liangjing xinji. 23 Further, selecting a date for the Chang 'an zhi figure may lead one to try to make the population fit. It is probably no coincidence that Seo's estimated household total for the two suburban counties82,280-matches the Chang 'an zhi figure almost perfectly.24 The An Lushan Rebellion of 755-763 seriously depopulated Chang'an. In 769 (Dali 4) an imperial edict was issued to reduce the bureaucracy of the two urban counties because the population had decreased by more than half. 25 The occupation of the capital by the rebel general Zhu Ci in 783-784 may also have caused heavy casualties among Chang'an's populace. 26 But the city survived, and by 803, if we are to believe Han Yu, the popUlation seems to have been well on its way to prerebellion levels. The city appears to have maintained a fairly large population until Huang Chao's occupation in 881-883, after which Chang'an pennanently lost its status as the most populous city in China and the world. 27
Street and Canal Networks City Streets In his poem entitled "Chang'an guyi" ~~U ("Chang'an: In Imitation of the Old Style"), the Early Tang poet Lu Zhaolin LI~~m depicts the bustling streets of the capital's upscale district: Chang'an's broad avenues link up with narrow lanes,28 where one sees Black oxen and white horses, coaches made of seven fragrant woods. The emperor's jade-fit palanquin sweeps past the mansions of princesses, 29 Gold riding whips in an unending train point toward marquises' homes. The dragon biting the jeweled canopy catches the morning sun, The phoenix disgorging dangling fringes is draped with evening's red clouds. 30 23 CAZHi 10.780 commentary; UXlHi, 189a. See Seo 1995,576-78. 24 Cf. Seo 1995, 570. 2S JTS
11.292.
26 Dalby 1979, 583-84. 21 Somers 1979, 74547, 756-60. 28 Xiaxia or xiaxie ~~ is also a euphemism for "houses of pleasure" (after Owen). 29 Yunian :Ell (the emperor's jade-fit palanquin) is translated by Owen as simply '~ade fit palanquins." Zhu.:E (princesses) is translated by Owen as "lords." 30 Translation by Owen (1977, 105) with slight modifications. For a detailed discussion of guyi, see Owen 1977, 104--5.
202 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
Residential Quarters / 203
Through the figure of city traffic, Lu suggests the glamorous lifestyle of the capital's high society. Chang'an's main avenues, traveled by rich and poor alike, were a network of fourteen east-west and eleven north-south streets, designed for animal-drawn vehicles, sedan-chairs, and foot traffiC. 31 Sources record three different street widths, but archaeological research has yielded different results.
Of these twenty-five streets, three of the east-west and three of the north-south streets extended beyond the city gates into the suburbs. These were the main lines of transportation: East-west: No.3. Tonghua-Kaiyuanmen Street (~1t~;ljr~m); No.5. Chunming-Jinguangmen Street (~IlJl-~:7\:;r~m); No.9. Yanxing-Yanpingmen Street (~-~.ifr~1.ij).
Table 8.1. City streets in Chang'an East-west_ Number (from North to South) I 2 3 4 S 6 7 8 9 10 11
12 13 14
Actual width·
(meters) nla nla nla
7S 120 44 40 4S SS SS 4S S9 39 2S
Width recorded in 6terature+ (bu) (meters) 60 (88.2) (88.2) 60 (147.0) 100 60 47 47 47 47 47 47 47 47 47 47
(88.2) (69.0) (69.0) (69.0) (69.0) (69.0) (69.0) (69.0) (69.0) (69.0) (69.0)
Comments
North-south: No.4. Fanglin-Anhuamen Street 05**-~1tr~m); No.6. Chengtian-Zhuquemen Street (~:7(-*~r~m); No.8. Xing'an-Qixiamen Street (J!~-f:nlr~fu).
Along the northern city wall Tonghua-Kaiyuanmen Street (its mid-section, Heng Street, was 300 bu [441 meters]) .. Chunming-Jinguangmen Street
Yanxing-Yanpingmen Street
Along the southern city wall
North-south streets Number (from West to East) I 2 3 4 S 6 7 8 9 10 11
Actualwidlh
(meters) 20 42 63 108 63 ISO-ISS 67 134 68 68 2S
Width recorded In literature (meters) (bu) (147) 100 (147) 100 100 (147) (147) 100 (147) 100 (147) 100
100 100 100 100 100
(147) (147) (147) (147) (147)
Comments
Along the western city wall Fanglin-Anhuamen Street Oleogtian-l.lnIIpmen MingdeGate
SIreet,
to
Xing'an-Qixiamen Street Along the eastern city wall
• Actual width =arcbaeologica1ly coofinned width. + I use a conversion rate of 100 Tang bu 10 ISO meiers. Archaeologists use a slightly different rate: 100 bu 10 147 meters. See Liang 1980,541-42 about the approximate length of one Tang bu.
For examples of ox-drawn carts as common freight-canying vehicles, see Da Tang ;*:~ (D1XY) 7.109; QTS 427.4704, poem by Bai Juyi. On the nomoyal use of sedan-chairs, which seems to have been well established in the capital by 850, see TPGJ 265.2077.
31
xinyu
Some scholars identify these main streets with the liujie ~m or "six streets"-an expression often seen in primary sources-because of their supposedly greater-than-average width.32 However, only four of these were significantly wider than other city streets. The width of Tonghua-Kaiyuanmen Street is unconfirmed by archaeology, and Yanxing-Yanpingmen Street was merely 55 meters wide, about average for a Chang'an street. So the width argument does not stand by itself Nor are there any records that directly support this identification. The Zizhi tongjian ~mJmIi (ZZTJ, Jingyun 1) records that after the death of Zhongzong in 710, "Empress Wei ~J§ concealed the event. The secretariat drafter (zhongshu sheren r:p1f~A) Wei Yuan ~5I; patrolled the six streets." The Yuan scholar Hu Sanxing m=~ comments on this line: "The city of Chang'an has the six streets of the left and right. The Jinwu ~~ street commissioners were in charge. The Jinwu generals of the left and right were responsible for day and night patrol and for capturing outlaws.'.33 Here, "left" refers to Wannian County, which was east of Zhuquemen Street, and "right" refers to Chang'an County to the west. If the six streets had left and right sections, they must have been longitudinal or east-west streets. The central thoroughfare, Zhuquemen Street, has to be excluded from the count because not only was it a north-south street, it also served as the border between the two counties. I would argue that the so-called six streets refer to the six east-west city streets south of the Imperial City, namely, East-West numbers 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10 (Table 8.1). In Tang sources these six streets delineatec,i rows of wards that Ma 1%3, 602-3; Sata 1971, 133; Zhang 1987, 35. For examples of the "six streets" in the sources, see CFYG 14.159; Zizhi tongjian llfflJmli (ZZTJ) 184.5765, comment;
32
DTXY6.89. 33 ZZTJ209.6642, text and commentary.
204 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
Residential Quarters / 205
correspond approximately to the areas I call East Central and West Central. At the heart of urban activity on both sides of Zhuquemen Street, these six rows of wards also contained the two primary markets, the official business centers of the city. Edicts regarding urban development often covered only these six rows ofwards. 34 The three southernmost rows were officially defmed as "peripheral" (weiwai 1117f.), and interested the city and county administrations much less. 35 In addition, primary sources refer to the "nine avenues" Uiurno fL~Ei) of Chang'an. Strictly speaking, a rno refers to an east-west street, but it can also be used generically to mean any street. In Chang'an there were nine east-west streets south of the Imperial City, and nine north-south streets that penetrated the urban area. Given this, the termjiurno could be and was used as a metonym for the entire city. 36
rn
Measuring about 150-155 meters in width, Zhuquemen Street was flanked on either side by a deep ditch about 3.3 meters wide. These drainage ditches were called royal ditches (yugou 8), obviously due. to the sovereign's close identification with Zhuquemen Street. They were also known as poplar ditches (yanggou ~~), because of the tall poplar (~) trees that grew along them. 38 As the best-known street in the city, Zhuquemen Street was sometimes simply referred to asjie f!j or "the Street." Numerous examples of this can be found in Hino Kaisaburo's long essay on Tang hotels and warehouses. 39 Another unofficial name for it was "Tianmen Street" *F~f!j or simply "Tian Street" *'1#. These names were probably truncated versions of "Chengtianmen Street,,,40 of which Zhuquemen Street was the southern extension. This central axis began as an imaginary line in the Palace City on which key palace structures were sited; it ran south through the Imperial City where it took shape as an impressive thoroughfare, Chengtian-Zhuquemen Street. As it swept into the residential quarters, this street divided the two urban counties of the city. It was the axis along which all key ritual and functional structures of the city and the suburbs were aligned and was the road imperial processions traveled to the southern suburbs to perform major state rituals at the Round Mound and the Southern Suburban Altar~ With a width exceeding that of all other northsouth avenues,41 Chengtian-Zhuquemen Street occupied a place of primary importance in both symbolic and practical terms.
Canals Fig. 8.1. Zhuque Gate, Ming dynasty. Source: Author's photograph.
37
Archaeologists have investigated Chengtian-Zhuquemen Street, the central north-south thoroughfare .. It ran south from the southern terminus of the Palace City, the Chengtian Gate, via the Imperial City's Zhuque Gate (Fig. 8.1) all the way to Mingde Gate, the main southern entrance to the city. This street was composed of two sections. The northern section, also known as Chengtianmen Street, was the north-south artery of the Imperial City linking the Chengtian and Zhuque Gates. The southern section was known as Zhuquemen Street. 34 For example, JTS 18.shang.593, an edict banning tree planting. 3S Sometimes the "peripheral" area includes four rows as well. See CAZHi 7.8-9, commentary; also see below the section on the Southeast. 36 For example, QTS 804.9053-54, poem by Yu Xuanji fh.~~ entitled "Heren" ;fDA 37 Although this is a Ming dynasty structure, it was built at approximately the same location as its Tang predecessor. Like the Tang gate, it also had five arches, one of which (far left) has been bricked in.
Since the extensive street network alone did not satisfy the city's transportation needs, a canal system was built to handle bulk shipments. It was by water that rice, the single most important commodity from the provinces, was transported to Chang'an. During Gaozong's reign (649-{j83), the capital began to grow dependent on the Yangzi-Huai River area for food, and the canal network eventually became the lifeline of the city.42 The urban area was served by at least five canals: the Longshou ~§, Yong'an ik3i:, Qingming a)3, Huang Jj, and Cao 11 (see Map 8.1). The
m
38 Ma 1963, 600-2. 39 Hino 1%8-1970, vol.l:267-71. 40 Examples can be found in Jiyi zhi ~~iit (JYZ) 2.12-13; TPGJ 156.1125; ZCGS 36. See Dudbridge 1983, 192 n. 6. 41 Only Heng Street inside the Imperial City, which served as a square as well, was wider than ChengtillIrZhuquemen Street. 42 JTS 49.2114-22; XTS 53.1365-72. On the importance of long-distance canal transportation to Chang'an, see Quan 1946, 32-70. For a discussion of modern scholarship on Chang'an's canal network and its associated problems, see Thilo 1997, 31-39.
Residential Quarters / 207
206 / Sui-Tang Chang'an Longshou Canal, also known as Chan River Canal (iI*~), was built in 583 (Kaihuang 3). It began at the Chan River east of the city. Its east branch (dong qu *~) flowed north, then west, into the Darning Palace. Its west branch (xi qu gs~) entered the city through Yongjia Ward. traveled west through Shengye and Chongren Wards, and eventually entered the Palace City through one of its south entrances, the Changle Gate (~~r~). One tributary channel of the west branch flowed into the Dragon Pond of the Xingqing Palace. In 797 (Zhenyuan 13)· another tributary channel was dug, which traveled west from the northwest co~er ofYongjia Ward to the south of the Taiqing Palace in Daning Ward (21).43 The Yong'an Canal, also known as the Jiao Canal (~~), branched off from the Jiao River (X[~J*) south of the city. It was constructed in 583. Entering the city from the south through Da'an Ward (13C), it traveled north 44 and traversed the Imperial Park before emptying into the Wei River. The Qingming Canal derived from the Jue River south of the city. 45 Its course inside the city was for the most part parallel to that of the Y ong' an Canal. It ran through the Imperial City and entered the Palace City through the Guangyun Gate OJi~r~). The long Yong'an and Qingming Canals were the main waterways in the West Central and Southwest areas. The southern section of their combined drainage area was a popular locale for the villas of royalty and high-ranking officials. There seems to have been a great interest in waterfront properties, but the wards where such properties were located were prone to water damage in 46 times offlooding. The Huang Canal originated at Nanshan i¥fLIJ (the South or Zhongnan Mountains). It emptied into the Qujiang Pond in the southeast comer of the city. Scholars cannot agree on its year of construction. It was initially built either by Yuwen Kai in early Sui times, or by Yan Chang ~~, the magistrate of a suburban county, in 623 (Wude 6). The canal proper was probably completed in the Kaiyuan period (713-741).47 The Cao Canal was buih in 742 (or 743) by Han Chaozong ~ijiJ3*, who was then capital prefect. There is some confusion with regard to the source of the canal. Both the Jiu Tang shu andXin Tang shu assert that the canal began at the Wei River north of the city. This is unlikely, however. The terrain south of the river on which Chang'an sits gradually rises toward the Zhongnan
(ns*)
43 44 45
TUCFK 4.127-28; Thilo 1997,32-33. TUCFK 4.128; Thilo 1997,33. TLJCFK 4.129; Thilo 1997,33. Xu Song asserts that the Qingrning Canal originated at
the Xue River (11\*). Thilo readsyu forjue~.
Seo 198430 6-11. 47 TUCFK 4.128; Thilo 1997,34. On Van Chang, seeXTS j7.963, commentary. 46
Mountains south of the city, and so water tends to flow north toward the Wei, not from it. Xu Song points to the Jue River or Jiao River south of the city as its source. In reality, the canal must have derived from the Bi River immediately west of the city (see Map 7.1). The canal water was channeled from the west into an artificial lake in the Western Market, where timber was shipped for 48 storage. Another capital prefect named Li Gan ~~ extended the canal east and north to link it with the Imperial Park, thereby making the shipment of fIrewood more efficient.49 Daizong is said to have mounted the Anfu Gate (3Cmr~, 3D), the northernmost west gate of the Imperial City, to watch the project in progress. Li Gan surprised the emperor with a show performed on the water by professional entertainers.50 A major canal, reportedly dug in 712-713 by Jiang Shidu ~00iJ!t, has not been properly identified. According to the Chaoye qianzai ijiJ3~~ (CYQZ), the drainage area for this channel was extensive. It was supposed to have run past audience halls, residential wards, and the markets. 51 After climbing a loftbuilding to watch Jiang rush by on a fIrewood raft, Xuanzong promoted him president of the Court of Imperial Granaries (sinongqing EJ.ewp). Later the canal seems to have caused trouble for the city. Its water level could not be stabilized; sometimes it flooded uncontrollably and other times it dried up.52 Unlike previous capitals, such as Han Chang'an and Northern Wei Luoyang, Sui-Tang Chang'an was located at some distance from the nearest major river. Its siting, determined by geomantic and canonical principles rather than transportation concerns, presented real challenges in the operation of the capital as an urban center. But to some extent, the canal network in and around the city made up for this deficiency.
TUCFK 4.129. Cf. XTS 18.4273; JTS9.216. Some scholars also believe that the name of the Cao Canal should be "Yunrnu ~ (timber shipping)" Canal. Thilo 1997,35-36. 49 I follow Xu Song in identifying Li Gan's canal with the Cao Canal of Han Chaozong. Some scholars have challenged this view and asserted that Li Gan's canal branched off the Qingrning Canal (der Kanal der Klaren Leuchtens). For a summary of this debate, see Thilo 1997,35-36. 50 XTS 145.4721; JTS 11.283-&4. Thilo (1997, 36) questions the record on the Anfu Gate episode (das Tor des Friedvollen GlUcks), claiming that the canal was too far away and suggesting that the Yanxi Gate (Or~, das Tor der Ausbreitung der Freude) was more likely the site of this event See Map 2.1, 3G. 48
51
The audience halls probably refer to those located at the Chengtian Gate.
52
CYQZ 4.90.
208 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
Residential Quarters /
Residential Wards :l 5
209
Ward Size and Structure
Despite the builders' emphasis on the royal and office areas of Chang' an, it was the wards that ultimately gave spatial definition to the city. The practice of carving the residential area up into neatly arranged, self-contained, walled minicities known as fang or Ii was by no means an invention of Sui-Tang Chang' an. What made its ward system unique was the near-perfect symmetry of its morphology in combination with the spacious, consistent design of the individual wards.
The Number of Wards in Chang'an 54
Sources provide at least three different totals for the wards in Chang'an. Recent studies suggest that at the founding of the city, the number of wards 55 should have been 109, three more than the Sui shu count of 106. The construction of the Daming Palace in 662-663 necessitated building a northsouth thoroughfare from the southern terminus of the new palace complex. This avenue bisected two wards, Yishan and Yongchang, creating two new wards, Guangzhai and Laiting, and increasing the number of wards to 111.56 After 712 the northeastern ward of Yongfu became the Residence of the Sixteen Princes (Shiliuwang zhai +~±t) and was incorporated into the Forbidden Park, which lay to the north of the city. In 714 Xingqing Ward was converted into the Xingqing Palace, which was later enlarged northward to take up one half of Yongjia Ward.57 If we count the Residence of the Sixteen Princes, but exclude the Xingqing Palace, the total number of wards from 714 onward was 110. This in fact matches the number of wards on the archaeological map of Chang 'an.58
When archaeological investigation of Chang'an began in the early 1950s, special attention was given to the wards on either side of the Palace and Imperial Cities in the northeast and northwest of the capital. Unfortunately, with the exception of Shengye Ward north of the Eastern Market, and Jude Ward northwest of the Western Market, these wards all lay beneath modern structures at the time of the excavations.59 The four columns immediately south of the Imperial City (5-13, D-G) were among the smallest wards. Four other small wards were located east of the Palace City (1-2H). The largest wards were on each side of the Imperial City (3-4, A-C; and 3-4, H-J). These twelve wards included Longqing (4J) before its conversion into the Xingqing Palace. Longqing Ward was the largest in the city. The six columns southeast (5-13, A-C) and southwest (5-13; H-J) of the Imperial City contained the medium-sized or standard wards. 6O N
t
Fig. 8.2. Measurements of the wards 53 On the nationwide Tang ward system, see Hino 1964a, 1-23. On the evolution of the fang (Ii) system, see Zhu 1987,91-99. 54 There are 106 in the Sui shu, (see SUS 29.809); 108 in the Liangjing xinji (LJXJHi, 212), Jiu Tang shu (JTS 38.1394), Chang'an zhi (CAZHi 7.6), and Tang liangjing chengfang leao (TUCFK 2.34); and 110 in the Tang liudian (TLD 7.216) and Leibian Chang 'an zhi (LBCAZ 2.44).
The large and medium-sized wards each had four major streets that converged at the ward's central crossing. Each ward street was named after the direction from which it derived-North, South, East, and West Streets. Collectively they were known as shizi jie +~1!J or ''the crossed roads." They divided the ward into four quadrants, each of which was further divided into
Xin 1991,.17-24. TUCFK 3.50-51. See chapter 4, pages 82-83. Daming Palace, Danfeng Gate for reference. 57 Xin 1991,21. 58 Ma 1982, 641, map 1.
59 Ma 1963, 603. In a separate report archaeologists examined Xinghua Ward ~1t:f;tj (70), where the famous HeJiacun hoard of gold and silver was unearthed. See Shaanxisheng Bowuguan and Wenguanhui 1972a and 1972b. 60 Based on Ma 1963, 603-5.
55
56
Residential Quarters I
210 I Sui-Tang Chang'an four subsections. Thus a large or medium-sized ward contained sixteen subsections. The subsections situated in the four comers were referred to simply by their compass location: northeast, northwest, southeast, and southwest. Four ward gates opened onto surrounding city streets. The gates were used to identify the subsections closest to them. For example, on entering a ward through the South Gate, one was flanked by two subsections: South Gate East, and South Gate West. The four subsections at the center were named with reference to the crossroads: Crossroads Northeast, Northwest, Southeast, and Southwest (see Fig. 8.3). Each subsection was served by a network of alleys called qu HlJ. NGate NW
c...... WGat.
N_
E Gate
N
NOato Eat
NOate
W""
Croosroa4.
N_
Crooooood,
NorIh",_
NE
""""" EGotc
.N_
WGate
East Street
West Street
--- -
......
WGaIo
s.....
"""'"""'"
em.......'
EOato
sw
sou. w'"
sOa.. East
c .....
"""""
t
SE
SGa\e
Fig. 8.3. Structure of a Chang'an ward. Based on Su 1978,409-10.61 The chief administrator of a ward was the ward master lfangzheng :t}jiE). While his countetpart in the countryside, the lizheng was responsible for household registry and tax collection, the ward master in Chang'an was mainly charged with keeping the keys to the ward gates and monitoring illegal activities. 62 He was also empowered to make arrests. At the lowest level were the ward guards lfangzu :i:jj'$), who were responsible for gate-keeping and other routine police duties. At the county level, the local police coordinator, known as 63 xianwei ~W or county defender, took charge of criminal cases.
n.
For a different interpretation, see Hino 1968-1970, vol. I: 261-76. For an archaeological study of Anding Ward (IB) see Ma 1989b. Thilo criticizes Su Bai's reconstruction, but does not substantiate his argument. See Thilo 1997,25-26, especially 26 n. 15. 62 Niida 1989, 130-31; TD3.63. 63 Muronaga 1974, 9-11.
61
2II
Law and Order in the Wards and City Streets64 Drums: Ordering the Day Across the City The omnipresence of the drum was felt by every resident in Chang'an. The Tang poet Li He *~ (79~ 16) describes it this way in his poem "Guanjie gu" 'BM ("Drums in the Street of the Officials"): Drums at dawn rumbling like thunder, hastening the sun, Drums at dusk rumbling like thunder, calling out the moon.65 I
According to Tang sources of the seventh and early eighth centuries, each morning around 5 A.M., drums were sounded at the southern main entrance to the Palace City, the Chengtian Gate. They were echoed by drums on each main street, for a total of 3,000 beats. 66 The sound traveled to every comer of Chang' an to signal the opening of the city and ward gates. At dusk, when the day clepsydra had completely run out, the drums were sounded 400 times, and the Chengtian Gate was closed. 67 After another 600 drumbeats, all the city and ward gates were closed. Between dusk and dawn a curfew was imposed on the residents of the city. According to the commentary to the Tang Code, "Moving about the streets after the drum has sounded to close the gates and before the drum has sounded to open them is a violation of curfew.,,68 Those who violated the curfew were punishable by a flogging of 20 strokes with a light stick. However, the residents were spared punishment in cases of urgent official business, or propitious or unfortunate private occasions, as well as sickness, so long as they carried a travel document issued by the county or ward where they lived.69 Drumming at dawn and at dusk was fIrst introduced to the city by Ma Zhou .~mJ (601-648), president of the Secretariat (zhongshuling .pii1J) under Taizong.70 Prior to Ma Zhou's innovation, morning and nighttime security signals had been called from street to street. We have no record of the security measures used in Sui Daxingcheng, but drumming was probably not one of them. For discussion of law and order in Chang'an with a bureaucratic focus, see Thilo 1990, 158-61. 65 QTS 393.4435. Translation by Frodsham (1970, 243). 66 In the XTS, the opening time was erdian .=.I!i (two dian [2 x 24] = 48) past wugeng 11.£ (five geng or 4:00), which is equal to 4:48 A.M. Both the Tanglu shuyi and Tang Statutes record wugeng sanchou 1il!.=.IJ [five geng and three chou]. See XTS 49.shang.l286; TLSY26.489-90; Iohnson 1997, 469-70; Niida 1989, 276, no. 7. 67 On the origin and evolution of Chinese clepsydra, see Needham 1959,315-29. 68 TLSY26.489. Translation by Iohnson (1997, 469-70). 69 TLSY26.489-90; Johnson 1997,469-70; Niida 1989, 276. 70 JTS74.2612-19, esp. 2619; XTS 98.3894-901. 64
212 / Sui-Tang Chang'an Law Enforcement by the Southern and Northern Commands At the capital, garrison units under the Southern Command (nanya i¥intr) and Northern Command (beiya ~tntr) held primary law-enforcement responsibilities. These commands were separated following a historical convention of checks and balances dating back to the Fonner Han dynasty.71 The Southern Command directly controlled the so-called Twelve Guards (shi'er wei +-~), also known as the Sixteen Guards (shiliu wei +n~).72 Supporting these units was the garrison network, known as jubing J&9<, a rotational militia system. The garrison network was subject to the leadership of the central bureaucracy and was mainly responsible for the defense of the capital. At the beginning of the Tang, the Southern Command initially had charge of the capital area outside the palace; the Jinwu :&~ (Imperial Insignia) Guards under the Southern Command played a pivotal part in policing the city.73 Under orders of the grand generals of Jinwu, the Left and Right Jinwu Guards, two units of the Twelve Guards, functioned as the main peacekeeping force in the residential areas of the capital. 74 The <:onvention of deploying a large central government army at the capital for peacekeeping purposes goes back to the Qin dynasty. Referred to as the Left and Right Wuhou JEtf~ (Armed Reserve) Guards, and Hou ~ (Reserve) Guards under the Sui, these units were renamed the Jinwu Guards in 662 (Longshuo 2).75 At the headquarters of the two Jinwu Guards units were a total of 120 officers (sixty each), who had charge 76 of overall operations. A special police force under the Jinwu Guards enforced law and order along the main streets, in the residential wards, and in the markets. This force was composed of two detachments, each headed by a street commissioner (jieshi ~). The main city gates were each guarded by one hundred police troops, and the smaller gates by a force of twenty. There were police patrol stations (wuhou pu JEtf~M) at each gate, on main streets, and in the four corners of each ward Each patrol station was staffed by five to thirty men, depending on the importance of its 10cation. 77 After the An Lmihan Rebellion, the fubing system fell into decline. The name Twelve Guards persisted, but of the original forces of the Twelve Guards only the Jinwu and the Qianniu ftJ=. (personal) Guards remained active. The
XIS 50.1331, remark by Li Kui *~. 72 Rotours 1947,501 n. 1. 73 Gu 1978, 170-72; Cen 1982,216. 71
74
TLD 25.638.
7S
76
TLD 25.638, text and commentary. TLD 25.634.
77
xrs 49.shang.1284-86; Muronaga 1975, 9-13; Thilo 1990, 158-59.
Residential Quarters / 213 others were reduced to nominal status by the second half of the eighth century.78 With the decline of the Twelve Guards system, the Jinwu Guards' traditional role in safeguarding the capital was diminished. That role was increasingly assumed by the Northern Command, powered by its newly rising Shence Armies. The Northern Command was directly at the disposal of the court, and its role in the capital grew significantly with the passage of time. The dominant forces of the Northern Command were without doubt those of the Left and Right Yulin ~*f Armies, essentially the praetorian guards of the emperor. This institution was in place in Daxingcheng under the Sui, and it continued after the founding of the Tang dynasty. The Yulin Army was split into the Left and Right Armies in 662 (Longshuo 2) when the Daming Palace project was underway.79 In the early years of his reign, Xuanzong converted another palace army unit, the Ten ThoUsand Cavaliers (Wanqi ~~), which had been crucial in helping him seize power, into the Left and Right Longwu ftJEt Armies. In 757 (Zhide 2), the Left and Right Shenwu ~Ij!JEt Armies were founded, after which these six palace guard units (Left and Right Yulin, Longwu, and Shenwu) were reorganized into the "Six Armies of the Northern Command" (beiya liujun ~tttin:!f~) Nonetheless, palace forces soon came to be dominated by the newly created Left and Right Shence tljlm Annies, which, together with the Left and Right Longwu and Shenwu Armies, eventually defined a reconstituted Six Armies. 80 The Shence Army was first set up in 754 (Tianbao 13) by General Geshu Han :gfsr~ near Lintao ~7j~ (in present-day Minxian, Gansu).8i This force came to the rescue of Daizong when he was in exile in Shanzhou ~1+' (in present-day Sanmenxia, Henan) during the Tibetan occupation of Chang'an in 763 (Guangde 1).82 When Daizong returned to the capital, the Shence Army, under the command of the eunuch officer Yu Chao' en ~,~,f€I" was incorporated into the palace army system. 83 Competing for dommance at the palace against the traditional six armies of the Northern Command, Yu's Shence Army emerged triumphant in 765 when the capital was again threatened by Tibetan attacks. Yu and his Shence Army were stationed with the emperor (Daizong) in the Forbidden Park north of the Palace City and virtually took charge of the security forces in and around the palace.84 78 Gu 1978,170-72,231-32; Cen 1982,216. 79
TLD 25.642-43, text and commentary.
XT.S50.1330-31;Xiaoxueganzhu 'J~~ (ITGZ) 9.358. 81 YHJX1Z 39.998; THY 72.1294; ZZTJ216.6918; He 1990, 10. Rotours dates the event to 753. See Rotours 1947, 565 n. 1. 82 ZZTJ223.7152-58. 83 THY 72.1294; XT.S 49.shang.l99 1. 84 ZZTJ223.7184, text and commentary;XT.S 50.1332. 80
214 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
Residential Quarters / 215
In the Middle and Late Tang periods the Shence units, having now evolved into the Left and Right Annies, replaced the Yulin units as the dominant force within the Six Annies; they had finally become the most powerful of the eunuch-controlled palace guards. They also played an increasingly significant part in policing the city. In 835 (Taihe 9), the power of the Shence Annies was put to the test by Chief Ministers Wang Ya and Li Xun, who, with the support of the Jinwu Annies and the apparent approval of Emperor Wenzong himself, attempted to eliminate key eunuch officers at the palace in the Sweet Dew Incident. After crushing their enemies in the aborted coup, the Shence Annies were more solidly entrenched than ever. as From then imtil the destruction of the city, the supremacy of the Northern Command, led by the Shence Annies, continued largely unchallenged.
Xunshi: Overseeing Justice Throughout the City Parallel to the street commissioners (jieshi W~) with their local policing functions were the patrol commissioners (xunshi ~W. They were directly appointed by the Censorate (yushitai) and had charge of monitoring the Board of Justice (xingbu) and Court of Judicial Review (daUS1), as well as inspecting the prison camps (tufang fjE:ljj) that lay in the east and west parts of the city, the Jinwu offices, and the county prisons (xianyu ~~. These duties had initially been assumed by inspecting censors (jiancha yushi ~~fiII~), but starting in the early Kaiyuan period (713-741), they were assigned to palace censors (dianzhong yushi ~$fiII~). The jurisdictions of the left and right commissioners were the eastern and western halves of the city, respectively, with Chengtian-Zhuquemen Street as the demarcation line. 86 The patrol commissioner's main task was to report illegal activities within his districts, such as the refusal of banished officials or private citizens to leave the capital, the spread of malicious rumors, gambling, burglaries, prison abuses, unjust verdicts, and illegitimate taxation and levy oflabor.87
85 On the rise oithe Shence Armies to dominance at the expense of the Jinwu Guards, see Muronaga 1975, 13-18. Muronaga may overemphasize the importance of the Shence commissioner assuming command of the Twelve Guards in the ninth month of Taihe 9 (835), since just three months later Jinwu forces participated in one of the largest antieunuch conspiracies in Tang history. For details, see my discussion of the Sweet Dew Incident on pp. 89-90. 86 xrs (48.1238) offers a different definition of the patrol commi~sioners. It.c1~ms that the left commissioner was in charge of the urban area and the nght codunlSslOner the suburban area. It also erroneously includes among their duties that of the sm yushi ~~ (attendant censor). See TD 24.675; TLD 13.381. 87 TLD 13.381; Muronaga 1975, 3-9.
The Ward System in Decline
j
When the planners of Chang' an designed the ward system, maintenance of law and order was foremost on their minds. Each ward, closed off from the outside world by its taIl walls, was linked with city streets through its four ward gates. By tightly controlling the opening and closing of the gates, the authorities aimed to strengthen the security of residential quarters. No one except the highest officials (rank 3 and above) and the sanjue ~ within the ward were allowed to construct a private gate onto a city street. Regulations also forbade tampering with the ward walls. 88 It is obvious that this system restricted movement and created much unnecessary inconvenience. Extant sources document the violation of these and other regulations as early as the Kaiyuan period (713-741). An edict of 731 (Kaiyuan 19) indicates that brick kilns had been buih using soil taken directly from the streets and alleys.89 An edict of 767 (Dali 2) attempted to ban construction of walls and buildings that intruded into the streets and alleys of the residential wards and markets. 90 An edict of 788 (Zhenyuan 4) shows that some of the ward walls were damaged. 91 The most telling record is a memorial of 831 (Taihe 5) filed by the city's left and right patrol commissioners. Citing prior edicts proclaimed during the Zhide (756-758) and Changqing (821-824) periods, it sought to ban private household access to city streets. 92 From private entrances one could easily defy official regulations--such gates were commonly open before the early drumming and often stayed open after curfew. This impeded local police efforts to capture burglars and other criminals. In addition, civilians and army officers built houses that encroached upon streetside police stations and even pushed out into the streets. 93 As the size of the unregistered population rose dramatically, the wards and markets teamed with beggars, vagrants, hooligans, coolies, and roadside artists. The presence of so many unregistered people made the enforcement of ward regulations difficult. These records point to the gradual erosion of the ward system in the latter part of the Tang, but the physical destruction of the wards did not take place The precise meaning of sanjue in this context is not clear. Acc~rding to Mi~~i Ichisada, it refers to those whose residence was blocked on three Sides. Quoted In Lm 1992,473, n. II. For restrictions on private gates, see THY 86.1576. 89 THY 86.1575. 90 THY 86.1576, Dali 2. 91 THY 86.1576, Zhenyuan 4. 92 THY 86.1576 Taihe 5. An earlier record indicates that a similar effort to ban residents from building ~ates that opened onto city streets had been made in Bianzhou rr:J+1 (Kaifeng) under the Sui. SUS 56. I 386. 93 THY 86.1576, Taihe 5.
88
1
216 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
Residential Quarters I
Z 17
94
until sometime during the Five Dynasties period. By the Northern Song the ward (fang) had evolved into a local administrative unit, which differed significantly from its walled, geographical predecessor under the Tang. 9s
f I
Chang'an's Six Residential Areas Although Chang'an's wards can be characterized generically as "residential," they deserve more refmed spatial and functional categorization. Seo Tatsuhiko has divided the capital into several functional areas (Map 8.2). Following these studies, I have divided the residential wards into six sectors, namely, Northeast, East Central, Southeast, Northwest, West Central, and Southwest (Fig. 8.4).96 For each sector, I will provide a general description and coverage of its better-known residents, as well as an analysis of its importance.
,
I~
The Northeast The Northeast area initially included twelve wards, but claimed fourteen in
663 when Guangzhai (lR) and Laiting (2R) were added as a result of the construction of the Daming Palace. That number was reduced to thirteen in 714 when Xingqing Ward (4J) was converted into the Xingqing Palace.
Palace
~
aoing
Xingning
Laiting
Fig. 8.4. Residential areas of Chang' an
g
Liu Shufen notes increasing violations of ward regulations after the An Lushan Rebellion and hypothesizes that the final collapse of the ward system in Chang'an and Luoyang took place in XiZang's reign (873-888). It is true that the occupation and subsequent devastation of Chang' an by the rebel leader Huang Chao in 881 initiated the decline of the capital, which ended in its demise in 904. However, there is little convincing evidence of the systemic destruction of the ward structure in Chang'an in the Late Tang period. See Liu 1992, 459-61. 9S Zhu 1987; 100-4; Zhou 1992, 73-74. Kato Shigeshi is of the opinion that the ward system survived into the early Northern Song period in Kaifeng, but disintegrated later on. He quotes the Yuhai (l74.3199b) to support his point See Katll 1991, 273, 27~0. However, documented Song wards were qualitatively different from their predecessors under the Tang.
Shiliuwang Residence
Yongjia
Xingqing
94
hengye
H
I
Palace
J
Fig. 8.5. Northeast Chang'an97
96 Sen 1987,476-77; 1996,40-48. Column H. For information on Yishan ~~, Guangzhai J'(:;~, Laiting *~, Yongchang 7.k~, Yongxing 7.kJP.!.. and Chongren (variant Changhua ~ft), see TLlCFK3.49-55; Otagi 1994, 88-93.
97
*'1=
218 / Sui-Tang Chang'an In Sui Times (583-618) Few Sui residents of this area have been documented, but two well-known personages did live in Yongxing Ward (3H): Yuwen Kai, chief architect of the city itself; and General Zhangsun Sheng ~i*!i (552-609), the father of Empress Zhangsun, wife of Tang Taizong. 98 Early Tang (618-712) Residents Some of the best-known Early Tang figures also settled in this area: Zhangsun Wuji ~i*~,~\ (d. 659) and Gao Shilian ~±. in Chongren (4H); Wei Zheng ~It, who moved into Yuwen Kai's house in Yongxing; and Xu Jingzong ~~ in Yongjia (3J).99 Gao Shilian was a key member of the ruling elite that established the Tang dynasty. His sister, wife of the Sui general Zhangsun Sheng, gave birth to two children, a daughter who would marry Taizong and become Empress Zhangsun, and a son Zhangsun Wuji. Wuji, of course, became Taizong's brother-in-law and was one of his key court officials. Wei Zheng was Taizong's confidant and most trusted critic. Xu Jingzong was an influential court official during the reigns of both Taizong and Gaozong. He was noted for his scholarship and lack of moral integrity. Residents ofthe High Tang (712-756) to 904 In the early High Tang period, two ofXuanzong's most capable adminisand Song Jing ~, lived in Xingning (2J) and Anxing trators, Yao Chong (31), respectively. Chief Minister Yuan Zai jf;~ under Daizong resided in Daning (21).100 Surrounded, after 714, by the three urban palaces, the Northeast area received much royal attention. After Xuanzong carne to power in 712, Yongfu Ward (lJ) was merged with the Forbidden Park and converted into a special
ME*
after the Yanzheng Gate in the Column I. On Changleb ~~ (renamed Yanzheng 0 Daming Palace), Danfug *$, Anxing 3(!J!J (renamed Guanghua I1fft), and Shengye /J9j~ (formerly Yiren 1i: C), see 11.JCFK 3.70-75; Otagi 1994, 104-108. Column J. On Shiliuwang Residence +~3:1; (formerly Yongfu ik1M), Xingning !J!J~, Yongjia 7J
Residential Quarters / 219 ward that carne to be known as the Residence of the Sixteen Princes. This ward was divided into two parts, the Inner Quarters (neizhai pg~), where the princes themselves lived, and the Outer Ward (waifang 5t}:fjj), where their staff were located. The offspring of the princes, when they grew up, moved from the Inner Quarters into their own compound, known as the Courtyard of One Hundred Grandchildren (baisun yuan B'i*IiJt).101 Longqing Ward (4J) was home to Xuanzong before his enthronement and his four brothers. It was eventually 102 converted into the Xingqing PaIace. Chongren (4H) accommodated a number of princesses: Changning ~$, daughter of Zhongzong, Taihua -*¥, daughter of Xuanzong, Yiyang ~~, daughter of Dezong, and Qiyang lIBi:~, daughter of l03 Xianzong. In Xuanzong's reign (712-756), eunuch officers began to inhabit this area in large numbers. 104 Better-known Tang eunuchs whose residences were located here included Gao Lishi ~:1J±, Xuanzong's favorite eunuch officer, in both Yishan (lH) and Xingning (2J); his adoptive father Gao Yanfu ~~t~ in Laiting (2H), and Qiu Shiliang (active in the early- to mid-ninth century), commandant of the Left Shence Army, in Anxing (31).105 The location of the Darning Palace to the north and the creation of the Xingqing Palace in the southeast corner of this sector must account for the concentration of eunuch officers there from the early eighth century. High court officials, on the other hand, showed only limited interest in the area. For them, the most desirable neighborhoods were to the south ui the East Central sector.
East Central These twenty-four wards south of the Imperial City and the Northeast area, and east ofZhuquemen Street, constituted the main portion ofWannian County. In the Early Tang period, the most sought-after areas for royal and official residents included four wards in column H (Pingkang, Xuanyang, Qinren, and Yongning) west or southwest of the Eastern Market, and three wards in column G south of the Imperial City (Chongyi, Changxing, and Yongle), as well as Kaihua Ward in column F. 101 TUCFK3.81-82;LBCAZ4.108; THY5.51-52. TUCFK 3.83.
3.52; SUS 51.1329-'-36.
102
99 On Zhangsun Wuji, see TUCFK 3.53, commentary; JTS 65.2446-57; XTS 105.401722. On Gao Shilian, see TUCFK 3.54, commentary; JTS 65.2441-45; XTS 95.3839-41. On Wei Zheng, see TUCFK 3.52; JTS 71.2545--62; XTS 97.3867-81. On Xu Jingzong, see TUCFK 3.83, commentary; JTS 82.2761-{)4; XTS 223.shang.6335-39. 100 On Yao Chong, see TUCFK 3.82; JTS 96.3021-29; XTS 124.4381-88. On Song Jing, see 11.JCFK 3.72; JTS 96.3029-36; XTS 124.4389-94. On Yuan Zai, see 11.JCFK 3.72;
103 On Princess Changning. see 11.JCFK 3.53; THY 6.64; on Princess Taihua, see TUCFK 3.54; THY 6.64. On Princesses Yiyang and Qiyang, see TUCFK 3.54; THY 6.65. 104 For a detailed list of Tang eunuch officers residing in Chang'an, see Sea 1996, 49-59. 105 On Gao Lishi, see yyzz "Xujl"' 6.257. TUCFK 3.49, 3.82, commentary; JTS 184.4757-59; XTS 207.5858-60. On Gao Yanfu, see TUCFK 3.51; SXJSZ 11.25; JTS 184.4757-58; XTS 207.5858. On Qiu Shiliang, see TUCFK 3.73; WITH 932.4903-{);
JTS 118.3409-13;XTS 145.4711-14.
XTS207.5872-75.
220 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
5
Residential Quarters /
~IWobmII_II_1 I
I II II
I Market
I 7EJlc!:-IBGI I~-II II I II I II Jin~an II I I 6
Kaibua
8
9
Chongyi
Vongie
J:
10
Xuanyang
Vongning
Xuanping
Yongchong
Shengpmg
I ~guD I
~uxmg
Daozheng Cbangle'
I I
Jmggong
221
wards in the rows south of the Imperial City (5-10, F-J). The population of the powerful thinned out markedly as one moved west and south. The tenth-century Arab writer Abu Zaid Hassan in his narrative on China completed in 916 records an eyewitness account of a friend, Ibn Wahab, who visited emperor Xizong on the eve of Huang Chao's invasion of Chang'an in 109 881. Ibn Wahab describes the city's layout and population distribution: The city is of an enormous size, with a large population. A long and wide thoroughfare divides the city into two parts. In the east part reside the emperor, ministers, armed forces, supreme judges, and eunuchs, as well as royal retainers. The commoners do not mingle with these people. There is no market. Along the streets of the east part are ditches filled with running water. The banks are lined with trees. Tall houses sit adjacent to one another. I 10
xmchang
I
Fig. 8.6. East Central Chang'an lO6
Regardless of its factual errors regarding the market and the exclusiveness of the eastern area, this account confirms that the concentration of the powerful in the East Central and Northeast areas continued well into the Late Tang period.
From the. High Tang to the Middle Tang periods, royal and official populations began to fan out into Anyi", Xuanping, Shengping, and Xiuxing, south of the Eastern Market; Zhaoguo, southwest of the Eastern Market; Changlea, Jinggong, and Xinchang, east or southeast of the Eastern Market; and Anren, Guangfu, Changxing, YongIe, and Jing'an, south of the Imperial City. This trend continued into the Late Tang period. I07 The Chang'an zhi notes that dukes, ministers, and other officials commonly resided east of Zhuquemen Street. 108 This was especially true of the eastern
In Sui Times A number of prominent Sui figures were scattered in six wards of the area: Sui Yangdi, before his enthronement, in Kaihua (6F); the duke of Shen $~0 Li Mu ~, in the northwest comer ofPingkang (5H); Fan Zigai ~-n, president of the Board of War, in the Crossroads Northeast subsection of Qinren (7H); Chief Minister Su Wei i*~, who was in charge of the overall planning of the city, in the South Gate East subsection of Yongning (8H);1Il Chief Pillar of State (shang zhuguo ..ttt~) Tian Rengong ffiC$ in the West Gate North
F
G
H
J
wm
106 Column F. For information on Xingdao (renamed Yaolin ~ 709-710), Kaihua MHt, Amen 3i.'C(Anmin 3i.'!3':; to 650), Guangfu :J't:ti, and Jingshan ~~, see TIJCFK2.35-38; Otagi 1994,70-77. Column G. On Wuben ~ (renamed Yulou 709-710), Chongyi 9, Changxing ~Jt Yongle 7k~, and Jing'an~, see TLlCFK 2.39-47; Otagi 1994,79-86. Xuanyang "§"~, Qinren Yongning 7.k~, YongColumn H. On Pingkang chong 7.k~, and Zhaoguo 1lB~ (formerly Xianguo Mm, but renamed to avoid Zhongzong's name Li Xian ft),see TLJCFK 3.55-68; Otagi 1994,93-101; CAZHi 8.7-8. Column I. On Anyi" 3i.'/5, Xuanping ~iJZ (also known as Xuanzheng ~i&), Shengping ~SjZ., and Xiuxing ~fi (originally known as Xiuhua" but changed to Xiuxing under Wu Zetian. The old name Xiuhua was briefly restored in 710), see TLJCFK 3.75-81; Otagi 1994, 112~15. Column J. On Daozheng ~ Changle" m~, Jinggong ~(~)~, and Xinchang ~~, see TLJCFK 3.83-89; Otagi 1994, 118-23. 107 Seo 1996,42-46. lOB In the CAZHi (8.11), the original text is: )(0~P):f!3':;l1:. Xu Song ~ corrects it to X0~PXfll5l1:. TL./CFK3.75.
:Em
iJZm,
mc,
109 Zhang
1977, vol. 2:207-10. This passage is included in the second part of Relations des voyages faits par les Arabes et les Persans dans /'lnde et /a Chine, dans Ie IXe siec/e de i'ere chretienne, 2 vots., by Joseph T. Reinaud (paris, 1845). My translation is based on a recent Japanese translation, in consultation with an English and a Chinese translation. For the Japanese translation by Fujimoto Katsuji .*MI~ see Seo 1996, 61. Cf. Zhang 1977, vol. 2:21516; Broomhal11966, 45-46. III On Sui Yangdi, see TLlCFK 2.35; SUS ~.59-98. On Li Mu, see TLJCFK 3.56; S~ 37.1115-18. On Fan Zigai, see TLJCFK 3.61, commentary; SUS 63.1489-93. On Su WeI, see TLlCFK 3.62, commentary; SUS 41.1184-90. 110
222 / Sui-TangChang'an
Residential Quarters / 223
subsection of the same ward;ll2 General Heruo Bi W;s:~, the duke of Song a
*~0, in Anyi (71); and General Zhangsun Lan Q~ in Xuanping (81).113
Early Tang Residents 1l4 In the period around Taizong's reign (626-649), Pingkang Ward (5H) enjoyed great popularity among prominent residents of the city, including Chu Suiliang m~Jl! (596-658), Li Jing (571-649), and the great Confucian scholar Kong Yingda (574-648). Later, Wu Zetian's daughter Princess Taiping (d. 713) also had a mansion there, in addition to her residence in Xingdao (5F).m Early Tang figures in other wards of the area included Fang Xuanling m~ (578-648) in Wuben (5G); Hou Junji f*l3'~ (d. 643) in Daozheng (51); Yu Zhining T,*,$ (58~65) and Ruizong before his enthronement in 684 in Qinren (7H); Guo Yuanzhen ¥~U (d. 713) in Xuanyang (6H); and Gao Shilian f.1b±1ii in Jinggong (71).116
*Jlfi
Residents ofthe High Tang In this phase Xuanyang Ward (6H) became the most sought-after residential area. Some of the most powerful royal relatives built their luxury homes there: Yang Guozhong (d. 756), the Duchess of Guoguo (d. 756), and the Duchess of Hanguo flmAA (d. 756). General Gao Xianzhi r,:u{wz (d. 755), a man of Korean descent who commanded Chinese troops against the Arabs at the Battle
112 On Tian Rengong, see ZS 27.449-50; SUS 54.1364-65; cf. TL./CFK 3.62, commentary. Xu Song, following CAZHi (8.6), claims that Tian Hong EE5.l., Rengong's father, lived in the same place as well. However, Hong took up office in 574 as prefect of Xiangzhou .HI and died there. 113 On Heruo Bi, see TLJCFK 3.75, commentary; SUS 52.1343-46. On Zhangsun Lan, see TLJCFK 3.78, commentary; SUS 51.1327-28. 114 Since this area had the largest number of Tang royal and official residents on record in the city, I enumerate here only its most illustrious residents. lIS On Chu Suiliang, see TLJCFK 3.56; JTS 80.2729-39; XTS 105.4024-29. On Li Jing, see TLJCFK 3.56, commentary; TPGJ457.3739; JTS 67.247H2; XTS 93.3811-15. On Kong Yingda; see TL./CFK 3.56; JTS 73.2601-3; XTS 198.5643-45. On Princess Taiping, see TLJCFK 3.56, commentary; JTS 183.4738-40; XTS 83.3650-52; TLJCFK 2.35; on her residenCes in Xingning and Liquan, see TLJCFK 3.82, commentary; 4.117. 116 On Fang Xuanling, see TLJCFK 2.40, commentary; JTS 66.2459-67; XTS 96.385357. On Hou lunji, see TLJCFK 3.84; JTS 69.2509-14; 94.3825-28; ZZTJ 197.6193. On Yu Zhining, see TL./CFK 3.61; JTS 78.2693-700; XTS 104.4003-6. On Ruizong, see TLJCFK 3.60, commentary; JTS 7.151-63; XTS 5.115-20. On Guo Yuanzhen, see TLJCFK 3.59; JTS 97.3042-49; XTs 122.4360-66. On Gao Shilian, see TLJCFK 3.86, commentary; JTS 65.2441-45; XTS 95.3839-41; on his other residence in Chongren Ward, see TLJCFK3.54, commentary.
xrs
of the Talas River in 751, had his residence there as weU.1l7 Pingkang Ward continued to be in favor and included the residences of such key political figures (651-721)118 and Li Linfu *~m (d. 752). Qinren (7H) to as Yao Chong the south of Xuanyang Ward was home to such powerful personages as An Lushan (d. 757), and Yang Xuan ~1I!1l (d. 756), the son of Yang Guozhong. 1I9 An Lushan also owned a mansion in Yongning (8H). Other well-known High Tang residents included Yang Guozhong's brother Yang Xian ~~ (d. 756?) in Yongchong (9H), and the poet He Zhizhang ~~D~ (659-744) in Xuanping (81).120
tt*
Residents ofthe Middle Tang (756-820) In this period the area south of the Imperial City gained greater popUlarity. Yuan Zai ~ (d. 777), Du You H{tl (735-812), author of the Tong dian, and Yuan Zhen j(;fj (779-831) resided in Amen Ward (7F).l2I Guangfu (8F) was home to Jia Dan f t (710-785), the chief minister best-known for his scholarship on geography, Li Mi (722-789), and Quan Deyu m~J! (759818).122 Wu Yuanheng JEtj(;"i't (758-815), Yuan Zhen, and Han Yu h (768824) lived in Jing'an (9G).I23 The entire northeast quadrant of Qinrer! (7H), just southwest of the Eastern Market, was taken up by the mansion of General Guo
*is
xrs
117 On Yang Guozhong, see TLJCFK 3.59; JTS 106.3241-47; 206.5846-52. On the Duchess of Guoguo, see TLJCFK 3.59; XTS 76.3493. JTS (106.3245) records Xuanyi Ward. On the Duchess of Hanguo, see TUCFK 3.59; JTS 106.3245; XTS 76.3493-95. On Gao Xianzhi, see TLJCFK 3.59; JTS 104.3203-7; xrs 135.4576-79. On Gao's death, see ZZTJ217.6943.
Also known as Yuanchong 7G*. On Yao Chong, see TLJCFK 3.56; JTS 96.3021-29; XTS 124.4381-88. On Li Linfu, see TLJCFK 3.56; JTS 106.3235-41; XTS 223.shang.6343-49. On An Lushan, see TLJCFK 3.60, commentaIy; .lIS 200.shang.5367-72; An Lushan shiji ~iW
119
120
On An Lushan, see TLJCFK 3.62. On Yang Xian, see TUCFK 3.65; JTS 51.2179;
xrs 206.5847. On He Zhizhang, see TUCFKbu 2.202; TPGJ 42.263; JTS 190.xia.503335;XTS 196.5606-7. 121 On Yuan Zai, see TLJCFK 2.37; JTS 118.3409-13; XTS 145.4711-14. His other residence was in Daning (21). See TL./CFK 3.72. On Du You, see TUCFK 2.37; JTS 147.3978-86; XTS 166.5085--90. On Yuan Zhen, see TLJCFK 2.37; JTS 166.4327-39; 174.5223-29. He also lived in ling'an (9G) in the same area 122 On Jia Dan, see TLJCFK 2.38; JTS 138.3782--87; XTS 166.5083-85. On Li Mi, see TLJCFK 2.38; JTS 130.3620-23; XTS 139.4631-38. On Quan Deyu, see TLJCFK 2.38; JTS 148.4001-5; xrs 165.5076-80. 123 On Wu Yuanheng, see TLJCFK 2.46; .lIS 158.4159-62; XTS 152.4833-35. On Yuan Zhen, see TLJCFK 2.46; TPGJ 488.4017. He also lived in Anren Ward in the same area On Han Yu, see TUCFK 2.46; TPGJ307.2433; JTS 160.4195-204; XTS 176.5255-65.
xrs
224 / Sui-Tang Cnang'an
Residential Quarters /
nn
WP*5t
Ziyi (697-781).124 The great essayist Liu Zongyuan (773-819) also resided in that ward. Other prominent Middle Tang residents of this area included the eunuch officer Li Fuguo ~~ (d. 762) in Yongning (8H); (758General Li Sheng *~ (727-793) in Yongchong (9H); Li Jifu 814), chief minister and author of the Yuanhejunxian tuzhi (YHJXTZ) in Anyia (71); and the poet Li He *~ (790-816) in Chongyi (6G).12S
*i5ffl
Residents ofthe Late Tang (820-904) It is difficult to disceni. settlement patterns of the elites in existing records on the Late Tang. Bai Juyi B @ ~ (772-846) was probably the most celebrated figure to have lived in Chang'an in this period. It has been documented that he stayed in at least five locations in the city, all in this area: Yongning (8H)/26 Xuanping (81), Changlea (61), Xinchang (81), and Zhaoguo (1OH).127 Other prominent residents living in the same area included Liu Yuxi jlJ~~ (772842) in Guangfu (8F); Pei Du £liJJt (765-839) in YongIe (8G); Li Zongmin **~ in Jing'an (9G); Wang Ya (d. 835), who met his death in the illfated Sweet Dew Incident, in Yongning (8H).128 Li Deyu *~ (787-849) lived in Anyia (71); Niu Sengru 4=-Mf~ (779-847) in Xinchang (81); and the famed writer Duan Chengshi ~.oX:A (d. 863) in Xiuxing (Xiuhua, 101).129
225
The Southeast This area, lying mostly along the southern periphery of Chang'an, had ten wards, the smallest number of any residential area in the city. Among the ranking officials who lived in this area are the great scholar and Han shu commentator Van Shigu ~ (581-645) in Dunhua (121); Xuanzong's chief minister Zhang Jiuling 5i:iLiit (673-740) in Xiuzheng (III); and the (742-784) in Jinchang (lIH).130 rebellious Middle Tang general Zhu Ci
*?1tt
xlII
Fig. 8.7. Southeast Chang'an TLlCFK 3.61; TPGJ176.1313; JTS 120.3449--66; XT.S' 137.4599--609. 125 On Liu Zongyuan, see TLlCFK 3.62; JTS 160.4213-14; XT.S' 168.5132--42. On Li Fuguo, see TLlCFK 3.63; JTS 184.4759--61; XTS 208.5879-82. Li seems to have had a residence in Auyia as well. See TLlCFK 3.63, commentary. On Li Sheng, see CAZHi 8.7; TLlCFK 3.65; JTS 133.3661-76; xrs 154.4863-73. TPGJ (454.3707) identities it as being in Yongning Ward (8H). On Li Jifu, see TLlCFK 3.76; TPGJ 497.4076; JTS 148.3992-97; XT.S' 146.4738--44. On Li He, see TLlCFK 2.41; JTS 137.3772; xrs 203.5787-88. 126 Bai Letian (Juyi)'s B~7C(m~) residence in Yongning Ward was inherited by Bai Minzhong Bfilc$ later on. See TLlCFK 3.64, commentary; JTS 166.4340--58; xrs 119.4300--5. . 127 On Bai Juyi in Xuanping Ward, see TLlCFK 3.78; in Changlea Ward, see TLlCFK 3.85; in Xiochang Ward, see TLlCFK 3.89; in Zhaoguo Ward, see TLlCFK 3.67. 128 On Liu Yuxi, see TLlCFK 2.38; JTS 160.4210--13; xrs 168.5128-32. On Pei Du, see TLlCFK 2.44; JTS 170.4413-35; XT.S' 173.5209-19. On Li Zongmin, see TLlCFK 2.46; TPGJ 144.1035; JTS 176.4551-55; XT.S' 174.5235-37. On Wang Ya, see TLlCFK 3.63; JTS 169.4401-5; XTS 179.5317-20. 129 On Li Deyu, see TLlCFK 3.77, commentary; JTS 174.4509-30; xrs 180.5327--43. His father Li Jifu resided in the same ward. See TLlCFK 3.76. On Niu Sengru, see TLlCFK 3.89; JTS 172.4469-73; xrs 174.5229-32. On Duan Chengshi. see TLlCFK 3.80;JTS 167.4369;XTS89.3764. 124
l31
In this sector, three popular places of natural beauty lay within walking distance of one another: the Daci'en Monastery in Jinchang (11H), the Apricot Garden (Xingyuan ~~) in Tongshan (12H), and the Furong Garden with the Qujiang OIB?I) or Qujiang Pond (ffHiIa!!) in the southeast comer (131) of the city. Generally empty ofresidents, this area functioned as a recreation area for 132 the city's residents.
130 On Yan Shigu, see TLlCFK 3.90; JTS 73.2594-96; xrs 198.5641--42. On Zhang Jiuling, see TLlCFK3.81; JTS 99.3097-100; XT.S' 126.4424-30. On Zhu Ci, see TLlCFK 69; JTS 200.xia.5385-91; xrs 225.zhong.6441-50.
131 Column H. For infonnation on Iinchang mii)~, Tongshan ~~, and Tongji ~jf,f, see TLlCFK3.68-70; Otagi 1994, 101-104. Column I. On Xiuzheng ~i& (Xuozheng {li&), Qinglong 1fH. and Quchi !IB~@. see TLlCFK3.81; Otagi 1994, 115-16.
Column 1. On Shengdao ~m Guangdeb Jj:t~ (identified by Xu Song as Lizheng. However, I follow Xin Deyong in replacing it with Guangdeb and moving Lizheng and Dunhua downward by one ward), Lizheng.lLi&. and Dunhua ~{t, see Xin 1991, 19-20. Cf. TLlCFK3.90--91; Otagi 1994. 113-14. 132 On the Daci'en Monastery, see TLlCFK 3.68. On the Apricot Garden, see TLlCFK 3.69. On Qujiang Pond, see TLlCFK 3.92.
226 /
Sui-TangChang'an
The Northwest The Northwest area was made up of twelve wards. Due to its proximity to the site of Han Chang'an, the Northwest contained the largest number of Han structures. The four wards in column A fell along the extended central axis of Han Chang' an, which originated at the center of the city and ran southward via the An Gate (~r~) into the southern suburbs. A number of Han suburban ritual structures had been constructed along the suburban section of the axis. Xiuzhen Ward (IA) in the northwest comer of Sui-Tang Chang'an was the location of the Han dynasty Numina Estrade (ail). To its south, Puning (2A) contained the ruins of three key structures: the Grand Academy to the west, the Biyong in the middle, and the Hall of Brilliance to the east. Two wards further south (Jude Ward, 4A) was the Han Round Mound. The central wards of the Northwest, Xiuxiang (2B) and Jincheng (3B), contained extensive Han structures, such as tomb parks. The widespread presence of Han ruins probably accounts for the sparse population of these wards.133
In Sui Times Buzheng Ward (4C) probably accommodated the largest number of highranking Sui officials, including Heba Hua ~W., commander-in-chief of the Jiangling area (Jiangling zongguan ?m~~; Pei Yun ~{fI, censor-in-chief (yushi daifu OO~*~)/34 and Crown Prince Yuande fttfi (Yang Zhao maR, d. 606).135 Other powerful residents included General Heruo Yi ~;s:m in lincheng (3B); and Wendi's chief minister and the chief planner of the city, Gao Jiong I'i!Ulm, in Vining (3A).136 Early Tang Residents In the Early Tang period, Xiuxiang (2B) attracted some prominent residents: Chief Minister and Metropolitan Governor of Yongzhou (Yongzhou mu ~1+1!\x) Yang Gongren m$i: (d. 639), as well as Wu Zetian's favorite relative, Wu Sansi JEt-= ,Ii¥!, (d. 707) and his son Wu Chongxun ~~IDII (d.
133 Cao 1981, 85. On Han structures, also see chapter 1. On the Han Yuanqiu, see TLlCFK 4.122-24. On Xiuxiang and Iincheng Wards, see TLlCFK 4.114-16. 134 On Heba Hua, see CAZHi 10.2, commentary; TLJCFK 4.105, commentary; SUS 47.1269. On Pei Yun, see TLlCFK 4.105; SUS 67.1574-77. 135 Both CAZHi and TLlCFK record Crown Prince Guangde J't~, which must be a misprint for Yuande 5t;~. See SuS 59.1435-37. Cf. TLJCFK 4.105, commentary; CAZHi 10.2, commentary. 136 On Heruo Vi, see TLJCFK 4.116, commentary; SuS 39.1159--60. On Gao Jiong, see TLlCFK 4.123, commentary; SUS 41.1179-84.
Residential Quarters /
227
707).137 References to other prominent Early Tang figures living here are spotty: Li Ji *Jh (594-669), one of the founding fathers of the dynasty, in Puning (2A); Taizong's son, the prince of Jiang ~.:E (Li Yun *1$, d. 674-676) in Buzheng (4C);138 Zhongzong's youngest daughter Princess Anle ~~ (d. 710) in Jincheng (3B);139 and Princess Taiping and Chief Minister Zong Chuke *~~(d. 710) in Liquan (4B).I40
1 1
I I
Xiuzhen Puning
~ I Vining 4
I 1/ I Xi~ I Anding
Xiude
I
Fuxing
I
IIIinCheng IIBanzhengl
GI
g
Uquan "Buzhen
1
ABC Fig. 8.8. Northwest Chang'an l41
Residentsfrom the High Tang to 904 Few prominent Chang'an residents of the High and Middle Tang periods appear to have lived in this area, but those who did included Chief Minister Wei Zhigu ~~ti (647-715) and Chief Minister Xiao Song .~ (d. 749) in 137 On Yang Gongren, see TLlCFK 4.115, commentary; JT.S 62.2381-82; XT.S 100.392627. On Wu Sansi, see TLlCFK 4.115; JT.S 183.4734-36; XIS 206.5840. On Wu Chongxun, see TLlCFK4.115;.!I'S 183.4736-37; XIS 74.shang.3142. 138 On Li J~ see TLlCFK 4.123; JTS 67.2483-89; XT.S 93.3817-22. On Li YIm, see rLlCFK 4.105, commentary;JT.S 76.2660; XIS 80.3574-75. 139 Princess Anle was probably living here with her second husband Wu Yanxiu it~ after her first husband, Wu ChongxIm it~WII, died in 707. TLlCFK 4.116, commentary; JT.S 183.4734; XIS 83.3654-55. 140 On Princess Taiping, see TLlCFK 4.117; JTS 183.4738-40; XIS 83.3650-52. On Zong Chuke, see TLlCFK 4.117; JT.S92.2971-73; XT.S 109.4101-3. 141 Column C. For information on Xiude ~~ (Zhen'an .~'9: to Wu Zetian's reign [684-705]), Fuxing - . Banzheng . . and Buzheng 1PiI& (Longzheng Iliil& till Xuanzong's ~* time [712-56]), see TLlCFK 4.102-106; Otagi 1994, 141-46. Column B. On Anding 3i.'Ji::, Xiuxiang M, Iincheng ~~, and Liquan ~ (Chengming *a~), see TLlCFK 4.114-17; Otagi 1994, 153-59. On Anding's excavation, see Ma 1989b. Column A. On Xiuzhen~!l. Puning i1(f$, Vining ~~ (Xiguang lmJ't to 617), and Jude Ji5~, see rLlCFK 4.122-24; Otagi 1994,165-70.
228 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
Residential Quarters / 229
*m,
Buzheng (4C); Prince ofShen $3:. (Li Hui d. 724) and Suzong before his enthronement in Liquan (4B);142 and General Li Baoyu (d. 777) in Xiude (1 C). 143 After the An Lushan Rebellion, two wards adjacent to the Palace City, Xiude (1 C) and Fuxing (2C), became increasingly popular with eunuch officers, particularly those in charge of the Yeting Palace in the western part of the Palace City. 144 Liquan (4B) and Buzheng (4C) were the sites of Zoroastrian shrine halls (xianci ~~). Liquan was also the locale of a Zoroastrian Persian monastery (bosi husi ~~, while Vining (3A) included the only identifiable Nestorian monastery in Chang'an. 145 These institutions may be associated with the presence of many foreigners from the Western Regions in the Western Market (5-6B) to the south and its neighboring areas.
*tEEE
West Central The twenty-three wards of this section fonned the core of Chang'an County. Although comparable in size to its counterpart the East Central area, West Central was much less popular with the noble and the powerful. It attracted instead a large populace of much lower social station. According to the Chang 'an zhi: Wannian County [east of Zhuquemen Street] is not as populous as Chang'an County [to the west].... Consequently, [the merchandise] brought in by merchants and vendors converges on the Westem Market. At the Westem Market, people are found not only in shops and bazaars [but in other places as welI].I46 In addition, [the Eastern Market] is slightly less complex and confusing than the Western Market.... Chang'an County has under its jurisdiction more than 142 On Wei Zhigu, see TLJCFK 4.105; fFS 98.3061-64; XTS 126.4413-15. On Xiao Song, see TLJCFK 4.105; fFS 99.3093-95; XTS 101.3953-54. On Li Hui, see TL.JCFK 4.117, commentary; fFS 95.3015-16; XIS 81.3600-l. On Suzong, see TL.JCFK 4.117, commentary (referred to as Prince of Shan ~.:E); JTS 10.239-64; XTS 6.155-65. 143 TL.JCFK (103. Li Baoyu's original family name was An He was given the royal family name Li to avoid An Lushan's surname. The Tang royal house bestowed its surname on meritorious ministers and imperial favorites as a special favor and implemented avoidance rules regarding the sovereign's given names. Occasionally, the surname of a ml\ior rebel leader was also avoided, as in the case of An Lushan. Xiang 1957, 17; fFS 132.3645-47; XIS 138.4619-20. 144 Seo 19%, 55-57. 145 On Liquan Ward, see TLJCFK 4.117; on Buzheng Ward, see TLJCFK 4.104-5. Also see chapter 9. 146 The sentence g§rPffO~.1l:.mT seems like a rhetorical question, but its precise meaning is not clear. Xu Song in TL.JCFK (3.75, commentary) omits this sentence.
*.
40,000 households, which exceed those of Wannian County. There are countless transients and drifters. 147 These characteristics are corroborated by the Arab traveler Ibn Wahab in greater
detail: West of the main thoroughfare [Zhuquemen Street] live the commoners and merchants, with storehouses and the market. At dawn, the emperor's stewards and retainers, court servants, and generals' servants and their agents come, on horse or on foot, to this area with its market and merchant population, to purchase daily necessities for their masters. 14S From this it is clear that the West Central area was predominantly commercial and plebeian, and continued to be so into the Late Tang period.
In Sui Times A small number of prominent Sui residents have been identified with this area. They include Li Mu *~ in Anye (8E); president of the Department of State Affairs (shangshuling f;!68-%) Yang Su m~ (d. 606) in Yankang (7C); Prince Xiao ofQin ~~3:. (Yang Iun mf~, d. 600) in Chongde (8D); and Tang Gaozu, before ascending the throne, in Tongyi (6D).149 Early Tang Residents This period saw a sustained interest in Yankang (7C). Powerful residents who moved into this ward include Prince Li Tai (d. 652), who took over Yang Su's house in the southwest comer;150 and painter and Chief Minister Van Liben M.Ji:* (d. 673).1Sl Other well-known Early Tang figures were scattered in the area: Chief Minister Feng Deyi M~~ (d. 627) in Xinghua (7D); General Yuchi Iingde ~~~~ (d. 658), who was of Khotanese descent, in Changshou (8B); Prince of Shu ~3:. (Li Yuanming *7G~, d. 689-690) in Taiping (5D); Liu Rengui ~gf=ttL (601-685) and Sun Simiao 1*,~,~ (581-682), the most celebrated Tang
m*
*
147 CAZHi 8.11, commentary; TL.JCFK 3.75. CAZHi 10.7, commentary. The number of 40,000 households is an underestimate. See the discussion on pages 198-99. 148 Seo 1996, 6l. Cf. Zhang 1977, vol. 2:215-16; Broomhalll966, 45-46. 149 On Li Mo, see TLlCFK 4.94, commentary; SUS 37.1115-19. On Yang So, see TL.JCFK 4.109, commentary; SUS 48.1281-92. On Yang IuD, see TL.JCFK 4.100, commentary; SUS 45.1239-4l. On Tang Gaozu, see TL.JCFK 4.98; fFS l.i-19;XIS 1.1-2l. ISO This area was to be converted into the Ximing Monastery (gsll..§~). TL.JCFK 4.109, commentary; DCES 10.214; fFS 76.2653-56; XIS 80.3570-72. lSI Yan's residence is also recorded in Changshou (8B). Xu Song suspects that the record in Changshou Ward is an error. See TLJCFK 4.110; JTS 77.2680; XTS 100.3941-42.
230 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
Residential Quarters /
a
medical doctor, in Guangde (6C); and Prince of Yue ~3: (Li Zhen *~, d. 688) in Yanfu (9C).152
Fig. 8.9. West Central Chang'an
lS3
231
city precincts. Both the Prince of Guo ~d (Li Yong *~, d. 727) and the Prince of Bin $3: (Li Shouli fltl, d. 741) resided in this ward. The famous Hejiacun hoard was erroneously attributed to the latter. Li Shouli in his last years was often in debt, so it is unlikely that he would have hidden so much wealth. Stylistically the hoard seems to belong to the Middle Tang period (756820).154 Prince Li Yong had properties in Chongde (80) and Chongxian (8C) as well. ISS Other prominent residents of the High Tang and later periods included Censor-in-chief and Capital Prefect Wang Hong 3:$# (d. 752) in Taiping (50), and Chief Minister and Censor-in-chief Pei Guangting ~:J'(;~ (676-733) in Guangdea Ward (6C).IS6 Perhaps the most noticeable development in this sector after the High Tang was the establishment of new quarters for the Administrative Office of Princes (zhuwangfu ~:fffif) in Yankang (7C) in the sixth month of BaoH 3 (827). This office had been located in the southeast comer of Xuanping Ward (81), south of the Eastern Market. But the building had been neglected over the years, and in 818 (Yuanhe 13) it was sold The new office served as a base for the staff of the princes when they were on duty at the capital. 157
The Southwest
Residents o/the High Tang and Later In this period, Xinghua Ward (70) is of particular interest. This ward was subjected to systematic excavation, whIch led to the discovery, at the modem site of Hejiacun fPJ~:ft, of the greatest hoard of Tang gold and silver within the 152 On Feng Deyi, see TLJCFK 4.99; JTS 63.2395-98; XTS 100.3929-31. On Yuch! Jingde, see TLJCFK 4.120; Xiang 1957, 7; JTS 68.2495-500; XTS 89.3752-55. On LI Yuanming, see TLJCFK 4.97; JTS 64.2433-34; XTS 79.3557-58. On Liu Rengui, see TLJCFK 4.108; JTS 84.2789-96; XTS 108.4081-85. On Sun Simiao, see TLJCFK 4.108, commentary; JTS 191.5094-97; XTS 196.5596-98. On Li Zhen, see TLJCFK 4.112; JTS
Although underpopulated, this area had twenty-eight wards, the largest number of any residential area in the city. Few of the noble and powerful chose to reside in the Southwest, but when they did purchase property there it usually served as their country villa. 158 Nobles and officials also selected this area for family temples. Judging from a memorial by Chief Minister Li Deyu *~ (787-849), by the Late Tang construction of family temples had even spread into the East Central and
76.2661-63; XTS 80.3575-76.
153 Column E. For information on Shanhe ~;fD, Tonghua ~{I:: (two wards at 5E and 6E were tentatively identified by Xu Song as Guanglu U and Zhiye ~, but recent studies have shown them to be Shanhe and Tonghua), Fengle ~~, Anye ~~, and Chongye ~~, see TLJCFK 4.93-95; Otagi 1994, 129-31. On Shanhe and Tonghua, see Xin 1991,26-28. Cf. TLJCFK 4.93. Column D. On Taiping ;te-,¥-, Tongyi )M~, Xinghua JlHI::. Chongde ~~ (Hongde ~.L.~, 705-707), and Huaizhen ~~ (renamed Huaixian under Wu Zetian to 705), see TLJCFK 4.96--101; Otagi 1994, 132-39. Column C. On Yanshou lifIJ, Guangdea :J'{;~, Yankang Q, Chongxian ~Jf, and yanfu lifti, see TLJCFK 4.1<J.6-13; Otagi 1994, 146-52. , ., . Column B. On Huaiyuan U, Changshou ~3 (Guang en J1i,~ to Yangdl s reign [604-618]), and JiallUi &It, see TLJCFK 4.Il8-20; Otagi 1994, 161--?3: Column A. On Qunxian WFJf, Huaide 11l~, Chonghua ~{I:: (ongmally known as Honghua ~MI:: but renamed Chonghua to avoid the name of Gaozong's crown p~ce Li Hong *~.L.), Fengyi ~E5, and Daixian ~'Jf, see TLJCFK 4.124-26; also Otagl 1994, 170-73.
n
154 On the Hejiacun hoard, see Shaanxisheng Bowuguan and Wenguanhui 1972a; 1972b, 43-46. On Li Yong, see TLJCFK 4.99, commentary; JTS 64.2432; XTS 70.3555. On Li Shouli, see rLJCFK 4.99; JTS 86.2833-34; XTS 81.3591-92. ISS On Li Yong's properties in Chongde and Chongxian, see TLlCFK 4.100, commentary, and TLJCFK 4.110. 156 On Wang Hong, see TLJCFK 4.97; JTS 105.3228-32; XTS 134.4564-67. On Pei Guangting, see TLJCFK 4.108, commentary; JTS 84.2806-8;XTS 108.4089-91. 157 THY 67.1172. A certain Madam Zhang 5ft, consort of Crown Prince Zhanghuai ~ii (Li Xian *Jf, d. 684) died in Yankang Ward. Xu Song suggests that she may have died while living in the Administrative Office of Princes. This seems impossible in view of the late establishment of that office in this ward and the function of the office as an administrative center. JTS 86.2831-32; XTS 81.3590-91. Cf. TLJCFK 4.1 09. 158 Seo 1984a, 2-11.
Residential Quarters / 233
232 / Sui-TangChang'an
'§'*
A
B
Fig. 8.10. Southwest Chang'an
lS9
West Central areas. l60 They were built in Changxing (7G), about three wards away from the Imperial City, as well as along Zhuquemen Street. Because their proximity to the Imperial City and the central axis was considered threatening, a proposal was made to ban them in the six rows of wards south of the Imperial City, which roughly corresponded to the two Central areas. The ban also applied to the southernmost wards along Zhuquemen Street and in the Qu River area. A strict edict issued by Wuzong in 845 (Huichang 5) banned family temples in all 161 urban areas except at one's own residence. Column G. For information on Anshan 3i:'ff, Daye *~, Changle ~~, and Ande see TUCFK2.47-48; Otagi 1994,86-87. Column F. On Lanling M~, Kaiming mJ aJ3, Baoning 1*~, and Anyib 3i:'~, see TUCFK2.39; Otagi 1994, 7&-79. Column E. On Yongda 7k~ Daode iii~, Guangxirig -jtfJ, and Yanzuo }!gt'F (misprinted in Otagi as Yanxiang }!g~), see TUCFK 4.95-96; Otagi 1994, 131-32. Column D. On Xuanyi :§':~, Feng'an ~3i;', Changming ~1lJ3, and Anle 3i:'~, see TUCFK 4.101-102; Otagi 1994, 139-41. Column C. On Yong'an 7.k3i:', Dunyi J)c~, Datong *)ffi, and Da'an *3i:', see TUCFK 4.l13-14;Otagi 1994, 152-53. Column B. On Yongping 7k.lJZ (Yonglong ~ to 712), Tonggui )ffiilt, Guiyi m~, and Zhaoxing IIBfJ (Xianxing !iilf':i' till the Chang'an period [701-704)), see TUCFK 4.120--22; Otagi 1994, 163--65. Column A. On Yonghe 7kfO (Chunhe to the early Yuanhe period [806---20)), Chang'an 1it3i;', Heping fD.lJZ, and Yongyang 7k1li, see TUCFK 4.126---27; Otagi 1994, 173-76. 160 This memorial was coanthored with Wang Qi and is listed under both Wang and Li. See QTW706.7245b-46a, 643.6504b; Gan 1991, 113, note 30. 161 THY 19.389, Huichang 5 (845). On other imperial edicts banning the erection of family temples, see Gan 1991, 10&-ll. Gan (p.l08) quotes a passage from JTSto pro~e that prior to 843 (Huichang 3), a ban on family temples in all urban areas had be~ In C
IS9
3i;'~,
In 851 (Dazhong 5), an edict from Xuanzong again permitted family temples to be built in the southernmost three rows of wards, considered peripheral because they were off the beaten track, with few passersby.162 The Chang'an zhi, which dermes the peripheral area in terms of the southernmost four rows of wards, describes it as largely devoid of residents. Occasionally one came across one or two, but their abodes were few and far between. The area was mostly under cultivation, with crisscrossing footpaths. 163 It is obvious that primary sources configure the "peripheral" area in two different ways. When defined in terms of remoteness from the palace, it included the southernmost three rows of wards, but when defined in terms of underpopulation and land under cultivation, it embraced the southernmost four rows. The Southwest area, which in this study I derme as empty or deserted, more or less overlaps with the primary sources' second definition of the periphery. My exclusion of the wards in the easternmost columns (ll-I3H-J), which I include in the southeastern recreation area, is an exception to the traditional scheme.
*
*
*
*
*
With a populace that stood at around one million in 742 and continued to be extraordinarily large even after the An Lushan Rebellion, Chang' an was beyond doubt the most populous city on earth for the greater part of its existence. The residential wards that accommodated most of this population numbered 109 when the city was planned and built. That number eventually rose to 111 and then stabilized at 110 after 714. Enclosed by walls and managed by a ward master, the ward was the basic urban unit. It was regulated by curfew rules, and policed by the Jinwu Guards. One important traditional function of the ward system had been the segregation of populations. For example, in Northern Wei Luoyang, merchants, entertainers, and craftsmen were kept away from the "decent" sectors of the populace. Foreigners were kept in ghettos south of the Luo River and were l64 In Sui-Tang Chang'an the wards ceased to looked upon with suspicion.
m[J
m
fu~:~~B~Z*~~~*~~~~,~~~~n~~~~,~M~~R~
W~. My reading of this passage is different: "The previous edict to ban private temples
of court officials' families in the capital city was to ban [private temples] in the six rows
of wards south of the Imperial City. As to empty and remote wards and alleys [in the southernmost three rows of the city], [such temples] can be built there as before." See JTS 18.shang.593. 162 THY 19.390--91. CAZHi claims that after the 845 edict Wuzong was persuaded to again allow private temples in the "peripheral" area (the southernmost three rows). This would have made Xuanzong's :§':* edict of 851 unnecessary. It seems that CAZHi has mistaken Xuanzong's edict for Wuzong's. See CAZHi 7.10, commentary. 163 CAZHi 7.&-9, text and commentary. 164 Jenner 1981, 110--16.
234 / Sui-Tang Chang'an segregate populations this way, although Chang'an residents of similar social station did tend to gravitate towards certain localities. Over time the wards evolved into areas differentiated by geographical location, the social status of the inhabitants, population density, and even function. Traditional scholars such as Xu Song have gathered an enonnous amount of infonnation on the individuals associated with the residential quarters. Modem scholars, relying on recently excavated or rediscovered epigraphic materials, have continued to enlarge the list of Chang' an residents outside the palace areas. 16S These historical records, ·useful as they are, are not sufficient to serve as a meaningful basis for quantitative studies. However, they do provide valuable infonnation for verifying certain qualitative statements made by traditional scholars. Regrettably, little evidence has survived about Sui residents and their activities, and even less about those sectors of the popUlation who were not royal or serving in an official capacity. Of the six areas of the city, the Northeast was characterized by its proximity to the three palace areas, and consequently, by· the presence of many eunuch officers during and after Xuanzong's time (712-756). The East Central area to its south gave the eastern part of the city its reputation as home territory of the noble and powerful, and this is confirmed by the historical record. The Southeast was not densely populated, but the location there of three places of scenic beauty-the Daci' en Monastery, the Apricot Garden. and the Furong Garden-made it a unique leisure area for royals and nonroyals alike. The Northwest, once part of the southern suburbs of Han Chang'an, was dotted with Han structural remains. Some of its eastern wards (Xiude and Fuxing) became popular after the An Lushan Rebellion with eunuchs who worked in the Yeting Palace, while the southern wards of Liquan and Buzheng were the locales of religious establishments of Persian origin. The West Central area was the heart of Chang'an County. It was not only the most populous area in the city, but also boasted the largest number of foreigners and small traders. With the Western Market as its center of activity, this area was home principally to commoners and entrepreneurs. The Southwest included most of the wards in the extreme south of the city. These wards were comprised largely of cultivated land, with only a sparse population. It seems likely that Chang'an's planners had enclosed them within the city to provide for future growth. But eventually these wards proved to be beyond the effective range of local logistical support and easy ground transportation and became de facto rural wards within the enceinte of the city. 165 According to Seo, Xu Song has provided information on 760 Sui-Tang royalty or officials residing in the capital. Seo includes 1,238 residents of these same categories in a . forthcoming study. See Seo 1996,39.
9
Monastic Communities Wheel of the Law turns up in the sky, Indic sounds come up to the sky, Lamp-trees shine with a thousand lights, Flower flames open on the seven branches. Moon image freezes in flOwing water, Spring wind holds the nighttime plums; Banderoles move on yellow gold ground, Bells come out from beryl estrade. -Yang Guang (Sui Yangdi)1
.n
astic religions, w~th their increasingly varied communities and extenIve church properties, were an essential part of city life in Sui-Tang Chang'an. After the advent of the Tang empire in 618, three religions of West Asian origin, Zoroastrianism, Manichaeism, and Nestorianism, gained a 2 foothold in the capital. The two established religions, Buddhism and Daoism, had long been entrenched in the city and competed for ideological supremacy and imperial patronage. At the planning stage, one Buddhist and one Daoist establishment, known respectively as the Daxingshan Monastery (*!!!!P@~) and the Xuandu Abbey (:tmID, were located in Jingshan (9F) and Chongye (9E) Wards, to either side of the central Zhuquemen Street. They were positioned on the fifth line/ridge of the capital's qian hexagram scheme, a locale of great royal significance, to suppress potential challenges to the throne. 3 Apart from these two institutions, Which can be tenned the progenitors of Chang' an's monastic religions, little consideration was given to such structures when the
M
1Translation by Schafer (1963a, 260). Islam may also have spread to Chang'an. The Arabs had frequent official contacts with the Tang court starting in Yonghui 2 (651), but there is no credible record of Islamic religious establishments in the city. See xrs 221.xia.6262-64. For a critical assessment ofIslamic claims to early entry in China, see Leslie 1986,70-75. 3 See chapter 2 for a full discussion. 2
235
236 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
Monastic Communities / 237
Sui-Tang capital was planned. Rather, they developed spontaneously and haphazardly across residential areas, with generous support from both royalty and wealthy commoner patrons. By the early 840s Chang'an was studded with Buddhist and Daoist establishments (see Map 9.1). However, the age of religious florescence was to come to a close later in that same decade.
Zoroastrianism, Manichaeism, and Nestorianism Zoroastrianism, Manichaeism, and Nestorianism all originated in Western Asia and spread eastwards through Central Asia into China. By Tang times, they had established a presence in Chang'an. As "minor" religions in the city they never commanded the kind of political and economic influence that Buddhism and Daoism did within and beyond the court. But the religious structures they set up served the Western and Central Asian communities for most of the Tang period and were only eliminated from the capital as.a result of a persecution campaign put in motion by Emperor Wuzong, which reached its peak in 845.
Zoroastrianism
(Wude 4) in the southwest comer of Buzheng Ward (Map 9.1, 4C). The other three were built in Liquan (4B), Puning (2A), and Iinggong (7IV Wei Shu also indicates the presence of two larger monastic institutions known as Persian monasteries (basi si ~:ltfT~).s The first was in Liquan Ward (4B), where a Zoroastrian shrine hall was located as well. According to Kuwabara IitsuzO, this institution was set up at the request of Prince Frruz .lm:ltfT of Sassanian Persia in 677 (Yifeng 2). A political refugee in China, FIrnz naturally had in his entourage a large number of followers of their state religion. The monastery they set up could only have been Zoroastrian. 9 The second "Persian" monastery noted by Wei Shu was located in Vining (3A).10 Although it had the same designation as t\lat in Liquan, this was a Nestorian institution, and it was also referred to as a monastery of the Roman Orient (daqin si *~~).1I A third Persian monastery known to have existed in Chang'an was located in Chonghua Ward (7A). Set up by Taizong in 631 (Zhenguan 5), it was also known as a daqin establishment. The Song scholar Yao Kuan ~ji identifies it 12 as a Zoroastrian institution. His critics fault Yao for misconstruing Tang religious terms. Both basi si and daqin si, according to these critics, refer to 13 Nestorian monasteries. I would like to point out that the earliest Nestorian monastery dates back to 638, seven years after the establishment of the 14 monastery in Chonghua. Moreover, the twentieth-century scholar Xiang Da has provided epigraphic proof of a Zoroastrian residence in Chonghua, which lends support to Yao Kuan' s identification. IS This would bring the total number of Zoroastrian institutions in Chang'an to six. The difference between the Persian monasteries and the other Zoroastrian shrine halls lies in the fact that the monasteries served orthodox Zoroastrians and the shrine halls, the adherents of Mazdaism, a derivative of mainstream Zoroastrianism popular in Central Asia. 16
Established in Iran in the Achaemenid period (sixth to fourth centuries B.C.), the Zoroastrian tradition entered its classic stage under Sassanian Persia (A.D. 224--651), where it became the state religion in the late third century. As the most ancient of the three Western Asian religions, Zoroastrianism was also the first to come into official contact with China. 4 The earliest surviving records of these contacts indicate that in the years 516-519 Sassanian Persia dispatched ambassadors to both the Southern Liang and the Northern Wei capitals. Because of the central role the maintenance of fire played in Zoroastrian ritual, in China this religion came to be called shihua tianshen (worship of fIre and (worship of heavenly god). In Tang times, heavenly god) or shi tidnshen as it became more widespread, a new character xian ~ was created to refer to the "worshippers of heaven" and their religion. s In Tang times small Zoroastrian places of worship were known as xianci t*:f.il or hutian ci jIjF.j*f.il (Zoroastrian shrine halls). Wei Shu, author of the Tang work, Liangjing xinji, reports that there were four Zoroastrian shrine halls in Chang'an during the Kaiyuan period (713-741).6 The first was built in 621
On Buzheng Ward, see LJXJHi, 185a On Liquan, see LJXJHi, 189a. On Puning, see LJXJHi, 191 b. On Jinggong, see CAZHi 9.4. S Quoted in CAZHi 7.6, commentary. 9 LJXJHi, 189a; Aold 1978,95. 10 LJXJHi, 192b.
On Zoroastrianism's entry into China, see Chen 1980a, 304-28. Chen 1980a, 305-3 6 See CAZHi 7.6, commentary.
See the following section on Nestorianism. congyu g!ij~U (AXCl) shang. 14. 13 For example, Chen 1980a, 323-24. 14 See the section on Nestorianism. IS Xiang 1957, 92. Cf. Leslie 1981-1983, 281-82. 16 Aoki 1978,96-100.
**t$
***:t$
7
II
12 Xixi
4
S
Monastic Communities /
238 / Sui-Tang Chang'an This confusion over nomenclature results from the less-than-clear distinction between hos; s; and daqin si in Tang times. In Taizong's day, both Zoroastrian and Nestorian monasteries were called daqin si. In Wei Shu's work of the early eighth century, both types of institutions were referred to as hosi si (or hos; hus; ?SlWfM~). When Xuanzong issued an imperial edict in 745 (Tianbao 4) to have all hosi si redesignated daqin si, he probably intended to include both Nestorian and Zoroastrian monasteries. I? As a result, however, we have to deal with these institutions on a case-by-case basis. No extant documentation records the average size of a Zoroastrian shrine hall in Chang' an. But an account in the Youyang zazu IDj~~~iI. (YYZZ) by the Late Tang writer Duan Chengshi ~M (803-863) gives a sense of the design and decor of a contemporary Zoroastrian temple on the Oxus River in Transoxiana (present-day Uzbekistan). That temple contained no images; its main hall held a number of stoves large and small. The structure faced west, while the worshipers faced east. 18 A Dunhuang. document fragment mentions another Zoroastrian temple in Shazhou f:NH where buildings were set up and an image of the Zoroastrian god was painted for worship. It contained twenty 19 shrines, with a courtyard about 100 hu (150 meters) in perimeter. Assuming that the temple yard was square, with each side 37.5 meters long, its total area would have been 1,406 square meters. The Zoroastrian shrine halls in Chang'an may well have been of similarly modest size, considering the limited development of Zoroastrianism in China as a whole. They bore no comparison with a Buddhist or a Daoist establishment, which could occupy a whole ward. The Zoroastrian monastery in Liquan was probably an exception. Supported by orthodox believers and Persian royalty in exile, this ·institution may have been much larger than the shrine halls. A salient feature that distinguished Zoroastrianism from other West Asian religions in China was its exclusiveness. Its priests did not attempt to proselytize nor did they translate their scriptures. As a result, its followers were all West and Central Asians. 20 This aspect of Zoroastrianism protected it from factional attacks by other religious groups. Still, it did not escape proscription by Wuzong and was effectively eliminated from Chang'an in the 840s. Its practice survived outside the capital during the remainder of the Tang and the ensuing Five Dynasties, to reemerge iD. Kaifeng, the Northern Song capital?1
THY49.864. 18 fYZZ"Qianji" 10.98-99. 19 Chen 1980a, 317. 20 Chen 1980a, 320. 21 Chen 1980a, 326-27. 17
239
Manichaeism22 Distinguished by its hybridization of existing doctrines, Manichaeism was a mixture of Zoroastrianism, Christianity, and Buddhism in Tang China. 23 A struggle between the forces of light and darkness underlay its dualistic worldview. Founded by the prophet Mani in Sassanian Persia in the third century A.D., it spread eastward between 300 and 600. Its entry into China has been traced to the early fourth century.24 In Tang times Manichaeism was referred to in Chinese as mon; (/!Jib or *Ib), after its founder. 2S In 694 (Yanzai 1), a Persian emissary presented the Erzongjing -~ (Classic ofthe Two Forces) to the Zhou court under Wu Zetian, an event that marked the official entry of Manichaeism into China. 26 During the thirty-eight years that followed, Manichaeism enjoyed increasing popularity. However, in 732 (Kaiyuan 20), it was declared heretical by imperial edict, and its dissemination was banned among Chinese. Only foreigners were permitted to maintain their faith in Mani. 2? To this point the major transmitters of Manichaeism in Chang'an were Persians and Tocharians. After the An Lushan Rebellion, the Uighurs also became patrons of Manichaeism. Their conversion had come about in 763 when they were brought into contact with Manichaean priests during their occupation of Luoyang. 28 In 768 (Dali 3) an imperial edict was issued ordering Uighur believers in Chang'an to build Manichaean monasteries, called Dayun guangming Monasteries (*~J'8lA~).29 During his reign (762-779), Daizong consistently pursued a policy of appeasement toward the Uighurs in spite of the atrocities they had committed in Chang'an. His successor Dezong, however, took an aggressive stand against them. Nonetheless, Manichaeism seems to have For a more detailed account ofManichaeism in Chang'an, see Lieu 1985, 189-98. On the eclectic nature of Manichaeism, see Lin 1987, 68-71. Manichaeism incorporated much of Buddhist doctrine, and even attempted to identifY Mani with the Buddha, much to the annoyance of the Buddhist community. See Chen 1980b, 361-62; Widengren 1983, 986-90. 24 See Lin 1987, 46-60. 22 23
25
Chen 1980b, 335.
26
Chavannes and Pelliot 1912, 157-75.
27
Chen 1980b, 335.
28
Chavannes and PelIiot 1912, 214-22.
29
Chen 1980b, 340. A monastery known as "Dayunjing"
*ml in Huaiyuan Ward
U:f;Ij (7B) had been known in the Sui dynasty under the name Guangming )'(;1l)3. This led some scholars to conclude that Manichaeism had been in China since the Sui dynasty. But the Dayunjing establishment in question was actually Buddhist. See Chavannes and Pelliot 1912, 171-75; TLICFK 4.118.
240 / Sui-Tang Chang'an enjoyed sustained popularity, and Manichaean priests frequently traveled back and forth between Chang'an and the Uighur empire. Foreign merchants from the Western Market were often in close contact with them. 30 In the frrst half of the ninth century Manichaeism flourished in Chang'an and exercised a greater empirewide influence than either Nestorianism or Zoroastrianism?1 But despite all the studies done on this religion in China, we have not been able to pinpoint the location of a single Manichaean temple in Chang'an, although we are positive they existed in the city. Manichaeism was eradicated from Chang'an in 843 (Huichang 3), two years before the anti-Buddhist proscription.32 Manichaean books and statues were seized and burned in public places, and the government confiscated Manichaean temples and other properties. Manichaean priests were rounded up, shaved, and forced to put on Buddhist robes, perhaps as punishment for borrowing Buddhist ideas or as a forewarning to the Buddhist clergy; before being decapitated. In Chang'an alone seventy-two female believers were killed. Survivors were banished to remote provinces, but most of them perished before reaching their destinations?3 The severity and violence of the persecution of the Manichaeans sharply contrasts with the proscription of Buddhism that followed in 845. That action was primarily limited to dismantling specific institutions and the forced laicization of monks and nuns. 34 Why was Manichaeism singled out for such vehement persecution? It is generally believed that the rise and fall of Manichaeism in China was closely linked with the fate of its principal patrons, the Uighurs. The persecution of the Manichaean community in Chang'an and elsewhere was one way of taking revenge for Uighur atrocities?5 Although the Uighurs had committed
30 Chavannes and Pelliot 1912, 223-32. 31 Chen 1980b, 346 32 The religion survived in Turfan and elsewhere in Chinese Central Asia, under the auspices of the Uighurs. After the collapse of the Tang dynasty, Manichaeans continued to live in China, especially the south. See Lieu 1985, 199-201,220-22. 33 Chen 1980b, 347-52. 34 The killing of Buddhist monks did occur, but the Tang court did not intend to exterminate priests and their followers, who officially numbered 260,000. Sometimes killing was sanctioned when monks resisted laicization. See RTQFXL 4.462--63; THY 47.840--41, Huichang 5. 35 Chen 198Gb, 349. While Chen Yuan considers this argument plausible, he also points out Wuzong's xenophobic temperament as the underlying cause for widespread persecution of all foreign religions. Samuel Lieu (1985, 197) hypothesizes ai30ut possible economic motives behind the proscription. He points out that the Uighurs were notorious moneylenders.
Monastic Communities /
241
little violence in Chang'an after 779 when Dezong ascended the throne,36 Wuzong nonetheless decided to take measures against the Uighur-supported Manichaean religion. This move immediately followed the safe return to Chang'an of Princess Tame :;(CW, Xianzong's tenth daughter, who had been married to a Uighur qaghan as a part of a strategic alliance. 37 In his edict issued in the second month of Huichang 3, Wuzong denounced the Uighurs for their past atrocities and recent raids on Chinese communities. On the strength of a decisive victory the Tang army had scored against them, he indicated his desire to exterminate all Uighurs. 38 But since most of the atrocities cited by Wuzong had taken place much earlier, revenge alone cannot explain the magnitude of Manichaean persecution. Manichaeism appealed to a broad range of people, thanks to its uniquely eclectic and syncretic character, which borrowed heavily from the more established religions. But to the clergy of those religions-Zoroastrianism, Christianity, and Buddhism-Manichaean doctrine seemed an imitation that ridiculed the original. The initial success of the Manichaean church in converting especially Buddhists and Christians made it a hated rival. Manichaeism was not popular with the Tang court either, which had decreed it heretical as early as 732. 39 The overall hostility toward Manichaeism in Chang' an may have contributed to the special intensity of the persecution against its members during Wuzong's proscription. .
Nestorianism4O A branch of Christianity, Nestorianism (jingjiao ~~) was introduced into Tang Chang'an in 635 (Zhenguan 9), when a bishop or Episcopus (dade *1~, also known as shangde J:~) by the name ofRabban (Aluoben IiiiJDi:2fs:) arrived in Chang'an from Daqin *~ (the Roman Orient).41 He was greeted by Chief 36 On Uighur violence in Chang'an and elsewhere, and Sino-Uighur relations in the Middle Tang and early Late Tang periods, see Mackerras 1972,32-50. 37 On anti-Manichaean measures in 843, see RTQFXL 3.416. On Princess Taihe, see RTQFXL 3.414-15, no. 462, text and note. 38 JTS 18.shang.594. Also see ZZTJ247.7975, which places the event in the third month. 39 TD 40.1103, commentary. Nonetheless, on the strength of their occuh powers Manichean priests were called upon by the court to make rain during the drought of 799 (Zhenyuan 15). See THY 49.864. 40 On the development of Tang Nestorianism, see Saeki 1951, 53-112; Saeki 1964, 3244; Moule 1930, 27-52. 41 It is also rendered as "Abraham" by Saeki. Here I follow the most accepted version. See Moule 1930,38. Cf. Saeki 1951, 84--85. On the original text, see Zhang 1977, vol. 1:113-19.
242 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
Monastic Communities / 243
Minister Fang Xuanling m:t~ in the western suburbs. The Tang court not only pennitted Rabban to spread his religion, but also ordered the founding of a Nestorian monastery (daqin sty in Vining Ward and the ordination of twenty-one persons as Nestorians in 638 (Zhenguan 12).42 During Gaozong's reign (649683), Nestorian monasteries were built all over China. The strength of the Nestorian church was put to the test in the Shengli (698-699) and the Xiantian (712-713) periods when it came under fIre fust from Buddhists, then Confucian scholars. Largely thanks to the efforts of two illustrious fIgures, Archdeacon Abraham (Luohan ti) and Bishop Gabriel (Jilie &~~), the church was preserved. Xuanzong took an active interest in the religion, and went so far as to order fIve princes to set up altars at the monastery in Vining Ward. In 744 (Tianbao 3) the emperor even summoned Nestorian monks to perform services at the Xingqing Palace. In 781 (Jianzhong 2), after the An Lushan Rebellion, sixty-eight believers erected a Nestorian stele with a long inscription on the history ofNestorianism in China from 635. All but eight of their names were written in both Syriac and Chinese. This stele, the Daqin jingjiao [baing Zhongguo bei *~:iltfXmtrr tJ:llllliHi1\! (Monument to the Spread olNestorianism in China), came to light again in 1623 (or 1625).43 At the time of the erection of the Nestorian stele, this Christian sect must have been quite prosperous. It seems likely that several Nestorian monasteries existed in Chang'an, but only one has been defInitively identifIed, that in Vining Ward (3A).44 Like other foreign religions in Chang'an, Nestorianism suffered suppression in 845 under Wuzong.45 From that time on, practitioners of this branch of Christianity dwindled in China until its reintroduction in the thirteenth century under the Mongols.46
Daoism The rapid growth ofDaoist institutions in Chang' an testified to the strength of this religion. The Late Tang Daoist master Du Guangting tt:7'tN! (850-933) claims that Sui Wendi built a total of thirty-six Daoist abbeys (guan il!), known 42
THY 49.864.
43 Saeki 1964, 37;.zhang 1977, voI.I:II3-19. 44 Although set up as a daqin si around 638, it is referred to as a bosi si in Wei Shu's work, and then redesignated a daqin si by the edict of 745. Aoki 1978, 95; THY 49.864. Also see the section in this chapter on Zoroastrianism, pp. 236-38. 45) The Arab traveler Abu Zaid Hassan records that in Hegira 264 (A.D. 878) 120,000 foreigners, including Christians, were killed by the Huang Chao rebels. These Christians were actually Nestorians. See Zhang 1977, vol.l:127-29; vol. 2:207-209. 46 Lieu 1985, 191-92.
then as "mysterious altars" (xuantan :tOO, in the metropolitan area of the capital!' The Tang scholar Wei Shu, quoted in the Chang' an zhi, mentions ten Daoist abbeys at the beginning of Yangdi's reign (604-618).48 Wei also indicates that the number of Daoist monastic institutions in Tang Chang'an reached sixteen during the Kaiyuan period (712-741), and included ten abbeys and six convents!9 I have determined that forty-eight Daoist institutions are documented in extant sources for the Sui-Tang period (refer to Fig. 9.1 and Appendix 2). With the exception of the Hongdao Abbey (7.zSifi); which sat outside the city walls, all were situated within the city or on the grounds of the palaces. Sui Daoist institutions continued to serve their Tang patrons after the fall of the dynasty, with the exception of the Linggan .~ and Chengxu ~Jilli: Abbeys, which were abolished immediately after the founding of the Tang. Thirty-three Daoist abbeys and convents in the residential areas were of Tang origin. Four Tang Daoist structures were located within the precincts of the Taiji and Darning Palaces, including a major Laozi temple, an abbey, and two sanqing it basilicas. Sui Wendi, the founder of Daxingcheng, although a devout believer in Buddhism, also showed much veneration for Daoism. 51 As regent to the Northern Zhou emperor Jingdi ~1W (r. 579-581), he instituted measures in 580 (Daxiang *~ 2) to restore Buddhism and Daoism, both of which had been suppressed by the previous Zhou emperor, WudL 52 In an edict issued in 601 (Kaihuang 20), Sui Wendi laid out his position on both religions: "The law of the Buddha is profound and miraculous, and the teachings ofDao are mysterious and harmonious. Both bring great blessings to creatures of all kinds. Those with feelings all benefIt from them.,,53 He personally founded a number of Daoist abbeys. According to extant sources, of the four Daoist institutions attributable to Wendi, three---Qingxu trfJilli: (8A), Huisheng ~~ (9A),54 and Qingdu trfW (8G}-were created in 587, and one-Wutong 1iJi (lB}-was created in 588. With the exception of Huisheng Abbey, all were established to house Daoist masters.
-=
'0
47 Lidai chongdaoji Iffft~~c 48
(LDCDJ) Ie.
CAZHi 7.6.
49 CAZHi 7.6. These figures may have been underestimates. See the section on Buddhism in Chang' an, especially p. 253. so There were various interpretations of the Tang tenn sanqing ("the three clarities"). Most often it is understood to refer to the three highest celestial deities in Daoism. 51 Wendi's delicate relationship with the Daoist clergy is summed up in Wright 1979, 7778.
52
ZZTJI74.5413.
53 The edict was issued in the twelfth month of Kaihuang 20. See SUS 2.45. 54 Known as Tianchang 5lC~ under the Tang.
244 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
Monastic Communities / 245
Why the flurry of Daoist construction under a devout Buddhist sovereign? Part of the answer may be that in 587-588 Wendi was preparing the most ambitious military campaign of his career, to attack the south and reunite China. 55 In 588 as the Wutong Abbey was under construction, Jiao Zishun, a Daoist of considerable occult powers for whom the abbey was built, was advising Wendi on military and political affairs. The proliferation of new Daoist abbeys in the capital may well indicate Wendi's desire for Daoist support, worldly as well as supernatural. That he did not set up a single Buddhist institution in this same period may be attributed to his heavy sponsorship of Buddhist expansion earlier, soon after the founding of the citY. .. Daoist abbey/convent • super-abbey • location unconfirmed
With the founding of the Tang dynasty, Gaozu elevated Daoism to the status of a royal religion. Claiming that his Li clan had descended from the (Laozi ~r), Gaozu hoped thereby to legendary founder of Daoism, Li Er justify the rule of the Li house by divine sanction.56 Yet during the GaozuTaizong period (618-M9), only one Daoist institution was built, the Xihua Abbey (i!§'¥fi). Under the next emperor, Gaozong, five Daoist abbeys were added, four of them urban and one in the suburbs. Apart from the Haotian Abbey and Taiping Convent, both built under Gaozong's personal patronage, the others were set up by Gaozong's offspring, with imperial endorsement. This was in keeping with the emperor's devotion to the Daoist church. Zhongzong's rule lasted less than five years (705-710), but during his reign two Daoist institutions were established: the Guangtian Abbey (:J'tj(ill) in Wuben Ward (5G) and Xuanzhen Abbey (~(Ji~) in Chongren (4H). During Ruizong's even shorter reign (710-712), five abbeys were founded. But Daoism in Chang'an witnessed its greatest expansion under Xuanzong (r. 712-756). In his quest for longevity, Xuanzong sought divine aid from celestial bodies, astral gods, and Daoist transcendents. Thanks to his initiative, Laozi's birthday became an annual national observance, and Laozi sacrifices were institutionalized as a major recurrent state rite. 57 For this period, extant sources record the founding of thirteen confirmable Daoist institutions. While Xuanzong's successors continued to endorse statesupported Daoist rituals, they seem to have contributed considerably less to the development of the monastic community. In spite of Wuzong's (r. 840-846) efforts to curtail the power of Buddhism in favor of Daoism, only three more abbeys were added in Chang'an during the entire period following the An Lushan Rebellion, from 756 to 904. 58 The Daoist church stood out from the minor religious groups in the capital thanks to the extraordinary royal patronage it consistently enjoyed. This allowed it to establish an impressive physical presence in Chang'an. However, as is clear
*1l=
Weinstein 1987, 6-7. For a concise account of these events, see Xiong 1996,263-73. 53 On Wuzong, see Kubo 1977, 222-36, 241-44; Ch'en 1956; Weinstein 1987, 114-36; Sun 1975, 81-82; Barrett 1996, 85-92. Schafer (1963b, 151) notices that "there was a great revival of Taoist building in the years 841-45." However, the so-called "Taoist" (Daoist) structures were all created for Wuzong's personal use and located within the palace grounds. They were not Daoist institutions in the conventional sense. Some of them bore Daoist names, such as the Lingfu yingsheng Courtyard (!f~~~~), Transcendents Estrade (Xiantai 1W.), and Wangxian Loft-building (~1WfJ), but they probably simultaneously functioned as secular structures. The only religious Daoist structure on record was at the Jiutian daochang ~~ (Nine Heavens Dao Tract) in the Darning Palace. However, a daochang could be founded by Zhao Guizhen an ad hoc structure set up as needed for specific ritual occasions. See Huangjing jizhu ~~$~ (HJJZ) 7 (28 zhang).691b. 56
57
131--+-I~-t-n-+--II--II---I A
B
c
D
E
Fig. 9.1. Daoist institutions in Chang'an
On Sui-Chen hostility and Wendi's preparation for war against the south, see ZZTJ 176.5492-96; SUS 1-225-32.
55
all
246 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
Monastic Communities / 247
from a 713 (Xiantian 2) edict issued by Xuanzong, the royal court not only dedicated secular properties to the religious cause, it also regulated patronage of religious establishments:
corridors and spacious halls, paintings and carvings, as well as guesthouses and dormitories for Daoist monks, this abbey surpassed all others in the city in magnitude. 61 In the suburbs an entire ward (Xiuren ~=) was occupied by Prince Li Xian's ~Jf residence. Xian was Gaozong's favorite son by Wu Zetian, and upon his appointment as crown prince, he was required to move into the Eastern Palace. His residence was donated in 680 for the creation of the Hongdao Abbey (Emil) to mark the occasion.62
Princes, dukes, and those below may not without serious reason submit to the court requests to convert their manors and mansions into Buddhist monasteries , and Daoist abbeys.59 This edict targeted the powerful in and around the capital, where dukes and princes tended to reside. It indicates unambiguously that anyone except the sovereign himself wanting to set up a religious establishment was obliged to submit a petition to the court for approval. Nor should he or she do so frivolously. Thus, in spite of its support for the Daoist and Buddhist churches, the court actually exercised considerable control over the expansion of their properties. The Daoist establishments Sui Wendi sponsored in the early days of the city laid the groundwork for the rise of the Daoist community. Under the Tang, thanks to the committed support of the sovereigns and royal relatives, Daoist church property underwent tremendous expansion. That expansion slowed considerably in the latter half of the Tang, despite sustained royal interest in the - religion. There is probably no simple explanation for this slowdown, but it may have resulted from the fact that with a large number of Daoist institutions already in existence, there was little need to further expand what was at heart a royal rather than a popular religion.
The Death ofan Imperial Relative In 656 the newly crowned Gaozong donated his princely residence, which occupied the whole ofBaoning Ward (12F), for the establishment of the Haotian Abbey (~*Il) in memory of his father Taizong. The placard announcing the name of the abbey was written in Gaozong's own hand. 63 The southwest comer of Qinr~n Ward (7H) was originally Ruizong's mansion prior to his enthronement. During her reign, Wu Zetian (Ruizong's mother) ordered the execution of his two consorts, the empresses Suming mn-EJJj and Zhaocheng HB/iX: (Xuanzong's birth mother), both on charges of witch64 craft. On coming to power, Xuanzong converted his father's mansion into the Yikun Temple (~i$Jlij) in memory of the two empresses. Sometime after 733 this temple was replaced by the Suming Abbey (mn-EJJjIl), specially dedicated to Empress Suming.65 And in the southeast quadrant of Y ongchong (9H) a key Daoist structure, the Zongdao Abbey (*mll), was founded to commemorate Princess Huayang ¥Il!li in 777. Huayang had been one of Daizong' s favorite daughters, and in 772 had obtained permission to become a Daoist nun due to illness. 66
Patronage Patterns Royal and nonroyal patronage of Daoist abbeys and convents in Chang'an was in the main inspired by the following five types of circumstances. These patterns held true for the creation of Buddhist institutions as well.
Accommodation ofReligious Masters or Ordained Royal Family Members In 587 Sui Wendi set up an abbey in Fengyi (8A) to provide the priest Lii Shixuan gMi~ a place to practice the Daoist regimens of avoidance of grains and breathing exercises; this abbey was known as Qingxu mil![, meaning "clear and void," which indicates a high level of attainment.67 In the same year, Wendi
The Occurrence ofa Propitious Event When Crown Prince Li Chengqian ~*¥l: became seriously ill, Taizong ordered the Daoist Qin Ying ~~ to pray on his behalf. Apparently the prayers were answered and in 631 Taizong founded Xihua Abbey in Chonghua (7A) to celebrate Chengqiim' s recovery.60 In the year 656 (Xianqing 1) the Dongming Abbey <:*HJ.lIl) was constructed to mark the appointment of Li Hong ~5.L. as crown prince. The abbey was modeled on its counterpart, the Ximing Monastery, and with its long 59
THY 50.878.
60
See Appendix 2, 298, under Longxing Abbey.
1
1
61 See Appendix 2, 298. See also the section on Buddhism that follows. 62 See Appendix 2, 299. On Li Xian, see XTS 81.359(}-91 63 See Appendix 2, 298. 64 On the two empresses, see JTS 51.2176; XTS 76.3489. 6S See Appendix 2, 300, under Xianyi Convent 66 See Appendix 2, 301. 67 THY 50.876. See Appendix 2, 297.
248 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
Monastic Communities / 249
built Qingdu Abbey (Hili) in Yongxing (3H) for Sun Ang i*~, one of his favorite Daoists.68 Sun often personally set up sites for important Daoist services. The case of Jiao Zishun :f#,rRIi1 perhaps more than any other helps elucidate the prestige of Daoist masters at the Sui court. The Tang huiyao offers the following account of Jiao: The Wutong Abbey li)!il in Anding Ward [18] was set up for the Daoist Jiao Zishun in Kaihuang 8 (588). [Zishun] was capable of commanding ghosts and spirits, and predicted in a register that Sui Wendi would receive the Mandate of Heaven. Upon succeeding to the throne, [Wendi] apg>inted Zishun "commander and pillar of the state" (kaiju zhuguo ImMttf!IJ), 9 an honor he declined. He often counseled on military and state matters. The emperor was concerned that he [Zishun] might become fatigued with commuting to and from the capital, so he ordered an abbey to be built for him near the Palace City, naming it wutong [the five masteries1 to eulogize his divine powers. [Zishun] was entitled "Celestial Master Jiao." 0 .
(Xellmn,
In Sui times Jiao was indeed the leader of the Celestial Masters school the oldest Daoist school, which dated back to the second century A.D. Wendi befriended him not so much as a religious leader, but as a master of occult arts. The proximity of the abbey to the Palace City (two wards to the east) made it possible to summon Jiao for immediate consultation. . Over the course of two years (710 to 712), Tang Ruizong converted Princess Anle's ~~ residence in Jincheng (3B) into the Taiqing Abbey ~.) to accommodate Shi Chongxuan ~~;t. By this time Shi was probably the most powerful Daoist at court. A master of esoterica (fangshi :1J±), he was mentor to the princesses Jinxian and Yuzhen.71 After Princess Taiping and her cohort were brought down in a failed coup in 713, Shi was executed and the Taiqing Abbey abolished. 72 68
Qingdu subsequently· moved to a location in Yongle, the site of Baosheng Monastery
(ftlmf¥) in Sui times. See Appendix 3, 310. 69 In other sources the title was kaifo yang 'an gong OOJf-p~~~. 70 THY 50.876. Similar records are found in other sources as well. But the one in the THY is the most detailed and informative. See also CAZHi 10.5; LBCAZ 5.154; TLlCFK 4.114. 71 Despite his humb'le origins, Shi had easy access to the court thanks to his connections
through Princess Taiping. He rose to the position of president of the Court of Diplomatic Reception, but the favors he enjoyed caused much envy among Buddhist monks in the capital. A group of Buddhists spent an enormous sum to bribe a madman named Duan Qian ~ to sabotage Shi's reputation. Duan managed to slip into the Taiji Basilica in disguise, then proclaimed himself to be a "son of Heaven." After he was caught, Duan implicated Shi, leading to his banishment from the capital. 72 XTS
83.3656-57.
In 677 Gaozong moved the Taiping Convent (::i:\:ifZ:9;'J(£Ili) from Banzheng Ward (3C) to Daye (IIG) to house his daughter Princess Taiping. He had admitted her to a Daoist order so that he could diplomatically tum down a marriage proposal for her from the Tibetan king. 73 In 710 Ruizong spent a fortune on two convents (Jinxian ~UI and Yuzhen ~~) in Fuxing (2C) that were to be residences for his two newly ordained daughters, Princesses Jinxian (Gold Immortal) and Yuzhen (Jade Perfected).7. In 762, on the occasion of Princess Xianyi's J9t§: ordination, the Suming Abbey was renamed Taizhen Convent (;(C!l!IlD. 75 This institution attracted members of the literati. The Late Tang poetess Yu Xuanji ~;t~, for example, took up residence at Taizhen for a time before her execution. 76
Donations ofProperty by Princesses In 710, Princess Changning ~~, Zhongzong's favorite daughter, donated her property in Chongren Ward for the establishment of the Jinglong Abbey (:a~.). This occurred after the violent death of her mother Empress Wei in a palace coup, the third Xuanwu Gate Incident, and after Changning's own banishment from the capital.77 Changning had taken over the property on Zhongzong's accession in 705 (Shenlong 1). It had formerly been two parcels, one belonging to Chief Minister Gao Shilian ii1li±Jii and the other to the Jinwu Guard of the Left. The combined real estate, excluding hills and ponds, was officially valued at 2 million strings of Cash.'8 In 710, Princess Xindu ~m, Zhongzong's eldest daughter, donated her property in Chongye (9E) for the founding of the Futang Abbey (m~.). This donation was probably also related to the coup initiated by Xuanzong that same year, which resulted in the death of Empress Wei and the permanent downfall of the Wu clan, of which Xindu's husband was a member. After giving birth to a 73 See Appendix 2,299. 7. For an in-depth study of the ordination ceremonies of these two princesses, see Benn 1991, passim, esp. 5-20. 75 It was also popularly known as Xianyi Convent 76 CAZH! 8.5; LBCAZ 5.153; TLlCFK 3.60; THY 50.875. On Yu Xuanji, See QTS 804.9047.
77 TLlCFK records the Jinglong period (707-710) for the founding of the abbey, after the death of Empress Wei. However, this seems to be an error. See ZZTJ 209.6639; cf. TLlCFK 3.54.
78 Sources cite different figures for the property. The Xin Tang shu records -+ti~, which could mean -+tl or 2,000 million. The Liangjing chengfan kao records -f~ or 20 million. Neither specifies the money denomination. It is reasonable to assume that the XTS refers to 2,000 million cash or 2 million strings of cash. See XTS 83.3654; TLlCFK 3.54.
250 / Sui-TangChang'an son, Princess Xindu opted to live as a Daoist nun, and the abbey was created to mark her retirement from COurt. 79 In 730 the princess of Caiguo ~~,80 Ruizong's daughter, donated her property in Tongyi (6D) for the establishment of the Jiuhua Abbey
The Presence ofEvil Influences There are only two documented cases in this category. The first was the transfer of the Tongdao Abbey (~a) in 582 from its site in Han Chang'an to Chongye Ward (9E) in Daxingcheng. It was then renamed Xuandu Abbey C~~a) and, together with the Buddhist Daxingshan Monastery <*!!!!~~), was positioned to suppress potential usurpers. The other instance occurred when Li Linfu *f*ffi, chief minister under Xuanzong, discovered that his mansion was haunted For no apparent reason, a ditch in the northeast comer of the property would be lit up at night and children carrying torches were seen moving about in the area. Li detested the apparitions and set up the Jiaoyou Convent (~~IO in the southeast part of his mansion to suppress them. Xuanzong, who apparently approved of the project, bestowed on Li a name placard for the convent, written in gold in the emperor's own hand. Li also 83 obtained permission to install his daughter as its abbess. There is no indication that Princess Xindu actually took up residence in this abbey. If it were created for her, it would have been called a nilguanguan (convent). As a relative of the fallen Wu clan, she must have been banished from the capital as well. See CAZHi 9.8; LBCAZ 5.153; THY 50.871; TLJCFK 4.95. 80 Also known· as Xueguo it¥~. 79
Both Princess Yicheng U (Zhongzong's daughter) and Princess Xueguo (Caiguo) are recorded to have been consorts ofPei Xun. But in a passage inXT.S' (81.3594), Pei is referred to as afoma f.t,~ (imperial son-in-law) during Ruizong's reign. At that time, Xueguo should have been his wife. See also XT.S' 83.3653; 83.3656. Xueguo is listed in XT.S' 83.3656, but the same person is referred to as Caiguo in 11fY 6.64.
Monastic Communities / 251 But not all Daoist establishments fell into these categories. The Lingying Abbey (Jf~Il) in Liquan Ward (4B) was built by the Daoist priest Song 84 Daobiao *j][~ for no specific reason. It may, however, be associated with the initial expansion of the Daoist church encouraged by the Sui sovereigns. In 746, Yang Guifei's ~.~c sister Madam Pei ~ donated her property in Anyi (71) for the establishment of the Taizhen Abbey tt!lUll). In 747 the eunuch officer Gao Lishi f.1U:1J± donated his property in Xingning (21) for the establishment of the Huafeng Abbey (¥Ma). In both of these cases, the intent was to appeal to Xuanzong and Yang Guifei. The naming of Pei's property was no accident-taizhen was Yang Guifei's title. 8s Immediately following their donations, both Pei and Gao were promoted-Pei to Duchess of Guoguo and Gao to cavalry general-in-chief (piaoqi dajiangjun m~*~ll!), one of the military's highest prestige titles.86 Finally, Xuanzong created the Taiqing Palace in Daning (21) in 742 to commemorate a sighting of Laozi himself, who is said to have descended on the thoroughfare leading to the main southern entrance to the Daming Palace.87 Daoist establishments in Sui-Tang Chang'an sprang largely from royal patronage. In the Sui era, the court itself sponsored most Daoist building projects, where monastic structures were often created for highly respected Daoist masters. In Tang times Daoist structures quadrupled in number. The court either built them new or made secular structures into Daoist ones. A unique feature of Tang Chang'an's Daoist church was the significant number of monastic complexes that were either established on properties donated by or named after princesses, often on the occasion of their ordination. It may be that the princesses turned to Daoism as a safe haven from the palace intrigues they 88 witnessed in their lay lives. The personal efforts of Zhongzong, Ruizong, and Xuanzong to promote the religion no doubt also contributed to an ambience at court that encouraged royal relatives and other powerful individuals to donate property to the Daoist church. 89
81
82 CAZHi
8.3; LBCAZ 5.153; TLJCFK 3.56; THY 50.877.
83 Sources do not provide a specific date for the founding of the convent. They do suggest that Li converted the property after he had begun to gain notoriety as a persecutor of other court officials. This would place the founding in 735 when he became chief minister, or later. See.ITS 106.3236; XT.S' 223 .shang.6343-44; Appendix 2, 300.
84 85
Lingying Abbey was later moved to Yongchang Ward (9H). XTX76.3493.
On the promotion of Madam Pei and Gao Lishi, see ZZTJ 216.6891, 6889. On the Taizhen and Huafeng AbbeyS, see Appendix 2, 300.
86
87 88
On the founding of the Taiqing Palace and its predecessor, see Xiong 1996,264-73. Benn 1991,9.
On properties donated by Tang princesses to the Daoist church through the mid-eighth century, see Nunome 1992,203-33.
89
252 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
Monastic Communities /
Buddhism In the early years of Sui Yangdi's reign (605-{)18) Daxingcheng already boasted 120 Buddhist monasteries within the city precincts.9O A large monastery could house upwards of 500 people.91 In his Liangjing xinji Wei Shu records 107 Buddhist and Daoist institutions for the Kaiyuan period (713-742), of which ninety-one were Buddhist. 92 This figure is very likely an underestimate.93 Even by Wei Shu's count, Buddhism was clearly the dominant religion in the capital. Its rival, the Daoist church, trailed far behind with only sixteen institutions. According to the 844 (Huichang 4) eyewitness account of the Japanese monk Ennin, Chang'an contained more than 300 Buddha halls (fotang f~1lt).94 A single Buddha hall with its cloister may have rivaled a large monastery in the provinces. In a recent study Ono Katsutoshi identifies 156 Buddhist monasteries and convents in Chang'an's residential areas, in addition to five Buddhist structures inside various palace compounds. 9S Most survived until the 845 anti-
90
CAZHi 7.6.
Take the Daci'en Monastery, for example: At its founding, 300 monks were ordained and 50 dade *~ (honored monks) were transferred to the monastery by order of the crown prince. Buddhist monasteries were open to further ordinations. It was also common for a monastery of that size to employ from 100 to 200 slaves. DCES 7.155; Hiraoka 1956, Map Volume, 38-39. 92 Wei Shu was transferred to Chang'an in the early Kaiyuan period from Yueyang (~IIJ, present-day Lintong, Shaanxi), where he had been serving as county magistrate. He remained at court until the An Lushan Rebellion. The information cited is not included in the extant edition of the Liangjing xinji, which contains only chapter 3 of the original. However, it is quoted in the CAZHi (7.6, commentary). Judging from the context, the quotation should start with "Wei Shu says," and ends with "four Zoroastrian temples." On this passage CAZHi comments: "It does not include those [monasteries] built since the Tianbao period." This suggests that Wei Shu completed the Liangjing xinji in the preceding Kaiyuan period, which ended in 741. The Yuhai (160.7) provides the year Kaiyuan 10 (722) as the date of completion for the work, which, although occasionally disputed, is accepted by most scholars. See Fukuyama 1953; Cen 1990, 710-1l;XTS 13.4529-31; JTS 102.3183-85. 93 Even in Tang times, DUlin Chengshi ti::t\ faulted Wei Shu for making a great number of omissions. yyzz "Xuji" 5.245. 94 Here Ennin see~s to refer to Buddhist structures of all sizes. Usually a si ~ (monastery) was a large Buddhist institution, while a/otang f~:iit was a much smaller worship hall. See RTQFXL 4.446; Reischauer 1955, 347. 9S In addition, Dno also lists two suburban monasteries and twelve unidentified ones; Ono 1989, ShirylJ hen, 453-70. For a recent study of Chang'an Buddhist monasteries with a focus on the Tang period, see Sun 1996, 1-49. Following a survey of the monasteries, Sun succinctly describes their management and religious, social, and cultural activities. For an English account of Buddhist monasteries under the Tang, see Ch' en 1976. 91
253
Buddhist proscription. For this study, I have prepared my own list (Appendix 3), which includes all Buddhist institutions mentioned in extant sources. I rely primarily on Chang 'an zhi, Liangjing xinji, LeiMan Chang 'an zhi, Tang huiyao, and Tang /iangjing chengfang leao. I have compared my conclusions rigorously with Ono' s table, which is the most comprehensive of its kind.96
Buddhism Under the Sui (583-618) Sui Wendi was born in a Buddhist convent and raised there until the age of thirteen. A pious Buddhist, Wendi nonetheless survived the anti-Buddhist proscription of 574-577 initiated by Emperor Wudi of the Northern Zhou and did not give up his faith. Upon ascending the throne, Wendi endeavored to undo the damage of the Northern Zhou proscription and built numerous monasteries. The Xu gaoseng zhuan *Jff.!UftJ1$ (XGSZ) notes that "Gaozu (Wendi) of the Sui personally took responsibility for expanding Buddhism. Starting in the Kaihuang period (581-{)00), [he) built shrines of compassion in many places. Wherever there were monks [he] built monasteries for them.,,97 Of the Buddhist monasteries recorded for the new Sui capital in extant sources, fourteen can be 98 attributed to Wendi. The fIrst monastery in Wendi's new capital was undoubtedly the Daxingshan Monastery (see Fig. 9.2): [Text:) The Daxingshan Monastery occupied the entirety of a ward [Jingshan (9F»). [Commentary:) Initially it was named Zunshan d~. After he succeeded Wudi, [Sui] Wendi promoted Buddhism vigorously to win popular support. This monastery was first founded when the capital" was moved. 99 It was named 96 See Ono 1989, Shiryii hen, 453-70. Without Ono's pioneering work, my compilation of Appendix 3 would never have been possible. He uses all of the above-listed sources except the Leibian Chang 'an zhi, which was available only in manuscript form until 1990 after his death. In consequence, Appendix 3 contains more institutions. While Ono cites Buddhist sources extensively in his Shiryli hen volume, I include references to Buddhist and other sources only when they yield significant information. As Ono noted, the traditional sources contain a number of mistakes, the gravest being the dating of Xuanzong's edict to restore and rename Buddhist institutions to Dazhong 6 (852). In reality, this important event occurred in Huichang 6 (846) (THY 48.853-54; ZZTJ 248.8024). 97 XGSZ 15.549a 98 See Appendix 3, 303-12. Qingchan Monastery (trffil!~) in Xingning (2J) is traditionally attributed to Wendi as well. However, Buddhist records indicate that it was established on a property donated by Li Yuan (Tang Gaozu). See XGSZ 17.568b; Fz:J'J 39.359c; Jan 1966, 11. Cf. Ono 1989, Shirylihen, 146-48; Kaisetsu hen, 89. 99 Wendi actually succeeded Northern Zhou Jingdi in 581. Schafer (1963b, 149) states that the monastery in question had been founded many centuries earlier in Jin times. I
'g*
254 /
Sui-Tang Chang'an
Monastic Communities / 255
....
after [Wendi's] own noble title, daxing *~ [Text:] Its structures were second to none in the capital in terms of height and spaciousness. [Commentary:] Named Daxing, it had the same design as the Ancestral Temple.
The Jingying Monastery (~~~) north of the East Gate of Tonghua (6E) was founded circa 587 (Kaihuang 7) for SramaJ).a Huiyuan ~~.108
ilUf.107
CAZHi7.8
*
i
Buddhist monastery/convent • super-monastery • location unconfinned
The Daxingshan Monastery in Jingshan Ward was named after Daxingcheng and the [Jingshan] ward. rYzz"Xuji" 5.245 The fact that the monastery was named after Wendi's predynastic title placed it in a small group of key places bearing the same name: the city itself, the palace and its main basilica, and the east urban county of the city (Daxing County, later Wannian County). This was the only religious institution so privileged, however, and showed Wendi's personal identification with it. It was this monastery that was located astride the fifth horizontal line/ridge of the Daxingcheng area, deemed critical by the capital planners to dyuastic well-being. lOo Its position to the east of the city's central axis corresponded to that prescribed for the Ancestral Temple, on which Daxingshan was modeled. These facts indicate the profound deference Wendi showed the monastery and Buddhism. Sources note that Wendi was blessed by the celestial Buddha (tionla ~) at birth and given the name Naluoyan ~~~, 101 and charged with the mission to revive Buddhism. l02 Extant sources also show that some of the monasteries Wendi built were for Buddhist monks. At the request of SramaJ).a Tanchong .~ of the Qingchan l03 Monastery ($*,~), he set up nine establishments. In 584 the Guangming Monastery 0'GEJ3~i04 in Huaiyuan (7B) was founded for SramaJ).a Fajing $;~IOS and the Yanxing Monastery ~~)106 east of the South Gate in Changshou (8B, Guang'en .,r&, in Sui times) was created for SramaJ).a Tanyan
Imperial City
c have not found any passages in extant sources to support this claim. For a most thorough study on this monastery, see Ono 1989, Kaisetsu hen, 8-20. 100 See chapter 2 for a detailed discussion of the significance of this locale. 101 The Sanskrit is NaraY8Qll, meaning "hero of divine power." Naluoyan was also identified with Vi~u. 102 Guo 1980,9-10. )03 XGSZ 17.568b. 104 On Guangming Monastery, see Appendix 3, 306 .under Dayunjing Monastery (:k~~~). lOS
106
There is no biography ofFlijing. See Jan 1966, 12. On Yanxing Monastery, see Appendix 3, 306 under Yongtai Monastery (7.k~~).
D
E
F
G
Fig. 9.2. Buddhist institutions in Chang'an
107 The fIrst character of the monastery name was taken from the second character of Tanyan. See XGSZ 8.489a 108 Also known as Dazhuangyan :kill. or Zbuangyan iIlll in Tang times. See XGSZ 8.489-92 on Huiyuan, and XGSZ 8.491a on the building of the monastery. Also see CAZHi 9.6. Xu Song wrongly identifies the ward as Zhiye D, and places the monastery in Dunhua ~ft, which he locates at 111. See Xin 1991, 26-28. Cf. TUCFK
3.90.
256 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
Monastic Communities /
Wendi is known to have built a monastery for a layman as well. The Dajue Monastery (*1f~) west of North Street in Chongxian (8C) was founded in 582 for a doctor, Zhou Zizhen fflFf•. When a daughter of Princess Daxing's was ordained a nun in 583, Wendi founded the Ciren Convent (~t:ffi~) south of the West Gate of Chongxian (8C) for her. After Empress Wenxian's death in 602, Wendi created a large monastery in 603 that spanned the eastern halves of Heping and Yongyang (12-13A). It was called Chanding mI:g and was also known as East Chanding *t!J!:g.I09 When the new capital site was being prepared, the tombs therein were excavated and relocated to the suburbs. Wendi built the Linggan Monastery (II~~) in Xinchang (8J) in 582 to pacify the disturbed souls. I 10 In 583 Wendi ordered the building of two monasteries: Chanlin t!J!f* in Xingqing (4J) at the east end of the city, and Baochang(guo) Wl§(~) in Jude (4A) at the west end. These monasteries are also identified as the "county monasteries" ofDaxing and Chang'an Counties in Sui times. 11 I Sui Yangdi (r. 604-618) was raised Buddhist. While serving as commanderin-chief (zongguan ~'llf) of the Yangzhou mJ+1 area, he was named a zongchi *'t!~ (dhtiraf.lt) bodhisattva by Zhiyi ~D, the most respected monk in South sect Although Yangdi was to remain China and founder of the Tiantai supportive of Buddhism, he made several attempts to control the Buddhist church after he usurped power. He encountered strong resistance from the clergy, however.ll2 Like his father, Yangdi sponsored a number of Buddhist institutions. As crown prince, he set up the Riyan Monastery (8 .il~) in the southwest corner of Qinglong (121) in 601. It was closed in 632. A tall wooden pagoda completed by Yuwen Kai in 611 was the major addition to the East Chanding Monastery during Yangdi's time. It counterbalanced the depression ofKunming Pond (ltB~?t!n in the western suburbs. lll The best-known example ofYangdi's patronage of the
*Jt
::txtt
7;:.
109 Known in Tang times as Zhuangyan Monastery (lIfJl~). On Zhou Zizhen, see UXJHi, 197a; CAZHi 10.3. There is little information on Zhou in extant sources. On Empress Wenxian, see SUS 36.1108-9. Fozu tongji mlWt~c (FZTJ) places its founding date at 594, but this has been deemed unreliable. See Jan 1966, 15 n. 30; cf. FZl'J
39.360c. lIOOn the Linggan Monastery, see Appendix 3,304 under Qinglong ft~. CAZHi 9.5, text and commentary. III CAZHi 10.9, commentary; Ono 1989, Shiryohen, 301-3. 112 FZTJ 39.36 1--62; Jan 1966,18-19; Tang 1982, 6. 113 On Riyan Monastery, see CAZHi 8.13; Yamazaki 1952. On the two Chanding complexes, see FYZL 100.26; Shijia!angzhi b~ (SJFZ) 8.122. On Yuwen Kai's pagoda, see CAZHi 10.10; UXJHi, 195-96; Ono 1989, Shiryo hen, 314-15; Kaisetsu hen, 199-200.
257
Buddhist church in Chang' an was the 605 creation of a second Chanding Monastery, known as West Chanding gsmI:g (12-13A) to distinguish it from its namesake to the east. It was also known as Great Chanding *~:g.114 This complex was built to commemorate Wendi and must have been Yangdi's effort to pacify the soul of his father, in whose murder he been implicated in his bid for power. ll5 In its general design, dimensions, and the structure of its pagoda, 1l6 West Chan ding was reportedly identical to East Chanding. The two Chanding 117 Monasteries were renamed in 618. The Fayuan zhulin i$;n~f* (FfZL) notes that Yangdi set up ten other monasteries that were supported by the government for ten years. I IS Both Sui Wendi and his successor Yangdi actively promoted Buddhism, and Buddhist institutions flourished in Daxingcheng. In Sui times the Buddhist church became far and away the most influential religious establishment in the capital. 119
Early Tang (618-712) When Gaozu founded the Tang dynasty, he inherited Sui Daxingcheng with its overwhelming Buddhist presence. But Gaozu had made his own contributions to the rise of Buddhism in Sui times. He had sponsored a statue to 120 expedite his son Li Shimin's (the future Taizong) recovery from illness. He also had donated his mansion in Xingning Ward (2J) for the construction of a Known as Dazongchi *~~ or Zongchi .~ in Tang times. Yangdi's role in hastening his father's death is documented in SUS 36.1110. Miyazaki Ichisada (1989, 311-12) regards this record as a fabrication by Confucian moralists, but offers no proof for his argument. Arthur Wright (1979, 120) believes that Yangdi's involvement was possible. 116 Extant sources record that the pagoda was no different from its western counterpart. Here western is probably an error for eastern. Cf. UXJHi, 196a; TLlCFK 4.127. 117 In 618, the year the Sui dynasty gave way to the Tang, the East and West Chanding Monasteries were renamed Zhuangyan and Zongchi, respectively. There are conflicting accounts of the renaming. One asserts that both Zhuangyan and Zongchi were Empress Wenxian's titles at court, hence the name change (LlXJHi, 196a); another that Zongchi was Yangdi's religious title, and Zhuangyan was the title of Yangdi's empress Xiao )I (CAZHi 10.10-11, commentary). Neither version makes sense here. 118 The Fayuan zhulin (100.26) also credits Yangdi with building both Chanding Monasteries and their pagodas. In fact, he sponsored only the second monastery-West Chanding. 119 Weinstein 1987, 3-5. Despite the fact that Yangdi personally founded a number of key Buddhist establishments in the capital, more than two dozen monasteries were closed during his reign-mostly in 611. See Ono 1989, Shiryo hen, 453-70. 120 Tang 1982, 10. 114
115
258 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
Monastic Communities / 259
monastery in 583. It was dubbed Qingchan Monastery (m'*,~) by Sui Wendi, then renamed Anguo Monastery (~~~) in 846. 121 In 618, as the founding sovereign of the Tang, Gaozu set up the Zbengguo Convent (~*Jt.~) for the nun Mingzhao I3A~~ in the north of Fengle Ward (7E); it was relocated to Chongde (8D) in 635. 122 He also established the Cibei Monastery (~)iI~~) for Sriunlll).a Tanxian in the northeast quadrant of Guangde" (6C), and the Huichang Monastery (1\t~~) in the southwest comer of Jincheng (3B) as a consequence of Li Shimin's having stationed his troops in that ward in 617 prior to the overthrow of the Sui. 123 Immediately after he came to power Gaozu built the Shengye Monastery (Mj~~) in Yiren (41, later renamed Shengye after the monastery) for SramllIJll Jinghui M, whom Gaozu in his predynastic days had come to revere for his prophetic powers. l24 In 620 Gaozu founded the Ling'an Monastery (Il~~) to commemorate his third son Prince Weihuai H.:E (Li Xuanba in the northwest of Jiahui (9B).i2S He also set up the Chuguo Monastery (~~~) in the southwest comer of Jinchang (11H) to commemorate his fifth son, the Prince of Chu (Li ZhiyUn· *~~), who had been murdered in Chang'an while in custody during the turmoil at the end of the Sui dynasty.l26 The building of the Jixian Convent ($fwm~), which had no 127 confitmable location in Chang'an, has been attrIbuted to Gaozu as well. In spite of his generous patronage of Buddhist structures, it was Daoism that captured Gaozu's imagination. Thanks to the indefatigable Fu Yi~, who was both a Daoist and anti-Buddhist, Daoists and Buddhists were increasingly involved in polemics against one another. Gaozu eventually ruled that Daoism
it*
*:ta)
n
121 This monastery is widely, but erroneously, attributed to Wendi, who allegedly created it for Tanchong. Records in Tanchong's biography suggest otherwise. See XGSZ 17568b. Cf. CAZHi 9.1; TLJCFK 3.82. On the renaming of the monastery, see ZZTJ 248.8024, commentary. 122 See Appendix 3, p. 303 nnder Dakaiye Monastery. Fengle Ward had been the location of the Shengguang Monastery <Mt.7'G~), which was relocated in 605 to Guangdea (6C). In its place, a Xiandu Palace (fwlm;3) was built as an alternative temple to Wendi. It stood unti1618. SeeCAZHi9.6-7; TLJCFK4.93 .. 123 On Cibei Monastery, see FZTJ39.362a; Ian 1966,20; see also Appendix 3, 314. On HuichangMonastery, see Appendix 3, 314. 124 On Shellgye Monastery, see Appendix 3, 314. XGSZ (26.671b) reads renshou f=~ foryiren. 125 On Li Xuanba, see Jl'S 64.2419; 79.3545. On Ling'an Monastery, see L.lXJHi, 190; CAZHi 10.8; TLJCFK4.120. 126 On ChugUo Monastery, see Appendix 3, 310. On Li Zhiyun, see JTS 64.2423;
xrs
xrs
79.3548. 127 FYZL (100.27) also attributes the Xingsheng Monastery (.~~) to Gaozu. It was actually donated by his son in 629. See Guang hongmingji /JBJ,.a)HI~ (GHMJ) 28.340b; QTW9.107.
should be the "ftrst religion," followed by Confucianism and BUddhism.128 His famous "Edict to Purge Buddhism and Daoism" ("Shatai Fo Dao zhao" t:l>ttf?IH1!~B) in 626 was apparently intended to rein in both the Buddhist and the Daoist churches, but in reality its main target was Buddhism. 129 The effects of this edict would have dealt a devastating blow to Buddhism, had it not been 130 abandoned when Gaozu abdicated in favor of his son Taizong. Although Taizong did not enforce his father's edict banning Buddhism, he reiterated a pro-Daoist policy and until 648 persistently tried to limit the power of the Buddhist church. Nonetheless, he is known to have created two monasteries. In 629 he donated his father's predynastic mansion in the southwest comer of Tongyi Ward (6D) for conversion into the Xingsheng Convent ($~m~).l3I In 634 he set up the Hongfu Monastery (5j,Jii1i~)132 in the northwest corner ofXiude (IC) in memory of his mother Empress Taimu :*~.133 This institution was famous for its spectacular architecture and its association with the monk Xuanzang, who was settled there in 645. Under his influence, 134 Taizong began to take an interest in Buddhism a year before his death in 649. Taizong's successor, Gaozong, set up more than twenty Buddhist monasteries for his sons and daughters in Chang'an during the Xianqing period (656-661). in Jing'an (9G), Zhaofu in These included Zijie ~jjJ(;, Chongjing Chongyi (6G), and Ximing gsl3A in Yankang (7C).135 In 663 Gaozong founded
*i)(
mom
128 Weinstein 1987,8-9; Tang 1982, 10-12. On the anti-Buddhist controversy, see FZTJ Ian 1966, 21-24. 129 JTS 1.16-17; QTW3.38; GHMJ25.294c-95a 130 Weinstein 1987, 9; Tang 1982, 12. 131 Traditionally, the founding of the convent is dated 627. I follow Taizong's edict in dating the event at 629. See GHMJ 28.340b; QTW 9.107. Cf. LJXJHi, 181; CAZHi 9.9; 39.362~3;
TUCFK4.98.
132 Also known as Xingfu Monastery (.:m~). 133 On Hongfu, see Ono 1989, Kaisetsu hen, 131-32. Note that it was renamed Xingfu in 705, and the date of its founding, 632, is recorded in the Bianzheng [un mlEa'lll, which provides the most detailed information on this monastery. All other sources date its founding at 634. On Empress Taimu, see JTS 51.2163-64. On Taizong's attachment to his mother, see Wright 1973,256-58. 134 On Xuanzang, see LJXJHi, 182b; CAZHi 10.1; TLJCFK 4.102; XGSZ 4.454c, 457a; DCES 6.128; Weinstein 1987, 24. On Taizong's ranking of Buddhism below Daoism, see Tang da zhaolingji r.!f*m~~ (TDZLJ) 113.537. On Taizong's interest in Buddhism, see Weinstein 1987, 11-27, especially 25; Wright 1973, 242-56; Tang 1982, 12-18. 133 FlZL 100.30. Zijie's location is unknown. Ximing is .also known as Fushou :m3. Weinstein has argued that Yizong (r. 859-873) founded the Fushou Monastery (:ma~) for women in his entourage within the palace grounds. The only Fushou on record in Chang'an was in fact the post-proscription name for the Ximing Monastery. The passage Weinstein relies on for this conclusion is from the Song gaoseng zhuan *~ft1f (SGSZ 6.133): gtl~ftJb*1tC.+~U~IJtI*J. t~~~~ .. · "In addition
260 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
Monastic Communities /
the Zisheng Convent (ji~~~) in the southeast comer of Chongren (4H) in memory of his mother Empress Wende )C~. It was made into a monastery (SI) in 673. 136 In 677 an aeromancer detected a strange aura in Guangzhai (IH), and Gaozong ordered an excavation, which led to the discovery of a stone casket containing Buddhist relics. Thereupon, the Guangzhai Monastery G'e=t;~), named after the ward, was set up. After Wu Zetian built the Qibao Estrade (tWa) in its compound, Guangzhai was renamed the Qibao Estrade Monastery {tWilm. 137 Gaozong also set up the Longhua Convent (~~~~) north of the Qujiang in the southeast comer of the city.131 Gaozong's greatest contribution to the Buddhist community of Chang'an was the Daci'en Monastery {*~,I€t~),which took up the east half of Jinchang Ward (1 HI). Its construction in 648 was occasioned by the premature death of Taizong's empress Wende. Her son, Crown Prince Li Zhi (the future Gaozong), erected the monastery at the site of an abandoned Buddhist compound. 139 Boasting 1,897 bays, the new monastery was lavishly decorated with pearl, jade, gold, and jadeite ornaments. There were more than ten courtyards packed with precious trees, including catalpa (zi f¥), cinnamon (gui tE), 140 camphor (yuzhang ;!I~), and windmill palm (bing/a #mID. The pagoda of Daci'en Monastery was known as the Dayan Pagoda (*HI*, Great Wild Goose Pagoda, Fig. 9.3), and is among the very few Tang structures to have survived in present-day Xi'an. Built in 652 at the request of Xuanzang, it housed numerous Buddhist items, including stltras and statues that 141 Xuanzang had brought back from Central Asia and India. The murals of the pagoda were painted by some of the great artists of the day, including Yuchi Yiseng ~j~z.ffit (Khotanese), Wu Daozi ~T (d. 792), and Wang Wei U
261
{699-759).142 Originally 180 chi (54 meters) in height, the five-story pagoda collapsed not long after it was built. Its replacement, built during the Chang'an period (701-704) by Wu Zetian, had ten stories, of which only seven survive. 143
*rEi
[Yizong] annOlDlced: 'Twenty honored clerics of the monasteries and convents should enter the Basilica ofXiantai [in the Daming Palace] to set up an altar and ordain novices. Nuns of the Fushou Monastery copy the Tripifaka . .. '" The Fushou reference seems irrelevant to the founding of a palace convent, which 000 (1989), in his most authoritative study on Sui-Tang Buddhist institutions, does not register. See Weinstein 1987, 145. 136 CAZHi 8.2. Empress Wende was a sister of Zhangsun Wuji ~,E\, and the monastery was built on Wuji's property. See 000 1989, Kaisetsu hen, 36. On Empress Wende, see.n:5' 51.2164--67;XTS76.3470-72. 137 THY 48.846; CAZHi 8.1. 131 CAZHi (9.5) places the convent in Shengdao (91). It is described as situated on the north bank of the Qujiang but Shengdao was separated from the river by three wards. See TLJCFK 3.91. 139 The abandoned compound was either that of the Wulou t i or fmgjue " Monastery. See Ono 1989, Kaisetsu hen, 56. 140 DCES7.149; fYZZ"Xuji" 6.262. Oogui see Schafer 19778, 112. Onzi, yuzhang (also known as Q), and bingla (also known as 1'1'00), see Knechtges 1982,206,386.
141
DCES7.160.
Fig. 9.3. Dayan Pagoda, Tang dynasty. Source: Author's photograph In probably the most famous poetic work on the Dayan Pagoda, "Yu Gao Shi, Xue Iu deng Ci'en si futu" W~~~.~~,Igl,~~1II ("Ascending the Pagoda of the Ci' en Monastery in the Company of Gao Shi and Xue Ju"), the High Tang poet Cen Shen ~~ (715-770) eulogizes its architecture: In shaping the pagoda seems to bubble up High and alone,jutting to Heaven's palaces. I climb for the view and bypass world's bounds On a stairway of stone that winds through the void. Upthrusting, it weighs down the holy domain, Towering as though of demon's work. Its four comer eaves blot out the bright sun, Its seventh story rubs the blue sky's vault. 144 Under Xuanzang's abbotship, the Daci'en Monastery became the birthplace of the Faxiang~;f§ school and the center for the translation of Buddhist stltras in Tang China. It was also a major attraction for sightseers. Situated within walking distance of the Qujiang and Apricot Gardens, the Daci'en 142 Ono 1989, Shiryo hen, 91-92. 143 DCES 7.160; Shaanxi tongzhi ~g§Jm,~ (SX7Z) 28.18; You chengnanji Wf:\$;~gC (quoted in Ono 1989, Shiryo hen, 87b-88a); CAZHi 8.8; TLJCFK 3.68--69. 144 QTS 198.2037; translation by Owen (1981, 178).
262 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
Monastic Communities /
Monastery had many features that made it a center for secular entertainment-a resort-like environment, gardens of peonies rich in color and variety,145 a towering pagoda that commanded a bird's-eye view of the city, and theaters. In summer visitors would descend upon the monastery to get away from the oppresl46 sive heat in downtown Chang'an. Scholars enjoyed climbing the pagoda to be inspired by its giddy height. 147 High-ranking officials and literati alike indulged themselves in inscribing their names on the pagoda, a practice known as timing m::g, which was among the favorite ways that newly appointed jinshi 148 ~± scholars celebrated their academic success. Starting in the Shenlong period (705-707), this practice became an established custom. Following the appointment ceremony, new members of the elite proceeded southeast to the Qujiang Garden to hold a banquet that would cement their solidarity as a class. 149 With its major theaters, Daci'en was the principal center for the city's performing arts. However, smaller theaters were also located at the Qinglong Monastery (~~) in Xinchang (8J), the Jianfu Monastery (i.lt~~) in Kaihua (6F), and in the Yongshou Monastery (7.k.~) in YongIe (8G).150 The tradition of staging acrobatic shows in monasteries went at least as far back as the Northern Wei. 151 Daci'en enriched this tradition with a great variety of theatrical 152 performances. The creation of the Ximing Monastery (gsIlA~) in Yankang (7C) was another major contribution of Gaozong's to the Chang'an Buddhist community.
145 Li 1985, 23~2. 146 For example, QTS519.5935, Li Yuan's *it, "Ci'en si bishu" ~,~,~. 147 For other poems inspired by the adventure of this climb, see works by Ou Fu f±m, Gao Shi ~~, and Cen Shen ~~ in QTS 216.2258; 212.2204; 198.2037. Also see TGSB shang.29.
148 The poern by Xu Yin Min QTS 709.8159. 149 Tang zhiyan fflf~~ (1Zy) 3.28-29; TGSB xia.56. 150 On the centers for the performing arts in the east half of the city, see Nanbu xinshu (NBXS) 5.46. Both THY (48.846) and TUCFK (4.113) record that Zhongzong founded two Yongshou Monasteries in Chang'an in 709, one in Yongle, the other in Yong'an (IOC) in west Chang'an. According to Xin Oeyong (1991,66-67), the second is a scribal error derived from a passage in the Sita ji ~*~c, which deals only with monasteries in east Chang'an. Cf. yyzz 6.26l. 151 Jenner 1981, 165,253. 152 On Oacren's theaters, see NBXS 5.46. Sources cite an example of royal attendance at the theater. Princess Wanchun .~, one ofXuanzong's daughters, was seen taking in a performance at Daci'en. Xuanzong later upbraided her for enjoying herself at the theater while her brother-in-law lay seriously ill. See ZZTJ 248.8036; Youxian guchui ~M~!lX (ITGC), 26.
1¥J$wre
1[*
263
The Daci'en si sanzangjashi zhuan *~}~l~=Hil$;Bffif$ (DeES) records this about its founding: During the seventh month in autumn [Xianqing 3 (658)], the master [Xuanzang] was by an imperial edict relocated to the Ximing Monastery, which had been completed on the day of wuzi J.Xr [the 19th] of the eighth month in the autumn ofXianqing I [656]. At that time, an edict ordered that a Daoist abbey and a Buddhist monastery should be erected at the former mansion of the prince of Pu l1l.:E. The master was ordered to supervise the project. [He] reported on the narrowness of the site, which had no room for two monastic complexes. In consequence the entire site was used for the monastery, while the abbey was to be built in Puning 1i;t.\S3 The monastery was built first, and construction was completed in the sixth month during the summer of the same year. It had a frontage of 350 bu (525 meters) with a circumference of several Ii. Flanked by thoroughfares on the right and left, it was surrounded by residential houses 1s4 at the front and rear. The green foliage of locust trees lined the outer boundary, while deep streams gurgled through the monastery grounds. This was the best of all shrines of compassion in the capital. Its corridors, halls, loft-buildings, and estrades rose to such extraordinary heights that they almost reached the Milky Way. Gold knockers and colorfully ornamented beams 15s dazzled the eye and outshone even a rosy sunset. With ten courtyards and 4000-fluS bays, this monastery surpassed in grandeur the Tongtai ~~ Monasteryl of the Liang dynasty and the Yongning 7.k;t Monasteryls7 of the Northern WeL Is8 Situated in the southwest corner of Yankang (7C), in the west part of the city, Ximing had previously been the mansion of Yang Su ~*, president of the Department of State Affairs of the Sui dynasty. Under the Tang the property changed hands among royal family members. In 656, on the occasion of Crown Prince Li Hong's recovery from illness, Gaozong established the Ximing Monastery there. 159
153 It is worth noting that Dongming (Eastern Brightness) Abbey in fact sat to the northwest ofXiming (Western Brightness) Monastery. See CAZHi 10.3, 10.8. 154 Chanluo Jl(r.g:. Rendered as "shops" (shiiten il'Ur.!i) by Ono 1989, Kaisetsu hen, 147. 155 Zaodong ?Ji6li. See Ono 1989, Kaisetsu hen, 147. 156 Built by Liang Wudi ~it'1i? at Jiankang U (Nanjing) in 527. See ZZTJ 151.4723. 157 The best-known monastery of Northern Wei Luoyang. See Luoyang qieianji ~~
ftnIj[~c (LYQLJ) 1.1-38.
DCES 10.214; Ono 1975,4-5. A Japanese translation of this passage appears in Ono 1989, Kaisetsu hen, 147.
158
159 Other sources offer a slightly different version, according to which the monastery was created after the death of the prince ofPu (H, Li rai *). See THY 48.845; LJXJHi,
264 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
Monastic Communities / 265
The Ximing Monastery rivaled Daci' en in having the finest peonies in Chang'an, but it was best known for its religious activities. l60 It attracted leading masters of many Buddhist schools, including Faxiang 1$;;ffi (Dharma-la~CDJIl), LU $ (Vinaya), Huayan ¥.M, Chan (Dhyana or Zen), and Mi ~ (Esoteric or Tantric). Xuanzang, who played a central role in expanding the Faxiang school, 161 went to stay at Ximing on receiving an imperial summons in 658. His disciple Yuance 111$1 (WOn Chilk, 613-696), the grandson of a Silla king, developed his own sect based on the Faxiang doctrines while resident in the Ximing Monastery. 162 At the establishment of Ximing, Daoxuim. m11l, who had founded the most influential sect of the LU school, the Nanshan i¥.iLll sect, was called on to serve as its abbot. He attracted thousands of disciples from allover the country.l63 One of the three patriarchs of the Huayan school, Fazang 1$;. (643712)/64 a Central Asian monk, also resided there. The Chan school flourished there during Xianzong's reign (805-820) when the great Chan master Wuye ~~ (760-821) chose Ximing as his residence during his visit to the capital. Wuye was recommended for the position of ''honored monk of Chang'an" 165 (liangjie dade ~f!j*t~), but he turned it down. After Tantrism came to the Tang court during Xuanzong's reign, it became closely associated with the Ximing Monastery as well. The monk Huixiao ~~, who studied under the Indian Tantric master Amoghavajra (Bukong ;;r~, 705-774), often did meritorious works and· performed prayer rituals on behalf of the emperor Daizong at this monastery.l66 The excellent collection of Buddhist writings at the Ximing Monastery made it a magnet for the most talented translators and compilers of Buddhist texts. After Xuanzang, whose stay there was short, the greatest translator of the time was perhaps Yijing.~ (635-713). Inspired by Xuanzang's example, he
had traveled to India by sea. Returning to China twenty-five years later in 695, he brought back with him 400 Buddhist works in Sanskrit. A significant part of his translation project was completed during his stay at Ximing (698-703), with the help of colleagues who included a number of Indian and Central Asian monks. 167 Famed Japanese monks, such as Doji m~ and Eiyn 7.k!it', of the Nara period and Kilkai ~ri of the Heian period, also journeyed to this monastery .168 The founding of the Daci'en and Ximing Monasteries no doubt placed Gaozong among the greatest imperial patrons of Buddhism in Sui-Tang Chang' an. However, in spite of the great respect Gaozong showed Buddhism, on balance he was more devoted to Daoism. This is clear from his refusal to rank Buddhism above Daoism, as Xuanzang requested, and from his close association with Daoist priests, especially in his last years. 169 In 673 (Xianheng 4) Crown Prince Zhanghuai ]j['~ (Li Xian *N) donated his mansion in Anding Ward (lB) for the establishment of the Qianfu Monastery (f-ti~).170 It was to become one of the major monasteries in the capital, and was probably also one of the last major monastic additions in Chang'an during Gaozong's reign.17I Wu Zetian began to establish Buddhism as the state religion as early as 674, before she officially took power (684-705).172 One of her earlier sponsorships in Chang'an was the Chongfu Monastery (~ti~), founded in 667 in honor of her elder sister Madam Helan WNiti in the northeast corner of Dunyi (II C). 173 It occupied the location of the defunct Sui period Lingjue Monastery (!I~~).174 In 670 Wu Zetian established the (West) Taiyuan Monastery (jcJlli:~) in memory of her parents on their property in the northeast corner of Xiuxiang (2B).175 She also created an East Taiyuan Monastery in Luoyang. 176
186. On Li Hong, see fl'S 86.2828-31. On Ximing Monastery, see Appendix 3, 315 and Ono 1989, Kaisetsu hen, 146-47. On its recent archaeological excavation, see An 1990. 160 Ishida 1967, 10. 161 DCES 10.214. Xuanzang was to return to Daci'en not IOflg after. See Weinstein 1987, 30. 162 Tang 1982, 151-52. Yuance was in contention with Kuiji ofDaci'en, who was regarded as the chief interpreter of Xuanzang's doctrines. See SGSZ 4.63-66. 163 Tang 1982, 177-80; SGSZ 14.327-70; Yamazaki 1980, 19-72.
167 0no 1975, 12-13; Tang 1982,68. 168 0no 1975, 14--19; Ono 1989, Kaisetsu hen, 153. 169 On Xuanzang's request, see Weinstein 1987, 28-29. On Gaozong's association with the Daoists, see Weinstein 1987, 34--37.
*'
mill!;
164 SGSZ 5.89-90.
165 On Wuye, see SGSZ 11.247-49; Ono 1975, 10-11; Ono 1989, Kaisetsu hen, 148-49. On his dealings with Muzong (r. 820-824), see Weinstein 1987, 105. Liangjie refers to "the areas right and left of Zhuquemen Street," meaning the city of Chang'an. This position was actually more like a leadership post of the city's Buddhist community. SGSZ 11.248. 166 Ono 1975, 11.
170
fl'S 86.2831-32.
171 CAZHi 10.5; TLJCFK 4.114. Both sources claim that in Dazhong 6 (852) the monastery was renamed Xingyuan jfji:;, which is incorrect. See ZZTJ208.6610. 172 Weinstein 1987, 39. 173 On Chongfu Monastery, see Appendix 3 under Futian Monastery (mE8~). Note that this is different from the Chongfu Monastery in Xiuxiang (2B). 174
CAZHi lOA.
175 It was renamed Weiguo ~iiI in 687, and then Chongfu *t~ in 690. See Ono 1989, Kaisetsu hen, 173; Appendix 3, 316, under Chongfu Monastery. 176 LJXJHi, 188a; CAZHi 10.5.
266 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
In 684 (early Wenming I), about one hundred days after Gaozong's death in Luoyang (twelfth month of Yongchun 2), a major monastery called Daxianfu **fj was founded in the southern half of Kaihua (6F).177 It was renamed Dajianfu *»IfI in 690 (Tianshou I). Although Ruizong issued the edict to build this monastery, the idea must have come from Wu Zetian, who now permanently resided in Luoyang as the de facto sovereign.178 The precincts of the Daxianfu Monastery were extended southward beyond Kaihua Ward to include the northwest comer of Anren (7F), where the Xiaoyan Pagoda INfI~ (Small Wild Goose Pagoda, Fig. 9.4) was located. This pagoda had been erected with donations from court ladies in the Jinglong period (707-710).179
Monastic Communities / 267 Zhongzong's enthronement as sovereign in 705 did not change the proBuddhist policy implemented by his mother, Wu Zetian. 181 Shortly after his accession he decreed that a Zhongxing Monastery ($'-l-~) be installed in the two national and all prefectural capitals. In Chang'an, an existing monastery called Puguang H, east of the South Gate of Banzheng (3C), originally set up by Crown Prince Li Chengqian **~ in 631, was renamed Zhongxing.182 Just as the Dayunjing Monastery was associated with divine sanction of rule by a female sovereign, the Zhongxing Monastery was to stand for the return to power of the Li clan and the restoration of the Tang dynasty after Wu Zetian's brief 183 interregnum. However, in 707 Zhang Jingyuan 5i~~ memorialized that "revival" was inappropriate in view of the Zhou-Tang continuum. In consequence, the Zhongxing Monastery in Chang'an and its namesakes elsewhere were renamed Longxing ~J! (Dragon Ascendancy).I84 It has also been documented that Zhongzong dedicated three monasteries with the titles of his deceased offspring. In 705 he extensively renovated the Cimen Monastery (~r~~), located west of the South Gate of Yanshou (5C), and renamed it the Vide ft\~ in memory of his eldest son, Crown Prince Vide (Li Chongrun In the Shenlong period (705-707), he renamed the Yanxing Monastery (~~), initially founded by Sui Wendi, Yongtai 7k~ in memory of Princess Yongtai.186 In 709 (Jinglong 3) he founded the Yongshpu Monastery 7k.~ in Yongle (8G) in memory of his daughter Princess 187 Yongshou. He also set up the Shengshan Monastery (~~~) in memory of 188 Wu Zetian.
*m:lI)).185
Fig. 9.4. Xiaoyan Pagoda, Tang dynasty. Source: Author's photograph The monastery in Chang'an with which Wu Zetian was most closely identified was undoubtedly that called Dayunjing *~~ (Mahllmegha [Great Cloud] Stltra) in Huaiyuan (7B). Originally built by Sui Wendi as the Guangming Monastery, this was where, in the early years of Wu Zetian's reign, Sramru;ta Xuanzheng ~ is said to have presented the assembled court with the Dayunjing, which legitimized rule by a female sovereign. Wu Zetian not only renamed the Guangming Monastery after this sfitra in 690, but also ordered that Dayunjing Monasteries be established in every prefecture. 180
CAZHi 7.6-7; TUCFK2.35. On Wu's dominance at court, see ZZTJ203.6416-19. 178 For the text of the edict, see THY 48.846. 179 CAZHi 7.7. 180 CAZHi 10.7; TI..JCFK 4.118-19. According to the Jiu Tang shu, the Dayunjing was fabricated by the monk Xue Huaiyi H~ of Luoyang and his nine associates (JTS 183.4741-43). However, the Dayunjing had been translated as early as the Jin 1f 177
dynasty. What Xue and his associates presented was probably the Dayunjing shu ~ (Subcommentary to the Great Cloud Satra). See Ch'en 1964,220-21; Guo 1980,316, note 1. See also Ono 1989, Kaisetsu hen, 183-84; Weinstein 1987,41-42; Tang 1982,22-24. 181 Weinstein 1987, 47-49. 182 LJXJHi, 183a; CAZHi 10.1. 183 Ono 1989, Kaisetsu hen, 138. 184 THY 48.847; ZZTJ 208.6610. It is different from its namesake in Chonghua Ward (7A), which had been known as the Iingxing Monastery (*-ll!1T~) until 846 (Huichang 6) when it was renamed Longxing ftji. See ZZTJ 248.8024. Other sources date that event erroneously to 852 (Dazhong 6). See CAZHi 10.10; TI..JCFK 4.125. 185 LJXJHi, 185; CAZHi 10.2. On Li Chongrun, see JTS 86.2834-35. 186 CAZHi IO.7;LJXJHi, 190a 187 She died young and was given her title posthumously. See XTS 83.3654. Also see CAZHi 1.11; TUCFK 2.44. 188 Shengshan Monastery's location is unknown. See ZZTJ209.663 1.
268 / Sui-Tang Chang'an Both Crown Prince Vide and Princess Y ongtai had in fact been murdered by Wu Zetian. 189 Upon ascending the throne, Zhongzong rehabilitated them posthumously and had their remains reburied with pomp and circumstance. The monastic institutions dedicated to these two tragic figures no doubt served as a silent protest of the treatment meted out to his offspring by their grandmother. On the other hand, his ready acceptance of Zhang Jingyuan's memorial to replace the name "Zhongxing" with "Longxing" showed his lack of determination to discard Wu Zetian's political legacy. In 705 (Shenlong 1), Princess Taiping, on the occasion of the death of her mother Wu Zetian, built a spectacular complex in the name of the emperor in Daning Ward (21). It was at first known as the Wangji Monastery (~~~), but in 732 (Kaiyuan 20).190 was renamed Xingtang During his short reign (710-712), Ruizong is known to have set up two monasteries in Chang'an: He'en fiifJi?J in the northwest part ofYongxing(3H) in 710 (Jingyun I); and Da'anguo *~~, established on his property before enthronement in the east part of Changleb (II), also in 710. The Da'anguo 191 The creation of these two Monastery took up more than half of the ward. establishments marked Ruizong's accession to power.
oom
Monastic Communities / 269 Another Buddhist institution with which Ruizong was symbolically identified was the Qinglong Monastery in Xinchang (8J). Located east of this ward's South Gate, the monastery was founded in 582 (Kaihuang 2) as Linggan, but was closed in 621 (Wude 4). In its place the Guanyin-Monastery (ilnif~) was set up in 662 (Longshuo 2). In 711 (Jingyun 2), it was renamed Qinglong ~~ (Fig. 9.5) and under that name began to evolve into a celebrated institution of the Tantric school. 192 This was largely due to the presence of the great Tantric master Huiguo $*" who was active in the late eighth and early ninth centuries. The Japanese monk Kilkai ~~ studied with Huiguo during his stay at the Qinglong Monastery, and on returning to Japan, he founded the Shingon ~ i3 school. Following in his footsteps, other eminent monks of the Heian period, such as Engyo 111fT, Ennin 1iIf=, Enchin ~~, and Shtlei *fl, were all attracted to this monastery.193 Due to its close proximity to the southeastern recreation area of Chang'an, the Qinglong Monastery was also a favorite spot for lay visitors and inspired many Tang poets, including Wang Wei .:E*lt, Wang Changling .:E~~, Han Yu ~~, Bai Juyu Bm~, and Wei Zhuang ~jf:E_194 Recent archaeological excavations have revealed the foundations of some of its main structures and aroused much scholarly interest. 195 In the Early Tang, then, Chang'an saw the persistent growth of the Buddhist community. Each sovereign, irrespective of his or her views regarding Buddhism, participated in the business of founding and dedicating Buddhist monasteries. Among these the Daci'en and Ximing Monasteries, both attributable to Gaozong, were the two most valuable additions to Chang'an. Daci'en, after it flourished briefly under the monk Xuanzang as the leading institution for the translation of Buddhist stltras, became a major entertainment center for the city's lay residents, while Ximing continued to serve as the premier center of Buddhist learning. Both Wu Zetian and her son Zhongzong renamed major monasteries to serve their own political purposes at the outset of their new reign periods.
Fig. 9.5. Qlnglong Monastery, modem reconstruction. Source: Author's photograph
189 On Crown Prince Vide, see .TI'S 86.2834-35. On the excavation of his tomb, see Shaanxisheng Bowuguan and Qianxian Wenjiaoju 1972. On Princess Yongtai, see xrs 83.3654. On the excavation of her tomb, see Shaanxisheng Wenwuguanli Weiyuanhui 1964. 190 THY 48.846. CAZHi (8.9) dates the renaming to Kaiyuan 26 (738). Note that the passage starting with *i¥ilfMg~ is an interpolation. It belongs under **$t::}j, in CAZHi8.10.
191 On He'en and Da'anguo, see Appendix 3, 317.
192 CAZHi 9.5; TLJCFK 3.87. 193 Ono 1989, Kaisetsu hen, lO4; Steinhardt 1991,28. 194 Ono 1989, Shiry6 hen, 166-{)7. 195 Lu 1964, 346-48; Xi'an Oongzuodui 1974b, 322-27. On the excavation of the monastery in the 19808, see Ma 1989a A number of research articles have been devoted to the monastery. The most influential one in Chinese is by Yang Hongxun (1984). For an English study of the architecture of the monastery, see Steinhardt 1991.
270 / Sui-Tang Chang'an High Tang (712-756) The official pro-Buddhist policy instituted by Wu Zetian began to come under attack during Ruizong's reign (710-712).196 Under his successor, Xuanzong, Daoism became the undisputed state religion and the expansion of the Buddhist church slowed considerably. Xuanzong started his reign by having the Baochang(guo) Monastery Clfl§[~]~) in the southeast comer of Jude Ward (A4) renamed Xiantian 5t~ after his reign title. J97 In 738 (Kaiyuan 26), he issued an edict whereby all existing Dayunjing Monasteries previously set up or designated by Wu Zetian in the two national capitals and prefectural seats 198 should be renamed Kaiyuan 1m5G. Moreover, a Longxing Monastery (ft.JIJ.~) l99 was to be created in each of these cities. The' Dayunjing Monastery in Chang'an's Huaiyuan Ward (7B) was indeed made over into a Kaiyuan instisince tution, but since there had been a Longxing Monastery in Banzheng (3C) ~ 707, there was no need to rename another monastery or set up a new one.
Middle and Late Tang (756-904) Extant sources reveal that no major Buddhist institutions were founded under imperial sponsorship within the capital precincts during the latter half of the dynasty, from the An Lushan Rebellion to the city's final destruction in 904. The largest monastic construction project in this period was launched in 767 (Dali 2) during the reign ofDaizong, when the eunuch officer Yu Chao'en 1l~,IgI, donated his suburban manor outside the Tonghua Gate for the establishment of a monastery named after Empress Zhangjing .i5(, Daizong's mother. The Zhangjing Monastery (.i5(~), with forty-eight courtyards and more than . ct . area than any urban monastery. 201 The proJe 4,130 bays, was probably larger m was the most extravagant of the time, although it was neither sponsored by royalty nor urban in its location.202 196 Weinstein 1987, 49-50. 197 See Xiantian Mooastery in Appendix 3. 198 THY 48.850; Ono 1989, Kaisetsu hen, 184. The Fozu tongji records that "Kaiyuan si" were to be founded as well. In reality, Kaiyuan was simply the new name given to the existing Dayunjing Monastery. See THY 48.850; cf. FZTJ 4O.375a; Jan 1966, 59. 199 FZTJ 40.375; Jan 1966, 59. 200 On the Dayunjing-Kaiyuan change, see Appendix 3, 306. On Longxing, see THY 48.847; ZZTJ208.6610; 000 1989, Kaisetsu hen, 138; and Appendix 3,315. 201 CAZHi (10.12) alone dates this monastery to Dati I (766). All other sources date it to 767. See THY 48.847; ZZTJ224.7195; JTS 184.4764; xrs 207.5865. 202 Expenses were said to have run into 'irillions of coins," obviously a metaphor. See ZZTJ224.7195; xrs 207.5865.
Monastic Communities /
Z7 I
When in 769 (Dali 4) Chief Minster Wang Jin ~ donated his mansion in Daozheng (5J) for the establishment of a monastery, Daizong expressed his endorsement, naming it Baoying Jl~ after his first reign title. 203 In 797 (Zbenyuan 13), Dezong renamed the Mile (Maitreya) Pavilion (5I1WJriJ) south of the Qujiang the Zhenyuan puji Monastery C~5G~~~)?04 In 817 (Yuanhe 12), Xianzong founded the Yuanhe shengshou Monastery (5G5f[J~.~) in the barracks of the Shence Army of the Right, west of the Daming Palace in the northern suburbs.20S Xuanzong 1[* set up the Dazhong baosheng Monastery (*J:/:l~~~) in Xingning (2J), where the portrait of his empress was consecrated. 206 In 853 (Dazhong 7), on his visit to the Dazhuangyan Monastery (*J1±M~, 12-13A), Xuanzong caught sight of the ruined Dazongchi Monastery (*~M'~) to the west. On his orders, Dazongchi was revived. 207
Royal Patronage of Buddhism Four sovereigns stand out as major sponsors of Buddhist structures: Wendi and Yangdi of the Sui, and Gaozu and Gaozong of the Tang. In quantitative terms each of these four sovereigns founded a significantly larger number of Buddhist monasteries than any other sovereign. In terms of quality, three of the four added major institutions to the city: Wendi with his Daxingshan and East Chanding Monasteries, Yangdi with his West Chanding Monastery and Gaozong with his Daci'en and Ximing Monasteries. The concentration of these sponsors in the very early phases of the city is 20s significant. It indicates that in the Sui and the first part of the Early Tang periods, Chang'an's Buddhist church property was still underdeveloped. This point becomes clearer if we consider the religious convictions of these sovereigns. Although both Wendi and Yangdi were unwavering believers, Gaozu and Gaozong, while not rejecting Buddhism, were definitely more dedicated to Daoism. Gaozong's successor, Wu Zetian, was no doubt one of the most pious of the Buddhist Tang sovereigns. Her short-lived Zhou dynasty was predicated on a 203
CAZHi 9.4.
204 See ~ppendix 3, 318. Ono regards the year 797 as the founding date of the monastery, but that IS IDcorrect. See Ono 1989, Shiryo hen, 458. 205 THY 48.853. 206
CAZHi 9.1.
207 SGSZ
16.392.
Most of the monasteries attributable to Gaozong were constructed in the Xianqing period (656--661). See FYZL 100.30.
208
272 / Sui-Tang Chang'an Buddhist prophecy. By an edict in 691 she ranked Buddhism as the first religion, above Daoism, which effectively cancelled the pro-Daoist policy of previous 209 Tang emperors. Empirewide, her strong support for monastic projects can be best illustrated by the edict to establish Dayunjing Monasteries in the two capitals and in prefectural seats. However, she was much less directly involved in building monasteries in Chang'an. where a Dayunjing establishment was created by renaming an existing monastery. This oversight of Chang'an can be attributed only partially to her focus on the Eastern Capital, Luoyang, where she extensively renovated and eXpanded the Longmen Caves ~r~:£1iID.2lO Imperial sponsorship for construction of major Buddhist monasteries continued to dwindle under Zhongzong and Ruizong, so we may conclude that the vigorous expansion of Buddhist monasteries under royal sponsorship in Chang'an was over by Wu Zetian's time. Under Xuanzong's rule at the height of the Tang empire, imperial patronage of Buddhist monasteries came to a virtual standstill. It is true that in his pursuit of longevity, Xuanzong was preoccupied with Daoism, but he also showed a great personal interest in Tantrism or Esoteric Buddhism. 211 In the latter half of the Tang, from the enthronement of Suzong in 756 until the destruction of Chang'an in 904, the only recorded monastic additions were the one built by the eunuch officer Yu Chao'en in 767; the Yuanhe shengshou Monastery, probably also built by eunuchs in 817; and the Dazhong baosheng Monastery, set up by the Xuanzong ]Iff;. The frrst two were located outside the city, and the third, probably a small monastery, was founded after the 845 proscription, when Buddhism's glory had largely faded in the capital. 212 That emperors did not continue to sponsor new monasteries in Chang'an does not mean that the court had withdrawn its traditional support for the Buddhist church. On the contrary, after the An Lushan Rebellion, in the Middle and Late Tang, favorable policies toward Buddhism generally remained in place. Only three sovereigns attempted to seriously curb the Buddhist clergy: Dezong (r. 779-805), Weniong (r. 826-840), and Wuzong (r. 840-846).213 Dezong 209 Ch'en 1964, 222; Weinstein 1987, 43. 210 The Longmen Caves, one of the three great Buddhist cave sites in China-the other two being Dunhuang and 'Yungang, saw major expansion during Wu Zetian's reign. Under her intense patronage, the number of images housed there grew substantially during the period 685 to 705. This testifies not only to the level of imperial patronage of Buddhism, but also to its great popularity with the populace during that period. See Ch'en 1964,171,221-22. 211 On XUanZong's association with Tantrism, see Chou I-liang 1944145. 1Il On the Zhangjing, Yuanhe shengshou, and Dazhong baosheng Monasteries, see Appendix 3, 318. 213 On the measures taken by these emperors to curb the Buddhist clergy, see Weinstein 1987,89-99 (Dezong), 106-14 (Wenzong), an.d 114-36 (Wuzong).
Monastic Communities / 273 eventually abandoned his restrictive measures and became a devout believer toward the end of his life. Wenzong persisted in his efforts to limit the influence of Buddhism and set the stage for Wuzong's short-lived yet devastating proscription campaign.214 Wuzong managed to shut down all but four of the Buddhist monasteries and convents in Chang'an. Xuanzong ~ff; and his successors resumed earlier pro-Buddhist policies. After Wuzong's death in 846, Xuanzong reopened sixteen monasteries and convents: In the fifth year of Huichang (845), an imperial edict was issued to close all Buddhist monasteries in the empire. In Shangdu (Chang'an), the east and west halves of the city were allowed to retain two monasteries each, with thirty resident clerics per monastery. In the east half Ci'en ~,~ and Jianfu IfttM were retained, and in the west half; Ximing iZSf!Jj and Zhuangyan iI±~ survived. In the sixth year [846, after Wuzong's death], eight more institutions were allowed to were added to the east: Xingtang M and Baoshou keep their original names; the remaining six were renamed. Four of them were monasteries: Baoying WI!f: was renamed Zisheng ji~, Qinglong IifR was renamed Huguo ~m, Puti H was renamed Baotang q, and Qingchan m~ was renamed Anguo Two were convents: Fayun i*~ was renamed Tang'an 6, and Chongjing ~i!{ was renamed Tangchang m-~. Eight institutions reopened in the west. [As to the two monasteries that had remained open,] Ximing iZS8J.J was renamed Fushou m~, and Zhuangyan il±it was renamed Shengshou ~•. The eight new institutions included two with their original nam~ne monastery, Qianfu TtM, and one convent, Xingsheng $~. Five monasteries got new names: Huadu ftJ!t became Chongfu ~m, Yongtai *~ became Wanshou f-it_, Wenguo 71l&J~ became Chongsheng ~~, Jingxing *lfT became Longxing HJf, and Feng'en *,rgI, became Xingfu Jfti. One convent also went through a name change: Wanshan f-it~ was renamed Yantang ft?IS
f*_
3i'm.
However, these efforts resurrected merely a few of the monasteries and convents that had been shut down or laid waste by Wuzong. Wuzong's antiBuddhist measures had brought a long-term problem into sharp focus-the
214 Wuzong ordered the empirewide abolition of 4,600 monasteries and the laicization of 260,500 monks and nuns. See Ch'en 1954; Kubo 1977,222-36,241-44; Sun 1975,8182; Barrett 1996, 85-92; Weinstein 1987, 128-36. 21S ZZTJ 248.8024; THY 48.853-54; CAZHi 8.8. CAZ reads 7C for T in Qianfu Monastery (T1i~). ZZTJ reads for in Wenguo Monastery (U~). According to CAZHi (10.5) and TUCFK (4.114) Qianfu was renamed Xingyuan J!5G.
m m
274 / Sui-TangChang'an
Monastic Communities / 275
decline of the Buddhist community itself. 216 Buddhism had been losing general appeal and intellectual vigor before the onset of the proscription. In the postproscription period, the decline continued as trends unfavorable to its revival began to gather momentum: the moral degradation of the clergy, the deterioration and fmally the disappearance of Buddhism in India, and the rise of Buddhism's most significant rival in China, Neo-Confucianism, which lured away the best and brightest. 217
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*
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*
*
The arrival and continuing presence in Tang Chang'an of three West Asian religions-Zoroastrianism, Manichaeism, and Nestorianism-gives eloquent testimony to the religious diversity and cosmopolitanism of the city. Zoroastrianism, the earliest of the three to establish itself in Chang'an, carried' out no proselytizing within the city, and its practice was essentially confmed to West and Central Asians. Manichaeism, which made its official appearance at court in 694, saw its days of prosperity in the eighth and early ninth centuries. Followers of Nestorianism, a branch of Christianity, came to settle in Chang' an in 635 to avoid persecution in West Asia. They built their first monastery in the city in 638. Nestorianism flourished during the reigns of Gaoz
The rebellion led by Huang Chao would deal another devastating blow to church property and the clergy nationwide. See Weinstein 1987, 148-50. On that rebellion, see also chapter 10, page 278-80. 217 For a most accessible account of Buddhism's decline in the post-proscription era, see Ch'en 1964,389-400. On the proscription itself, see Ch'en 1964,226-33. 216
churches during Gaozong's reign. But while monastic expansion for Buddhism was to plateau after Gaozong, for Daoism it peaked much later, under Xuanzong. One major characteristic of the Daoist church in Chang'an under the Tang was the persistent support it received from imperial relatives. An impressive number of Daoist abbeys and convents in the early eighth century either were created to house princesses or established on properties donated by them. Yet in spite of its aggressive expansion under the Tang, the Daoist church still trailed far behind its Buddhist rival in terms of property held in the capital. Closely identified with the royal clan, the Daoist church never really challenged the broad-based popularity of Buddhism in Chang'an. Nonetheless, at the Tang court it enjoyed an influence out of all proportion to the size of its clergy and monastic holdings. During Sui-Tang Chang'an's 32 I-year history, the Buddhist church was its foremost religious establishment. Except for the brief period following the 845 proscription, the Buddhist clergy possessed the largest number of church properties at any given time inside the city. The vigorous Buddhist expansion in Chang'an could not have occurred without sustained royal patronage.218 This culminated under Gaozong, following three reigns of aggressive growth of church property under Sui Wendi, Sui Yangdi, and Tang Gaozu. Starting with the reign of Wu Zetian, the Buddhist church in Chang'an entered a period of maturity in terms of monastic development. It remained securely established until the 845 persecution, which permanently closed down all but a handful of Buddhist institutions. Buddhist monastic structures were a permanent fixture in the landscape of the great Chinese cities in the medieval period. The Northern Wei capital at Luoyang, for example, had boasted a total of 1,367 Buddhist monasteries and convents in 534 (Tianping :::R-'¥ 1), as compared with around 170 for Sui-Tang Chang'an, according to Ono's exhaustive study, or 300-plus based on Ennin's record for 844.219 This is prima facie evidence that Sui-Tang Chang'an, with its larger population and walled area, was much less under the sway of Buddhism than Northern Wei Luoyang.220 Still, Buddhism, with its vast holdings and numerous followers, maintained a vital and nearly ubiquitous presence in Chang' an. Among its monastic institutions, eight can be classified as super218 For an analysis of the ostentatious display of wealth by the rich and influential in constructing religious structures under the Northern Dynasties and Tang see Gemet 1995,279-86. ' 219 On monasteries in Northern Wei Luoyang, see LYQU 5.349; Jenner 1981,217. For Ono's figure, see Ono 1989, Shiryo hen, 453-70. For Ennin's figure, see RTQFXL 4.446. 220 For a background study of Buddhist sanctuaries wider the Southern and Northern Dynasties, Sui, and Tang, and the economic impact of Buddhism on China during this period, see Gernet 1995,3-25.
276 / Sui-Tang Chang'an monasteries, that is, monasteries with unusually spacious groundS.221 Some of these, for example the Ximing Monastery, were leading institutions of Buddhist learning in the Tang empire. Others fulfilled a cosmomagical function, such as Chang'an's very first monastery, Daxingshan, which with its Da9ist counterpart served as the city's southern anchors against evil. A similar role was attributed to the East Chanding Monastery in the southwest comer of the city. In some cases, ecclesiastic and lay activities were intermingled. Both Daci'en, the famous center for slltra translation, and the Qinglong Monastery, internationally renowned for its Tantrism in the ninth century, were often toured by lay residents who went there not to participate in religious services, but to enjoy their scenic beauty. Daci'en and other monasteries enriched the cultural life of the capital by routinely offering a variety of theatrical performances.
10
Epilogue Heaven's way, how is it That so many swallow grief? I grasp my zither and name a tune; I play "The Song of the Ruined City." The song goes: Border winds are fierce, Above the wall it is cold. Wells and paths have vanished, Hillocks and mounds are destroyed. A thousand years, ten thousand ages, Everyone is gone--what can one say? -Bao Zhao MlOO (ca. 414-466)1 aving withstood the end-of-dynasty upheaval in 618, Sui Daxingcheng was revived as Tang Chang'an and transformed into the most splendid city in the world. For nearly one and a half centuries the capital enjoyed continuous prosperity and uninterrupted peace. Then the An Lushan Rebellion changed the course of Tang history, and the good fortune of the capital began to wane. 2 In the latter part of the Tang, the city became increasingly vulnerable to attacks by warlord generals, external forces, and domestic rebels. It suffered five major occupations, each one of which caused varying degrees of property damage, depopulation, and economic decline.] The occupation by An Lushan's forces in 756-757 was followed by that of the Tibetans briefly in 763,4 the Jingyuan ~@:
H
The. super-m,onasteries include (starting with the l!ll'gest): Dazhuangyan (East Chanding in Sui times) and Dazongchi (West Chanding in Sui times) in Hepinf and Yongyang (12-13A), each as large as a whole standard ward; Da'anguo in Changle (II), about two thirds of a standard ward; Daxingshan (also Xingshan) in Iingshan (9F), occupying the entire area of a small ward; Daci'en (Ci'en) in Jinchang (1 III), about half of a standard ward; Dajianfu in Kaihua (6F), about half of a small ward; Ximing in Yankang (7C), occupying one-quarter of a standard ward; and Baoshou, which took up sections of two small wards, Yishan (IH) and Laiting (2H). On the specific measurements of various wards, see chapter 8, Fig 8.2.
221
1 From "Rhapsody on the Ruined City" ("Wucheng fu" DJJit). WX 11.168a. Translation by Knechtges (1987, 261). 2 On the loss and subsequent recovery of Chang 'an during the An Lushan Rebellion, see ZZTJ218.6979; 220.7034. For a general overview of the rebellion, see Twitchett 1979c, 452-63. On the outcome and legacy of the rebellion, see Peterson 1979, 474-97. Pulleyblank (1955) did an excellent study of the background of the rebellion. ] There were also sporadic incidents of banditry and murder in Chang'an. For anecdotal documentary evidence of such events during the Tang, see Thilo 1990, 165-71. 4 ZZTJ 222.7151-54; JTS I 96.shang. 5238-39. According to both ZZTJ (222.7151, 7153) and JTS (11.273), the Tibetans invaded Chang'an on the day of wuyin ~ (ninth) of the tenth month, Guangde I (November 18, 763), and left on the day of
277
278 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
Epilogue / 279
*m:
mutineers and General Zhu Ci in 783-784, the rebel leader Huang Chao 5 Ji~ in 881-883, and General Li Maozhen *a;~ in 896. If the An Lushan Rebellion shattered the myth of the Guanzhong area's irhpregnability, the Huang Chao rebellion set the stage for the city's fmal decline. In 875 famine in the Henan area sparked a rebellion led by Wang Xianzhi .:E.fwz:. It was soon joined by Huang Chao, a salt smuggler who had gathered several thousand men around him.6 When Wang was killed by imperial forces in 7 878 (Qianfu 5), Huang took over as supreme commander of the insurgents. In late December of 880 (Guailgming I), Huang's army sacked the Eastern Capital at Luoyang. Half way between Luoyang and Chang'an lay the Tong Pass G.iIJM), whose defense was the only hope for stopping the advancing rebels. The task of defending the pass fell to General Qi Kerang Ji1f5'E~, who deployed his 10,000 starved troops in encampments outside the pass as a first line of defense. At his urgent request, a small nUmber of the much-feared Shence Army troops under the command of General Zhang Chengfan ~*i3 were dispatched for reinforcement. Because they had assumed garrison duty for the palace and the city of Chang' an, the officers and soldiers of the eunuchdominated Shence Army had been able. to terrify ordinary city residents, but they were ill-prepared to confront a real enemy. A great many of the soldiers came from wealthy families and had bought their way into the army to enjoy its privileges. On hearing of the expedition, their fathers raced to hire mercenari~s as replacements, many from infirmaries (bingfang wgj;}j) managed by BuddhISt institutions.8 General Qi's line of defense outside the pass was soon crushed by Huang Chao, leaving Zhang Chengfan with 2,800 poorly trained Shence soldiers to defend it against 600,000 battle-hardened rebel troops. The rebels were ruthless in their tactics. To guarantee the smooth passage of their troops, they drove thousands of civilians into a natural moat outside the pass and buried them alive. 9 In early January (881) the rebels stormed the pasS.1O Back in the capital gengyin jJ.t~ (twenty-first) of the same month (November 30). XTS (6.169) h~ the. same date for the invasion, but a different departure date. Wang ZhongJuo dates the mvaslOn to the fourteenth of the tenth month. See Fang and Fang 1987, 429; Chen 1962, 98; cf. Wang 1988, In-74. 5 For a most detailed record of Zhu Ci's occupation, see ZZTJ228-31.7351-440. For a more concise account, seeJFS 12.337-45. Also see Wang 1988,177-81; Dalby 1979, 583-85. On Huang Chao's occupation, see ZZTJ 254.8239-50; on Li Maomen's, see ZZTJ260.8490-91. 6 Fang 1983; 1-15 7 JTS 200.xia.539; Fang 1983, 56. 8 ZZTJ254.8237. 9 ZZTJ254.8238-39.
1
Tang troops sympathetic to the rebel cause set fire to the Western Market. Xizang conducted suburban lei rituals to solicit divine mercyY The situation recalled the An Lushan Rebellion more than a century earlier, when after the fall of the pass the city of Chang' an had been lost. With the capture of the capital imminent, Xizang and 500 palace guards secretly fled west. 12 Looting of the imperial storehouse followed, in which the military and residents from the wards and the markets participated. 13 At dusk Huang Chao and his army entered Chang'an, welcomed by dozens of Tang civilian and military officials. 14 From the Chunming Gate, the eastern main entrance to the city, Huang proceeded directly to the Taiji Basilica, where he confirmed What he termed ''the will of Heaven." He was then greeted by thousands of court ladies, who hailed him as their king. 15 Meanwhile his associates and soldiers began robbing the wealthy, they claimed, to aid the poor. But soon they were out of control. Even Huang Chao himself could not rein in their depredations. Markets and residential wards were pillaged; the soldiers killed any Tang officials they encountered and raped their wives and daughters. They especially sought out members of the imperial family for execution. 16 Hoping to gain divine sanction; Huang performed a formal accession ceremony according to Tang conventions. He first observed a period of abstinence at the Taiqing Palace, the principal urban location for state rituals since Xuanzong's time. On an auspicious date selected by divination, he ascended the imperial throne in the Hanyuan Basilica, the central structure of the Daming Palace. Since he had failed to acquire the Tang imperial regalia, he donned a painted replacement for the occasion. Lacking the ceremonial bronze bells and stone chimes to play the ritual music, he installed large drums, which were struck several hundred times to proclaim the founding of the Great Qi *'/!1f dynasty.17 Following another Tang accession practice, Huang then
10 PrimaI)' sources provide two different dates for this event: the second of the twelfth month (JanuaI)' 5) per JTS 19.xia.909, and the third of the twelfth month (JanuaI)' 6) per JFS 178, XT.S 9, and ZZTJ254.lfollow the former. See Ceo 1982, 532, note 67. 11 XT.S 225.xia.6457. The lei ceremony to the Lord on High was usually conducted at the Altars of State inside the Imperial City rather than at a suburban altar. See chapter 6. 12 On the date ofXizong's escape, see Fang 1983, 132-33.
ZZTJ254.8240. ZZTJ254.8236-40. On Huang's entry into Chang'an, see Fang 1983, 134-37; Schafer 1963b, 167; Thilo 1990, 175-76. IS XTS 25.xia.6458. 16 ZZTJ254.8240-41; XT.S 225.xia.6458; JTS 200.xia.5393. 17 XTS 225.xia.6458.
13
14
J
1
280 / Sui-Tang Chang'an mounted the Danfeng Gate, the southern main terminus of the Daming Palace, to announce an amnesty.18 Clearly Huang Chao was modeling himself on Tang sovereigns and intended to rule all of China from Chang' an. Approximately four months later, however, he suffered a major setback. In May of 881 (Zhonghe I), Huang came under heavy attack by government troops and was forced to hastily withdraw from the city.19 But the government troops, at first hailed by the residents as liberators, soon started committing atrocities themselves-looting, robbing, and kidnapping. Capitalizing on the situation, Huang Chao staged a swift comeback. Outraged by the disloyalty of Chang' an's citizens, he ordered a blood bath that is said to have taken 80,000 Iives. 20 Many people from Chang'an and its suburbs fled into the mountains, while in the city the price of rice soared to 30,000 cash perjin. 21 The rebel troops in Chang'an were soon reduced to cannibalism. Some Tang officers and soldiers were said to have made fortunes selling refugees they captured in the mountains to the rebels as food. 22 In May of 883 (Zhonghe 3), Huang Chao was defeated by a general of Turkish descent, Li Keyong *%ffl and expelled from Chang'an for good. But before his escape, Huang set fire to the palaces.23 One year later, in 884 (Zhonghe 4), Huang was killed by his 24 nephew in Laiwu, Shandong, and his rebel army dispersed. The armies that came to Chang'an's rescue only quickened the demise of the city. In the eyes of Chang' an residents, imperial troops looted and robbed just as savagely as the rebels. Most of the palace structures were reduced to
18 JTS 19.xia.709. 19 Here IfollowFang 1983,173-74. 20 The biographies of Huang Chao in xrs and JTS place the event in 882 (Zhonghe 2). But in the annals of the Xin Tang shu the date is the fourth month of Zhonghe 1 (881). I follow the latter. See XTS 9.271-72; ZZTJ 254.8250; Fang 1983, 173-74. Cf. xrs 225.xia.6460; JTS 200.xia.5394. 21 xrs 225.xia.6460. One Tangjin JT equals 596.82 grams. By contrast, the price ran~e for rice was 3-5 cash per.jin under Taizong (r. 62~9) and Gaozong (649-683). m Early Tang times. On rice prices in Tang China, see Quan 1976, 148-51. Tang nee prices after the An Lushan Rebellion tended to be much higher, ranging from 80 to 200 cash per jin under normal circumstances. 22 XTS225.xia.6460. Cf. JTS200.xia.5394. 23 ZZTJ255.8293-94; Cen 1982, 494-98; Muronaga 1982, 214-19; Wang 1988,79397; Schafer 1963b, 167, May 18,883. On the date of Huang Chao's departure, see Fang 1983,242-43. 24 Huang died on the seventeenth of the sixth month (July 13, 884). See ZZTJ 256.83 I I; Fang 1983,258-62.
Epilogue / 28 I ashes, and few people or houses survived the destruction.25 After Huang Chao's destruction of the palaces in 883, warlord armies came and went, leaving the greater part of the city in ruins. Before Xizong returned from exile, Chief Minister Wang Hui .:r::1fr was appointed regent of the Daming Palace (darning gong Iiushou *aJ3'8flj'~) and charged with the reconstruction of the city. He restored a number of structures in the palace precincts to prepare for Xizong's return. 26 But in spite of Wang's renovations, when Xizong finally returned in the spring of 885 (Guangqi I), Chang'an remained a wasteland, "overgrown with thorns and brambles and frequented by foxes and hares."27 An internecine war between local warlords soon engulfed the city. General Zhu Mei sent his men to start fifes in Chang'an to implicate General Li Keyong. 28 As Li Keyong's army advanced on Chang'an, the powerful eunuch general Tian Lingzi EE.
*:&
ZZTJ 255.8293-94, text and commentary. The account in xrs (225.xia.6462) is contradictory in that it mentions the burning of the Danei *r*.J (the Palace City) and the Xinei's ggr*.J escape from fife. But Xinei was simply another name for Danei.
25
JTS 178.4642-43. ZZTJ256.8320; Schafer 1963b, 168. 28 ZZTJ256.3827. 29 XTS 208.5887-88; ZZTJ 256.8328; Schafer I 963b, 168. Sima Guang is],1l!~:7't is 26
27
suspicious of this record, arguing that Tian was interested in returning to the palace, and had no motivation to burn it However, it can be argued that it was in Tian's interest to leave a scorched city to his enemy Li Keyong. Cf. ZZTJ256.8328, commentary. 30
31
ZZTJ256.8341. ZZTJ257.8374-76; JTS 19.xia.729-30; XTS 9.280-81. ZZTJrecords Lingfu Basilica
as the location of Xizong's death.
282 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
Epilogue / 283
Under Li Jie (Zhaozong), a period of relative peace reigned over Chang'an until 896 (Qianning 3), when the emperor was forced to abandon the city. The warlord general Li Maozhen entered Chang'an and burned whatever remained or had been rebuilt after the previous destruction. 32 Other warlords fighting for supremacy in the north included Li Keyong and Zhu Quanzhong *Jjg.33 Eventually Li Keyong and Li Maozhen came to the conclusion that the emperor had been in exile for too long and should be allowed to return to Chang' an. Some palace renovations were carried out under the supervision of Chief Minister Han Jian .~, who expedited the process when news arrived that the rival warlord Zhu Quanzhong was repairing the palace complex in Luoyang in hopes of receiving the emperor there. 34 In 898 (Guanghua 1), Zhaozong returned to Chang'an after living in exile for more than two years. 35 The warlords, of course, hoped to advance their own interests by controlling the emperor. Amidst this chaos the Tang sovereiOl had become merely a valuable figurehead, a pawn increasingly at the mercy of the local generals. With Li Keyong temporarily out of sight, Zhu Quanzhong in Luoyang and Li Maozhen in Fengxiang both wanted to bring the emperor into their home territories,36 and inside the capital two rival groups also struggled for control of Zhaozong. The eunuchs, headed by Han Quanhui .:i:~, were terrified of Zhu because of his animus toward them. Their rivals, headed by Chief Minister Cui Yin *ffll, sided with Zhu against the eunuchs. In the tenth month of901 {Tianfu 1) Zhu led his army west toward the capital. The panic-stricken eunuch officers wanted to flee and take the reluctant Zhaozong along with them. Zhaozong sent a secret message to Cui Yin that ended thus: "For the sake of our ancestors and country, I have no choice but to go west You and your associates just go east. How sad, how very sad!,,]7 In the eleventh month as Zhu Quanzhong was closing in on Chang' an, he submitted a petition to the court, asking the emperor to relocate to Luoyang. Chang'an was thrown into chaos. Residents went into hiding in nearby mountain valleys and palace guards and garrison troops went on a looting spree. Cui Yin was then residing in Kaihua Ward south of the Imperial City. personally loyal to him, Cui was able Protected by troops from Guandong to decline an imperial summons to court. His residence became a safe haven for court officials and certain Chang'an residents.
mnt:!
32
ZZTJ260.8490-91.
33 Also known as Zhu Wen 34
*1Al.
ZZTJ261.85t3-14.
.ITS 20.shang.763-64. 36 On the contention between Zhu and L~ see ZZTJ262.8556.
35
37 ZZTJ262.8559.
The eunuch Han Quanhui, who held the emperor a virtual prisoner, urged him to leave the city immediately. Zhaozong made a desperate attempt to resist, but as he sat alone in the Sizheng Basilica (,~~) at the Daming Palace, with none of his usual courtiers or attendants at his side, he realized the futility of his effort. As he, his consort and concubines, and other royal relatives mounted their horses for departure, all broke into tears. Exiting the main gate, they looked back at the palace; by this time the imperial residence was already engulfed by a fire set by the eunuch officers. Zhaozong was once again forced into exile in Fengxiang. 38 After a brief stay in Chang' an, Zhu Quanzhong continued west in pursuit. Soon he laid siege to Fengxiang, ostensibly to punish Han Quanhui for kidnapping the emperor. Having suffered a major defeat in battle against Zhu, Li Maozhen, the commander-in-chief of the Fengxiang forces, began to seriously reconsider his alliance with the eunuchs against Zhu. To make things still worse, the siege, which took place in the middle of a cold winter, had started to take its toll. Food supplies were quickly exhausted and countless people inside Fengxiang died of cold and starvation. Human flesh sold for 100 cash per jin, while dog meat was worth 500 cash per jin. Even the emperor had to sell imperial robes and princely attire to get by. When imperial relatives began to die of cold and hunger, Zhaozong lost patience. He urged the warring generals to make peace. With the emperor's approval, Li Maozhen launched a sanguineous campaign against the eunuchs. Han Quanhui, the leading eunuch officer who had kidnapped the emperor, was among the first to perish. Li's murderous turn against the eunuchs was the signal Zhu needed to kill those eunuchs who had stayed on in Chang' an and fallen under his jurisdiction. Once Zhu Quanzhong made a gesture of atonement and reconciliation with the emperor, Zhaozong was brought back to Chang'an in 903 (Tianfu 3). Zhu and Chief Minister Cui Yin then submitted a joint memorial to the court, calling for the reduction of. the number of eunuchs at court. A massacre ensued, resulting in the deaths of several hundred eunuchs. 39 Having gone on to defeat Li Maozhen, with Cui Yin as his insider at court, Zhu became the most formidable force in and around Chang'an. But Cui eventually grew suspicious ofZhu's imperial ambitions so he planned to beef up the semi-defunct Six Armies for defending the city. On learning this, Zhu immediately had him assassinated in his Chang' an residence and ordered the killing ofhis close associates.4o 38 On Zhaozong's forced departure, see ZZTJ262.8560 On Zhaozong's reconciliation with Zhu and his return to Chang'an, see ZZTJ 263.8593-94. On the siege of Fengxiang and the massacres of eunuchs, see ZZTJ 262.8560-76; 263.8581--86, 8588--95. 40 On Zhu' s elimination of the Cui Yin clique, see ZZTJ 264.8623-25.
39
284 / Sui-Tang Chang'an With the eunuchs and Cui Yin's group eliminated, the Six Armies, once the most feared palace guard units, completely dissolved. 41 Zhu was now in a position to manipulate the emperor and his court at will. In February of 904 (Tianyou I), Zhu issued a memorial (biao ~) to Zhaozong, who received it at the Yanxi Gatehouse (li!;D). In it the emperor was urged to move the capital east to Luoyang. The Zizhi tongjian jffcj~a (Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government) records what followed: On the day of refIXu :EFX: (twenty-sixth of the first month, Tianyou 1 [February 15, 904]),42 the imperial cortege departed from Chang'an. [Zhu] Quanzhong appointed his subordinate general Zhang Tingfan Qi'e commissioner of the imperial encampment (yuying shi fffIl'l'OO. [On his orders], palace structures, various office buildings, and civilian residences in Chang'an were dismantled. [Reusable] timbers were picked out and shipped away first via the Wei River, then down the Yellow River. Thenceforth Chang'an lay in ruins.43
Epilogue / 285 and killed him, together with his concubine, who made a vain attempt to shield him. Zhaozong was thirty-eight years old.4s The fmal days of Sui-Tang Chang'an were somewhat anticlimactic. There was no savage laying siege to the city, nor was there a heroic effort to defend it. By the time of its evacuation, Chang'an had lost its status as the ultimate symbol of power. No longer worthy of preservation, it was abandoned to decay and collapse. As with other abandoned capitals, such as Han Chang'an and Northern Wei Luoyang, Sui-Tang Chang'an had been repeatedly ravaged by war before its final destruction and the fall of the ruling dynasty. However, unlike its predecessors, Chang'an was never revived as a capital city. With its increased vulnerability to the northwest and the rise of new economic and political centers in the south and east, the Guanzhong area, once hailed as the "safest refuge of the empire," was permanently abandoned.
En route to Luoyang, Zhaozong was allowed to bring the more than 200 remaining eunuchs with him. They had survived the massacres largely because of their menial positions as caddies for polo games or Forbidden Park attendants. Concerned about their allegiance, Zhu had all of them secretly killed by strangulation. In their place he substituted his own men of similar sizes to guard the imperial progress. By the time Zhaozong realized what had happened, he was already surrounded by Zhu' s men. 44 After his departure from Chang'an, Zhaozong lived in constant fear of his captor. He turned to drink. As Zhu was stepping up his campaign in the west, his rivals, Li Keyong and Li Maozhen among them, began to plan a Tang revival. To forestall a court conspiracy, on the night of September 22, 904 (eleventh of the eighth month, Tianyou 1), Zhu sent executioners to the palace in Luoyang. The intoxicated emperor was with a concubine in the Jiao Basilica (troID. The assassins dispatched the consort who opened the gate and charged across the courtyard into the basilica. On hearing the commotion, the partially clad emperor rose suddenly and ran behind a pillar. There the assassins caught
ZZTJ264.863 I. JTS (20.shang.778) records the day of dingsi TB (February 10) as the emperor's departure date. 43 ZZTJ 264.8626. Also see JTS 20.shang.778; Muronaga 1982, 219; Schafer 1963b, 41
42
168; Thilo 1990, 177. 44
ZZTJ264.8631
4S
ZZTJ265.8635-36; JTS20.shang.782-83.
Appendix 1
. Chronologies Dynasties of Medieval China Qin Former Han Xin Later Han Three Kingdoms Wei Shu Wu WesternJin EasternJin Sixteen States North 1. Han-Former Zhao
2. Lster Zhao 3. Former Van 4. FonnerQin 5. LsterQin 6. LaterYan 7. Southern Van 8.Xia 9. Northern Van Northwest 10. Former Liang 11. Western Qin 12. Later Liang 13. Southern Liang 14. Western Liang 15. Northern Liang
~
nu71 ~ ~~
:::::m III ;J ~
i1:!iif ~IHf
+"'m 7ii, irtiil1i (founded by Xiongnu 1iiiJtt;z.) (liem)
fm
irti~ (Xianbei~) irti~
(OiE;) (Qiang J't) ~~ (Xianbei) jij~ (Xianbei) Si (Xiongnu) ~t~ (Han.) ~~
irtillit (Han) i1:!i~
(Xianbei) ~llit (Oi) jijllit (Xianbei)
i1:!illit (Han) ~tllit (Xiongnu)
287
221-206 B.C. 206 B.C.-A.D. 23 A.D. 9-23 A.D. 25-220 220-265 220-265 221-263 222-280 265-316 317-420 304-439 304-329 319-351 337-370 350-394 384-417 384-407 398-410 407-431 407-436 317-376 385-431 386-403 397-414 400-421 397-439
288 / Sui-Tang Chang'an Southwest 16. Cheng-Han
Appendix 1: Chronologies / 1i.lG~ (Badi
elf)
Reign Periods of Sui-Tang Sovereigns
~ ~
304-347 420-589 420-589 420-479 479-502 502-557 557-589
Northern Wei
~tM
386-581 386-534
Eastern Wei Western Wei NorthernQi Northern Zhou
~
Northern and Southern Dynasties Southern Dynasties Liu-Song Qi Liang Chen Northern Dynasties
Sui Tang Five Dynasties
i¥J~t~
I1J* 1/!f
mil ~tiJ!\'
~tflil
1\1 Jj!f
lift
289
534-550 535-557 550-577 557-581 581-618 618--907 907-979
Posthumous title or temple namel
Name
Reign
(Sui) Wendi ~n
Yang Jian tI~
mJJl
Reign title, year (month)
A.D.
581-604
Kaihuang OO~ 1 (2)
604-618'
RenshouC8 Renshou 4 (7) Vining ~ 1 (11) Wude iit~ 1 (5) Wude9 (8) Zhenguan Zhenguan 23 (6)
581-600 601-604 604 605-618 617 618-626 626 627-649 649 650-655 656-661 661-663 664-665 666-668 668-670 670-674 674-676 676-679 679-680 680-681 681-682 682-683 683 684 684 684 685-688 689 689-690
Yangdi~'Ii1
Yang Guang
Gongdi$'Ii1 (Tang) GaozuJj!f~
YangYouH LiYuan*Mt
Taizong**
LiShimin~
617-618 618-626 626-649
Gaozongji§lj*
LiZhi*rB
649-683
Daye~
Ji.
*"11:
Yonghui XianqingM Longshuo ft9\lj Linde~
Qianfeng~M
Zongzhang tf,Jit Xianheng ~'f Shangyuan J:ft YifengU Tiaolu~fi
Yonglong7~
1m.
Zhongzong 1:fJ*
LiXian*mi
683-684'
Ruizong l!F* Empress Wu iitFo
LiDan*!l..
684 684-690
Kaiyao Yongchun :i.idJ Hongdao ~ 1 (12) Sishenglill~
Wenming JtB)J 1 (2) Guangzhai ftlfO 1 (9) Chuigong~m
Yongchang 7.l~~ Zaichuttw (Zhou) Wu Zetian
fIiIJruI!J:7C
I
690-705
Tianshou
::Rf3!t I (9)
Ruyi ~ltlf Changshou ~.
690-692 692 692-694
Sui emperors are known by their posthumous titles, Tang emperors by their temple names.
AccordingtoZZTJ(185.5781), Yangdi died in the third moothofKaihuang 1lII~ 14, which was in A.D. 618. , Gaozong died on Dec. 27, 683. See ZZTJ203.6416; Fang and Fang 1987, 409.
1
290 / Sui-Tang Chang'an Posthumous title or temple name
Name
Appendix 1: Chronologies / Reign
Reign title, year (month)
A.D.
Posthumous title or temple name
YanzaiQ Zhengsheng m~ Tiancewansui
694 695 695
Dezong
xJlfr;l.;~
Wansuidengfeng
Name
Reign
Shengongfltll;lJ Shengli ~Jff Jiushi?-.t!l . Dazuti
705-710
Shaodi'll*
UOiongmao
710
UDan*!!.
710-712
Chang'an ~3t' Shenlong_ Shenlong I (2) Jinglong :lltft Tanglong I (6)
m
Tanglong I (6) Jingyun :lim Taiji~ Yanhe~
Xuanzong~*
LiLongjimi!il;
712-756
Suzonglll*
LiHeng$'1
756-762
a
Xrantian I (8) Kaiyuan DfIft Tianbao xJf Zhide ~~ I (7) Qianyuan~
Daizongft*
LiYuft
762-779
Shangyuan t i Baoying 'ltD! Baoying I (4) Guangde"~
Dezong~
·LiKuo~
779-805'
780-783 784 785-805 805 805 806-820 820 821-824 824 825-826 827 827-835 836-840 840 841-846 846 847-860 859 860-874 873 874-879 880-881 881-885 885-888 888
Zhenyuan ~ft Zhenyuan 21 (I) Yongzhen 7.k~ 1(8)
LiSong*m;
696'
Xianzong~*
LiChun*~
805 805-820
696--697
Muzong ~
LiHeng*1'g
820-824
697 698-700 700 701 701-704 705-707 705 707-710 710
Jingzong~
LiZhan*m
824-827
WenzongJt*
LiAngfl
827-840'
Wuzongff;t*
LiYan*~
840-846
Xuanzong l1!:*
LiChen*fX
846-859
Yuanhe 15 (I)' ChangqingQ Changqing 4 (1) BaoJiJf/ff Baoli 2 (12) Dahe :kf{J Kaicheng fmiJX Kaicheng 5 (I) Uuichang ~ tf§ Huichang 6 (3)
YizongJ1l*
LiCui*/lIl
859-873
Dazhong ** Dazhong 13 (8)
Xizongft*
LiXuan*m
873-888
Xiantong 14 (7)
~
Ruizong#*
Jianzhong ~* Xingyuan~ft
~il~
Li Xian*i'i
A.D.
Yuanhe~D
Wansuitongtian
(fang) Zhongzong **
Reign title, year (month)
Shunzong~~
;!Itil~
Yongtai 7.k~ Dali*!fl Dali 14 (5)
710 710-711 712 712 712-713 713-741 742-756 756-758 758-760 760-761 762-763 762 763-764 765-766 766-779 779
Xiantong~
Qianfu~~
Guangming ~}j Zhonghe *f[] Guangqi 1ffr!f Wende~
Zhaozong IIB*
LiYe~
888-904
Wende I (3) Longji WiC. Dashun :kim Jingfu:!Jtfi Qianning~
Aidi a*
LiZhu*m
904-907
Guanghlia J'G1 t Tianfuxm TianyouxUi Tianyou I (8)
• The twelfth monlb of Tiancewansui I fell in lan1l8I)'-Februmy 696. SOn Ibe pronunciation oftbe character ~ as a given name, see U 1981, 114.
7 Muzong WlIS
• According to ZZTJ (236 .7607), Dezong died in the first month of Zhenyuan 21, which fen in AD. 805.
S
291
enthroned in the intercall1I}' month after the first month.
Jingzong'. death and Wenzong's accession both took place in the 12th month ofBaoli 2, A.D. 827.
888 889 890-891 892-893 894-898 898-901 901-904 904-907 904
292 / Sui-Tang Chang'an
Appendix 1: Chronologies /
293
Chronology of Sui-Tang Chang'an A.D. A.D.
Emperor
Major events I changes
654
581 582
Sui Wendi
Second month: Wendi founded the Sui dynasty at Han Chang'an. Sixth month: Wendi initiated building of Daxingcheng-Chang'an. ~ Monastery (fmgshan Ward) and Xuandu Abbey (Chongye Ward) founded as two primary religious institutious of Daxing-
656 662
Emperor
663
cheng.
583
588 589 593 604 604
Sui Yangdi
605 613
618 618
TangGaozu
619 622 624
625 626 626 634
Tang Taizong
635 648 649
654
Tang Gaozong
Third month: Daxingcheng ready to receive residents. Initially under general direction of Gao Jiong, building was completed by Yuwen Kai, who laid out palace, administrative center, markets, and residentiaJ quarters based on Yijing interpretation of the hexagram qian. . Third month: Wendi and his entourage moved into Daxingcheng. Han Chang'an fJoodedby Welidi's order. Tenth month: Wendi launched a major campaign against the Chen dynasty in the south. First month: Sui conquered Chen and annexed its territory. Second month: The cons1ruction of Renshou Palace west of Daxingcheng began. Seventh month: Wendi died in Renshou Palace. Seventh month: Yangdi succeeded Wendi in Renshou Palace. Third month to first month of 606: Eastern Capital at Luoyang built Third month: 100,000 male laborers mobilized to wall the city of Daxingcheng. Third month: Yangdi killed in Jiangdu (Yangzhou). Fifth month: Daxing Basilica, the main Palace City structure, renamed Taiji Basilica. Here Tang Gaozu ascended the throne. Zhiyang County created. Seventh month: Hongyi Pa\ace (Da'an Palace) built west of Daxingcheng. Zhiyang County abolished. Fourth month: Taihe Palace (Cuiwei Palace) built in the Zhongnan Mountains south of Daxingcheng. Sixth month: Li Shimin (Taizong) staged a first Xuanwu Gate Incident, in which be killed rival Crown Prince Li Jiancbeng. Sixth month: Tang Taizong succeeded Gaozu. Tenth month: Taizong began to cons1ruct Yong'an Palace in the northern suburbs for Gaozu. Yong'an Palace renamed Daming Palace. Fifth month: Gaozu died in Da'an Palace. Darning Palace project halted. Daci'en Monastery built in fmchang Ward. Fifth month: Taizong died in Cuiwei Palace south ofDaxingcheng. Daxingcheng renamed Chang'an.
666 668 670 682 701
Zhou Wu Zetian
703 705 707
Tang Ruizong Tang Zhongzong
710
Tang Shaodi
ca 712
Tang Xuanzong
714 723 726
728 730 732 736
~*
Major events Third month: 40,000 laborers worked on the outer city walls. Eleventh month: 41,000 additionai laborers hired for thirty days to work on the outer city walls. Ximing Monastery built in Yankang Ward. Fourth month: Daming Palace project revived. Daming Palace renamed Penglai. Fourth month: Gaozong moved court into the newly completed Hanyuan Basilica, central structure of Penglai Palace; Palace City, renamed the Xmei (Western Compound), declines. Yishan Ward split in two; western half became Guangzhai Ward. Yongchang Ward split in two; eastern half became Laiting Ward. Mingtang County created. Qianfeng County created. Fourth month: Penglai Palace renamed Hanyuan Palace. Fourth month: Gaozong visited Luoyang where he died in 683. Eleventh month: Hanyuan Palace renamed Daming Palace. Twelfth month: Hanyuan Basilica renamed Daming Basilica. Mingtang and Qianfeng Counties abolished. Palace City renamed Taiji Palace. Seventh month: Crown Prince Li Chongjun started a second Xuanwu Gate Incident in which he lost his life. Sixth month: Li Longji (Xuanzong) initiated the third Xuanwu Gate Incident, which paved the way for his rise to power. Yongfu Ward converted into "Residences of the Sixteen Princes" and merged into the Forbidden Park. Seventh month: Xuanzong began to convert Xingqing Ward into a third urban palace complex, Xingqing Palace. Tenth month: Wenquan Palace set up at Lishan in the eastern suburbs. . First major concealed passageway (fudao) built from Daming Palace to Xingqing Palace. Xingqing Palace annexed southern half ofYongjia Ward (archaeologically confirmed) and the eastern part of Shengye Ward (unconfirmed). Xingqing Palace began to be referred to as Nanei (Southern Compound). First month: Xuanzong moved court to Xingqing Palace, which became his primary residence. Fourth month: Work on walling the outer city resumed; lasted ninety days. Second major concealed passageway built to link Daming Palace and Xingqing Palace with Furong Garden in the city's southeast comer. Twelfth month: Hua'e Loft-building went through major expansion into the northeast comer of Eastern Market and northwest corner of Daozheng Ward (neither confirmed archaeologically).
294 / Sui-Tang Chang'an A.D.
Emperor
741
742 743 747 754 756 757
TangSuzong
758 763
Tang Daizong
783
Tang Dewng
784 788 796 807 817
Tang Xianzong
835
TangWenwng
843
TangWuzong
845
846
Tang XlJl\IIZOng
873 873
Tang Yizong TangXizong
J1i*
Appendix 1: Chronologies /
Major events / changes
A.D.
First month: Xuanzong issued edict on building Xuanyuan Temples dedicated to Laozi at the two capitals and in prerectural seats empirewide. First month: Xuanyuan Temple founded in Daning Ward. Third month: Xuanyuan Temple renamed the Taiqing Palace. Tenth month: Wenquan Palace renamed Huaqing Palace. Tenth month: 13,500 laborers and craftsmen walled Xingqing Palace. Sixth month: Xuanzong fled Chang'an. Sixth month: An Lusban' s generals sacked Chang' an. Ninth month: General Guo Ziyi recovered Chang'an with help from the Uighurs. Second month: The character an '1i: in Chang'an's gate and ward names changed to avoid An Lushan's family name. Tenth month: Chang'an occupied by Tibetans for less than two weeks (November 18-30}. Tenth month: Mutiny staged in Chang'an by garrison troops from Jingyuan; Dezong fled the city; General Zhu Ci became rebel leader and moved into Hanyuan Basilica in Daming Palace. Fifth month: General Li Sheng recovered Chang' an. Seventh month: Dewng returned. Concealed passageway built from north of Yanxi Gate (Imperial City) to Yongchun Gate (palace City). Sixth month: Concealed passageway built east of Wanxian Gate (Daming Palace). Sixth month: New concealed passageway built by Left Shence Anny. Third major covered passageway built from Daming Palace to Xingfu Monastery in Xiude Ward. Second monlh: 1,500 Shence Army Guards dredged the Qujiang in the soulheast comer of the city. ElevenIh monIh: Wang Ya and Li Xun instigated Sweet Dew Incident; both perished. Fourth month: Wuzong began genocidal persecution against Manichaeans in Chang' an and elsewhere. Sixth month: Major fire broke out in Eastern Market SevenIh month: Wumng's empirewide proscription offoreign religions began. Monasteries and temples closed in Chang'an, with the exception of four Buddhist establishments. Fifth month: Xuanzong revived sixteen monasteries in Chang'an.
881
Emperor
883 ca. 884 885
886 888 896
Tang Zhaowng
898
901 903 904
Third month: YIZOIlg received Buddhist relics from Famen Monastery. Twelfth monlh: Xizong returned the relics to Famen Monastery for reburial with imperial votive objects.
This month fell in early 886.
295
Major events Twelfth month (Guangming I): Rebel leader Huang Chao entered Chang'an; Xizong fled the city. Fourlh month (Zhonghe I): Huang Chao and his rebel army left Chang'an under beavy attack from government troops only to return on May II. Fourlh month: Huang Chao slaughtered city residents in retaliation for their "traitorous behavior." Fourlh month: Dereated by General Li Keyong, Huang Chao left Chang'an for good after destroying palace complexes. Wang Hoi renovated some of Chang' an's palace structures. Third month: Xizong returned to Chang'an from Chengdu. Twelfth month': Eunuch officer Tian Lingzi forced Xizong to leave Chang'an; TIlIIl's associates set fire to residential wards, markets, and palaces. Tenth month: Prince Li Yun '$ set up briefly by Zhu Mei as emperor in Chang'an Second month: Xizong returned from Fengxiang. Third monlh: Xizong died in Wude Basilica in the Palace City. Seventh month: Zhaowng forced to abandon Chang'an; warlord general Li Maozhen entered Chang'an and burned whatever remained or had been rebuilt Eighth month: Zhaozong returned to Chang' an after living in exile for more than two years; uuder the supervision of Chief Minister Han lian, some palace renovations carried out Eleventh month: Zhaozong again forced into exile when warlord general Zhu Quanzhong threatened to march on the capital. First month: After a gesture of reconciliation by Zhu Quanzhong, Zhaozong brought back into Chang'an. First monlh: Zhu Quanzhong moved Zhaozong to Looyang. Palace and government buildings, as well as residential houses dismantled. Chang'an abandoned.
Appendix 2
Daoist Institutions in Sui -Tang Chang'an (Refer also to Figure 9.1) Standard name Xuandu Abbey ~1I1!
Date I Name cbange'
Sui Wendi I To protect the court from cballenges
586 587
DaoistSong Daobiao *llI:fJ
648
Qingdu Abbey
587
mill!
Sui Wendi I Danisl
ifEiI!
587
*~tJ.i(9E)
Liquan Ward UtJ.i(4B) SW Yongcbong Ward **tJ.i(9H)
SunAng~j;j',
Yongxing Ward 7:i<J!Wi(3H) Yongle Ward
Sui Wendi I Daoist LiI Shixuan
Fengyi Ward 1l15tJ.i(8A)
After 618
Qingxu Abbey
Chongye Ward
XmgdaoWard Jl!itttJ.i (5F)
.¥:t'I!:t
Location Han Chang' an
lilI1l! 582 Xuandu Abbey
Zhide Convenl
Patron I Dedication
581 Tongdao Abbey
Sources I Comments CAZHi9.7; LBCAZ 5.147; TLJCFK 4.95. THY (50.876) places it in Ansban Ward ~'l!tJ.i (lOG), and for Tongdao reads Tongda i!!iil. CAZHi7.6;LBCAZ 5.155; TUCFK2.35.
THY (50.876) dates the move 10 649, and reads for Zhucbong Yongcbong
**
CAZHi 7.1I;LBCAZ 5.149; TLJCFK2.44.
*~tJ.i(8G)
81W~
LBCAZ 5.150; TLJCFK 4.126. UXJHi (195a) reads Jingxu Abbey ~~I!. CAZHi (10.10) dates illo 590. THY (50.876) reads LiI Shi 81W for Lii Shixuan.
• Note: When no specific date for a name or locale change can be ascertained from the sources, the reign period in which the change occurred is indicated by a year range.
297
298 /
Sui-Tang Chang'an
Standard name Tianchang Abbey 7(~1!
Date I Name change 587 Huishcng Abbey *j!gl! 740 Qianqiu Abbey
Appendix 2: Daoist Institutions /
Patron I Dedication Sui Wendi I Prince YangJun~~
Location Daixian Ward ~JWj(9A)
NE
'ffkl! 748 Tianchang Abbey Wutong Abbey
Sui Wendi I Daoist JiaoZishun 1iH"~
588
Anding Ward 'ti:5E:tIi(IB) NE
CAZHi 10.5; THY50.876; LBCAZ 5.154; 11JCFK 4.114.
Sui After 618 defunct
Daode Ward lltM(IIE)
CAmi 9.8; 11JCFK 4.96.
Sui
OIaogxing Wan!
CAZHi 7.10; 11JCFK2.42.
Hill Chengxu Abbey
ifflllilll Linggan Abbey
Sources I Comments LJXlHi. 195a; THY 50.876; 11JCFK 4.126. CAZHi (10.10) reads Huicbang guan *,!!1,I!!.
lin Sandong Abbey :::'iJii.Il!
Big
Early Tang?
YmgchongWan! LJXlHi.189a;CAZHi8.7, 10.6; LBCAZ 5.156; 7i
631 Xibua Abbey f19~1!
Taizong I Marked Crown Prince U Chengqian's
'*
*fZrecovery 687 Jintai Abbey ~.1Il
70S Zhongxing AbbeycpQ 707 Longxing Abbey Dongming Abbey
Renamed to avoid tabu character for Empress Wu's ancestor
Location Sources I Comments Daye Ward CAZHi7.12; THY50.870; *!IW:i(IIG) LBCAZ 5.155; TLJCFK 2.47.
Hongdao Abbey
680
UXian*JfI MarkedU's appointment as crown prince
Xiuren Ward ~:tIi
CAmi 10.11; THY 50.870; XTS 81.3590-91. Suburban ward, not identifiable.
707-710 Jinglong Abbey :!itftl! 754 Xuanzhen Abbey
Princess Chang..
Chongren Ward
THY 50.878; TLJCFK 3.54.
708 Yisheng Convent @j!gl!! 710 flngyun Convent HI!! 749 Longxing Abbey
Empress Wei
*iil!!
Xuanzhen Abbey
ChooghuaWard LJX.lHi. 194b; CAmi 10.10; 11JCFK 4.125. ~t:tIi(7A) THY (50.869) reads Chongjiao ~ for Chooghua..
MadredU's appointment as crown prince
PuningWard ff~:tIi (2A)
lJXJHi. 191b; CAZHi 10.8; THY 50.869; 11JCFK 4.122;.l1S 862828-31.
Baoning Ward 1¥lBt:tli(12F)
CAmi 7.9; LBCAZ 5.152; THY50.869; 11JCFK 2.39.
Zbaocheng Abbey
670 Taiping Abbey
Princess Taiping
Banzheng Ward Mijj(3C)
1!ijJ;)t1!!
677 Taiqing Abbey
THY 50.877,870; LJX.lHi. 183b; CAZHi 10.2, 7.12; LBCAZ 5.153-54,5.155; 11JCFK 4.104,2.47. THY (50.877) dates Wei guo to 686.
*'Jl.1!! ~
687 Weiguo Abbey
Rill!!
On Zhaocheng Abbey, see Xin 1991.67.
~ttJ5(4H)
lit
CAmi (8.2) and LBCAZ (5.154) date the name change to 753.
Wuben Ward ~(5G)
Xin 1991,64-65; CAZHi 7.9; LBCAZ 5.150; TLlCFK 2.40.
BlJl!til! Futang Abbey
710
t.WH!
Kaiyuan Abbey
710 Name unknown
710 Name unknown
722 Kaiyuan Abbey 710 Name unknown
:E.frjiiflll 711 Yuzhen Convent
*ilflll
710-711 713 defunct
Chongye Ward ~~(9E)
CAZHi9.8; LBCAZ5.153; THY50.87I; 11JCFK 4.95.
Ruizong I Princess Xicheng's g§JJ£ ordination Princess Xicheng's renaming as Jinxian
FuxingWard .JWJ(2C) SE
LJXlHi. I 82b; CAZHi 10.1; LBCAZ 5.155; 11JCFK 4.103. THY (50.87 I) reads Xining g§$ for Xicheng.
Princess Chang..
Daode Ward ll:1t!:tIi(IIE)
CAZHi 9.8; LBCAZ 5.153; TLlCFK 4.96.
ning~~
717 Name? Convent
Yuzhen Convent
Princess Xindu $Ji~
1JIjjf;1!
Taiqing Abbey Xuanzongl Renamed for Empress Dowager Zhaochcng 1FoJ;)t
ning~lBtl
Named for Zhongzong's reign title
758 Guangtian Abbey
~1l&~1!
Gaozong/In memmyof Taizong
689 Dachongfu Abbey *~tjl!! 739 Zhaocheng Abbey
:l't7C1!!
Jinxian Convent
656
~7(1!
Guangtian Abbey
711 Jinxian Convent UHong,*~1
656
*aJ3l! Haotian Abbey
Dale I Name change . Patron I Dedication 677 Gaozong
~JWJ(7G)
648 Sandong Con.. vent :::.l\ijl!!
Longxing Abbey
Standard name Taiping Convent *'Jl.fr~1!!
y;!Jl1!!
After 618 defunct
299
Converted to convent when Princess Jinxian lived there Named after the reign title
THY (50.876) reads Du.. yuan ~jf; for Kaiyuan.
Ruizong I Princess Changlong's ~1Ii ordiuation Princess Chang.. long's renaming asYuzheo
FuxingWard .JWJ(2C) SW
L/X.lHi.182b-183a; CAmi ]o.l; LBCAZ 5.156; THY 50.871; TLlCFK4.103.
Ruizong I Daoist Shi Chongxuan
Jincbcng Ward
CAZm 10.6; TLJCFK 4.1I6; ZZTJ209.6645. Different from its namesake in Banzheng (3C). Se. Zhaocheng Abbey above.
j!~y;
~JJ£:t/j(3B)
300 / Sui-Tang Chang'an Standard name Chongzhen Abbey ~!K1i liuhua Abbey Mli
Xingtang Abbey
Date / Name change
Appendix 2: Daoist Institutions /
Patron I Dedication
After 713
730
Princess of Caiguo
itllll 730
Xuanzong
~Ii
Ca. 733 Suming Abbey J!a}lla±1! 762 Taizhen ~iIl (Xianyi) Convent
liayou Abbey lI~1!
After 735 liayou Convent
7521iayou Abbey Taiqing Palace ~lif-g
Tongyi Ward litw:i(6D)
Changleb Ward ~~!jj(11)
.Ii Xianyi Convent
Location Xincbang Ward 1If[~!jj (8l)
742 Xuanyuan huangdi Temple
Xuanzong/In memmyof Empress Suming aa}l Princess Xianyi's ordination
Qinren Ward tJH=tJ5 (7H)
Li Linfu *,,*lll / To suppress baleful influences Converted to abbey after Li's death
Pingkang Ward '¥H(5H)
Xuanzong? / Laozi
DaningWard *.!jj (21)
Sources / Comments CAZHi9.5; THY 50.877; TLJCFK 3.87-88. CAZHi 9.9; TLJCFK 4.98. THY (50.877) dates founding to 740. CAZHi 8.10; THY 50.877; LBCAZ 5.147-48; TLJCFK3.70. CAZHi 8.5; LBCAZ 5.153; TLJCFK 3.60. See Taizhen Convent below.
CAZHi 8.3; LBCAZ 5.153; TLJCFK3.56.
LBCAZ 5.145; TLlCFK 3.71; XTS 13.337; Xiong 1996.
Huafeng Abbey
Madam Pei M, Yang Guifei's sister
TLJCFK 1.23 identifies it with DoYiao guan *f!ll!.
Yanfu Ward 1i£tM!jj (9C) SE Anyi'Ward 'tf/§,!jj (71) Moved from Qinren Ward (7H)
CAZHi 10.4; THY 50.877; LBCAZ 5.154; TUCFK 4.112. CAZHi 8.11; LBCAZ 5.149; TLJCFK3.76. THY (50.876) locates it in Daode fang m~. See Xianyi Convent above.
Gao Lishi il!li:.IJ±
Xingning Ward WlJ!jj (2l)
CAZHi 9.1; LBCAZ 5.150; TLJCFK 3.82.
747
Princess Xinchang
Choogye Ward
CAZHi 9.8; my 50.877; LBCAZ 5.153; TUCFK 4.95.
1If[~/Marked
~~(9E)
her ordination
ii~1i
Wan'an Abbey ~'tfl!
Darning Palace *s}l-g
747
~I!
Xinchang Abbey
748
778
~ftl!
Princess Yongmu lkf!
Daizong lIn memmyof SuZODg
Qinren Ward l!J!ttf5(7H) SW
CAZHi 8.5-6; LBCAZ 5.149; TLJCFK3.6O;
Yongchong Ward lk~!jj (9H)
CAZHi 8.7;LBCAZ 5.153; THY 50.878; TLlCFK 3.65.
Changxing
CAZHi 7.11; LBCAZ 5.148; TUCFK 2.42. Qianyuan is Suzong's honorific tide.
Ward~J!!jj
(7G), formerIy Ma Lin's
ALS shang.6.
.~~
residence Chongming Abbey
Tang
Banzheng Ward ~(3C)
CAZHi 10.2; TLJCFK 4.104.
Tang
Changle' Ward 1it~!jj (6l)
CAZHi9.4; TUCFK3.85.
Tang
Taiji Palace :;{I:j;jg
TUCFKI.5.
Tang
Taiji Palace *j;jg
TUCFKI.6.
Tang
Daming Palace *OJjg
TUCFKI.24.
Tang
AnyeWard 'tf~!jj (8E)
CAZHi 9.7; LBCAZ 5.146; l1.JCl-'K 4.94.
Tang
Daye Ward *mj:fj(IIG)
CAZHi 7.12; 71.1CFK 2.47.
Tang
Xiuxiang Ward fH'tiJj(2B)
CAZHi 10.6; 71.1CFK 4.115.
Late Tang?
Yongchong Ward ,k~i}j i9Hj
77.1CFK 3 .65.
ifiiIJlI! Guizhen Abbey
II_I! =7fJJ!
743
762 Suming Convent J!a}ll!
ffilil!! (Huayang Abbey _Ii)
Sanqing Basilica
743 Taiqing Pal"""
746 Taizhen Convent
777
Fonner residence ofAnLushan 'tfifow Daizong/In memmyof Princess Huayangm
Sources I Comments CAZHi 10.2; THY 50.878; TLJCFK4.105.
*13Jl1!
~;iU-g
Taizhen Convent :;{I:iIlli
Zongdao Abbey
Qianyuan Abbey
Location Buzheng Ward :(P~(4C)
After 756
Sanqing Basilica
Xuanzong I Laozi
Patron / Dedication
ti#1! Huiyuan Abbey I1iIftl!
Dongling Abbey
742 Taishang Xuanyuan huangdi Palace :;{I:.t~ft
After 742
Date / Name change 754
THY (50.875) reads Xianxuan I£X for Xianyi.
~ft~'1fi!Vi
Xuanyuan buangdi Temple ~ft£*!Vi Yuzhi Abbey :liZ1i
Standard name Fuxiang Abbey
301
Pingkang Ward '¥JWi(SH)
CAZHi 8.3; LBCAZ 5.153; TLJCFK 3.56. THY (50.877) reads Huafeng guan~.
=.mJJ! Tangchang Abbey
"'~I! Xincbang Abbey 1If[~1i
Yantang Abbey
MIl! Longxing
Abbey
RlIm
Appendix 3
Buddhist Institutions in Sui-Tang Chang'an
..
Standard name Baoyi Monastery ~
Wanahan Convent ;6I~Ib~
(See Figure 9.2) Date I Name change'
Patron I Dedication
N. Zhou Miaoxiang
YuchiJiong
Mon.~~
Early Sui Baoyi Mon. 845 defunct
Location
Han Chang'an
IMU Yuchi Gang
IMH
Jiahui Ward ~~(9B)
SW
580
Han Chang'an
583
Xiuxiang Ward ft;#J;Ij(2B) SE
845 defunct
Sources I Comments LJXJHi, 1903; CAZHi 10.7-8; 11.JCFK 4.120 .
LJXJHi, 188a; CAZHi 10.5; 11iY 48.854; 11.JCFK 4.115.
846 Yantang Mon. Dakaiye
Monastery
*1l8~
U~ Early Sui ShengguangMon.
YangXiutl1!3'?
FengleWard I!~J;Ij(7E)
N
H~ 605 Xiandu Palace
fdill'g
CAZHi 9.6; 11.JCFK 4.93, 107,100; 11iY48.845. See also Shengguang Mon. below, and Zhengguo Convent, p.304.
618 Zbengguo Convent
~*It~
635 Tmg'an Palace
m;:1l.''g 677 Dakaiye Mon. 845 defunct Shengguang Monastery
Early Sui
FengleWard I!f~J;Ij(7E)
N Guangde' Ward :J'tteJ;lj(6C) SW
H~ 605 845 defunct Dajue Monastery
*.~
582 845 defunct
Sui Wendi I Zhou Zizhen~T.
Chongx;an Ward~JfJ;lj
(8C)NW
LJXJHi, 185b; CAZHi 10.3; rLJCFK 4.107,93. See Dakaiye Mon. above.
CAZHi 10.3; rLJCFK 4.1 10. LJXJHi (I 87a) dates it to S83.
• Note: When no specific date for a name or locale change can be ascertained from the sources, the reign period in which the change occurred is indicated by a year range.
303
304 / Sui-TangChang'an Standard name Daxingshan Monastery
Date I Name cbange 582 Zunshan Mon.
*a.<'f
? Daxingshan Mon.
Iifa Monastery ll!fi2<<'f Lingbua Monastery IUI:<'f Miaosheng Convent
iI*<'f 705-707 Fengguo Mon.l!lIl<'f 710 Daxingshan Mon. 845 defunct 582 845 defunct
Patron I Dedication Sui Wendi/To ward off contenders for the throne
Fazang i2
582 845 defunct
Shanji4!Ja
582 845 defunct
N. Zhou Princess Pingyuan ,¥ffi\
582 845 defunct 846 Baotang Mon. H<'f
Li Iingdao and Monk
~1B111'l<'f
Puti [BodhiJ Monastery H<'f
Appendix 3: Buddhist Institutions /
*ti
Hniyingli~
Location Iingsban Ward ~!i'Jti(9F)
Sources I Comments CAZHi7.8; LBCAZ 5.133; 1UCFK 2.38. Took up
the entire ward.
Buzheng Ward ;(J;W:Jj (4C) NE PuningWard 1f$Jti(2A) NE
UXJHi, 184b; CAZH; 10.2; 1UCFK 4.105; Cen 1990,721. UX.I, 191b; CAZH; 10.8; 1UCFK4.122.
Liquan Ward UJti(4B)
CAmi IQ.6; 1UCFK 4.117.1.!XTH; (I 89a) dates founding to 583.
Pingkang Ward '¥St:Iti (5H) SE
THY 48.853; SGSZ 23.590 (Puti Mon.).
Zhengguo Convent m:lll:l1'l<'f
582 Linggan Mon. .~
(3.55) date new name to Dazhong 6 (852); should be Huichang 6 (846).
621 defunct 662 Guaoyin Mon. IItf<'f 711 Qinglong Mon. 845 defunct 846 Huguo Mon. iil\l!l<'f 582 Yue'ai Mon.
Sui Wendi I To pacify souls of the dead moved from the new capital site
Il)Ufl1'l~
Gaozu/Nun Mingzhao a)j~
582~
845 defunc:t 582~
Xianjue Convent mitl1'l<'f 705-710 Mingjue Convent 845 defunc:t
Monastery ~jj!f<'f
CAmi9.5; 1UCFK3.87; THY 48.853; LBCAZ
5.\38. SGSZ(24.614) date. founding to 583. For archaeological reports, see Lu 1964 and Ma 1989a.
Date I Name cbange 582--{)04 Chongjing Mon. 605--{)18 defunc:t
Patron I Dedication Sui Wendi
662 Chongjing Convent
Gaozong
845 defunct 846 Tangcbang Convem ffltl]!,l1'l<'f 583 7\4 (7) defunct
583 Xiuci Convent ~~I1'l<'f
646 (or 649) Benhong Mon.
Location Jing'an Ward !l\tY:'Jti (9G) SW
Sui Wendi
Xingqing Ward "Il'Jti (41) SE
Commandery MistressofLu H:t<:ASun
Zhaoguo Ward i!gI\l!lJti (IOH)
Jif,£J;;
*:l:<¥
Ciron Convent ~t:I1'l<'f
Fayun Convent it.ffl1'l<'f
705-707 a.ongji Mon. 845 defunct 583 714 (merged with Faming Convent)
583 Falun Convent i2
Sui Wendi I Marked ordination of Princess Daxing *a Sui Wendi I Wei Xiaokuan
"Jl
Sources I Comments CAZHi 7.12; 1UCFK 2.46; LBCAZ 5.144; THY 48.853.
Daxing's county monastery. Xingqing Ward became Xingqing Palace in 714. CAZHi 92, commentary; 11.ICFK 3.83; 4.124. 1UCFK 3.66--{)7. See also Xiuci Convent, p.308. Xiuci Convent exchanged clergy with Hongji Mon. in Shengye Ward. In Zhaoguo Ward, Hongji took new name of Benhong.
Chongxian Ward ~H:Iti (8C)SW
CAZHi 10.4, commentary; 1UCFK4.1lO,
Xuanping Ward ]i'¥Jti (81) SW
CAZHi 8.12; THY 48.853; 1UCFK 3.78; LBCAZ
YiningWard MJti(3A) SE
1.!XT, 192a; CAZH; 10.9; THY 48.853; 1UCFK
commentary.
5.144. On patronage, see Xin 1991, 63--{)4.
845 defunc:t
.{~
Mingjue Convent
a.ongji
846 Tang'an Convent6[11'l]<'f
~(8D)
635 Zhenguo Mon. 645 defunct Boocha Monastery
a.anlin Monastery h<'f
Chongde Ward
J'li'~<'f
618
Xinchang Ward fil!lrJti (81) S~
~~
LBCAZ(5.139), CAmi (8.3), and 1UCFK
See ZZTJ248.8024, THY48.853.
Qinglong Monastery D<'f
Standard name Chongjing Convent
305
Yang Hong flY.
Fengle Ward 'II~Jti (7E) Chongde Ward
LJXJHi, 182a; CAmi 9.9; 1UCFK 4.93,100. See also Daksiye Mon., p.
Cbongren Wa'tt *t:Jti(4H) NE
C,4..zHi 8.3; TTJCFK 3.53.
Bumeng Ward 1!iil3ctli (4C) NE
LJXJHi, 184b; CAZHi 10.2; 1UCFK4.105.
Huadu Monastery fl:1.l<¥
303.
583 Zhenji Mon. .i!<¥ 619 Huadu Men. 845 defunct 846 a.ongfu Mon.
Gao nong jIj!ijj
CAZHi and 1UCFK date
Chongfu to 852.
~m<'i'
Renamed to avoid Zhongzong'. name.
Iianfa Convent BI1'l<¥
583 845 defunct
Puyao Monastery 1f1!<'f
583 714defimct
4.123.
Tian Tong EBiili
Banzheng Ward lIID't.tJj(3C)
Empress Dugu _/Her matemal grandfather
NE QingJong Ward fm;tfj (121) SE
UX.lHi, 183a; CAZHi 10.1; 1UCFK 4.104. CAm; 8.13; TUCFK
3.81.
306 / Sui-Tang Chang'an Standard name Qingchan Monastery 7J~
Appendix 3: Buddhist Institutions /
.
Date I Name change
Patron I Dedication
583 845 defunct 846 Angno Mon. 3l'lf~
U Yuan (Tang Gaozu) I Monk Tanchong
*lIi'iI
Location Xingning Ward ~(2J)
SE
~
Sources I Comments XGSZ 17 568b. Other sources credit Wendi. CAZHi (9.1) and TUCFK
Standard name Xuanhua Convent ~{!n~
(3.82) date Angno to 852.
OFt;<¥ 9f:.'7C~
Zbaojinggnng Monastery
Ml:0<¥ Zijing Convent ~<¥
Dayunjing Monastery :kH<¥
583 Baochang 712 Xiantian Mon~ 845 defunct
583 Hoogshan Mon.7.i:'i!i'<¥ 598 Zhaojinggnng Mon. 845 defunct 583 845 defunct 584 Guangming Mon.:J'tIlJl<¥ 690 Dayunjing
Mon. 738 Kaiyuan Mon. 1J115C<¥ 845 defunct Haijue Monastery i*:I!<¥
Sui Wendi
584 845 defunct
Xuanzong
Empress Dugn RIHer father Dugn Xin
Monastery ik~<¥
584 Yanxing Mon. Jl£!!IJ~
705-707 Yongtai Mon. 845 defunct 846 Wanshou Mon.1-ti!J<¥
Ganlu Convent
1:tJIFt;<¥
Sui Wendi I Monk
FajingH Wu Zetian I To celebrate the scripture that legitimized her mIe Yuan Wei lC/fI; I MonkFacong Sui Wendi I Monk TanyanftJl£ Zhongzong I In memory of Princess Yongtai
(or 587)
~~
845 defunct 585 845 defunct
Futian Monastery mEEl<¥
LJXJHi, (I 93a) reads
Guangtian :Jt'7C for Xiantian. Chang'an's county monastery. Also known as Boogno Mon. W!PJ<¥. CAZHi 9.4; TLlCFK 3.84.
586 845 defunct 586 Lingjue Mon. JlJt<¥ 61~26 defunct 667 Chongfu Mon. ~m~
Huiri Monastery ~8<¥
677 Futian Mon. 714 defunct 586 845 defunct
YongleWard 7k!$!ljj (8G) N
CAZHi 7.11; TLlCFK 2.44;LBCAZ 5.144.
Huaiyuan Ward ~i&!ljj (7B) SE
LJXJHi, 189b; CAZHi 10.7; TLlCFK4.118; J7S6.120; THY 48.850; LBCAZ5.138.
*c1fi
Jingle Convent 1I!$!Ft;~
Leshan Convent !II!~Ft;~
586 845 defunct
~.ljj(8C)
:/it3ljj(m)
mm
Location Feng'an Ward l13l'ljj (lID) Yongping Ward ikijlljj (lOB) NE Kaihua Ward fJI!1l;ljj(6F)
CAZHi 7.7; LBCAZ5.144; TLlCFK2.36.
Dunyi Ward
CAZHi 10.4; TLlCFK
~ftljj
(l1C)
Sources I Comments CAZHi 9.10; 10.8, commentary; TLlCFK
4.101, commentary; 4.120. LJXJHi, 190b.
4.113.
NE WuZetian/In memory of her sister. Helan
jl'JJ Zhang TongH
Huaide Ward 1iI1!J:.Q (6A) NE
LJXJHi, 194b; CAZHi 10.9; TLlCFK 4.125; SGSZ 130. Also known
Empress Dugn I For her mother Mistress of Iignom1<':A.
Yanfu Ward Jl£mljj(9C) SW
LlXJHi, 187a; CAZHi 10.4; TLlCFK 4.112.
Chonghua Ward ~{I;ljj (7A) SW Jincheng Ward
LJXJHi, 195a; CAZHi 10.10; TLlCFK 4.125.
586 SheweiMoo. 1ll1fi~ 707 Wengno Mon.
4.110. LJXJHi, 190a; CAZHi 10.7; THY 48.853.
SE
Luohan [Arhat] Monastery
CAZHi8.11; TLlCFK 3.74.
N. Zhou Princess Xiyao*IB III
Anding Ward 3l'~ljj (IB) Huaiyuan Ward 1IJiljj (7B)
CAZHi 10.7; TLlCFK
Sui Weodi
Xuanyang Ward 1!J!.!lf:}j (6H) SW
CAZHi 8.4; TLlCFK 3.58; LBCAZ5.137.
4.119.
.wUgrand-
~J,!Wj(3B)
son I His grandfather
SE
586 845 defunct
Doulu Ii liOJ
tI~~
Xuanfa Monastery
TUCFK (4. 119) dates itto
Yuchi Iiong's
LJXJHi, 188b; CAZHi 10.6; TLlCFK 4.116; LBCAZ 5.145.
708 Leshan Mon. 845 defunct
CAZHi 10.3; TLlCFK
SW Changshou Ward
Yang Xiong
586 845 defunct
lA!PJ~
Chongxian Ward
Patron I Dedication N. Zhou Princess Changle ~!$! and her spouse YuchiAn ltll3l'
as Tao Mon. JI!B<¥. Jigno Monastery
Shengye Ward Oljj(41)
61~26
Jingyu Monastery
Changlea Ward '/It!$!ljj (6J) SW
4.124.
852.
585 845 defunct 58~
SE
CAZHi 10.9; TLJCFK
-~
~II!
Yongtai
Jude Ward ~~(4A)
Mon·W~~
61~26
845 defunct Fashou Convent
Xiantian Monastery
Date I Name change 585
307
586 845 defunct
HuaideWard 1iIf!W:j (6A) SW
LJXJHi, 194a; CAZHi 10.9; TLlCFK 4.124.
Anyi'Ward 3l:/sljj (71) N
CAZHi 8.11; LBCAZ 5.137; TLlCFK 3.76.
Yanshou Ward Jl£Bljj (5C) SW
L!XJHi, 185a; CAZHi 10.2; TLlCFK 4.106.
Changle' Ward '/It!$!ljj (6J) SW
SGSZ6.120; ITZZ"Xuji" 5.250. TLlCFK reads
~~~
Vide Monastery ~
Yuohua Mooastery ~~<¥
586 Cimen Mon. ;W,<¥ 705 Vide Mon. 845 defunct
Li Yuantong
586 Daci Mon.
DouYiU
:k~~
766-779 Yuohua Mon. 845 defunct
*fflIim Zhongzong I In memory of Crown Prince Vide
Taici :;t~ for Daci. ITZZ locates it in Datong Ward :kllllljj. SGSZ (5.107) reads ~:j€~. CAZHi (9.4) and TLlCFK (3.85) read
Linghua Mon. 1l1t"'!f.
308 / Sui-Tang Chang'an Slalldard name Jing:zhu Mouaslely
H~ Kongpan Monastery
~II~ Puji McmasIery
*.~ Xiuci Convent ~~
Faming Convent i1
Zhenxin Convent
l'IH"JE~ Fahai Monastery i1
Appendix 3: Buddliist Institutions /
Date I Name cbaage 587 845 defunct
Patron I Dedicalion
S87 84S defunct
Yuan Xiaoju
Location linehang Ward tf,g~(IIH)
NW
7tft
XlnghuaWard
R{1:J1j(7D)
A.JE~
587 845 defunct
XiaayuZunyi ~TU
SB7 Hongji Mon. ~ 646 (or 649) Xiuci Convent 845 defunct
Jude Ward
I8t1tJ.i (4A)
NW
Sbengye Ward UJ:}j(41)
NW
588 845 defunct
WangDaobin
588 845 defunct
Ewtuch Song
589 845 defunct
HebaHu.U.1 Buzbeol Ward
.Eli[ Xiang*~
MonkFahai
5B9--604 845 defunct
Sui Wendi's COIISOrts Chen
Xuanhua
JIJk:il.
Diugshui Mooasmy
U~
Hoagy. Convent
S90 619 845 defunct 590 845 defunct 590
~'Jt~~
(Chongye CODvcot ure~)
Patron I Dedication LooatiOD Dou Kang JHit Yaakang Ward
590 845 defunct 846 Loqxing
ZbangXuH
lUftJj(7C) SE
7lJCFK 4,98.
Cbcmgxiao Ward *JItjj(BC) SW Qunxian Ward ,,1fJ1j(5A) SE
iliI;ti}j (4C) Tmcheng Ward *Wli(3B) SE
LlXlHi, 1930; CfZH'i 10.9: 7LlCFK4.124. Same u Pucbuan Ii "~? (Ceo 1990, 742).
CAZHiS.I1; 7TJCFK 3.74:LBCAZ 5.144. CfZHI (B.B) and LBCAZ (5.137) read Ci'eo ~~ for Xiuci. Also dated to 649. See also CbODgji Mon.,p.30S. UX.!Hi, IB70; CfZHi 10.3-4; 7TJCFK 4.110; 7TJCFKbu 4.20B.
CfZH/I0.9; TUCFK 4.124. LlXlHI (193b) reada Zhixin ill'C.' for Zbenxin. CfZH'i 10.2; 7lJCFK 4.105; SGSZ 18.464. LlXlHi (183b) dates Fahai to 587. LlXlHi, ISSh; CAZHi 10.6; 7TJCFK 4.116.
607 70S Cbougye Convent 845 defunct
TmgxiDg Monastay @fT~
IIUtJE~
lisban Convent
ZhiningWIf
Yanglitu'!1 Chanm_ Huineng
aug
NunFajueH
Cui Fenga
590 ? Ouangbua Mon. *{t~ 705 Zhenhua Convent 845 defunct 591 Name?
_JE~
LIXIHi, 194b; 11fY 4B.BS4. CAZH'i (10.10) and 7lJCFK (4.125) date Lonpg to 852.
Feng La l.IiR WuZetian?
QuDxianWard "Rl1i(5A)
UXlHi, 193b: CAZHi 10,9: 7lJCFK 4.124.
Gao Jioa&'s A
Vining Watd bl1i(3A)
NE
wifeHeba 618-626 lisban Convent 845 defunct Uquan MOIIlISleIy
U~
Riyal! Monutery 8.~
Baoqiag
U
NE
NW
592 845 defunct
Sui Wendi
Uquan Ward UJ:t5(4B)
601 632 defunct
SuiYangdi
Qinglong Ward
NW ftJjj(121) SW
601-604
CAZHi 10.8-9; 7LlCFK 4.123,122. LlXlHI (192b) dates foundinB to 592. CAZH'i record 1hat lisban moved from Xiuzben Ward (IA) is probably an mar. CAZHi 10.6; 1UCFK 4.I17.UXlHi(IB9a) dates it to 593. CAZHi 8.13: 7lJCFK 3.81.
unknown
JSCB40.10.
HcpingWard ;f1Pfj:J.j(12A) Eand Yongyang Wardjjdll1i (13A)E
LIXTHi, 19Sb: 11lY 48.853: SGSZ 16.392. Also known as Eut Cbanding (000 19B9, KDiseIsM hen, 200). CAZHi (10.10). LBCAZ (5.133) and 1UCFK (4.127) date Shengshou to 852. LIXIHi, 196•. LBCAZ (5.139) dates founding to 611; CAZHI (10.1011) and 7lJCFK(4.127) date it 10 607. Also known as West Cb..... ding i!!i.~ (000 1919, Kaisersu 11m, 200). Mentioned in SGSZ 16.392.
w.~
Duhuangyan
Yang Shealong "/Monk
CbougbuaWard *'i1:l1i (7A)
Mon.IU!~
Zheohua Convcot
Sources I Comments LlXlHI, 187a; CAZHi 10.3; LBCAZ 5.138; 7lJCFK4.109-10. Loc:alion offormer Datong si *.f.Jf.~ ofW. Wei.
Monastay
ad
~.
Wt-Y~
ft~
Dati: IName change S90 84S defunct
UXIHi, \SIb: CAZHi 9.9:
CaiRonghua Biancai MoauIeIy
Standard name Jingfa Mouaslely
SW
SW
Kaisban Convcot
Soun:es I Commenls 7TJCFK 3.69: CAZHI (8.9) 10cates it in Anxing Ward :li:~. (31).
309
QuDxian Ward "Jfi1i(5A) HulideWard 1IItItJ.i(6A)
LIXIHi, 194; CAZHi 10.9; 7LlCFK4.124.
Taiping Ward
LIXIHi,181b;CfZHi9.8; 7TJCFK4.97.
;t:!jl~ (SO)
Monastay
*iI£.~
603 Chanding
Mon. •»::~ 618 Dubuangyan Mon.
SuiW..,di/In mcmoryof
Empress Wenxian )til
846 Sbcacsbou
Mon.••~.
NW FengieWard Hl1i(7E) SW ChODgximWard .JWj(8C)
~}0.4; 7TJCFK ".liU.
DIIZCJII&Chl Mooutery
*M~
605 Dacbaading Mon.*~~~ 618 Dazonp Man. 845 defunct 8S3 revived
Sui Yangdi I In memOl)'of Wendi
HcpingWard ~j:J.j(I2A)
Wand Yongyang Ward~
(13A)W
:ill"'»::
310 / Sui-TangChang'an Standard1lallle ZbllOCheng Convent 1Pci~~
Bao'an MonasteIy W/l\!~ Baoji Moustcry
~
Baosheng Monastery
JfDJn¥ Baowang Monastety
Jf.r:~ Cbangfa
Dale IName chaDge 605 Clhe Man. ~m
649Daode Convent ld~~ 713 Zbaocheng Convent 845 defunct Sui 605-4i18 defunct'
Appendix 3: Buddhist Institutions /
Patron I Dedication Crown Prince
YuandeMiI
Location Xiuxiang Ward "ltfft}j (2B)
NunsShaahui ,Uland Yuanyi xft
Sources I Comments IJXI, IUa; CAZHi 10.5 6,9.9; 1IJCFX4.115, 100. See also Chong-
sheng MooasteIy below.
Jude Ward /;!iflt./j (4A)
commentary. XuanyiWard
Sui ? defunct
XM(lOD} YongieWard 71dt!t}j (80)
Sui
Early Tang (?) defunct Sui 611 defunct
Quaxian Ward mtt}j(5A)
CAZHi 9.10, commentary; 1IJCFX4.101,
cQllllDClllary CAZHi 7.11, commentary; 1IJCFX 2.44. La!« site
ofQingdu guin nl!.
CAZHIIO.9, comment"'Y; lUCFX 4.124, CAZHi 10.3, commentaty; 1IJCFK 4.107,
Sui 611 defunct
Xinsfwa Ward
Sui 611 defunct
Banzbeng Ward llJIJ.Wj (3C)
H~ Otongsheng Monas\cry
CAZHi 10.1, commenl"'Y; lUCFX4.103, COJIIIIIGItaty•
Sui Jidu ll'~ (W)
~~~
(E) Convents
ChongdeH (Honp 5I.f!) Ward(8D}SW
LBCAZ 5.134; 1IJCFX 4.94,115; CAZHi 9.9. See ah<J Tutu Conwnt (p. 312) aod Zhaoc:hcng
j(;f!t}j (6C)
commentaty. J!{t;t}j (?O)
MooasteJy
CAZHi 9.9, commentaty; 1lJCFX 4.98,
couunentaty .
~
Chengjue
&:Daode~1!
649 Ungbao Mon. JIn(W}&:
~
845 defunct
i2<.~
Fajie Convart ~".~"¥
Fajue Convent
Sources I Comments CAZHi 8.8; LBCAZ 5.131; 1lJCFX3.68; THY
48.845.
Gaozong (before accession) I Empress Wende Blu:beng Ward
Sui
~(4C)
60S-4i26 defunct
Sui 845 defunct Sui
714 Zishan Conventj1f.~~
Fashen MonasteIy
Huaiyuan Ward 1WiIt}j(7B)
CAZHi 10.7, commentary; 7LlCFX4.118,
FengleWard
CAZlli 9.6; TlJCFX 4.93; LBCAZ 5.144.
c:ommentaty. Empress Wemcian
XC
1!!~(7E}
SW DunyiWard it:tWi(lIC} SE AnyeWard
MonasteIy
~J€t}j(8E}
Qunxian Ward
mitJ.i(5A}
CAZlli 10.9, commentaty; 7LlCFX 4.124,
Sui 611 defunct
fmchong Ward tli!$;J:J; (3B)
CAZlli 10.6, commentary; lUCFX4.115,
Sui LIIzang Mon.
Anding Ward
IJX/Hi,187b-188a; CA.ZHi 1005; 1lJCFX 4.1 14. SGSZ (1.32-33) idenlifies East Taiyuao si If{tc/.iJf~ with
commentary.
commentaty.
~
Fulin MooasteIy ~~
CAZHi 10.4; 1IJCFX 4.113, 94. See also Zishan Convent, p. 3 \3.
Sui 61 I defunct
~""¥ Fazhong
CAZlli 10.2, coounentaty; TIJCFX 4.104,
commentaty .
Sui 611 defunct
~1f~"¥
H~
~JEt}j(IB}
u.d. Taiyuan Mon. ic~
672 Fulin Mon. 845 dcIiJnct
Dafuxian oj *tI~;!j:,
which probably is a conuption ofFuJin si.
p.314. Guangbao
Monastery j(;Jf~
Hooghua Monastery
Tmchang Ward tJ~t}j (1IH) SW
Rl!<¥ Mon.
U"¥ 618-4i26 defunct 648 Dw'en Mon.
Location Tmdlang Ward tfllrt}j (IIH) E
See also Taiyuan Mon,
677 Chongsheng Mon. (Ungbao and Chongsheng merged) 845 defunct Sui Xinldao Mon. 611 defunct 618-4i26 Chuguo
PaIroD I Dedication
H~
Fabao Monastery
Convent above.
Chongsheag Palace*~g (E)
Otuguo Monastery
Daojue Monastery
commentaty .
1Il'i2<~ Monastery
;k!tll"¥
(Ci'enMon.
Dae/Name cbaPge Sui Wulou MOD.
xl! CAZHi 10.9, commentary; 1IJCFX 4.124,
Guangde' Ward
Cbengdao
Monastery
!t".~
Sui 611 defunct
MooasteJy
Standard name
Daci'ea
311
Gaozu I In memOty
of his sonLi Zhiyun~V.
CAZHi 8.8-9; 1lJCFX 3.69; THY 4U45; LBCAZ 5.136.
~t~
Huc:hi. MonasteIy
U"¥ Huijue Monastety
Sui 605-4i26 defunct
Liquan Ward Ut}j(4B}
CAZHi 10.6, c:ommenl"'Y; 7LlCFX 4.117,
Sui 611 defunct
Lizheng Ward jJJ!Jj:.Jj (I IJ}
CAZH;9.6; 1IJCFX390.
Sui 611 defunct
Daozheng Ward Bt}j(5J}
CAZlli 9.3, commentaty; 1lJCFK3.83.
Sui 611 defunct
Yaashou Ward liEJWj(SC}
CAZlli 10.2, commentary; 1lJCFK 4.106,
Sui 611 defunct
Banzheng Ward llJIJ.Wj (3C) SE
CA.ZHi 10.1, commentlty; 11JCFX 4.103-4,
commentary .
commentaty.
U~
Huiyun Monastery
-"
commentaty .
312 / Sui-Tang Chang'an Standard name T\8IIfu Monastay n~
Dale / N..... change
Patron / Dedication
1III~(131)
7i:.~
Sui
Sources/Comments CAZlfi 8.13; 1lJCFK 3.81.
NE
YangJunH
.~~
649 845 defunct
Tmgjuc M...-y
Location
Quchi Ward
Sui Tianbao Moll. 663 Jiaafu Moll. 714 defunct
lido Convent
Appendix 3: Buddhist Institutions /
OtODtde Ward *W1i(BD) AnyeWard 'aWi(8E) SE
Qucbi Ward
Sui 845 defunct Sui
Monastery
C.4ZHi 9.7; TLlCFK 4.94, 100; L/ICAZ 5.14S. See also Xiushan Mm. p. 313. Wu Ze1ian lived here as a Ilun after Taizons's deaIh in 649. XGSZ 26.671a-b.
~(131)
Sui Weadi / MDnk Huiyuanllll
Tonghua Ward iiitJ:jj(6E)
~
Jiudu Monaslcry ~~ Mingfa
Monastery
Sui 605-626 defunct
Liquan Ward 1IUWi(4B)
MonasteJy
Monastery
MooasteJy Ilk.~ Shanguo
Monastery ~ Shengjing Monastery
CAZlf/IO.2, commenla1y; 1lJCFK4.104,
~
Yaoghua Mouastery llit~
Yiogfa
Sui 611 defunct
Yaukang Ward UtJ.i (7C)
CAZlfi 10.3, commenwy; 1lJCFK 4.109, commentary.
Yuanjue
Sui 605-618 defunct
ludeWard 1.itJe:t1j (4A)
CAZHIIO.9, commentary; TLJCFK 4.124, commentary.
Sui 605-626 defunct
Otongxian Ward *Jttjj(8C)
C4ZHIIOJ, commenla1y; TLlCFK 4.110, commentary.
Sui 605-618 defunct
Yongxing Ward ;}<JWj(3H)
Sui 611 defn..nct
GuaagfuWard J'ttl±Jj (8F)
CAZHI7.8. TLlCFK(2.37) readsjlng @ forJing~.
sin
Yantu Ward
CAZlfi 10.4, commentary; 1lJCFK 4.112,
611 defunct
l&tiJ1i (9C)
commenIaIy .
Sui 611 defunct
Tmcheag Ward ~:\IWj (3B)
Yita Monastery 1I(lt:~
Monastery .It:~ Monastery
H~ YuanJi Monastery
1lII:h~ Zhaofu Monastery tBtI~
CAZHi 8.1, commentary;. TLlCFK 3.52, commenIaIy.
g~
Shifan Monastery
Monastery H~
CAZlfi 8.6, commentary; TLlCFK3.62, commenla1y.
n~
Shentong Monastery
~ XiIlJljue Monaslcry H~ Xiushan
Yongning Ward ;}<~ (8H)
commentary.
C4ZHIIO.6, commentary; 1lJCFK 4.115, commentary.
Dale /Name c:baoge
Patron / Dedication
Location XillXiDg Ward tJff.Ijj (101)
Sources / Comments CAZHi 8.13, commentalY; TLlCFK 3.80, commentary.
Wife of Zhangsun
Taipiog Ward :iciflltj (SO) SW
L!XJHi, ISla; THY 48.854; 1lJCFK 4.97. CAZlfi (9.8) reads Shiji Wet for Baoji. ZZTJ (248.8024) reads Qinggno iflilil for Wenguo.
Sui 611 defunct
Zhaogno Ward BBlIIltj (IOH)
CAZlfi 8.6; 11.JCFK 3.66.
Sui 605-626 defunct
Otongxian Ward *Jttjj(8C)
CAZlfi 10.3, C9IIIIIlentary; 1lJCFK 4.110, commentary .
Sui
611 defunct Sui Baoji Mon. n~ 707 Wenguo Mon. 84S defunct 846 Chongsheng
Lan~1JI<'R Zhen,lIII~
MIIII.*~~
Xianghai Monastery
Sui 6\1 defunct
~(4C)
Jlij.~
Ningguan Monastery BI~ ROIlgjue
LlXJHi, 206a; 1lJCFK 3.90. C.4ZHi (9.6) ~ it in Dunhua Ward fdtJ:jj (121). CAZlfi 10.6, commenla1y; TLlCFK4.\17, commentary.
Monastery U~
Buzheug Ward
Jlij.~
Mingluu
iilt:~
Sui 605-626 defunct
P)jlt:~
Mingjue
Monastery
Wenguo
H~
Jingying
Standard name Tongfa
Zishan Convent if.lE~
ZongIrua Mouastcry M1~
Renfa MODU1ay tlt:~
313
Sui 649 defunct
Wife ofLi MIl, nee Yuan*.~
Anyc Ward B ltj (liE) SE
CAZHI9.7; 11.JCFK 4.94, 100; LBCAZ 5.145,
Sui 845 defunct
YuXuaodao
Pingkang Ward .ijl:JRJ1j (SH) N
CAZHi 11.3; TLlCFK3,S6,
Sui 605-618 defunct
Jude Ward
CAZHi 10.9, commentary; 1lJCFK 4.124, commentary.
Sui ? defunct
Xuanyi Ward XttJ5(10D)
CAZHi 9.10, commeotalY; 1lJCFK 4.101, commentary.
Sui 605-626 defunct
ChongxianWard *Jfltj{8C)
CAZlfi 10.3, commentary; TLlCFK 4. II 0, commentary.
Sui 611 defunct
Cbangshou Ward Jl8J1j(SB)
CAZHi 10,7, commeutary; 1lJCFK4.119, commentary.
Sui Zhengjue MOD.
ChongyiWard
CAZlfi7.9; 1lJCFK2.41; LBCAZS.136.
'TU/His paRDIs
~tfJ1j(4A)
D~ Early Tang defunct
~(6G)N
667 Zhaofu Mon. 845 defunct
Gaozoog
Sui 84S defunct
Princess LanIiog
Sui 611 defunct
AnyeWard i/:lIWi{8E) SW AnxingWard i/:JWi (31)
Late Sui 611 defunCt
Laiting Ward *1IJ1j(2H)
CAZlfi 8,1, commenlalY; TLlCFK 3.51,
Early Tang
Yoagjia Ward ikjlJ1j (3J)
C.4ZHi 9.2 commentary;
IIII1t
CAZlfi9.7; 1lJCFK4,94; LBCAZ 5.145. CAZlf18,9, comment&IY; 1lJCFK3.72, commentary.
commentary.
Wu\iaogshou Monastery ~
SW
1lJCFK3.113 commenlalY.
314 / Sui-Tang Chang'an Standard name Cibei Mooasteay ~ Huiehang Monastery
Dale I Name cIJaoge 618 84SdefuDct
Appendix 3: Buddhist Institutions /
Patron I Dedication Gaozu/Monk TanxiaaH
Location Guingd.'. Ward ;'(;tt!:}j(6C)
Sources I Comments LlXIHi, l8Sb; CAZHi 10.3; TLlCFK 4.108.
Standard Dame Lonping MonasIeIy
NE 618 845 defuDct
Jinchmg Ward
tittJ:i (3B)
.A~
SW
Taiyoan MonastelY
618
~
n.d.
Gaozu
Yoogxing Ward ikJWj(3H) Anding Ward
U~
LlXIHI, 188b; CAZHi 10.6; 1ZJCFK 4.116; THY48.84S.
1!~1b~
Dafa MonastOl)' *'tf;.~
Turian Convent .fwlb~ Shengye Manastel)'
618 Tongyi Palace
Gaozu
l!1l11!' 629 Xingshea, Convent 845 defunct 846 revived
Taizong
TLlCFK 4.114. See also Fulin MonastOl)', p.31!. Tiangong
Ling'an
Monastery
lin
.1IIt~
Tianni Manastel)' 7G:~
CIaDg'aa, loc:aIion unknown
FYZL 100.1396
Gaozu/Monk
Sheagy.Ward mlt!:}j(4I) SW
619 845 defunct
Princess Guiyang WI I Her spouse Zhao CijingAB¥:Iit Gaozu I In memory of Prince WeihuaiOlH, UX1I8IIba*
CAZH;8.1I;17JCFK 3.74. Sheagye Ward was Damed after the monastery. lJXJHi, 190a; CAZHI 10.7; 17JCFK 4.1\9. THY (48.845) dates fOUDding to 620.
I
lJXJHi, 190; CAZHIIO.8; 1ZJCFK 4.120.
i
620 845 defunct
625 Taihe Palace ~ 636 defunct 647 Cuiwei Palace
JinshuiM
ChangshduWard ~atJ.i(8B)
NW
Jiahui Ward lIH(9B)
2!if!ij~
627-649 Linggan
Mon.
YlShan Monastery H~ Longhua Convent _Ib~
!
NW
Zhoagnan Mtns.
*,ilw,S suburbs
Helin Monaslei)' U~
THY30.sS0;LBCAZ 5.143; YHlXTZ!.s.
I l
Ximing Monaslei)'
Zijie Mnnastel)'
RlIlm unknown
SE
Guaashan Ward
llif:l1i. 634 Hongfu Mon. ~R
70S Xingfu Mon. 845 defunct
Taizong/In memOl)'of Empress Taimu
WnZelian
Convent 845 defunct 645
~(3C)
Renamed by Wu Zetian
NE
FBDCbuan ~JI LS
suburbs 649-683 ? defunct 708LoDghua Convent 845defunot 656 ? Longguo Mon.
Ono 1989, ShiP)'i1 hen, 337-40.
656
Zishens Convent .~Ib~
846 Fushou Mon. tI.~ 6SfHi60 ? defunct 663 fOUDded as convent 673Zishens MaDasteI)'
84Sdefunct
Sources I Comments lJXlHi, 183a; CAZHi 10.1; 1LICFK 4.104; ZZTJ208.6610. THY (48.845) reads Bingguang !lE;'{; for
THY 48.847. Site of Gaozu's predynastic mansion. LIXIHi, 182b; CAZHi 10.1; TLICFK 4.102; THY 48.845; LBCAZ 5.135; CFYG 5t.s74b.
THY48.847.
~
Banzheng Ward
Mon.!1l~
? Zhengkong
~(IC)
NW
DunyeWard
.1I~
?TIlIIIDiiMnn. 643 Zbenkong
XiudeWard
:b.:tI
635 TmsfuMon.
j!gaJ}~
f Chang'an, location
~(3C)
CAZHi 10.1-2; TLlCFK 4.104.lJXJHi (IUb) reads Chengkong II~ for ZlIeagkong. LBCAZ 5.141. Popularly known as Duguang Moaastay ;f1j'(;~.
Gaozong
N. ofQujiang
CAZHi 9.5; LBCAZ 5.144; 17JCFK3.91. CAZHi places it in Sheagdao Ward ~ilW.i (91).
Gaozong
Palace City
Gaozong I To mark Crown Prince U Hong'.*5L recoVIIY
YanIamg Ward
DeES 8.179-180. Ono (1989 Kaisetsu hen, 469) places it in Daming Palace. LJXIHi,I86; CAZHi 10.3; THY 48.845, 853; SGSZ 14.327-30; 17.430 (Fushou si). TLlCFK (4.\09) dates Fushou to 852.
Gaozong
Chang'an, location IIIIknown Chongren Ward ~t:J;lj (4H)
lIfill~
Mon. ? Ximin& Mon.
ZlIengkong Convent iI't~
806-120 Cuiwei
llfi
J!1I~
NE
~fIIt'g
Linggan Monastery.
Monastery
Gaozu
~(IB)
g
Cuiwei Monastety
~n Xingfu
LlXIHi,lllb; CAZHi9.9; 1ZJCFK 4.98; ZZTJ 284.8024; LBCAZ 5.145. THYI48.853 reads XiDgyuan I!ft for Xiagshens. On the date ofXiDgsheni see GHMl28.3406; Q7W 9.107. lJXJH~ 19Oa; CAZHI 10.7; 17JCFK4.1\9.
6111-626 ? defunct 6111-626 845 defunct
~
Changshou Ward
Location Banzheng Ward
i'uguang.
707 LoDgxing Mon. 845 defunct 632
MonasteI)I
UAnyuan
nil
PaInm I Dedication Crown Prince U Chengqian *j#;fZ Zhongzong
Mon.Ij:I.~
6111-626 Hongfa Mon. 5L~*~ 705 Dafa Mon. 845 defunct
H~
Chongyi Monastery
Tongyi Ward liIJ!W.i (6D) SW
H~
70S 2lIongxing
'i(~!:}j(lB)
XiDgsheag Convent
'Dale I Name cIJaoge 631 Puguang Mon.
3 15
GaozonC/In memOl)'of Empress Wende
Jttt
Uf:.I.i (7C) SW
SE
FYZL 100.30.
CAZHi 1.2; LBCAZ 5.136; TLlCFK 3.53. SGSZ (24.623) dates founding to 662. SGSZ (24.623) dates re- building to Chang'an 7.
316 / Sui-Tang Chang'an Standard name Chongfu Monastery *tiit
Xingjiao Monastery
DateIName chaDge 670 Taiyuaa Mon. ~it 687 Weiguo Mon. Hit 690 Oumgfu Mon. 845 defunct
Appendix 3: Buddhist Institutions /
PaIroDI Dedication WuZetian/In memo.y of her parents
670
...
Location Xiuxiang Ward ~l1.i (2B) NE
SourcealComments CAZHIIO.S; TLJCFK 4.115. Also known as West Taiyuaa i1S~ and West Chongfu i1S*W (SGSZ 1.32-33).
Fancbuan ~JII. S suburbs
LBCAZ5.142.
AndiIllWard
LJXJHi, 187b; CAZHi 10.5; THY 48.853; ZZTJ 284.8024;SG.I729.735. 7IJCFK(4.114) dates Xingyuan Man. to 852.
~
Qianfu Monastery TWit
673 845 defunct 846 Xingyuaa Mon. "ftit
Crown Prince Zhanghuai
I3uangzbai MonastcIy
677 ? Qibaotai Mon. tJt.it 84S defunct 680 (1) 710 (1) defunct 743 Yumi Abbey
CJaomag I After finding stone casket of Buddlrist relics
:*;~
Xindu Monaslely Mit
*.
Princess Xindu M
~)El1.i(IB)
SI!
Quanpbai Ward :*;'W5 (lH)N
CAZHi 8.1; 7'L..K;FK3.50; THY 48.846; LBCAZ 5.137.
Jianfu Monastery, Futu Courtyard
JlfiUlllt% Yongsbou Monastety ,j(lJit
Zhenguo daborc Monastety
PaIroDI Dedication
U~'&
M:tJ.;,
Da'anguo
S suburbs
LBCAZ 5.14!.
He'en Monastery
CAZHi 7.7; LBCAZ 5.135; 1LICFK2.35.
Sanxiang Monastery =itit Shiweng MonastcIy :til!it Xi...... tianwang Monastety ~it
MonastcIy
Wannian County,N 707-711
Court ladies
Guansde Convent
Late seventh
Wu Zetian il:IIU~
Kaibua Ward
DIIfttfj (6F) S
llfA ~lit
Xingtang Monastety Mit
Shengsban
IIi!lR
732~g Moo. 845 defunct 846 revived 705-710
Monastety
~.
Feng'en Monastety .,~
MissChai fill
century
After 710 defunct 70S Wangji Moo.
Princess Taiping ;tljZ/Wu Zetiaa
Zboagznng I In memmyofWu Zetian
706 845 defunct 846 Xingfu Mon.
Quangde' Ward 7'tfIJ1j (6C) NE
CAZHi 10.3; 7IJCFK 4.108.
DaningWard *-l1.i (21) SI!
1LICFK3.71. In CAZHi (8.9) Xingtang i. intapoJated under TmcbangfaDg. THY (48.846) reads Taining ;t$ for Daaiug.
845 (1) defunct 709
tI,lI.
707-710 710 defunct
CAZHi 7.7; 7IJCFK2.36.
845 defunct
NW
Zlwngzongl Princess YODg-
&boo
709 710-711 defunct
Yong1eWard iJdIWi(8G)
Buzheng WIIId ;(f;j&i:jj(4C) SE
CAZHi 7.11; TLJCFK 2.44. Yongsbou is mistakenly located in YOIIg'an Ward(IOC) in THY(48.846); ~FK 4.113. See Xin 1991, 66-67. TLJCFK 4.105. CAZHi (10.2) reads Zbenguogong bore
fIIIiIi}i!litifor Ruizong (before accession)
Cbangle Ward yl:}j (II) E
Zbenguo dabore. CAZHi 8.10; LBCAZ 5.132; 7IJCFK3.70; SG.I714.342.
Ruizong
Yongxing Ward 7j,.JW'i(3H) NW
CAZHi 8.2; SGSZ 26.668; 7IJCFK3.52.
713-741
Fanchuan !J(!JII. S suburbs
LBCAZS.142.
713-741 (1)
Near Huaqing Palace, Usban
743 845 defunct 866Huguo lianwans Courtyard
Banzheng Wartl
LBCAZ5.143. Formerly known as Fuyan si • •it. CAZHi 10.2; 7IJCFK 4.104.
7\0
845 defunct
b
*:1i:lllit
(Anguo MOIl.
jij~it
710 845 defunct
ZZTJ209.663 I. commentary.
Jude Ward ,fif!j;lj (4A) SW
Prince U Yong
*11
Cboagde Ward ~(m)
NW
LlXJHI. 193b; SGSZ 3.4142; THY 48.853-54. TLICFK (4.124) and CAZHi (10.9) dote it to 852. CAZHi 9.9; 1LICFK 4.100.
IILlJ ~(3C)
ant% Baosbou Monastety
?
ftA Bao'en MonasktIy
Anren Ward ~l1.i(7F)
H
Sources/Comments LBCAZ 5.144. Suburban ward?
~1Ii!j!)
611
DajianfU Monastety *IItIit
Localioo Tongz\leng Ward
it
CAZHi 10.4. commentary; 1LICFK 4.112,
commentary.
Date/Name change 707-710
Hit
Yanlu Ward Ji&W15(9C) SE
UII Xiaugji Monastety
Standard name Baoqing Monastery
317
Mf)IJit
750 845 defunct 846rcvived
Gao Lisbi jljtJ±
YtsbanMand Laiting Wards ~(I-
CAZHi 8.1; TLJCFK 3.49; LBCAZ 5.134; THY 48.853.
2.~. Yishan was acljacent to
Laiting Xinxing cbansbi Pagoda Courtyartl1!ffU R(Baita xiagjiao Chill Courtyard EiJ'f
--)
767
Yusucbuan U)lI,S suburbs
LBCAZ 5.143.
318 / Sui-Tang Chang'an Slandardllllllle Zhaogjiag
Dale IName chaDge 767
Appendix 3: Buddhist Institutions /
Patron I Dedication Eunuch officer Yu
Chao'en ;l.flJ/!l,
MOIIBStcry .i!£~
Baoying Monastery W~
Location
Outside Tooghua Gate iiitl'~ (2-31)
769 845 defunct 846 ZishOllg Mon.
Chief Miuister WangTm:a!t
Daozhong Ward ~(51)
8~
Zhenyuan Pl\ii Monastery jlji';'S'n
Fengci Monastery ~
? Mile Pavilioo
SofQujiang !!!ltt (131)
!HIM 797 Zbcnyuao puji Mon. 84Sdefunc:t Early ninth CCIIIury 845 defunct
Sources I Comments LBCAZ S.l34; SGSZ
10,227; CFYG 927.10941; 11IY48.847. C4ZHi (10.12) dates fDllllding 10 766. CAZHi9.4;TUCFK3.84; LBCAZ S.138; CFYG 927.1094Ib; 11IY 48.853 (Zisheng si). CAZHi 9.6; 11IY 48.8S2; TUCFK3.91.
Renamed by Dezong Fmpress Guo ~ I
In memory of her moth.... Princess Sba>g-
shouMonastery 5C~ D~ Dazhoog baosheng
817
846-859
Xianzong
Xuanzoog~
Xuanyang Ward DJ:Ji(6H)
CAZH/8.4; fI'ZZ "Xuji" 6.256; 1LICFK. 3.S8; .x7S773S04; 83.366263.
Shence Army of tbeRight;t;illl P.W.of Daming Palace
11IY 48.853.
Xingning Ward
CAZHi 9.1; TUCFK 3.82; LBCAZ5.13S.
M*J3(21)
*,*,~Jg~
Tang
TaipiDg Ward ;t:iJ!*J3 (SD)
1LICFKbu 4.205.
Tang
Huaide Ward IUiI!J:/j (6A)
CAZHi 10.9;:n.JCFK 4.12S.
Tang
Jincheng Ward ;i:!Jtl1j (3B)
CAZHi 10.6; 1LICFK 4.116.
IlHffl Tang
~(4C)
CAZHi 10.2; TUCFK 4.105.
SW
H'i'f Zhenguo
Tang
Caotang Chan Monastery .:l:*,~
n.d.
=:err
Buzheng Ward
Outside OwnmingOate Mr,(4-51) Yusuchum
MlII,S suburb.!
LBCAZ 5.143. Kumanijrva /e/IJEJIft wuIked here in FOIDIer Qin. Its tower survived into Tang
times.
Location West part of Chang'an
Sources I Comments Y1'Zf18.173.
Chang'an,
000 1989. Shil'yfJhen, 340.
n.d.
PalaccCity
DCES 8.180. Earlier than
n.d.
W of Shenlong Basilica :f$ftJI, Palace cityN
CAZHi 6.2; TUCFK 1.6.
Folang Courtyard
n.d.
Donggong ]kg
CAZHi 6.4; TUCFK 1.8. A Buddhist temple.
Guangfu Moaastcry
n.d.
Chang'an. location unknown
SGSZ 1.32; 4.81.
n.d.
Kaiming Ward IlIJJjI]*J3 (1lF)
CAZHI7.9; TUCFK.239.
n.d.
Chang'an, location unknown
SGSZ 14.331.14.334.
n.d.
Fanchnan
LBCAZ 5.142; SGSZ 5.96, 11.258. Garland sect.
Foguang
Helin si.
Monastery
H~
/Jftn Guangming Monastery
*JjI]~
Huayan Monastery
~JIIi1i,S
.Il~
sulmrbs
Huguo tiaawang Moaastcry Bn~
n.d.
Imperial City NE
Linggan
n.d.
Yusuchuan Rill,S SIIlmrbs Fanchuan
afi Longquan Monastery U~ Miagde Monastery
a.d.
~JlIi1i,
suburbs
n.d.
U~ Taipiag Moaastcry ~iJ!~
WofZuoyiotai
RTQFXL 3345, no. 382. Ono (1989, ShiryiJ hen, 469) locates it in Daming Palace. LBCAZS.143.
LBCAZ5.142.
TLfCFK 1.23. CAZH; (6.9) reads Zhaode si 1IB1e"·
r" Daming Palace
a.d.
Monastery =:.~
ShoUCUO Moaastcry
s
m... ~
~
Sanhui TLJCFKbu 2.192; SGSZ 29.724.
PaIron I Dedication
location unknown
Monastay
'fj$J,.)it.~
Shanguo Moustery
n.d.
f:!i~
(Baosheng ldonBcry)
Ruisheng Monastery
Dale I Name change n.d.
f!.[~J~
Hengji Monastay
Monastery
Fashou Monastery l'!.~ Hongguang Mooastery
mu~ Chongxian Moaastcry S~ DoyeCon1l1llt
_m
piDg#iJ! Yuanhe sheng-
Standard name a.iguo Mmastay
319
n.d.
n.d.
Gongzbang
Village 'M3I t<.t. Chang'an County Chang'an, location unknown Cbang'an, locatioo unknown
LBCAZS.l43.
Ono 1989, ShiI'yfJ hen, 338.
11'GI 379.30 16, under Cui Miagda ViJjl]lt.
320 / Sui-Tang Chang'an Stllldard name Xingqing
Date IName dIange
n.d.
Patron 1Dedication
Location Chang'an,
Mooaslesy
location
M~
UDknown
Xuallci
S _ I Cammeats ODo 1989. ShiI)o7 h.... 339.
n.d.
Xuanping Ward ~i!!J;!j (81)
TLlCFK 3.78.
n.d.
ZhODgllall Mlns.
LBCAZS.l42. Samcas
Monas\eJy
:kG Yuangwmg
~tlJ.S
Monastery 1I1:7't~ ZhaDgxin
suburbs
n.d.
.n fli~
C!aag'1II,
n.d.
Eastem Market (~
Glosses for Major Structure and Place Names
SGSZ 16.388. 17.425.
location UDknown
Monastery
Zisben, Monastesy
HuijusiH~1
Appendix 4
TLlCFK 3.15.
Anfu men 3i:f'ir~ Gate of Peace and Fortune Aoshang men 3i:.t.r~ Peaceful Superior Gate Aoshangmenjie 3i:.t.r~1!j Street of the Peaceful Superior Gate Bacheng men .tJ£r~ Gate to the Hegemon's City Bafeng dian J\~ Basilica of the Eight Winds Baifu dian 8'M Basilica of One Hundred Blessings Beigong ;It'S North Palace Beinei ;ltJf9 Northern Compound Beiyuan ;I~ North ImperialParlc Bore tai ~;e:. Prajflll Estrade Changle gong ~~'S Palace of Enduring Joy Changsheng dian ~~ Basilica of Longevity Chaotang «§~ Audience Hall Cheng'en dian jji;,1i~Jf~ Basilica of Received Favor Chengtian men jji;7Rr~ Receiving Heaven ['s Mandate] Gate Chengxiang dian jji;~~ Basilica of Received Fragrance Chengxuan tang m~~ Hall ofLucent Mystery Chongjiao dian *~ Basilica of Venerated Religion Chongren dian ~~ Basilica of Venerated Benevolence Chongwen guan ~t>cM Academy for the Veneration of Literature Chongwen dian ~3tJl Basilica of Venerated Literature Chongxian guan ~JfM Academy for the Veneration of Sages Chongxin dian ~ml1t Basilica of Revered Trust Chongxuan guan *~M Academy for the Veneration of the Mysterious Chongyang men Gate of Revered Yang Chongyi gong ~.'S Palace of Revered Justice Chungong ~'S Spring Palace Chuyang men tJJlllr, Gate of Initial Yang
*M!r,
Daci'en si
*~~?if
Monastery of Compassion and Grace
321
322
/ Sui-TangChang'an
Dade dian *f!~ Basilica of Grand Virtue Daming gong *1Y3'8 Palace of Great Brightness Danei *119 Great Compound Danfengmen ftJl.r'j Gate of the Cinnabar Phoenix Daohui yuan ~*~ Park of the Daoist Congregation Dasi *:ti Grand Monastery Daxing dian *~ Basilica of Great Ascendancy Daxing gong *~-g Palace of Great Ascendancy Daxing men *JIl.r'j Gate of Great Ascendancy Daxing yuan *~ Great Ascendancy Pad<: Daxingshan si *.JQ.1!f~ Monastery of Great Ascendancy and Charity Dayanta *Ifi~ Great Wild Goose Pagoda Dayun guangming si *~j{;It§:ti Great Cloud Brilliance Monastery Dayunjing si ~~:ti Monastery of the Great Cloud Stltra Donggong *-g Eastern Palace Dongdu men *iffW'j Gate of the Eastern Capital Donghuamen *¥r'j Gate of Eastern Flowers Eastern Brightness Abbey Dongming guan Dongnei *119 Eastern Compound East Imperial Park Dongyuan Doucheng 4t.1i1G Dipper City Duanmen ~r'j End Gate
*It§.
n
Fanglin yuan 15~~ Garden of the Fragrant Grove Fangqiu 11.Ii. Square Mound Fangsheng chi MW! Pond for Releasing Living Beings Fangze 11~ Square Pool Furong yuan n~ Hibiscus Garden Ganlu dian 1:f1I~ Sweet Dew Basilica Gongcheng -gt.li1G Palace City Guande dian IH!~~ Basilica of Observed Virtue Guangshi dian 1tt!t~ Basilica of llluminated Posterity Guangtian dian ~~ Luminous Heaven Basilica Guangyang men J.l!llir'j Gate of Extensive Yang Guanyin si 1l1i:ti Avalokitesvara Monastery Guigong ti'8 Cinnamon Palace Hanguang men ~1tr'j Gate of Light Hanguangmen Street ~j{;F'jre Street of the Gate of Light Hanliang dian~~ Basilica of Coolness Hanren diali ~tIt Basilica of Benevolence Heng Street mre East-West Street Hengmen mr'j East-West [Street] Gate Hongsheng gong '51.JE.'8 Palace of the Magnificent Sage
Appendix 4: Glosses / 323 Hongwen guan 5l.xftg Academy for the Advancement of Literature Hougong 1&'8 Rear Palace Hua'e xianghui lou / Hua'e lou :ffi~ffiq / :ffiJ4. Flower Calyxes' Mutual Radiance Loft-building / Flower Calyx Loft-building Hualin yuan .~~ Garden of the Floral Grove Huangcheng £t.Ii1G Imperial City Huiyi dian tj"Jl~ Basilica of Assembled Justice Jiade dian H~ Basilica of Good Virtue Jianfu men ~~jr'j Gate of Established Happiness Jianzbang gong "'8 Palace of Accomplished Design Jiaodian ~ Empress Basilica Jingcheng *t.Ii1G Metropolitan City Jingfeng rilen ftll.F'j Gate of Auspicious Breezes Jinming men ftlt§F'j Gate of Golden Brighlness Jinyuan ~ Forbidden Park Jiutian daochang tL~~ Nine Heavens Dao Tract Jiuxian men fLfllJF'j Gate of the N"me Transcendents Laibin guan *~ State Guesthouse Liangyi dian jiij.~ Basilica of the Two Forces Lianzhu dian ~ Strung Pearls Basilica Linde dian ~ Basilica of Unicorn Virtue Numina Estrade Lingtai Linguang dian ~m Basilica of Approaching Light Lingxiao men ~.F'j Cloud-transcending Gate Lingyan ge eM Mist-transcending Pavilion Lingzhi dian ~ Magic Fungus Basilica Linzhi dian MM Basilica of the Unicorn's Footfall Lizheng dian • .IE [i6() ~ Basilica of Brilliant Government Longchi ft7{!;! Dragon Pond Longshou chi fttri~ Dragon's Head Pond Longshou qu fttri~ Dragon's Head Canal Longshou yuan fttrilS( Dragon's Head Plain Longwei dao ftG Dragon Tail Path Longxing si P:ti Monastery of Dragon Ascendancy Lumen ~r'j Grand Gate Lumen Rr'j Dew Gate Lumen xue .r'j~ Dew Gate Academy Luqin i!1I Orand Court Luqin.1II Dew Court
JI.
Mile ge 5111jf}JM Maitreya Pavilion Mingde dian tmM Basilica of Luminous Virtue Mingde men flJ3ttF'j Gate ofLuminous Virtue
324
/ Sui-Tang Chang'an
Mingfeng men a~l\.r~ Gate of the Luminous Phoenix Mingfu yuan ap!ll~ Courtyard of Appointed Women Mingguang dian a~J'{;J& Basilica of Shining Brightness Mingguang gong a~J't'8 Palace of Shining Brightness Mingtang a~~Hall of Brilliance Mingyi men a)J.r~ Gate of Bright Justice Nannei jf.jpg Southern Compound Neichao pg$] Inner Court Nianzhu ting ~~. Rosary Hall Qian'an dian tz~~ Basilica of Supernal Tranquillity Qiandian Bu'fiIt, see Taiji Qiandian Qifeng ge ~II.M Perching Phoenix Pavilion Qinghui dian Basilica of the Pure Emblem Qinghui shi . J I Basilica of Lucent Radiance Qinglong si 1!Jft~ Cerulean Dragon Monastery Qingmen 1tr~ Green Gate Qinzheng wuben lou / Qinzheng lou 1fJi&f!~ / lfJiruJ Industrious Government and Essential Administration Loft-building / Industrious Government Loft-building Qujiang ltBiI Serpentine River Qujiang chi ltBiIng Serpentine River Pond
mu
Renshou gong
t8'8
Palace of Benevolence and Longevity
Sandian .:::.JI Triple Basilica Sanyuan =-~ Triple Courtyard Shangdu L~ Superior Capital Shanglin yuan L~ Supreme Forest Imperial Park Shanglin yuan L#III Supreme Forest Garden Shedian ttJl Archery Basilica Sheji Ull Altars of State Shentong dian ~ Basilica of the Divine Dragon Shiliuwang zhai +~3:.~ Residence of the Sixteen Princes Shuntian men lIfl*r~ Gate of Obedience to Heaven, Shunyi men u.r~ Gate of Complying with Justice Siqi dian }~,.~ Thinking ofQi Basilica Suzhang men • •r~ Gate of Solemn Design Taiji dian ~m Basilica of the Grand Culmen Taiji Qiandian ictiBu'JI Anterior Basilica, the Basilica of the Grand Culmen Taiqing gong ~g Palace of Great Clarity Taishang Xuanyuan huangdi gong icL~M'ig Palace of the Superior Emperor of the Mysterious and Primordial
Appendix 4: Glosses / 325 Taiwei Palace icfJ'8 Palace of Great Tenuity Taixue ~¥ Grand Academy Taiyang men ~r~ Sun Gate Taiye chi ~7& Pond of Grand Fluid Tiande dian *m~ Basilica of Celestial Virtue Tianxing gong *JU.g Palace of Celestial Ascendancy Tingsong guan ...~. Belvedere for Listening to Grievances Tonghuamen j!ftr~ Gate of Total Enlightenment Tongyang men lm~r~ Gate of Penetrating Yang Waichao 7i-~ Outer Court Wangxian lou ilfUJtl Awaiting the Transcendents Loft-building Wangxian men ~@r~ Awaiting the Transcendents Gate Weiyang gong **'8 Everlasting Palace Wenchang dian Jtl§~ Basilica of Cultured Glory . Wenwu yuan JtJEtn Civil and Military Imperial Park Wude dian JEtm~ Basilica of Martial Virtue Wuwang zb.ai .li.:E.::j; Five Princes' Mansions Wuwangzi chi 1i"3:.-r7l:!! Pond of the Five Princes Wuyou yuan ff:tH Martial Expedition Park Xiande dian .m~ Basilica of Apparent Virtue Flying Simurgb. Pavilion Xiangluan ge Xiantai fwjf Transcendent Estrade Xiaocheng IN;Ij£ Lesser City Xiaoqin INIl Lesser Court Xiaoyanta INfi~ Small Wild Goose Pagoda Xiaoyao yuan mii:1II Carefree Garden Xijing Western Metropolis Ximing ge gsH"§M Western Brightness Pavilion Ximing si gs~~ Western Brightness Monastery Xinei gspg Western Compound Xinei yuan gspgn Western Compound Park Xing'an men JU.~r~ Gate of Increasing Tranquillity Xingle gong JU.~g Palace of Increasing Joy Xingqing chi Q7I!! Increasing Felicity Pond Xingqing gong Mg Palace of Increasing Felicity Xingqing men JU.afr, Gate of Increasing Felicity Xingyuan ~ Apricot Garden Xitang g§~ Western Hall Xiuwen guan~:>cJg Academy for the Cultivation of Literature Xiyuan g§JB West Imperial Park Xuande men ~tf!r' Gate of Mysterious Virtue Xuandu guan ~if5. Abbey of the Mysterious Capital Xuanguang dian ~ Basilica of Spreading Light
mwoo
il§*
326
/ Sui-Tang Chang'an
Xuanping men ][lfZ.r~ Gate of Spreading Peace Xuanren men ][er~ Gate of Spreading Benevolence Xuanwu men ~~r' Dark Warrior Gate Xuanyuan miao ~5f:;JI Temple of the Mysterious and Primordial Xuanzheng dian :R~ Basilica of Government Announcement Yanchao H court of Repose Yangwu men Mb~r~ Gate of Yang Militancy Yanqin ~@ Court of Repose Yanshou dian }jf.~ Basilica of Extended Longevity Yanxi men }jf~r' Gate of Extended Happiness Yanying dian }jf~~ Invitation to Greatness Basilica Yanzheng men ~r' Gate of Extensive Government Yaohua dian ~~ Basilica of Jasper Florescence Yeting gong _'8 Palace of Lateral Courtyards Yingmen ~r' Response Gate Yinhan men ~~r' Gate of the Milky Way Yong'an gong 7.k~'8 Palace ofEtemal Tranquillity Yongxiang 7.k~ Eternal Alley Youqin tilll Court of the Right Youyintai men tiHr, Gate of the Right Silver Platform Yuanji dian ~~ Basilica of the Circular Culmen Yuanqiu lllli / Imli Round Mound Yuelong men Ilftr, Gate of the Leaping Dragon Yunhe dian ~W~ Basilica of Clouds and Harmony Yunhe lou ~fa. Clouds and Harmony Loft-building Yunshao men $i§r, Gate of Cloudy Splendor Zhaoyang men 1Ii3\l;M, Gate of Luminous Yang Zhengwu dian ~ Basilica of the Righteous Military Zhichao ffliIJ Governing Court Zhide men ¥~r' Gate of Complete Virtue Zhongjing ~* Middle Metropolis Zhongxing si i:f!JQ.~ Monastery of Revival Zhongyi tai ~~. Estrade of the Arts Zhuquemenjie Vermilion Bird Gate Street Zichen dian ~1:il~ PUrple Court Basilica Zicheng T:lJ£ Minor City Ziguang dian ~J'(;1(Ii Basilica of Purple Light Ziji dian ~~ Basilica of the Purple Culmen Ziwei gong. ~'8 Palace of Purple Tenuity Ziyi tang m1f~~ Counsel Hall Zongmiao Ancestral Temple Zuoyintai men Gate of the Left Silver Platform
Kr,m
*lijtcUr,
References Major Collections Cangshujicheng chubian .iH~.D.ltW*i [CS:JCCB]. 1935. Reprint, Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985. Daozang U [DZ], vols. 1-36. Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe et 31., 1987. (SeriaJ numbering follows Daozang zimu yinde UT§511~ by Weng Dujian $H. Beijing: Harvard-Yenching Institute, 1935). Guoxue jiben congshu [GXJBCS]. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1935. Kaiyuan Tianbao yishi shizhong Mlft7i:Jlji$+fI [KYrnYSSZ]. Wang Renyu ICfi} (Five Dynasties) et al. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1985. Shisa'liing zhushu ~H [SS/ZS']. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980. Wenyuange siku quanshu XlnlMflB,*~. [WYGSKQS]. (Qing dynasty). Taipei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1983.
W¥u..
+
Primary Sources and Premodern Works ALS BLZ
BS CAZ CAZHi
CFYG
CQZZ
CXJ CYQZ
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DCES
*PfflB.
m#i
*JC
tlm*.
f&m.
ft.
JSCB
JTS
JYZ KTCXJ KYTBYS
KYWXL LBCAZ
LDCDJ LDZlJ
LH
U
I.JXJ UXJHi
LY LYQU
LZ MHZL MSZY
NBXS
329
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SY SZSL
Jiti* ..
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***
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Index Bolded page references indicate where characters arc provided; italic references indicate main entries in the Appendices. Anguo Monastery (Changieb Ward). See Da' anguo Monastery Anguo Monastery (Xingning Ward), 258,273,306 Anhua Gate, 42, 149 Anle Ward, 232n Anmin Ward, 2200, 223 Anren Ward, 266, 317 Anshan Ward,167, 232, 297 Anshangmcn Street, 108-9, 114 Anterior Basilica (Qiandian), 19, 24, 75 Anxing Ward, 98, 99, 101,218,219, 313 Anye Ward, 229, 230n, 301, 311 312, 313 Anyia Ward, 2200, 222, 224, 251, 300, 30I Anyi Ward, 232n appointed women, 73, 87, 91, 153; inner (neiming!u), 73; outer (waimingfo), 73 Apricot Garden, !Hi, 225, 234, 261, 262 Archives Office, 72 astrology, 35, 39 audience halls, 59,84-85 axiality, 39, 126, 127
Abraham (Nestorian), 142 Abu Zaid Hassan, 221, 242 Academy of Classical Studies, 17 accession ceremony, 140--41; Huang Chao and, 279 Adachi Kiroku, 2 Administrative Office of Princes, 231 aeromancer,102,105,260 Altars of State, 33, 43, 135, 138-39, 162, 163; Former Qin, 18; Fonner Zhao, 17; Later Qin, 20; location, 138; as main urban ritual center, 132; N. Zhou, 25; rites at, 133; Sui, ranking of, 131, 137; Sui-Tang, 114 Aluobcn. See Rabban amnesties, 20, 60, 83, 87, 96,280 An Gate (Han Chang'an), 226 An Lushan, 123,228,294,301; destroys Tang Ancestral Temple, 136; residence ot: 223 An Lushan Rebellion, 91, 92, 102, 11 0, 117,170,182,184, 185, 192, 193, 239, 242, 270, 272; and Chang'an, 277-79; Chang'an population after, 199,201,233; Daoist church after, 245 Ancestral Temple, 12, 33, 43, 134-38, 162; different systems for, 136; Fonner Qin, 18; N. Zhou, 25; identified with national capital, 163; locations of, 135; as main urban ritual center, 132; as prototype of Daxingshan Monastery, 254; rites in, 131, 133, 135, 137; Tang, location of, 114 ancestral worship, 131, 134-35 Ande Ward, 232 Anding, Gansu, 20 Anding Commandery, 197 Anding Ward, 3n, 227, 248, 265, 298, 306,311,314,316 Anfu Gate, 108, 207
BaRiver, 51 Bacheng Gate, 27 Bafeng Basilica, 69 Bai Juyi, 269; residence of, 214 Baidi. See White Emperor Baifu Basilica, 68 Balta xingjiao Chan Courtyard. See Xinxing chanshi Pagoda Cowtyard Banzheng Ward, 188,227, 249, 267, 270,298,301,305,310,311,315,317 Bao'an Monastery, 310 Baocha Monastery, 304 Baochang Monastery, 256, 270, 306 Bao'en Monastery, 316 Baoguo Monastery. See Baochang
Monastery
345
346 / Sui-Tang Chang'an Baoji Monastery (Taiping Ward), 313 Baoji Monastery (Xuanyi Ward),310 Baoning Ward, 2320, 247, 298 Baoqing Monastery (Tongzheng Ward), 317 Baoqing Monastery (unide!ltified), 309 Baosheng Monastery (Xingning Ward). See Damong baosbeng Monastery Baosheng Monastery (Vongle Ward), 248,310 Baoshou Monastery, 273,276,317 Baotang Monastery, 273, 304 Baowang Monastery, 310 Baoye Corridor, 8 Baoyi Monastery, 303 BaoyingMonastery, 271, 273, 318 bazaars, 174, 178, 192; in Eastern Market, 180; types of, 179. See also hang Beidi Commandery, 197 Beigo!lg. See North Palace Beijiao. See Northern Suburban Altar Beili zhi, 189 Beinei (Northern Compound), 79 Bei shi, 38 beiya. See Northern Command Beiyuan (North Imperial Park). See XineiPark BenhongMonastery,305 Bi River, 11, 207 Biancai Monastery, 308 bihang. See bazaars, types of bmgbu. See Six Boards, War bingcao. See Bureaus, of War binii. See rites, categories of Biyong, U, 13;226 Black Emperor (Heidi), 133, 149 Bo Yuan (W. Jin), 16 Bohai (parhae), 91 bosi di. See Persian stOres basi si or bosi husi. See Persian monasteries; See also Zoroastrian Persian IIlOI1aSteIy bu Oength measurement), 580, 146n, 202 . Buddha halls, 251; in Western Market, 170 Buddhism, 16,21,29,235,252-74; church expansion slows, 270; vs. Daoism, 275; decline ot; 274; monastery size, 252; number of structures in Ch8!lg'an, 252; revival of, 273; royal patronage of, 271-75; schools of, 264; structures regulated, 246; super-monasteries, 275-76; suppression of, 240, 272-75, 294;-,
Index / 347 N. We~ 23; -, N. Zhou, 27; Tantrism, 264, 269, 272, 276; Tiantai sect, 256 Buko!lg (Amoghavajra), 264 Bureaus, of Evaluation, 111; of Granaries, Law, Personnel, Revenue, War, Wodes, 118 business, night, 184; oonmarket, 18392,193-94; regulated and unregulated, 193. See also markets Buzheng Ward, 226, 2270, 234, 301, 304,308,311,312,317,318; Zoroastrian shrine halls in, 236-37 Cai Ronghua (Sui), 308 Cai YO!lg (Later Han), 12, 13 canals, 205-7; flooding of, 206. See also Cao Canal, Chan River Canal, Huang Canal, Jiao Canal, Longshou Canal, Qingming Canal, Yong'an Canal, YuninuCanal cangcao. See Bureaus, of Granaries cannibalism, 280 Cao Canal, 2OS, 206 Cao Cao (Later Han), 15 Cao Pi (Cao-Wei), 15 Caotang Chan Monastery, 31B capital commandery, 115,196 capital counties, 116 . Capital Maxtet Administration, 171, 192; location of, 169 capital prefect, 117-21; appointments to, 118; functions of, 119 capital prefecture, 115-21, 196; evolution ot; 115; jurisdiction of, 128; limited power of, 120-21, 128; office location, 116-17 Cen Shen (Tq), 261 Censorate, lU-13, 214; and patrol commissioners, 214. See also law and order censuses, 196 Ceremony Office, 114 Cerulean Emperor (Qingdi), 133, 149 chage. See tea, teahouses chai altar, 149, 156, 158 c:haiJiao rite, 25, 141 Chan (Zen), 264 Chan River Canal, 206 Chan River, 51, 153,206 Chancellery, 58, 109; in Darning Palace, 86; functions of, 110; in Imperial City, 109, 127; outer office of, II 0 Chanding Monastery, 48, 256, 309. See also East Chandi!lg Monastery Chang Gun (Tang), 124
Chang He (Tang), 65 Chang'an County, 116, 122, 128, 203, 228; offices, 123 Chang'an tu, 32 Chang'an Ward, 2320 Chang'anzhi, I, 13; on Chang'an County population, 198,200,201; on Daoist structures, 243; on Department of State Affairs, 110; on east Chang'an, 220; on nonmarket business, 184; on peripheral area, 233; on Sui-Tang Imperial City, 12S; on Wannian County,228 Chang'an. See Daxingcheng; Sui-Tang Chang'an; Han Chq'an ChangfaMonastery,310 ChangheChrte,186n Changhua Ward, 2170 Changle Gate, 206 Changle Palace, 10, 11; 17, 28, III ChangJe" Ward, 189, 220,224,301, 306,307 ChanglebWard, 217,2180,268,276, 300,317 Changlec Ward, 232n Changlin Army, 70 Changlin Gates, 70 Changling Tomb Park (for Han Gaozu), 144 Changmi!lg Ward, 2320 ChangshC!lg Basilica, 94 Changshou Ward, 229, 230, 254, 313, 314; Ch8!lg'an County office in, 123 Changxing Ward, 1870,219, 220, 298, 301 Chanlin Monastery, 256, 305 chaotang. See audience halls chasi. See tea, shops Chen Xilie (Tq), 145 Chen Xuanhua (Sui), 308 Chen Yinke, 5, 33-35. Chen Zi'ang (Tang), 183 ChC!lg Dachang (Song), 32 ChC!lg Yan (T8!lg), 187 Chengdao Monastery, 310 Chengdu, 295; markets in, 167 ChC!lg'en Basilica, 69 chenghang. See baza8rs, types of Chengjue Monastery, 310 Chengming Ward, 227n Chengtian Gate (also called Guangyang, Zhaoyang, and Shuntian Gate), 59, 75, 32, 85, 157, 158; opening and closing of,211 Chengtian-Zhuquemen Street, 126, 203; divides the city, 214; and ritual, 140;
symbolic importance of, 205; width of,202 Chengtianmen Street, 108, 112, 113, 204,205 Chengxiang Basilica, 65 Chengxu Abbey, 243, 298 Chengxuan Hall, 22 Chenxin (T8!lg), 70 chi (length measurement), 146n Chidi. See Red Emperor Chigoo Monastery, 319 Chimei. See Red Eyebrows chixian. See urban counties ChOan shiseki no kenkya, 2 ChiJan to &lcuylJ, 3 Cho!lgde Ward, 229, 2300, 231, 258, 304,312,310,316 Chongfu Monastery (Dunyi Ward), 265, 307. See also Futian Monastery ChongfuMonastery (Xiuxiang Ward), 265,316. See also Taiyuan Monastery Chongfu Monastery (Vining Ward), 273,305. See also Huadu Monastery Chonghua Ward, 2300, 246, 267,298, 307, 309; Zoroastrian monastery in, 237 Chongji Monastery, 305 Chongjiao (Hongjiao) Basilica, 69 Chongji!lg Convent, 273, 305 Chongji!lg Monastery, 259 Cho!lgming Abbey, 301 Cho!lgreD Basilica, 69 Cho!lgreD Ward, 187,206,217,219, 245,249,260,299,304,315;night business in, 184--85 Chongsheng Monastery (Cho!lgde Ward), 310 Cho!lgshC!lg Monastery (Taiping Ward), 273,313 Cho!lgsheng Palace, 310 Cho!lgWen Academy, 7Z-73 Chongwen Basilica, 69 Chongxian Monastery, 319 Chongxian Ward, 2300, 231, 256, 303, 305,306,308,31~313
Chongxin Basilica, 26 Chongxuan Academy, 144 Chongxuan Gate, 82 Chongyang Gate, 25 Chongye Convent, 308 Chongye Ward, 2300, 235, 249, 250, 292, 297, 299, 300 Chongyi Monastery,259, 314 Chongyi Palace, 26 Chongyi Ward, 219, 220n, 224, 259, 313
348 / Sui-Tang Chang'an Chongmen Abbey, 300 Chu Suiliang (Tang): residence of, 222 Chudi (N. Wei), 13 Chuguo Monastery, :Z5B, 3JQ chun/ang. See Spring Offices Chunhe Ward, 131a Chunming Gate, 149, 151, 153,279, 318 Chunming-Jinguangmen Street, 203; widtb,202 Cbuyang Gate, 98 Cibei Monastery, 25B, 314 Ci'en Monastery. See Daci'en Monastery Cibe Monastery, 310 Cimen Monastery, 267, 307 Cinnamon Palace (Guigong), 11 Ciren Convent, 256, 305 city, nature ofpremodem Chinese, 165 city turban county officials, 121, 176 co-bong, 175. See also guilds commanderies, abolished by Wendi, 115; revived by Yangdi, 115 concealed passageways, 81-82, 293, 294 Confucianism, 29; and ancestral worship, 134 Counsel Hall (Ziyi tang), :Z2 county monastery, 256; ofDaxing, 305; of Chang' an, 306 Court of Education, Sui,l43 crime, 120. See also law and order Cui Feng (Tang), 308 Cui Gong (Tang), 119, 120 Cui Yin (Tang), assassinated by Zhu Quanzhong, 283-84; vs. the eunuchs group,:ZS:Z Cui Yuanlue (Tang), 121 Cuiwei Monastery, 314 Cuiwei Palace, 55, 77, 292, 314. See also Taihe Palace curfews, 233; ignored, 188, 211, 215 Da Tangjiaost lu, 129-30 Da Tang Kaiyuan Ii, 129 Da'an Palace, 67, 292. See also Hongyi
Palace Da'an Ward, 206,232. Da'anguoMonastery, 268, 276,317 Dachanding Monastery (Great Chanding),.48; 257, 309 Dachongfu Abbey, 298 Daci Monastery, 307 Dati'en (Ci'en) Monastery, 197,225, 234,260-62,269,271,273,276,2~
311; theaters at, 262 Dade Basilica, 26
Index / 349 Dafa Monastery, 314 Daixian Ward, 23On, 298 Daizong (Tang), 207, 213, 270, 271, 301: appeasement ofUighurs, 239; Lingyan Pavilion and, 64; Linde Basilica and, 91; residence in Daming Palace, 94: Taiji Basilica and, 61; and Tantrism, 264: Yanying Basilica and, 91 Dajianfu (Iianfu) Monastery, 266, 273, 276,316; theaters at, 262 Dlijiao guan, 300 Dlijue Monastery, 256, 303 Dakaiye Monastery,303 dolisi. See Nine Courts, Judicial Review Daming Basilica. See Hanyuan Basilica Daming Palace (Dongnei), 3, 45, 55, 61, 62,67,79,80-97,95, 105, 127;208, 251,271,281,292,293,300,301; arc~logy, 80; axiality and symmetry in, 81, 104; burning of, 283; Daoist structures in, 243; gates to, 82; measurements of, 81; reason for building, 104; reigning Tang Emperors in, 94-97; ruins of, 80 Danei (Great Compound), N. Zhou, 26; Tang, 79. See also Xinei Danfeng (Mingfeng) Gate, 81, 82-83, 87,95,96; and Huang Chao, 280 Danfeng Watchtower, 189 Danfengmen Street, 83, 127 Daning Ward, 206,218, 251, 268, 294, 300,316; and Taiqing Palace, 145 Dande Convent, 310 Daode Ward, 122a, 232, 298, 299 Daohui Parle, 26 Daoism, 235, 242-51, 274-75; academic training in, 144; vs. Buddhism, 275; Celestial Masters, 248; institutions of, in Chang'an, 243; Maoshan schoo~ 75; Tang patronage of, 245, 246-50, 275 Daojue Monastery, 311 Damman (Tang), 264 Daozheng Waid, 97-98, 186,220,222, 271,293,311,318 Daqin (the Roman Orient), 241 Daqinjingjiao liuxing Zhongguo bei,
242
daqin n. See Persian monasteries dashe. See Altars of State
Darong Ward, 2320, 307 Daxianfu Monastery, 266, 316 daxing (Sui Wendi's title), 57, 254 DaxingBasilica, 57, 67, 75, 292. See also Taiji Basilica
Daxing County, 122, 254 See also Wannian County, Tang Daxing Gate, 57, 61. See also Taiji Gate Daxing Palace, 57. See also Palace City Daxing Park, 57. See also Forbidden
Parle Daxing Village, 57 Daxingcheng, 9,67, 122, 277, 292; and Buddhist monasteries, 252; Buddhism in, 257; founding of, 37; layout of 4447; numerology and, 40; planning ot: 166 Daxingcheng-cbang'an. See Sui-Tang Chang'an Daxingshan (Xingshan) Monastery,
253-54,271,276,292,304;
geomantic function of, 50, 276, 235 Dayan Pagoda, 260 Daye Ward, 167,232,249, 299, 301 Dayun guangming Monastery, 239 Dayunjing (Mahdmegha Sarra), 266 Dayunjing Monastery, 239, 266, 272, 306; renamed Kaiyuan, 270 Dazhong baosheng Monastery, 271, 272,318 Dazhuangyan (Zhuangyan) Monastery, 2550, 256n, 271, 276, 309 Dazongchi Monastery, 257, 271, 276, 309 dengwengu. See remonstrator's drum
Department of the Imperial Library, 112 Department of Palace Affairs, 74 Department of State Affairs, functions of, 110; in Imperial City, 109, 127; Six Boards ot; 111, 113, 1I8, 127 Dew Court, 25 DewGate,25 Dew Gate Academy (Lumen xue), 26 Deye Convent, 319 Dezong (Tang), 199,271,318; accession of, 141: efforts to curb Buddhism, 272; Lingyan Pavilion and, 64; residence in Daming Palace, 9495; Taiji Basilica and, 61; and tea tax, 190; Uighur policy, 239; Xuanzheng Basilica and, 87 Dharmataqa, 16 di. See lodgiDg, warehouse-hostels di offerings, 133 Di-Qiang (ethnic group), 18,29 dian. See lodgings, taverns dianshufang. See Archives Office didian. See lodging, warehouse-hostels 181,187 Dingdingmen Street (Luoyang), 108 nincrqhlli M'nnAd"""
~1lR
Directorates, of Arms, Imperial Manufactories, Navigation, 114; of Construction, 113 divination, 35, 39 Divine Land (Shenzhou), 131, 133, 137, 162 Dong Zhuo (Later Han), 14, 15 Dongdu Gate, 27 Donggong. See Eastern Palace donggong pus;' See Eastern Palace, Livery Office Donghua Gate, 12 Dongjiao. See Eastern Suburban Altar Dongling Abbey, 301 DongmingAbbey' 246-47, 263, 298 Dongnei (Eastern Compound), 79. See also Daming Palace Dongnei Park, 93 Dongshang Pavilion, 8S, 89 Dongshangge Gate, 86, 88, 89 dongsi. See funeral service shops dou (capacity measure), 172 Dou Kang (Sui), 309 Dou Yi (Sui), 307 Dou Yi (Tang), 179, 182 double wall, 81-82, 98 Douch~ (Dipper City), 2Sn Doulu Ii (Sui), 307 Dragon Pond, 103, 104,206. See also Xingqing Pond drumming, and city gates, 211; and opening ofmarlcets, 174 DuGate, 19 Du Guangting (Tang), 242 Du Rubui (Tang), 64 Du You (Tang), 129; on marriage rite, 141; residence of, 223 Du Yu (Du Yuankai; W. lin), 141 Duan Chengshi (Tang), criticism of Wei Shu, 252; residence of, 224 Duan Gate, 22 Duan Qian (Tang), 248n, 251 Duchess of Guo guo (Guoguo Furen, also Madam Pei), 117, 300: residence of, 170,222 Duchess of Hanguo, residence of, 222 Dugu Xin (N. Zhou), 24, 306 Duguang Monastery. See Yishan Monastery Dunhua Ward, llSo, 255, 312 Dunhuang, 33,183,238,272 Dunye Ward, 315 Dunyi Ward, 231n, 265, 307, 311 dushuijian. See Directorates, of Navigation
350 / Sui-Tang Chang'an Duting Way Station, 186-87. See also
lodging Earth God (Huangdiqi), 131,137, 162 East Central Chang'an, 204,219-24, 228,231,234 East Chanding Monastery, 256, 271, 276. See also Dazhuangyan Monastery East Heng Gate, 62 East Imperial Park (Dongyuan), 21 EastTaiyuan Monastery (Luoyang), 265 Eastern Capital, 292. See also Luoyang, Sui-Tang Eastern Hall (Dongtang), 21 Eastern Market (Dongshi), 97, 165, 166-68,191,219,293,294,320; archaeology ot; 169; layout of, 169; vs. W. Market, 170,192 Eastern Palace (Donggong), 57, 67,114, 162; Household Administration of, 114; Livery Office, 114; N. Zhou, 25; ritual at, 143; Sui-Tang, 69-73; Tang, 63,319; Eastern Subuman Altar (Dongjiao), 133, 149; and sun rite, 151 Empress Dao (W. Wei),24 Empress Dugu (Sui), 305, 306, 307 Empress Guo (Tang), 318 Empress Suming(Tang), 247, 300 Empress Taimu (Tang), 259, 315 Empress Wang (of Tang Gaozong), 142n Empress Wei (Tang), 65, 66, 73, 249, 299; kills Zhongzong, 68 Empress Wende (Tang), 260, 311, 315 Empress Wenxian (Sui), 256, 309, 311 Empress Yin (Later Han), 142n Empress Zhangjing (Tang), 270 Empress Zhangsun (of Tang Taizong), 218 Empress (Dowager) Zhaocheng (Tang), 247,298 Ennin, 3, 269, 275; and Chang'an's bazaars, 180; on Chang'an's Buddhist structures, 252 entertainments: enlperor birthday celebrations, 92, 102; female entertainers, 181, 189; houses of pleasure, 189; lantern festival, 101; Mid-Autuinn Festival, 93; New Year celebrations, 85; theaters, at monasteries, 262 Eryao. See Two Yao Erzongjing,239
Index / 351 eunuchs, 89,90; and Buddhism, 272; vs. capital prefect, 12~21; massacre of, 283-84; in Northeast area, 219 examinations; 85, 199 Fabao Monastery, 311 lacao. See Bureaus, of Law Facheng (Tang), 169 Facong (Sui), 306 Fahai (Sui), 308 Fahai Monastery,308 Fa.jie Convent, 311 FlIJing, 154, 306 Fajue (Sui), 308 Fajue Convent, 311 Farneo Monastery, 294 family temples, 131 Faming Convent, 305, 308 Fan Chong (Xin), 14 Fan Sheng (Tang), 183 Fan Vale, 10 Fan Zigai (Sui): residence of, 221 Fanchuan, 315, 316, 317, 319 lang (wards), 40, 195,208; N. Song, 217. See also wards Fang Xuanling (Tang), and Rabban, 241-42; residence of, 211 Fanglin (Hualin) Gate, 42, 82,167, 197 FangJin Garden, 26 Fanglin-Anhuamen Street, 203; width of,202 Fangqiu. See Square Mound Fangsheng Pond, 169 Fangyuan Gate, 98 Fangze. See Square Pool fang:zu. See law and order, ward guards Fashen Monastery,311 Fashou Convent, 307 Fashou Monastery, 318 Faxian (Later Qin), 22, 29 Faxiang school, 261, 264 Fayun Convent, 273, 305 Fazang (Central Asian), 264 Fazang (Sui), 304 Fazhong Monastery, 311 Fei River, 20 Feiqi Barracks, 66 feishi. See red stone Feng (proto-Zhou capital), 8 Feng Deyi (Tang): residence of, 219 Feng La (Sui), 309 Feng River, 51 Feng Van (Tang), 190 Feng'an Ward, 232., 307 FengciMonastery, 318
Fengdu Market (Sui-Tang Luoyang), 167n Feng'en Monastery, 273, 316 Fengge. See Phoenix Pavilion Fengguo Monastery, 304 Fengle Ward, 230n, 258, 303, 304, 308, 311 fengshui. See geomancy Fengxiang, 63, 69,295; Zhaozong in, 283 Fengyi Commandery, 197 Fengyi Ward, 191, 230, 247, 297 Feuchtwang, Stephan, 47 First Agriculturist Altar, 133,153 First Sericulturist Altar, 153 fish stalls, on Zhuquemen Street, 188 FJroz (Sassanian), 237 Five Gods of the Cardinal Directions, 137, 149; rite, ranking of, 131 Five Human Emperors, 148. See also Five Gods of the Cardinal Directions Five Princes' Mansions, 99 Five Tombs rites, 131 five-capital system, Cao-Wei, 15 flat cake shops, 188, 193 Foguang Monastery, 319 Foguoji,22. food offerings, sacrificial, 158 foods, Tangperiod:biluo, 180, 188; hubing, 188 Forbidden Park (Jinyuan), 57, 153,293. See also Daxing Park lotang. See Buddha halls Fotang Courtyard, 319 Fu Chang (Former Qin), 19,21, 29 Fu Jian (Former Qin), 18 Fu Yi (Tang), 258 Fu Yonggu (Former Qin), 19; and ConfucianisIn, 20 /ubing. See law and order, rotational militia fudao. See concealed passageway Fufeng Commandery, 197 fuhang. See bazaars, types of FuIin Monastery, 311 funeral service shops, 190-91, 193 Furong Garden, 81, 225, 234 Fushou~onastery,259,273,3IS.See
also Ximing Monastery Futang Abbey, 249, 299 Futian ~onastery, 307 Fuxiang Abbey, 301 Fuxing Ward, 57, 227, 234, 249, 299; popularity with eunuchs, 228 Fuyan Monastery. See Shiweng MnnA'It..rv
Gabriel (Nestorian), 242 Gan Emperor, ISO, 159 Gandi (Ganshengdi). See Gan Emperor gangsters, 120 Ganlu Basilica, 59,62--63,65; Xuanzong and, 69 Ganlu Convent, 306 ganlu zhibian. See Sweet Dew Incident Gao Bing (Ming), 4 Gao Huan (N. Qi), 23 Gao Jiong (Sui), 37, 39, 292, 305, 309; residence of, 226 Gao Lishi (Tang), 251, 300, 317; residence of, 219 Gao Longcha (Sui), 37 Gao Shilian (Tang), 249; residence of, 218,222 Gao Xianzhi (Tang): residence of, 211 Gao Yanfu (Tang): residence of, 219 Gaozong (Tang), 87, 197,260,269, 274,293,298,299,311,313,315, 316; changes reign title, 123; patronage of Buddhism, 259,271; patronage of Daoism, 245, 265,271; residence in Baoning Ward, 247; -, in Palace City, 67; -, in Daming Palace, 94; illnesses of, 77, 104; revives Yong'an (Darning) Palace, 80; and Ximing Monastery, 262-63; Zichen Basilica and, 89 Gaozu (Former Han), 9, 144 Gaozu (Tang), 63,77,144,253,292, 304,306,310,314; accession of, 140; patronage of Buddhism, 257-58, 271, 275; patronage ofDaoism, 245, 259, 271; renames Daxing Basilica, 76; residence in Palace City, 67; -, in Yongyi Ward, 229; and Round Mound, 157-58 Ge Wu (N. Wei),23 geomancy, 36, 43-53; compass schoo~ 44; Daxingcheng and, 43; earth dragon in, 43, 47; form school, 44; Kaogongji and, 40; kan trigram in Chang'an's,48; lam trigram in, 48; origins of, 43; qi in, 43 Geshu Han (Tang), and Shence Armies, 213 Gods of the Five Phases (Wuguan),.148 Gods of the Nine Palaces (Jiugong guishen), 130; rite, ranking of, 131 Golas, Peter, 178 gongbu. See Six Boards, Works gongcao. See Bureaus, of Personnel Gongcheng. See Palace City r...n.nftAA
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352 / Sui-Tang Chang'an Gongdi (Sui): residence of, 67 Gongzhang Village, 319 Grand Academy (Taixue), 12, 20, 29; Fonner Han, 226; Fonner Zhao, 17 Great Qi dynasty, 279 Gu Yanwu, 12 Guande Basilica, 26, 83 Guangbao Monastery, 311 Guangde Convent, 316 Guangde&Ward, 123,230,231,258, 303,310,314,316; capital prefecture office in, 116 . Guangdeb Ward, 225n Guang' en Monastery, 254 Guang'en Ward, 230n Guangfu Monastery, 319 Guangfu Ward, 220n, 223, 224, 312 Guanghua Gate, 42 Guanghua Monastery, 309 Guanghua Ward, 218n Guanglu Ward, 230n guanglusi. See Nine Courts, Imperial Entertainments Guangming Monastery (Huaiyuan Ward), 254, 266, 306 Guangming Monastery (Kaiming Ward),319 Guangshi Basilica, 17 Guangtian Abbey (Wuben Ward), 245, 299 Guangtian Basilica, 69. See also Chengtian Basilica Guangxing Ward, 232n Guangyang Gate. See Chengtian Gate. Guangyun Gate, 206 Guangzhai Monastery, 260, 316 Guangzhai Ward, 83, 208, 217, 260, 293,316 Guanshan Ward, 315 Guanyin Monastery, 269, 304 Guanmong, 7, 8,9, 24; abandoned, 285 Guigong. See Cinnamon Palace guilds,174 Guilin Basilica, 93n Guiyi Ward, 232n Guimen Abbey, 301 Guo Pu (W. Jin), 43 Guo Si (Later Han), 15, 30 Guo Yuanmen: residence of, 222 Guo Ziyi (Tang), 91, 110,294; Lingyan Pavilion and, 64; residence of, 223-24 Guoguo Furen. See Duchess of Guoguo Guozi xue. See National Academy Guzang, 33, 34 Haijue Monastery, 306
Index / 353 Hall of BrilIiance (Mingtang), 12, 13, 29, 133, 147-48; Fonner Han, 226; Fonner Qin, 19; Liang, 76; N. Zhou, 25; Six Dynasties, 147; in Sui-Tang Luoyang, 147; Tang, 123-24;W. Zhou, 147 Han Chang'an, 7, 35, 207, 234, 285, 292, 297, 303; abandoned, 30; depopulated, 17, 15; Eastern Market, 11; Fonner Han-Xin, 8-14; Fonner Qin, 18-20; Fonner Zhao, 17-18; inadequacies, 36; lin, 15-17; Later Han, 14-15; Later Qin, 20-22;-, name change, 20; Later Zhao, 18; N. Wei, 23; N. Zhou, 25-28;-, influence on Sui-Tang Chang'an, 27; roins of, 226; symbolism of, 28; Western Market, 11; W. Wei, 24. See also Daxingcheng, Sui-Tang Chang'an Han Chaozong (Tang), 206 Han Gao (Tang), 119 Han lian (Tang), 282, 295 Han Quanhui (Tang), 282, 283 Han Valley, 7 Han Yu (Tang), 88; on Chang'an's population, 199; and Qinglong Monastery, 201, 269; residence of, 223 Han Vue (Tang), 89 hang, 174, 175, 179; defmed, 178; . headmen, 172,176,178179; members of, 175, 178, 179; religious activity of, 177. See also bazaars Hang Dezhollo and excavation of Qinzheng Loft-building, 101; and excavation ofXingqing Palace, 99, 102 Hanguangmen Street, 108, 113, 187 Hanliang Basilica, 81 Hanren Basilica, 26 Hanyuan Basilica, 59, 80,81,83-85, 86,89,293,294; compared to Chengtian Gate, 85; and Huang Chao, 279; in Sweet Dew Incident, 90 Hanyuan Palace, 80, 293. See also Daming Palace Hanyuandian Courtyard, 84n Hao (W. Zhou capital), 8 Haotian Abbey, 245,247, 298 Haotian shangdi. See Lord on High He Chou (Sui), 34 He Zhizhang (Tang), 188; residence of, 223 Heaven, concepts of, 146 Heba Hua (Sui), 308; residence of, 226
Hedi (Later Han), 142 He'en Monastery, 268, 317 Hegan Chengji (Tang), 70 Heidi. See Black Emperor Hejiacun hoard, 209, 230-31 Helan, Madam, 265 Helin Monastery, 315 Helou Zigan (Sui), 37 Heng Gates, 62 Heng Street, lOS, 142; width, 202 Hengji Monastery, 319 Hengmen (gate), 27 Heping Ward, 232n, 256, 276, 309 Heroo Bi (Sui): residence of, 222 Heroo Yi (Sui): residence of, 226 HinoKaisaburo, 192, 1%,205; on Eastern Market bazaars, 180; on market curfew, 184-85; on population 199-200 Hiraoka Takeo, 196 Hongdao Abbey, 243, 247, 299 Hongde Ward, 230n, 310 HongfaMonastery, 314 Hongfu Monastery, 259,315 Hongguang Monastery, 318 Honghua Monastery, 311 Honghua Ward, 230n Hongji Monastery, 308 Hongjiao Basilica See Chongjiao Basilica honglusi. See Nine Courts, Diplomatic Receptions Hongshan Monastery, 306 Hongsheng Palace, 26 Hongwen (Xiuwen) Academy, 58, 61, 72 Hongye Convent, 308 Hongyi (Da'an, Tai'an) Palace, 55, 292 hou. See markets, administration of Hou Guards, Su~ 212 Hou lunji (Tang), and Lingyan Pavilion, 64; residence of, 222 Hu Sanxing (yuan), 203 Huadu Monastery, 273, 305 Hua'e [xianghui] Loft-building, 97, 99101,293 Huafeng Abbey, 251, 300 Huaide Ward, 230n, 307, 308, 318 Huaidi (W.lin), 17 Huaixian Ward, 230n huaiya. See Locust Office Huaiyuan Ward, 230n, 239, 254, 266, 270, 306, 311 Huaizhen Ward, 230; Qianfeng County office in, 123 Hualin Garden, 26
Hualin Gate. See Fanglin Gate Huan Wen (E. lin), 19 Huang Canal, 2OS, 206 Huang Chao (Tang), 96, 201, 295; damages Buddhist property, 274; destroys Tang Ancestral Temple, 136; occupies Chang'an, 278-80 Huangcheng, N. Song (palace City), 126n; N. Zhou (Royal City), 25n. See also Imperial City Huangdi, 13. See also Yellow Emperor Huangdiqi. See Earth God Huaqing (Wenquan) Palace, 55n, 56, 167,293,294,317 Huayan Monastery, 319 Huayan Buddhist school, 264 Huayin Commandery, 197 hubu. See Six Boards, Revenue hucao. See Bureaus, Revenue Huchi Monastery, 311 hudian. See markets, foreign shops; also Western Market Huguo Monastery, 273, 304 Huguo tianwang Courtyard, 317 Huguo tianwang Monastery, 319 Huichang Monastery, 258, 314 Huichang suppression. See Buddhism, suppression of Huidi (Fonner Han), 10, 28 huiguan. See guilds Huiguo (Tang),269 Huijue Monastery, 311 Huineng (Sui), 308 Huiri Monastery, 307 Huisheng Abbey, 243, 298 Huixiao (Tang),264 Huiyi Basilica, 26 Huiying (Sui), 304 Huiyuan (Sui), 255, 312 Huiyuan Abbey, 301 Huiyun Monastery, 311 huji. See entertainments, female entertainers hutian ci. See Zoroastrian shrine halls Ibn Wahab, 221, 229 Imperial Altar (Dishe), 131, 153 Imperial City (Huangcheng), 39, 46, 58, 107-14,125-128,206,232,319; archaeology of, 108-9; central government agencies in, 108-14; central sector of, 109-13, 127; eastern sector of, 114, 127; geornancy of, 107; symmetry in, 126; western sector of, 113-14,127 Islam, in Tang Chang'an, 235
354 /
Sui~ Tang
Chang'an
Japanese monks in Chang' an: DOji, Eiyo, 265; Enchin, Engyo, Shaei, 269; Knkai, 265, 269. See also Ennin jewelry business, 182, 193 ji. See entertainments, female entertainers Ji (god of grain), 138. See also Altars of State Ji Yun (Qing), 130n Jia Dan (Tang): residence ot: 223 Jia Gongyan (Tang), 40; on hang, 178 jiacheng. See double wall Jiade (Xiande, Mingde) Basilica, 26, 69, 71 Jiade Gate, 158 Jiahui Ward, 230, 258, 303, 314 jiali. See rites, categories of jialing si. See Provision Office Iianfa Convent, 305 Jianfu Gate, 82 Jianfu Monastery (Kaihua Ward). See Dajianfu Monastery Jianfu Monastery (Quchi Ward), 312 Jianfu Monastery, Futu Courtyard (Anren Ward), 317 Jiang Shidu (Tang), 207 Jiangdu (Yangzhou), 67, 292 jiangzuojian. See Directorates, of Construction Jiankang, 29, 47, 76 Jiannan (Sichuan-Yunnan), 91 Jianzhang Palace (Former Han), 11, 19, 28,186, Jiao Basilica (Sui-Tang Luoyang), 284 Jiao Canal, 206 jiao ritual, 26n Jiao River, 206, 207 Jiao Zishun (Sui), 298; influence on Wendi, 244; and Wutong Abbey, 248 Jiayou Abbey, 300 Jiayou Convent, 250, 300 Jidu Convent, 310, 312 Jie (ethnic group), 18, 29 jie, 205. See also Chengtianmen Street jieshi. See law and order, street . commissioners Jifa Monastery, 304 jiguan. See entertainments, houses of pleasure Iiguo Monastery, 307 jili. See rites; categories of Jilie. See Gabriel jinbu. See Treasury Bureau Jinchang Ward, 197,225, 258, 260, 276, 292, 308, 310, 311
Index / 355 Jincheng Ward, 226, 227, 248, 258, 299, 307,308,311,312,314,318 Jing River, 7 Jing' an Palace, 303 Jing'an Ward, 186,220,223,224,259, 305; Wu Yuanheng's death in, 119 Jingdi (N. Zhou),36, 243 Iingdi (Former Han), 11 Jingfa Monastery, 309 Jingfeng Gate, 109, 185 Jingfu Monastery, 315 Jinggong Ward, 189,220, 222; Zoroastrian shrine halls in, 237 Jinghui (Sui), 258 Jingjue Monastery (Jinchang Ward), 2600 Jingjue Monastery (Quchi Ward), 312 Jingle Convent, 307 Iinglong Abbey, 249, 299 Iingshan Ward, 220n, 235, 253, 254, 276,292,304 jingxian. See capital counties Jingxing Monastery, 267, 273, 309 Jingyao Gate, 42 Jingying Monastery, 255, 312 Iingyu Monastery, 306 Iingyuan mutineers, 277 Jingyun Convent, 299 Iingzhao Commandery, 118. See also capital commandery jingzhaofo. See capital prefecture jingzhaojun. See capital commandery jingzhaoyin. See capital prefect Iingzhou, 15 Iingzhu Monastery, 308 Jingzong (Tang), 50; residence in Darning Palace, 95 Jinming Gate, 98 Jintai Abbey, 298 Jinwu Guards, and Chang'an's security, 212,214,233,249; generals ot: 203, 212; Honor Guard Courtyard, 89 Jinxian Convent, 249, 299 Jinyuan, 57. See also Forbidden Park Jishan Convent, 309 Jiucheng Palace, 55, 80. See also Renshou Palace Jiudu Monastery, 312 Jiugong guishen. See Gods of the Nine Palaces Jiuhua Abbey, 250, 300 jiulou. See wineshops jiulu. See wineshops jiusi. See wineshops jiusi. See Nine Courts
Jiutian daochang. See Nine Heavens DaoTract Jiuxian Gate, 82 Jixian Convent, 258, 314 jixian. See metropolitan counties juanhang. See bazaars, types of Iude Ward, 209, 226, 227n, 256, 270, 30~308,310,312,313,316
Iue River, 11,51,206,207 jun.Seecommandaries junli. See rites, categories of junqijian. See Directorates, of Arms Iushi Qianbu, 19 Kaifeng, 126, 165, 194; Zoroastrianism in, 238 Kaihua Ward, 219, 220n, 262, 266, 276, 307,316; Cui Yin's residence in, 282 Kaiming Ward, 232n, 319 Kaishan Convent, 308 Kaiyuan Abbey, 299 Kaiyuan Gate, 149, 151 Kaiyuan Ii. See Da Tang Kaiyuan Ii
Kaiyuan Monastery, 270, 306 Kaneko Shayichi, 159 Kaogongji (Book ofArtificers), 32 40-
43,46,52,114; and Daxingcheng, 41; on gates, 42; on the ideal shape, 41; on palace and market, 43; prescriptions for capital building, 4 I; on ritual centers, 43, 132, 163; on the road network, 42; Zhou Ii and, 33 Kariya Ekisai, 172 Kato Shigeshi, 175-78, 192; on breakdown of Chang'an's market system, 184; on hang, 174 keshe. See lodging, hostels Kong Yingda (Tang), 12n, 75; residence ot: 222; on souls, 134 Kongguan Monastery, 368 Kuiji (Tang), 264n KumarajTva (Jiumoluoshi), 22, 29, 318 Kunming Pond, 256 Kuwahara Iitsuzo, 2, 237 Laibin guano See State Guesthouse Laiting Ward, 83, 208, 217,219,276, 293,313,317 Land Gods (Dishen), 133 LanIing Ward, 232. Laozi (Li Er), 75,251,294,300; cuh ot: 130, 144; and the Tang royal house, 131,245; temple to, 144-45; titled Xuanyuan emperor, 145 law and order, county defenders, 210; county prisons, 214; Jinwu Guards,
212; Iinwu street commissioners, 203; police patrol stations, 212; prison camps, 214; rotational militia, 212; street commissioners, 212, 214; ward guards, 210. See also Censorate, Northern Command, Shence Army Leshan Convent, 307 Leyou Park, 189n Ii (length measurement), Han, 11; Tang, 58n, 146 Ii (wards), 40, 195,208. See also wards Li Anyuan (Tang), 314 Li Baoyu (Tang): residence of, 228 Li Boxi (Tang), 187n Li Chengqi (Tang), 100, 102 Li Chengqilin (Tang), 70, 246, 267, 298, 315 Li Chengyi (Tang), 102 Li Chong (N. Wei), 33 Li Chongfu (Tang), 250 Li Chongjun (Tang), 65 Li Chongrun (Tang), 267, 268, 293, 307 Li Deyu (Tang), 120, 127; on family temples, 231; residence of, 224; support for Liu Zhongying, 172 Li Fengji (Tang), 50 Li Fuguo (Tang), 69; residence of, 224 Li Gan (Tang), 207 Li Gao (W. Liang), 33 Li Guangbi (Tang), and Lingyan Pavilion, 64 Li Haowen (Song), 32 Li He (Tang), 211; residence of, 224 Li Hong (Tang), 246, 263, 298, 315; name avoided, 230 Li Hua (Tang), 84 Li Hui (Tang), residence ot: 228 Li Ji (Xu Shiji; Tang), and Lingyan Pavilion, 64; residence ot: 227 Li Iiancheng (Tang), 63, 70, 292; and Xuanwu Gate Incident, 65 Li Jiao (Tang), 124 Li lie. See Zhaozong Li Iifu, 49, 91; residence of, 224 Li ling, 64; residence of, 222 Li Jingdao (Sui), 304 Li Iue (Later Han), 15, 30 Li Jue (Tang), 190 Li Iun (Tang), 188 Li Keyong (Turk), 280, 282, 284, 295; vS. Zhu Mei, 281 Li Lao (Tang), 183 Li Linfu (Tang), 145, 300; and Jiayou Convent, 250; residence ot: 170, 223 Li Longfan (Tang), 102 Li Longji. See Xuanzong
356 / Sui-Tang Chang'an LiLongye(Tangh 102 Li Maozhen (Tang), 284, 295; and . massacre of eunuchs, 283; occupation of Chang' an, 278, 282 Li Mi (Tang): residence of, 223 Li Minqiu (Tang), 1860 Li Mu (Sui): residence of, 229, 221 Li Qiao (Tang), 62 Li Qiyun (Tang), 119 Li Sheng (Tang), 294; and Lingyan Pavilion, 64; residence of, 224 Li Shi (Tang), 119 Li Shimin. See Taizong Li Shouli (Tang): residence of, 231 Li Tai (Tang), 63, 70; residence of, 229, 263 Li Xian (Tang), 72,231,247,299,316; residence of, 265 Li Xuanba (Tang), 258, 314 Li Xun (Sui), 370 Li Xun (Tang), 214, 294 Li Yong (Tang, 316; residence of, 231 Li You (Tang), 70 Li Yu (Tang), 119 Li Yuan. See Gaozu (Tang) Li Yuanhong (Tang), 125 Li Yuanji (Tang), 63 Li Yuanming (Tang): residence of, 229 Li Yuantong (Sui), 307 Li Yun (fang), 295 Li Yun (Tang): residence of, 227 Li Zhen (Tang): residence of, 230 Li Zhi. See Gaozong Li Zhiyun (Tang), 258, 310 Li Zongmin (Tang): residence of, 224 Liang Xiaoren, (Tang), planner of Daming Palace, 80 Liangjing xinji, 1,31,200,201; on Buddhist structures, 252; on Daoist structures, 252; on Eastern Palace, 69; on Zoroastrian shrine halls, 236 Liangyi (Zhonghua) Basilica, 59, 61-62, 75,88 Liangzhou,24 Lianzhu Basilica, 26 liao altar, 149, 156 libu. See Six Boards, Personnel libu. See Six Boards, Rites Liji, 12,43, 163; on marriage, 141; on quality ccmtrol, 173 Lin'an (Hangzhou), 126, 165, 194 Linde Basilica (Sandian, Sanyuan), 87, 91-92 ling. See magistrate Ling'an Monastery, 258, 314 Lingbao Monastery, 310
Index / 357 Lingfu Basilica, 69n Lingfu yingsheng Courtyard, 2450 Linggan Abbey, 243, 198 Linggan Monastery (unidentified), 314 Linggan Monastery (Xinchang Ward), 256,269,304 Linggan Monastery (Yusuchuan), 319 Linghua Monastery (Puning Ward), 304 Linghua Monastery. See Yunhua Monastery Lingjue Monastery, 265, 307 Lingtai. See Numina Estrade Linguang Basilica, 26 Lingxiao Gate, 82 Lingyan Pavilion, 63-65 Lingying Abbey, 251, 197 Lingzbi Basilica, 91 Linzhi Basilica, 26 Liquan Monastery, 309 Liquan Ward, 2270, 228, 234, 238, 251, 297,298,304,309,311,312; Zoroastrian shrine halls in, 237 Lishan, 317 Liu Can (Xiongnu), 17 Liu Cong (Xiongnu), 16 Liu Gongchuo (Tang), 120, 121 Liu Gongquan (Tang), 120 Liu Gongyu (Tarig), 64 Liu Long (Sui), 37 Liu Qichu (Tang), 120 Liu Rengui (fang): residence of, 229 Liu Xin (Former Han), 400 Liti Yao (Xiongnu), 17, 29; death of, 18 Liu Yu (Liu-Song), 22 Liu Yuxi (fimg): residence of, 224 Liu Zhongying (Tang), 120, 121; control over market, 172 Liu Zongyuan (Tang): residence of, 224 liujun. See Six Armies Liyuan Gate, 98 Lizheng Basilica, 69 Lizheng Ward, 225n, 311 Locust Office, 108. See also Chengtianmen Street lodging, flat cake shops, 188; hostels, 187; taverns, 181; way stations, 187; warehouse-hostels, 181-82, 193 Longguo Monastery, 315 Longhua Convent, 260, 315 Longmen Caves, 272 Longqing Pond, 103. See also Xingqing Pond Longqing Ward, 79, 97, 209, 218, 219. See also Xingqing Ward Longquan Monastery, 319 Longshou Canal, 93, 205, 206
Longshou, Mount, 8 Longshou, MountIPlain, 10, 51 Longshou Pond, 93 Longwei Paths, 840 Longwu Armies, 213 Longxing Abbey (Chonghua Ward), 298 Longxing Abbey (Wuben Ward), 299 Longxing Abbey (Yongchong Ward), 301 Longxing Monastery (Banzheng Ward), 267,270,315 Longxing Monastery (Chonghua Ward), 267,273,309 Longzheng Ward, 2270 Lord on High (Haotian shangdi), 6, 126, 130, 133, 137, 159, 160, 163; and lei rite, 139; rite, ranking of, 131; in Round Mound rite, 146, 156, 157; and Son of Heaven, 131; as symbol of Heaven, 162; supremacy of, 150 Lou Jing (Liu Jing; Former Han), 9 Lil Dafang (Song), 98; on the layout of Sui-Tang Chang'an, 125 Lil Long (Later Liang), 22 Lil Shixuan (Sui), 247, 297 Lu Yu (Tang), and tea drinking, 190 Lu Zhaolin (Tang), 201 lugengsi. See Ceremony Office luguan. See lodging, hostels Lumen. See Dew Gate LuoGate,19 Luohan. See Abraham Luohan Monastery, 307 Luoshu, 48, 49 Luoyang, Han-Wei, 14, 15,29,76; sacked by Xiongnu, 17; -, N. Wei, 126, 193, 207, 233, 285; Buddhist monasteries in, 275 Luoyang, Sui-Tang, 32, 47, 63, 68, 67, 126, 272, 284,293, 295; and hang, 178; and Manichaeism, 239; markets in, 167; sacked by Huang Chao, 278 Luqin. See Dew Court lashe. See lodging, hostels LQzang Monastery, 311 Ma Dezbi, 69; and excavation of Qinzheng Loft-building, 101; and excavation of Xingqing Palace, 99 Ma Lin (Tang), 301 Ma Zhi (Sui), 48, 49 Ma Zhou (fang), 211 magistrate, urban county, 124-25 Manichaeism, 235, 239-41, 274, 294; vs. Buddhism and Christianity, 241; Mani, 239; monasteries, 239; occult
powers, 241; suppression of, 240; Uighur connections to, 274 markets, 165-66; administration of, 169-74; business hours in, 173; business types in, 179-83; certification of transactions, 173; consistency in transactions, 172; curfew, 184; extortion prevention, 173; foreign shops 182 ; Former Han, 174; law and order in, 173; layout of, 166; location of, 46; morning, 174; night, 174; number of, 167; organization of, 174-79; oversight stations in, 171; regulation of, 184 Mazdaism, 237. See also Manichaeism menxiafang. See Secretariat Office menxiasheng. See Chancellery metropolitan counties, 116 Mi Liang (Sogdian), 182 Miao Jinqing (fang), Yanying Basilica and,91 Miaosheng Convent, 304 Miaoxiang Monastery (N. Zhou), 303 Middle Market, 167-68 Mile (Maitreya) Pavilion, 271,318 Mindi (W. Jin), 17 Mingde Basilica. See Jiade Basilica Mingde Gate, 3, 60,126, 146, 149,204 Mingde Monastery, 319 Mingdi (Cae-Wei), 76 Mingfa Monastery, 312 Mingfeng Gate. See Danfeng Gate Mingfu Courtyard, 73 mingfo. See appointed women Mingguang Basilica, 19 Mingguang Palace, 11 Mingjue Convent, 304 Mingjue Monastery, 312 Minglun Monastery, 312 Mingtang. See Hall of Brilliance Mingtang County, 122, 127, 293; offices, 123 Mingyi Gate, 98 Mingzhao (Tang), 258, 304 Minor City (Zicheng), 23, 108. See also Imperial City: Sui-Tang mishusheng. See Department of the Imperial Library Muronaga YoshiZll, 3 Muzong (Tang), 133,264; accession, 141; residence in Daming Palace, 95; Taiji Basilica and, 61 Naba Toshisada, 5, 32-33 Nanjiao. See Southern Suburban Altar
358 / Sui-Tang Chang'an Nannei (Southern Compound), 79, 97. See also Xingqing Palace Nanshan,206 nanya. See Southern Command Nanzhao,92 National Academy (Guozi xue), 61, 73 Needham, Joseph, 128, 165 neishisheng. See Department of Palace Affairs neishusheng, 109ft. See also Secretariat Nestorianism, 235, 241--42, 274; monasteries of, 228 New Market, 167-68 Nianzhu Hall, 116 Nine Courts, 113, 127; Diplomatic Receptions, 113; Imperial Carriages, 113; Imperial Entertainments, 114; Imperial Granaries, lll, ll3, 171; Imperial Sacrifices, 113; Judicial Review, 113,214; Imperial Clan, 112; Imperial Regalia, 113; Treasury, 113; -, Liang, 171; -, Tang, 172 Nine Heavens Dao Tract (Jiutian daochang), 245n Nine Palaces, Altar of, 151-52. See also Gods of the Nine Palaces Ningguan Monastery, 312 Niu Sengru (Tang): residence of, 224 North Palace (Beigong), 11 Northeast Chang'an, 217-19, 234 Northern Command, 74, 212, 213; supremacy of, 214 Northern Market, 167-68 Northern Suburban Altar (Beijiao), 133, 149 Northwest Chang'an, 226-28, 234 Numina Estrade (Lingtai), 12, 13; Former Han, 226; Form~ Qin, 19 Office of Appointments, 112, 184 Office of Historiography, 58 000 Katsutoshi, 3; on Buddhist monasteries in Chang'an, 252-53, 275 Palace City (Gongcheng), N. Zhou, 25 Palace City (Gongcheng), Sui, 39, 48, 55; -, location, 46; Sui-Tang, 57, 65, 79, 94, 107, 228, 292, 293, 315,319; and canals, 206; measurements of, 58; reigning emperors in, 66-69; Palace network, suburban, 55n Pan Yue (W. Jin), 15 patrol commissioners, 214,215 Pei Du (Tang), 56; residence of, 224 Pei Guangting (Tang), residence of,231 Pei Ii (Tang), 186n
Index / 359 Pei, Madam. See Duchess of Guoguo Pei Wu (Tang), 119 Pei Xun (Tang), 256 Pei Yun (Sui): residence of, 226 Pelliot, Pau~ 183 Penglai Basilica, 81 Penglai Palace, 67,80,293. See also Daming Palace peripheral area, 204, 233, 234. Persian monasteries, called bosi si, 238; called daqin si, 237; as Nestorian monasteries, 242 Persian stores, 182. See also markets Phoenix Pavilion (Fengge), 109. See also Secretariat Pingkang Ward, 170,219-23,250,300, 304,313; houses of pleasures in, 189 Pingle Ward. See Yongle Ward Pingshuo Gate,19, 21 Pixiang ;Basilica, 93n Pond of the Five Princes, 103. See also Xingqing Pond population, 196-99; ofDaxingcheng, 196-97; segregation of, 233-34; Tang Chang'an, 196-99,233; -, of capital prefectural area, 197; -, recent estimates of, 200; -, registered, 198; -, unregistered, 198,215;-, urban wards, 198; -, townships, 198, 200 Prajfla Estrade (Bore tail, 22 prefectures, and commanderies, 115 Prince Wenxuan. See rites, to Confucius Prince Wucheng. See rites, at Qitaigong Princess Anle (Tang): residence of, 227, . 248 Princess Changle (N. Zhou), 307 Princess Changlong. See Princess Yuzhen Princess Changning (Tang): residence of of, 219,249,299 Princess Daxing (Sui), 256 Princess Guiyang (Tang), 314 Princess Huayang (Tang), 247, 301 Princess Jinxian (Tang), 248, 249 Princess Lanling (Sui), 313 Princess of Caiguo (Tang), 250, 300 Princess ofXueguo. See Princess of Caiguo Princess Pingyuan (N. Zhou), 304 Princess Qiyang (Tang): residence of, 219 Princess Shengping (Tang), 318 Princess Taihe (Tang), 241 Princess Taihua (Tang): residence of, 219
Princess Taiping (Tang), 122n, 248, 268,298,316; moves to Taiping Convent, 249; residence of, 222, 227 Princess Wanchun (Tang), 262 Princess Xian'an (Tang), 92 Princess Xianyi (Tang), 249, 300 Princess Xicheng (Tang), 299 Princess Xinchang (Tang), 300 Princess Xindu (Tang), 249, 250, 299, 316 Princess Xiyao (N. Zhou), 306 Princess Yiyang (Tang): residence of, 219 Princess Yongmu (Tang), 250, 300 Princess Yongshou (Tang), 267, 317 Princess Yongtai (Tang), 267, 268, 306 Princess Yuzhen (Tang), 248, 249, 299 printing operations, 183 Provision Office, 114 Pugu Huai'en (Tang), and Lingyan Pavilion, 64 Puguang Monastery, 267, 315 Puji Monastery, 308 Puning Ward, 13, 226, 227, 263, 298, 304; Zoroastrian shrine halls in, 237 Puti [Bodhi] Monastery, 273, 304 Puyao Monastery, 305 Qi Kerang (Tang), 278 qia offerings, 133 qian hexagram, 76,84, 107,235,292; in
Daxingcheng's planning, 44--47 Qian'an Basilica, 24,26 Qiandian. See Anterior Basilica Qianfeng County, 122, 127,293; office, 123 Qianfu Monastery, 265,273,316 Qiang (ethnic group), 17,20,29 Qianniu Guards, 212 Qianqiu Abbey, 298 Qianyuan Abbey, 301 Qianyuan Basilica, 145 Qibao Estrade, 260 Qibao Estrade Monastery, 260, 316 Qifeng Pavilion, 84 qigu rite. See rites, harvest-prayer Qin Shouyi (Tang), 125n Qin Ying (Tang), 246 Qingcban Monastery, 253, 254, 258, 273, 306. See also Anguo Monastery Qingdi. See Cerulean Emperor Qingdu Abbey, 243,248,297 Qingguo Monastery. See Wenguo Monastery, Taiping Ward Qinghui Chamber, 24 Qinghui Basilica, 24
Qinglong Monastery, 3, 51, 262, 268, 269, 273, 276, 304; and Shingon school, 269; theaters at, 262 Qinglong Ward, 51, 225, 256, 305, 309 Qingmen, 16, 27 Qingming Canal, 205, 206 Qingshan (Wugong) Palace, 55 Qingxu Abbey, 243, 247, 297 Qinling range, 8 Qinren Ward, 119,219-23,300,301; Ruizong's residence in, 247 Qinzbeng [wuben] Loft-building, 101-2 Qiu Shiliang (Tang), 89-90; residence of, 219 qiupei hang. See bazaars, types of Qixia Gate, 152, 153 Quan Deyu (Tang): residence of, 223 Quan Hansheng: on hang, 174-78 Quchi Ward, 225n, 312 Qujiang (river), 225, 260, 271, 294, 318 Qujiang Garden, 81n, 261. See also Furong Garden Qujiang Pond, 81, 206, 225 Qunxian Ward, 2300,308,309,310, 3ll Rabban (Nestorian), 241 red stone, 59, 85 Red Emperor (Chidi), 133, 150; altar for, 149, 160 Red Eyebrows (Chimei), 14, 30 remonstrator's drum, 59, 85 Renfa Monastery, 313 Renshou Palace, 55, 66, 80, 76, 292. See also Iiucheng Palace Residence of the Sixteen Princes, 208, 218-19,293 restaurant business, 180, 188, 193; Zhangjia lou, 180. See also flat cake shops, wineshops rice, prices of, 280 Rihua Gate, 62 rites, accession, 140--41; Ancestral Temple, 134-38; appointment of the crown prince, 143; appointment of the empress, 142--43; capping, 141; categories of, 129-30; coming-of-age 141; to Confucius, 131; Divine Land, 131; Early Sovereigns, 131; Earth God, 131;fengandshan, 123, Ij3; first robing, 141; First Sericulturist, 131; Five Dragon Cult, 131; Five Gods of the Cardinal Directions, 131; Five Peaks, 131; Five Planets, 131; Four Mountains in the Four Quarters, 131; Four Rivers, 131; Four Seas,
360 / Sui-Tang Chang'an 131; gao, 133,137-38, 140;Cffand Duke ofQi, 131; harvest prayer, 133, 151,159, 163; invocation for rain, 133,148, 152; joint sacrifice, 142; late autumnal grand offering, 148; lei, 133, 13~39,140, 279; Lord on High, 131; marriage, 141-42; moon, 131, 133, 151; mountains and woods, 131; Nine Palaces, 131; Numina Star, 131; at Qitaigong, 131; Rain Master, 131; Rivers and Lakes, 131; Round Mound, 133, 153-58; Sacred Field, 153; to sage teachers, 143; Star of Merit, 131; Star of Destiny, 131; Star of the People, 131; Star of the Center, 131; Suburb and Mound, 161; suburban celestial sacrifice, 147; summer solstice, 133; sun, 131, 133, 151; at Taiqing Palace, 144-45; at Temple of the Crown Prince, 131; triple rites, 130-32, 137; Wind Master, 131; winter solstice, 60,133, 153,159; W. Wei, to Heaven, 24;yi, 133 ritual, 129; abstinence, 154; centers for the directional gods, 149-51; N. Zhou, 25; observed by Tang sovereigns, 159-60; and ranking of si sacrifices, 131; as recorded in Kaiyuan li, 133 Riyan Monastery, 256, 309 Riying Gate, 82n Rongjue Monastery, 311 rouhang. See bazaars, types of Round Mound, Former Han, 226; N. Zhou, 25; Sui-Tang, 126, 139,14647,160,162,205; archaeology of, 146; rites, 133, 153-58; vs. Southern Altar, 160 Ruisheng Monastery, 318 . Ruizong (Tang), 63,100,111,266,299, 317; and Daoist structures, 245; patronage of Buddhism, 268, 272; patronage of Daoism, 251; residence in Changleb Ward, 268; -, in Palace City, 68; -, in Qinren Ward, 247; and Taiqing Abbey, 248 Sandian. See Linde Basilica Sandong Abbey, 198 Sandong Convent, 298 sangmen (shamen, ir.amalJll), 16 Sanhui Monastery, 319 sanqing basilicas, 243 Sanqing Basilica (Darning Palace), 301 Sanqing Basilica (Taiji Palace), 301
Index / 361 sansheng, 109. See also Chancellery, Department of State Affairs, Secretariat Sanxiang Monastery, 317 Sanyuan. See Linde Basilica sanzhai. See ritual, abstinence Sassanian Persia, 239; and Zoroastrianism, 235 Satl) Taketoshi, 3 Secretariat, 58; in Darning Palace, 86; functions of, 110; in Imperial City, 109, 127; outer offices, 11 0 Secretariat-Chancellery, 110 Secretariat Office, 72 Sekino Tadashi, 2 Seo Tatsuhiko, 3; on business in Chang'an, 185--86; on functional areas, 217; on Chang'an population, 198,200 Sha Hall, 116 Shang Commandery, 197 Shangguan Vi (Tang), 93 Shanglin Garden, N. Zhou, 26 Shang1in Imperial Park, 11 Shangshu (Book a/Documents), 23n shangshusheng. See Department of State Affairs
Shanguo Monastery (Buzheng Ward), 318 Shanguo Monastery (yongxing Ward), 311 Shanhe Ward, 230n Shanhui (Sui), 310 Shanji (Sui), 304 Shanshan, 19 Shaodi (Tang): residence in Palace City, 68 shaofojian. See Directorates, ofImperial Manufactories Shaoyang Courtyard, 97 "Shatai Fo Dao zhao" ("Edict to Purge Buddhism and Daoism"), 259 Shatuo Turks, 96 Shazhou, 138 She Basilica, 69 She and Ji, 131, 138. See also Altars of State shegong, 139n. See also Altars of State Sheji. See Altars of State Shen Quanqi (Tang), 103 Shence Armies, 89, 90, 91, 119, 120, 213--14,2'71,294,318; and defense of Chang' an 278; bui1dfodao, 82 Shengdao Ward, 225n, 315 Shengguang Monastery, 258n, 303
Shengjing Monastery, 312 Shengping Ward, 188, 189,220 Shengshan Monastery, 267, 316 Shengshou Monastery, 273, 309 Shengye Monastery, 258, 314 Shengye Ward, 97, 98, 99, 101, 190, 206,209,218,258,293,305,306, 308,314 Shen10ng Basilica, 69, 319 Shentong Monastery, 311 Shenwu Armies, 213 Shenzbou. See Divine Land Shewei Monastery, 307 Shi Bao (Later Zhao), 18 Shi Chongxuan (Tang), 248 Shi Hu (Later Zhao), 18 shi 'er wei. See Twelve Guards shicao. See Bureaus, of Works Shifan Monastery, 312 shiguan. See Office of Historiography Shiji Monastery, 3n Shijing (Book 0/Poetry), 73, 99 shiliu wei. See Sixteen Guards Shiliuwang zhai. See Residence of the Sixteen Princes shishu. See Capital Market Administration Shiweng Monastery, 317 Shouguo Monastery, 319 Shu Yuanyu (Tang), in Sweet Dew Incident, 89 Shuijing zhu, 34 Shuli Zi (Qin state), 111 Shuntian Gate. See Chengtian Gate ShunyiGate,108 Shunzong (Tang), accession, 141; residence in Daming Palace, 95; and Taiji Basilica, 61 si(bazaar,shop), 172, 179 si (sacrifices); 130; ranking of, 131 sinongsi. See Nine Courts, Imperial Granaries Siqi Basilica, 26 Six Armies, 213; destruction of, 283--84 Six Boards: Justice, 111, 214; Personnel, 111, 112; Revenue, 111, 172; Rites, 111, 112; Works, 111, 113; War, 111 Six Heavens, 150 Sixteen Guards, 212 Sizheng Basilica, 283 Sogdians, in Chang'an, 182 Song Daobiao (Tang), 251, 297 Song Jing (Tang): residence of, 218 Song Minqiu (Song), 1, 13, 125, 198 Song Suyi, 3
Song Xiang (Sui), 308 Song Zhiwen (Tang), 111 Southeast Chang'an, 225--27, 234 Southern Conunand, 212 Southern Market I, 167-68 Southern Market II, 167-68 Southern Suburban Altar (Nanjiao), 133,149,159,150, 163,205;andGan Emperor, 159; and harvest-prayer rite, 151; N. Zhou, 25; andyu rite, 148 Southwest Chang'an 206,231-34; villas in, 206, 231 Spring Offices, 72; outer branches, 114 Spring Palace, 72. See also Eastern Palace Square Mound, 133, 151, 162; Altar, 152; N. Zhou, 25 Square Pool, 152 State Guesthouse, 19 Stein, Aurel, 183 Su Shichang (Tang), 93n Su Ting (Tang), 102, 124 Su Wei (Sui), 37, 39; residence of, 221 suburban counties, 116 suburban ritual centers, 146-53, 162; Former Qin, 19 Sui Wendi. See Wendi (Sui) Sui Yangdi. See Yangdi (Sui) Sui-Tang Chang'an, 1, 7, 8, 13,55; archaeology of, 2-4; Buddhist structures in, 252, 275; canals to, 2057; cannibalism in, 280; counties of, 116; Daoist structures in, 242-43; depopulation of, 280-81; destruction of, 284-85; diffusionist theory on, 3135; law and order in, 211-26; local governments in, 115; modern scholarship on, 2-4; occupations in, 277-78; periodization of, 5; religion in, 235; residential areas of, 195,21733; and rivers, 207; as a royal and administrative city, 161-62; as royal residence and seat of central government, 165; streets, 201-7; traditional scholarship on, 1-2; variant names for, I; wards, 20~16 Sula, 83n Suming Abbey, 147, 249, 300 Suming Convent, 300 Sun, Conunandery Mistress ofLu (Sui), 305
Sun Ang (Sui), 248, 297 Sun Simiao (Tang): residence of, 229 suoyou. See city / urban county officials Suzhang Gate, 25
362 / Sui-Tang Chang'an Suzong (Tang), 272, 301; and Ancestral Temple, 136; birthday celebration for, 92; residence in Liquan Ward, 228; residence in Daming Palace, 94 Sweet Dew Incident, 89-90, 190, 214, 224,294 symmetry, 39. See also axiality tai'ihang. See bazaars, types of
Tai, Mount, 12 Tai'an Palace. See Hongyi Palace taichangsi. See Nine Courts, Imperial Sacrifices taifusi. See Nine Courts, Treasury Taihe Gate, 82 Taihe Palace, 77, 292, 314. See also Cuiwei Palace Taihua, Mount (Mount Hua), 7 Taiji Anterior Basilica, 18. See also Anterior Basilica, Taiji Basilica Taiji Basilica, 26, 30,57,86,94,95, 110, 142, 143, 157, 162,292; and accession, 140; and gao rite, 138; and Huang Chao, 279; N. Zhou, 26; as ritual center, 139-40; in Round Mound rite, 154; as temporary locale fOT ancestral tablets, 136 Taiji Gate, 61, 158 Taiji Palace, 61, 63, 67, 72, 75; Daoist structures in, 243; Liu-Song, 76; Tang, 57, 293, 301; -, measurements of, 58. See also Palace City taimiao. See Ancestral Temple Taiping Abbey, 298 Taiping Convent, 245, 249, 299 Taiping Monastery (unidentified),319 Taiping Ward, 229, 230n, 231, 308, 313,318 . taipusi. See Nine Courts, Imperial Carriages Taiqing Abbey (Banzheng Ward), 298 Taiqing Abbey (Jincheng Ward), 248, 299 Taiqing Palace, 130, 144-45,206,251, 294,300; and Huang Chao, 279; location, 145; ri~, 131 Taishang Xuanyuan Emperor Palace. See Taiqing Palace taishe. See Altars of State Taiwei Palace, 145, 150 Taiwudi (N. Wei), 23 Taixue. See Grand Academy Taiyang Gate, 146 Taiye Pond, 81,92-93; impact on axiality, 104
Index / 363 Taiyuan Monastery (Anding Ward), 311,314 Taiyuan Monastery (Xiuxiang Ward), 265,316 Taizhen Abbey, 251 Taizhen Convent, 249, 300 taizi pusi. See Eastern Palace, Livery Office Taizong (Tang), 31, 63, 80, 110, 144, 218,292,298,312,314,315; and Buddhism, 259; and Jitian rite, 153; residence in Palace City, 67; and Xihua Abbey, 246; Xuanwu Gate Incident and, 65 Tanchong (Sui), 254, 306 Tang Code: on curfews, 211 Tang huiyao, 50; on hang, 176; on winter solstice rite, 159; on Wutong Abbey,248 Tang liQ!lgjing chengfang I«zo, 2, 3, 13 Tang liudian, 31, 193; in conformance with Zhou Ii, 174; on Capital Market Administration, 171-72; on Daming Palace, 82; on Xingqing Pond, 102 Tang ling, 178, 193 Tang'an Convent, 273, 305 Tangchang Abbey, 301 Tangchang Convent, 273, 305 Tanxian (Tang), 258, 314 Tanyan (Sui), 254-55, 306 Tao Monastery. See Huiri Monastery tea: drinking, origin of, 190; tax, 190; teahouses, 190, 193; shops, 190 temples for patrons of education, 143; of sage kings, 144 theaters, 262, 276 Thilo, Thomas, 3 Tian Lingzi (Tang), 281, 295 Tian Qianzhen (Tang), 117 Tian Rengong (Sui): residence of, 221 Tian Street. See Chengtianmen Street Tian Tong (Sui), 365 Tianbao Monastery, 312 Tianchang (Huisheng) Abbey, 2430, 298 Tiande Basilica, 26 Tianfu Monastery. See Qianfu Monastery Tiangong Monastery, 315 Tianmen Street. See Chengtianmen Street
Tiannil Monastery, 315 Tianshidao. See Daoism, Celestial Masters Tianxing Palace, 26
Tibet, 92,294; marriage proposal to Tang court, 249; occupies Chang'an, 94 tiehang. See bazaars, types of Tingsong Belvedere, 19 Tocharians, 239 Tong dian, 129-30 Tong Pass, 278 Tongdao Abbey, 250, 297 Tongfa Monastery, 313 Tonggui Ward, 2320 TonghuaGate, 81, 186n, 270, 318 Tonghua Ward, 187,230,255,312 Tonghua-Kaiyuanmen Street, 203; width of, 202 Tongji Ward, 2250 tonglao. See rites, joint sacrifice Tongshan Ward, 225n Tongtai Monastery (Liang), 263 Tongyang Gate, 98 Tongyi Palace, 314 Tongyi Ward, 229, 2300, 250, 259, 300, 314 Tongzheng Ward (suburban?), 317 townships, 122, 197 Toyama Gunji, 196 Treasury Bureau, 172 triple-palace system, 79 triple rites, 130-32, 137; significance of, 161 triple-court system, 26, 27, 75, 86, 88, 104 Turfan, 172-73 Turks, 70, 71, 83 Twelve Guards, 212 Twitchett, Denis, 177 Two Yao (Eryao) mountain barrier, 7 Uighurs, 294; atrocities in Chang'an, 24 I; and Manichaeism, 239; Tang marriage alliance with, 92; patronize Sogdians, 182 uranography, 76 urban counties, 116, 122-25; six executive sections of, 124 Wan 'an Abbey, 250, 300 Wang Bi (Cao-Wei), 45 Wang ChangJing (Tang), 269 Wang Chun (Tang), 102 Wang Daobin (Sui), 308 Wang Hong (Tang): residence of, 231 Wang Hui (Tang), rebuilds Chang'an, 281,295 Wang Jin (Tang), 271, 318 Wang Jing (Tang), 1300
Wang Mang (Xin), 11-12, 13,28,29; reforms of, 24 Wang Meng (Former Qin), 19 Wang Qi (Tang), 232 Wang Shi (Tang), 184 Wang Shuwen (Tang), 188 Wang Su (Cao-Wei): on Ancestral Temple system, 136; school of, 130, 146; and the single Heaven system, 150 Wang Wei (Tang), 260; and Qinglong Monastery, 269 Wang Xianzhi (Tang), 278. See also Huang Chao Wang Ya (Tang), 190,214,294; residence of, 224 Wang Yong (W. lin), 16 Wang Zhongqiu (Tang), 148 Wangji Monastery, 268, 316 wangqizhe. See aeromancer Wangxian Gate, 82 Wangxian Loft-building, 2450 Wannian County, Sui, 122 Wannian County, Tang, 116, 122, 128, 203,219,228-29;offic~ 123 VVanqi(army),213 Wanshan Convent, 273, 303 Wanshou Monastery, 273, 306 Wanxian Gate, 294 wards, Han Chang'an, 195 wards, Sui-Tang Chang'an, 195,20816; archaeology of, 209; decline of, 215-16; number of, 208, 233; private gates and, 215; size and structure of, 209-10 Weber, Max: on Chinese guilds, 174-75 Wechsler, Howard, 137; on accession ceremonies, 140 wei. See law and order, county defenders Wei Hua (Tang), 110 Wei Ji (Later Han), 15 Wei River, 7, 10, 11,206 Wei Shu (Tang), 1,236,252; on Daoist structures, 243 Wei Tan (Tang), 125 Wei Xiaokuan (Sui), 305 Wei Yingwu (Tang), 189 Wei Yuan (Tang), 203 Wei Zheng (Tang), 63; residence of, 218 Wei Zhigu (Tang): residence of, 227 Wei Zhuang (Tang), 269 Weiguo Abbey, 298 Weiguo Monastery, 265, 316 weiwai. See peripheral area
364 / Sui-Tang Chang'an weiweisi. See Nine Courts, Imperial Regalia Weiyang Palace, 10, 11, 17, 18, 19,28, 30, III WeiyuanBarracks, 167 Wen Tingyun (Tang), records markets in Chang' an, 167 Wen'anPalace,97 Wenchang Basilica, 26 Wenchengdi (N. Wei), 23 Wendi (Cao-Wei), 15 Wendi (Former Han), 11 Wendi (Sui), 31, 36, 38, 80, 147,257, 292,297,298,303,304,305,306, 309,312; administrative reforms of, 115; avoids Palace city, 76; birth and Buddhism, 253; Buddhist name Naluoyan, 254; and Daoism, 243; and Daoist abbeys, 242; edict of 582, 35; and Imperial City, 125; patronage of Daoism, 246; patronage of Buddhism, 253-56,271,275; on religion, 243; residence in Palace City, 66; revives Buddhism, 27, 243; prepares for war against the sou1h, 244 Wendi (W. Wei), 24 Wenguo Monastery (Jincheng Ward), 307 Wenguo Monastery (Taiping Ward), 273,313 Wenquan Palace. See Huaqing Palace Wenwu Imperial Park, 21 Wenzong (Tang), 62,214; efforts to curb Buddhism, 272; residence in Darning Palace, 95; and Sweet Dew Incident, 89; and Xuanzheng Basilica, 87 West Central Chang'an, 204, 206, 22832,234 . West Chanding (Great Chanding) Monastery, 257, 271, 276. See also Dazongchi Monastery West Chongfu Monastery. See Chongfu Monastery West Imperial Park (Xiyuari), 21 West Heng Gate, 62 West Taiyuan Monastery, 265. See also Taiyuan Monastery (Xiuxiang Ward) Western Compound. See Xinei Western Estrade (Xitai), l09n. See a/so Secretariat Western Hall (Xitang), 19 Western Market (Xishi), 11, 165, 16668,228,234; archaeology of, 169; burning of, 279; connection with Uighurs, 240; vs. Eastern Market,
Index / 365 170, 192; foreign merchants in, 170; jewelry business in, 182; lake in, 207; layout of, 170 Western Regions, 19,228 Western Suburban Altar (Xijiao), 133, 149; and moon rite, 151 Wheatley, Paul, 161 White Emperor (Baidi), 133; altar for, 149 wines, Tang period: anmo/e, apoqing, heli/e,pili/e, sanlejiang, Xiamaling /angguanqing,xishi qiang, 181 wineshops, 181, 188-89, 193 witchcraft, 142, 247 Wright, Arthur, 50 Wu Bolun, 3,196 Wu Chongxun (Tang), 66, residence of, 226 Wu Daozi (Tang), 260 Wu Min (Tang), 1900 Wu Sansi (Tang), 65; residence of, 226 Wu Taibo Temple (Suzhou), 177 Wu Youxu, 183 Wu Yuanheng (Tang), 91; assassination of, 119; residence of, 223 Wu Zetian (Tang and Zhou), 66, 68, 94, 122, 152, 153,260,267; 269, 306, 307,309,312,315,316; and Dajianfu Monastery, 266; vs. Empress Wang, 142; and Hall of Brilliance, 147; interest in symbolism, 123; murders Empresses Suming and Zhaocheng, 247; murders Li Chongrun and Princess Yongtai, 268; patronage of Buddhism, 265, 270, 271-73, 275; rebuilds Dayan Pagoda, 261; reforms of, 25 Wuben Ward, 187n, 220, 222, 245, 299 Wude Basilica, 62-63, 69, 96, 281, 295 Wude ling, 148 Wudi (Former Han), 11, 12, 28 Wudi (Liang), 760 Wudi (N. Zhou): suppression of Buddhism (574-577), 27, 253; suppression ofDaoism, 27 Wufang shangdi. See Five Gods of the Cardinal Directions Wugong Palace. See Qingshan Palace Wuguan. See Gods of the Five Phases Wuhou Guards, Sui, 212 wuhou pu. See law and order, police patrol stations Wuliangshou Monastery, 313 Wulou Monastery, 2600, 311 Wurendi. See Five Human Emperors
Wutiandi. See Five Gods of the Cardinal Directions WutongAbbey, 243, 244, 248, 298 Wuwang zhai. See Five Princes' Mansions Wuwangzi chi. See Pond of the Five Princes Wuye (Tang), 264 Wuyou Park, 26 Wuzong (Tang), 232, 294; anti-Uighur position of, 241; and Daoist structures, 245; residence in Darning Palace, 95; suppression of Buddhism, 272-74 xian. See Zoroastrianism Xianbei (ethnic group), 23, 29, 34, 38 xianci. See Zoroastrian shrine halls Xiande Basilica, 67. See a/so Jiade Basilica Xiandi (Later Han), 14 Xiandu Palace, 2580, 303 xiang. See townships Xiang Da, 237 XianghaiMonastery,313 Xiangji Monastery, 316 Xiangluan Pavilion, 84 xiangtu. See geomancy Xianguo Ward, 2200 Xianjue Convent, 304 Xianjue Monastery, 313 Xianning County, 122 Xiannong. See Imperial Altar Xianqing Ii, 137 Xiansheng tianwang Monastery, 317 Xiantai Estrade, 2450 Xiantian Monastery, 270, 306 xianwei. See law and order, county defenders Xianxing Ward, 2320 Xianyang, 8, 9 Xianyi Convent, 300 xianyu See law and order, county prisons Xianyu Zunyi (Sui), 308 Xianzong (Tang), 91, 271, 318; and eunuchs, 119; andfodao, 82; residence in Daming Palace, 95; and Xuanzheng Basilica, 87 Xiao He (Former Han), 10, 28 Xiao Song (Tang), 86,129; residence of, 227 Xiao Yu (Tang); and Lingyan Pavilion, 64 Xiaocheng (Lesser City), 19,23 Xiaoiinvcli (F. Wei) 2.1
Xiaomindi (N. Zhou), 25 Xiaowendi (N. Wei), 24 Xiaoxue. See Academy of Classical Studies .Xiaoyan Pagoda, 266 Xiaoyao Garden, 22, 23 Xiguang Ward, 227 Xihua Abbey, 245, 246, 298 Xijiao. See Western Suburban Altar Ximing Monastery. See Linggan Monastery (unidentified) Ximing Monastery (Yankang Ward), 3, 229,246,259,262-65,269,271,273, 276,293,315 Ximing Pavilion, 22 Xin Deyong, 3 Xin Tang shu: on Cao Canal, 206; on Dongshang Pavilion, 90; on terrain of Daxingcheng, 51 Xinchang Abbey (Chongye Ward), 300 Xinchang Abbey (Daye Ward), 301 Xinchang Ward 1870, 220, 224, 256, 262,269,300,304 Xindu Monastery, 316 Xinei (Western Compound), 68, 79, 293. See also Taiji Palace (Tang), Danei Xinei Park, 51, 57, 65, 74 Xing'an Gate, 42,82 Xing'an-Qixiamen Street, 203; width of, 202 xingbu. See Six Boards, Justice Xingdao Monastery, 310 Xingdao Ward, 187n, 220, 222, 297 Xingfu Monastery (Jude Ward), 273, 316 Xingfu Monastery (Xiude Ward), 82, 259,294,315 Xinghua Ward, 2090, 229, 230, 308, 310 Xingjiao Monastery, 316 Xingle Palace, Han, 10 Xingning Ward, 218n, 219, 251, 253, 271,300,306,318; Gaozu's mansion in, 257 Xingqing Gate, 98, 105 Xingqing Monastery, 320 Xingqing Palace, 3, 79, 208, 293, 294; archaeology of, 98; and canals, 206; and Eastern Market, 170; expansion of, 97; andjUdao, 81, 94,95,97-104; asymmetry of, 105; lavishness of, 104; Nestorian services in, 242; and Xuanzong, 104 Xingqing Pond, 102-104; formation of, 10'7
366 / Sui-Tang Chang'an Xingqing Ward, 79, 97, 217, 208, 218, 256,293,305 Xingshan Monastery. See Daxingshan Monastery Xingsheng Convent, 259, 273, 314 Xingsheng Monastery, 258n Xingtang Abbey, 300 Xingtang Monastery, 268, 273, 316 Xingyuan. See Apricot Garden Xingyuan Monastery, 316 Xinxing chanshi Pagoda Courtyard, 317 Xiongnu, 16,29,30,34 xiongsi. See funeral service shops Xishang Pavilion, 88 Xishangge Gate, 86, 88 xishi. See markets, night xisi. See funeral service shops Xiuci Convent (Shengye Ward), 308 Xiuci Convent (Zhao guo Ward), 305 Xiude Ward, 57, 82, 227, 234, 259, 294, 315; popularity with eunuchs, 228 Xiuhua Ward, 220n, 224 Xiuren Ward (suburban), 299; Crown Prince Li Xian's residence in, 247 Xiushan Monastery, 313 Xiuwen Academy. See Hongwen Academy Xiuxiang Ward, 226, 227n, 265, 301, 303,310,316 Xiuxing Ward, 220n, 224, 313 Xiuzhen Ward, 13, 226, 227 Xiuzheng Ward, 225n Xizong (Tang), 221, 295; and Ancestral Temple, 136; dies in Wude Basilica, 281; in Fengxiang, 63, 96, 281; and Huang Chao rebellion, 279; residence in Darning Palace, 96; -, in Palace City, 69; return from exile, 63, 281; and Wude Basilica, 63 Xu Jingzong (Tang), 159; criticism of Six Heavens theory, 150; memorial on Ancestral Temple, 137; residence of, 218; on rites to sage kings, 144 Xu Mengrong (Tang), 119 . Xu Song (Qing), 2, 32,98, 13, 255; on Cao Canal, 207; and residential areas, 234 ' Xu Van (Tang), 125 XuanciMonastery,320 Xuande (Zhide) Gate, 70 Xuandi (N. Zhou), revival of Buddhism, 27 Xuandu Abbey, 250, 292, 297; geomantic function of, 50,235 Xuanfa Monastery, 307 Xuanguang Basilica, 24
Index / 367 Xuanhua Convent, 307 Xuanping Gate, 27 Xuanping Ward, 186, 190,220,222, 223,224,231,305,320 Xuanren Gate, 26 Xuanwu (Dark Warrior), 50 Xuanwu Gate, in Darning Palace, 82; of N. Zhou capital, 25; in Palace City, 51,65-66,74 Xuanwu Gate Incidents, 65--66, 70, 249; first, 292; second, 293; third, 293 Xuanyang Ward, 219, 220, 222, 306, 318; capital prefecture office in, 117; and the powerful, 123; Wannian County office in, 122 Xuanyi Ward, 232n, 310, 313 xuanyuan. See Office of Appointments Xuanyuan emperor. See Laozi Xuanyuan huangdi Temple, 300. See also Taiqing Palace Xuanyuan Temple, 145, 294. See also Taiqing Palace Xuanzang(Tang),263,265,269;and Chang'an population,197; and Daci'en Monastery, 261; and Dayan Pagoda, 260; and Duting Way Station, 187; and Hongfu Monastery, 259; at Ximing Monastery, 264 Xuanzhen Abbey, 245, 299 Xuanzheng (Tang), 266 Xuanzheng Basilica, 81,85-88, 110, 127; sanctity of, 87 Xuanzheng Gate, 85 Xuanzheng Ward, 220n Xuanzong (High Tang), 64, 71, 97, 102, 124, 137,238,250,251,274,293, 294, 298, 300,306,318;attachmentto brothers, 99-100; birthday celebration, 101-102; and Daoist structures, 245, 275; dragon symbol and, 103; and Ganlu Basilica, 62; and Gods of Nine Palaces, 151; and Laozi worship, 145; and Nestorianism, 242; patronage of Daoism, 251, 270,272; promotes Sheji rites, 138; regulates religious institutions, 246; residence in Darning Palace, 94; -, in Longqing, 219; -, in Palace City, 68; and ritual innovations, 130, 132; Taiye Pond and, 93; and Tantrism, 272; and Wanqi army, 213; and Xingqing Pond, 102; and Xuanzheng Basilica, 86; and Xuanwu Gate Incident, 66; and Yikun Temple, 247 Xuanzong (Late Tang), 233, 262, 271, 272, 294; residence in Darning Palace,
96; revives Buddhism, 273; revives Buddhist structures, 253 Xue Huaiyi (Tang), 266 Xue Ii (Tang), 111 Xue Yuanshang (Tang), 135 xunshi. See patrol commissioners Xunzheng Ward, 225n Van Chang (Tang), 206 Van Liben (Tang): residence of, 229 Yan Pi (Sui), 34 Van Shigu (Sui-Tang): on hang, 178; residence of, 225 Yanfu Ward, 187n, 230, 300, 307, 312, 316 Yang Fugong (Tang), 281 Yang Gongren (Sui): residence of, 226 Yang Guifei (Tang), 93,251 Yang Guozhong (Tang), 145; residence of,170,222 Yang Hong (Sui), 304 Yang Ji (Sui), 308 Yang Jun (Sui), 229, 298, 312; residence of, 229 Yang Shentong (Sui), 308 Yang Su (Sui), 110; residence of, 229, 263 Yang Xian (Tang): residence of,223 Yang Xiong (Sui), 307 Yang Xiu (Sui), 303 Yang Xuan (Tang): residence of, 223 Yang Yong (Sui), 63,70 Yang Yunsong (Tang), 44 Yang Zhao (Sui): residence of, 226, 310 Yangdi(Sui),76, 171, 178, 195, 1%, 292, 309; administrative reforms of, 115; builds West Chanding Monastery, 257; and death ofWendi, 257; patronage of Buddhism, 256-57, 271,275; residence in Kaihua Ward, 221; residence in Palace City, 66 Yanghua Monastery, 313 Yangwu Gate, 27 Yangzhou, 256 Yangzi-Huai River area, Chang'an's dependence on, 205 Yankang Monastery, 259 Yankang Ward, 229, 230n, 231, 259, 262,263,276,293,309,312,315 Yanping Gate, 191 Yanshou Basilica, 26 Yanshou Ward, 230n, 267, 307, 311 Yantang Abbey, 301 Yantang Convent, 273 Yantang Monastery, 303 Yanxi Gate, 109,294
Yanxi Gatehouse, 284 Yanxing Monastery, 254, 267 Yanxing-Yanpingmen Street, 203, width of, 202 Yanying (Lingzhi) Basilica, 91; Zhaozong and, 97 Yanzheng Gate, 82 Yanzheng Ward, 218n Yanzuo Ward, 232n Yao Chang (Later Qin), 20, 21 Yao Chong (Yao Yuanchong; Tang): residence of, 218, 223 Yao Deng (Later Qin), 21 Yao Hong (Later Qin), 22 Yao Kuan (N. Song), 237 Yao Xing (Yao Zilue; Later Qin), 21, 22 Yao Yin (Later Qin), 22 yaohang. See bazaars, types of Yaohua Basilica, 24 Yaolin Ward, 220n Ye (capital city), 18,29; Northern City of (Yebeicheng), Southern City of (Yenancheng),32,47 Yellow Emperor (Huangdi), 13-14, 133, 150; altar for, 149, 160 yeshi. See markets, night Yeting Bureau, 74 YetingPaJace, 57, 73-74,228 yi. See lodging, way stations Vide. See Li Chongrun Vide Monastery, 267, 307 Yifa Monastery, 313 Yijing (Tang), 264 Yijing (Book o/Changes), 43, 46, 52, 75, 76, 84, 107 Yikun Temple, 247 Yin (Shang), capitals, 35 Ying Gate, 25, 26 Ying Shao (Later Han), 12 Yingfa Monastery, 313 Yinhan Gate, 82 Vining Ward, 226, 2270, 305, 309; Nestorian institution in, 237, 242 Yintai Gates, 82, 319 Yiren Ward, 218n, 258 Yishan Monastery, 315 Yishan Ward, 57,83,208,217,219, 276,293,317 Yisheng Convent (Buddhist), 305 Yisheng Convent (Daoist), 299 Yizong (Tang), 294; residence in Darning Palace, 96 Yong (Eternal) Alley, 26, 73; Tang, 62 Yong'an Canal, 169,205,206
368 / Sui-Tang Chang'an Yong'an Palace, 77, 292; renamed Daming, 80; Taizong and, 80. See also Daming Palace Yong'an Ward, 2320 Yongchang County, 1220 Yongchang Ward, 57,83,190,208, 217,247,251,293 Yongchong Ward, 1860,220,223,224, 297,298,301 Yongchun Gate, 294 Yongda Ward, 2320 Yongfu Ward, 208,2180,293 Yonggui Ward (Later Qin Chang'an), 22 Yonghe Ward, 2320 Yongjia Ward, 97, 98, 206, 208, 218, 293,313 Yongle (Pingle) Ward, SO, 186,219, 220, 224, 248, 262, 267, 297, 306, 310, 317; Mingtang County office in, 123 Yonglong Ward, 2320 Yongning Monastery (N. Wei),263 Yongning Ward, 219, 2200, 221, 223, 224,312 Yongping Ward, 2320, 307 Yongshou Monastery, 267, 317; theaters at, 262 Yongtai Monastery, 267, 273,306 Yongxing Ward, 83, 217, 218, 248, 268, 297,312, 314, 317 Yongyang Ward, 232n, 256, 276, 309 Yongzhou, 23, 115, 118 yu rite. See rites, invocation for rain Yu (rain) Altar, 148 Yu Chao'en (Tang), 213,272,318; and Zhangjing Monastery, 270 Yu Chuze (Sui), 370 Yu Jicai (Sui), 39 Yu Xianhao, 118 Yu Xuandao (Sui), 313 Yu Xuanji (Tang), 249 Yu Zhining (Tang): residence o~ 222 Yuan (royal family ofW. Wei), 24 Yuan (wife ofLi Mu), 313 . Yuan Jie (Tang), 1860 YUan Lizhen (Tang),87 Yuan Wei (Sui), 306 Yuan Xiaoju (Sui), 308 Yuan Zai (Tang): residence of, 218, 223 Yuan Zhen (Tang), 91; residence of, 223 Yuan Zhun (W. Jin), 12 Yuance (Won ChUk; SiIla), 264 Yuande. See Yang Zhao Yuanguang Monastery, 320
Index / 369 Yuanhejunxian tuzhi, 49, 91 Yuanhe shengshou Monastery, 271, 272,318 . Yuanji Basilica, 24 Yuanjue Monastery, 313 Yuanli Monastery, 313 Yuanqiu. See Round Mound Yuanyi (Sui), 310 Yuchi An (N. Zhou), 307 Yuchi Gang (Sui), 303 Yuchi Jingde (Tang), 64; residence of, 229 Yuchi Jiong (N. Zhou), 303, 307 Yuchi Yiseng (Khotanese), 260 Yue'ai Monastery, 304 Yuehua Gate, 62 Yueling, 133 Yue10ng Gate, 98 Yueyang (Qin-Han capital), 9 Yueyang County, 122n Yuhua Palace, 55, 77 Yulin Armies, 213, 214 Yulou Ward, 2200 Yunhe Basilica, 26 Yunhe Loft-building, 26 Yunhua Monastery, 307 Yunmu Canal, 207 Yunshao Basilica 82 Yunshao Gate, 82 yushitai. See Censorate Yusuchuan,317,318,319 Yuwen Gui (Sui), 38 Yuwen Jue. See Xiaomindi Yuwen Kai (Sui), 5,34, 37-38, 44-53, 76,113; architect ofWannian County office gate, 122; and Huang Canal, 206; residence o~ 218; family background, 37; and geomancy, 4752; matches Daxingcheng with the qian hexagram, 44; builds pagoda in East Chanding Monastery, 256 Yuwen Shan (Sui), 38 Yuwen Tai (W. Wei), 23; reforms o~ 24 Yuwen Xin (Sui), 38 Yuzhen Convent, 249, 299 Yuzhi Abbey, 300, 316 zha sacrifice, 133, 151 zhaijie See ritual, abstinence zhang (length measurement), 146n Zhang Chengfan (Tang), 278 Zhang Fu (Tang), 100 Zhang Heng (Later Han), 16 Zhang Jingyuan (Tang), 267, 268 Zhang Jiong (Sui), 37n Zhang Jiuling (Tang): residence of, 225
Zhang Liang (Former Han), 10 Zhang Liang (Tang), and Lingyan Pavilion, 64 Zhang Tingfan (Tang), 284 Zhang Tong (Sui), 307 Zhang Xu (Sui), 309 Zhang Yonglu, 3 Zhang Vue (Tang), 110 Zhanghuai. See Li Xian Zhangjing Monastery, 270, 318 Zhangsun Lan (Sui): residence o~ 222 Zhangsun Sheng (Sui): residence of, 218 Zhangsun Wuji (Tang), 64, 160,260; criticism of Six Heavens theory, 150; and Lingyan Pavilion, 64; residence of,218 Zhangxin Monastery, 320 zhanshiju. See Eastern Palace, Household Administration of Zhao Cijing (Tang), 314 Zhao Guizhen (Tang), 2450 Zhao Shengqing (Tang), 125 Zhaocheng Abbey, 298 Zhaocheng Convent, 310 Zhaofu Monastery, 259, 313 Zhaoguo Ward, 220n, 224, 305, 313 Zhaojinggong Monastery, 306 zhaoshi. See markets, morning Zhaoxing Ward, 2320 Zhaoyang Basilica See Chengtian Basilica Zhaoyang Gate. See Chengtian Gate Zhaozong (Tang), 282-85, 295; residence in Darning Palace, 96; residence in Palace City, 69; and Wude Basilica, 63 Zhen'an Ward, 2270 Zheng Xianke (Tang), 1250 Zheng Xuan (Later Han), 12, 13, 25, 73, 149; on Ancestral Temple system, 136; school, 130; Six Heavens theory, criticized, 150; vs. Wang Su school, 146 Zheng Zhu (Tang): in Sweet Dew Incident, 89 Zhengguo Convent, 258, 303, 304 Zhengjue Monastery, 313 Zhengkong Convent, 315 Zhenguo Monastery, 318 Zhenguo dabore Monastery, 317 Zhengwu Basilica, 26 Zhenhua Convent, 309 Zhenji Monastery, 305 Zhenkong Monastery, 315 Zhenxin Convent, 308
Zhenyuan puji Monastery, 271, 318 Zhide Convent, 297 Zhide Gate. See Xuande Gate Zhining (Sui), 308 Zhiyang County, 122, 292 Zhiye Ward, 2300, 255 Zhiyi (Sui) 256 zhizhai. See ritual, abstinence Zhonghua Basilica, 61, 75. See also Liangyi Basilica Zhonguan Mountains, 7, 77, 80, 292, 314,320 zhongshu menxia. See SecretariatChancellery zhongshusheng. See Secretariat Zhongxing Abbey, 298 Zhongxing Monastery, 267, 315 ZhongyiEstrad~ 74 Zhongzong (Tang), 102, 268, 269, 306, 307,315,316,317; and Daoist structures, 245; name (Li Xian) avoided, 220; patronage of Buddhism, 267,272; patronage of Daoism, 251; residence in Palace City, 68; and Xuanwu Gate Incident, 66 Zhou Ii, 24, 43, 59, 73, 163; on markets, 172, 174; on the red stone and remonstrator's drum, 59 Zhou Zizhen (Sui), 256, 303 zhou. See prefectures Zhu Ci (Tang), 87, 119,201,294; occupation of Chang' an, 277-78; residence of, 225 Zhu Mei (Tang), 285; vs. Li Keyong, 281 Zhu Quanzhong (Zhu Wen), 69, 295; assassinates Cui Yin, 283-84; assassinates Zhaozong, 284-85; massacre of eunuchs, 283-84; in Luoyang, 282 Zhuangyan Monastery, 255, 256, 257, 273. See also Dazhuangyan Monastery Zhuque Gate, 108,204 Zhuque Street, SO Zhuquemen Street, 39, 123, 187, 203, 204-5,235; and markets, 166 zhuwangfo. See Administrative Office of Princes Zichen Basilica, 81, 86, 88-90, 95, 96 Zicheng. See Minor City Ziguang Basilica, 17 Ziji Basilica, 26 Zijie Monastery, 259, 315 Zijing Convent, 306 Zishan Convent, 311, 313
370 / Sui-TangChang'an Zisheng Convent, 260, 315 Zisheng Monastery (Chongren Ward), 315 Zisheng Monastery (Daozheng Ward), 273,318 Zisheng Monastery (Eastern Market),
320 Ziwei Palace, 76, 103 ziweisheng, 109. See also Secretariat Ziwu Valley, 7-3, 51 Zizhi tongjian, 205; on the last days of Chang'an, 284 Zong Chuke: residence of, 227 Zongchi Monastery. See Dazongchi Monastery Zongdao Abbey, 247, 301 Zonghua Monastery, 313 zongmiao. See Ancestral Temple zongzhengsi. See Nine Courts, Imperial Clan Zoroastrian Persian monastery, 228 Zoroastrian shrine halls, 228, 236; size of,238 Zoroastrianism, 235, 236-38,274; exclusiveness, 238; initial contact with China, 236; number of its institutions in Chang'an, 237; suppression, 238 Zunshan MonasteJy, 253, 304. See also Daxingshan Monastery Zuozhuan: on AncestraI Temple and capital, 132; on marriage, 141
